WILLIAM L. CLEMENTS LIBRARY OF AMERICAN HISTORY UNIVERSITY MICHIGAN af2013 momen's Lilly W.Denton pins de 2, me sentir ISLOV Olaudal Equiano; OT GUSTAVUS VASSA the African Publiſh: March 1:1789 by G Valsa THE INTERESTING NARRATIVE Τ Η Ε L I F E OLAUDAH EQUIANO, OR GUSTAV US VASSA, THE AFRICAN. WRITTEN BY HIM SE L F. VOL Behold, God is my ſalvation; I will truſt and not be afraid, for the Lord Jehovah is my firength and my fong; be alſo is become my ſalvation. And in that day all ye ſay, Praiſe the Lord, call upon his name, declare his doings among the people, Iſaiah xii. 2, 4. SE C O N D E DI ΤΙΟ Ν. LONDON Printed and fold for the AUTHOR, by T. WILKINS, No. 23, Aldermanbury; Sold alſo by Mr. Johnſon, St. Paul's Church-Yard; Mr. Buckland, Paternoſter.Row ;-Meſſrs. Robſon and Clark, Bond-Street; Mr Davis, oppoſite Gray's-Inn, Holborn ; Mr. Matthews, Strand; Mr Stockdale, Piccadilly; Mr. Richardſon, Royal Exchange; Mr. Kearfley, Fleet-Street; and the Bookfellers in Oxford and Cambridge. [Entered at Stationers-bail.) (ii) To the Lords Spiritual and a Temporal, and the Com- mons of the Parliament of Great Britain. My Lords and Gentlemen, PERMIT me, with the greateſt deference and reſpect, to lay at your feet the following genuine Narra- tive; the chief deſign of which is to excite in your auguſt aſſemblies a ſenſe of compaſſion for the miſe- ries which the Slave-Trade has en- tailed on my unfortunate country- men. By the horrors of that trade was I firſt torn away from all the tender connexions that were natu- rally dear to my heart; but theſe, through (iv) through the myſterious ways of Providence, I ought to regard as infinitely more than compenſated by the introduction I have thence obtained to the knowledge of the Chriſtian religion, and of a nation which, by its liberal ſentiments, its humanity, the glorious freedom of its government, and its profici- ency in arts and ſciences, has ex- alted the dignity of human nature. I am fenfible I ought to entreat your pardon for addreſſing to you a work ſo wholly devoid of literary merit; but, as the production of an unlettered African, who is ac- - tuated by the hope of becoming an inſtrument towards the relief af. his ſuffering countrymen, I truſt that ſuch a man, pleading in ſuch a cauſe, 2 (v) cauſe, will be acquitted of boldneſs and preſumption. May the God of heaven inſpire your hearts with peculiar benevo- lence on that important day when the queſtion of Abolition is to be diſcuſſed, when thouſands, in con- fequence of your Determination, are to look for Happineſs or Miſery! I am, MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, Your moſt obedient, And devoted humble Servant, OLAUDAN EQUIANO, OR GUSTAVUS V ASSA. No. 10, Union-Street, Mary-le-bone, Dec. 24, 1789 L' I S T SUBSCRIBE R. S. His Royal Highneſs the Prince of Wales. His Royal Highneſs the Duke of York. His Royal Highneſs the Duke of Cumberland. A The Right Hon. the Earl of Aileſbury Admiral Affleck Mr. William Abington, 2 copies Mr. John Abraham James Adair, Efg. Reverend SUBSCRIBER S. The Reverend Charles Adams Mifs Mary Adams John Ady The Reverend Mr. Aldridge Mr. John Almon Mrs, Arnot Mr. Joſeph Armitage Mr. Joſeph Athpinſhaw Mrs. Aſhman Mr. Samuel Atkins Mr John Attwood Mr. Thomas Attwood Mr. Athwell J. C. Aſhworth, Eſq. Mr. Audley Mr. Aufrere В. His Grace the Duke of Bedford Her Grace the Ducheſs of Buccleugh The Right Reverend the Lord Biſhop of Bangor The Right Hon. Lord Belgrave The Reverend Doctor Baker Mrs. Baker Matthew Baillie, M. D. Mrs. Baillie Mifs Baillie Mifs J. Baillie David Barclay, Eſq. Mr. Robert Barrett Mr. William Barrett Mr. John Barnes Mr. John Bafnett Mr. Bateman Mr. SUBSCRIBERS. Mrs. Baynes, 2 copies Mr. Thomas Bellamy Admiral George Belfour Mr. ). Benjafield Mr, William Bennett Mr. Benſley Mr. Samuel Benſon Mrs. Benton The Reverend Mr. Bently Mr. Thomas Bentley Mr. J. P. Berthon Sir John Berney, Bart. Alexander Blair, Eſq. con James Bocock, E[q, Mrs. Bond Miſs Bond Mrs. Borckhardt Mrs. E. Boverie Alderman Boydell Mr. Harris Bottiſham MT 10 agos) dadosto -Brand, Eſq. Mr. Martin Brander F. J. Brown, Eſq. M. P. 2 copies W. Buttall, Eſq. Mr. Buxton Mr. R. L. B. Mr. Thomas Burton, 6 copies Mr. W. Button To listado Hidgin Mr. Barton Edward Burch, Eſq. R. A. odlo Mr Marcus Butcher no DSTO The Right Hon. Lord Cathcart The Right Reverend Lord Biſhop of Cheſter SUBSCRIBERS The Right Hon. H. S. Conway Lady Almiria Carpenter Charles Carter, Eſq. Mr. James Chalmers Mr. Child Captain John Clarkſon, of the Royal Navy The Rev. Mr. Thomas Clarkſon, 2 copies Mr. R. Clay Mr. William Clout Mr. George Club Mr. John Cobb Miſs Calwell Mr. Thomas Cooper Mr. Thomas Cooper, Jun. Richard Coſway, Eſq. Mr. James Coxe Mr. 1.C. Mr. Croucher Mr. Cruickſhanks Ottobah Cugoano, or John Stewart Mr. Jofeph Chamberlain IEEE D The Right Hon. the Earl of Dartmouth The Right Hon. the Earl of Derby Sir William Dolben, Bart. Mr. John Dalby Mrs. M. Davey Mr. Davis The Reverend C. E. De Coetlogon John Delamain, Eſq. Mrs. Delamain, 3 Mr. SUBSCRIBERS. Mr. William Denton Mr. T. Dickie Mr. William Dickſon Mr. Charles Dilly, 2 copies Andrew Drummond, Eſq. Mr. George Durant Mr. E. O. Donovan The Reverend Mr. William Dunno E 'The Right Hon. the Earl of Eſſex The Right Hon. the Counteſs of Effex Sir Gilbert Elliot, Bart. 2 copies Lady Ann Erſkine G. Noel Edwards, Eſq. M. P. 2 copies Mr. Durs Egg Mr. Ebenezer Evans The Reverend Mr. John Eyre Mr. William Eyre Mr. John Elgar F Mr. George Fallowdown Mr. John Fell Mrs. William Fielding F. W. Foſter, Eſq. The Reverend Mr. Foſter Mr. T. Frith W. Fuller, Eſq. The SUBSCRIBER S. The Right Hon. the Earl of Gainſtorough od The Right Hon. the Earl of Groſvenor The Right Hon. Viſcount Gallway The Right Hon. Viſcounteſs Gallway Gardener, Efa. Mrs. Garrick Mr. John Gates Mr. Samuel Gear Mr. Richard George Sir Philip Gibbes, Bart. 6 copies Miſs Gibbes Mr. Edward Gilbert Mr Jonathan Gillett W. P. Gillieſs, Efq. Mrs. Gordon Mr. Grange Mr. William Grant Mr. John Grant Mr. Adam Graham Mr. R. Greening S. Griffiths Tohn Grove, Eſq. Mrs. Guerin The Reverend Mr. Gwinnup H The Right Hon, the Earl of Hopetoun The Right Hon, Lord Hawke The Right Hon. Counteſs Harrington Right Hon. Dowager Counteſs of Huntingdon Mr. SUBSCRIBERS Mr. Benjamin Haigh Charles Hamilton, Eſq. Thomas Hall, Fig. Mr. Hall Mr. Haley Thomas Hammerſley, Eſq. Mr. Timothy Hansfield Hugh Jofiah Hanfard, Eſq, motos Mrs. Harben adona Mr. Moſes Hari 23/1/2ในราคาเบา Mr. Thomas Hardy Mr. Haſzelegrove Mrs. Hawkins Bone SOVET Mr. Havfom Mr. Hearne Mr. William Hepburn Mr. J. Hibbert Mr. Jacob Higman Sir Richard Hill, Bart. Reverend Mr. Rowland Hill Miſs Hill Captain John Hitis, Royal Navy Edmund Hill, Eig. The Reverend Mr. Edward Hoare William Hodges, Eſq. Mrs. Hogfleſh The Reverend Mr. John Holmes, 3 copies Mr. Martin Hopkins Mr. Thomas Howell Mr. R. Huntley Mr. T. Hunt Mr. Philip Hurlock, Sen. Mr. Hutſon Mr. Hodgkinſon Mr. Abraham Horsfall Mr. John Horsfall Mr. Robert Hudſon Mr. George Hutton Mr. SUBSCRIBERS J Mr. T. W. J. Efq. Mr. James Jackſon Mr. Thomas Jackſon Mr. John Jackſon Mr. James Jacobs Reverend Mr. James Mr. Jefferys, Royal Navy Mrs. Anne Jennings The Reverend Dr. Jowett Mr. Johnſon Mrs. Johnſon Mr. William Jones Mr. James Jones Thomas Irving, Eſq. 3 copies door Mr. William Juſtins Edward Ind, Eſq. Robert Ind, Eſq. James Johnſon, Eſq. ftoj K The Right Hon. Lord Kinnaird William Kendal, Eſq. Tames Karr, Eſq. Mr. William Ketland Mr. Edward King Mr. Thomas Kingſton The Reverend Dr. Kippis Mr. William Kitchener Mr. John Knight The SUBSCRIBERS: L The Right Reverend the Lord Biſhop of London: Mr. John Laiſne Mr. John Lamb Bennet Langton, Eſq. Mr. S. Lee Mr. Walter Lewis Mr. Walter Lewis, Jun. Mr. J. Lewis Mr. J. Lindſey Mr. T. Litchfield Edward Loveden Loveden, Efg. M. P. Charles Lloyd, Eſq. Mr. William Lloyd Mr. Samuel Lucas Mr. J. B. Lucas Mr. James Luken Henry Lyte, Eſq. Mrs. Lyon M His Grace the Duke of Marlborough His Grace the Duke of Montague The Right Hon. Lord Mulgrave Sir Herbert Mackworth, Bart. Sir Charles Middleton, Bart. Lady Middleton Mr. Thomas Macklane Mr. George Markett Ob James SUBSCRIBERS. James Martin, Efq. M. P. Maſter Martin, Hayes-Grove, Kent Mr. William Maſſey Mr. Jofeph Malingham Mr. Matthews, 6 copies Tohn M'Intoſh, Eſq. Paul Le Meſurier, Eſq. M. P. 3 copies Mr. James Mewburn The Reverend H. Michell Mr. N. M ddleton T. Mitchell, Eſq. Mrs. Montague, 2 copies Mifs Hannah More Mr. George Morriſon ahora Thomas Morris, Eſq, Miſs Morris Morris Morgann, Eſq. Mr Muſgrove Mr. Thomas Muſgrove Mr. P. M. N. His Grace the Duke of Northumberland Henry Naylor, Eſq. Francis Noble, Efq. Captain Norman, Royal Navy Captain Nurſe Edward Ogle, Efq. James Ogle, Efq. Robert SUBSCRIBERS: Robert Oliver, Eſq. The Reverend Mr. J. Owen P The Right Hon. William Pickett, Elg. Lord Mayor of London Mr. D. Parker Mr. W. Parker Mr. O. Parry Mr. Richard Packer, Jun. *The Reverend Dr Peckard of Cambridge Mr. James Pearſe Mr. J. Pearſon J. Penn, Eſq. acbbo istaba George Peters, Eſq. Mr. W. Phillips M J. Phillips, Eſq. CM Mrs. Pickard WOW HIM Mr. Charles Pilgrim The Hon. George Pitt, M.P. Mr. Thomas Pooley Patrick Power, Eſq. Mr. Michael Power Joſeph Pratt, Eſq. Mr. Samuel PurledIA 10 SAD 914 9573 Mr. M.P. ERES hy to go brod odio di ot budo isto no long to nolcans2 M His Grace the Duke of Queenſberry A VENEM sasto 119 ani, Robert Quarme, Eſq. 19 Dobaron The 01732. W SUBSCRIBERS. R The Right Hon. Lord Rawdon The Right Hon. Lord Rivers, 2 copies Lieutenant General Rainsford OH OH Reverend James Ramſay, 3 copies for Mr. S. Remnant, Jun. Mr. William Richards, 2 copies Mr. J. C. Robarts Mr. James Roberts Dr. Robinſon lo biszitave Mr. Robinſon Mr. C. Robinſon fro TV Admiral Roddam George Roſe, Eſq. M. P. planas 199709 Mr. W. Roſs OM Mr. William Rouſe Mr. Walter Row SET It also I.MHT 59109 .no od Tabor amor TM S 1970 bin 13 Voice 1s His Grace the Duke of St. Albanslietus Her Grace the Ducheſs of St. Albans 1.M The Right Reverend the Lord Biſhop of St. David's The Right Hon. Earl Stanhope, 3 copies The Right Hon the Earl of Scarbrough Mr Sampſon William, the Son of Ignatius Sanche Mrs. Mary Ann Sandiford 1059 Mr. William Sawyer Mr. Thomas Seddon W. Seward, Eſq, Granville SUBSCRIBERS, Reverend Mr. Thomas Scott Granville Sharp, Eſq. 2 copies Mr. Richard Shepherd Mr. William Shili Captain Sidney Smith, of the Royal Navy Colonel Simcoe 1r John Simco General Smith ohn Smith, Eſq. Ir. George Smith Ir. William Smith whn James Smith Leverend Mr. Southgate 'homas Spalding ohn Spratt Ir. Charles Starkey Thomas Steel, Eſq. M. P. Ir. Staples Steare Mr. Joſeph Stewardſon Ar. Henry Stone, Jun, 2 copies Ar. John Strickland ohn Symmons, Efq, Ar. William Symonds vody 'r. Thackeray fenry Thornton, Eſq. M. P. 'he Reverend Robert Thornton Ir. Abraham Thorp lexander Thomſon, M. D. 'he Reverend Mr. John Till Ir. Samuel Townly Ir. Daniel Trinder barn The 1 SUBSCRIBERS The Reverend Mr. C. La Trobeer Clement Tudway, Eſq. Mrs, Twiſden U Mr. M. Underwood Mr. John Vaughan Mrs. Vendt VE The Right Hon. Earl of Warwick The Right Reverend the Lord Biſhop of Worceſter The Hon. William Windham, Eſq. M.P. Mr. C. B. Wadſtrom Mr. George Walne The Reverend Mr. Ward Mr. S. Warren Mr. J. Waugh Joſiah Wedgwood, Eſq. The Reverend Mr. John Weſley Mr. J. Wheble Sanucl Whitbread, Eſq M P. The Reverend Mr. Thomas Wigzell Mr. W. Wilſon The Reverend Mr. Wills Mr. Thomas Wimfett Mr. William Wincheſter The Reverend Elhanan Wincheſter, 6 copies ТА SUBSCRIBERS Jolm Wollafton, Eſq. Mr. Charles Wood Mr. Joſeph Woods Mr. John Wood J. Wright, Eſq. Mr. William Watſon Mr. James Welch Mrs. Willmott Mr. George Wille Y Mr. Yeo Mr. Samuel Yockney Mr. Thomos Young E R R Α Τ Α. VOL. I. Page 4, line 15, for intertior read interior 206, 19, ptoſtitute proſtitute 259, 6; him me 0 со у Τ S C Ο Ν Τ Ε Ν Τ S OF VOLUME I. С НА Р. I. Page The author's account of his country, their manners and cuſtoms, &c. I С НА Р. II. The author's birth and parentagem His being kidnapped with his ſiſter ---Horrors of a ſave ſhip 45 С НА Р. III. The author is carried to Virginia Arrives in England His wonder at à fall of ſnow 89 СНАР. CON'T E N T 8. С НА Р. IV. Page A particular account of the celebrated engagement between Admiral Bof- cawen and Monſieur Le Clue 130 B C С НА Р. V. Various intereſting inſtances of oppreſion, cruelty, and extortion I 80 CH A P. CHA VI. Favourable change in the author's fitte ation - He He commences merchant with threepence 227 on doo THE LIFE, &c. CHAPTER I. The author's account of bis couniry, and their manners and cuſtoms—Adminiſtra- tion of juſtice-Embrenché-Marriage ceremony, and public entertainments- Mode of living-Dreſs-Manufactures Buildings —- Commerce-- Agriculture- War and religion—Superſtition of the natives Funeral ceremonies of the prieſts or magicians---Curious mode of diſcovering poiſon-Some hints concerning the origin of the author's countrymen, with the opin nions of different writers on that ſubject. Gom BELIEVE it is difficult for thoſe who publiſh their own memoirs to eſcape the imputation of vanity; nor is this VOL. I. B the [ 2 ] the only diſadvantage under which they labour: it is alſo their misfortune, that what is uncommon is rarely, if ever, believed, and what is obvious we are apt to turn from with diſguſt, and to charge the writer with impertinence. People generally think thoſe memoirs only worthy to be read or remembered which abound in great or ſtriking events; thoſe, in ſhort, which in a high degree excite either admiration or pity: all others hey conſign to con- tempt and oblivion. It is therefore, I confeſs, not a little hazardous in a private and obſcure individual, and a itranger too, thus to ſolicit the indul- gent attention of the public; eſpecially when I own I offer here the hiſtory of neither a faint, a hero, nor a tyrant. I believe there are a few events in my life, which have not happened to many: it is true the incidents of it are numerous; and, did I conſider myſelf an European, I might - [3 I might ſay my fufferings were great: but when I compare my lot with that of moſt of my countrymen, I regard myſelf as a particular favourite of Hea- ven, and acknowledge the mercies of Providence in every occurrence of my life. If then the following narrative does not appear fufficiently intereſting to engage general attention, let my motive be ſome excuſe for its publica- tion. I am not ſo fooliſhly vain as to expect from it either immortality or literary reputation. If it affords any ſatisfaction to my numerous friends, at whoſe requeſt it has been written, or in the ſmalleſt degree promotes the intereſts of humanity, the ends for which it was undertaken will be fully attained, and every with of my heart gratified. Let it therefore be remem- bered, that, in wiſhing to avoid cenſure, I do not aſpire to praiſe. That B 2 [ 4 ] That part of Africa, known by the name of Guinea, to which the trade for ſlaves is carried on, extends along the coaſt above 3400 miles, from Se- negal to Angola, and includes a vari- ety of kingdoms. Of theſe the moſt conſiderable is the kingdom of Benin, both as to extent and wealth, the richneſs and cultivation of the ſoil, the power of its king, and the number and warlike diſpoſition of the inhabi- tants. It is ſituated nearly under the line, and extends along the coaſt about 170 miles, but runs back into the in- tertior part of Africa to a diſtance hi- therto I believe unexplored by any traveller; and ſeems only terminated at length by the empire of Abyſſinia, near 1500 miles from its beginning. This kingdom is divided into many provinces or diſtricts: in one of the moſt remote and fertile of which, I I was born, in the year 1745, fitum ated in a charming fruitful vale, named Effaka. The diſtance of this province from the capital of Benin and the ſea coaft muſt be very confiderable; for I had never heard of white men or Europeans, nor of the fea; and our ſubjection to the king of Benin was little more than nominal; for every tranſaction of the government, as far as my ſlender obſervation extended, was conducted by the chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and govern- ment of a people who have little com. merce with other countries are gene- rally very ſimple; and the hiſtory of what paſſes in one family or village, may ſerve as a ſpecimen of the whole nation, My father was one of thoſe elders or chiefs I have ſpoken of, and was ſtyled Embrenché; a term, as I remember, importing the higheſt diſtinction, and fignifying B3 [ 6 ] fignifying in our language a mark of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the perſon entitled to it, by cutting the ſkin acroſs at the top of the forehead, and drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it is in this ſituation apply. ing a warm hand, and rubbing it until it ſhrinks up into a thick weal acroſs the lower part of the forehead. Moſt of the judges and ſenators were thus marked; my father had long borne it: I had ſeen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I alſo was deſtined to receive it by my parents. Thoſe Em- brenché or chief men, decided diſputes and puniſhed crimes; for which pur- poſe they always aſſembled together. The proceedings were generally ſhort ; and in moſt caſes the law of retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was brought before my father, and the other-judges, for kidnapping a boy; and, [ 7 ] and, although he was the ſon of a chief or fenator, he was condemned to make recompenſe by a man or woman ſlave. Adultery, however, was ſometimes pu- niſhed with ſlavery or death; a puniſh- ment which I believe is inflicted on it throughout moſt of the nations of Africa * : fo facred among them is the honour of the marriage bed, and ſo jealous are they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I recollect an inſtance a woman was convicted before the judges of adultery, and delivered over, as the cuſtom was, to her huſband to be puniſhed. Accordingly he deter- mined to put her to death: but it being found, juſt before her execution, that ſhe had an infant at her breaſt; and no woman being prevailed on to perform the part of a nurſe, ſhe was ſpared on * See Benezet's Account of Guinea” throughout account B 4 [ 8 ] account of the child. The men, how ever, do not preſerve the ſame con fancy to their wives, which they ex- pect from them; for they indulge in a plurality, though ſeldom in more than two. Their mode of marriage is thus :- both parties are uſually be- trothed when young by their parents, (though I have known the males to betroth themſelves). On this occafion a feaſt is prepared, and the bride and bridegroom ſtand up in the midſt of all their friends, who are allembled for the purpoſe, while he declares ſhe is thenceforth to be looked upon as his wife, and that no other perſon is to pay any addreſſes to her. This is alla immediately proclaimed in the vici- nity, on which the bride retires from the aſſembly. Some time after ſhe is brought home to her huſband, and then another feaft is made, to which the [ 9 ] the relations of both parties are in- vited: her parents then deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied with a number of bleſſings, and at the ſame time they tie round her waiſt a cotton ſtring of the thickneſs of a gooſe-quill, which none but married women are permitted to wear : ſhe is now confi- dered as completely his wife; and at this time the dowry is given to the new married pair, which generally conſiſts of portions of land, ſlaves, and cattle, houſehold goods, and imple- ments of huſbandry. Theſe are of fered by the friends of both parties; beſides which the parents of the bride- groom preſent gifts to thoſe of the bride, whoſe property ſhe is looked upon before marriage; but after it ſhe is eſteemed the ſole property of her huſband. The ceremony being now ended the feſtival begins, which is B5 celebrated [ 10 ] celebrated with bonefires, and loud acclamations of joy, accompanied