SECTION II., 1907. [21] ] TRANs. R. S. C
III.-General Hull's Invasion of Canada in 1812.
By LIEUT-Colon EL E. CRUIKSHANK.
For a good many months previous to the declaration of war, the
Government of the United States had been collecting information and
considering the best routes for the invasion of Canada. Among those
confidentially consulted on this subject by Dr. Eustis, the Secretary
of War, was General John Armstrong, formerly an United States
Senator, and lately American Minister in Paris, who was regarded as
a high authority on military affairs. In his reply, which was dated
2nd January, 1812, Armstrong advised the immediate purchase of an
abundant supply of military stores, the abandonment of all outlying
posts of lesser importance upon the Indian Frontier, and the withdrawal
of their garrisons, the acquisition of naval ascendency on the Great
Lakes and St. Lawrence River, and the immediate increase of the regu-
lar army to a strength sufficient for the defence of their own frontier
and the successful invasion of the British Provinces.
He further recommended the concentration of a force of six
battalions of mounted riflemen from the Western States at Detroit,
where it would be “within striking distance of Indian villages or British
settlements,” but remarked at the same time that this position would
be “positively bad,” unless a naval supremacy was secured upon Lake
Erie. The occupation of Montreal by an invading army, he argued
with great force, must necessarily be followed, by the conquest of the
whole of Upper Canada, as that place entirely commanded the naviga-
tion of both the St. Lawrence and Ottawa. With this object, the whole
disposable field force ought to be concentrated near Albany, and its
movement veiled by demonstrations with “masses of militia’’ on the
Niagara River, at Sackett's Harbour, and in Vermont on the line of
the Sorel.
This promising plan of operations was approved by the Cabinet
and measures were begun to carry it into effect. The design to eva-
cuate Mackinac and Chicago, and possibly other military posts in the
Indian country, became public, and soon provoked loud protests from
the inhabitants of the frontier, who regarded the retention of these
garrisons as essential to their own security.
About this time, William Hull, Governor of the Michigan Territory,
was summoned to Washington by the Secretary of War, for consultation.
His reputation for personal courage and sound judgment stood deserv-
* Notices of the War of 1812, by John Armstrong, New York, 1840, vol. 1,
pp. 234-41, Appendix No. 22.

212 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
edly high. During the War of the Revolution he had distinguished
himself on several occasions, particularly in the action at Stillwater, on
19th September, 1777, when about half of his command were either
killed or wounded. He had also been present at the storming of Stony
Point, but the military exploit by which he had acquired most fame,
was a well planned and successful attack upon a Loyalist outpost at
Morrisania, in January, 1781. Three years later he was appointed
by Washington a special commissioner to proceed to Quebec to request
the surrender of the western posts. He had acted as third in command
of the force employed in the suppression of Shay’s Rebellion, and in
1793 had been selected as commissioner to request the assistance of
Lieut.-Governor Simcoe in the negotiations with the western Indians,
and had performed this rather embarrassing mission with much tact
and discretion.
After serving for eight years as a State Senator in the Legislature
of Massachusetts, he had been appointed Governor and Indian Agent
for the Territory of Michigan in 1805, by President Jefferson. He had
performed his duties so well that he had been reappointed in 1808, and
again in 1811. No other person in the United States possessed such
a wide and intimate knowledge of the affairs of the territory he had
so long governed, and of that portion of Upper Canada adjacent to it.
His relations with the Indians of the Northwest had been close and
friendly, and his correspondents and subordinate agents had kept him
well informed with respect to the more distant bands. On two previous
occasions he had prepared well considered memorials on the military
situation on that frontier and his opinion naturally carried great weight.
In both of these he had strongly advocated the establishment of a
sufficient naval force upon Lake Erie to control the upper lakes and
maintain the communication between the military posts upon them.
In the latter, dated 15th June, 1811, but written under the conviction
that war with Great Britain was probable, he had endeavoured to fore-
cast the conduct of the Indians in that event.
“Their situation and habits are such that little dependence can be
placed on them. At present they appear to be friendly, and was I to
calculate on the professions of their chiefs, I should be satisfied that
they would not become hostile. Their first passion, however, is war.
The policy of the British Government is to consider them their allies,
and, in the event of war, to invite them to join their standard. The
policy of the American Government has been to advise them in the event
* Campbell, Revolutionary Services and Civil Life of General William
Hull.

[cruikshank] GENERAL HULL'S IN VASION OF CANADA IN 1812 213
of war to remain quiet in their villages and take no part in the quarrels
in which they have no interest. Many of their old sachems and chiefs
would advise this line of conduct. Their authority, however, over the
warriors would not restrain them. They would not listen to their
advice. An Indian is hardly considered a man until he has been en-
gaged in war and can show trophies. This first and most ardent of
their passions will be excited by presents most gratifying to their pride
and vanity. Unless strong measures are taken to prevent it, we may
consider beyond all doubt they will be influenced to follow the advice
of their British fathers." -
He was well aware of the great discontent existing among them
owing to encroachments upon their lands, and knew that the Shaw-
nee Prophet and his brother, Tecumseh, had long been actively engaged
in the scheme of forming a general confederacy of the Indians of the
Northwest, with the avowed object of driving all the white settlers
beyond the Ohio River, the boundary named in the royal proclamation
of 1764. Detroit, he declared, was “the key of the northern country,”
and as long as it was held by the United States the Indians would be
kept in check. Its regular garrison at that time consisted of a single
company of artillery and another of infantry, numbering in all less
than one hundred men. By his advice, officers of a volunteer company
were appointed, with authority to recruit in the vicinity, and four
companies of militia were called into service, while at the same time
the commanding officer was directed to construct batteries on the bank
of the river for the protection of the town.
Orders were given to rebuild the brig Adams, the only vessel
of war possessed by the United States on the Upper Lakes. Hull
strongly opposed Armstrong’s project of directing the main attack
against Montreal unless a sufficient force for the protection of Michigan
should be previously assembled at Detroit, which would also cut off
all communication between the British and the Indians of the United
States and probably prevent a general rising of those tribes. “The
British cannot hold Upper Canada,” he added, “ and that assistance
they cannot obtain if we have an adequate force in the situation I have
pointed out.” They might even be induced to abandon Upper Canada
by its appearance alone and command of the lakes would thus be secured
- without the expense of building ships, although he again strongly recom-
mended that this should be done.”
* J. F. Clark, Campaign of 1812, pp. 414–16; Hull Memoirs, pp. 19-20.
* Hull, to the Secretary of War, 6th March, 1812, in “Defence of Gen.
Hull, written by himself,” Boston, 1814; also in Canadian Archives, incom-
plete draft.

214 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
His views were warmly supported by the Governors of the State
of Ohio and the Territories of Indiana and Illinois as being most essen-
tial for their protection, and within a few days an order was despatched
to Governor Meigs of Ohio, requiring him to detach twelve hundred
militia for service at Detroit. The 4th Regiment of United States
Infantry, which since the engagement with the Indians at Tippecanoe
had been stationed at Vincennes, was directed to join these troops and
advance with them to their destination. With three companies of the
First United States Artillery, two detachments of the First Regiment
of the United States Infantry, a company of rangers and the Michigan
militia, it was anticipated that a force would be assembled that would
be “ competent to the defence of the northwestern frontier against
Indian hostility, and which in the event of a rupture with Great Britain
would enable the United States to obtain the command of Lake Erie,
and with it the means of more easily co-operating with such other corps
as might be destined to the invasion of the Canadas.” . Two com-
panies of Ohio militia were at the same time ordered to Sandusky, and
several companies of newly enlisted rangers to the frontier of Indiana
and Illinois. A considerable supply of arms and military stores was
forwarded to Meigs for the equipment of his militia, and Col. Jacob
Kingsbury of the First United States Infantry, detachments of whose
regiment were already stationed in Michigan, was selected for the com-
mand at Detroit. He fell seriously ill, and the Secretary of War lost
no time in soliciting Hull to accept it with the rank of brigadier
general in the regular army. He was unwilling to assume the in-
creased responsibility of what he felt must be a very difficult task,
mainly in consequence of his age and long dissociation from military
affairs.” He had just completed his fifty-eighth year, and his white
hair made him look somewhat older, but he was still hale and strong.
In manner he was sedate and dignified, and at the time it seemed
scarcely possible that a better choice could have been made. His
objections were finally overcome, and on April 8th he was commissioned
a brigadier-general. Leaving Washington a few days later he began his
tedious return journey to Detroit by way of Pittsburg and Cincinnati,
No great apprehension was then felt of any immediate hostility
on the part of the Indians. To all appearance the confederacy on the
Wabash, lately so formidable, had nearly dissolved. In January, Little
Turtle, a leading Chief of the Wyandots of Sandusky, assured Governor
* President Madison's Message to Congress, Nov. 4th, 1812; Secretary
of War to Committee of Senate, June 6th, 1812.
* Drake—Life of Tecumseh.

|cruiksha Nk] GENERAL HULL's INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 | 215
Harrison that the Shawnee Prophet had been deserted by all his fol-
lowers except two lodges of his own tribe, and that Tecumseh had lately
returned from the south accompanied by only eight warriors. He
affirmed that the Miami and Eel River Indians would remain faithful
to the United States, while at the same time the Delawares made pro-
fessions of inalterable friendship. Harrison had so little doubt that
the local militia would be able to protect the inhabitants, that he readily
assented to the removal of the troops from Vincennes to Detroit, but
remarked that, “the implicit obedience and respect which Tecumseh's
followers pay him is truly wonderful, although he has been in almost
continual motion for the past four years.”
Hull reported to the Secretary of War (March 4th, 1812) that the
Indians had delivered up their arms without hesitation. “I do believe
they are sincere in their professions of friendship and a desire for
peace,” he continued, “and that we shall have no further hostilities
except it be from the Winnebagoes, who are so far removed as to con-
sider themselves out of reach. Tecumseh has returned and is very much
exasperated against his brother for his precipitancy, and blames him
for throwing off the mask before their plans were matured.”
The people of Ohio and Kentucky in general were eager for war,
and sanguine of their ability to conquer Upper Canada with their militia
alone if they were given an opportunity.
On the 6th day of April, Governor Meigs published a general
order directing twelve hundred militia to assemble at Dayton on the
Great Miami River, on the last day of that month, and three additional
companies of fifty men each to be posted at Cleveland and Upper and
Lower Sandusky. The force intended for the expedition to Detroit was
divided into three regiments, one being recruited from Cincinnati and
the valley of the Great Miami, another from the valley of the Scioto,
and the third in the valley of the Muskingum. Besides these, the
enlistment of a troop of dragoons in Cincinnati was also authorized.
Young men of the best type were everywhere anxious to enlist and all
these corps were soon completed beyond their established strength.
Early in May, more than sixteen hundred enthusiastic volunteers assem-
bled at Dayton. Duncan McArthur, a Major-General commanding
a division of the Ohio militia, was elected Colonel, and Brigadier-
General James Denny, and William Trimble, afterwards an United
States Senator, were elected Majors of the First Regiment." McArthur,
who was then about forty years of age, had served as a volunteer under
Harmar and Wayne, by whom he had been employed as a spy or scout.
* McDonald, Life of McArthur.

216 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
-
Subsequently, he became a surveyor, and acquired wealth through lucky
speculations in land near Chillicothe. He had already been a member
of the Legislature and was elected Governor of Ohio in 1830. An
English traveller, who saw him a few years after the war, describes him
as “dirty, and butcher-like, very unlike a soldier in appearance, seeming
half-savage and dressed like a backwoodsman; generally considered as
being only fit for hard knocks and Indian warfare.” He was, how-
ever, brave, energetic, and undeniably popular. James Findlay, a
Congressman, was elected Colonel of the Second Regiment, and Lewis
Cass, United States Marshal for Ohio, an ambitious lawyer, living at
Marietta, was elected Colonel of the Third. The subordinate officers
were mostly men of considerable prominence and influence. The rank
and file were confident and boastful and, above all, blind to their own
deficiencies. Regarding themselves as the flower of the population of
their state, they anticipated that the conquest of Upper Canada would
be a mere holiday campaign, and were inclined to be noisy, unruly,
and insubordinate when anything went wrong or displeased them. A
veteran frontiersman, specially qualified for the duty, was assigned to
each regiment as chief interpreter and scoutmaster. These were Isaac
Zane, whose name is perpetuated in an Ohio town, for many years a
prisoner among the Indians and familiar with their dialects; James
McPherson, who had served his apprenticeship in the British Indian
Department under Colonel McKee, but since 1795 had acted as Agent
of the United States in charge of the Shawnees and Senecas of Ohio;
and James Armstrong, who had also lived among them for a long time
and had been adopted into one of these tribes.”
Meigs assumed the command until Hull arrived, and made all
necessary arrangements for organization and discipline. He at once
guaranteed pay and subsistence for all men in excess of the authorized
strength, but found considerable difficulty in providing them with arms
and equipment.
The entire force was uniformed with homespun linen hunting-
shirts and trousers, with leather belts and low-crowned felt hats.
Two companies in each regiment were armed with rifles, the
remainder with muskets, and all of them, besides bayonets, carried
tomahawks and hunting knives, which were formidable weapons at
close quarters.
While they were encamped here, rumours of Indian depredations
created so much alarm that most of the settlers on the Indian frontier
* Faux, Memorable days in America, p. 184.
* Howe, Historical Collections of Ohio; McDonald, Life of Duncan
McArthur.

[cRUIKSHANKJ GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 217
deserted their homes in a sudden panic and began to build blockhouses
for protection. On May 23rd Hull arrived, having with him forty
recruits for the First United States Infantry at Detroit, and reviewed
the troops in company with Governor Meigs, who formally transferred
the command in a short speech, in which he congratulated them at their
good fortune in being led by such an able and experienced soldier, and
announced that a second army would at once be organized in Kentucky
to follow and support them. Hull replied in a high-flown and inflam-
matory address, which must have sounded strangely like an echo of
some recent speeches in Congress.
“On marching through a wilderness memorable for savage bar-
barity,” he said, “ you will remember the causes by which that barbarity
has been heretofore excited. In viewing the ground stained by the
blood of your fellow citizens, it will be impossible to suppress the feel-
ings of indignation. Passing by the ruins of a fortress erected in our
territory by a foreign nation in times of profound peace, and for the
express purpose of exciting the savages to hostility, and supplying them
with the means of conducting a barbarous war, must remind you of
that system of oppression and injustice which that nation has con-
tinually practised, and which the spirit of an indignant people can no
longer endure.” " -
Before beginning his march, he determined to despatch a confiden-
tial agent to the principal Indian villages along the route with messages
announcing his movement through their territory with a strong force.
For this mission, Governor Meigs had selected Brigadier-General Robert
Lucas, who was entrusted with despatches to the Indian agents and an
address to be delivered to the chiefs and warriors of the Wyandots,
Delawares, Miamis, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Chippawas, and Shawnees
in Ohio and Michigan. He was instructed to tell them that General
Hull, advancing with a numerous army, came with an olive branch in
one hand and a sword in the other, and that “those of them that
accepted the one should enjoy protection, peace and happiness, and those
that preferred the other should experience all the punishment his power-
ful hand could inflict,” and that if any acts of hostility were committed
by them, they would forfeit their lands, their annuities, and possibly
their lives.” On his arrival at Upper Sandusky he assembled the
Wyandots and delivered his speech, to which they replied in a friendly
* McAfee, History of the War in the Western Country, p. 51; Brown,
Northwestern Campaign.
* Lucas to James Foster, Nov. 4th, 1812. Printed in Iowa. Journal of
History and Politics, July, 1906.

218 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
manner. Both whites and Indians, however, seemed greatly disquieted
by alarming rumours.
Proceeding to Lower Sandusky, he learned that the Ottawas and
Miamis had gone off in the direction of Detroit, but held a council with
the Wyandots and Munceys. The former replied in a satisfactory
manner, but the latter said nothing and moved away the same night.
At the Miami and River Raisin he found detachments of the Michigan
militia under arms, in apprehension of an attack from the Indians,
and a similar state of affairs existing at Detroit, several of the officers
and principal residents having already removed or sent off their fam-
ilies." Mr. Atwater, the acting Governor, convened councils of the
Indians, which were attended by representatives of all tribes except the
Munceys, although the Ottawas seemed indifferent. On one of these
occasions, Walk-in-the-Water, who spoke for the Wyandots of Browns-
town, read a speech protesting against the interference of the American
officials who had attempted to prevent their young men from crossing
the river to Amherstburg, and asserting that the collision that occurred
on the Wabash the year before had been entirely the fault of the white
people, ending with a bold declaration that the Indians were their own
masters and would go where they pleased. Atwater made a sharp
retort, accusing him of having lately transmitted a message from Colonel
Elliott to the Indians on the Wabash, adding that if he respected Elliott
more than him, he ought to go to him, as he could not be friends with
both. Walk-in-the-Water then announced that, having learned that
some of the Shawnees living on the Miami and Scioto Rivers had been
engaged as scouts for Hull's army, he had despatched some of his young
men to watch their movements, and left the council apparently in ill
humour. Lucas noted in his journal at this time that the Indians
were in confusion and at a loss how to act, but that only fear would
restrain them from joining the British. The inhabitants of Michigan
were described by him as being chiefly “ignorant French Canadians,
attached to no particular political principle, apparently more of the
disposition of Indians than white people.” Two militia officers had
recently been dismissed for advising their men to avoid the draft by
removing to Canada, and there was so much disaffection among them
that little assistance could be expected from the militia. On the 14th
of June he witnessed the arrival of the Queen Charlotte at Amherstburg,
and learned that General Brock was on board with a reinforcement of
one hundred regulars for the garrison. While returning to rejoin Hull,
he encountered two large parties of Ottawas and Wyandots on their
* Sibley to Worthington, 26th February, 1812.

|cRUIKshANk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 219
way to Brownstown or Amherstburg, and on passing through their vil-
lages, found them quite deserted. Hull had at first intended to
descend the Au Glaize and Miami of the Lake in boats, by which he
might reasonably expect to reach Detroit in about two weeks. Gov-
ernor Meigs accompanied him to Urbana, where the principal chiefs
and warriors of the Ohio Indians had been summoned to a general
council with the intention of overawing them by a display of military
force. This council was not largely attended, but the chiefs present
readily consented to sanction General Hull's march through their terri-
tory, and to permit him to build a chain of blockhouses along his route.
Several warriors agreed to accompany him in the capacity of guides and
scouts. While encamped at this place on June 3rd, he was joined by
the 4th United States Infantry, about 500 strong, which had come from
Vincennes by way of Louisville and Cincinnati. Everywhere along
their route they had been warmly welcomed as “the heroes of Tippe-
canoe,” and marched into camp through a trimphal arch of evergreen
boughs inscribed with the words, “Tippecanoe—Glory.”
His force now exceeded 2,100 of all ranks. The project of pro-
ceeding by water was abandoned as impracticable at that season of the
year and it was decided to advance by land.” This involved much
delay and the labour of constructing more than a hundred miles of
road passable not only for infantry and cavalry, but also for a train
of pack horses and heavy waggons. Ten days were consumed in pre-
parations for the march, and it was not until the 13th that McArthur's
regiment was sent forward to clear the way, and build blockhouses
twenty miles apart. Two days later the main body followed. Heavy
rains had fallen and the road soon became a morass in which the wag-
gons stuck fast until lifted out by main strength. On the second day’s
march, the advance guard was overtaken at the crossing of the Scioto
River, where a large blockhouse was built and named Fort McArthur.
Here the main body halted for three days, while the advance guard
was engaged in cutting the road through a dense tract of forest known
as the Black Swamp, on the watershed between the head waters of
streams falling into the Ohio and those flowing into Lake Erie. The
rate of progress did not exceed four or five miles a day, as a large part
of the road had to be corduroyed with logs to make it passable and
many bridges built. Even then, when the march was resumed, it was
* Lucas Journal, and letter to Foster, 4th November, 1812.
* Lossing Field Book, p. 256. Walker's Journal, McAfee.
* Cass to June 8th, 1812; National Intelligencer, July 14th, 1812.

22O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
found necessary to lighten the Waggons by placing part of their con-
tents on pack horses, and the infantry had to wade to the knees in
many places, while they suffered greatly from innumerable swarms of
flies and mosquitoes." Torrents of rain fell daily and the surrounding
country was flooded in every direction. Following the example of
General Wayne in his campaign of 1794, the encampment was sur-
rounded every night by a breastwork of felled trees as a precaution
against surprise. On arriving at the height of land it was found to
be impossible to proceed further until the floods subsided, and a post
was established which received the significant name of Fort Necessity.
Here General Lucas rejoined the army, bringing on the whole an
encouraging report as to the disposition of the Indians he had visited,
and a number of chiefs and warriors from the neighbouring villages
came in and were treated partly as guides and partly as hostages. Some
of these may have been spies employed by Tecumseh and Walk-in-the-
Water, who duly reported the progress of the expedition. The Shaw-
nees and others who acknowledged the leadership of the Prophet, were
eager to attack it while entangled in these swamps, but were dissuaded
by British agents in pursuance of their instructions to maintain peace
as long as possible.” From this place Hull wrote his first despatch to
the Secretary of War since leaving Urbana. It was dated on the 24th
of June, and related that “heavy and incessant rains had rendered it
impossible to make that progress which the state of things may require
and my own wishes strongly impel.” Officers and men were in good
health and “animated by a laudable spirit.” After referring to Brock's
arrival at Amherstburg and the report that large numbers of Indians
were assembling at that place and Brownstown, he remarked, “in the
event of hostilities I feel a confidence that the force under my command
will be superior to any which can be opposed to it; it now exceeds
two thousand rank and file.” ‘’ To Major Withdrell, of the Michigan
Legion, he wrote hopefully at the same time that he would soon reach
Detroit with 2,200 men. Two days march brought him to the head
of boat navigation on Blanchard’s Fork, a branch of the Miami, where
McArthur had built a stockade which he named Fort Findlay. Ten
days had thus been occupied in advancing only twenty-seven miles, but
it was anticipated that the road built from Fort McArthur would greatly
facilitate the conveyance of supplies in future. At Fort Findlay, on
* Brown, N. W. Campaign, 9; Walker's Journal, pp. 46-8; Magazine of
Western History, October, 1885.
* Captain J. B. Glegg to Sir George Prevost, 11th Nov., 1812, Can. Ar-
chives; Hull to Eustis, 24th June, 1812, Can. Archives, C. 675, p. 162.
a Hull to Eustis, Can. Archives, C 676, p. 165.

[CRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 221
June 26th, Hull received, by a special messenger from Chillicothe, a
despatch from the Secretary of War, written apparently on the 18th
of June, before the act declaring war had become law, urging him to
advance with all possible haste. The Indians were at once set to work
building canoes, and readily undertook to convey part of the baggage
to the foot of the rapids of the Miami. A return of his force next
morning showed a total of 2,075. It is doubtful whether the officers
and the recruits of the 1st Infantry were included in this return, and
it is certain that the teamsters and Indians were not. Hull moved
forward with such increased speed that in three days he advanced
thirty-six miles, to the head of the rapids on the Miami, where the
Infantry crossed over in boats and the waggons and horsemen forded
the river. On the last day of June he marched down the left bank
of the Miami to the foot of the rapids, where there was a small village,
and encamped near the site of Fort Miami. The horses of the sup-
ply train began to show great signs of exhaustion, and finding a small
schooner, the Cuyahoga Packet, lying in the river here, she was engaged
to relieve them by conveying the officers' baggage and surplus stores -
and a number of sick men with a small escort to Detroit. By singular
negligence on the part of the General’s son, Capt. A. F. Hull, of the
9th United States Infantry, who was acting as his aide-de-camp, a
trunk containing much of his official correspondence and other papers
of importance was also placed on board.” Before moving out of camp
next morning, a messenger from Cleveland arrived with a letter from
the Secretary of War, also dated on the 18th of June, which had been
sent by that route in order to reach him with the least delay. It
announced that war had been declared, and instructed him to be on
his guard and hasten forward to Detroit, make arrangements for the
defence of the country, and wait for further orders. A party of
dragoons was sent off at once to overtake the Cuyahoga Packet before
she entered the lake, but she was already beyond recall. Upon such
apparently trifling circumstances does the fate of a campaign sometimes
depend.
4th Regiment of Infantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483
Col. Findlay's regiment of volunteers and militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50.9
Col. Cass's regiment of volunteers and militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483
Col. McArthur's regiment of volunteers and militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 552
Capt. Sloan's troop of Cincinnati Light Dragoons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
2,075
H. A. S. Dearborn–Defence of Gen. Dearborn, p. 10.
*Walker's Journal, p. 48; Lucas, Journal, pp. 366-7; Hull, Memoirs;
Clarke, Life of Hull.

222 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Hull was still seventy miles from Detroit, but as the road was
tolerably good, he was able to advance by longer marches. During
the day travellers from Detroit were met, who reported that Tecumseh
had arrived at Amherstburg with a very large body of Indians, and
that they had seen a party of Sioux at Brownstown with a British flag
flying. The River Raisin was crossed by fording on the morning of
the 3rd, and scouts sent forward to scour the country. Hull advanced
only nine miles, to Swan Creek, where he strongly fortified his encamp-
ment for the night with a breastwork of logs. When his scouts reached
Brownstown, they found the Indians of that place peacefully engaged
in repairing their houses, and on proceeding to the Standing Stone on
the river bank, they ascertained that the Sioux had gone over to
Amherstburg, and that the Cuyahoga Packet had been captured the day
before. The advance was continued with great caution next morning
to the River Huron, which was bridged to permit the passage of the
waggon train. This caused so much delay that they marched but six
miles that day, and, owing to the appearance of a British ship of war,
the Queen Charlotte, in the offing, the whole force lay on its arms all
night in considerable apprehension of an attack. While marching
through the Wyandot village of Brownstown on the morning of July
5th, it was observed that several of the Indians saluted the General
cordially as an old acquaintance, and that they seemed very friendly
and much impressed by the size of his force and long train of waggons
and pack horses." In the afternoon the sound of cannon was heard in
the direction of Detroit, which caused them to hasten their march, in
the belief that the British vessels were bombarding the town. The
construction of bridges over the Rivière aux Ecorces and River Rouge
again delayed them, but on arriving at Spring Wells or Belle Fontaine,
three miles below Detroit, it was learned that the appearance of a small
body of Canadian militia in the village of Sandwich the day before
had been construed as a threat of hostility by some over-zealous officers
of the Michigan Legion, who had commenced a fire of artillery and
musketry across the river, which General Hull at once ordered them to
discontinue as needlessly damaging private property, and went into
camp for the night.” He then wrote a letter to the commandant at
Amherstburg, informing him that he had not authorized this attack,
and enquiring whether the officers' baggage taken on the Cuyahoga
Packet was considered a proper object of seizure and detention. Colonel
*Walker's Journal, pp. 48–50; Lucas Journal, pp. 366-70; Forbes, Trial
of General Hull; Magazine of Western History, October, 1888.
* Walker's Journal, p. 50; Lucas Journal, pp. 370-1.

[cºurkshAsk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 223
Cass, who was selected to deliver this, was authorized to enter into an
arrangement for the exchange of prisoners." Col. St. George cour-
teously replied that “the custom of war must govern his action in
respect to the captured property, and that he must await orders as to
the proposed exchange of prisoners.” “ Flags of truce are a common
device for obtaining information, and Cass doubtless used his eyes on
this occasion. Popular rumour had greatly exaggerated the strength
of the British garrison and magnified the number of Indians ten-fold.
By some means Hull was speedily informed of the facts and relieved
from any anxiety in this respect.
For three nights before, the garrison of Detroit, which consisted
of Dyson's company of the 1st United States Artillery and Whistler's
company of the 1st United States Infantry, numbering only one hun-
dred and eighteen of all ranks, had been kept under arms with matches
burning beside the guns in expectation of an attack. Three companies
of the Michigan Legion, which had been mustered into the United
States service under the recent volunteer act, occupied the town, and
the fourth was stationed at the River Raisin. The repairs upon the
fortifications which had been in progress for five months had been com-
pleted, and a new battery constructed on the bank of the river opposite
Sandwich.
On the 6th and 7th of July, a council with the Indians was held,
which was attended by many of the Wyandots, Ottawas, Chippawas,
and Pottawatomies, and even by some representatives of the Shawnees,
Senecas and Mohawks, all of whom professed friendship but requested
time for consultation as to their future course. Consequently, General
Hull informed the Secretary of War that great efforts had been made
to induce the Indians to join the British, and that the “tomahawk
stained with blood” had been offered to them, but the approach of his
army had prevented many from accepting it, and he was informed that
the number of those at Amherstburg was decreasing. He added that
the militia at Detroit had “manifested a laudable and patriotic spirit.”
and expressed his regret his orders did not permit him a “larger lati-
tude” than merely to “adopt measures for the security of the country.” "
His troops were generally in good health and spirits and apparently
eager for active operations, while it was evident that great alarm and
disorder existed among the Canadian militia at Sandwich.*
* Hull to St. George, July 6th; Can. Archives, C 676, p. 132; Forbes,
Trial of General Hull.
* St. George to Hull, July 6th; Forbes, Trial, Appendix LI, p. 19.
* Hull to Eustis, July 7th; Forbes, Trial, Appendix II, p. 9.
* Walker's Journal, p. 50; Lucas Journal, p. 373.
224 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The Indians of Illinois were at this time in such distress from the
failure of their corn the summer before and the scarcity of game, that
they were living upon bark and roots, and had sent a deputation to
Governor Harrison, begging in the most humble manner for a small
supply of provisions to keep their families from starving. They were
told with impolitic harshness that they would receive no assistance until
the men who had committed some recent murders were surrendered.
So far from having the desired effect, this declaration only drove them
into open hostility in the end. Owing to their helpless condition at
that time, Harrison felt no apprehension that they would attempt an
offensive movement until “roasting ear season,” and began to assemble
a small force of regulars and militia at Vincennes to overawe and
deter them from leaving their families to join the British at Amherst-
burg."
While awaiting orders to begin offensive operations, General Hull
removed his encampment to a position in rear of the town of Detroit
and began to collect boats for the passage of the river. While thus
employed, Tarhe, the principal chief of the Wyandots, called upon him
to remonstrate against the seizure of a number of horses left at Browns–
town by the Sioux before they crossed the river and they were at once
restored. -
On July 9th Hull received a letter from the Secretary of War
giving him discretionary authority to assume the offensive. “Should
the force under your command be equal to the enterprise consistent
with the safety of your own posts,” he wrote, “ you will take possession
of Malden and extend your conquests as circumstances may justify.
It is only proper to inform you that an adequate force cannot soon be
relied on for the reduction of the enemy's posts below you.” "
By this time Hull had become less confident, but replied that he
was making preparations to cross the river and hoped to take possession
of Sandwich in a few days. “The British command the water and
the savages,” he added, “I do not think the force here equal to the
reduction of Amherstburg. You must, therefore, not be too sanguine.” "
Already he began to foresee difficulties in obtaining supplies and
to entertain doubts whether he had acted wisely in making Detroit his
base of operations instead of Brownstown or the Miami, where his line
1 Harrison to Eustis, 4th March, 1812; Dawson's Life of Harrison, pp.
270–2; Harrison to Eustis, July 7th, 1812.
* Hull, Memoirs, pp. 40–1. This letter was garbled by General Hull by
the omission of the last sentence. See Defence of General Dearborn by
H. A. S. Dearborn, p. 10.
* Forbes, Trial of General Hull, Appendix II, p. 9.


ſcruiksha Nk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA. IN 1812 225
of communication would have been comparatively secure." As long
before as April 27th, Quartermaster-General Porter of the Ninth Mil-
itary District (who was also a leading figure in Congress) had been
ordered to deposit at Detroit a supply of provisions sufficient to subsist
two thousand men for six months. The contract was let by him to
his brother, Augustus Porter, who began purchasing in Western New
York and Pennsylvania. On June 15th a supplementary order was
issued for the deposit of 14,000 rations at Sandusky, whither two com-
panies of Ohio Volunteers were marching, and an additional quantity
of 366,000 rations at Detroit. Only a fraction of these supplies had
been delivered when the declaration of war became known, and the vigil-
ance of the British warships on Lake Erie prevented the conveyance of
the rest by water, and land carriage was impossible. A few small vessels
had already been captured and the remainder were locked up in the
ports below.” The situation seemed so serious that Hull informed the
Secretary of War that as the lake was closed and the contractor unable
to supply his demands, he had been forced to make another contract
with Mr. Piatt, of Cincinnati, for two hundred thousand rations of
flour to be forwarded from Ohio by pack horses, and herds of cattle
driven forward for beef, warning him at the same time in the most
emphatic terms that the line of communication must be kept open by
fresh troops. “This must not be neglected,” he concluded. “If it is,
this army will perish by hunger.”” To Governor Meigs he wrote in
the same urgent strain, appealing to him to detach another body of
militia for that purpose.” That zealous and energetic officer lost no
time in complying with his request, and authorized the immediate organ-
ization of a supply column at Urbana. -
Orders were issued for crossing the river on the night of July 10th.
The boats were in readiness and the men ready to march when a part
of the Ohio militia absolutely refused to invade Canada. This caused
much uproar and confusion, several muskets were discharged at random
and Major Munson of the 3rd Ohio Regiment was badly wounded. The
noise and disorder became so great that General Hull countermanded
his orders for the movement. Next morning two entire companies of
McArthur's regiment refused to cross the river, and an officer was, in
consequence, placed under arrest. Hull directed that a list should be
made of the names of all who were unwilling to take part in the inva-
* Hull, Defence, pp. 79-80.
* Federal Republican, 28th July, 1812.
* Hull to Eustis, July 10th; Forbes, Trial, Appendix II, p. 9.
* Hull to Meigs; Forbes, Appendix II, p. 19.
Sec. II., 1907. 15.
226 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Sion, and, finding that they numbered less than one hundred, decided to
renew the attempt that night, taking the precaution to divert the atten-
tion of the troops at Sandwich from the real point of crossing by the
movement of a part of his force in the direction of Spring Wells,
threatening their line of retreat to Amherstburg.
It will now be necessary to follow the march of events in Upper
Canada up to this time. Early in the year, Lieut.-Col. Thomas Bligh
St. George, of the 63rd Regiment, an inspecting field officer of militia,
who had seen service at Toulon and Corsica, nearly twenty years before,
was selected for the command of the Western District by General Brock.
His personal courage was beyond question, but before proceeding to his
post he acted so strangely, that his superior's confidence in him was
greatly shaken.” He arrived at Amherstburg about the 1st of Febru-
ary, and shortly afterwards Colonel Matthew Elliott, the veteran Deputy
Superintendent of the Indians, who was attending the session of the
Legislature at York as one of the members for the County of Essex,
was directed to return to his post and exert his influence in restraining
them from hostilities.” The garrison consisted of a corporal and eleven
gunners of the Royal Artillery, under Lieut. Felix Troughton, in charge
of four six pounder field guns, and two companies of the 41st Regiment,
numbering about one hundred rank and file, commanded by Captain
Joseph Tallon. Fort Amherst was a small quadrangular field work
composed of four bastions connected by curtains, and surrounded by
a line of palisades and a shallow, dry ditch. The palisades were much
decayed and the works were faced and lined with wood. The store-
houses and barracks were of wood and might easily be burnt by bom-
bardment. The northern and western faces could scarcely be made
defensible as they were overlooked and commanded by some high ground
within five hundred yards. The garrison ordnance consisted of a
single eighteen pounder and five nine pounders. The magazine was
cracked from roof to foundation and was not bomb-proof. It was,
however, a post of much importance, as it was the sole protection for
the naval depot and dockyard of the Provincial Marine on the Upper
Lakes, and the place where the Western Indians congregated annually
in great numbers to receive their presents from the officers of the Indian
Department." A schooner, designed to carry twelve guns, was then
being built at the dockyard.
* Lucas, Journal, pp. 375–6; Forbes, Trial, Evidence of Major John
Whistler.
2 Brock to Baynes, Feb. 12th; Tupper's Life of Brock, pp. 147-50.
* Niles' Register, Vol. VIII; Brock to Baynes, Feb. 12th.
* Major General Glasgow to Sir George Prevost, 18th Sept., 1811; Prevost
to Lord Liverpool, 18th May, 1812; Can. Archives; Freer Papers.


[cRuiksha Nk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 227
The Village of Amherstburg, or Malden as it was frequently called
after the township in which it lay, containing about a hundred and
fifty dwellings, was pleasantly seated on the bank of the Detroit River
within view of Lake Erie. Here, McKee, Elliott, Caldwell, and other
Loyalists had been assigned lands at the close of the American Revolu-
tion, and when the British garrison and dockyard were removed thither
upon the evacuation of Detroit, a village had soon sprung up inhabited
by Loyalists, French Canadians, and Scottish immigrants, most of whom
entertained a bitter antipathy towards the United States. The mouth
of the river afforded a safe and commodious anchorage for small vessels.
The area of cultivation extended along the shore of Lake Erie as far
as Point Pelee, a distance of thirty miles. Many of these settlers had
emigrated from the United States within ten years and were not likely
to resist an invasion with any degree of vigour unless stoutly supported
with regular troops. Between Amherstburg and Sandwich lay the
thriving and populous French Canadian settlement known as the Petit
Côte, stretching along the river for fifteen miles, in which the houses
were so close together in many places as to give the appearance of a
village street. Most of its inhabitants had lived on the opposite bank
until the evacuation of Detroit, when they decided to abandon a place
where their lives and property would be at the mercy of “godless men’
and follow the British flag across the river." All their houses were
built upon the road winding along the Detroit, and their farms were
accordingly narrow strips of land a mile and a half in length. They
were a cheerful, kindly, hospitable folk, retaining much of the “amenity
of manners” of their ancestors. This delightful spot was called “ the
Eden of Upper Canada’ by a contemporary English traveller who had
seen it in the glory of a May morning. Every farmhouse was em-
bosomed in an orchard, making the roadside an avenue of blossoming
trees which exhaled the most delicate perfumes, while the woods were
sweet with the scent of wild flowers and aromatic shrubs.” The Village
of Sandwich, nearly opposite Detroit, consisted of thirty or forty log
or frame houses, clustered about the ancient mission church of the
Hurons, but these Indians had removed some twelve years before to their
reserve on the River Canard. At this place there was a small ship-
yard where several small vessels had been recently built, and two
miles farther up the river stood the spacious warehouse of the North
* McMaster—History of the American People; Brown—Northwestern
Campaign; W. H. Smith–Canada.
* Howison, Travels in Upper Canada, p. 199; Darnell, Journal, pp. 73–8.

228 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
West Fur Company, and Moy House, the handsome residence of its
well known factor, Angus Mackintosh.
Farms had been brought under cultivation on both banks of the
River Thames, from its mouth to the Thirty Mile Woods, in the town-
ship of Delaware, where a long stretch of unbroken forest began, extend-
ing to the township of Oxford, in which there was another thriving
settlement. Many of the people residing here were very recent immi-
grants from the United States, of whom a goodly number were suspected
to be fugitives from justice."
The population of the Western District, composed of the counties
of Essex and Kent, was estimated at four thousand, while the London
District, comprising the counties of Middlesex, Norfolk and Oxford,
was supposed to contain double that number, of whom fully two-thirds
had come from the United States within ten years. These were roughly
classified as follows by Colonel Talbot, who possessed unrivalled oppor-
tunities for observation :- 1st, Those enticed by a gratuitous offer of
land without any predilection on their part to the British Constitution;
2nd, Those who had fled from the United States for crimes or to escape
their creditors; 3rd, Republicans whose principal motive for settling in
that country is an anticipation of its shaking of its allegiance to Great
Britain,” and he asserted later on that in the township of Oxford there
was a disaffected party “ more systematic and violent than the American
army.” “ In Burford Township, Benajah Mallory, late a member of
the Assembly, and in Delaware, Simon Zelotes Watson, a surveyor,
and Andrew Westbrook, who had quarrelled bitterly with Colonel Talbot
over the location of settlers, were leaders of the disaffected, while in
the vicinity of Long Point and Port Talbot, loyalists were numerous.
The enrolled militiamen of the Western District numbered between
seven and eight hundred, of whom it was believed about five hundred
might be readily assembled for purposes of defence. The enrolled
militia of the London District exceeded a thousand men, but little
dependence could be placed on many of them. The villages of the
Six Nations on the Grand River contained a population of nearly two
thousand persons, of whom, perhaps, four hundred might be classed as
warriors. They had the reputation of being peaceful and industrious,
cultivating considerable tracts of land and raising fine crops of wheat
* Darby, Travels; Melish, Travels; Gourlay, Upper Canada; Brock to
Lord Liverpool, 23rd March, 1812; Smith, View of the British Possessions;
Brown, Northwestern Campaign; Niles' Register, II, 412.
* Talbot to Sullivan, 27th October, 1802; Talbot to Vincent, 18th May,
1813.

[cRuſks ANK, GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 229
and corn. Their arms in war or in hunting were a rifle or musket,
a long spear, tomahawk and hunting knife. The Hurons of the River
Canard could turn out about two hundred fighting men, and there were
a number of Munceys and Delawares on the Thames, most of whom
were prevented by their religion from bearing arms."
The Thames was navigable for small vessels as high as the forks,
a distance of nineteen miles. Thence a road following the right bank
ran through the Long Woods to Oxford, Ancaster, and the head of
Lake Ontario, but except in very dry weather, or when the ground was
frozen, it was excessively bad. The distance from Amherstburg to
Lake Ontario by this route was two hundred and thirty miles. The
route generally followed was by water to Long Point, thence twenty
miles across the plains to the village of the Six Nations where there
was a bridge and a ford on the Grand River. From this place it was
twenty-eight miles to the head of Lake Ontario, the road passing through
the woods for six miles and for the remainder of the way over plains.”
Elliott's first step after his return was to devise means to convey
a message to Tecumseh and the Shawnee Prophet “to retreat or turn
aside if the Big Knives should come against them.” For this purpose
he selected Isidore Chesne, a Huron who had been employed as an
interpreter in the Indian Department during the Revolution, and
Walk-in-the-Water obtained a safe conduct from the Acting Governor
of Michigan for two of his tribesmen to go to the Wabash to attend a
council.” Parties of Indians continued to arrive at Amherstburg to
solicit ammunition for hunting, as their families were in great distress;
some of them coming from the vicinity of the Mississippi. A limited
quantity of powder, amounting in all to about twelve hundred pounds,
was issued to them in response to their insistent demands, but they
were invariably refused lead, of which they had not received an ounce
since December, 1811, and many of them lingered at Amherstburg in
hope of eventually having their wants supplied, meanwhile drawing
provisions from the Government store.
On his arrival at Fort Wayne, Isidore Chesne presented a letter
from Mr. Atwater to the Indian Agent at that place, requesting him
to furnish Chesne with a canoe, but on learning that he bore a message
from Colonel Elliott to the Indians of the Wabash, he refused to give
him any assistance, and he was obliged to continue his journey on foot.
* Smith, View. Watson formerly lived at Montreal, where he had been
appointed a Justice of the Peace.
* National Intelligencer, January, 1813; Notes on Upper Canada. Memo.
by Lieut.-Col. Glegg.
* Claus to Brock, 16th June, 1812; Lucas to Foster, 4th November, 1812.

23O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
On hearing of his approach, Tecumseh advanced to meet him at Mache-
kethe, on the Wabash River, sixty miles west of Fort Wayne. He was
accompanied by six hundred warriors of twelve different nations, and
left three hundred more at his village busily engaged in the manufacture
of bows and arrows, as they had no ammunition for their firearms."
He returned a written reply to Elliott's message, thanking him
for his kindness to their women and children and laying the blame of
the recent troubles on the frontier upon the Pottawatomies, who, upon
hearing that a deputation from the Hurons were on their way to the
Wabash “for peaceable purposes, grew very angry all at once and killed
twenty-seven of the Big Knives.”
“You tell us to retreat or to turn to one side should the Big
Knives come against us; had I been at home in the late unfortunate
affair I should have done so, but those I left at home were (I cannot
call them men) a poor set of people, and their scuffle with the Big
Knives I compared to a struggle between little children who scratch
each other’s faces.”
After this contemptuous allusion to the attack on the American
encampment at Tippecanoe, he concluded his speech with the following
resolute declaration:-
“If we hear of the Big Knives coming towards our villages to
speak peace, we will receive them; but if we hear any of our people
being hurt by them, or if they unprovokedly advance against us in
a hostile manner, be assured we will defend ourselves like men, and
if we hear of any of our people being killed we will immediately send
to all the nations on or towards the Mississippi and all this island will
rise as one man. Then, father and brothers, it will be impossible for
you or either of you to restore peace between us.” ” In the course of
a private conversation Tecumseh said, that “all the nations were aware
of the desire the Americans have of destroying the red people (meaning
the English), and taking their country from them.” "
Being thoroughly convinced that war was inevitable, General Brock
was strongly opposed to the policy which had been adopted with respect
to the Indians and lost no opportunity of protesting against its con-
tinuance. His point of view was entirely that of a soldier. Every
day that war was delayed would increase his difficulties. The Ameri-
can agents, he urged, were actively at work among all the tribes, divisions
were sown amongst them and their minds estranged from the British
Government. -
* Claus to Brock, 16th June, 1812; Lucas to Foster, 4th November, 1812.
* Tecumseh’s Speech, Can. Arch., C 676, n. 147.
* Claus to Brock, 16th June, 1812, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 144.

[cRUIKshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 231
“Such must inevitably be the consequence of our present inert
and neutral proceedings in regard to them. It ill becomes me to deter-
mine how long true policy requires that the restrictions now imposed
upon the Indian Department ought to continue, but this I will venture
to assert that each day the officers are restrained from interfering in the
concerns of the Indians, each time they advise peace and withhold the
accustomed supply of ammunition, their influence will diminish till
at last they lose it altogether. It will then become a question whether
that country can be maintained.” This remonstrance was, of course,
disregarded as the Governor-General was acting upon instructions from
the Colonial Office.” Brock, however, continued to form plans for
offensive operations, and proposed with that view to send the whole of
the 41st Regiment and a detachment of artillery with a mortar battery
to Amherstburg as soon as the arrival of another battalion of regular
troops from Lower Canada would permit. Other schemes for the protec-
tion of the western frontier of Upper Canada which occupied his active
mind at this time, but which he was unable to carry into effect, con-
templated the construction of a battery to protect the anchorage at
Long Point, the fortification of the harbour of Amherstburg and the
equipment of a flotilla of gunboats upon Lake Erie. The active co-
operation of the Indians, he remarked, must necessarily be attended by
a large expenditure for arms, clothing and provisions.”
Colonel St. George's first care was to accumulate a sufficient supply
of provisions for the maintenance of a considerable force. For this
purpose he engaged confidential agents to purchase on both sides of the
river with but moderate success, as there was great scarcity of cattle
and grain of all kinds, due to a prolonged drought and premature frost
the year before.” -
In April the flank companies of the Essex regiments of militia
were organized and began drilling. The commandant at Detroit
responded by authorizing the enlistment of a troop of volunteer cavalry
and a company of infantry, and the construction of a battery armed
with three heavy guns on the river bank opposite Sandwich. Early
in May a report reached St. George that twelve hundred militia were
assembling at Urbana and a thousand regulars at Cincinnati, which
seemed so important that he despatched a special messenger to inform
* Brock to Prevost, 25th February, 1812, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 92.
* Lord Liverpool to Prevost, 28th July, 1811.
* Memorandum by Brock to Prevost, Can. Arch., C 728, p. 68.
* St. George to Glegg, 9th and 10th of March, 1812, Can. Arch. C 116,
pp. 62-4.

232 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Brock, who at once ordered Captain Manly C. Dixon, of the Royal
Engineers, to Amherstburg to superintend repairs, and the works on
the Niagara were stripped of their guns to arm those at Amherstburg
until artillery could be brought from Kingston to replace them. As
has already been noted, General Brock himself brought up a reinforce-
ment of a hundred men of the 41st Regiment on the 14th of June, but
he only remained three days. In consequence of the evident activity
of the garrison of Detroit, the flank companies of Essex militia were
placed on duty on the 23rd of June. St. George seems to have received
information of the actual declaration of war from the officials of North-
west Fur Company as early as the 28th June, only three days after it
became known to their agent at Queenston. A detachment of militia
was at once marched to Sandwich with instructions to picket the river,
while the remainder of the Essex and Kent regiments were warned to
be in readiness to turn out. The ferryboats plying on the river were
detained to prevent information from reaching the American side." On
the evening of July 1st, St. George received a letter from Brock, dated
at Fort George on June 28th, which directed him to commence offen-
sive operations as soon as possible, and he began preparations for cross-
ing the river.” On the following morning a schooner under American
colours was observed entering the navigable channel which lay close to
the Canadian shore. She was brought to by a gun from the sloop
General Hunter, and immediately boarded by a boat manned by Lieut.
Frederick Rolette of that vessel, with six seamen only. He was some-
what surprised and startled to find her deck crowded with American
soldiers, but, having served under Nelson at the Nile and Trafalgar,
he acted with as much confidence and decision as if he had an over-
whelming force at his command, and ordered every person on deck to
go below in such an authoritative voice, that they obeyed without offer-
ing the least resistance. Armed sentries were at once posted upon the
hatchways and the arm-chest, whom he ordered to shoot down any one
who attempted to come near them, and the man at the wheel was
directed to steer the vessel under the guns of the water battery at
Amherstburg. Before this was accomplished he was joined by Thomas
Vercheres de Boucherville, of the Northwest Fur Company, with a few
volunteers from the dockyard in a canoe. The prize proved to be the
Cuyahoga Packet conveying the officers' baggage and medical stores of
* New York Gazette, 31st July, 1812.
* St. George to Brock, 8th July, 1812, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 134; Brock to
Prevost, 3rd July, Can. Arch. C 676, p. 115; Coffin, p. 198; Quebec Mercury,
1812; L'Observateur, 26th March, 1831.

ſcruikshank] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 233
General Hull's force, besides a quantity of spare clothing. Of far
greater value were the papers and correspondence of that officer, includ-
ing field states and complete returns of his troops, everything, in fact,
that an alert and enterprising enemy could desire to obtain. Among
them were found a rough, incomplete draft of Hull's memorial of March
6th, his letters to the Secretary of War of the 24th and 26th of June, -
and the Secretary’s letter of the 18th of June, directing him to hasten
his march to Detroit. St. George was not in a position to take any
immediate advantage of the information thus unexpectedly thrown into
his hands, but transmitted the most important documents to Brock,
who eventually made effective use of them. Among the prisoners taken
were Captain Sharp, Hull's Adjutant-General, his principal medical
officer, three infantry officers, and thirty-five non-commissioned officers
or privates, most of whom were sick. A few hours later a momentary
alarm was caused by the appearance of a flotilla of boats, which were
soon ascertained to be a brigade of bateaua belonging to the Southwest
Fur Company, commanded by Messrs. Lacroix and Berthelet, loaded
with stores for Lake Superior. As the directors of the Company had
long since placed all their resources at the disposal of the Government
in case of war, these bateaua, eleven in number, were detained, their
crews, numbering seventy men, were pressed into service, and their
cargoes, consisting largely of arms, ammunition, and blankets, appro-
priated for the use of the militia and Indians. Hitherto the advantage
derived from the presence in the river of two vessels of the Provincial
Marine had been almost neutralized by the weakness of their crews,
as the Queen Charlotte was manned by a single lieutenant and twenty-
seven petty officers and men, and the General Hunter by a lieutenant
and seventeen petty officers and men." The opportune arrival of these
voyageurs enabled St. George not only to strengthen their crews but to
man some of the boats to patrol the river. The deficiency of trained
naval officers could not be supplied. Commodore Alexander Grant,
who was nominally in command, was upwards of eighty years of age,
and totally unfit for service, while Captain Hall, the next senior officer,
was acting as superintendent of the dockyard. -
On the 2nd of July, at noon, another messenger arrived with a
letter from Brock instructing St. George to remain upon the defensive
until further orders were received. Brock explained in a letter to
Prevost that this change of policy was due to “the reflection that at
Detroit and St. Joseph’s the weak state of the garrisons would prevent
the commanders from attempting any essential service connected in any
-
* Can. Arch.

234 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
degree with their future security.” The next three days were there-
fore actively employed in strengthening the fortifications and organizing
the militia. The bastions were fraised, the curtains finished, the
escarp deepened, gun platforms repaired, and a splinter proof building
completed inside the fort at Amherstburg. Twenty guns were
mounted, and nearly 850 militia, being practically the whole of three
regiments of the Western District, were mustered into service.” Great
exertions were likewise made to conciliate and retain the good-will of
the Indians already assembled there, among whom were representatives
of nearly every nation of any consequence residing in the northwestern
territories of the United States east of the Mississippi. Tecumseh,
with a small band of devoted followers and thirty Menomonees of tried
courage and fidelity, despatched by Robert Dickson from his trading
post on the Wisconsin portage, were among the most recent arrivals,
and fortunately for the success of his subsequent operations, Brock's
letter of June 29th had arrived too late to prevent St. George from
despatching messengers to the distant nations requiring their speedy
assistance.”
In consequence of the approach of General Hull, whose destination
was known to be Detroit from the intercepted correspondence, Colonel
James Baby was directed to occupy Sandwich with four hundred militia
on the 4th, but on the following afternoon this force was driven out
of the village by a smart cannonade from the American batteries, which
likewise caused many of the terrified inhabitants to seek shelter over
night in the neighbouring woods. Baby rather hastily determined to
abandon his position, and retreated as far as the bridge over the Canard
River within four miles of Amherstburg, where he met Captain Muir
with fifty men of the 41st Regiment in waggons and two small field
guns moving to his support, and was induced to return. Two heavy
guns were sent thither afterwards, and Baby was instructed to maintain
his ground as long as practicable without endangering the safety of
his force. The schooner Nancy, belonging to the Northwest Fur Com-
pany, was brought down from the wharf at Moy and anchored in the
channel near Amherstburg to take the place of the Hunter, which was
despatched to Fort Erie for reinforcements. Some small brass guns,
mounted on the Nancy, were utilized to arm the row boats patrolling
the river. A grand council of the Indians at Amherstburg on the
ºth was attended by nearly two hundred chiefs and warriors, and
* Brock to Prevost, July 3rd, 1812, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 115.
* Captain M. C. Dixon to Lieut.-Col. Bruyeres, R.E., 18th July, 1812;
St. George to Brock, 8th July, 1812.
* Wells to Harrison, July 12th, 1812.

[CRUIKshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 235
Tecumseh was distinguished by his ardent and thorough-going advo-
cacy of the British cause. A small troop of Essex militia dragoons was
organized for patrol duty and conveyance of despatches.
Finding that the militia stationed at Sandwich were in a very
nervous mood, St. George determined to withdraw them from that
place before it was attacked, although Muir was anxious to dispute the
passage of the river. Orders were accordingly given to the inhabitants
to drive all their cattle to the vicinity of Amherstburg, the guns and
baggage were removed, and Sandwich was evacuated on the afternoon
of the 11th, Captain Muir's detachment of the 41st retiring behind the
River Canard, while the militia, who had manifested a strong disposition
to disband and return to their farms, were marched to Amherstburg.
In carrying out the instructions of the Secretary of War to estab-
lish his base of operations at Detroit, General Hull perceived that his
long line of communication with Ohio must necessarily be exposed to
attack, but he seemed to believe that they allowed him no discretion in
this respect. The main-travelled road by which he had advanced,
closely followed the shore of the river and lake to the Miami, a distance
of some seventy miles, although there was a little known trail through
the woods some distance farther back seldom, if ever, passable by wag-
gons. To provide for the safety of either of these routes, it was neces-
sary to secure and preserve the friendship of the neighbouring Indians,
and to ensure this he announced his intention of building blockhouses
and establishing small garrisons at the River Rouge, Brownstown, and
the River Raisin. The necessary preparations for the invasion of
Canada caused him to defer this most unwisely, until it became too late."
A sufficient number of boats to carry two regiments across the
river at once had been collected at Detroit, and on the afternoon of July
11th, these were taken down the river to the shipyard at the mouth of
the Rouge where the brig Adams was being rebuilt, and McArthur's
regiment was ostentatiously marched in the same direction in broad
daylight. After dark the boats were again taken up the river to Bloody
Bridge, where several heavy guns were placed in position to cover the
passage of the troops. The 4th United States Infantry and Dyson's
artillery company, with three field guns, crossed the Detroit shortly
after midnight, followed by the three Ohio regiments with the exception
of about one hundred men who still positively refused to pass the boun-
dary of the United States under any circumstances. At daybreak their
patrols entered Sandwich and ascertained that it had not only been
abandoned by the garrison but by nearly all the inhabitants as well,
* Hull, Defence, pp. 79-80.

236 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
who dreaded their approach as if they were savages. The whole force
then advanced to the village and encamped on the farm of Lieut.-Colonel
Baptiste Baby, where there was ample pasturage for their horses, and
Hull established his headquarters in that officer's unfinished brick
house.
In anticipation of this movement General Hull had prepared a
carefully worded proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada which was
felicitously described by the Governor-General as “artful and insidi-
ous.” “ After the General’s death its authorship was claimed for Cass,
and it certainly contains certain flights of rhetoric which may possibly
have been inspired by him. It had been translated into French and
a considerable number of broadsides were printed in both languages.”
Promises and threats were skilfully mingled in pompous and stilted lan-
guage. Different arguments were addressed to different classes. To
the older inhabitants of the province, the loyalists and British-born
colonists, he said:— - -
“Separated by an immense ocean and an extensive wilderness from
Great Britain, you have no participation in her councils, no interest in
her conduct; you have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injustice, but
I do not ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other. The
United States are sufficiently powerful to afford you every security
consistent with their rights and your expectations. I tender you the
invaluable blessings of civil, political, and religious liberty, and their
necessary results, individual and general prosperity.”
Then plainly appealing to the recent immigrants from the United
States so numerous in the London District, he continued:–
“Raise not your hands against your brethren. Many of your fore-
fathers fought for the freedom and Independence, we now enjoy; being
children therefore of the same family with us and heirs to the same
heritage, the arrival of an army of friends must be hailed by you with
a cordial welcome. You will be emancipated from tyranny and oppres-
sion and restored to the dignified position of freemen. Had I any
doubt of eventual success, I might ask your assistance, but I do not.
I come prepared for every contingency. I have a force which will look
down all opposition, and that force is but the vanguard of a much
greater.” Finally, the language of menace was substituted for that of
persuasion.
“If, contrary to your own interests and the just expectation of
my country, you should take part in the approaching contest, you will
* Major Denny to John Carlisle, New York Gazette, 4th September, 1812.
* Prevost to Lord Liverpool, 30th July, 1812.
* Hull to Eustis, 13th July, 1812, Forbes, Appendix II, p. 10.

[CRUIKSHANK) GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 237
be considered and treated as enemies, and the horrors and calamities of
war will stalk before you.
“If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain be pursued
and the savages let loose to murder our citizens and butcher our women
and children, this war will be a war of extermination.
“The first stroke with the tomahawk, the first attempt with the
scalping knife will be the signal for one indiscriminate scene of desola-
tion. No white man found fighting by the side of an Indian will be
taken prisoner. Instant destruction will be his lot. If the dictates
of reason, duty, justice, and humanity cannot prevent the employment
of a force which respects no rights and knows no wrongs, it will be
prevented by a severe and relentless system of retaliation.”
After his previous advice to remain at their homes and pursue
“ their customary and peaceful vocations,” his readers may well have
been mystified by the concluding sentences:
“If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted
readily. The United States offer you Peace, Liberty and Security, your
choice lies between these and War, Slavery and Destruction. Choose
then, but choose wisely, and may he who knows the justice of our cause
and who holds in his hands the fate of Nations, guide you to a result
the most compatible with your rights and interests, your peace and
prosperity.” "
This document was expected to produce a great effect, and subse-
quently became the subject of much ridicule from the opponents of the
American Government. John Randolph, of Roanoke, sarcastically
referred to Hull's operations as a “holiday campaign º’ in which Can-
ada was expected “to conquer herself and be subdued by the principle
of fraternity.” The anonymous author of the “Wars of the Gulls’’
makes President Madison say:-" By proclamation my illustrious pre-
decessor defended this extensive region during a long and warlike reign
of eight years and brought the belligerent powers to his feet. By
proclamation I have commenced this great and perilous war, and by
proclamation I will carry victory to the very chimney corner of the
enemy.” - -
By occupying Sandwich, General Hull expected to interrupt the
communication between Amherstburg and the thriving settlements on
the River Thames, and by means of his solitary armed vessel eventually
gain control of Lakes Huron and Michigan, provision the garrisons of
Mackinac and Chicago, and intimidate the Indians of that region. With
these views in mind he began at once to fortify his position and to
* Proclamation in Canadian Archives, C 676, p. 168. The italics are as
in the original.

238 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
build a small redoubt at Gowie's house on the water side to command
the river." The remainder of the field artillery and most of the cavalry
were brought over. Some non-combatants timidly returned to the
village during the day. -
On the following morning a strong patrol of Ohio riflemen was
sent out on the road to Amherstburg to reconnoitre and distribute pro-
clamations in the Petit Côte. They advanced as far as Turkey Creek,
where they found the bridge destroyed and discovered signs of a deserted
bivouac. They were assured by an inhabitant that Indians were lurk-
ing in the vicinity and returned to the camp, taking with them a couple
of horses supposed to be the property of officers of the Essex militia,
which General Hull received as a lawful prize. At night a false
alarm put the entire camp under arms.” The fortifications about the
encampment were completed on the 14th, and Colonel McArthur, with
a party of dragoons and three companies of his own regiment, was
instructed to march across to the Thames to disperse a body of Indians
reported to have gone from Amherstburg in that direction, and obtain
provisions, distributing proclamations along the route, and, if possible,
getting in touch with the disaffected inhabitants. All the carpenters
and other artificers that could be assembled, were formed into a separate
corps under Captain Thorpe, and set to work repairing gun carriages
and building floating batteries for the conveyance of heavy artillery,
and a number of scaling ladders were also constructed for the contem-
plated assault on Amherstburg.” A number of men, representing
themselves as deserters from the Essex militia, daily came in desiring
permission to return to their homes, which was readily granted, although
some of them were suspected of acting as spies. In fact, the militia
assembled by St. George complained so bitterly of their hard fate in
being called away from their farms in an apparently hopeless contest
at a time when their crops were fast ripening and their families needed
their assistance in the harvest field, that he gave permission to some of
the oldest and least efficient to return to their homes. So many others
went away by stealth without leave, in three days, that the number under
arms was reduced to 471.* Those who remained seemed well disposed,
but greatly intimidated by reports of the numerical superiority of the
invaders. They had no uniforms and lacked arms and equipment to
make them efficient in the field. Some of their officers were too old
* Hull to Eustis, 13th July, 1812, and 15th July, 1812.
* Lucas, Journal, pp. 377-8.
* Walker, pp. 54-5.
* Lucas, Journal, p. 378: Forbes, Trial; St. George to Brock, 15th July,
1812, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 177.

ſcruikshank] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 239
for service, and others totally incompetent. Including boys and old
men, he supposed that he could muster at this date about three hundred
Indians capable of bearing arms, but as they were continually coming
and going, it was scarcely possible to ascertain their exact number. He
wished to restrain them from assuming the offensive until he was in
a position to support them effectively, but found them so anxious to act
at once, that he was forced to consent that a party should join Captain
Muir at the Canard River, where he intended to establish his outpost
line. Meanwhile, the fortifications were strengthened and the schooner
Lady Prevost, which had been launched on July 13th, was being
equipped for service."
Hull's troops appeared so eager to advance without further delay,
that he assembled his principal officers to consider whether it was advis-
able to attempt to carry the British works by assault. Lieut.-Colonel
Miller, of the 4th United States Infantry, was willing to answer for
his own regiment, but the volunteer officers seemed doubtful whether
their men could be relied upon, and it was finally decided to postpone
the movement until a train of siege artillery could be made ready.
Learning from deserters that a British outpost was stationed at
the Long Bridge over the Canard River, Lieut.-Colonel Miller and
Colonel Cass were instructed to reconnoitre its position with about
three hundred men, consisting of some dragoons and rangers, one com-
pany of the 4th United States Infantry, one company of Ohio volun-
teers, and four companies of Ohio riflemen. When within a couple
of miles of the bridge, their mounted scouts reported that it was
occupied by a party of British regulars with two guns, who had sentries
posted on the road in advance. Contrary to his instructions, Colonel
Cass, who seems to have assumed command, determined on an attack.
Sending forward along the road the dragoons and rangers and one
company of riflemen to engage the attention of the outpost, he under-
took a wide turning movement with the remainder, having ascertained
from two of the inhabitants whom he compelled to act as guides, that
there was ford some miles up stream. Crossing the Canard at this
point he moved through the woods on the farther side until he came
to the open ground, where a small party of Indians were lying in the
long grass. These were so utterly taken by surprise that they ran
away without firing a shot, exposing the line of retreat of the outpost
about a mile away. The Americans were prevented from pursuing by
a creek flowing nearly at right angles into the Canard, which they were
obliged to ascend some distance before crossing, and the Indians escaped,
* St. George to Brock, 15th July; Elliott to Claus, 15th July, Can. Arch.,
C 676.

24O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
giving the alarm by their yells. Lieut. Clemow, of the 41st, who was
in command, perceived his danger, and began his retreat with such haste
that two sentries posted beyond the bridge were not withdrawn. In
crossing the creek Cass's force fell into much disorder, and upon reach-
ing the edge of the woods, halted irresolutely for about half an hour,
thus enabling Clemow to get off without loss, although there was some
firing on both sides at such a distance as to be totally ineffective. About
the same time the riflemen on the opposite side of the Canard advanced
upon the sentries, Privates Dean and Hancock, of the 41st Regiment,
who remained stubbornly at their posts, firing upon them repeatedly and
refusing to surrender until the former received three and the latter
four wounds. After one of Dean’s arms was broken by a shot, he still
endeavoured to resist his assailants with his bayonet until he was
knocked down and disarmed. Hancock was removed to a shed near
by where he died that night.” In a General Order of August 6th, the
Governor-General drew the attention of all ranks to the remarkable
“heroism and self-devotion * of these two private soldiers, who were
the first to shed their blood in defence of Canada during this war.
“An instance of such firmness and intrepidity,” he said, “deserves to
be thus publicly recorded, and His Excellency trusts it will not fail
to animate the troops under his command with an ardent desire to
follow so noble an example whenever an opportunity shall be hereafter
offered them.” In truth the dauntless stand made by these two stal-
wart soldiers was not likely to be soon forgotten by their comrades.
Shortly before the attack on the outpost took place, Captain Brown,
of the 4th United States Infantry, bearing a message from General
Hull to Colonel St. George under a flag of truce, requesting the return
of papers and private property taken in the Cuyahoga Packet, had been
allowed to pass on his way to Amherstburg, and this singular proceeding
naturally provoked a strong feeling of resentment at the time.”
Cass established an outpost at the bridge and encamped the remain-
der of his force a mile or two nearer Sandwich, sending back a messenger
to request a reinforcement to enable him to maintain his position there.
Hull had as yet received no report from McArthur, who had been absent
forty-eight hours, and felt alarmed for his safety. He could not con-
ceal his annoyance at this attempt of an ambitious subordinate to force
him into a premature advance when he had been sent out merely to
gain information, and was decidedly opposed to the occupation of an
* Lucas, 380-2; Walker, 56.
* Richardson, 20-1; Coffin.
* Hull to St. George, 16th July, 1812; St. George to Hull, 16th July,
1812; Lucas, 382.

[cRUIKshANR) GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 24l
advanced post so near Amherstburg. A verbal order was accordingly
sent to Cass to return at once to camp as the General was not yet pre-
pared to attack the fort, and he could not consent to divide his forces.
But being informed that firing had again been heard in the direction
of the Canard River, he ordered the remainder of the 4th Infantry
with a field gun to move to Cass's support. On receiving the order to
return, Cass and Miller wrote a joint letter urging the advantage of
holding the bridge. Hull promptly replied in writing that it would
be a week before his siege artillery could be made ready, warning
them against the danger of being cut off by a turning movement by the
Canard ford or on the Detroit River, but giving them permission to
act on their own discretion. By this time some boats filled with soldiers
were observed ascending the river and a council of war was assembled
which decided to retreat, Cass and Captain Snelling of the 4th Infantry
alone opposing this determination. On arriving at Sandwich they
found that McArthur had likewise returned from his foraging expedi-
tion, while a smaller party, under Captain Forsyth, had brought in a
valuable flock of merino sheep, imported by Lord Selkirk for breeding
purposes, as the result of a raid upon the Scottish settlement at Bal-
doon." McArthur had advanced with his infantry as far as the mills
on the Thames, near the site of the present city of Chatham, where he
took possession of a quantity of grain and flour which was brought away
in boats. A formal parole binding them not to bear arms during the
war was exacted from the male inhabitants along their line of march,
among whom was John McGregor, one of the representatives of the
County of Essex in the House of Assembly. Some of McArthur's
horsemen rode up the river as far as the townships of Delaware and
Westminster, distributing proclamations as they went, and were joined
by Simon Watson, Andrew Westbrook, and other disaffected inhabitants.”
Not less than sixty persons, representing themselves as deserters
from the Canadian militia, came into Hull's camp that day, some of
whom seem to have expressed a desire to enlist under his command.
They reported that all the women and children had been sent away
for safety from the fort and Indian camps at Amherstburg, that many
more of the militia were ready to desert, and that the Indians were
daily returning to their villages. Hull advised these men to go to their
homes and promised them protection. He was so greatly encouraged
by their information, that he announced his intention of advancing
Lucas Journal, pp. 381-2; Hull Defence, pp. 128-132: Forbes, Trial,
passium. Letter from Capt. Ulery in Poulson's American.
* McDonald, Life of McArthur; Brock to Prevost, 26th July, Quebec
Mercury; Walker, 55.
Sec. II., 1907. 16.
242 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
against Amherstburg as soon as the necessary preparations could be
made for moving the siege artillery." Accordingly, Colonel Findlay
was despatched with a strong detachment of his regiment the same even-
ing to re-occupy the Canard bridge. On his arrival there, however,
he found a strong British outpost again in possession, who had taken
up the bridge and built a breastwork of timber on the other side. The
Queen Charlotte was anchored near the mouth of the Canard with her
guns trained upon the approaches to the bridge. Two field guns were
also seen in position. On Findlay's return with this information,
Captain Snelling was sent out with two companies of infantry and a
party of dragoons to patrol the road during the night, and on the 19th
Colonel McArthur with two hundred riflemen and a field gun was
despatched to make a careful reconnaissance. Several shots were fired
at a group of horsemen from a small gun mounted on a row boat con-
cealed among the reeds, which did no damage but caused great confu-
sion, and a few Indians crossing the Canard on the timbers of the bridge
brought on a brisk skirmish in which McArthur's horse was killed and
two of his men wounded. After a great expenditure of ammunition,
McArthur began his march back to camp, but after going a few miles
he met Cass's regiment coming to his support with another field gun.
Although they had received positive orders not to bring on an engage-
ment, Cass insisted upon returning to the bridge to fire a few rounds
from this gun. The Queen Charlotte and the gun boat replied, after
which McArthur retired to the Petit Côte and encamped for the night.
Next morning Cass persuaded him to advance again to the Canard with
his whole force, and several hours were occupied in making a purpose-
less demonstration against the British position, in which a few ineffective
shots were exchanged from the artillery. In the afternoon they returned
to camp, having accomplished nothing beyond making their men thor-
oughly tired and discontented.”
Deserters still continued to arrive at Sandwich bringing most
encouraging information to General Hull. On the 19th of July he
wrote to the Secretary of War, that fifty or sixty militia had deserted
from Amherstburg every day since his landing, and that the number
remaining there was less than a hundred, whom he expected to follow
this example in a day or two. The Indians were reported to be dis-
persing nearly as rapidly, while he had a large council of friendly
nations assembled at Brownstown in response to an invitation he had
given them before leaving Urbana, and he had no doubt but that they
1 Hull to Eustis, 18th July, 1812; Forbes, Trial.
a Lucas Journal, 384-7; McArthur to Morris, 24th July, 1812; Federal
Republican of Baltimore, 26th August, 1812. Letter from Capt. J. Cook.





















[CRUIKshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 243
would remain neutral. He had removed the brig Adams to Detroit,
where she would be armed and equipped for service, giving him com-
mand of the upper Lakes."
Two days later he reported the result of this council, which had
been attended by representatives of the Six Nations and eight western
tribes. Five leading chiefs, of whom the Wyandot, Walk-in-the-Water,
was one, had made great exertions to detach the Indians from the Brit-
ish, and Tecumseh and Marpot were the only chiefs of consequence
who still remained at Amherstburg. He had requested them all to
proceed at once to another council at Piqua.”
Tecumseh, in fact, had indignantly declined to be present, saying:
“I have taken sides with the King, my Father, and I will suffer my
bones to bleach upon this shore rather than cross that stream to join in
any council of neutrality.” As a last resort he had sent off a carefully
wrought belt to summon his adherents to his assistance from Indiana
and Illinois. This belt was described as being six feet long and three
feet wide, painted red as an emblem of war, and known as the King's
Broad Axe, which was intended to cut down everything that stood in
its path. The bearer was instructed to dissuade the Indians from
attending the proposed council at Piqua, and warn them that their
villages would probably be attacked in their absence. Stickney, the
Indian agent at Fort Wayne, attempted to intercept his messengers
without success.” About the same time, the Shawnee Prophet with
a band of nearly a hundred Indians made his appearance at that place,
where he remained for a week. They made strong professions of friend-
ship and stated that they had rejected an invitation from the British
to take up the tomahawk.”
General Hull also took the precaution to address a special pro-
clamation to the Six Nations residing at the Grand River: “The
powerful army under my command is now in possession of Canada.”
he said. “To you who are friendly, it will afford safety and protection.
All your lands, and all your rights of every kind will be guaranteed
to you if you will take no part against us. I salute you in friendship
and hope you will now act such a part as will promote your interest,
your safety, and happiness.” "
* Hull to the Secretary of State, 19th July, 1812; Defence of General
Dearborn, by H. A. S. Dearborn, pp. 10–11.
* Hull to Eustis, 21st July, 1812; Id., p. 11.
* B. F. Stickney to John Johnson, 20th July, 1812; National Intelligencer
of Washington, 27th August, 1812; Federal Republican, 29th August, 1812.
“Ibid, Wells to Harrison, 12th July, 1812.
* Hull to the Six Nations, 18th July, 1812, in New York Gazette, 20th
August, 1812.

244 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
On the afternoon of the 21st he recrossed the river to Detroit for
the purpose of hastening preparations for laying siege to Amherstburg,
which he informed the Secretary of War might be taken by storm, but
at too great a sacrifice of life to be justified. As the carriages for his
mortars and other heavy guns must be entirely rebuilt, he anticipated
that these preparations would still occupy two weeks. At the same
time he projected an attack upon the Queen Charlotte, and a large mer-
chant schooner was brought from the River Rouge to Detroit to be armed
for this enterprise. Lieut.-Colonel Miller with one battalion of the
4th Infantry accompanied him, and Colonel McArthur succeeded to the
command of the troops in Canada. His first act was to order Captain
McCullough to reconnoitre the back road to Amherstburg, which was
done accordingly with his command of rangers on the 22nd as far as
the ford of the Canard, but hearing the report of guns on the other side
they did not venture to cross that stream but followed its course as far
as the bridge, where they observed the British outpost entrenching its
position. They were informed that the Shawnee Prophet and his band
had joined the British, and that a party of Indians had advanced to
the Petit Côte the day before. On the evening of the 24th Major
James Denny, with Captain McCullough's rangers and three companies
of McArthur's regiment, was sent out to intercept a party of Indians
reported to be lurking in the woods. Advancing within sight of the
Canard bridge he concealed his men for the night in a wheat field.
While it was yet dark a band of twenty-two Menomonees ascended the
Detroit in their canoes as far as the mouth of Turkey Creek, where
they landed and lay in ambush. They were accompanied by Captain
Laurent Bondy of the Essex militia, who proceeded to visit his family
in the Petit Côte. A straggler from Denny’s command returning
towards Sandwich was shot dead by the Indians, who left his body
lying on the road without scalping it, as they had promised Captain
Elliott to abstain from this practice which excited so much abhorrence
among white people. In passing through the settlement Denny received
information that enabled him to capture Captain Bondy in his own
house. After sending off his prisoner under escort, he spent several
hours in scouring the woods without success. Halting to rest in the
woods most of his men went to sleep, when they were suddenly roused
by the Indians firing upon them from all sides and raising the war
whoop. An instant panic resulted and some of the drafted militia
ran off at full speed, never halting till they reached camp.” Fearing
* Hull to Eustis, 22nd July, 1812; Forbes, Trial, Lucas Journal, p. 389.
* Federal Republican, 24th August, 1812. Letter from Capt. Ulery, New
York Gazette, 12th August, 1812. Letter from Detroit, 28th July.

[cRUIKSHANK. GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 245
that he might be surrounded and cut off, Denny ordered a retreat and
was pursued as far as Turkey Creek, losing five men killed and ten or
twelve wounded, and leaving behind him thirty rifles, besides knapsacks
and other accoutrements thrown away by the fugitives. Here he met
a rifle company advancing to his support. In this affair Captain
McCullough killed an Indian whom he promptly scalped, and
another Indian was wounded. McCullough was very proud of his
trophy, which he carried through the streets of Sandwich dangling from
his naked arm, and afterwards exhibited in the camp."
The Menomonees conveyed the body of their dead comrade to
Amherstburg, and carrying it to Elliott’s quarters clamorously retracted
their promise to abstain from scalping in future.”
Denny’s mishap coming close upon the heels of so many fruitless
reconnaissances, caused considerable depression in the American camp
and a corresponding feeling of elation at Amherstburg, where the impor-
tance of these affairs was not unnaturally magnified.
On Sunday, 26th July, a vessel flying British colours was seen
coming down the river, which was brought to anchor by a shot from
the battery at Sandwich. She proved to be the schooner Salina from
Mackinac, having on board Lieut. Hanks and his detachment of the
1st United States Artillery, lately forming the garrison of that place,
which had been taken ten days previously by a British force from St.
Joseph’s. Nothing could be more unexpected or disconcerting than
this intelligence, and its effects must necessarily be far-reaching when
it became known to the Indians. General Hull had little doubt that
the whole of the “great northern hive” would immediately become
hostile. -
The rocky islet of Mackinac, or Michilimackinac, lies like a huge
natural fortress in the entrance of the strait leading from Lake Huron
to Lake Michigan. It is about nine miles in circumference and its
cliffs rise precipitously in many places almost two hundred feet above
the level of the surrounding water. Here a small fort had been built
in 1780 by Lieut.-Governor Patrick Sinclair, which had been trans-
ferred to the United States sixteen years later when its small British
garrison was removed to a post on the island of St. Joseph in Lake
Huron, forty-five miles distant.
Since its occupation by the Americans, a number of British fur
traders had continued their dealings with the Indians within the terri-
* Lucas Journal, pp. 391-2; Procter to Brock, 26th July; Quebec Mer-
cury, Letter from Fort George, 7th August, 1812: Letter in Boston Messenger,
dated Detroit, 28th July, 1812; Foster, The Capitulation.
* Coffin, The War and its Moral, p. 198; Walker, pp. 56-7.
246 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
tory of the United States in spite of the most determined efforts to
exclude them. Among these, probably the most energetic and influ-
ential was Robert Dickson, who had traded on the Mississippi and
Missouri for twenty-five years, and had ascended the latter river to
its source, unaccompanied by any white companion." Among the Sioux,
Pawnees, and Dakotas, his name was a household word. In the autumn
of 1811 he had again succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the American
officials, who had been instructed to enforce most rigidly the recent act
of Congress prohibiting the importation of British goods, and reached
his customary trading station at Prairie du Chien with a large supply
of merchandise. He found that all the Indians there were in great
distress in consequence of the failure of their crops from a prolonged
drouth in the summer, which had also driven all the big game on the
neighbouring prairies northward in search of pasture. During the
winter Dickson generously distributed among them his whole stock of
provisions and clothing, thus preserving the lives of many, and greatly
strengthening his hold upon their affections. A great many of the
people of the plains, however, had perished miserably from want. Red
Thunder, a principal chief of the Sioux, living near the Missouri River,
while on his way to Prairie du Chien early in the spring of 1812, dis-
covered that six entire lodges of his nation had died from hunger and
cold, and no trace could be found of forty-five others. The starving
wretches had been subsisting upon roots, and had even attempted to
prolong life by grinding up for food the dry bones of buffalo which had
been lying upon the plains for years.”
It was not until the 18th of June, when Dickson was at the portage
between the Fox and Wisconsin rivers on his return journey to Mont-
real, that he was overtaken by two men employed as express messengers
by Capt J. B. Glegg, Military Secretary to General Brock, who carried
a letter from him, dated at York on the 27th of February, stating that
war with the United States seemed inevitable, and desiring information
as to the assistance he might be able to furnish in that event. Francis
Rheaume, of Malden, and his companion, who had been entrusted with
this important mission, had been upwards of three months on the road,
during which they had travelled more than two thousand miles seeking
him without success in many parts of the west. At Chicago they had
been detained and searched by direction of the officer in command of
the military post. They had taken the precaution to secrete their
letters between the soles of their moccasins, and, as nothing was found
* Bradbury, Travels, p. 25.
* Dickson Memorial, 3rd December, 1812; Glegg to Prevöst, 11th Novem-
ber, 1812.

LCRUIKSHANKI GENERAL HULL’S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 247
upon them, they were liberated, and allowed to proceed." A chosen
band of thirty Menomonees, under the chief Weenusate, was sent off
at once to Amherstburg to obtain a supply of ammunition, and in reply
to Glegg's letter Dickson stated that the remainder of his “friends,”
numbering 250 or 300, speaking several languages, were ready to march
under proper officers duly commissioned for the purpose, and would
assemble at the Island of St. Joseph about the 30th of June. Punctu-
ally to the day he arrived there accompanied by about three hundred
Sioux, Winnebagoes (Puants), and Menomonecs (Folles Avoines), led
by their principal chiefs. The British garrison consisted of a sergeant
and two gunners of the Royal Artillery and three officers and forty-one
non-commissioned officers and privates of the 10th Royal Veteran
Battalion, mostly old and infirm men who were scarcely fit for field
service. Captain Charles Roberts of the latter corps, who was likewise
in poor health, was in command. The post there was described as
“a square consisting merely of high cedar pickets to enclose the block-
house and public buildings, the whole in bad repair and incapable of
any defence.” It was armed with four very old six pounders, which
were honey-combed and nearly useless, and six small swivels. On the
3rd of July, Mr. Toussaint Pothier, agent of the Southwest Fur Com-
pany, arrived from Montreal. Five days later a special messenger
came from Brock at York bringing the first information of the declar-
ation of war, with instructions to Roberts to make an attack on Mac-
kinac as soon as practicable. Steps were immediately taken to assemble
the voyageurs in the employment of the fur companies from all their
trading stations on the mainland as far west as Sault Ste. Marie,
and messengers were even despatched to distant Fort William to require
the agents of the Northwest Fur Company to send down their whole
available force from that place. They promptly responded to the call,
but arrived too late to take part in the expedition. “ These gentlemen
with great alacrity came down with a strong party to co-operate,”
Pothier wrote, “bringing to Ste. Marie several carriage guns and other
arms, and although the distance between St. Joseph’s and Fort William
is about 500 miles, they arrived at Michilimackinac the ninth day from
the date of the express and found us in peaceable possession.” ”
About the 12th of July a second express arrived with instructions
from General Brock to suspend offensive operations until further orders
were received, but the work of organization was continued without inter-
* Federal Republican of Baltimore, 25th September, 1812. Letter from
a gentleman in Illinois.
* Pothier to Prevost, 8th September, 1812, Can. Arch., C 677, p. 70;
Bibaud, Histoire du Canada; Coffin, War.

248 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
mission. One hundred and fifty voyageurs were enrolled as volunteers,
and organized into a provisional battalion, of which Lewis Crawford
was appointed to act as Lieut.-Colonel in command, with Toussaint
Pothier as Major and Robert Livingston as Adjutant. Roberts, how-
ever, was not in a position to equip this force, “ having but forty guns
in the Indian store and no gunpowder but what was required for the
great guns of the garrison, and ball cartridge for his men only; in short,
the garrison was deficient in everything necessary for such an under-
taking.” In this dilemma, he applied to Pothier, who placed the
stores of the Southwest Company at his disposal without hesitation,
and the brig Caledonia, belonging to the Northwest Company, was for-
tunately intercepted on her way down the lake from Sault Ste. Marie
and pressed into service. The next step was to secure the good will,
if not the active co-operation of the powerful band of Ottawas residing
at L’Arbre Croche on the mainland within sight of Mackinac. It was
still “a subject of much speculation how these people would act.” In
dealing with them he found a highly useful ally in the person of Amable
Chevalier, the half-breed son of Louis Chevalier, a well known and
very influential French Canadian trader among the Ottawas. He was
born and had grown to manhood in the village of L’Arbre Croche, but
for some years past had resided at the Lake of Two Mountains near
Montreal, whence he had returned to the “Upper Country” the autumn
before to hunt during the winter. His influence among his mother's
people, by whom he was recognized as a chief, was considerable, and
he put forth every effort to engage them on the side of the British, to
whom he was sincerely attached. On the 12th of July most of their
chiefs assembled at St. Joseph's, and reported that no reinforcements
had arrived at Mackinac when they passed the island the day before.
Roberts at once held a council, at which he announced his intention
of attacking the American post, and after a long private consultation
among themselves, and “much prevarication,” they agreed to join him,
and returned to their villages to assemble and arm their warriors. Even
then Chevalier confessed that “he never could bring himself to have
confidence in their fidelity.” -
Soon after, another express arrived from Brock with orders to
“adopt the most prudent measures, either of offence or defence, that
circumstances might point out,” and being informed that reinforce-
ments were daily expected by the garrison at Mackinac, Roberts deter-
mined to attack at once. By this time he had assembled 230 Canadians
and 320 Indians, including only about thirty Ottawas. Chevalier was
* Pothier to Prevost, 8th September, 1812.

[cruiksha Nk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 249
accordingly despatched to collect as many more of that nation as possible
and join the expedition on its approach to the island of Mackinac. At
10 o'clock on the morning of the 16th, the whole of the regulars with
two heavy iron six-pounder guns were embarked on the Caledonia, and
that vessel set sail accompanied by a flotilla of ten batteaua and seventy
bark canoes, containing one hundred and fifty voyageurs and three hun-
dred Indians, of whom many were unarmed. The remainder of the
voyageurs and Indians were left as a garrison at St. Joseph's. The
lake was calm and the voyage uneventful until midnight, when a canoe
was seen approaching in the moonlight, paddled by a single person who
attempted flight but was soon overtaken. The prisoner proved to be
Michael Dousman, captain of an American militia company on the
island of Mackinac, who had been sent out to reconnoitre by the com-
mandant, whose suspicions had been aroused by the evident coolness of
Indians lately professing the utmost friendship. During the day a
tumour reached him that a force was being assembled at St. Joseph’s,
and, although he had received no intimation of the declaration of war,
he determined to despatch a confidential agent to ascertain its truth,
and after consulting with the principal residents, Dousman was selected
to perform this service.
The expedition then pushed forward with redoubled speed, as it
was apparent that there was no time to be lost. “By the unparalleled
exertions of the Canadians,” Captain Roberts reported, “we arrived at
the place of rendezvous at three o'clock the following morning.” The
Ottawas were nowhere to be seen, but a landing was effected at once
on the west side of the island about two miles from the fort, and Dous-
man was liberated, after giving a promise not to communicate with the
garrison and instructed to invite the inhabitants of the village to come
at once to that place, where they could be placed under the protection
of a guard of regular soldiers. The Canadians were set at work cutting
a road across the island, over which the two rather unwieldly iron guns
they had brought with them were laboriously hauled to the brow of
the bluff, completely commanding and overlooking the fort at a distance
of about seven hundred yards with a sheer fall of one hundred feet,
while Dickson and Askin with the Indians occupied the woods and
covered these operations. -
This work, which was situated near the edge of a cliff rising pre-
cipitously from the lake, was a quadrangular stockade of cedar pickets
twelve or fourteen feet in height, enclosing nearly two acres of ground,
with blockhouses at each angle and surrounded by a ditch. Seven guns
were mounted in the blockhouses, but the garrison numbered only
three officers and sixty-one men of the 1st Regiment of United States


25O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Artillery. This might have been increased to about two hundred by
the militia of the settlement and the crews of the vessels lying in the
harbour. But the garrison was wholly unprepared for resistance, as
the first intimation of danger was received from the surgeon, who saw
the inhabitants hurriedly quitting their dwellings under Dousman's
directions as he passed through the village. About nine o'clock in the
morning the first gun was placed in position on the crest of the ridge
commanding the stockade and Indians were seen in considerable num-
bers in the skirts of the woods. Two hours later, an officer bearing a
flag of truce, accompanied by three American traders who had been made
prisoners, presented himself at the gate of the fort and demanded its
immediate surrender. The prisoners assured Lieut. Hanks that the
force they had seen numbered nearly a thousand men provided with
artillery and scaling ladders, and that a powerful reinforcement of
Indians was expected to join them at any moment. They urged him
to surrender without waiting for an assault and thus preserve the lives
of the garrison and other inmates of the fort, as resistance appeared
hopeless. After a brief consultation with his officers and some leading
civilians, Hanks consented to do this, and articles of capitulation were
accordingly drawn up, by which it was arranged that the garrison should
march out with the honours of war and be sent to Detroit on parole
until regularly exchanged, and all citizens of the United States who
declined to take the oath of allegiance to the King should be at liberty
to leave the island with their property within a month. By a supple-
mentary article it was arranged that the crews of nine small vessels in
the harbour should become prisoners of war, thus increasing the number
to one hundred and ten. A considerable quantity of military stores
was found in the fort.”
During the negotiations with the garrison, the Indians were kept
so well under control that Roberts himself was agreeably surprised.
“It is a circumstance, I believe, without precedent,” he wrote, “ and
demands the greatest praise for all those who conducted the Indians,
that though these people's minds were much heated, yet as soon as they
heard the capitulation was signed they all returned to their canoes, and
* Return of ordnance taken, enclosed in a letter from Prevost to Bathurst,
20th March, 1813. Brass guns, two 5% inch howitzers, two six pounders,
one three pounder. Iron guns—two nine inch pounders. Shells—5% inch
fixed 18, unfixed 374; case shot, 5% inch, 65; round shot, 9 pounder, 480;
case shot, 6 pounder, fixed 50; unfixed, 60; round shot, 864; grape, 18;
fixed round shot, 80; case shot, 3 pounder, 51; round shot, fixed, 37; grape,
23; loose round shot, 463; muskets, 179; rifles, 6. Two of these guns had
been surrendered at Yorktown.
[CRUIkshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 251
not a drop of either man’s or animal’s blood was spilt till I gave an
order for a certain number of bullocks to be purchased for them.” "
Learning that two other trading vessels were supposed to be at
Chicago, Lieut. Joseph Lambeth of the Veteran Battalion was despatched
with a party of men in boats to look for them, and on the 20th and 21st
they were taken by him on their way down from Lake Michigan, laden
with seven hundred bales of valuable furs, the result of a year's trading
by the American Fur Company.”
As the Ottawas from L’Arbre Croche had failed to join Roberts,
on the second day after the surrender a messenger was sent to inform
them of his success and invite them to share in a general distribution
of presents, when they immediately came over alleging bad weather as
the cause of their delay. Amable Chevalier, however, assured him that
it actually arose from “indecision on their part while the conquest
remained in doubt and unknown to them and a predilection in favour
of the Americans.” “ Eight or nine hundred assembled in a few days,
but information of General Hull's invasion of Canada greatly damped
their ardour, and many of them returned to their villages to await the
result.
There can be no doubt that the fall of Mackinac greatly increased
Hull's embarrassment, and he lost no time in urging that a reinforce-
ment of fifteen hundred men from Kentucky and five hundred from
Ohio should be marched to support him as soon as they could be organ-
ized and equipped by the State authorities without awaiting for a requi-
sition from the Secretary of War. He asserted that the Canadian Fur
Companies would make every effort to reopen the Detroit River as the
most convenient channel of transportation for their supplies for the
coming winter, and it was the opinion of the officers and traders from
Mackinac that two or three thousand Indians and engagés could easily
be assembled by them for that purpose.
A letter from Mr. McKenzie, the factor at Fort William, to Angus
Mackintosh, of Moy, had lately fallen into his hands, relating probably
with some exaggeration the successful efforts made by the agents of the
Northwest Company at that place to raise a force for the attack of
Mackinac and asserting their ability to muster five thousand men if
necessary. Hull had also been informed that despatches announcing
the capture of Mackinac had been received at Amherstburg and that a
message demanding assistance had been sent in return."
* Roberts to Brock, 17th July, 1812, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 232.
* Lambeth to Prevost, 2nd June, 1814, Can. Arch., C 281, p. 75.
* Pothier to Prevost, 8th September, 1812.
* Hull, Defence, pp. 64-7.