with muſic and dancing We are almoſt a nation of dancers, muſicians, and poets. Thus every great event, ſuch as a triumphant return from battle, or other cauſe of public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances which are accompanied with fongs and muſic fuited to the occafion. The af- ſembly is ſeperated into four diviſions, which dance either apart or in fuc ceſſion, and each with a character pe- culiar to itſelf. The firſt diviſion contains the married men, who in their dances frequently exhibit feats of arms, and the repreſentation of a battle. To theſe ſucceed the married women, who dance in the ſecond di- viſion. The young men accupy the third: and the maidens the fourth. Each repreſents ſome intereſting feene of [ ] of real life, ſuch as a great achievement, domeſtic employment, a pathetic ſtory, or ſome rural ſport; and as the ſubject is generally founded on ſome recent event, it is therefore ever new. This gives our dances a ſpirit and variety which I have ſcarcely ſeen elſewhere*. We have many muſical inſtruments, particularly drums of different kinds, a piece of muſic which reſembles a guitar, and another much like a ſtickado. Theſe laſt are chiefly uſed by betrothed virgins, who play on them on all grand feſtivals. As our manners are ſimple, our luxuries are few. The dreſs of both ſexes is nearly the fame. It generally conſiſts of a long piece of calico, or muſlin, wrapped looſely round the body, ſomewhat in the form of a * When I was in Smyrna I have frequeatly feen the Greeks dance after this manner. BG highland [ 12 ] highland plaid. This is uſually dyed blue, which is our favorite colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is brighter and richer than any I have ſeen in Europe. Beſides this, our wo- men of diſtinction wear golden orna- ments, which they diſpoſe with ſome profuſion on their arms and legs. When our women are not employed with the men in tillage, their uſual occupation is ſpinning and weaving cotton, which they afterwards dye, and make into garments. They alſo manufacture earthen veſſels, of which we have many kinds. Among the reft tobacco pipes, made after the ſame faſhion, and uſed in the ſame manner, as thoſe in Turkey Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet the natives are unac- * The bowl is earthen, curiouſly figured, to which a long reed is fixed as a tube. This tube is fometimes fo long as to be borne by one, and fre- quently ont of grandeur, by two boys. quainted [ 13 ] quainted with thoſe refinements in cookery which debauch the taſte: bul- locks, goats, and poultry, ſupply the greateſt part of their food. Theſe conſtitute likewiſe the principal wealth of the country, and the chief articles of its commerce. The fleſh is uſually ſtewed in a pan; to make it ſavoury we ſometimes uſealſo pepper, and other ſpices, and we have falt made of wood aſhes. Our vegetables are moſtly plan- tains, eadas, yams, beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family uſually eats alone; his wives and flaves have alſo their ſeparate tables. Before we taſte food we always waſh our hands : indeed our cleanlineſs on all occaſions is extreme; but on this it is an indif- penſible ceremony. After waſhing, libation is made, by pouring out a ſmall portion of the drink on the floor, and toſſing a ſmall quantity of the food in [ 14 ] in a certain place, for the ſpirits of departed relations, which the natives fuppoſe to preſide over their conduct, and guard them from evil. They are totally unacquainted with ſtrong or fpirituous liquors ; and their principal beverage is palm wine. This is got from a tree of that name, by tap- ping it at the top, and faſtening a large gourd to it; and ſometimes one tree will yield three or four gallons in a night. When juſt drawn it is of a Telicious fweetneſs; but in a few it acquires a tartiſh and more sous flavour though I never ſaw one intoxicated by it. The fame free alſo produces nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in perfumes; one fort of theſe is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of carth; a ſmall portion of which thrown 2 into [ 15 ] into the fire diffuſes a moſt powerful odour *. We beat this wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women per- fume themſelves. In our buildings we ſtudy conve- nience rather than ornament. Each maſter of a family has a large ſquare piece of ground, ſurrounded with a moat or fence, or encloſed with a wall made of red earth tempered: which, when dry, is as hard as brick. Within this are his houſes to accommodate his family, and Naves; which, if numer- ous, frequently preſent the appearance of a village. In the middle ſtands the principal building, appropriated to the fole uſe of the maſter, and confifting * When I was in Smyrna I ſaw the ſame kind of earth, and brought ſome of it with me to England; it reſembles muſk in ſtrength, but is more delicious in fcent, and is not unlike the ſmell of a roſe. of [ 16 ] of two apartments; in one of which he fits in the day with his family, the other is left apart for the reception of his friends. He has beſides theſe a diſtinct apartment in which he ſleeps, together with his male children. On each fide are the apartments of his wives, who have alſo their ſeparate day and night houſes. The habitations of the ſlaves and their families are dif- tributed throughout the reſt of the en- cloſure. Theſe houſes never exceed one ſtory in height: they are always built of wood, or ſtakes driven into the ground, croſſed with wattles, and neatly plaſtered within and without. The roof is thatched with reeds. Our day- houſes are left open at the ſides; but thoſe in which we ſleep are always co- vered, and plaſtered in the inſide, with a compoſition mixed with cow- dung, to keep off the different inſects, which [ 17 ] which annoy us during the night The walls and floors alſo of theſe are generally covered with mats. Our beds conſiſt of a platform, raiſed three or four feet from the ground, on which are laid ſkins, and different parts of a ſpungy tree called plantain. Our covering is calico or muſlin, the fame as our dreſs. The uſual ſeats are a few logs of wood; but we have benches, which are generally perfumed, to ac- commodate ſtrangers: theſe compoſe the greater part of our houſehold furniture. Houſes fo conſtructed and furniſhed require but little ikill to erect them. Every man is a fufficient architect for the purpoſe. The whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous affiſtance in building them, and in return receive, and expect no other recompenſe than a feat. As we live in a country where nature is [ 18 ] is prodigal of her favours, our wants are few and eafily ſupplied; of courſe wehave few manufactures. They con- fift for the moſt part of calicoes, earthen ware, ornaments, and inſtru- ments of war and huſbandry. But theſe make no part of our commerce, the principal articles of which, as I have obſerved, are proviſions. In ſuch a ſtate, money is of little uſe; however we have ſome ſmall pieces of coin, if I may call them fuch. They are made ſomething like an anchor; but I do not remember either their value or denomination. We have alſo markets, at which I have been frequently with my mother. Theſe are ſometimes via fited by ſtout mahogany-coloured men from the ſouth weſt of us : we call them Oye-Ebol, which term fignifies red men living at a diſtance. They gene- rally bring us fire-arms, gunpowder, hats [ 19 ] hats, beads, and dried fiſh. The laſt we eſteemed a great rarity, as our waters were only brooks and ſprings. Theſe articles they barter with us foi odoriferous woods and earth, and our falt of wood aſhes. They always carry flaves through our land; but the ftrict- eſt account is exacted of their manner of procuring them before they are ſuffered to paſs. Sometimes indeed we fold flaves to them, but they were only priſoners of war, or ſuch among us as had been convicted of kidnapping, or adultery, and ſome other crimes, which we eſteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping induces me to think, that, notwithſtanding all our ſtrictneſs, their principal buſineſs among us was to trepan our people. I remember too they carried great ſacks along with them, which not long after I had an opportunity [ 20 ] opportunity of fatally ſeeing applied to that infamous purpoſe. Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and produces all kinds of vege- tables in great abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and vaſt quan- tities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine apples grow without culture; they are about the ſize of the largeſt ſugar-loaf, and finely flavoured. We have alſo ſpices of different kinds, particularly pepper ; and a variety of delicious fruits which I have never ſeen in Europe; together with gums of various kinds, and honey in abundance. All our in- duſtry is exerted to improve thoſe bleſſings of nature. Agriculture is our chief employment; and every one, even the children and women, are engaged in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour from our earlieſt years. Every one contributes ſomething to the com- mon [ 21 ] mon ſtock; and as we are unacquainted with idleneſs, we have no beggars. The benefits of ſuch a mode of living are obvious. The Weſt India planters prefer the ſlaves of Benin or Eboe, to thoſe of any other part of Guinea, for their hardineſs, intelligence, integrity, and zeal. Thoſe benefits are felt by us in the general healthineſs of the people, and in their vigour and acti- vity; I might have added too in their eomelineſs. Deformity is indeed un- known amongſt us, I mean that of ſhape. Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London, might be brought in ſupport of this aſſertion: for, in regard to complexion, ideas of beauty are wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to have ſeen three negro chil- dren, who were tawny, and another quite white, who were univerſally re- garded by myſelf, and the natives in eneral, 2 [ 22 ] general, as far as related to their com- plexions, as deformed. Our women too were in my eyes at leaſt uncommonly graceful, alert, and modeſt to a degree of baſhfulneſs; nor do I remember to have ever heard of an inſtance of inconti- nence amongſt them before marriage. They are alſo remarkably cheerful. Indeed cheerfulneſs and affability are two of the leading characteriſtics of our nation. Our tillage is exerciſed in a large plain or common, ſome hours walk from our dwellings, and all the neigh- bours reſort thither in a body. They uſe no beaſts of huſbandry; and their only inſtruments are hoes, axes, ſhovels, and beaks, or pointed iron to dig with. Sometimes we are viſited by locuſts, which come in large clouds, ſo as to darken the air, and deſtroy our harveit. This however happens rarely, but when it [ 23 ] it does, a famine is produced by it. I remember an inſtance or two where- in this happened. This common is often the theatre of war; and therefore when our people go out to till their land, they not only go in a body, but generally take their arms with them for fear of a ſurpriſe; and when they apprehend an invaſion, they guard the avenues to their dwellings, by driving ſticks into the ground, which are ſo ſharp at one end as to pierce the foot, and are generally dipt in poiſon. From what I can recollect of theſe battles, they appear to have been irrup- tions of one little ſtate or diſtrict on the other, to obtain priſoners or booty. Perhaps they were incited to this by thoſe traders who brought the Euro- pean goods I mentioned amongſt us. Such a mode of obtaining ſlaves in Africa is common; and I believe more are [ 24 ] are procured this way, and by kidirap- ing, than any other* When a trader wants ſlaves, he applies to a chief for them, and tempts him with his wares. It is not extraordinary, if on this occa- fion he yields to the temptation with as little firmneſs, and accepts the price of his fellow creatures liberty with as little reluctance as the enlightened merchant. Accordingly he falls on his neighbours, and a deſperate battle enſues. If he prevails and takes priſoners, he gratifies his avarice by ſelling them; but, if his party be vanquiſhed, and he falls into the hands of the enemy, he is put to death : for, as he has been known to foment their quarrels, it is thought dangerous to let him ſurvive, and no ranſom can ſave him, though all other (priſoners may be redeemed. We have fire- arms, bows and arrows, broad two- * See Benezet's Account of Africa throughout. edged [ 25 ) edged ſwords and javelins: we have fhields alſo which cover a man from head to foot. All are taught the uſo of theſe weapons; even our women are warriors, and march boldly out to fight along with the men. Our whole dir- trict is a kind of militia : on a certain ſignal given, ſuch as the firing ofa gun at night, they all riſe in arms and ruſh upon their enemy. It is perhaps ſome- thing remarkable, that when our people march to the field a red flag or banner is borne before them. I was once a witneſs to a battle in our common. We had been all at work in it one day as uſual, when our people were ſud- denly attacked. I climbed a tree at ſome diſtance, from which I beheld the fight. There were many wo- men as well as men on both ſides; among others my mother was there, and armed with a broad ſword. After Vop. I. C С fighting [ 26 ] fighting for a conſiderable time with great fury, and many had been kil- led, our people obtained the victory, and took their enemy's Chief priſoner, He was carried off in great triumph, and, though he offered a large ranſom for his life, he was put to death. A virgin of note among our enemies had been ſlain in the battle, and her arm was expoſed in our market-place, where our trophies were always exhibited. The ſpoils were divided according to the merit of the warriors. Thoſe priſoners which were not ſold or re- deemed we kept as ſlaves: but how different was their condition from that of the flaves in the Weſt Indies! With us they do no more work than other members of the community, even their maſter; their food, clothing and lodging were nearly the ſame as theirs, (except that they were not permitted [ 27 ] to eat with thoſe who were free-born); and there was ſcarce any other differ- ence between them, than a ſuperior degree of importance which the head of a family poſſeſſes in our ſtate, and that authority which, as ſuch, he ex- erciſes over every part of his houſehold. Some of theſe flaves have even ſlaves under them as their own property, and for their own uſe.lt As to religion, the natives believe that there is one Creator of all things, and that he lives in the fun, and is girted round with a belt that he may never eat or drink; but, according to ſome, he ſmokes a pipe, which is our own favourite luxury. They believe he governs events, eſpecially our deaths or captivity; but, as for the doctrine of eternity, I do not remember to have ever heard of it: fome however be- lieve in the tranſmigration of fouls in a certain C2 [ 28 ] a certain degree. Thoſe ſpirits, which are not tranſmigrated, ſuch as their dear friends or relations, they believe al- ways attend them, and guard them from the bad ſpirits or their foes. For this reaſon they always before eating, as I have obſerved, put ſome ſmall portion of the meat, and pour ſome of their drink, on the ground for them; and they often make oblations of the blood of beaſts or fowls at their graves. I was very fond of my mother, and al- moſt conſtantly with her. When Inc went to make theſe oblations at her mother's tomb, which was a kind of ſmall folitary thatched houſe, I ſome- times attended her. There ſhe made her libations, and ſpent moſt of the night in cries and lamentations. I have been often extremely terrified on theſe oc- cafions. The lonelineſs of the place, the darkneſs of the night, and the cere- mony [ 29 ] mony of libation, naturally awful and gloomy, were heightened by my mo.. ther's lamentations; and theſe concur- ring with the doleful cries of birds, by which theſe places were frequented, gave an inexpreſſible terror to the fcene. We compute the year from the day on which the ſun croſſes the line, and on its ſetting that evening, there is a general ſhout throughout the land; at leaſt I can ſpeak from my own know- ledge, throughout our vicinity. The people at the ſame time make a great noiſe with rattles; not unlike the baſket rattles uſed by children here, though much larger, and hold up their hands to heaven for a bleſſing. It is then the greateſt offerings are made; and thoſe children whom our wiſe men foretel will be fortunate are then ſented to different people. I remember many pre- C3 [ 30 ] many ufed to come to ſee me, and I was carried about to others for that purpofe. They have many offerings, particularly at full moons; generally two at harveft before the fruits are taken out of the ground: and when any young animals are killed, fome- times they offer up part of them as a facrifice. Theſe offerings, when made by one of the heads of a family, ſerve for the whole. I remember we often had them at my father's and my uncle's, and their families have been preſent. Some of our offerings are eaten with bitter herbs. We had a faying among us to any one of a croſs temper, “That if they were to be eaten, they ſhould be eaten with bitter herbs.'no od We practiſed circumcifion like the Jews, and made offerings and feaſts on that occafion in the ſame manner as they did. Like them alſo, our children ( 31 ) children were named from ſome event, ſome circumſtance, or fancied forebod- ing at the time of their birth. I was named Olaudah, which, in our language, fignifies viciſſitude, or fortunate alſo; one favoured, and having a loud voice and well ſpoken. I remember we never polluted the name of the object of our adoration; on the contrary, it was always mentioned with the greateſt re- verence; and we were totally unac- quainted with ſwearing, and all thoſe terms of abuſe and reproach which find their way fo readily and copiouſly into the language of more civilized people. The only expreſſions of that kind I remember were, May you rot, or may you ſwell, or may a beaſt take you.' I have before remarked that the natives of this part of Africa are ex- tremely cleanly. This neceffary habit $ C 4 of [ 32 ] of decency was with us a part of reli- gion, and therefore we had many puri- fications and waſhings ; indeed almoſt as many, and uſed on the fame occa- fions, if my recollection does not fail me, as the Jews. Thoſe that touched the dead at any time were obliged to wath and purify themſelves before they could enteradwelling-houſe. Every wo- man too, at certain times, was forbidden to come into a dwelling-houſe, or touch any perſon, or any thing we eat. I was ſo fond of my mother I could not keep from her, or avoid touching her at ſome of thoſe periods, in conſequence of which I was obliged to be kept out with her, in a little houſe made for that purpoſe, till offering was made, and then we were purified. Though we had no places of pub- lic worſhip, we had prieſts and magi- cian's, or wiſe men. I do not rememe ber [ 33 ] ber whether they had different offices, or whether they were united in the ſame perſons, but they were held in great reverence by the people. They calculated our time, and foretold events, as their name imported, for we called them Ah-affoe-way-cah, which ſignifies calculators or yearly men, our year being called Ah-affoe. They wore their beards, and when they died they were fuceeded by their fons. Moſt of their implements and things of value were interred along with them. Pipes and tobacco were alſo put into the grave with the corpſe, which was al- ways perfumed and ornamented, and animals were offered in facrifice to them. None accompanied their fune- rals but thoſe of the fame profeſſion or tribe. Thefe buried them after ſunſet, and always returned from the grave by C5 a different [ 34 ] a different way from that which they went. ID 9191 ni Theſe magicians were alſo our doc- tors or phyſicians. They practiſed bleed- ing by cupping; and were very ſucceff- ful in healing wounds and expelling poiſons. They had likewiſe fome ex- traordinary method of diſcovering jea- loufy, theft, and poifoning; the ſucceſs of which no doubt they derived from the unbounded influence over the credulity and fuperftition of the people. I do not remember what thoſe methods were, except that as to poiſoning: I recollect an inſtance or two, which I hope it will not be deemed impertinent here to inſert, as it may ſerve as a kind of ſpecimen of the reſt, and is ſtill uſed by the negroes in the Weſt Indies. A young woman had been poiſoned, but it was not known by whom: the doctors erdered the corpſe to be taken up by fome [ 35 ] fome perſons, and carried to the grave. As ſoon as the bearers had raiſed it on their ſhoulders, they ſeemed ſeized with ſome * ſudden impulſe, and ran to and fro unable to ſtop themſelves. At laſt, after having paſſed through a number of thorns and prickly buſhes unhurt, the corpſe fell from them cloſe to a houſe, and defaced it in the fall; and the owner being taken up, he immediately confeſſed the poiſoning t. The * See alſo Leiut. Matthew's Voyage, p. 123. + An inſtance of this kind happened at Mont- ferrat in the Weſt Indies in the year 1763. I then belonged to the Charming Sally, Capt. Doran. The chief mate, Mr. Mansfield, and ſome of the crew being one day on ſhore, were preſent at the burying of a poiſoned negro girl. Though they had often heard of the circumſtance of the run- ning in ſuch caſes, and had even ſeen it, they ima- gined it to be a trick of the corpſe-bearers. The mate therefore deſired two of the ſailors to take up the coffin, and carry it to the grave. The ſailors, who were all of the fame opinion, readi- ly obeyed; but they had ſcarcely raiſed it to their fhoulders, before they began to run furiouſly C6 about [ 36 ] The natives are extremely cautious about poifon. When they buy any eatable the ſeller kiffes it all round before the buyer, to ſhew him it is not poiſoned; and the fame is done when any meat or drink is preſented, parti. cularly to a ſtranger. We have fer- pents of different kinds, ſome of which are eiteemed ominous when they ap- pear in our houſes, and theſe we never moleft. I remember two of thoſe ominous ſnakes, each of which was as thick as the calf of a man's leg, and in colour reſembling a dolphin in the water, crept at different times into my about, quite unable to direct themſelves, till, at laſt, without intention), they came to the hutot him who had poiſoned the girl. The coffin then immediately fell from their ſhoulders againſt the hut, and damaged part of the wall. The owner of the hut was taken into cuſtody on this, and con feſſed the poiſoning.