252 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
A bolder commander would probably have attempted to extricate
himself from his difficult position by an assault upon Amherstburg,
but Hull shrank from this as certainly entailing serious loss with but
a doubtful prospect of success. Little progress had yet been made in
the preparations for a regular siege, although work had been begun upon
three floating batteries. A week of extremely warm weather had been
succeeded by storms of rain and hail, turning unusually cold at night.
Combined with the unsanitary state of the camp, this caused much
sickness. The principal medical officer died, and the chief engineer
fell seriously ill. A disposition to grumble and find fault had become
apparent among the volunteers, which their officers were inclined to
encourage rather than repress. - -
On the same day that the fall of Mackinac became known to Gen-
eral Hull, Colonel Henry Procter of the 41st Regiment arrived at
Amherstburg from Long Point in an open boat, having been much
delayed by windy weather. As senior in rank he at once superseded
St. George in command of the district. The number of militia under
arms had steadily diminished until it did not much exceed three hun-
dred, although many of the absentees promised to return after harvest.
In the 1st Essex Regiment, three officers were reported absent without
leave and two as deserters." He found that the “arts and misrepre-
sentations” of the enemy had made a strong impression upon the minds
of the Indians, of whom only about two hundred remained. Of the
militia three hundred and sixty had actually claimed protection from
General Hull before returning to their homes.” Watson and West-
brook had conducted a patrol of mounted men up the Thames as far
as Westminster, vowing vengeance against “the first characters in the
Province,” ” while Hull's address to the Six Nations had been com-
municated to them in some mysterious way with marked effect. But
the small body of regulars remained in good spirits and Procter reported
that he did not consider that Amherstburg was in any immediate dan-
ger and felt confident that the arrival of five hundred of the 41st Regi-
ment would speedily decide the contest in his favour. While retaining
the Queen Charlotte to secure the navigation of the river, he determined
to despatch the Hunter and Nancy to Fort Erie to bring up any avail-
able reinforcement that might be spared from that quarter, Greatly
encouraged by the news of the capture of Mackinac he lost no time in
reopening negotiations with the Wyandots of Brownstown, who enjoyed
the reputation of being the most intelligent, enterprising and courageous
* Return, 26th July, 1812; Woodbridge Papers.
* Evidence of Colonel Joseph Watson, Hull's Trial, p. 151.
* Brock to Prevost, 26th July; Procter to Brock, 26th July.


[cRuſks HANk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 25.3
of the western nations. Many of them were Christians and had
attained a considerable degree of civilization. Colonel Elliott was now
instructed to invite them to cross the river and place themselves under
British protection, and with this object in view a chief named Warrow
was sent over to propose a conference. By this time a deputation from
the Six Nations had returned from the council at Piqua. They had
also visited Richardville, an aged chief of the Miamis at Fort Wayne,
and delivered to him a pipe of peace from General Hull, receiving in
return pipes to be used in a council with Tecumseh and Roundhead.
They were now accompanied to the Council House at Amherstburg
by Walk-in-the-Water and most of the principal chiefs and warriors of
the Wyandots of Brownstown. Tarhe, or the Crane, the Half-King
of Sandusky, who was now very old and had become an obsequious pen-
sioner of the American government, remained behind to await the
result. Procter and Elliott with several officers of the garrison and
Indian Department were assembled to meet them. Walk-in-the Water
spoke at length, dwelling much upon the number and power of the
Americans and reproaching the British for their conduct during the
last war, when he said that the gates of their fort had been closed
against the Indians in the hour of defeat, and declaring his intention
to take no part in the contest. Roundhead replied with vigour, urging
his brethren to join the British at once and he was warmly supported
by Warrow and also by Splitlog, an influential chief of the Brownstown
band. Finally the pipe of peace was formally lit by one of the Wyan-
dots and presented to Tecumseh, who immediately broke the stem and,
dashing the fragments upon the floor, left the room with every sign of
violent indignation. When the council reassembled Tecumseh addressed
it with tremendous energy, bitterly denouncing the Wyandots of Browns–
town as cowards for refusing to join the British, and again broke the
pipe of peace when it was tendered to him. This scene was re-enacted
on the third day with evident effect, and upon the fourth a considerable
number of Wyandots of Walk-in-the-Water's band announced their in-
tention of joining their Canadian brethren. Elliott then replied,
expressing his pleasure at their decision, adding significantly that he
must bring his friend, Walk-in-the-Water, to that side of the river
where he would be under his own eye. The council then broke up,
the Wyandots of Brownstown returning to their own village, and Tarhe
hurriedly took his departure to Sandusky to avoid being made a
prisoner."
* Clarke, History of the Wyandots; North American Review, April, 1827,
Article by Lewis Cass. -

254 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
During this time the boats of the Queen Charlotte continued to
patrol the river nearly as high as Sandwich, and on the night of the
1st of August took possession of a raft which had been partly fitted
up as a floating battery and had got adrift. General Hull had an-
nounced his intention of securing his line of communication with the
Miami River by a chain of blockhouses about ten miles apart. The
first of these was commenced at the Rivière aux Ecorces, and orders
were given for the construction of others at Brownstown and River
Raisin.
No time was therefore to be lost in effecting the removal of the
Wyandots, and on the night of the 2nd of August Captain Muir with
one hundred men of the 41st, a detachment of Essex militia under
Captain Caldwell, and nearly two hundred Indians led by Tecumseh
and Roundhead crossed the river under cover of the guns of the Queen
Charlotte and surrounded the village of Brownstown. They found its
inhabitants in a great state of alarm and excitement. Mounted patrols
from Detroit had been riding about all day and some of the Indians
who had decided to remain neutral had already taken to the woods.
The remainder, with their families, household effects and cattle, were
at once removed to Amherstburg, while Tecumseh and Captains Elliott
and Livingston with a picked band of about forty warriors remained
behind to interrupt the communication between Detroit and the River
Raisin, where the 2nd Regiment of Michigan militia was being assem-
bled. Next morning the mail was intercepted on its way to Detroit
and its escort, killed or taken.
When the defection of the Wyandots was reported to General Hull
he is said to have turned pale and displayed signs of violent agitation."
He had distributed presents among them and seems to have entertained
little suspicion of their good faith. When he saw them arrayed in
arms against him, he felt that his troops were actually in a critical
position and that not only the advance of reinforcements and the move-
ments of supplies from Ohio might be seriously impeded, but that his
own retreat might eventually be endangered. Already he began to con-
template the withdrawal of the troops at Sandwich, but when this
proposal was discussed at a meeting of the principal officers, many of
them still declared themselves strongly in favour of an advance against
Amherstburg. But as the bridges over Turkey Creek and the Canard
River had both been destroyed, the artillery officers stated that it would
be difficult to move the siege artillery by land, and it was then decided
by the vote of Quartermaster-General Taylor to await the completion
* McKenney, Tour to the Great Lakes, p. 121.

[CRUIkshANK) GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 255
of the floating batteries by means of which it was expected that the
Queen Charlotte would be driven from her position and the guns might
be landed near the British works. It was not anticipated that this
would entail a further delay of more than two or three days. Orders
were accordingly issued on the 4th of August to prepare for an imme-
diate advance. But in his letter of the same date to the Secretary of
War, General Hull exhibited fatal irresolution.
“Circumstances, however, may render it necessary to recross the
river with the main body of the army to preserve the communication
for the purpose of obtaining supplies from Ohio,” he wrote. “I am
constantly obliged to make a strong detachment to convoy the provisions
between the foot of the Rapids and Detroit. If nothing should be
done at Niagara and the force should come from the north and east,
as is almost certain, you must be sensible of the difficulties which will
attend my situation. I can promise nothing but my best and most
faithful exertions to promote the honour of the army, and the interest
of my country.” "
On that day he had received Lieutenant Hanks’s official account
of the capture of Mackinac and information leading him to believe
that messengers had been despatched from Amherstburg to that post to
demand immediate assistance. Watson had returned from his raid up
the Thames with information that Major Chambers with fifty regular
soldiers and four pieces of artillery had arrived at Delaware where he
was endeavouring to assemble a body of militia and Indians numbering
five or six hundred. All communication with the River Raisin had
been cut off for the last three days and a considerable body of hostile
Indians was reported in possession of Brownstown.”
A supply column was known to be upon the road from Ohio ap-
proaching the River Raisin. Major Van Horne of Findlay's regiment
was accordingly detailed with one hundred and fifty men of that corps
to escort the mail from Detroit to the River Raisin and return with
the convoy. He was also directed to take with him all the Ohio militia
who had refused to cross into Canada, about a hundred in number.
During the day a report reached the American camp at Sandwich that
a British scouting party had crossed Turkey Creek, and McCullough's
rangers were sent out to gain information. It was ascertained that
some cattle had been driven off the day before and some mounted patrols
were seen at a distance. On his return McCullough asked permission
to join Van Horne's force, which he was allowed to do with three of
* Hull to Eustis, 4th August, 1812; Forbes, Trial, Appendix II, p. 11.
* Letter in Poulson's American, August, 1812.


256 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
his men, all of them being mounted. Van Horne marched that day
as far as the Rivière aux Ecorces, a distance of eleven miles, and
bivouacked. Trails in the grass next morning indicated that their
encampment had been reconnoitred by Indians during the night. The
weather was fair and clear, but a heavy fog hung over the river, which
prevented objects from being seen upon it, although the sound of oars
could be distinctly heard. The march was resumed at an early hour
with the mounted rangers riding some distance in advance. On pass-
ing through the small Indian village at Maguaga it was found to be
entirely deserted by its inhabitants and the houses emptied of their con-
tents. Some distance further on, the road forked at a place known
as the Big Apple Tree, where there was a field of well grown corn in
the fork. Here the rangers separated, Captain McCullough and a
negro taking the road on the left which led down near the river, while
the remainder, followed by the advance guard and main body, advanced
along the other. A few minutes later several shots were heard, and a
party of Indians rushing from the high corn ran across the road between
the main body and rear guard firing upon them as they went, and
escaped into the woods. When the column recovered from the con-
fusion caused by this incident, it was discovered that McCullough and
his companion had both been killed and that the former had been scalped.
The bodies were removed to a house in the village, where they were
concealed. While this was being done the column came to a halt and
was overtaken by a detachment of cavalry escorting the mail from
Detroit, accompanied by some mounted civilians on their way to the
River Raisin, and a French inhabitant informed them that a body
of Indians was lying in ambush at Brownstown. A new formation was
then adopted, in two parallel columns, each headed by three horsemen
marching in file about one hundred yards apart, leaving the road clear
for the mail and packhorses carrying supplies. The advance guard was
composed of twenty-four riflemen under Ensign Roby. Two com-
panies of riflemen and four of infantry formed the main body, and
another company of infantry and the remainder of the cavalry followed
in the rear. In this order they moved forward very slowly and cau-
tiously for four or five miles. Van Horne had been advised to take
a by-road on the right and thus avoid passing through the village of
Brownstown, but failed to obtain any information that would justify
him in leaving a well-known route." Meanwhile, Tecumseh and Elliott
with forty Shawnee and Ottawa warriors lay in wait for them at the
crossing of a miry creek near the village of Brownstown. Here the
road followed the left bank of the creek for some distance before reach-
* Lucas, Journal, pp. 394-8; Walker's Journal, p. 58.

[cRurkshank] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 257
ing the ford and was commanded by higher ground on the opposite
side closely overgrown by thickets. The flat on the left of the road
had been planted with Indian corn, then five or six feet in height, but
interspersed with thickets and clumps of trees. The ford was muddy
and difficult, and in approaching it the columns were obliged to close
together until they were only a few yards apart. It was an ideal place
for an ambuscade, and the Indians were absolutely hidden from sight
in the tall corn and thickets on both sides of the road and in front
in a position to maintain a converging fire upon the column. At the
first volley most of the mounted men in front and several officers were
killed or wounded or unhorsed. Frightened horses plunged madly
through the column throwing it into hopeless confusion. The
musketry from his hidden assailants was so incessant and effective
and their yells so shrill and vehement on both sides of the road
that Van Horne believed he was attacked by a far superior force and
hastily ordered a retreat which soon became a flight. The mounted
escort threw away the mail bags, abandoned the packhorses and galloped
off, followed by many of the infantry at so fast a pace that they com-
pletely outran a small party of Indians who attempted to intercept them.
The pursuit was continued for about three miles, the fugitives scarcely
firing a shot in defence. Many left the road and hid themselves in
the woods. Eighteen were killed, among them being no less than seven
officers, and twelve were wounded but made their escape. Next day
seventy were still reported missing, but a good many of these subse-
quently made their way to Detroit. One young Shawnee was killed and
two Chippewas were wounded. Two unfortunate Americans were cap-
tured and deliberately slaughtered some hours later by the comrades of
the slain Shawnee. Many arms and accoutrements were left on the
field, but the most valuable prize was the mail, which was found to
contain a variety of letters from persons of all ranks in the Amer-
ican army revealing much discontent and want of confidence in their
officers and that sickness was prevalent. A copy of General Hull's
despatch to the Secretary of War of the 4th of August, which thoroughly
disclosed his embarrassment and vacillation of mind, was also taken.
Doubt, hesitation, and apprehension plainly dominated his mind and
he frankly confessed that the situation of his army was critical. His
plans for future operation were completely exposed. Another interesting
document was a letter from Captain McCullough to his wife describing
his exploit of killing and scalping an Indian at the River Canard, which
has been already noticed." - -
* Richardson, Operations, Right Division; Montreal Gazette, 1812; Proc-
ter to Brock, 11th August, 1812; Prevost to Bathurst, 24th August, 1812.
Sec. II., 1907. 17.

258 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The remnant of Van Horne's command rallied at the Rivière aux
Ecorces, where the wounded were despatched to Detroit by water.
Continuing his retreat he met Major Snelling with a detachment of
the 4th United States Infantry at Spring Wells advancing to his sup-
port, but the whole force returned that night to Detroit, spreading
alarm among the garrison and inhabitants by greatly exaggerated
accounts of the number of Indians by whom they had been am-
bushed. Hull himself was so much impressed by this unexpected
disaster that he became convinced that not even the capture of Amherst-
burg would save him from eventual ruin unless his communication
with Ohio could be reopened." Next day McArthur and Cass offered
to proceed with their regiments to the scene of the action to bring in
the dead, but his confidence in the efficiency of these troops had been
so seriously shaken by recent events, that he declined to grant them
permission.” From this time forward both these officers displayed a
strong disposition to criticize his actions unfavourably at every oppor-
tunity. Hull's anxiety for his communications was increased by a
letter from Lieut.-Colonel John Anderson who had assembled the 2nd
Regiment of Michigan militia at the River Raisin, with the exception of
one company stationed at the Miami. He reported that a number of
persons had been killed or made prisoners by Indians near the Huron
River, and that the mail had been taken on its way to Detroit. His
command had but a small supply of ammunition and was greatly dis-
spirited. Numbers of Indians had been seen on their way to Amherst-
burg, and he feared the worst unless quickly reinforced.”
On the other hand, Sergeant Forbush of the 4th United States
Infantry, who was a prisoner at Amherstburg, had contrived to transmit
a letter to the captain of his company, informing him that the garrison
of that place was extremely weak, and that on the night of the 1st of
August the prisoners alone might have taken it, as the whole of the
regular troops except a sergeant's guard had crossed the river.”
The commanding officers of corps were again assembled, and after
considerable discussion, declared in favour of an immediate offensive
movement, and Hull announced that in deference to their opinion he
would direct an advance. Orders were accordingly issued directing all
men on fatigue duty to rejoin their regiments. Three days’ rations
were drawn on August 7th, which the men were instructed to cook for a
movement next day. -
* Defence, p. 80.
* Lucas, Journal, p. 400.
* Anderson to Hull, August 4th, 1812.
*Walker's Journal, pp. 56-8. -

CRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 259
Before nightfall, however, Hull received letters from Generals Hall
and Porter at Buffalo, warning him that boats filled with troops had
been seen some days before crossing Lake Ontario from York to Bur-
lington, and that some of the British regulars on the Niagara had also
moved westward by water. Watson again returned from the Thames
with information that General Brock was embarking troope at Fort
Erie. Hull then stated his intention of leaving an adequate garrison
in the redoubt and withdrawing the remainder of his force from Sand-
wich to Detroit. Colonel McArthur, senior officer of the Ohio Volun-
teers, was selected for the command of the garrison of this work, which
was to consist of his own regiment, but that officer stoutly objected, even
accusing his superior of a design to sacrifice him with the deliberate
intention of provoking the latter to place him under arrest. Hull
kept his temper under circumstances of great provocation, and substi-
tuted Major Denny, detailing as a garrison for the redoubt twenty
artillery men with two guns, one company of the 4th United States
Infantry and two hundred Ohio Volunteers, being mostly men considered
unfit for field service. The passage of the river occupied the greater
part of the night as there was considerable disorder and insubordination.
Next day Lieut.-Colonel Miller was placed in command of a picked force
detailed to re-open the communication and escort the convoy of supplies
from the River Raisin to Detroit. It consisted of a detachment of
artillery with a howitzer and six pounder field gun, Sloan's troop of
Ohio Dragoons, a detachment of the 1st and all the effective men of
the 4th United States Infantry, one company from each of the Ohio
regiments, and one from the Michigan Legion, numbering in all 650
officers and men.” Advancing to the River Rouge that night, Miller
crossed it in boats early next morning and resumed his march, the
cavalry, artillery and supply waggons moving upon the road, while the
infantry marched in parallel columns on either side protected by
flank guards of riflemen. His progress was so slow and circum-
spect that it was three o’clock in the afternoon before his advance
reached Maguaga, only fourteen miles from Detroit. The movement
had been observed by Tecumseh’s scouts early in the day and reported
to Procter at Amherstburg, who promptly ordered Captain Adam Muir
of the 41st Regiment to cross the river with a detachment which would
increase the number of troops at Brownstown to ninety rank and file,
half of whom were soldiers of the 41st, and the remainder volunteers
from the Essex militia commanded by Captains Caldwell and Elliott.
* Hull, Defence, pp. 53-70; James Foster, The Capitulation.
* Lucas, Journal, p. 401; Walker's Journal, pp. 59-61.

26O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Muir was a veteran of thirty years' service and tried courage who had
risen from the ranks to be sergeant-major and eventually adjutant of
his regiment.
Upon landing he was joined by Tecumseh and Walk-in-the-Water
at the head of 130 Hurons and Shawnees, and Colonel Caldwell with
70 Western Indians, chiefly Ottawas and Pottawatomies. Instead of
awaiting the attack at the creek near Brownstown, where Van Horne
had been so successfully ambushed, they moved forward into the com-
paratively open ground in the oak woods near Maguaga. Here they
selected a position behind a slight ridge which intersected the road
nearly at right angles and began to form a hasty intrenchment of fallen
timber. While so engaged they were reinforced by Lieutenant Richard
Bullock with sixty picked men of the 41st, who had arrived that
morning from Fort Erie in the Hunter, and were at once sent for-
ward to support Muir. The centre of the position on either side
of the road was occupied by the 41st with a detachment of the
Essex militia on its flanks, an open space in front affording them a
clear field of fire of sixty or eighty yards. Caldwell’s Indians on the
right were extended across a hollow into a cornfield. Between this field
and the river there was a strip of woodland which was entirely unoc-
cupied for the want of a sufficient force. The Indians commanded by
Tecumseh and Walk-in-the-Water were extended on the left, sending
forward a small party to occupy a tract of woods in front and gain
information of the enemy’s approach." Near the deserted Indian village
of Maguaga some of these scouts fired upon the American advance guard,
killing a man of the Michigan Legion and wounding another. The entire
column instantly deployed into line and advanced a considerable dis-
tance without encountering any opposition, when the column of march
was again formed. An hour later the action was begun by Tecumseh’s
advanced party firing upon the horsemen which headed the column from
both sides of the road with such effect that a general deployment took
place and the guns were ordered to clear the woods. The howitzer
was almost immediately disabled by the horses running away and dash-
ing a wheel of its carriage to pieces against the trunk of a tree. The
field piece opened fire and musketry became general along their line.
At the first discharge of this gun Lieutenant-Colonel Miller was thrown
from his horse and badly bruised.” After the lapse of some minutes
he remounted, and ordered a general advance with fixed bayonets, by
which the Indians engaged were driven back upon the main position,
* Richardson, War of 1812, pp. 34-8; Dalliba, Narrative.
* Lucas, Journal, pp. 401-2; Walker's Journal, pp. 59-61.