— I give this ſtory as it was related by the nate and crew on their return to the ſhip. The credit which is due to it I leave with the reader. mother's [ 37 ] mother's night-houſe, where I always lay with her, and coiled themſelves into folds, and each time they crowed like a cock. I was deſired by ſome of our wiſe men to touch theſe, that I might be intereſted in the good omens, which I did, for they were quite harm. leſs, and would tamely ſuffer them felves to be handled; and then they were put into a large open earthen pan, and fet on one fide of the high- way. Some of our ſnakes, however, were poiſonous : one of them croſſed the road one day as I was ſtanding on it, and paſſed between my feet without offering to touch me, to the great furpriſe of many who ſaw it; and theſe incidents were accounted by the wiſe men, and likewiſe by my mother and the reſt of the people, as remark- able omens in my favour. Such is the imperfect ſketch my memory [ 38 ] memory has furniſhed me with of the manners and cuſtoms of a people among whom I firſt drew my breath. And here I cannot forbear ſuggeſting what has long ſtruck me very forcibly, namely, the ſtrong analogy which even by this ſketch, imperfect as it is, appears to prevail in the manners and cuſtoms of my countrymen and thoſe of the Jews, before they reached the Land of Promife, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that paſtoral ſtate which is deſcribed in Geneſis--an ana- logy, which alone would induce me to think that the one people had ſprung from the other. Indeed this is the opinion of Dr. Gill, who, in his commentary on Geneſis, very ably de- duces the pedigree of the Africans from Afer and Afra, the deſcendants of Abraham by Keturah his wife and concubine (for both theſe titles are applied [ 39 ] applied to her). It is alſo conformable to the ſentiments of Dr. John Clarke, formerly Dean of Sarum, in his Truth of the Chriſtian Religion: both theſe authors concur in aſcribing to us this original. The reaſonings of thoſe gen- tlemen are ſtill further confirmed by the ſcripture chronology; and if any further corroboration were required, this reſemblance in ſo many reſpects is a ſtrong evidence in ſupport of the opinion. Like the Iſraelites in their primitive ſtate, our government was conducted by our chiefs or judges, our wiſe men and elders; and the head of a family with us enjoyed a ſimilar authority over his houſehold with that which is aſcribed to Abraham and the other patriarchs. The law of retalia- tion obtained almoſt univerſally with us as with them: and even their religion appeared to have ſhed upon us a ray of its [ 40 ] its glory, though broken and ſpent in its paſſage, or eclipſed by the cloud with which time, tradition, and igno- rance might have enveloped it; for we had our circumcifion (a rule I believe peculiar to that people:) we had alſo our facrifices and burnt-offer- ings, our waſhings and purifications, on the ſame occafions as they had. As to the difference of colour be- tween the Eboan Africans and the mo- dern Jews, I ſhall not preſume to ac- count for it. It is a ſubject which has engaged the pens of men of both genius and learning, and is far above my ſtrength. The moſt able and Re- verend Mi. T. Clarkſon, however, in his much admired Effay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, has aſcertained the cauſe in a manner that at once ſolves every objection on that account, and, on my mind at leaſt, has [ 41 ] has produced the fulleſt conviction. I ſhall therefore refer to that perform- ance for the theory *, contenting my- ſelf with extricating a fact as related by Dr. Mitchelt. “The Spaniards; “ who have inhabited America, under “the torrid zone, for any time, are become as dark coloured as our naa “ tive Indians of Virginia ; of which I myſelf have been a witneſs.” There is alſo another inſtance I of a Portugueſe ſettlement at Mitomba, a river in Sierra Leona ; where the inhabitants are bred from a mixture of the firſt Portugueſe diſcoverers with the natives, and are now become in their complexion, and in the woolly quality of their * Page 178 to 216. + Philof. Tranf. No. 476, Sect. 4, cited by Mr Clarkſon, p. 205. Same page. hair, [ 42 ] hair, perfe&t negroes, retaining how ever a ſmartering of the Portugueſe language, 9000 Theſe inſtances, and a great many more which might be adduced, while they ſhew how the complexions of the fame perſons vary in different climates, it is hoped may tend alſo to remove the prejudice that ſome conceive againſt the natives of Africa on account of their colour. Surely the minds of the Spaniards did not change with their complexions! Are there not cauſes enough to which the apparent infe- riority of an African may be aſcribed, without limiting the goodneſs of God and ſuppoſing he forbore to ſtamp un- derſtanding on certainly his own image, becauſe “ carved in ebony.” Might it not naturally be aſcribed to their ſituation? When they come among Europeans, they are ignorant of their language I 43] language, religion, manners, and cura toms. Are any pains taken to teach them theſe? Are they treated as men? Does not ſlavery itſelf depreſs the mind, and extinguiſh all its fire and every noble ſentiment? But, above all, what advantages do not a refined people poffefs over thoſe who are rude and uncultivated. Let the poliſhed and haughty European recollect that bis anceſtors were once, like the Afri- cans, uncivilized, and even barbarous. Did Nature make them inferior to their fons ? and ſhould they too have been made flaves ? Every rational mind anſwers, No. Let ſuch reflections as theſe melt the pride of their ſuperiority into ſympathy for the wants and mi- ſeries of their fable brethren, and com- pel them to acknowledge, that undera ſtanding is not confined to feature or colour. If, when they look round the world, 44 ) world, they feel exultation, let it be tempered with benevolence to others, and gratitude to God," who hath " made of one blood all nations of “ men for to dwell on all the face of " the earth * ; and whoſe wiſdom is. " not our wiſdom, neither are our ways his ways." Acts xvii. 26. it back tool to CHA P. [ 45 ] CHA P. II. The author's birth and parentage~-His being kidnapped with his ſiſter--Their ſeparation-Surpriſe at meeting again- Are finally ſeparated- Account of the different places and incidents the author met with till his arrival on the coaſt- The effect the fight of a flave ſhip had on him—He ſails for the Weſt Indies--- Horrors of a ſlave hip-Arrives at Barbadoes, where the cargo is fold and diſperſed. I hope the reader will not think I have treſpaſſed on his patience in introducing myſelf to him with ſome account of the manners and cuſtoms of my country. They had been im- planted [ 46 ] planted in me with great care, and made an impreſſion on my mind, which time could not eraſe, and which all the adverſity and variety of fortune I have fince experienced, ſerved only to rivet and record; for, whether the love of one's country be real or imagi- nary, or a leſſon of reaſon, or an inſtinct of nature, I ſtill look back with plea- ſure on the firſt ſcenes of my life, though that pleaſure has been for the moſt part mingled with ſorrow. I have already acquainted the reader with the time and place of my birth. My father, beſides many ſlaves, had a numerous family, of which ſeven lived to grow up, including myſelf and a fifter, who was the only daughter. As I was the youngeſt of the ſons, I be- came, of courſe, the greateſt favourite with my mother, and was always with her; and ſhe uſed to take particular 2 pains ( 47 ) pains to form my mind. I was trained up from my earlieſt years in the art of sar: my daily exerciſe was ſhooting and throwing javelins; and my mother adorned me with emblems, after the manner of our greateſt warriors. In this way I grew up till I was turned the age of eleven, when an end was put to my happineſs in the following manner :- Generally when the grown people in the neighbourhood were gone far in the fields to labour the children aſſembled together in ſome of the neighbours' premiſes to play; and commonly ſome of us uſed to get up a tree to look out for any aſſailant, or kidnapper, that might come upon us ; for they fome- times took thoſe opportunities of our parents abſence to attack and carry off as many as they could ſeize. One day, as I was watching at the top of a tree in our yard, I ſaw one of thoſe people come [ 48 ] come into the yard of our next neigh- bour but one, to kidnap, there being many ſtout young people in it. Imme- diately on this I gave the alarm of the rogue, and he was ſurrounded by the ftouteſt of them, who entangled him with cords, ſo that he could not eſcape till ſome of the grown people came and ſecured him. But alas! ere long it was my fate to be thus attacked, and to be carried off, when none of the grown people were nigh. One day, when all our people were gone out to their works as uſual, and only I and my dear fiſter were left to mind the houſe, two men and a woman got over our walls, and in a moment ſeized us both, and, without giving us time to cry out, or make refiftance, they ſtopped our mouths, and ran off with us, into the neareſt wood. Here they tied our kands, and continued to carry us as far [ 49 far as they could, till night came on, when we reached a ſmall houſe, where the robbers halted for refreſhment and ſpent the night. We were then unbound, but were unable to take any food; and, being quite overpowered by fatigue and grief, our only relief was ſome ſleep, which allayed our misfortune for a ſhort time. The next morning we left the houſe, and con- tinued travelling all the day. For a long time we had kept the woods, but at laſt we came into a road which I believed I knew. I had now fome hopes of being delivered; for we had advanced but a little way before I diſ- covered ſome people at a diſtance, on which I began to cry out for their al- ſiſtance; but my cries had no other effect than to make them tie me fafter and ſtop my mouth, and then they put me into a large ſack. They alſo VOL. I. ſtopped [50] tears. ſtopped my ſiſter's mouth, and tied her hands; and in this manner we proceeded till we were out of the fight of theſe people. When we went to reſt the following night they offered us fome victuals; but we refuſed it; and the only comfort we had was in being in one another's arms all that night, and bathing each other with our But alas! we were foon de- prived of even the ſmall comfort of weeping together. The next day proved a day of greater forrow than I had yet experienced; for my fiſter and I were then ſeparated, while we lay claſped in each others arms. in vain that we befought them not to part us; ſhe was torn from me, and immediately carried away, while I was left in a ſtate of diſtraction not to be deſcribed. I cried and grieved con- tinually; and for ſeveral days did not It was eat [51] eat any thing but what they forced into my mouth. At length, after many days travelling, during which I had often changed maſters, I got into the hands of a chieftain, in a very pleaſant country. This man had two wives and ſome children, and they all uſed me extremely well, and did all they could to comfort me; particu- larly the firſt wife, who was ſomething like my mother. Although I was a great many days journey from my father's houſe, yet theſe people ſpoke exactly the ſame language with us. This firſt maſter of mine, as I may call him, was a ſmith, and my prin" cipal employment was working his bellows, which were the ſame kind as I had ſeen in my vicinity. They were in ſome reſpects not unlike the ſtoves here in gentlemen's kitchens; and were covered over with leather; and in the middle 22 D 2 [52] middle of that leather a ſtick was fixed, and a perſon ſtood up, and worked it, in the ſame manner as is done to pump water out of a calk with a hand pump. I believe it was gold he worked, for it was of a lovely bright yellow colour, and was worn by the women on their wriſts and ancles. I was there I ſuppoſe about a month, and they at laſt uſed to truſt me ſome little diſtance from the houſe, This liberty I uſed in embracing every opportunity to inquire the way to my own home: and I alſo ſometimes, for the fame purpoſe, went with the maidens, in the cool of the evenings, to bring pitchers of water from the ſprings for the uſe of the houſe. I had alſo re- marked where the ſun roſe in the morn- ing, and ſet in the evening, as I had travelled along; and I had obſerved that my father's houſe was towards the rifing [53] riſing of the fun. I therefore deter- mined to ſeize the firſt opportunity of making my eſcape, and to ſhape my courſe for that quarter; for I was quite oppreſſed and weighed down by grief after my mother and friends; and my love of liberty, ever great, was ſtrengthened by the mortifying cir- cumſtance of not daring to eat with the free-born children, although I was moſtly their companion. While I was projecting my eſcape, one day an un- lucky event happened, which quite diſconcerted my plan, and put an end to my hopes. I uſed to be ſometimes employed in aſſiſting an elderly woman ſlave, to cook and take care of the poultry: and one morning, while I was feeding ſome chickens, I happened to toſs a ſmall pebble at one of them, which hit it on the middle, and direct- ly killed it. The old flave, having foon D 3 [ 34 ] ſoon after miſſed the chicken, inquired after it ; and on my relating the acci- dent (for I told her the truth, becauſe my mother would never ſuffer me to tell a lie) ſhe flew into a violent paſ- fion, threatened that I ſhould ſuffer for it; and, my maſter being out, the immediately went and told her miſtreſs what I had done. This alarm- ed me very much, and I expected an inſtant flogging, which to me was uncommonly dreadful; for I had fel- dom been beaten at home. I therefore reſolved to fly; and accordingly I ran into a thicket that was hard by, and hid myſelf in the buſhes. Soon af terwards my miſtreſs and the flave returned, and, not feeing me, they ſearched all the houſe, but not finding me, and I not making anſwer when they called to me, they thought I ad run away, and the whole neigh- bourhood [ 55 bourhood was raiſed in the purſuit of me. In that part of the country (as in ours) the houſes and villages were ſkirted with woods, or ſhrubberies, and the buſhes were fo thick that a man could readily conceal himſelf in them, ſo as to elude the ſtricteft ſearch. The neighbours continued the whole day looking for me, and ſeveral times many of them came within a few yards of the place where I lay hid. I ex- pected every moment, when I heard a ruſtling among the trees, to be found out, and puniſhed by my maſter: but they never diſcovered me, though they were often fo near that I even heard their conjectures as they were looking about for me, and I now learned from them, that any attempt to return home would be hopeleſs. Moſt of them fuppoſed I had fled towards home; D 4 but [56] but the diſtance was ſo great, and the way fo intricate, that they thought I could never reach it, and that I ſhould be lost in the woods. When I heard this I was ſeized with a violent panic, and abandoned myſelf to deſpair, Night too began to approach, and ag- gravated all my fears. I had before entertained hopes of getting home, and had determined when it ſhould be dark to make the attempt; but I was now convinced it was fruitleſs, and began to conſider that, if poſſibly I could eſcape all other animals, I could not thoſe of the human kind; and that, not knowing the way, I muſt periſh in the woods. Thus was I like the hunted deer: Ev'ry leaf and ev'ry whiſpring breath “ Convey'd a foe, and ev'ry foe a death.” I heard frequent ruſtlings among the leaves; and being pretty ſure they were: ſnakes, [ 57 ] ſnakes, I expected every inſtant to be ftung by them. This increaſed my anguiſh, and the horror of my ſituation became now quite inſupportable. I at length quitted the thicket, very faint and hungry, for I had not eaten or drank any thing all the day; and crept to my maſter's kitchen, from whence I ſet out at firſt, and which was an open ſhed, and laid myſelf down in the aſhes with an anxious wiſh for death to relieve me from all my pains. I was ſcarcely awake in the morning, when the old woman ſlave, who was the firſt up, came to light the fire, and ſaw me in the fire place. She was very much ſurpriſed to ſee me, and could ſcarcely believe her own eyes. She now promiſed to intercede for me, and went for her maſter, who ſoon after came, and, having ſlightly reprimanded me, DS [ 58 ) me, ordered me to be taken care of, and not ill treated. Soon after this my maſter's only daughter, and child by his firſt wife, fickened and died, which affected him ſo much that for ſome time he was almoſt frantic, and really would have killed himſelf, had he not been watch- ed and prevented. However, in a ſmall time afterwards he recovered, and I was again ſold. I was now carried to the left of the ſun's riſing, through many dreary waſtes and diſmal woods, amidſt the hideous roarings of wild beaſts. The people I was ſold to uſed to carry me very often, when I was tired, either on their houlders or on their backs. I ſaw many convenient well-built ſheds along the road, at proper diſtances, to accom- modate the merchants and travellers, who lay in thoſe buildings along with their [59] their wives, who often accompany them; and they always go well armed. From the time I left my own nation I always found ſomebody that under- ſtood me till I came to the ſea coaſt. The languages of different nations did not totally differ, nor were they ſo co- pious as thoſe of the Europeans, par- ticularly the Engliſh. They were therefore eaſily learned; and, while I was journeying thus through Africa, I acquired two or three different tongues. In this manner I had been travelling for a conſiderable time, when one evening to my great ſur- priſe, whom ſhould I fee brought to the houſe where I was but my dear fifter! As ſoon as ſhe ſaw me ſhe gave a loud ſhriek, and ran into my arms—I was quite overpowered: neither of us could ſpeak; but, for a conſiderable time, D6 clung [ 60 ] clung to each other in mutual embraces, unable to do any thing but weep. Our meeting affected all who ſaw us; and indeed I muſt acknowledge, in honour of thoſe fable deſtroyers of human rights, that I never met with any ill treatment, or ſaw any offered to their ſlaves, except tying them, when ne- ceſſary, to keep them from running away. When theſe people knew we were brother and fifter, they indulged us to be together; and the man, to whom I fuppoſed we belonged, lay with us, he in the middle, while ſhe and I held one another by the hands acroſs his breaſt all night; and thus for a while we forgot our misfortunes in the joy of being together : but even this ſmall comfort was ſoon to have an end; for ſcarcely had the fatal morning appear- ed, when the was again torn from me for ever! I was now more miſerable,. if if poſſible, than before. The ſmall relief which her preſence gave me from pain was gone, and the wretchedneſs of my ſituation was redoubled by my. anxiety after her fate, and my appre- henſions left her ſufferings ſhould be greater than mine, when I could not be with her to alleviate them. Yes,, thou dear partner of all my childiſh ſports ! thou ſharer of my joys and forrows! happy ſhould I have ever efteemed myſelf to encounter every miſery for you, and to procure your freedom by the facrifice of my own. Though you were early forced from my arms, your image has been always rivetted in my heart, from which neither time nor fortune have been able to re- move it; ſo that, while the thoughts of your ſufferings have damped my proſperity, they have mingled with adverſity and increaſed its bitterneſs.. To [ 62 ] To that Heaven which protects the weak from the ſtrong, I commit the care of your innocence and virtues, if they have not already received their full reward, and if your youth and delicacy have not long ſince fallen vic- tims to the violence of the African trader, the peftilential ſtench of a Guinea fhip, the ſeaſoning in the Euro- pean colonies, or the laſh and luft of a brutal and unrelenting overſeer. I did not long remain after my ſiſter. I was again fold, and carried through a number of places, till, after travelling a conſiderable time, I came to a town called Tinmah, in the moſt beautiful country I had yet feen in Africa. It was extremely rich, and there were many rivulets which flowed through it, and ſupplied a large pond in the centre of the town, where the people waſhed. Here I firſt ſaw and taſted cocoa nuts, which [ 63 ] which I thought ſuperior to any nuts I had ever taſted before ; and the trees, , which were loaded, were alſo interfperf- ed amongſt the houſes, which had com- modious ſhades adjoining, and were in the ſame manner as ours, the inſides being neatly plaſtered and whitewaſhed, Here I alſo ſaw and taſted for the firſt time ſugar-cane. Their money conſiſted of little white ſhells, the ſize of the fin- ger nail. I was ſold here for one hundred and ſeventy-two of them by a merchant who lived and brought me there. I had been about two or three days at his houſe, when a wealthy widow, a neighbour of his, came there one even- ing, and brought with her an only fon, a young gentleman about my own age and ſize. Here they ſaw me; and, having taken a fancy to me, I was bought of the merchant, and went home with them. Her houſe and premiſes [ 64 ] premiſes were fituated cloſe to one of thoſe rivulets I have mentioned, and were the fineſt I ever ſaw in Africa: they were very extenſive, and ſhe had a number of ſlaves to attend her. The next day I was waſhed and perfumed, | and when meal-time came, I was led into the preſence of my miſtreſs, and eat and drank before her with her ſon. This filled me with aſtoniſhment; and I could ſcarce help expreſſing my fur- priſe that the young gentleman ſhould ſuffer me, who was bound, to eat with him who was free; and not only ſo, but that he would not at any time either eat or drink till I had taken firſt, be- cauſe I was the eldeſt, which was agreeable to our cuſtom. Indeed every thing here, and all their treatment of me, made me forget that I was a ſlave. The language of theſe people reſem- bled ours ſo nearly, that we underſtood each [ 65 each other perfectly. They had allo the very fame cuſtoms as we. There were likewiſe flaves daily to attend us, while my young maſter and I with other boys ſported with our darts and bows and arrows, as I had been uſed to do at home. In this reſemblance to my former happy ſtate, I paſſed about two months; and I now began to think I was to be adopted into the family, and was beginning to be re- conciled to my ſituation, and to for- get by degrees my misfortunes, when all at once the deluſion vaniſhed; for, without the leaſt previous knowledge, one morning early, while my dear maſter and companion was ſtill aſleep, I was awakened out of my reverie to freſh forrow, and hurried away even amongſt the uncircumciſed. Thus, at the very moment I dreamed of the greateſt happineſs, I found my- felf [ 66 ] ſelf moſt miſerable; and it ſeemed as if fortune wiſhed to give me this taſte of joy, only to render the reverſe more poignant. The change I now expe- rienced was as painful as it was ſudden and unexpected. It was a change in- deed from a ſtate of bliſs to a ſcene which is inexpreſſible by me, as it diſcovered to me an element I had never before beheld, and till then had no idea of, and wherein ſuch inſtances of hardſhip and cruelty continually oc- curred as I can never reflect on but with horror. All the nations and people I had hitherto paſſed through reſembled our own in their manners, cuſtoms, and language: but I came at length to a country, the inhabitants of which differed from us in all thoſe particulars. I was very much ſtruck with this dif- ference, eſpecially when I came among 2 people [ 67 ] a people who did not circumciſe, and eat without waſhing their hands. They cooked alſo in iron pots, and had Euro- pean cutlaſſes and croſs bows, which were unknown to us, and fought with their fifts amongſt themſelves. Their women were not ſo modeft as ours, for they eat, and drank, and ſlept, with their men. But above all, I was amazed to ſee no ſacrifices or offerings among them. In fome of thoſe places the people ornamented themſelves with ſcars, and likewiſe filed their teeth very ſharp. They wanted ſometimes to ornament me in the ſame manner, but I would not ſuffer them; hoping that I might ſome time be among a people who did not thus disfigure them- felves, as I thought they did. At laſt I came to the banks of a large river, which was covered with canoes, in which the people appeared to live with [ 68 ] with their houſehold utenſils and pro- viſions of all kinds. I was beyond meaſure aſtoniſhed at this, as I had never before ſeen any water larger than a pond or a rivulet : and my furpriſe was mingled with no ſmall fear when I was put into one of theſe canoes, and we began to paddle and move along the river. We continued going on thus till night; and when we came to land, and made fires on the banks, each family by themſelves, ſome dragged their canoes on fhore, others ſtayed and cooked in theirs, and laid in them all night. Thoſe on the land had mats, of which they made tents, fome in the ſhape of little houſes: in theſe we flept: and after the morning meal, we em- barked again and proceeded as before. I was often very much aſtoniſhed to fee ſome of the women, as well as the men, jump into the water, dive to the bottom, [69] bettom, come up again, and ſwim about. Thus I continued to travel, ſometimes by land, ſometimes by water, through different countries and various nations, till, at the end of fix or ſeven months after I had been kidnapped, I arrived at the ſea coaſt. It would be tedious and unintereſting to relate all the incidents which befell me dur- ing this journey, and which I have not yet forgotten; of the various hands I paſſed through, and the manners and cuſtoms of all the different people among whom I lived: I ſhall there- fore only obſerve, that in all the places where I was, the ſoil was exceedingly rich; the pomkins, aedas, plantains, yams, &c. &c. were in great abund- ance, and of incredible ſize. There were alſo vaſt quantities of different gums, though not uſed for any put poſe; and every where a great deal of tobacco, [ 70 ] tobacco. The cotton even grew quite wild ; and there was plenty ofred-wood. I ſaw no mechanics whatever in all the way, except ſuch as I have men- tioned. The chief employment in all theſe countries was agriculture, and both the males and females, as with us, were brought up to it, and trained in the arts of war. The firſt object which faluted my eyes when I arrived on the coaſt was the ſea, and a ſlave ſhip, which was then riding at anchor, and waiting for its cargo. Theſe filled me with aſto- niſhment, which was foon converted into terror when I was carried on board. I was immediately handled, and toffed up to ſee if I were found, by fome of the crew; and I was now per- fuaded that I had gotten into a world of bad fpirits, and that they were going to kill me. Their complexions too 3 differing [ 71 ] differing ſo much from ours, their long hair, and the language they ſpoke, (which was very different from any I had ever heard) united to confirm me in this belief. Indeed ſuch were the horrors of my views and fears at the moment, that, if ten thouſand worlds had been my own, I would have freely parted with them all to haveexchanged my condition with that of the meaneſt flave in my own country. When I look- ed round the ſhip too and ſaw a large fu furnace or copper boiling, and a mul- titude of black people of every deſcrip- tai tion chained together, every one of o their countenances expreſſing dejection and ſorrow, I no longer doubted of my fate; and, quite overpowered with horror and anguiſh, I fell motionleſs on the deck and fainted. When I recovered a little I found ſome black 5 people about me, who I believed were ſome [ 32 ] fome of thoſe who brought me on board, and had been receiving their pay; they talked to me in order to cheer me, but all in vain. I aſked them if we were not to be eaten by thoſe white men with horrible looks, red faces, and long hair. They told me I was not: and one of the crew brought me a ſmall portion of fpiritu- ous liquor in a wine glafs; but, being afraid of him, I would not take it out of his hand. One of the blacks there- fore took it from him and gave it to me, and I took a little down my palate, which, inſtead of reviving me, as they thought it would, threw me into the greateſt confternation at the ſtrange feeling it produced, having never taſted any ſuch liquor before. Soon after this the blacks who brought me on board went off, and left me abandoned to deſpair. I now ſaw myſelf deprived of [ 73 ] of all chance of returning to my native country, or even the leaſt glimpſe of hope of gaining the ſhore, which I now conſidered as friendly ; and I even wiſhed for my former ſlavery in pre- ference to my preſent ſituation, which was filled with horrors of every kind, ſtill heightened by my ignorance of what I was to undergo. I was not long ſuffered to indulge my grief; I was foon put down under the decks, and there I received ſuch a ſalutation in my noſtrils as I had never expe- rienced in my life: ſo that, with the Par loathſomeneſs of the ſtench, and crying together, I became ſo ſick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the leaſt deſire to taſte any thing. I now wiſhed for the laſt friend, death, to relieve me; but ſoon, to my grief, two of the white men offered me eat- ables; and, on my refuſing to eat, VOL. I. E C one [ 74 ) one of them held me faſt by the hands, and laid me acroſs, I think the windlaſs, and tied my feet, while the other flogged me ſeverely. I had never experienced any thing of this kind before; and al- though not being uſed to the water, I naturally feared that element the firft time I ſaw it, yet nevertheleſs, could I have got over the nettings, I would have jumped over the ſide, but I could not; and, befides, the crew ufed to watch us very cloſely who were not chained down to the decks, left we fhould leap into the water: and I have feen ſome of theſe poor African pri- ſoners moſt ſeverely cut for attempting to do ſo, and hourly whipped for not eating. This indeed was often the caſe with myſelf. In a little time after, amongſt the poor chained men, I found ſome of my own nation, which in a ſmall degree gave eaſe to my mind. I inquired [ 75 ] inquired of theſe what was to be done with us? they gave me to underſtand we were to be carried to theſe white people's country to work for them. I then was a little revived, and thought, if it were no worſe than working, my ſituation was not ſo deſperate : but ſtill I feared I ſhould be put to death, the white people looked and acted, as I thought, in fo ſavage a manner; for I had never ſeen among any people ſuch inſtances of brutal cruelty; and this not only ſhewn towards us blacks, but alſo to ſome of the whites them- ſelves. One white man in particular I faw, when we were permitted to be on deck, flogged ſo unmercifully with a large rope near the foremaſt, that he died in conſequence of it; and they toffed him over the fide as they would have done a brute. This made me fear theſe people the more; and I ex- pected [ 76 ) I could not help < pected nothing leſs than to be treated in the fame manner. expreſſing my fears and apprehenſions to ſome of my countrymen: I aſked them if theſe people had no country, but lived in this hollow place (the fhip)? they told me they did not, but came from a diſtant one. Then,' ſaid. 1, how comes it in all our country we never heard of them?' They told me becauſe they lived ſo very far off. I then aſked where were their women? had they any like themſelves ? I was told they had: And why,' ſaid I, do we 'not ſee them?' they anſwered, becauſe they were left behind. I aſked how the veſſel could go ? they told me they could not tell; but that there were cloth put upon the maſts by the help of the ropes I faw, and then the veſſel went on; and the white men had ſome ſpell or magic they put in the water when [ 77. ] when they liked in order to ſtop the veffel. I was exceedingly amazed at this account, and really thought they were ſpirits. I therefore wiſhed much to be from amongſt them, for I ex- pected they would ſacrifice me: but my wiſhes were vain; for we were ſo quartered that it was impoſſible for any of us to make our eſcape. While we ſtayed on the coaſt I was moſtly on deck; and one day, to my great aſto- niſhment, I ſaw one of theſe veſſels coming in with the fails up. As ſoon as the whites ſaw it, they gave a great fhout, at which we were amazed; and the more ſo as the veſſel appeared larger by approaching nearer. At laſt ſhe came to an anchor in my fight, and when the anchor was let go I and my countrymen who ſaw it were loft in aſtoniſhment to obſerve the veſſel ftop; and were now convinced it was 3 sono Odone [ 78 1 done by magic. Soon after this the other ſhip got her boats out, and they came on board of us, and the people of both ſhips ſeemed very glad to fee each other. Several of the ſtrangers alſo ſhook hands with us black people, and made motions with their hands, fignifying I fuppoſe, we were to go to their country; but we did not underſtand them. At laſt, when the ſhip we were in, had got in all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noiſes, and we were all put under deck, ſo that we could not ſee how they managed the veſſel. But this difappointment was the leaſt of my forrow. The ſtench of the hold while we were on the coaſt was ſo in tolerably loathſome, that it was dan gerous to remain there for any time, and ſome of us had been permitted to ſtay on the deck for the freſh air; but now that the whole ſhip's cargo were confined [ 79 ) confined together, it became abſolutely peſtilential. The cloſeneſs of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ſhip, which was ſo erowded that each had ſcarcely room to turn himſelf, almoft fuffocated us. This produced copious perſpirations, fo that the air foon became unfit for reſpiration, from a variety of loath- fome ſmells, and brought on a ſickneſs among the ſlaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their pur- chaſers. This wretched ſituation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become infupportable; and the filth of the neceſſary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almoſt fuffocated. The ſhrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a ſcene of horror almoſt inconceivable. Happily perhaps E 4 for [80] for myſelf I was ſoon reduced ſo low here that it was thought néceſſary to keep me almoft always on deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters. In this ſituation I expected every hour to ſhare the fate of my companions, ſome of whom were al- moſt daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would ſoon put an end to my miſeries. Often did I think many of the inhabi- tants of the deep much more happy than myſelf, I envied them the freedom they enjoyed, and as often wiſhed I could change my condition for theirs. Every circumſtance I met with ſerved only to render my ſtate more painful, and heighten my apprehenſions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites. One day they had taken a number of fiſhes; and when they had killed and fatisfied themſelves with as many as they [81] they thought fit, to our aſtoniſhment who were on the deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat, as we expected, they toſſed the remaining fiſh into the ſea again, although we begged and prayed for ſome as well as we could, but in vain ; and ſome of my countrymen, being preſſed by hun- ger, took an opportunity, when they thought no one ſaw them, of trying to get a little privately; but they were diſ- covered, and the attempt procured them fevere floggings. One day, when we had a ſmooth ſea and mode- rate wind, two of my wearied country- men who were chained together (I was near them at the time), preferring death to ſuch a life of miſery, fomehow made through the nettings and jumped into the ſea : immediately another quite de- jected fellow, who on account of his illneſs, was ſuffered to be out of irons, alſo fome very ES [ 82 ] alſo followed their example; and I be lieve many more would very ſoon have done the fame if they had not been pre- vented by the ſhip's crew, who were inſtantly alarmed. Thoſe of us that were the moſt active were in a moment put down under the deck, and there was fuch a noiſe and confuſion amongſt the people of the ſhip as I never heard before, to ſtop her, and get the boat eut to go after the ſlaves. However two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully, for thus at- tempting to prefer death to ſlavery. In this manner we continued to under- go more hardſhips than I