ſcruiksha Nk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 261
retiring from tree to tree at full speed. In effecting their retreat
some of them were mistaken for the enemy by men of the 41st, who
opened fire upon them which was as quickly returned, thereby causing
momentary confusion. When the American line actually came into the
open ground it was, however, instantly checked by a succession of heavy
volleys, the 41st being protected by their extemporized breastworks and
the Indians and militia springing from their cover to deliver their fire
and instantly disappearing again. After the contest had continued in
this manner for about half an hour, Miller directed Major Morrison
commanding the Michigan Legion and a company of Ohio militia on
his left to turn the right of the British position, while Major Van Horne
was to attempt a similar movement on the other flank. Guided by
Captain Dequindre of the former corps, who was familiar with the
ground, Morrison succeeded in gradually working his way into the woods
between the cornfield and the river, having his horse killed and losing
some men in the operation. By this time the regular infantry had
advanced across the cleared ground in front under cover of the smoke
until they were within twenty-five or thirty paces of the British position,
where they prepared for a charge." At this moment Captain Muir,
who was standing immediately behind Lieut. Sutherland of the 41st,
saw an American soldier in the act of taking deliberate aim at them,
and hastily placing his musket upon his companion’s shoulder, he fired
at this man, who instantly fell dead, while the bullet from his rifle
wounded Sutherland in the cheek and neck and passed through the
brass ornament on Muir's shoulder. Another shot soon after wounded
the latter officer in the leg, and, finding that his position was being
turned in such a manner as to endanger his retreat to his boats, he
gave the order to retire by sound of the bugle. This was done at the
double in considerable disorder and with some loss until they gained
the crest of another ridge commanding a bridge over a small stream,
where the men were rallied and again formed in line. Tecumseh on
the left had made a wide extension in the woods in the hope of out-
flanking the Americans in that direction, but then discovered that his
own right was being turned and was accordingly forced to retire in a
westerly direction, warmly pursued by Major Van Horne with his detach-
ment of Ohio riflemen. He skilfully withdrew from one position after
another in the expectation of eventually leading them into an ambush,
but warned by his recent disaster, Van Horne succeeded in keeping his
men well in hand and restraining them from following far into the woods.
The sound of firing in this quarter led Muir to believe that his left
* Lucas; Walker.

262 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
flank had been turned, and finding that he was separated from the main
body of the Indians, he once more gave orders for a retreat which was
accomplished without molestation, to his boats in which he embarked
and recrossed the river. Three privates of the 41st were killed in
this affair, and two officers and thirteen men wounded, two of the latter
being left on the field and taken prisoners. Lieutenant Robert Liv-
ingston of the Mackinac Volunteers, who led a party of Western Indians,
was also badly wounded and taken, and the Indians reported a total loss
of two killed and six wounded, among the latter being Tecumseh him-
self, who was slightly injured in the neck by a buckshot."
Miller ordered his cavalry to charge along the road in pursuit,
but Captain Sloan failed to obey, and when he succeeded in reforming
his infantry for a fresh advance, his enemy had disappeared. A strong
patrol was sent forward as far as the village of Brownstown, which they
found deserted, and saw a number of boats filled with troops recrossing
the river. His loss had been quite severe. In their frontal attack
his regular infantry had lost ten killed, and four officers and forty-one
men wounded. The Ohio and Michigan Volunteers, who were less
exposed, lost eight killed and two officers and eleven men wounded.
During the action all of his men had thrown aside their haversacks,
containing two days’ provisions, few of which were recovered before it
became dark, as Miller would not permit them to straggle but en-
camped for the night in order of battle. Heavy rain soon began to fall,
which continued without intermission until morning. When daylight
returned his men were too much exhausted by their exertions, combined
with loss of sleep and hunger, to resume their march, and he was himself
prostrated by an attack of fever and ague brought on by exposure.
The road had become heavy, and an officer was sent back to request
reinforcements and a supply of provisions before advancing further.
The dead were buried and an Indian cabin burned to conceal the graves,
and a patrol went out to search for a missing man whose body was
found in the woods. While thus engaged, one of the party was shot
dead by a wounded Indian who lay disabled on the field, having had
a leg and an arm broken in the action, but managed to discharge his
musket with fatal effect. This unfortunate fellow was at once put to
death by the Americans, who were much impressed by his fierce and
undaunted bearing.”
During the day some troops from Amherstburg landed upon Grosse
Isle with a howitzer, and began throwing shells in the direction of the
* Dalliba, Narrative; Richardson, Right Division; Coffin, War; Brown:
McAfee; Proctor to Brock, 11th August, 1812.
* Walker's Journal, pp. 59-61.

[CRUIKshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 263
American camp. In the afternoon Colonel McArthur arrived in boats
from Detroit with a supply of provisions, escorted by one hundred men
of his regiment. Colonel Godefroi followed by land with two companies
of Michigan militia to remove the wounded to Detroit. When the
provisions had been landed the wounded were embarked in these boats,
which slowly began to ascend the river. This movement was observed
by the party upon Grosse Isle, and in response to their signals, the
Hunter weighed anchor and came around the upper end of the island,
where she lay across the channel to intercept them and began firing
upon the Michigan militia who were then marching through the village
of Maguaga. McArthur landed the wounded, which were removed in
waggons, and abandoned his boats, eleven in number, which were taken
by the Hunter. While on the march to rejoin Miller, McArthur's force
was harassed by a party of western Indians concealed in the woods,
and the escort with the wounded was fired upon by a gunboat lying
off the mouth of the Rivière aux Ecorces. Boats were observed cross-
ing the river from Amherstburg to Brownstown, and messengers were
sent off to Detroit to request a further reinforcement. At sunset
peremptory orders arrived from Hull directing Miller to abandon the
expedition and return at once. Large fires were built up to give the
impression that he intended to remain encamped for the night, and at
midnight the retreat was begun under very unfavourable circumstances
as the night was dark and the roads heavy with mud. Many of his
men lost their shoes and were quite exhausted by daybreak when they
reached the Rivière aux Ecorces, but greatly relieved because they had
not been attacked on the march. After halting here for some hours,
the column arrived at Detroit about noon on August 12th, thoroughly
fatigued and dispirited, although some of the men boastfully carried
fresh scalps upon the points of their bayonets. Greatly to their sur-
prise they discovered a British force in possession of Sandwich and
busily engaged in throwing up batteries."
By this time Hull had learned that a reinforcement from Fort
Erie had arrived at Amherstburg, which was reported to consist of four
hundred men and that a party of dragoons had appeared at Allen's
Mills, in the township of Delaware, where they had captured two of
Watson's scouts. Major Denny was ordered to destroy the redoubt at
Sandwich and recross the river that night. When it became dark the
guns were removed and the stockade was set on fire. The flames soon
spread to Gowie's house, which was also consumed. A British patrol
entered the village a few hours later. Hull even proposed to abandon
* Lucas, Journal, pp. 401-4; walker's Journal, pp. 62–3.

264 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Detroit altogether before his position became worse, and retreat to the
Miami, where he hoped to be able to maintain his army until relieved;
but upon suggesting this to Colonel Cass, that officer remarked that if
he did this, the Ohio regiments would desert to a man and return to
their homes." He then wrote to Governor Scott of Kentucky, to Gov-
ernor Meigs and to Colonel Samuel Wells of the 17th United states
Infantry, urging them in the strongest terms to despatch troops to his
assistance without further delay. To the latter officer he wrote:-
“The fall of Michilimackinac and the tardy operations of our
army at Niagara, and almost all the Indians having become hostile,
have totally changed the prospects of this army; my communication is
almost entirely cut off; there are but small quantities of provisions, and
the most fatal consequences must ensue unless the communication is
soon reopened and very strong reinforcements arrive.”
As soon as General Brock became aware of the declaration of war
he established his headquarters at Fort George. A letter from Colonel
St. George, dated July 15th, reached him here on the 20th, giving him .
the first reliable information of the invasion, and also enclosing a copy
of General Hull's proclamation and a return of his force captured in
the schooner Cuyahoga Packet... The misconduct of the militia and
St. George's evident irresolution caused him to despatch Colonel Henry
Procter of the 41st Regiment, a more self-reliant and energetic officer,
to take over the command. Unless he succeeded in holding the line
of the Canard River, the speedy fall of Amherstburg and the movement
of a strong force of the enemy up the Thames must be anticipated. The
prospect seemed decidedly discouraging.
“Were it possible to animate the militia to a proper sense of their
duty,” he wrote to the Governor-General: “ something might yet be
done, but I almost despair . . . . I am now given to understand
that General Hull's insidious proclamation has already been productive
of considerable effect on the minds of the people. In fact, a general
sentiment prevails that with the present force, resistance is unavailing.
I shall continue to exert myself to the utmost to overcome every
difficulty.” "
A vigorous counter-proclamation in the composition of which he
appears to have been assisted by Chief Justice Powell, was immediately
prepared and printed for distribution. No time was lost in recalling
the men of the Lincoln flank companies who had been allowed to go
* Hull, Defence, p. 82.
* Hull to Wells, 11th August, 1812, in Buffalo Gazette, 15th September,
1812.
* Brock to Prevost, 20th July, 1812.

ſcruikshank] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 265
home to work in the harvest-fields, and the remainder of those regiments
were warned to be in readiness for immediate active service. Two
hundred of the First and Second Norfolk and the Oxford and Middle-
sex regiments, under Major George C. Salmon, were ordered to assemble
at Oxford and advance to the Moravian village in the Township of
Delaware, where they were to await the arrival of Major Chambers
with fifty men of the 41st Regiment from Fort George. Lieut. Wil-
liam Hamilton Merritt, an intelligent and enterprising young officer,
was ordered from his station at Chippawa with half a dozen troopers
of the Provincial cavalry to precede this movement. The difficulty of
equipping and supplying even so small a force as this was considerable,
and day by day most discouraging news continued to arrive. On July
26th he learned with dismay and amazement that the Indians of the
Grand River, who had hitherto made the strongest professions of loyalty,
had decided to remain neutral after the return of several of their chiefs
from a visit to Detroit, and with the exception of about fifty, all their
warriors had positively refused to join Chambers. Their dubious atti-
tude had an intimidating effect upon the militia in the vicinity, who
became naturally reluctant to leave their families at the mercy of several
hundred Indians whose intentions they had strong reason to suspect.
As Brock remarked, “they become more apprehensive of the internal
than the external enemy and would willingly have compromised.” "
Only the paramount necessity of being present at the special session
of the Legislature, which he had summoned to meet on the following
day, prevented Brock from hastening westward at once instead of pro-
ceeding to York for that purpose. The session was opened by him with
the following vigorous speech:- - - -
“The urgency of the present crisis is the only consideration which
could have induced me to call you together at a time when public (as
well as private) duties elsewhere demand your care and attention.
“But, gentlemen, when invaded by an enemy whose avowed object
is the entire conquest of this province, the voice of loyalty, as well as of
interest, calls aloud to every person in the sphere in which he is placed
to defend his country. - - -
“Our militia have heard that voice and obeyed it. They have
evinced by the promptitude and loyalty of their conduct that they are
worthy of the King whom they serve, and the Constitution which they
enjoy, and it affords me particular satisfaction that while I address you
as legislators, I speak to men who, in the day of danger, will be ready
to assist not only with their counsel, but with their arms. We look,
* Brock to Prevost, July 26th; Brock to Baynes, July 29th.

266 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
gentlemen, to our militia, then, as well as to the regular forces for our
Protection, but I should be wanting to that important trust committed
to my care if I attempted to conceal that experience, that great instructor
of mankind, and especially of legislators, has shewn that amendment is
necessary in our militia laws to render them efficient.
“It is for you to consider what further improvement they may still
require.”
He then strongly urged the immediate suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act, and concluded with these resolute sentences:
“A few traitors have already joined the enemy; have been suffered
to come into the country with impunity and have been harboured and
concealed in the interior, yet the general spirit of loyalty which appears
to pervade the inhabitants of this province, is such as to authorize a
just expectation that their efforts to mislead and deceive will be un-
availing. The disaffected, I am convinced, are few. To protect and
defend the loyal inhabitants from their machinations is an object worthy
of your most serious deliberations.
“We are engaged in an awful and eventful contest. By unanimity
in our councils and by vigour in our operations we may teach the enemy
this lesson: That a country defended by Freemen enthusiastically
devoted to the cause of their King and country can never be con-
quered.”
Lieut.-Colonel Allan Maclean, of Kingston, was elected speaker of
the Assembly, and the loyal disposition of the majority of the members
could not be doubted for an instant, but several of them were evidently
irresolute and averse to accept responsibility for any measure that seemed
likely to be unpopular.
“A more decent House has not been elected since the formation
of the Province,” Brock wrote next day, “but I perceived at once that
I should get no good of them. They, like the majority of the magis-
trates and others in office, evidently mean to remain passive. The
repeal of the Habeas Corpus will not pass, and if I have recourse to
the law martial I am told that the whole armed force will disperse.
Never was an officer placed in a more awkward predicament. The
militia cannot possibly be governed by the present law — all admit that
fact – yet the fear of giving offence will prevent anything effectual
from being effected.” “
The Hon. James Baby came from Amherstburg to take his seat in
the Legislative Council, bringing with him the dispiriting intelligence
* York Gazette, August, 1812.
* Brock to Prevost, 28th July.

ICRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 267
that the militia about Long Point, upon whom full reliance had been
placed, had refused to join Chambers, and giving a dismal account of the
prospect in the Western District generally." On learning this, Brock
well nigh lost heart.
“My situation is getting each day more critical,” he wrote. “I
still mean to try and send a force to the relief of Amherstburg, but
almost despair of succeeding. The population, although I had no great
confidence in the majority, is worse than I expected to find it, and the
magistrates, etc., appear quite confounded and decline acting; the con-
sequence is the most improper conduct is tolerated. The officers of
militia exert no authority. Everything shows as if a certainty existed
of a change taking place soon. But I still hope the arrival of rein-
forcements may yet avert such a dire calamity. Many in that case
would be active in our cause who are dormant.””
A despatch from Captain Roberts announcing the capture of
Mackinac, received on the 29th, afforded some encouragement, and the
militia assembled at York volunteered for service in any part of the
provice without hesitation. One hundred picked men were at once
ordered to Long Point, where he decided to assemble the force intended
for the relief of Amherstburg.” Robert’s success might produce a great
change in the affairs of the West, and Brock continued “to speak loud
and look big,” although he was still far from feeling confident.
“My situation is most critical,” he informed Colonel Baynes, “not
from anything the enemy can do, but from the disposition of the peo-
ple—the population, believe me, is essentially bad — a full belief pos-
sesses them all that this province must inevitably succumb – this
prepossession is fatal to every exertion. Legislators, magistrates, militia
officers, all have imbibed the idea and are so sluggish and indifferent
in their respective offices that the artful and active scoundrel is allowed
to parade the country without interruption and commit all imaginable
mischief. They are so alarmed of offending that they rather encourage
than repress disorders and other improper acts. I really believe it is
with some cause that they dread the vengeance of the democratic party,
they are such a set of unrelenting villains.”
During the afternoon he embarked on the Prince Regent for
Niagara to expedite the movement of troops from that frontier and
to make arrangements with Lieut.-Colonel Myers for its defence during
* Hon. J. Baby to Captain Glegg, 27th July, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 219.
* Brock to Prevost, 28th July, Can. Arch., C 676, p. 217.
* Brock to Prevost, July 29th, Scadding, Toronto of Old, pp. 78-9. This
detachment was officered by Captain Stephen Heward, Lieuts. Richardson,
Jarvis and Robinson, Sergeants Knott, Humberstone, Bond and Bridgeport.

268 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
his absence in the west. He had already determined to prorogue
the Legislature as soon as he returned, being greatly chagrined by the
rejection of the bill to authorize him to suspend the Habeas Corpus
Act, which had been lost in the House of Assembly by a majority of
two votes." - -
On August 3rd he returned to York and presided at an emergency
meeting of the Executive Council, which was attended by six members.
Brock informed them, with considerable warmth and possibly some
exaggeration, “that the Lower House of Assembly, instead of prompt
exertions to strengthen his hands for the government of the militia,
providing for security from internal treason by partial suspension of
the Habeas Corpus Act, authorizing a partial exercise of martial law,
concurrently with the ordinary course of justice, and placing at his
disposal for the defence of the Province the funds not actually applied
upon past appropriations, had consumed eight days in carrying a single
measure of party — the repeal of the School Bill and passing an act
for the public disclosure of treasonable practices before the magistrate
should have power to commit without hail,” and “ that the militia in a
perfect state of insubordination had withdrawn from the ranks in active
service, had refused to march when legally commanded, to reinforce a
detachment of the regular force for the relief of Amherstburg, had
insulted their officers, and some not immediately embodied had mani-
fested in many instances a treasonable spirit of neutrality or disaffection.
“That the Indians on the Grand River, tampered with by the
disaffected whites, had withdrawn from their volunteer services and
declared for a neutrality, which, in respect of them, was equally inad-
missible, as with the King’s other subjects.
“That in the Western and London several persons had negotiated
with the enemy’s commander, hailing his arrival and pledging support.”
In this situation he feared that little result could be expected
from military operations against the invaders, “unless more powerful
restraint could be imposed on the militia than the actual law admitted.”
and he was invested with “power to restrain the general population
from treasonable adherence with the enemy or neutrality by summary
proceeding and punishment,” and requested their advice as to the expedi-
ency of immediately proroguing the Legislature and proclaiming martial
law. The Council adjourned until next day for deliberation.
In a letter written that afternoon to Colonel Baynes, Brock em-
phatically declared that the Assembly had refused to do anything that
they were asked.
* Brock to Prevost, 29th July.

[CRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 269
“Everybody considers the fate of the country is settled and is
afraid to appear in the least conspicuous to retard it. A petition has
already been carried to General Hull, signed by many inhabitants about
Westminster, inviting him to advance, with a promise to join him.
The ungrateful and infamous conduct of the Indians on the Grand
River is still more mortifying.” - -
His determination to prorogue the Legislature was confirmed by
the knowledge that a motion had been carried in the Assembly to the
effect that it would be lawful for the militia to return to their homes
in case they did not receive their pay upon a certain fixed date." -
On reassembling, the Executive Council reported unanimously that
it was expedient upon the prorogation of the Assembly to proclaim and
exercise martial law.
On the 5th of August the Assembly was accordingly prorogued,
after adopting a most spirited address to the inhabitants of the Province,
in which they declared that “the spirit of loyalty had burst forth in
all its ancient splendour,” and that “the militia in all parts of the
Province have volunteered their services with acclamation and displayed
a degree of energy worthy of the British name.”
This address was printed and widely circulated. In conjunction
with Brock’s proclamation it had a marked effect upon the well-disposed
inhabitants. There was no longer any difficulty in obtaining volunteers
for the proposed expedition to relieve Amherstburg. As it was not
advisable to weaken the militia force on the Niagara frontier, Captain
Samuel Hatt, of the 5th Lincoln Regiment, was authorized to enlist a
company of volunteers at Ancaster, in which he quickly succeeded and
marched to Port Dover, with two officers and sixty-two non-commissioned
officers and privates. Eighty-three volunteeers were selected from the
1st and 3rd York Regiments by Captain Stephen Heward, in addition
to Captain Peter Robinson's rifle company from the 1st York, consist-
ing of two officers and twenty-two non-commissioned officers and privates.
These detachments crossed the lake in open boats to Burlington Bay,
and marched across the country to Port Dover, where Lieut.-Colonel
Nichol was collecting boats for the transportation of four hundred men.
Lieut. Merritt had already performed effective service with his
small party of dragoons. After riding hard for two days he arrived
at Oxford on the last day of July, accompanied by only six troopers.
Lieut.-Colonel Henry Bostwick had begun to assemble the Oxford Regi-
ment at that place, and it was reported that Watson was at Delaware
with about a dozen horsemen. Merritt at once determined to push
* Brock to Prevost, 4th August, 1812.

27O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
forward as rapidly as possible in the hope of surprising him. When
he arrived within a few miles of this place he met Lieut. Tiffany, of
the Middlesex militia, who informed him that Watson was at Allen's
Mills with a well armed party, and that all the inhabitants would join
him. He took possession of a house about six miles distant, stating
that his men were a part of Watson's command, and thus inducing the
disaffected inhabitants to disclose their feelings. About a dozen of
them were made prisoners, and a messenger was sent off to Bostwick
to request a reinforcement. When this arrived next day, under Bost-
wick himself, they moved forward, captured twº of Watson's men, and
surrounded the mills, but found that he had effected his escape. Re-
turning to Oxford, Merritt learned that Major Chambers had arrived
at Burford, where he went to meet him and was at once despatched to
Fort George to request a reinforcement of cavalry. On his arrival
there he was informed that Brock had just sailed for York, but followed
in a row boat and overtook him. Greatly pleased with the young offi-
cer’s zeal and activity, the General directed him to rejoin Chambers with
a cornet and twenty troopers."
At first Chambers met with little encouragement in his efforts to
assemble the militia. As has been already stated, there were many
recent immigrants from the United States in the vicinity of Burford
and Oxford who had little attachment to the Government. One of
their number, an itinerant “minister of the gospel,” relates that many
of them were offended at Hull's invitation to take up arms to assist
him from freeing them from tyranny,” for if they had been under any,
“ they could at any time have crossed into the United States.” ” But
when a militia officer came to warn them for service most of them pro-
mised to turn out, but instead of doing so, concealed themselves in the
woods to await the course of events. When ordered to assemble at
Oxford, many of the Middlesex militia absolutely refused, alleging their
personal dislike of Colonel Talbot, their commanding officer. Timothy
Collver, an ensign in the Norfolk militia; John Beamer, a Justice of
the Peace, and another man, whose name has not been recorded, rode
about among their acquaintances in the vicinity of Long Point advising
them to disobey the order. Beamer presided over a public meeting, at
which it was decided to refuse to take up arms, but the prompt action
of Bostwick and Merritt in marching against the raiders at Delaware,
coupled with the arrival of Chamber's detachment at Burford, restored
confidence among the loyalists, and within a week about one hundred
* Smith, View of Upper Canada.
* Merritt, Journal.