can now relate, hardſhips which are inſeparable from this accurſed trade. Many a time we were near fuffocation from the want of freſh air, which we were often without for whole days together. This, and [ 83 ] and the ſtench of the neceffary tubs, carried off many. During our paffage I firſt ſaw flying fiſhes, which ſurpriſed me very much : they uſed frequently to fly acroſs the ſhip, and many of them fell on the deck. I alſo now firſt ſaw the uſe of the quadrant ; I had eften with aſtoniſhment ſeen the mari. ners make obſervations with it, and I could not think what it meant. They at laſt took notice of my furpriſe: and one of them, willing to increaſe it, as well as to gratify my curiofity, made me one day look through it. The clouds appeared to me to be land, which dif- appeared as they paſſed along. This heightened my wonder; and I was now more perſuaded than ever that I was in another world, and that every thing about me was magic. At laſt we came in fight of the iſland of Barbadoes, at which the whites on board gave a great E 6 fhout, [ 84 ] fhout, and made many ſigns of joy to us. We did not know what to think of this; but as the veſſel drew nearer we plainly ſaw the harbour, and other ſhips of different kinds and ſizes; and we foon anchored amongſt them off Bridge Town. Many merchants and planters now came on board, though it was in the evening. They put us in ſeparate parcels, and examined us attentively. They alſo made us jump, and pointed to the land, ſignifying we were to go there. We thought by this we ſhould be eaten by theſe ugly men, as they ap- peared to us; and, when foon after we were all put down under the deck again, there was much dread and trem- bling among us, and nothing but bitter cries to be heard all the night from theſe apprehenfions, inſomuch that at laft the white people got ſome old flaves from the land to pacify us. They told [ 85 ], told us we were not to be eaten, but to work, and were ſoon to go on land, where we ſhould ſee many of our country people. This report eaſed us much; and ſure enough, foon after we were landed, there came to us Africans of all languages. We were conducted immediately to the mer- chant's yard, where we were all pent up together like ſo many fheep in a fold, without regard to ſex or age. As every object was new to me every thing I ſaw filled me with ſurpriſe. What ftruck me firſt was that the houſes were built with bricks and ſtories, and in every other reſpect different from thoſe I had ſeen in Africa: but I was ſtill more aſ- toniſhed on ſeeing people on horſeback. I did not know what this could mean; and indeed I thought theſe people were full of nothing but magical arts. While I was in this aſtoniſhment one of my fellow [ 86 ) fellow priſoners ſpoke to a countryman of his about the horſes, who ſaid they were the ſame kind they had in their country. I underſtood them, though they were from a diſtant part of Africa, and I thought it odd I had not feen any horſes there; but afterwards, when I came to converſe with different Afri- €ans, I found they had many horſes amongſt them, and much larger than thoſe I then faw. We were not many days in the merchant's cuſtody before we were ſold after their uſual manner, which is this :-On a fignal given, (as the beat of a drum) the buyers ruſh at once into the yard where the flaves are confined, and make choice of that parcel they like beſt. The noiſe and clamour with which this is attended, and the eagerneſs viſible in the coun- tenances of the buyers, ſerve not a little to increaſe the apprehenſion of the terrified [ 87 terrified Africans, who may well be ſuppoſed to conſider them as the mini- ſters of that deſtruction to which they think themſelves devoted. In this manner, without ſcruple, are relations and friends ſeparated, moſt of them never to fee each other again. I re-- member in the veffel in which I was brought over, in the men's apartment, there were feveral brothers, who, in the ſale, were ſold in different lots; and it was very moving on this occafion to ſee and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Chriſtians! might not an African aſk you, learned you this from your God, who ſays unto you, Do unto all men as you would men ſhould do unto you? Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends, to toil for your luxury and luft of gain? Muſt every tender feeling be likewiſe facrificed to your avarice? Are. [ 88 ] Are the deareſt friends and relations, now rendered more dear by their ſepa- ration from their kindred, ſtill to be parted from each other, and thus pre- vented from cheering the glocm of ſlavery with the ſmall comfort of being together and mingling their ſufferings and forrows? Why are parents to loſe their children, brothers their fifters, or huſbands their wives? Surely this is a new refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates diſtreſs, and adds freſh horrars even to the wretchedneſs of ſlavery. dov smo por me to be TUOY Ten pot donar att blod) borte og ofte qui bas yukle boot od gnilai robu CHAP. SODIU DO 01 bankaita [ 89 ] CHA P. III. The author is carried to Virginia-His dif- treſs--Surpriſe at ſeeing a picture and a watch-Is bought by Captain Paſcal, and ſets out for England–His terror during the voyage--Arrives in England --His wonder at a fall of ſnow-Is ſent to Guernſey, and in fome time goes on board a ſhip of war with his maſter —Some account of the expedition againſt Louiſbourg under the command of Admi- ral Boſcawen, in 1758. Qon bris I now totally loſt the ſmall remains of comfort I had enjoyed in con- verſing with my countrymen; the wo- men too, who uſed to waſh and take care of me, were all gone different ways, [ 90 ] ways, and I never ſaw one of them: afterwards. I ſtayed in this iſland for a few days; I believe it could not be above a fort- night; when I and ſome few more flaves, that were not faleable amongft the reſt, from very much fretting, were ſhipped off in a floop for North America. On the paſſage we were better treated than when we were com- ing from Africa, and we had plenty of rice and fat pork. We were landed up a river a good way from the ſea, about Virginia county, where we ſaw few or none of our native Africans, and not one foul who could talk to me. I was a few weeks weeding graſs, and gathering ſtones in a plantation; and at laſt all my companions were diſtria buted different ways, and only myſelf was left. I was now exceedingly mi- ſerable, and thought myſelf worſe off than [gr] than any of the reſt of my companions ;. for they could talk to each other, but I had no perſon to ſpeak to that I could underſtand. In this ftate I was conſtantly grieving and pining, and wiſhing for death rather than any thing elſe. While I was in this plantation the gentleman, to whom I ſuppoſe the eſtate belonged, being unwell, I was one day fent for to his dwelling houſe to fan him; when I came into the room where he was I was very much affrighted at ſome things I ſaw, and the more fo as I had ſeen a black woman ſlave as I came through the houſe, who was cooking the dinner, and the poor crea- ture was cruelly loaded with various kinds of iron machines; ſhe had one particularly on her head, which locked her mouth ſo faſt that ſhe could ſcarcely ſpeak; and could not eat nor drink. I was much aſtoniſhed and fhocked at this [92] this contrivance, which I afterwards learned was called the iron muzzle. Soon after I had a fan put into my hand, to fan the gentleman while he flept; and ſo I did indeed with great fear. While he was faſt aſleep I in- dulged myſelf a great deal in looking about the room, which to me appeared very fine and curious. The firſt object that engaged my attention was a watch which hung on the chimney, and was going. I was quite ſurpriſed at the noiſe it made, and was afraid it would fell the gentleman any thing I might do amiſs: and when I immediately after obſerved a picture hanging in the room, which appeared conſtantly to look at me, I was ſtill more affrighted, having never ſeen ſuch things as theſe before. Atone time I thought it was ſomething relative to magic; and not ſeeing it move I thought it might be ſome way the [ 93 ] the whites had to keep their great meni when they died, and offer them liba- itions as we uſed to do to our friendly ſpirits. In this ſtate of anxiety I re- mained till my maſter awoke, when I was diſmiſſed out of the room, to my no ſmall ſatisfaction and relief; for I thought that theſe people were all made up of wonders. In this place I was called Jacob; but on board the African ſnow I was called Michael. I had been fome time in this miſerable, forlorn, and much dejected ſtate, without having any one to talk to, which made my life a burden, when the kind and unknown hand of the Creator (who in very deed leads the blind in a way they know not) now began to appear, to my comfort; for one day the captain of a merchant thip, called the Induſtrious Bee, came on ſome buſineſs to my maſter's houſe. This gentleman, whoſe name was Mi- chael [ 24 ] chael Henry Paſcal, was a lieutenant in the royal navy, but now commanded this trading ſhip, which was ſome- where in the confines of the county many miles off. While he was at my maſter's houſe it happened that he ſaw me, and liked me ſo well that he made a purchaſe of me. I think I have often heard him ſay he gave thirty or forty pounds ſterling for me, but I do not now remember which. However, he meant me for a preſent to ſome of his friends in England: and I was ſent accordingly from the houſe of my then maſter, (one Mr. Campbell) to the place where the ſhip lay; I was con- ducted on horſeback by an elderly black man, (a mode of travelling which appeared very odd to me). When I arrived I was carried on board a fine large ſhip, loaded with tobacco, &c. and juſt ready to ſail for England. I now ( 95 ) I now thought my condition much mended; I had fails to lie on, and plenty of good victuals to eat; and every body on board uſed me very kindly, quite contrary to what I had feen of any white people before; I therefore began to think that they were not all of the ſame diſpoſition. A few days after I was on board we failed for England. I was ftill at a loſs to conjecture my deſtiny. By this time, however, I could fmatter a little im- perfect Engliſh; and I wanted to know as well as I could where we were going. Some of the people of the ſhip ufed to tell me they were go- ing to carry me back to my own coun- try, and this made me very happy. I was quite rejoiced at the idea of going back; and thought if I ſhould get home what wonders I fhould have to tell. But I was reſerved for another 2 fate, [96] fate, and was ſoon undeceived when we came within ſight of the Engliſh coaſt. While I was on board this ſhip, my captain and maſter named me Guftavas Vaſa. I at that time began to underſtand him a little, and refuſed to be called fo, and told him as well as I could that I would be called Jacob; but he ſaid I ſhould not, and ſtill called me Guftavus: and when I re- fuſed to anſwer to my new name, which at firſt I did, it gained me many a cuff; fo at length I fubmitted, and by which I have been known ever fince. The ſhip had a very long pal- ſage; and on that account we had very ſhort allowance of proviſions. Towards the laſt we had only one pound and a half of bread per week, and about the ſame quantity of meat, and one quart of water a-day. We ſpoke with only one veffel the whole time we were at 3 ( 97 ) at fea, and but once we caught a few fiſhes. In our extremities the captain and people told me in jeſt they would kill and eat me; but I thought them in earneſt, and was depreſſed beyond meaſure, expecting every moment 10 be my laſt. While I was in this ſitu- ation one evening they caught, with a good deal of trouble, a large ſhark, and got it on board. This glad- dened my poor my poor heart exceedingly, as I thought it would ſerve the people to eat inſtead of their eating me; but very ſoon, to my aſtoniſhment, they cut off a ſmall part of the tail, and tofled the reſt over the ſide. This renewed my conſternation; and I did not know what to think of theſe white people, though I very much feared they would kill and eat me. There was on board the ſhip a young lad who had never been at fea before, about Vol. I. F jour [ 98 ) four or five years older than myſelf: his name was Richard Baker. He was a native of America, had received an ex- cellent education, and was of a moſt amiable temper. Soon after I went on board he ſhewed me a great deal of partiality and attention, and in return I grew extremely fond of him. We at length became inſeparable ; and, for the ſpace of two years, he was of very great uſe to me, and was my conſtant companion and inſtructor. Although this dear youth had many flaves of his own, yet he and I have gone through many fufferings together on ſhipboard; and we have many nights lain in each other's boſoms when we were in great diſtreſs. Thus ſuch a friendſhip was cemented between us as we cheriſhed till his death, which, to my very great forrow, happened in the year 1759, when he was up the Archipelago, 5 [99] Archipelago, on board his majeſty's fhip the Preſton: an event which I have never ceaſed to regret, as I loft at once a kind interpreter, an agreeable companion, and a faithful friend; who, at the age of fifteen, diſcovered a mind ſuperior to prejudice ; and who was not aſhamed to notice, to aſſociate with, and to be the friend and inſtructor of one who was ignorant, a ſtranger, of a different complexion, and a ſlave! My maſter had lodged in his mother's houſe in America: he reſpected him very much, and made him always eat with him in the cabin. He uſed often to tell him jocularly that he would kill and eat me. Sometimes he would ſay to me-the black people were not good to eat, and would aſk me if we did not eat people in my country. I ſaid, No: then he ſaid he would kill Dick (as he always called him) firſt, F 2 and [ 100 ] and afterwards me. Though this hear, ing relieved my mind a little as to myſelf, I was alarmed for Dick, and whenever he was called I uſed to be very much afraid he was to be killed; and I would peep and watch to ſee if they were going to kill him: nor was I free from this conſternation till we made the land. One night we loft a man overboard; and the cries and noiſe were ſo great and confuſed, in ſtopping the ſhip, that I, who did not know what was the matter, began, as uſual, to be very much afraid, and to think they were going to make an of- fering with me, and perform fome magic; which I ſtill believed they dealt in. As the waves were very high I thought the Ruler of the ſeas was an- gry, and I expected to be offered up to appeaſe him. This filled my mind with agony, and I could not any more that [101] that night cloſe my eyes again to reſt. However, when daylight appeared I was a little eaſed in my mind; but Itill every time I was called I uſed to think it was to be killed. Some time after this we ſaw ſome very large fiſh, which I afterwards found were called grampuſſes. They looked to me ex- tremely terrible, and made their ap- pearance juſt at duſk; and were ſo near as to blow the water on the ſhip's deck. I believed them to be the rulers of the ſeal; and as the white people did not make any offerings at any time, I thought they were angry with them: and, at laſt, what con- firmed my belief was, the wind juſt then died away, and a calm enſued, and in conſequence of it the ſhip ſtopped going. I ſuppoſed that the fiſh had per- formed this, and I hid myſelf in the fore part of the ſhip, through fear of be- F 3 [ 102 ] ing offered up to appeaſe them, every minute peeping and quaking: but my good friend Dick came ſhortly towards me, and I took an opportunity to aſk him, as well as I could, what theſe filh were. Not being able to talk much Engliſh, I could but juſt make him underſtand my queſtion; and not at all, when I aſked him if any offer- ings were to be made to them: how- ever, he told me theſe fiſh would ſwallow any body; which ſufficiently alarmed me. Here he was called away by the captain, who was leaning over the quarter-deck railing and looking at the fiſh; and moſt of the people were bufied in getting a barrel of pitch to light, for them to play with. The captain now called me to him, having learned ſome of my apprehenſions from Dick; and having diverted himſelf and others for ſome time with my fears, which [103] me. which appeared ludicrous enough in my crying and trembling, he diſmiſſed The barrel of pitch was now lighted and put over the fide into the water: by this time it was juſt dark, and the fiſh went after it; and, to my great joy, I ſaw them no more. However, all my alarms began to fubfide when we got fight of land; and at laſt the ſhip arrived at Falmouth, af- ter a paſſage of thirteen weeks. Every heart on board ſeemed gladdened on our reaching the ſhore, and none more than mine. The captain immediately went on ſhore, and ſent on board ſome freſh proviſions, which we wanted very much: we made good uſe of them, and our famine was ſoon turned into feaſt- ing, almoſt without ending. It was about the beginning of the ſpring 1757, when I arrived in England, and I was near twelve years of age at that time. F4 104 time! was very much ſtruck witt the buildings and the pavement of the ſtreets in Falmouth; and, indeed, every object I ſaw filled me with new fur- priſe. One morning, when I got upon deck, I ſaw it covered all over with the fnow that fell over-night: as I had never ſeen any thing of the kind before, I thought it was falt; ſo I immediately ran down to the mate and deſired him as well as I could, to come and fee how ſomebody in the night had thrown falt all over the deck. He, knowing what it was, deſired me to bring fome of it down to him: accordingly I took up a handful of it, which I found very cold indeed; and when I brought it to him he deſired me to taſte it. I did fo, and I was ſurpriſed beyond mea- fure. I then aſked him what it was ; he told me it was ſnow: but I could not in any wife underſtand him. He alked [ 105 ] aſked me if we had no ſuch thing in my country; and I told him, No. I. then aſked him the uſe of it, and who made it; he told me a great man in the heavens, called God: but here again I was to all intents and purpoſes at a loſs to underſtand him; and the more ſo, when a little after I ſaw the air filled with it, in a heavy ſhower, which fell down on the fame day. After this I went to church; and having never been at ſuch a place before, I was again amazed at ſeeing and hearing the ſervice. I aſked all I could about it; and they gave me to: underſtand it was worſhipping God, who made us and all things. I was ſtill at a great loſs, and foon got into an endleſs field of inquiries, as well as I. was able to ſpeak and afk about things. However, my little friend Dick uſed to o be FS [ 106 ] be my beſt interpreter; for I could make free with him, and he always in- ſtructed me with pleaſure : and from what I could underſtand by him of this God, and in ſeeing theſe white people did not ſell one another as we did, I was much pleaſed; and in this I thought they were much happier than we Afri- cans. I was aſtoniſhed at the wiſdom of the white people in all things I ſaw; but was amazed at their not facrificing, or making any offerings, and eating with unwaſhed hands, and touching the dead. I likewiſe could not help re- marking the particular flenderneſs of their women, which I did not at firſt like; and I thought they were not fo modeft and ſhamefaced as the African women. I had often ſeen my maſter and Dick employed in reading; and I had a great curioſity to talk to the books, as I thought [ 107 ] 1 thought they did; and ſo to learn how all things had a beginning : for that purpoſe I have often taken up a book, and have talked to it, and then put my ears to it, when alone, in hopes it would anſwer me ; and I have been very much concerned when I found it remained ſilent. My maſter lodged at the houſe of a gentleman in Falmouth, who had a fine little daughter about fix or ſeven years of age, and ſhe grew prodigiouſly fond of me; inſomuch that we uſed to eat together, and had fervants to wait on us. I was ſo much careſſed by this family that it often reminded me of the treatment I had received from my little noble African maſter. After I had been here a few days, I was ſent on board of the ſhip; but the child cried ſo much after me that nothing could pacify her till I was ſent for again. F 6 It ( 108 ) It is ludicrous enough, that I began to fear I ſhould be betrothed to this: young lady; and when my maſter aſked me if I would ſtay there with her behind him, as he was going away with the ſhip, which had taken in the tobacco again, I cried immediatelys and ſaid I would not leave him. At laſt, by ſtealth, one night I was ſent on board the fhip again; and in a little time we failed for Guernſey, where ſhe was in part owned by a merchant, one Nicholas Doberry. As I was now amongſt a people who had not their faces ſcarred, like ſome of the African nations where I had been, I was very glad I did not let them ornament me in that manner when I was with them. When we arrived at Guernſey, my maſter placed me to board and lodge with one ofYiis mates, who had a wife and familythere, and ſome months after- wards [ 109 ] wards he went to England, and left me in care of this mate, together with my friend Dick: This mate had a little daughter, aged about five or ſix years, with whom I uſed to be much de- lighted. I had often obſerved that when her mother waſhed her face it looked very rofy; but when ſhe waſhed mine it did not look fo: I therefore tried oftentimes myſelfif I could not by waſhing make my face of the ſame co- lour as my little play-mate (Mary), but it was all in vain; and I now began to be mortified at the difference in our com- plexions. This woman behaved to me with great kindneſs and attention; and taught me every thing in the ſame manner as fhe did her own child, and indeed in every reſpect treated me as fuch. I remained here till the fum when ту. maſter, being appointed firſt lieu, tenant mer of the year1757: [ IIO] tenant of his majeſty's ſhip the Roe- buck, fent for Dick and me, and his old mate: on this we all left Guernſey, and ſet out for England in a floop bound for London. As we were coming up towards the Nore, where the Roebuck lay, a man of war's boat came alongſide to preſs our peo- ple; on which each man ran to hide himſelf. I was very much frightened at this, though I did not know what it meant, or what to think or do. How- ever I went and hid myſelf alſo under a hencoop. Immediately afterwards the preſs-gang came on board with their fwords drawn, and ſearched all about, pulled the people out by force, and put them into the boat. At last I was found out alſo; the man that found me held me up by the heels while they all made their ſport of me, I roaring and crying out all the time moft luſtily; but at laft [ 11 ] laſt the mate, who was my conductor, feeing this, came to my aſſiſtance, and did all he could to pacify me; but all to very little purpoſe, till I had ſeen the boat go off. Soon afterwards we came to the Nore, where the Roebuck lay; and, to our great joy, my maſter came on board to us, and brought us to the fhip. When I went on board this large ſhip, I was amazed indeed to ſee the quantity of men and the guns. However my ſurpriſe began to diminiſh as my knowledge increaſed; and I ceaſed to feel thoſe apprehenſions and alarms which had taken ſuch ſtrong poſſeſſion of me when I firſt came among the Europeans, and for ſome time after. I began now to paſs to an op- pofite extreme; I was ſo far from being afraidof any thing new which I ſaw that, after I had been ſometime in thisſhip, I even began to long for an engagement. My [112] My griefs too, which in young minds are not perpetual, were now wearing away; and I ſoon enjoyed myſelf pretty well, and felt tolerably eaſy in my pre- fent ſituation. There was a number of boys on board, which ſtill made it more agreeable; for we were always together, and a great part of our time was ſpent in play. I remained in this fhip a confiderable time, during which we made ſeveral cruiſes, and viſited a variety of places: among others we were twice in Holland, and brought over ſeveral perſons of diſtinction from it, whoſe names I do not now remem- ber. On the paſſage, one day, for the diverſion of thoſe gentlemen, all the boys were called on the quarter deck, and were paired proportionably, and then made to fight; after which the gentlemen gave the combatants from five to nine Shillings each. This was the [ 113 ] the firſt time I ever fought with a white boy; and I never knew what it was to have a bloody noſe before. This made me fight moſt deſperately; I ſuppoſe conſiderably more than an hour: and at laſt, both of us being weary, we were parted. I had a great deal of this kind of ſport afterwards, in which the captain and the ſhip's company uſed very much to encourage me. Some- time afterwards the ſhip went to Leith in Scotland, and from thence to the Ork- neys, where I was ſurpriſed in ſeeing ſcarcely any night: and from thence we failed with a great fleet, full of ſoldiers, for England. All this time we had never come to an engagement, though we were frequently cruiſing off the coaſt of France : during which we chaſed many veſſels, and took in all ſeventeen prizes. I had been learning many of the mancuyres of the ſhip during [ 114 ] during our cruiſe; and I was ſeveral times made to fire the guns. One even- ing, off Havre de Grace, juſt as it was growing dark, we were ſtanding off ſhore, and met with a fine large French-built frigate. We got all things immediately ready for fighting; and I now expected I ſhould be gratified in feeing an engagement, which I had fo long wiſhed for in vain. But the very moment the word of command was given to fire, we heard thoſe on board the other ſhip cryHaul down the jib;' and in that inſtant ſhe hoiſted Engliſh colours. There was inſtantly with us an amazing cry-of--Avaſt! or ſtop firing; and I think one or two guns had been let off, but happily they did no mil- chief. We had hailed them ſeveral times; but they not hearing, we re- ceived no anſwer, which was the cauſe of our firing. The boat was then ſent on [ 115 ] on board of her, and ſhe proved to be the Ambuſcade man of war, to my no- ſmall diſappointment. We returned to Portſmouth, without having been in any action, juſt at the trial of Admiral Byng (whom I ſaw ſeveral times dur- ing it): and my maſter having left the fhip, and gone to London for promo- tion, Dick and I were put on board the Savage floop of war, and we went in her to aſſiſt in bringing off the St. George man of war, that had ran aſhore fomewhere on the coaſt. After ſtaying a few weeks on board the Savage, Dick and I were ſent on ſhore at Deal, where we remained ſome ſhort time, till my maſter ſent for us to London, the place I had long deſired exceedingly to fee. We therefore both with great pleaſure got into a waggon, and came to Lon- don, where we were received by a Mr. Guerin, a relation of my maſter. This gentleman [ 116 ] gentleman had two ſiſters, very amin able ladies, who took much notice and great care of me. Though I had de- fired ſo much to ſee London, when I arrived in it I was unfortunately unable to gratify my curiofity; for I had at this time the chilblains to fuch a de- gree that I could not ſtand for ſeveral months, and I was obliged to be ſent to St. George's Hoſpital. There ! grew ſo ill, that the doctors wanted to cut my left leg off at different times, apprehending a mortification; but I always ſaid I would rather die than fuf- fer it; and happily (I thank God) recovered without the operation. After being there ſeveral weeks, and juſt as I had recovered, the ſmall pox broke out on me, ſo that I was again confined; and I thought myſelf now particularly unfortunate. However I foon reco- vered again; and by this time my maſter [ 117 ] mafter having been promoted to be firft lieutenant of the Preſton man of war of fifty guns, then new at Deptford, Dick and I were ſent on board her, and ſoon after we went to Holland to bring over the late Duke of to England. -While I was in this ſhip an incident happened, which, though trifling, I beg leave to relate, as I could not help taking particular notice of it, and conſidering it then as a judgment of God. One morning a young man was looking up to the fore-top, and in a wicked tone, common on ſhipboard, d-d his eyes about ſomething. Juſt at the moment ſome ſmall particles of dirt fell into his left eye, and by the evening it was very much inflamed. The next day it grew worſe; and within fix or ſeven days he loſt it. From this ſhip, my maſter was appointed a lieutenant on board the Royal George. When [ 118 ] When he was going he wiſhed me to ſtay on board the Preſton, to learn the French horn; but the ſhip being or- dered for Turkey I could not think of leaving my maſter, to whom I was very warmly attached; and I told him if he left me behind it would break my heart. This prevailed on him to take me with him; but he left Dick on board the Preſton, whom I embraced at parting for the laſt time. The Royal George was the largeſt ſhip I had ever ſeen; ſo that when I came on board of her I was ſurpriſed at the number of people, men, women, and children, of every denomination; and the largeneſs of the guns, many of them alſo of braſs, which I had never ſeen before. Here were alſo ſhops or ſtalls of every kind of goods, and people crying their dif- ferent commodities about the ſhip as in To me it appeared a little world, a town. 3 [ 119 ] world, into which I was again caſt with out a friend, for I had no longer my dear companion Dick. We did not ſtay long here. My maſter was not many weeks on board before he got an appointment to be fixth lieutenant of the Namur, which was then at Spit- head, fitting up for Vice-admiral Boſca- wen, who was going with a large fleet on an expedition againſt Louiſburgh. The crew of the Royal George were turned over to her, and the flag of that gallant admiral was hoiſted on board, the blue at the maintop gallant maſt head. There was a very great fleet of men of war of every deſcrip- tion aſſembled together for this expe- dition, and I was in hopes ſoon to have an opportunity of being gratified with a fea-fight. All things being now in readineſs, this mighty fleet (for there was alſo Admiral Corniſh's fleet in com- pany, [120] pany, deſtined for the Eaſt Indies) at laft weighed anchor, and failed. The two fleets continued in company for ſeveral days, and then parted ; Admiral Corniſh, in the Lenox, having firſt fa- luted our admiral in the Namur, which he returned. We then fteered for America ; but, by contrary winds, we were driven to Teneriffe, where I was ſtruck with its noted peak. Its prodi. gious height, and its form, reſembling a ſugar loaf, filled me with wonder. We remained in ſight of this iſland ſome days, and then proceeded for America, which we foon made, and got into a very commodious harbour called St. George, in Halifax, where we had fiſh in great plenty, and all other freſh proviſions. We were here joined by different men of war and tranſport ſhips with foldiers ; after which, our fleet being increaſed to a prodigious [ 121 prodigious number of ſhips of all kinds, we ſailed for Cape Breton in Nova Scotia. We had the good and gallant General Wolfe on board our ſhip, whoſe affability made him highly I eſteemed and beloved by all the men. med He often honoured me, as well as other and boys, with marks of his notice; and cel ſaved me once a flogging for fighting Twith a young gentleman. We arrived ſem at Cape Breton in the ſummer of 1758: - W and here the ſoldiers were to be landed, his, in order to make an attack upon Louiſ- eedi bourgh. My maſter had ſome part in nad: ſuperintending the landing; and here I is hy was in a ſmall meaſure gratified in ſee- fax, ing an encounter between our men and ty, all the enemy. The French were poſted e wet on the ſhore to receive us, and diſputed of w our landing for a long time: but at laſt diers they were driven from their trenches, and creafell a complete landing was effected. Our VOL. I. troops - prodig [ 122 ] troops purſued them as far as the town of Louiſbourgh. In this action many were killed on both ſides. One thing remarkable I ſaw this day :-A lieute- nant of the Princeſs Amelia, who, as well as my maſter,fuperintended the landing, was giving the word of command, and while his mouth was open a muſquet ball went through it, and paffed out at his check. I had that day in my hand the ſcalp of an indian king, who was killed in the engagement: the ſcalp had been taken off by an Highlander. I ſaw this king's ornaments too, which were very curious, and made of fea- thers. Our land forces laid ſiege to the town of Louiſbourgh, while the French men of war were blocked up in the harbour by the fieet, the batteries at the ſame time playing upon them from the land. This they did with ſuch effect, that one day [123] day I ſaw ſome of the ſhips ſet on fire by the ſhells from the batteries, and I believe two or three of them were quite burnt. At another time, about fifty boats belonging to the Engliſh men of war, commanded by Captain George Belfour of the Ætna fire ſhip, and Mr. Laforey another junior captain, attack- ed and boarded the only two remaining French men of war in the harbour. They alſo ſet fire to a ſeventy-gun fhip, but a fixty-four, called the Bienfaiſant, they brought off. During my ſtay here I had often an opportunity of being near cap- tain Belfour, who was pleaſed to notice me, and liked me ſo much that he often aſked my maſter to let him have me, but he would not part with me; and no conſideration could have induced me to leave him. At laſt Louiſbourgh was taken, and the Eng- lith men of war came into the harbour before G 2 [ 124 ] before it, to my very great joy; for I had now more liberty of indulging my- ſelf, and I went often on ſhore. When the fhips were in the harbour we had the moſt beautiful proceſſion on the water I ever faw. All the admirals and captains of the men of war, full dreſſed, and in their barges, well ornamented with pendants, came alongſide of the Namur. The vice-admiral then went on ſhore in his barge, followed by the other officers in order of ſeniority, to take poffeffion, as I ſuppoſe, of the town and fort. Some time after this the French governor and his lady, and other perſons of note, came on board our ſhip to dine. On this occaſion our ſhips were dreſſed with colours of all kinds, from the topgallant-maſt head to the deck; and this, with the firing of guns, formed a moſt grand and magnificent ſpectacle, As [ 125 ] As ſoon as every thing here was ſettled, Admiral Boſcawen failed with part of the fleet for England, leaving fome fhips behind with Rear admirals Sir Charles Hardy and Durell. It was now winter; and one evening, during our paſſage home, about duſk, when we were in the channel, or near found ings, and were beginning to look for land, we deſcried ſeven fail of large men of war, which ſtood off ſhore. Several people on board of our ſhip faid, as the two fleets were (in forty minutes from the firſt fight) within hail of each other, that they were Engliſh men of war; and ſome of our people even began to name ſome of the ſhips. By this time both fleets began to min- gle, and our admiral ordered his flag to be hoiſted. At that inſtant the other fleet, which were French, hoiſted their enſigns, and gave us a broadſide as they paſſed G 3 [ 126 ] paſſed by. Nothing could create greater ſurpriſe and confuſion among us than- this: the wind was high, the ſea rough, and we had our lower and middle deck guns houſed in, fo that not a ſingle gun on board was ready te be fired at any of the French fhips. However, the Royal William and the Somerſet, being our fternmoſt ſhips, became a little pre- pared, and each gave the French ſhips a broadſide as they paſſed by. I after- wards heard this was a French fqua- dron, commanded by Monſ. Conflans; and certainly had the Frenchmen known our condition, and had a mind to fight us, they might have done us great miſchief. But we were not long befort we were prepared for an engagement. Immediately many things were toffed overboard; the ſhips were made ready for fighting as ſoon as poſſible; and about ten at night we had bent a new maina [ 127 ] main fail, the old one being ſplit. Be- ing now in readineſs for fighting, we wore ſhip, and ſtood after the French fleet, who were one or two ſhips in number more than we. However we gave them chaſe, and continued purſu- ing them all night; and at day-light we ſaw fix of them, all large ſhips of the line, and an Engliſh Eaſt Indiaman, a prize they had taken. We chaſed them all day till between three and four o'clock in the evening, when we came up with, and paſſed within a muſquet ſhot of one ſeventy-four gun fhip, and the Indiaman alſo, who now hoiſted her colours, but immediately hauled them down again. On this we made a fig- nal for the other ſhips to take poffeffion of her; and, ſuppoſing the man of war would likewiſe ſtrike, we cheered, but fhe did not; though if we had fired into her, from being ſo near, we muſt have taken her. To my utter ſurpriſe, G4 the [128] the Somerſet, who was the next fhip a-ſtern of the Namur, made way like- wiſe; and, thinking they were ſure of this French ihip, they cheered in the ſame manner, but ſtill continued to follow us. The French Commodore was about a gun-ſhot ahead of all, run- ning from us with all ſpeed; and about four o'clock he carried his foretop- maft overboard. This cauſed another loud cheer with us; and a little after the topmaſt came cloſe by us; but, to our great ſurpriſe, inſtead of coming up with her, we found ſhe went as faſt as ever, if not faſter. now much ſmoother; and the wind lulling, the ſeventy-four gun fhip we had paſſed came again by us in the very ſame direction, and ſo near, that we heard her people talk as ſhe went by; yet not a ſhot was fired on either fide; and about five or fix o'clock, juſt as it grew dark, ſhe joined her commodore. The fea grew [ 129 ] commodore. We chaſed all night ; but the next day we were out of ſight, ſo that we ſaw no more of them; and we only had the old Indiaman (called Carnarvon I think) for our trouble. After this we ſtood in for the channel, and ſoon made the land; and, about the cloſe of the year 1758--9, we got ſafe to St. Helen's. Here the Namur ran aground; and alſo another large ſhip aftern of us; but, by ſtarting our water, and toſſing many things overboard to lighten her, we got the ſhips off without any damage. We ſtayed for a ſhort time at Spithead, and then went into Portſmouth harbour to refit : from whence the admiral went to London, and my maſter and I ſoon followed, with a preſs-gang, as we wanted ſome hands to complete our complement. G5 СНАР, [ 130 ) THE CHA P. IV. The author is baptized-Narrowly eſcapes drowning-Goes on an expedition to the Mediterranean-Incidents be met with there—Is witnefs to an engagement be- tween ſome Engliſh and French fhips- A particular account of the celebrated engagement between Admiral Boſcawen and Monf. Le Clue, off Cape Logas, in Auguſt 1759—Dreadful exploſion of a French pip--The author fails for Eng- land--His maſter appointed to the com- mand of a fire-fhip-Meets a negro boy, from whom he experiences much benevo- lence~-Prepares for an expedition againſt Belle-Ille-A remarkable ſtory of a difafter which befel his ſhip--Arrives at Belle-Ile--Operations of the landing and [ 131 ] and ſiege-The author's danger and dif- treſs, with his manner of extricating bimſelf-Surrender of Belle-Ife--Tran- actions afterwards on the coaſt of France Remarkable inftance of kidnapping-- The author returns to England--Hears a talk of peace, and expects his freedon- His ſhip fails for Deptford