[cRurkshANR) GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 271
volunteers assembled at Oxford, whither Chambers advanced and was
joined by Merritt's dragoons." - -
on the afternoon of August 5th, Brock embarked with his personal
staff in a small schooner for Burlington.” Two days later he passed
through the Indian Reserve on the Grand River, and held a brief con-
ference with some of the leading chiefs, with the result that Norton
promised to join him at Dover in three days' time with sixty warriors.
Next day he arrived at that place, where he found nearly five hundred
militia already assembled, including the detachments from the Lincoln
and York regiments. Most of them were the sons of men who had
fought for the unity of the Empire in the American Revolution, and all
appeared zealous and resolute. His first step was to direct the arrest
of Beamer and other disaffected persons, who were sent away under
guard. He reviewed the militia and addressed them in his usual curt
and incisive manner, extolling their patriotism, and stating his intention
of proceeding at once to Amherstburg whence he should not return until
the invaders were driven out of the country. He concluded by declar-
ing that he had unlimited conſidence in their loyalty and courage, and
asked all those who were willing to follow him to volunteer their services
at once. This speech excited great enthusiasm and officers and men
volunteered in a body. Few of the boats collected there were service-
able for a long voyage, and the work of refitting them caused a delay
of twenty-four hours. One hundred men, including a small detach-
ment of Captain Swayze's Lincoln Artillery, in charge of a six pounder
gun, were embarked in a small schooner which set sail at once, and the
remainder, about two hundred and fifty in number, followed next day
in open row boats, accompanied by twenty Indians, under Mr. Cadotte,
in a large canoe. Means of transportation were still wanting for one
hundred men, who were directed to march overland, preceded by Mer-
ritt's party of dragoons.”
About four o’clock on the afternoon of the 8th Brock got under way
with his flotilla of ten boats, many of which were in such a leaky state
that they had to be constantly bailed out, entailing both delay and
fatigue. At the last moment Chambers suddenly fell ill and had to
remain behind, but overtook the expedition two days later in company
with Robinson’s rifle company, which had also been detained until a
boat could be secured to convey them. On the evening of the 9th
heavy rain began to fall, which continued with little intermission for
* Smith, View; Merritt, Journal.
* Letter from to , York, 5th August, 1812.
* Lt.-Col. Macdonell to Duncan Cameron, 10th August, 1812; Read's Life
of Brock, pp. 150-1; Myers to Prevost, 171th August, 1812.

272 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
twenty-four hours, thoroughly drenching everybody. This was cheer-
fully endured and they moved steadily onward until the morning of the
10th, when the lake became so rough that they were forced to put into
a creek near Port Talbot until the wind fell sufficiently to permit them
to take the lake again. Next day a few hours' hard pulling brought
them to the mouth of another small stream in the township of Ald-
borough, which still bears the name of Brock's Creek, where a second
landing was made to rest the men, who were considerably fatigued by
their exertions and lack of sleep. Orders were issued for a strict
inspection of arms and ammunition as the boats must now pass along
a part of the coast which had been visited by scouting parties of the
enemy. Re-embarking at midnight, they overtook the schooner next
morning at Point aux Pins. At nightfall they again pushed forward,
great precautions being taken to keep the boats together and guard
against surprise, as no information of any kind had been received from
the garrison at Amherstburg since leaving Port Dover. The inspiring
example of Brock kept the whole force on the alert and in the best of
spirits. Shortly before midnight on the 13th the expedition arrived
at Amherstburg and was welcomed by a regular feu de joie of musketry
from the Indian encampment on Bois Blanc Island. All ranks were
much elated to learn that the invaders had already retreated to their
own territory and that Colonel Procter had re-occupied Sandwich, where
he had begun to construct batteries. Brock did not fail to stimulate
his followers to further exertions by well considered words of praise.
“In no instance,” he declared in a General Order published next day,
“ have I witnessed greater cheerfulness than was displayed by these
troops under the fatigue of a long journey in boats and during extremely
bad weather, and it is but justice to this little band to add that their
conduct throughout excited my admiration.”
Procter was warmly commended for his judicious measures, which
had brought about the evacuation of the Province by the invaders, while
Colonel Elliott, Major McKee, and other officers of the Indian Depart-
ment were thanked for their adroit management of the Indians and
their gallantry in the field. He expressed surprise at the numerous
desertions from the militia, but tactfully added that he was willing to
believe that “their conduct proceeded from an anxiety to get in their
harvests, and not from any predilection for the principles or govern-
ment of the United States.” He announced his intention of employ-
ing “the whole physical force of the country to drive the enemy to such
a distance as to ensure its tranquility,” and the officers commanding
militia corps were consequently instructed to have every man liable to
service immediately mustered or treated as a deserter in default of his

[CRUIKshANR) GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 273
appearance. The force in the district was organized into three brigades,
the first of which, commanded by Lieut.-Colonel St. George, was com-
posed of a detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and the
whole of the 1st and 2nd Essex and Kent regiments of militia;
the second, under Major Chambers, consisted of fifty men of the 41st
and the detachments of the Lincoln, Norfolk, Oxford and York militia
which had accompanied Brock from Port Dover, and the third, under
Major Joseph Tallon, consisted of two hundred and fifty officers and
men of the 41st Regiment. The field artillery, three six pounders and
two three pounders, manned by five non-commissioned officers and
twenty-four privates of Holcroft’s company of the Fourth Battalion of
Royal Artillery, was commanded by Lieutenant Felix Troughton.
Brock’s efforts to re-assemble the militia were so far successful that
within twenty-four hours after his arrival at Amherstburg, more than
five hundred of the Essex and Kent Regiments mustered there in good
spirits and apparently willing to take the field. At the suggestion of
Major Thomas Evans, Brigade Major at Fort George, the cast-off uni-
forms of the 41st Regiment had been sent to Amherstburg for the
purpose of clothing the militia, and, being now distributed among them,
doubled the apparent number of his regular troops. Two batteries,
nearly opposite the fort at Detroit, were being rapidly constructed under
the directions of Captain Dixon. During the course of the day Captain
John Norton arrived from the Grand River, with fully one hundred and
fifty warriors of the Six Nations, and the number of the Western In-
dians, although constantly fluctuating, was, on the whole, steadily
increasing, and they had maintained possession of Brownstown since
the recent action without being disturbed.”
A meeting was arranged with the principal chiefs and warriors.
Among these Tecumseh naturally took the first place. “A more Saga-
cious and more gallant warrior does not, I believe, exist,” Brock wrote
soon after. “He was the admiration of every one who conversed with
him. From a life of dissipation he has not only become in every respect
abstemious, but has also prevailed on all his own nation and many of
other tribes to follow his example.”
Major Glegg, who was present, gave the following minute descrip-
tion of the Shawnee chief, as seen by him that day:
“Tecumseh’s appearance was very prepossessing; his figure light
and finely proportioned; his age I imagined to be about five and thirty;
in height, five feet nine or ten inches; his complexion, light copper;
countenance, oval, with bright hazel eyes, and beaming cheerfulness,
* Brock to Evans, 17th August.
-
* Quebec Mercury.
Sec. II., 1907. 18.

274 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
energy and decision. Three small silver crosses or coronets were sus-
pended from the lower cartilage of his aquiline nose, and a large silver
medallion of George the Third, which, I believe, his ancestor had
received from Lord Dorchester when Givernor-General of Canada, was
attached to a mixed-coloured wanpum string and hung around his neck.
His dress consisted of a plain, neat uniform, tanned deerskin jacket,
with long trousers of the same material, the seams of both being cov-
ered with neatly cut fringe, and he had on his feet leather moccasins
much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the por-
cupine.” "
Upon his head he sometimes wore a deerskin cap and sometimes a
white shawl twisted into the shape of a turban, to which was attached
an ostrich feather, a highly prized gift from Mrs. Elliott. His manner
was invariably courteous and self-possessed, and he readily accommo-
dated himself to the manners and customs of the white people with
whom he became acquainted. On all occasions he resolutely declined
to taste spirituous liquors of any kind, explaining that he had learned
their degrading effects by personal experience when quite a young man,
and had made a vow that henceforth he would drink nothing but water.
He showed little respect for the artifices by which the Prophet had
gained his ascendency, and usually spoke of him as “my foolish brother.”
He was accompanied by his son, a fair and slender lad of fourteen or
fifteen, to whom he seemed warmly attached. For six or seven years
past he had been continually on the move engaged in the self-imposed
task of forming a general confederacy of all the Indians against the
United States. With this object he had repeatedly visited the Creeks
and Cherokees of the South, as well as all the tribes of the North-West,
including the Osages and Dakotas, whose hunting grounds extended far
beyond the Mississippi. Even when he did not succeed in convincing
his hearers, his sincerity and passionate eloquence never failed to gain
their respect and make a powerful impression on them. Second only
to him in influence were the Wvandot chiefs, Roundhead and Walk-in-
the-Water. The Prophet had lost so much prestige since the affair at
Tippecanoe that he had sunk into comparative insignificance. The
entire number of Indians assembled in the vicinity of the council house,
including women and children, was not less than a thousand.
Brock declared at once that he had come to drive their enemies
from Detroit and restore to the Indians their rightful hunting grounds,
extending to the Ohio river, their ancient boundary. Tecumseh replied,
with his usual force and eloquence, assuring him of his hearty support,
1. Cf., also Richardson, Canadian Brothers, I, p. 55, and Lucubrations of
Humphrey Ravelin, pp. 340-3.

ſcruiksha Nk] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 275
while the hall resounded with the excited whoops of his fellow-warriors,
who sprang wildly to their feet brandishing their weapons in the air.
At a private conference with a few of their chiefs, Brock spoke of the
difficulty he had found in obtaining satisfactory information respecting
the course of the roads and streams on the American side of the Detroit,
and Tecumseh rapidly sketched a neat map of the country with the
point of his hunting knife upon a roll of birch bark."
Much encouraged by the result of this meeting and the alacrity
with which the militia were mustering, Brock continued his preparations
for a vigorous offensive movement. The Queen Charlotte and General
Hunter, with the whole of the gun-boats, were sent up the river to the
vicinity of Spring Wells. These vessels were still very weakly manned,
as the whole of the Provincial Marine force at his disposal at this date
numbered only five officers and 128 petty officers and seamen, including
the impressed voyageurs. Brock went forward to Sandwich, where
Captain Dixon was still busily engaged in the construction of batteries,
and after leaving a slender garrison of militia in the works at Amherst-
burg, the remainder of the troops were put in motion. During the day
Dixon had met with no molestation, although working parties were seen
similarly engaged on the opposite bank, and when night fell, his bat-
teries were ready to receive their guns. Before noon of the 15th,
these were placed in position, and most of the troops from Amherstburg
having arrived, Brock decided to summon the garrison of Detroit to
surrender without further delay. After a statement that the force
at his disposal fully authorized him to make this demand, he added
significantly:-" It is far from my inclination to join in a war of
extermination * (borrowing this phrase from Hull's own proclamation),
“but you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians who have
attached themselves to my troops will be beyond my control the moment
the contest commences. You will find me disposed to enter into such
conditions as will satisfy a most scrupulous sense of honour.” "
A close study of Hull's letter to the Secretary of War of August
4th and other captured correspondence, had already satisfied him that
his opponent was in a thoroughly despondent mood and particularly
susceptible to the influence of such an argument. It was also apparent
that he must in any event be seriously embarrassed by the indiscipline
and insubordination of his troops. To add emphasis to the summons,
orders were given to tear down a building which masked the batteries
at Sandwich. Lieut.-Colonel John Macdonell, acting Attorney-General
of the Province, and Major Glegg were selected to deliver it to General
* Richardson; Coffin.
* Brock to Hull, August 15.

276 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Hull, and invested with authority to conclude terms with him if he
desired to capitulate."
Hull had indeed become so much discouraged by the gloomy
prospect arising from the interruption of his line of communication with
Ohio, that he hinted to some of his officers in a vague and indiscreet
way that it might be necessary to make terms with the enemy. On the
afternoon of the 12th the commanding officers of the Ohio regiments
met secretly, and agreed to despatch a joint letter to Governor Meigs
informing him of their loss of confidence in their superior, and request-
ing him in the most urgent terms to send a large force to their assistance
at once, of which, they suggested, that he should take the command in
person. The terms of their letter sufficiently indicate the state of panic
prevailing in their minds at the time. On the morning of the 14th,
Colonel Anderson and another officer of the Michigan militia arrived
from the River Raisin by the back road, bearing a letter from Captain
Brush to General Hull, announcing the arrival of his convoy at that
place and desiring further instructions. They had seen no signs of
any hostile force on this road, which they represented as quite practicable
for troops, although nearly double the distance of the river road.
Encouraged by this information, Hull wrote to Brush, directing him to
advance by this route and he would send a strong escort twenty-five or
thirty miles along the road to meet him and protect his movement.
For this purpose McArthur and Cass were directed to select one hundred
and fifty men from each of their regiments and march at once. On
the appearance of the British ships of war ascending the river he gave
orders for the immediate construction of some new batteries near the
water’s edge, to prevent them from approaching within effective range
of the town and fort of Detroit, and Colonel Findlay was to move at
sunset, with a strong detachment from his regiment, to watch the land-
ing place below Spring Wells during the night.
Leaving Detroit late in the afternoon, McArthur and Cass continued
their march until near midnight and resumed it at an early hour next
day. After having marched, as they supposed, about twenty-four miles
without meeting the convoy, a party of dragoons was sent forward to
reconnoitre. These men advanced as far as Godefroi's trading house,
where they saw a few Indians, who disappeared in the woods. Fearing
an ambush, they returned with this report, and McArthur instantly
decided to retreat, but had not gone far on his return march when he
received a hurried message from Hull recalling him for the defence of
Detroit, which, he stated, had been summoned to surrender that morning.
1 Lucas Journal, p. 406; Cass to Secretary of War, September 10th, 1812:
Hull Defence, pp. 84-5; Brock to Hull, August 15th, 1812.

[CRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 2
Brock’s envoys could scarcely have arrived at a more opportune
moment for the success of their mission. They were at once received
by General Hull, but were purposely detained on various pretexts, from
ten o’clock in the morning until three in the afternoon, to gain time for
further defensive preparations and the recall of McArthur's column.
They were perceptibly annoyed at this unexpected delay and showed
their anxiety to get away. At length Hull gave them a written reply,
firmly rejecting the summons, but at the same time rather weakly
apologizing for the destruction of Gowie's house which, he asserted,
had been set on fire contrary to his orders, and making a similar ex-
planation respecting the use of the flag of truce at the first skirmish
near the Canard bridge."
He had restrained his gunners from firing upon the British bat-
teries at Sandwich when they were unmasked, saying, that he did not
wish to waste his ammunition, and refused to consider a proposal to
attack them by crossing the river at night.
During the prolonged absence of the flag of truce, Brock had con-
vened a meeting of his principal officers to whom he stated his intention
of transferring the main body of his force to the other side of the river
and investing the American position. Colonel Procter was frankly
opposed to this, and the only officer who ventured to support the proposal
was Lieut.-Colonel Nichol, the Quartermaster-General of militia, who
was not a professional soldier. Finally, Brock put an end to the discus-
sion by saying abruptly:-" Gentlemen, I have made up my mind, and
instead of any further advice, I entreat you to give me your cordial
support.” He had served under Nelson at Copenhagen, and quoted
the great seaman’s example on that occasion to justify his action.
Writing, some weeks later, he declared that he had actually “proceeded
upon a cool calculation of the pours et contres. Some one had remarked
that “No step could be more desperate, but his answer was that ‘the
state of Upper Canada admitted of nothing but desperate remedies.’”
It seldom happens, indeed, that a commander is favoured with such
complete and absolutely reliable information from the enemy’s camp as
he possessed in the captured correspondence. From the private letters
of officers and men he had ascertained, to use his words, that “confi-
dence in the General was gone, and evident despondency prevailed
throughout.” “ The psychological moment for making the attack had
undoubtedly arrived. Hull's own letters showed that he had been on
the brink of despair several days before and his position since had
steadily grown worse. Brock's armed vessels and gun boats gave him
entire command of the river below the town. Their guns could cover
* Forbes, Trial; Hull to Brock, August 15th, 1812.
* Brock to his brother, September 3rd.

278 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
-
his landing, co-operate in his movement, and if need be, protect his
retreat. The Indians could be relied upon to cut off all communication
between the town and the adjacent country. No return of their actual
number is available, but it probably exceeded six hundred warriors,
few of whom, however, were efficiently armed or equipped. Part of
them were already on the American side of the river and eager to
advance upon Detroit.
Accordingly, about four o'clock in the afternoon, within a few
minutes after Hull's reply was received, orders were given for the
resumption of hostilities. The Queen Charlotte and Hunter rounded
the bend in the river below Sandwich and anchored in mid-channel.
The batteries, which had been armed with an eighteen pounder, two
twelve pounders, and two five and a half inch mortars, opened fire. In
a few minutes they were briskly answered from the American detached
works, and the cannonade was maintained until eleven o’clock at night
with trifling effect. Two of the last shells fired from the British guns
fell within the fort, and one man was wounded by their explosion."
Forty or fifty of the inhabitants, headed by Watson and Andrew
Westbrook, had, indeed, joined the enemy and withdrawn to Detroit,
but most of these men were recent immigrant from the United States.
The local regiments had mustered in unexpected strength, increasing
Brock’s available and naval force to 1,360 of all ranks and arms.”
- Officers’ N.C.O. Privates
General and Staff Officers... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 - -
Field Train Department. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1
Commissariat... . . . . . –. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2
Militia Staff Officers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 --
Detachment 4 Bn. Rl. Artillery.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 24
41st Regt. of Foot. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 26 263
Royal Newfoundland Fencibles. ... . . . . . . . . . . . 4 8 41
Provincial Marine Department... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 9 119
Militia Force 1st & 3rd Reg. York Militia....... 4 6 77
5th Lincoln & 2nd York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 3 59
1st Regt. York Militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 3 19
2nd. Regt. Norfolk Militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 3 59
1st Middlesex (attached to Norfolk)... . . . . . 1. - - - -
Oxford Militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - 2 11
1st. Regt. Essex Militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 32 258
2nd Regt. Essex Militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 11 131
1st Regt. Kent Militia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - 9 8 46
Troop of Essex Militia Cavalry. . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 4
Indian Department. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 11 - -
49th Regiment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -- - - 1
Officers (Regiments not mentioned). . . . . . . . . . . 3 --
Total... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 131 1112
* Claypool's Journal, quoted in Blanchard's Discovery of the Northwest,
I, p. 385; Lucas, pp. 410–11; Richardson, p. 51.
* Prize Pay List of those entitled to share in the property captured from
the enemy at Port Detroit on the 16th August 1812. Royal Hospital, Chelsea.

[CRUIKSHANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 279
The military value of the militia, it is true, had not yet been ascer-
tained. -
Lieut.-Colonel St. George was directed to march his brigade soon
after dark to McKee's Point and quarter them in houses there, and the
remainder of the regulars and militia were ordered to be in readiness
to embark promptly at that place at three o’clock next morning. Elliott
was instructed to bring forward the Indians during the night to the
River Rouge, and take up a position to attack the enemy in flank and
rear in case they attempted to oppose the landing. As soon as he accom-
plished this the passage of the river would begin."
Hull had, in fact, anticipated an attempt would be made to land
near Spring Wells, and despatched Captain Joseph Snelling, with fifty
men of the 4th United States Infantry and a light field gun, after dark
to occupy the high bluff at that place, which commanded a wide view
of the river below, but advised him to return before daybreak to avoid
the fire of the British vessels. His Adjutant-General and Quarter-
master-General were likewise directed to examine the ground and select
a position for a field work to be armed with artillery later on. During
the night Snelling's sentries reported hearing the sound of oars on
the river, but he returned to Detroit before daylight without having
noticed anything of importance.
During the afternoon and evening, three hundred wild western
warriors, Ottawas, Sacs, Saulteux, and Winnebagoes came up from
Amherstburg in their canoes. They had painted their faces and all
exposed portions of their bodies with fantastic devices in blue and ver-
milion, and spent the greater part of the night before in dancing the
war-dance and practising their customary incantations on the eve of
battle. They then crossed the river swiftly and silently, under the
supervision of Major McKee, whose influence over them was remarkable.
The moon had entered its first quarter and favoured this movement in
the early part of the night.
Shortly after midnight the whole of the troops were roused, and
Brock made a hasty inspection of regulars and militia as soon as they
were formed up. The passage of the river began shortly after dawn.
Brock himself crossed in one of the first boats, standing proudly erect
to encourage his men. The batteries at Sandwich opened fire as soon
as it was light enough to distinguish objects on the opposite side, with
little more result than on the previous evening for several hours, as the
town was practically deserted within range. It was very languidly
returned at long intervals. By this means the attention of the garrison
* D. G. O., August 15th.

28O ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
was occupied until nearly seven o'clock, when a column of troops in
scarlet was seen advancing upon the river road. This was apparently
the first intimation they had of the landing of the British.
When the whole of his men were disembarked, Brock ordered the
reports to be collected, and was informed, to his amazement, that he
had only five hundred and fifty of all arms. A strong detachment had
been detailed to support the gunners of the Provincial Navy who were
working the guns in the batteries, but this number seemed so incredibly
small that he directed the report to be verified. It was then ascertained
that there were actually 750 officers and men, including some boatmen
who were not under arms." Brock's despatch states the number at
730, distributed as follows:–Royal Artillery, 30, with five light field
guns; 41st Regiment, 250: Royal Newfoundland Regiment, 50: militia,
400. Possibly this return may have included rank and file only, as a
contemporary account printed in the Montreal Gazette increased the
number to 830, besides twenty seamen to manage the batteaua, and the
detachment of militia stationed at the batteries.”
The Indians, who had occupied a position about a mile inland, were
thrown forward through the woods to gain the rear of the town. From
some prisoners taken by them in this movement, it was learned that a
small column of troops had been detached to the River Raisin two days
before, which was now supposed to be returning, as horsemen had
been seen on the back road about three miles distant. Hitherto Brock
had intended to take up some strong position near the town in the hope
of inducing Hull to come out and attack him, but finding that the
garrison of the place had been unexpectedly weakened, he determined
to advance at once upon the fort and intercept the return of this
column.” Lieut. Bullock, with his picked detachment of sixty men of
the 41st, led the way along the road which followed the bank of the
river so closely as to be commanded by the guns of the vessels until
within a few hundred yards of the town, where it was intersected by
a deep ravine. Two twenty-four pounders had been placed in position
at the town gate to enfilade the road as it ascended the opposite slope.
Their gunners could be seen standing beside them with matches burn-
* Richardson, p. 52.
* Distributed as follows:–Royal Artillery, 30; 41st, 290; Royal New-
foundland Regiment, 45; militia, 465. Lomax's History of the 41st Regi-
ment gives the following return of the strength of the detachment of that
corps commanded by Captain Muir:-Three captains, nine subalterns, one
assistant surgeon, thirteen sergeants, thirteen corporals, 240 privates. Cap-
tain Tallon was in command of the brigade.
* Brock to Prevost, August 17th. .

[CRUIKs HANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 281
ing. The artillery men with the field guns came next and were fol-
lowed by the remainder of the infantry in column of sections, marching
at double the ordinary distance between sections to make their number
appear greater. Every spare uniform had been utilized, and by this
means three hundred and fifty of the militia were clad in red coats,
giving them the appearance of regular soldiers. Before the head of
the column came within range of the American guns, it wheeled to the
left and took up a position in a field and orchard, where it was shel-
tered from observation by a ridge while forming for the assault, and
Brock rode forward in person to reconnoitre the works. Captain Peter
Robinson’s rifle company was thrown out to the left to open communica-
tion with the Indians who had occupied the woods in rear of the fort,
and made willing prisoners of a dozen men of the Michigan militia
who were stationed as an out-picket in that quarter. The whole body
of warriors was then marched in single file three times in succession
across an open space in full view of the garrison to give an exaggerated
idea of their numbers, which had the desired effect, as they were counted
and reported to General Hull to exceed fifteen hundred.
The town of Detroit consisted of about three hundred houses,
inhabited by twelve hundred persons, of whom three-fourths were of
French extraction. It had already seen many vicissitudes of fortune.
Within half a century the allegiance of the inhabitants had been trans-
ferred by treaty three times. The Indians had twice besieged the
place, and only a few years before every building except a single house
had been destroyed by fire. It now contained several substantial stone
and brick buildings, and nearly every dwelling had a small garden or
orchard attached. The streets crossed each other at right angles, and
the entire town-plot was enclosed on three sides by a stout stockade of
wooden pickets fourteen feet high, and loopholed for musketry. Massive
gates on each face gave admission to this enclosure, while the water
front was protected by several new batteries. At the northeast angle
of the town, on the highest ground within a circumference of three
miles, stood the fort, covering about three acres of ground. It was
composed of four small bastions connected by curtains, each face being
about one hundred yards in length. Constructed during the British
occupation in 1778-9, it had been named Fort Lernoult, in honour of
the officer in command at the time, but had of late generally been
known as Fort Detroit. Extensive repairs, which had been begun on
February 7th, 1812, had placed it in an excellent state of defence. The
* Jamieson, Winter studies; Brown, view of war in N. W.; Darby
Travels; Gourlay, Upper Canada, I, p. 45; S. Williams. Two Campaigns in
1812.

282 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
crest of the parapet rose eleven feet above the terre pleine and was
twelve feet thick. It was surrounded by a dry ditch six feet deep and
twelve feet wide, in the centre of which was planted a row of cedar
pickets eleven or twelve feet high, while the exterior slope of the parapet
was fraised with a similar row. A plan of the work, dated February,
1812, filed in the Colonial Office, shows that at that time sixteen guns
were mounted, of which one was a ten inch howitzer, nine were twenty-
four pounders, four were field pieces mounted on barbette at the salient
angles, and two were six pounders on field carriages. This number
had been since increased to twenty-four, of which eleven, three twenty-
four pounders, three brass six pounders, two four pounders, one three
pounder, one 8%, and one 5% mortar, were mounted on field carriages,
probably for the contemplated attack upon Amherstburg, besides several
wall pieces and swivels of small calibre. A detached blockhouse at
the opposite angle of the stockade was armed with three six inch how-
itzers, flanking the ditches in each direction."
The effective strength of the garrison is difficult to ascertain. Hull,
in his official letter, asserted that it did not exceed eight hundred, but
this seems almost incredible. His actual losses in action had certainly
not been great, nor had many become ineffective for garrison duty from
disease. Allowing three hundred for losses from all causes during the
campaign, four hundred of all ranks detached with McArthur, and two
hundred Michigan militia stationed at the River Raisin, he must still
have had at least sixteen hundred men available for the defence of his
works. A very accurate account, published in the Montreal Gazette
soon after, states the number of troops occupying the town and fort of
Detroit at 1,826 of all ranks.”
* Can. Arch. 2,315, p. 175.
* 1st United States Infantry, Effectives. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
4th United States Infantry, Effectives. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300
Artillery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Detachments of other corps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Ohio Volunteers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,000
Michigan militia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
1,829
Another estimate, printed in the National Advocate, of New York, May
28th, 1814, is as follows:–
Regulars in the forts and batteries actually surrendered—
Fourth Regiment Infantry, present for duty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260
1st Regiment Infantry, under Captain Whistler, 1st Regiment
Artillery, Captain Dyson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
Findlay's Regiment with Cass's and McArthur's men left witn
Findlay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 700
Michigan Legion and militia of the country estimated at. . . . . 300
1,340
With Colonel's Cass and McArthur, two miles of Brock's rear. 700

[CRUIKshANK: GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 283
This probably included a number of sick men, and as the event
proved, little reliance could be placed upon a part of the Michigan
militia. Deducting the whole of these, upwards of twelve hundred of
all ranks remain. Most of General Hull's official returns were destroyed
in the brig Detroit, near Fort Erie, on the 9th of October, 1812, and
the evidence on this point given at his trial was conjectural and
contradictory.
During the night the Ohio volunteers and Michigan militia had
been quartered in the town, but when the cannonade recommenced,
most of them were withdrawn into the fort for protection, crowding it
to its utmost capacity. On the approach of the British the Ohio
volunteers marched out in three columns and formed in line behind the
palisades, in which they began to enlarge the loopholes with their toma-
hawks. Major Denny, with part of McArthur's regiment (1st Ohio)
was stationed on the right, Findlay occupied the centre, and Captain
Sanderson, with a detachment of Cass's regiment and Captain Kemper's
company of armed waggoners, the left of the line. According to the
sworn statements of their officers these troops numbered between eight
and nine hundred." The Michigan militia were ordered to assist in
the defence of the town, while the regular infantry garrisoned the
fort and detached batteries and assisted the artillerymen in working the
guns, for which service a number had been specially trained. Nearly
the whole of the population of the adjacent country had sought refuge
within the stockade with their cattle and horses, whose presence created
serious disorder and obstructed the movements of troops.
Observing some of the Ohio Volunteers loitering idly in the streets,
Captain Hull, the General’s son and aide-de-camp, peremptorily ordered
them to join their corps, and receiving an insolent reply, he drew his
sword and drove them before him. This was followed by a quarrel
with their commander in his father's presence, during which this hot-
headed young man challenged that officer to fight a duel, thereby greatly
increasing the General’s agitation at this critical moment.”
The British mortars at Sandwich began to throw shrapnel shells,
creating such alarm that Findlay's regiment, which was most exposed,
was soon withdrawn into the fort, whither many non-combatants also
fled for refuge. One of these shells exploding in an open space near
the officers quarters instantly killed Lieut. Hanks (lately commandant
at Mackinac), Ensign Sibley and Surgeon Reynolds, and severely
wounded Surgeon Blood. Another killed two private soldiers inside
* Forbes, Trial.
* Letter of Robert Wallace in Appendix to Clark's Life of Hull, pp. 453-61.

284 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
the fort, and a third, two more outside its walls. These casualties com-
pleted the demoralization of the non-combatants.
About the same time it was reported that an out-picket of the
1st Michigan militia, under Lieut. Godefroi, posted in rear of the town,
had surrendered without firing a shot, and Colonel Brush, commanding
that regiment, remarked excitedly to General Hull with an oath that
he believed his men would run away to a man. Again Hull sought
to gain time. At ten o’clock his batteries ceased firing, and he in-
structed his son to display a white flag. For this purpose a large towel
was produced by him, which a senior officer rejected as being too dirty.
A sheet or table cloth was next obtained, which was objected to as being
so large that before it could be hoisted the United States ensign must
be lowered. Finally, this was displayed upon the south-western bas-
tion, and Captain Hull crossed the river at the same time with a flag
of truce to request a cessation of hostilities for three days. He quickly
returned, accompanied by Lieut. Edward Dewar, of the Quartermaster-
General's Department, who came to enquire why a flag had been sent
to Sandwich when General Brock was on the American side of the river.
Captain Snelling was then despatched with a letter to General Brock,
whom he found quietly reconnoitering the works without an escort,
about two hundred yards in advance of his troops, who were lying down
under cover. The proposal could scarcely have arrived at a more
opportune moment, as the Indians had already reported the appearance
of McArthur's column about two miles in rear of their position. Brock
informed Snelling with great emphasis that he would certainly move
to the assault if terms of surrender were not agreed upon within three
hours, and delegated Glegg and Macdonell to return with him and
receive General Hull's answer. When this message was delivered, Hull
seemed greatly agitated and his voice faltered. He had been chewing
tobacco, and his lips, chin, and neckcloth were stained with the juice.
By this time a number of Indians had appeared in the fields near the
fort, where they employed themselves catching horses, and the woods
rang with their yells in all directions.” McArthur's return was evi-
dently cut off and his force might easily be surrounded and destroyed.
Menaced on all sides by a confident and imperious enemy, whom he
believed to be already superior in numbers and daily increasing, Hull
had neither provisions nor ammunition to stand a prolonged siege.
None of his troops except the regulars had as yet behaved in a manner
to inspire confidence, while many of the volunteer officers had openly
* Hull, Defence, p. 163; Forbes, Trial, Evidence of Lt.-Col. Miller.
* Forbes, Trial.
[cRUIKsh ANKJ GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 285
flouted his authority. He shrank from exposing a helpless throng of
non-combatants, among whom was his own daughter and her children,
to the horrors of an assault in which the terms of his own unlucky
proclamation could be cited to justify a “war of extermination * and
“an indiscriminate scene of desolation.” Lieutenant-Colonel Miller,
the only officer of rank who continued to treat him with courtesy, was
almost helpless with the ague and unable to command. Hull accord-
ingly determined to surrender on the best terms possible, and named
Lieut.-Colonel Miller and Colonel Brush as his representatives. There
could have been little discussion, as within half an hour articles of
capitulation were signed, by which Fort Detroit, with all public stores,
arms, and documents was surrendered, and all troops of every descrip-
tion under General Hull's command became prisoners of war. At his
particular request, Colonel McArthur's force and that of Captain Brush
were included on the condition that the latter should be permitted to
return to their homes on parole. Protection was guaranteed to the
persons and property of the inhabitants of Michigan. It was further
agreed that the garrison should march out with the honours of war at
noon. These terms were ratified at once, and two supplementary
articles were added, by the first of which the Ohio Volunteers were
permitted to return home on parole, and by the second the Michigan
militia and volunteers, under the command of Major Witherell (the
Michigan Legion), were placed on the same footing.
No time was lost in taking possession of the town, but before the
garrison was allowed to march out, the precaution was taken to place
field-guns to command all the approaches to the fort, as there were
signs of disorder and insubordination among the American volunteers.
Major Witherell broke his sword, several soldiers smashed their muskets,
and an Ohio officer actually attempted to stab Lieut.-Colonel Macdonell
with his hunting knife as he was passing their lines. The British
column was headed by the detachment of the 41st, followed in succes-
sion by the uniformed militia, those not in uniform, a detachment of
voyageurs, wearing red handkerchiefs tied about their heads, and finally,
a large body of Indians, led by their white officers and interpreters,
most of whom were dressed and painted like the warriors under their
command. When the whole force was drawn up on the esplanade, the
United States regulars marched out and stacked their arms and were
followed, after some delay, by the Ohio and Michigan militia, many of
whom looked very fierce and angry.
The garrison flag was hauled down, and a small British ensign
which a seaman of the Provincial Navy had brought with him wrapped
* Quebec Mercury, 1812.





286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
about his waist as a sash, was hoisted in its place. While the advanced
party commanded by Lieut. Bullock was searching the barracks for
stragglers, an American soldier was discovered in the act of secreting
or preparing to destroy the colours of the 4th United States Infantry,
which were taken from him and with the garrison flag now hang as
trophies on the walls of the Royal Hospital at Chelsea."
McArthur's command had returned within a couple of miles of
the fort when the cannonade suddenly ceased, and he halted until in-
formed by an inhabitant that the place had surrendered, when he with-
drew as rapidly as possible to the bridge over the River Rouge, a
distance of three or four miles, where he was overtaken by some fugitives
from the town who confirmed this information. Captain Mansfield
was then sent back to Detroit with a flag of truce, and returned with
a letter from General Hull stating that his troops were included in the
capitulation. Neither McArthur or Cass, who subsequently criticized
Hull so bitterly, seemed to have offered the slightest remonstrance nor
made the least effort to escape. Before night this column marched
into Detroit and surrendered. No accurate return of the prisoners has
become available. In his official letter, Brock stated that they could
not be estimated at less than 2,500, and when Brush’s command, the
Michigan Legion, and two regiments of Michigan militia are included,
they must have considerably exceeded that number. The first hasty
return of captured ordnance showed a total of thirty-three pieces of
cannon, but the corrected report increased the number to thirty-nine
carriage guns, besides fifteen wall pieces, 2,900 stands of muskets and
rifles, and a large quantity of military stores.” The United States
brig Adams pierced for sixteen guns, lying at the wharf, also became
| Richardson, pp. 57-9; Narrative of Shadrach Byfield.
2 Return of ordnance taken at Detroit, enclosed in Sir George Prevost's
despatch to Lord Bathurst, dated 20th March 1813: Brass guns—three six
pounders, two four pounders, one 8 inch howitzer, one 51% inch howitzer,
three 29-10 inch howitzers—total eleven guns. Iron guns—nine twenty-
four pounders, nine twelve pounders, five nine pounders, four six pounders,
ona 3 9–10 inch howitzer—total, 28 guns. Grand total, 39 guns. The
51% inch howitzer is an English piece taken at Saratoga. The three pounder
is also English, taken at Yorktown. Pikes, 100; ammunition waggons, 2:
baggage waggons, 4; wall pieces, 15; flags, one English, two American:
muskets, serviceable, 2,009; repairable, 285; unserviceable, 206: rifles, ser-
viceable, 349; repairable, 25; unserviceable, 26. Four of the captured guns
bearing the following inscriptions, “La Brutale, Strasburg, 1760"; “Sauvage,
Strasburg, 1760"; W. Bowen fecit. 1755, Surrendered by the Convention of
Saratoga, Oct. 17, 1777 "; “ Gilpin fecit. Taken from the Germans at Ben-
nington, August 16, 1777, “were removed to Quebec as trophies.”

[CRUIKshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 287
a prize, and was added to the Provincial Navy as the Detroit. Three
floating batteries, two of which had been completed, two or three mer-
chant schooners and a number of batteaua were likewise taken. The
baggage train which had accompanied the American army from Ohio,
consisting of more than one hundred waggons and many pack-horses
with the military chest containing about six thousand dollars in money
and a hundred packs of valuable furs belonging to the government,
shared the same fate. The property which came into the possession
of the prize agents was valued at two hundred thousand dollars."
After the prisoners had been marched off, Brock addressed his
troops in his usual curt, inspiring manner, telling them that the events
of the day would put a feather in their cap as long as they lived. In
his General Order he praised all ranks for their steadiness and dis-
cipline, mentioning nearly every officer of rank by name, and assuring
the militia that their services had been duly appreciated and would
never be forgotten.” A proclamation was issued the same afternoon,
continuing in force all existing laws in the territory of Michigan, and
assuring the inhabitants of protection in the exercise of their religion.
The former Chief Justice, Augustus Woodward, was appointed Civil
Secretary.
The embarkation of the Ohio Volunteers for Cleveland in the cap-
tured vessels began next day. On the 18th Brock himself sailed for
Fort Erie in the schooner Chippewa.
Those residents of Canada who had joined the invaders in arms
naturally dreaded the punishment they so richly deserved, and one
of them is said to have blown out his brains in the streets of Detroit
when informed of the capitulation. Several escaped from the town
and made their way to the River Raisin, whither they brought the first
news of the surrender. Among these were Simon Z. Watson, who was
rewarded by the United States Government with a commission as
topographical engineer for the Ninth Military District, and Andrew
Westbrook, who subsequently became an active partisan in its service.
A few of those who remained were shortly afterwards indicted for
treason and sedition, but do not appear to have been prosecuted.”
On July 18th Governor Meigs at Chillicothe had received Hull's
letter of the 11th, requesting him to keep open the line of communica-
tion with his state militia or his army must perish for want of pro-
* Nichol to Brock, September 6th, 1812.
* September 11th and 12th, 1812.
* Allan McDougall, Antoine Lafitte, Antoine Meloche and Isaac Willett,
Hull attempted to obtain conditions for these men, but Lieut.-Col. Macdon-
ald declared that “it was totally inadmissible.”—Forbes, Trial.

288 ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
visions, and on the same day a letter from Piatt, the contractor for
supplying provisions at Urbana, informing him that a brigade of pack-
horses would be ready to leave that place as soon as he could furnish
sufficient escort. Within forty-eight hours a company of sixty-nine
volunteers was enrolled and equipped under command of Captain Henry
Brush, a young lawyer, practising in Chillicothe. On the 25th Brush,
with his company and a sergeant's party of the 4th United States Infan-
try, began his march from Urbana in charge of three hundred beef cattle
and one hundred pack-horses each carrying two hundred weight of flour.
Orders had been sent on to Sandusky and Cleveland directing the militia
companies stationed at those places to join Brush at the Miami Rapids,
where he arrived on August 2nd. Five days later two companies from
Sandusky arrived, and on the 9th the whole force in charge of the
convoy reached the River Raisin, where Lacroix's company of the
Michigan Legion and the greater part of the Second Regiment of Mich-
ivan militia were assembled. Next day a small party of rangers arrived
from Manary’s blockhouse. Brush had then almost two hundred men
under his command, whom he proceeded to organize into a battalion."
The most alarming rumours concerning the precarious situation of
Hull's army continued to reach him, as all communication with Detroit
had been cut off for several days. Five messengers had been sent off,
and none had since been heard from. An American prisoner, who had
escaped from Amherstburg, come in and reported that the mail had
been taken and brought into that place, where the officers had “much
sport” examining it. All hope of advancing further until instructions
could be received from Detroit was accordingly abandoned, and the
whole force was set at work entrenching their position. On August
17th, Captain Matthew Elliott, of the Indian Department, arrived from
Amherstburg with an escort of only three men, bearing a copy of the
articles of capitulation, with letters to Brush from Hull and McArthur,
and an order from Brock to march on at once to Detroit. Elliott,
with his party, was placed under arrest. In the afternoon a number
of fugitives arrived from Detroit, who confirmed his report of the sur-
render, and a council of war decided to disregard the terms and retreat
* Brush's Company . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Rowland's Company . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Campbell's Company . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
4th United States Infantry, Sergt Story. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Rangers, Lieut. Couch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
194
Letter in Independent Chronicle of Boston, August 31st, 1812; Jesup N.
Couch to Meigs, August 11th, 1812.

[CRUIKshANK] GENERAL HULL'S INVASION OF CANADA IN 1812 289
to Ohio, leaving behind the cattle and stores. Elliott was accordingly
released, and twenty-six men who were either too sick or unwilling to
face the hardships of the return march, were placed in his charge and
accompanied him as prisoners to Amherstburg. Leaving their encamp-
ment at midnight, the remainder made a forced march of more than
thirty miles without halting. At the rapids of the Miami they separ-
ated into several parties and quietly returned to their respective homes.
Some months later they were duly recognized by their government as
prisoners of war under parole until exchanged."
Upon Elliott's return to Amherstburg, Captain Chambers, with a
detachment of the 41st Regiment, was embarked in three small gun boats
and a considerable force of Indians, under Colonel Elliott and Major
MeKee, began its march by land toward the River Raisin. On their
arrival at that place they found the blockhouse deserted by its garrison,
and took possession of the cattle and stores abandoned by Brush. Two
days later Chambers proceeded with the gun boats to Miami River,
which he ascended as far as the rapids. The blockhouse at that place,
sometimes known as Fort Miami, had been recently evacuated and set
on fire. A small depot of provisions was taken, and the inhabitants
who seemed to be much in fear of the Indians, were advised to remove
at once to some place of greater security, which they readily agreed
to do, most of them going to Cleveland, which was the nearest settle-
ment of any importance in Ohio.”
The American frontier was thus thrown back a long way towards
the Ohio River, which the Indians sought to re-establish as their
boundary. Two forts at Upper and Lower Sandusky, Fort McArthur
on the Scioto, Fort Wayne on the Great Miami, Fort Harrison (Terre
Haute) on the Wabash, and Fort Madison, near Des Moines, on the
Mississippi, became the most advanced posts still held by the United
States, as Fort Dearborn at Chicago had already been evacuated by
General Hull's instructions, and its garrison destroyed or captured in
the attempt to retire to Fort Wayne. The grand council of the Indians
of Ohio and Indiana, convened by Governor Meigs at Piqua, was mea-
grely attended and nothing of any consequence was accomplished. The
surrender of Detroit became the signal for a general rising of all the
Indians of Illinois and Indiana, and early in September, Forts Wayne,
Madison and Harrison were all closely invested by these fierce but
Wretchedly armed and undisciplined bands.” Brock's audacious coun-
* S. Williams, Two Campaigns in 1812, in Historical Collection
- - - s of Ohio;
Major E. Reynolds to —, January 17th, 1815. io
* Federal Republican, October 7th, 1812; Letter from Joseph Meacham
* Hildreth History of the United states, VI, p. 342. -
Sec. II., 1907. 19.

29O. ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
terstroke had been attended with such entire success that he was able
to disband at once two-thirds of the local militia and return the entire
force withdrawn from the Niagara frontier to meet the impending
attack in that quarter. On the very day that Detroit surrendered,
Henry Clay, the acknowledged leader of the war party in Congress,
addressed a second army of volunteers at Georgetown, Kentucky, pre-
dicting the fall of Malden and a speedy conquest of Upper Canada by
General Hull.
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