to be paid oft, and when he arrives there he is ſuddenly ſeized by his maſter and carried forcibly on board a Weft India ship and fold. It was now between two and three years ſince I firſt came to England, a great part of which I had ſpent at fea; ſo that I became inured to that ſervice, and began to conſider myſelf as happily fituated; for my maſter treated me alm ways extremely well; and my attach- ment and gratitude to him were very great. From the various ſcenes I had G6 beheld 132 ] beheld on ſhip-board, I ſoon grew a ſtranger to terror of every kind, and was, in that reſpect at leaſt, almoſt an Engliſhman. I have often reflected with ſurpriſe that I never felt half the alarm at any of the numerous dangers I have been in, that I was filled with at the firſt ſight of the Europeans, and at every act of theirs, even the moſt trifling, when I firſt came among them, and for ſome time afterwards. That fear, however, which was the effect of my ignorance, wore away as I began to know them. I could now ſpeak Engliſh tolerably well, and I perfectly underſtood every thing that was ſaid. I not only felt myſelf quite eaſy with theſe new countrymen, but reliſhed their ſociety and manners. longer looked upon them as fpirits, but as men ſuperior to us; and there- fore I had the ſtronger deſire to re- ſemble I no [ 133 ] ſemble them; to imbibe their fpirit, and imitate their manners; I therefore embraced every occaſion of improve- ment; and every new thing that I ob- ferved I treaſured up in my memory. I had long wiſhed to be able to read and write; and for this purpoſe I took every opportunity to gain iuſtruction, but had made as yet very little pro- greſs. However, when I went to London with my maſter, I had ſoon an opportunity of improving myſelf, which I gladly embraced. Shortly after my arrival, he ſent me to wait upon the Miſs Guerins, who had treated me with much kindneſs when I was there before; and they ſent me to ſchool. While I was attending theſe ladies, their ſervants told me I could not go to Heaven, unleſs I was baptized. This made me very uneaſy; for I had now ſome faint idea of a future ſtate : Chat accordingly [ 134 ] accordingly I communicated my anxiety to the eldeſt Mifs Guerin, with whom I was become a favourite, and preſſed her to have me baptized; when to my great joy, ſhe told me I ſhould. She had formerly aſked my maſter to let me be baptized, but he had refuſed; however ſhe now infifted on it; and he being under ſome obligation to her brother complied with her requeſt; fo I was baptized in St. Margaret's church, Weſtminſter, in February 1759, by my preſent name. The clergy man at the ſame time, gave me a book, called a Guide to the Indians, written by the Biſhop of Sodor and Man. On this occaſion, Miſs Guerin did me the ho- nour to ſtand as godmother, and after- wards gave me a treat. I uſed to at- tend theſe ladies about the town, in which ſervice I was extremely happy : as I had thus many opportunities of ſeeing [ 135 J ſeeing London, which I deſired of all things. I was ſometimes, however, with my maſter at his rendezvous- houſe, which was at the foot of Weſte. minſter-bridge. Here I uſed to enjoy myſelf in playing about the bridge ſtairs, and often in the watermen's wherries, with other boys. On one of theſe occaſions there was another boy with me in a wherry, and we went out into the current of the river: while we: were there, two more ſtout boys came to us in another wherry, and, abuſing us for taking the boat, deſired me to get into - the other wherry-boat. Accord- ingly I went to get out of the wherry I was in; but juſt as I had got one of my feet into the other boat, the boys ſhoved it off, ſo that I fell into the Thames; and, not being able to ſwim, I ſhould unavoidably have been drowned, but for the affiftance of fome watermen [ 136] watermen who providentially came to my relief. Toro The Namur being again got ready for ſea, my maſter, with his gang, was ordered on board; and, lo my no ſmall grief, I was obliged to leave my ſchool- maſter, whom I liked very much, and always attended while I ſtayed in Lon- don, to repair on board with my maſter. Nor did I leave my kind pa- troneſſes, the Miſs Guerins, without TO uneaſineſs and regret. They often os uſed to teach me to read, and took 0909 33 great pains to inſtruct me in the prin- ciples of religion and the knowledge of God. I therefore parted from thoſe amiable ladies with reluctance: after receiving from them many friendly cautions how to conduct myſelf, and fome valuable preſents. When I came to Spithead, I found we were deſtined for the Mediterra- ASES nean, [ 137 ] nean, with a large fleet, which was now ready to put to ſea. We only waited for the arrival of the admiral, who ſoon came on board; and about the begin- ning of the ſpring 1759, having weigh- ed anchor, and got under way, failed for the Mediterranean; and in eleven days, from the Land's End, we got to Gibraltar. While we were here I uſed to be often on ſhore, and got various fruits in great plenty, and very cheap. I had frequently told ſeveral people, in my excurſions on fhore, the ſtory of my being kidnapped with my ſiſter, and of our being ſeparated, as I have related before; and I had as often expreſſed my anxiety for her fate, and my forrow at having never met her again. One day, when I was on ſhore, and men- tioning theſe circumſtances to ſome perſons, one of them told me he knew where [ 138 ] where my fiſter was, and, if I would accompany him, he would bring me to her. Improbable as this ſtory was, I believed it immediately, and agreed to go with him, while my heart leaped for joy; and, indeed, he conducted me to a black young woman, who was ſo like my fifter; that at firſt fight, I really thought it was her: but I was quickly undeceived; and, on talking to her, I found her to be of another nation. While we lay here the Preſton came in from the Levant. As ſoon as the arrived, my maſter told me I ſhould now fee my old companion, Dick, who was gone in her when ſhe failed for Turkey. I was much rejoiced at this news, and expected every minute to embrace him; and when the cap- tain came on board of our ſhip, which he did immediately after, I ran to in- quire after my friend; but, with inex- preſſible [ 139 ) preſſible forrow, I learned from the boat's crew that the dear youth was dead! and that they had brought his cheſt, and all his other things, to my maſter: thefe he afterwards gave to me, and I regarded them as a memorial of my friend, whom I loved, and grieved for, as a brother. 92 While we were at Gibralter, I ſaw a foldier hanging by the heels, at one of the moles*: I thought this a ſtrange fight, as I had ſeen a man hanged in London by his neck. At another time I ſaw the maſter of a frigate towed to ſhore on a grating, by ſeveral of the men of war's boats, and diſcharged the fleet, which I underſtood was a mark of dif- grace for cowardice. On board the fame ſhip there was alſo a ſailor hung up at the yard-arm. After lying at Gibralter for ſome *Hehad drowned himſelf in endeavouring to deſerta - I vion sri molt bonos time, [140] greater than than any though all the the time, we failed up the Mediterranean a conſiderable way above the Gulf of Lyons; where we were one night overtaken with a terrible gale of wind, much any I had ever yet experienced. The ſea ran ſo high that, guns were well houſed, there was great reaſon to fear their getting looſe, the ſhip rolled ſo much; and if they had it muſt have proved our deſtruction. After we had cruiſed here for a ſhort time, we came to Bar- celona, a Spaniſh ſea-port, remarkable for its filk manufactures. Here the on 10 ſhips were all to be watered; and my maſter, who ſpoke different languages, and uſed often to interpret for the ad- miral, ſuperintended the watering of For that purpoſe he and the officers of the other ſhips, who were on the ſame ſervice, had tents pitched in the bay; and the Spaniſh ſoldiers were ſtationed along the ſhore, I ſup- poſe ours. [ 141 ] poſe to ſee that no depredations were committed by our men. TO 10 I uſed conſtantly to attend my maf- ter; and I was charmed with this place. All the time we ſtayed it was like a fair with the natives, who brought us fruits of all kinds, and ſold them to us much cheaper than I got them in England. They uſed alſo to bring wine down to us in hog and ſheep ſkins, which diverted me very much. The Spaniſh officers here treated our officers with great politeneſs and atten- tion; and ſome of them, in particular, uſed to come often to my maſter's tent to viſit him ; where they would ſome- times divert themſelves by mounting me on the horſes or mules, ſo that I could not fall, and ſetting them off at full gal- lop; my imperfect ſkill in horſemanſhip all the while affording them no ſmall entertainment. After the ſhips were watered, [ 142 ] watered, we returned to our old fta tion of cruizing off Toulon, for the purpoſe of intercepting a fleet of French men of war that lay there. One Sun- day, in our cruiſe, we came off a place where there were two fmall French frie gates lying in ſhore; and our admiral, thinking to take or deſtroy them, ſent two ſhips in after them—the Culloden and the Conqueror. They ſoon came up to the Frenchmen; and I ſaw a ſmart fight here, both by ſea and land: for the frigates were covered by bat- teries, and they played upon our ſhips moſt furiouſly, which they as furiouſly returned, and for a long time a con- ſtant firing was kept up on all ſides at an amazing rate. At laſt one frigate ſunk; but the people eſcaped, though not without much difficulty: and a little after ſome of the people left the other frigate alſo, which was a mere wreck. [ 143 ] Wreck. However, our ſhips did not venture to bring her away, they were ſo much annoyed from the batteries, which råked them both in going and coming : their topmaſts were ſhot a- way, and they were otherwiſe ſo much Shattered, that the admiral was obliged to ſend in many boats to tow them back to the fleet. 1 afterwards failed with a man who fought in one of the French batteries during the engage- ment, and he told me our ſhips had done conſiderable miſchief that day on ſhore and in the batteries. After this we failed for Gibraltar, and arrived there about Auguſt 1759. Here we remained with all our fails un- bent, while the fleet was watering and doing other neceſſary things. While we were in this ſituation, one day the admiral, with moſt of the principal of - ficers, and many people of all ſtations, being [ 144 ] being on ſhore, about ſeven o'clock in the evening we were alarmed by ſignals from the frigates ſtationed for that purpoſe; and in an inſtant there was a general cry that the French fleet was out, and juſt paſſing through the ſtreights. The admiral immediately came on board with ſome other of ficers; and it is impoſſible to deſcribe the noiſe, hurry and confuſion through- out the whole fleet, in bending their fails and flipping their cables; many people and ſhips' boats were left on Thore in the buſtle. We had two captains on board of our ſhip who came away in the hurry and left their ſhips to follow. We ſhewed lights from the gun-wales to the main top maft-head; and all our lieutenants were employed amongſt the fleet to tell the ſhips not to wait for ther captains, but to put the fails to the yards, flip their cables 3 and [ 145 and follow us; and in this confuſion of making ready for fighting, we ſet out for ſea in the dark after the French fleet. Here I could have exclaimed with Ajax, *cs Oh Jove! O father! if it be thy will * That we muſt periſh, we thy will obey, “ But let us periſh by the light of day.” They had got the ſtart of us ſo far with that we were not able to come up them during the night; but at day-light we ſaw feven fail of the line of battle ſome miles ahead. We immediately chaſed them till about four o'clock in the evening, when our ſhips came up with them; and, though we were about fifteen large ſhips, our gallant admiral only fought them with his own diviſion, which conſiſted of feven; ſo that we were juſt ſhip for ſhip. We paſſed by the whole of the enemy's fleet in order to come at their com- VOL. I. H mander, [ 146 ] mander, Monſ. La Clue, who was in the Ocean, an eighty-four gun fhip: as we paſſed they all fired on us; and at one time three of them fired together, continuing to do ſo for ſome time. Notwithſtanding which our ad- miral would not ſuffer a gun to be fired at any of them, to my aſtoniſhment; but made us lie on our bellies on the deck till we came quite cloſe to the Ocean, who was ahead of them all; when we had orders to pour the whole three tiers into her at once. The engagement now commenced with great fury on both ſides: the Ocean immediately returned our fire, and we continued engaged with each other for ſome time; during which I was fre- quently ſtunned with the thundering of the great guns, whoſe dreadful con- tents hurried many of my companions into awful eternity. At laſt the French line [ 147 ] four guns line was entirely broken, and we obtain- ed the victory, which was immediately proclaimed with loud huzzas and ac- clamations. We took three prizes, La Modeſte, of ſixty-four guns, and Le Temeraire and Centaur, of ſeventy- each. The reſt of the French ſhips took to flight with all the ſail they could crowd. Our ſhip being very much damaged, and quite diſabled from pur- ſuing the enemy, the admiral imme- diately quitted her, and went in the broken and only boat we had left on board the Newark, with which, and fome other ſhips, he went after the French. The Ocean, and another large French ſhip, called the Redoubt- able, endeavouring to eſcape, ran aſhore at Cape Logas, on the coaſt of Portugal; and the French admiral and fome of the crew got afhore; but we, finding it impoſſible to get the ſhips H 2 off, [ 148 ] oll, ſet fire to them both. About midnight I ſaw the Ocean blow up, with a moſt dreadful exploſion. I never beheld a more awful fcene. In leſs than a minute, the midnight for a certain ſpace ſeemed turned into day by the blaze, which was attended with a noiſe louder and more terrible than thunder, that ſeemed to rend every element around us. My ſtation during the engagement was on the middle-deck, where I was quartered with another boy, to bring powder to the aftermoft gun; and here I was a witneſs of the dreadful fate of many of my companions, who, in the twinkling of an eye, were daſhed in pieces, and launched into eternity. Happily I eſcaped unhurt, though the ſhot and ſplinters flew thick about me during the whole fight. Towards the latter part of it my maſter was wound- 2 ed, [ 149 ] ed, and I ſaw him carried down to the furgeon; but though I was much alarmed for him and wiſhed to affift him I dared not leave my poſt. At this ſtation my gun-mate (a partner in bringing powder for the fame gun) and I ran a very great riſk for more than half an hour of blowing up the ſhip. For, when we had taken the car- tridges out of the boxes, the bottoms of many of them proving rotten, the powder ran all about the deck, near the match tub: we ſcarcely had water enough at the laſt to throw on it. We were alſo, from our employment, very much expoſed to the enemy's ſhots; for we had to go through nearly the whole length of the ſhip to bring the powder. I expected therefore every minute to be my laſt; eſpecially when I ſaw our men fall ſo thick about me ; but, wiſhing to guard as much againſt H3 the [150] the dangers as poſſible, at firſt I thought it would be ſafeſt not to go for the powder till the Frenchmen had fired their broadſide; and then, while they were charging, I could go and come with my powder: but immediately after- wards I thought this caution was fruit- leſs; and, cheering myſelf with the re- fection that there was a time allotted for me to die as well as to be born, I inſtantly caſt off all fear or thought whatever of death, and went through the whole of my duty with alacrity; pleaſing myſelf with the hope, if I ſur- vived the battle, of relating it and the dangers I had eſcaped to the Miſs Guerins, and others, when I ſhould re- turn to London. Our ſhip ſuffered very much in this engagement; for, beſides the number of our killed and wounded, ſhe was al- moſt torn to pieces, and our rigging ſo much [ 151 ] much ſhattered, that our mizen-maft, main-yard, &c. hung over the ſide of the ſhip; ſo that we were obliged to get many carpenters, and others from ſome of the ſhips of the fleet, to aſfilt in ſetting us in ſome tolerable or- der; and, notwithſtanding which, it took us ſome time before we were complete- ly refitted; after which we left Admi- ral Broderick to command, and we, with the prizes ſteered for England. On the paſſage, and as ſoon as my maſter was ſomething recovered of his wounds, the admiral appointed him captain of the Ætna fire-ſhip, on which He and I left the Namur, and went on board of her at ſea. I liked this little fhip very much. I now became the captain's ſteward, in which fituation I was very happy: for I was ex- tremely well treated by all on board; and I had leiſure to improve myſelf in reading H4 [ 152] reading and writing. The latter I had learned a little of before I left the Na. mur, as there was a ſchool on board. When we arrived at Spithead, the Ætna went into Portfmouth harbour to refit, which being done, we returned to Spithead and joined a large fleet that was thought to be intended againſt the Havannah; but about that time the king died; whether that prevented the expedition I know not; but it cauſed our ſhip to be ftationed at Cowes, in the iſle of Wight, till the beginning of the year fixty-one. Here I ſpent my time very pleaſantly; I was much on ſhore all about this delightful iſland, and found the inhabitants very civil. While I was here, I met with a trifling incident, which ſurpriſed me agreeably. I was one day in a field belonging to a gentleman who had a black boy about my own fize; this boy having [ 153 ] having obſerved me from his maſter's houſe, was tranſported at the fight of one of his own countrymen, and ran to meet me with the utmoſt haſte. 1 not knowing what he was about, turned a little out of his way at firſt, but to no purpoſe: he ſoon came cloſe to me and caught hold of me in his arms as if I had been his brother, though we had never ſeen each other before. Af ter we had talked together for ſome time he took me to his maſter's houſe, where I was treated very kindly. This benevolent boy and I were very happy in frequently ſeeing each other till about the month of March 1761, when our ſhip had orders to fit out again for another expedition. When we got ready, we joined a very large fleet at Spithead, commanded by Commodore Keppel, which was deſtined againſt Belle-Ine, and with a number of tranſ- port H5 [ 154 ] port ſhips with troops on board to make a deſcent on the place, we ſailed once more in queſt of fame. I longed to engage in new adventures and ſee freſh wonders. I had a mind on which every thing uncommon made its full impreſſion, and every event which I conſidered as marvellous. Every extraordinary eſcape, or ſignal deliverance, either of myſelf or others, I looked upon to be effected by the interpoſition of Provi- dence. We had not been above ten days at ſea before an incident of this kind happened; which, whatever cre- dit it may obtain from the reader, made no ſmall impreſſion on my mind. We had on board a gunner, whoſe name was John Mondle; a man of very indifferent morals. This man's cabin was between the decks, exactly over where I lay, abreaſt of the quarter-deck. ladder. [ 155 ] ladder. One night, the 5th of April, being terrified with a dream, he awoke in ſo great a fright that he could not reit in his bed any longer, nor even remain in his cabin ; and he went upon deck about four o'clock in the morning extremely agitated. He immediately told thoſe on the deck of the agonies of his mind, and the dream which occaſioned it; in which he ſaid he had ſeen many things very awful, and had been warned by St. Peter to repent, who told him time was ſhort. This he ſaid had greatly alarmed him, and he was determined to alter his life. People generally mock the fears of others when they are themſelves in ſafety; and ſome of his ſhipmates who heard him only laughed at him. How ver, he made a vow that he never would drink ſtrong liquors again; and he immediately got a light, and gave away his ſea-ſtores H6 of [ 156 ] of liquor. After which, his agitation ſtill continuing, he began to read the Scriptures, hoping to find ſome relief; and ſoon afterwards he laid himſelf down again on his bed, and endeavoured to compofe himſelf to ſleep, but to no purpoſe; his mind ſtill continuing in a ſtate of agony. By this time it was exactly half after ſeven in the morn- ing: I was then under the half-deck at the great cabin door; and all at once I heard the people in the waiſt cry out, moſt fearfully—The Lord have mercy upon us! We are all loit! The Lord have mercy upon us !' Mr. Mondle hearing the cries, immediately ran out of his cabin; and we were in- ſtantly ftruck by the Lynne, a forty- gun fhip, Captain Clark, which nearly ran us down. This ſhip had juſt put about, and was by the wind, but had not got full headway, or we muſt all have [ 157 ] have periſhed; for the wind was briſk. However, before Mr Mondle had got four ſteps from his cabin door, ſhe ſtruck our ſhip with her cutwater right in the middle of his bed and cabin, and ran it up to the combings of the : quarter deck hatchway, and above three feet below water, and in a minute there was not a bit of wood to be ſeen where Mr. Mondle's cabin ftood; and he was fo near being killed that ſome of the ſplinters tore his face. As Mr. Mon- dle muſt inevitably have periſhed from this accident had he not been alarmed in the very extraordinary way I have related, I could not help regarding this as an awful interpofition of Providence for his preſervation. The two ſhips for ſome time ſwinged alongſide of each other; for ours being a fireſhip, our grappling-irons caught the Lynne every way, and the yards and rigging went [ 158 ] went at an aſtoniſhing rate. Our ſhip was in ſuch a ſhocking condition that we all thought ſhe would inſtantly go down, and every one ran for their lives, and got as well as they could on board the Lynne; but our lieutenant being the aggreſſor, he never quitted the ſhip. However, when we found ſhe did not fink immediately, the captain came on board again, and encouraged our people to return and try to ſave her. Many on this came back, but fome would not venture Some of the ſhips in the fieet, ſeeing our ſituation, immediately ſent their boats to our af- fiſtance; but it took us the whole day to ſave the ſhip with all their help. And by ufing every poſſible means, particularly frapping her together with many hawſers, and putting a great quantity of tallow below water where he was damaged, the was kept to- gether: [ 159 ] gether: but it was well we did not meet with any gales of wind, or we muſt have gone to pieces; for we were in ſuch a crazy condition that we had ſhips to attend us till we arrived at Belle-Ifle, the place of our deſtination; and then we had all things taken out of the ſhip, and ſhe was properly re- paired. This eſcape of Mr. Mon- dle, which he, as well as myſelf, always conſidered as a ſingular act of Provi- dence, I believe had a great influence on his life and conduct ever afterwards. Now that I am on this ſubject I beg leave to relate another inſtance or two which ſtrongly raiſed my belief of the particular interpoſition of Heaven, and which might not otherways have found a place here, from their inſignificance. I belonged for a few days in the year 1758, to the Jaſon, of fifty-four guns, at Plymouth; and one night, when. I was [ 160] was on board, a woman, with a child at her breaſt, fell from the upper-deck down into the hold, near the keel. Every one thought that the mother and child muſt be both daſhed to pieces; but, to our great furpriſe, neither of them was hurt. I myſelf one day fell headlong from the upper-deck of the Ætna down the after-hold, when the ballaft was out; and all who ſaw me fall cried out I was killed: but I re- ceived not the leaſt injury. And in the ſame ſhip a man fell from the mait- head on the deck without being hurt. In theſe, and in many more inſtances, I thought I could plainly trace the hand of God, without whoſe permiſ- fion a ſparrow cannot fall. I began to raiſe my fear from man to him alone, and to call daily on his holy name with fear and reverence: and I truſt he heard my fupplications, and graciouſly condeſcended ( 161 ) condeſcended to anſwer me according: to his holy word, and to implant the feeds of piety in me, even one of the meaneſt of his creatures. When we had refitted our ſhip, and all things were in readineſs for attack- ing the place, the troops on board the tranſports were ordered to diſembark; and my maſter as a junior captain, had a ſhare in the command of the landing. This was on the 12th of April. The French were drawn up on the ſhore, and had made every diſpo- fition to oppoſe the landing of our men, only a ſmall part of them this day being able to effect it; moſt of them, after fighting with great bravery, were cut off; and General Crawford, with a number of others, were taken priſon- In this day's engagement we had alſo our lieutenant killed. On the 21ſt of April we renewed our efforts ers. [162] efforts to land the men, while all the men of war were ſtationed along the ſhore to cover it, and fired at the French batteries and breaftworks from early in the morning till about four o'clock in the evening, when our ſof- diers effected a ſafe landing. They immediately attacked the French; and, after a fharp encounter, forced them from the batteries. Before the enemy retreated they blew up ſeveral of them, left they ſhould fall into our hands. Our men now proceeded to beſiege the citadel, and my maſter was ordered on fhore to ſuperintend the landing of all the materials neceſſary for carrying on the fiege; in which ſervice I moſtly at- tended him. While I was there I went about to different parts of the iſland; and one day, particularly, my curioſity almoſt coft me my life. I wanted very much to ſee the mode of charging the mortars [ 163 ] mortars and letting off the ſhells, and for that purpoſe I went to an Engliſh battery that was but a very few yards from the walls of the citadel. There, in- deed, I had an opportunity of completely gratifying myfelf in ſeeing the whole operation, and that not without run- ning a very great riſk, both from the Engliſh ſhells that burſt while I was there, but likewiſe from thoſe of the French. One of the largeſt of their fhells burſted within nine or ten yards of me: there was a ſingle rock cloſe by, about the ſize of a butt; and I got inſtant ſhelter under it in time to avoid the fury of the ſhell. Where it burſt the earth was torn in ſuch a manner that two or three butts might eaſily have gone into the hole it made, and it threw great quantities of ſtones and dirt to a confiderable diſtance. Three fhot were alſo fired at mae and another boy - [ 164 boy who was along with me, one of them in particular ſeemed “Wing 'd with red lightning and impetuous rage;" for with a moft dreadful found it hiſſed cloſe by me, and ſtruck a rock at a little diſtance, which it ſhattered to pieces. When I ſaw what perilous circumſtances I was in, I attempted to return the neareſt way I could find, and thereby I got between the Engliſh and the French centinels. An Engliſh ferjeant, who commanded the outpoſts, ſeeing me, and ſurpriſed how I came there, (which was by ſtealth along the ſeaſhore), reprimanded me very ſeverely for it, and inſtantly took the centinel off his poſt into cuſtody, for his ne- gligence in fuffering me to paſs the lines. While I was in this ſituation I obſerved at a little diſtance a French horſe, belonging to ſome iſlanders, which I thought I would now mount, for I 165 for the greater expedition of getting off. Accordingly I took ſome cord which I had about me, and making a kind of bridle of it, I put it round the horſe's head, and the tame beaſt very quietly ſuffered me to tie him thus and mount him. As ſoon as I was on the horſe's back I began to kick and beat him, and try every means to make him go quick, but all to very little purpoſe: I could not drive him out of a flow pace. While I was creeping along, ſtill within reach of the enemy's ſhot, I met with a ſer- vant well mounted on an Engliſh horſe, I immediately ſtopped; and, crying, told him my caſe; and begged of him to help me, and this he effectually did; for, having a fine large whip, he be- gan to laſh my horſe with it fo fe- verely, that he ſet off full ſpeed with me towards the ſea, while I was quite unable to hold or manage him. In this [ 166 ] this manner I went along till I came to a craggy precipice. I now could not ſtop my horſe; and my mind was filled with apprehenſions of my deplor- able fate ſhould he go down the pre- cipice, which he appeared fully dif- poſed to do: I therefore thought I had better throw myſelf off him at once, which I did immediately with a great deal of dexterity, and fortunately eſcap- ed unhurt. As ſoon as I found my- ſelf at liberty I made the beſt of my way for the ſhip, determined I would not be fo fool-hardy again in a hurry. We continued to beſiege the citadel till June, when it ſurrendered. During the fiege I have counted above fixty ſhells and carcaſes in the air at once. When this place was taken I went through the citadel, and in the bomb- proofs under it, which were cut in the ſolid rock; and I thought it a ſurpriſing place, [ 167 ] place, both for ſtrength and building: notwithſtanding which our fhots and fhells had made amazing deyaftation, and ruinous heaps all around it. After the taking of this iſland, our ſhips with ſome others commanded - by commodore Stanhope in the Swift- ſure, went to. Baffe-road, where we blocked up a French fleet. Our ſhips were there from June till February fol- lowing ; and in that time I ſaw a great many ſcenes of war, and ſtratagems on both ſides to deſtroy each others fleet. Sometimes we would attack the French with ſome ſhips of the line; at other times with boats ; and frequently we made prizes. Once or twice the French attacked us by throwing ſhells with their bomb-veſſels; and one day as a French veſſel was throwing ſhells at our ſhips ſhe broke from her ſprings, behind the iſle of I de Re: the tide be- 3 ing [ 168 ] ing complicated, ſhe came within a gun thot of the Naſſau; but the Naſſau could not bring a gun to bear upon her, and thereby the Frenchman got off. We were twice attacked by their fire- floats, which they chained together, and then let them float down with the tide; but each time we ſent boats with graplings, and towed them ſafe out of the fleet. We had different commanders while we were at this place, Commodores Stanhope, Dennis, Lord Howe, &c. From hence, before the Spaniſh war began, our ſhip and the Waſp floop were ſent to St. Sebaſtian in Spain, by Commodore Stanhope ; and Commo- dore Dennis afterwards ſent our ſhip as a cartel to Bayonne in France*, after which *Among others whom we brought from Bayonne, were two gentlemen, who had been in the Weſt Indies, [169 which † we went in February in 1762, to Belle-Iſle, and there ſtayed till the ſummer, when we left it, and returned to Portſmouth. After our ſhip was fitted out again for ſervice, in September ſhe went to Guernſey, where I was very glad to ſee Indies, where they fold flaves; and they confef- fed they had made at one time a falſe bill of fale, and fold two Portugueſe white men among a lot of ſlaves. + Some people have it, that ſometimes ſhortly before perſons die, their ward has been ſeen; that is, fome ſpirit exactly in their likeneſs, though they are themſelves at other places at the ſame time. One day while we were at Bayonne, Mr. Mondle faw one of our men, as he thought, in the gun-room; and a little after, coming on the quar- ter-deck, he ſpoke of ſome circumſtances of this man to ſome of the officers. They told him that the man was then out of the ſhip, in one of the boats with the Lieutenant: but Mr. Mondle would not believe it, and we ſearched the ſhip, when he found the man was actually out of her; and when the boat returned ſome time after- wards, we found the man had been drowned at the very time Mr. Mondle thought he ſaw him. VOL. I. I my [ 170 ] my old hoſteſs, who was now a widow, and my former little charming com- panion, her daughter. I ſpent ſome time here very happily with them, till October, when we had orders to re- pair to Portſmouth. We parted from each other with a great deal of affec- tion; and I promiſed to return ſoon, and ſee them again; not knowing what all-powerful fate had determined for me. Our ſhip having arrived at Portſ- mouth, we went into the harbour, and remained there till the latter end of November, when we heard great talk about a peace; and, to our very great joy, in the beginning of December we had orders to go up to London with our ſhip to be paid off. We re- ceived this news with loud huzzas, and every other demonſtration of glad- neſs; and nothing but mirth was to be ſeen throughout every part of the hip . [ 171 ] ſhip. I too was not without my ihare of the general joy on this occa- fion. I thought now of nothing but being freed, and working for myſelf, and thereby getting money to enable me to get a good education; for I al ways had a great deſire to be able at leaſt to read and write ; and while I was on ſhip-board I had endeavoured to improve myſelf in both. While I was in the Ætna particularly, the cap- tain's clerk taught me to write, and gave me a ſmattering of arithmetic as far as the rule of three. There was alſo one Daniel Queen, about forty years of age, a man very well educat- ed, who meſſed with me on board this fhip, and he likewiſe dreſſed and at- tended the captain. Fortunately this man ſoon became very much attached to me, and took very great pains to in- ſtruct me in many things. He taught I 2 me [ 172 ] me to ſhave and dreſs hair a little, and alſo to read in the Bible, explaining many paſſages to me, which I did not comprehend. I was wonderfully fur- priſed to ſee the laws and rules of my own country written almoſt exactly here; a circumſtance which I believe tended to impreſs our manners and cuſtoms more deeply on my memory. I uſed to tell him of this reſemblance; and many a time we have ſat up the whole night together at this employment. In ſhort, he was like a father to me; and ſome even uſed to call me after his name; they alſo ſtyled me the black Chriitian. Indeed I almoſt lov- ed him with the affection of a ſon. Many things I have denied myſelf that he might have them; and when I uſed to play at marbles or any other game, and won a few halfpence, or got any little money, which I ſome- times [ 173 ] times did, for ſhaving any one, I uſed to buy him a little fugar or tobacco, as far as my ſtock of money would go. He uſed to ſay, that he and I never ſhould part; and that when our ſhip was paid off, as I was as free as him- ſelf or any other man on board, he would inſtruct me in his buſineſs, by which I might gain a good livelihood. This gave me new life and ſpirits; and my heart burned within me, while I thought the time long till I obtained my freedom. For though my maſter had not promiſed it to me, yet, beſides the aſſurances I had received that he had no right to detain me, he always treated me with the greateſt kindneſs, and repoſed in me an unbounded con- fidence; he even paid attention to my morals; and would never fuffer me to deceive him, or tell lies, of which he uſed to tell me the conſequences; and that I 3 [ 174 ] that if I did fo God would not love me; ſo that from all this tenderneſs, I had never once ſuppoſed, in all my dreams of freedom, that he would think of detaining me any longer than I wiſhed. In purſuance of our orders we failed from Portſmouth for the Thames, and arrived at Deptford the ioth of De- cember, where we caſt anchor juſt as it was high water. The ſhip was up about half an hour, when my maſter ordered the barge to be manned; and all in an inſtant, without having before given me the leaſt reaſon to ſuſpect any thing of the matter, he forced me into the barge; faying, I was going to leave him, but he would take care I ſhould not. I was ſo ſtruck with the unex- pectedneſs of this proceeding, that for ſome time I did not make a reply, only I made an offer to go for my books [ 175 ) der ſwore I ſhould not move out of his books and cheſt of clothes, but he 12 fight; and if I did he would cut my throat, at the ſame time taking his 34 hanger. I began, however, to collect myſelf; and, plucking up courage, I told him I was free, and he could not by law ſerve me ſo. But this only enraged him the more; and he con. tinued to ſwear, and ſaid he would foon let me know whether he would or not, and at that inſtant ſprung him- ſelf into the barge from the ſhip, to the aſtoniſhment and forrow of all on board. The tide, rather unluckily for me, had juſt turned downward, ſo that we quickly fell down the river along with it, till we came among ſome out- ward-bound Weſt Indiamen; for he was reſolved to put me on board the firſt veffel he could get to receive me. The boat's crew, who pulled againſt their I 4 ( 176 ) their will, became quite faint different times, and would have gone aſhore ; but he would not let them. Some of them ftrove then to cheer me, and told me he could not ſell me, and that they would ſtand by me, which revived me a little; and I ſtill entertained hopes; for as they puiled along he aſked fome veſſels to receive me, but they would not. But, juſt as we had got a little below Graveſend, we came alongſide of a fhip which was going away the next tide for the Weſt Indies; her name was the Charming Sally, Captain James Doran; and my maſter went on board and agreed with him for me ; and in a little time I was ſent for into the cabin. When I came there Cap- tain Doran aſked me if I knew him: I anſwered that I did not; · Then,' ſaid he, you are now my ſlave. I told him my maſter could not ſell me to [ 177 ] to him, nor to any one elſe. "Why,' ſaid he, did not your maſter buy you?' I confeffed he did. But I have ſerved him,' ſaid I, many years, and he has taken all my wages and prize-money, ' for I only got one fixpence during the * war; beſides this I have been bap- tized; and by the laws of the land no man has a right to ſell me: And I added, that I had heard a lawyer and others at different times tell my maſter fo. They both then ſaid that thoſe people who told me fo were not my friends; but I replied - It was very extraordinary that other people did not know the law as well as they.' Upon this Captain Doran ſaid I talk- ed too much Engliſh ; and if I did not behave myſelf well, and be quiet, he had a method on board to make I was too well convinced of his power over me to doubt what he ſaid'; me 15 and [ 178 ] and my former ſufferings in the ſlave- ſhip preſenting themſelves to my mind, the recollection of them made me ſhudder. However, before I retired I told them that as I could not get any right among men here I hoped I ſhould hereafter in Heaven; and I im- mediately left the cabin, filled with re- fentment and forrow. The only coat I had with me my maſter took away with him, and ſaid, “ If your prize-money had been 10,000l. I had a right to it all, and would have taken it. I had about nine guineas, which, during my long ſea-faring life, I had ſcraped to- gether from triling perquiſites and little ventures; and I hid it that inſtant, left my maſter ſhould take that from me likewiſe, ftill hoping that by ſome means or other I ſhould make my eſcape to the ſhore; and indeed ſome of my old ſhipmates told me not to deſpair, [ 179 ] deſpair, for they would get me back again; and that, as ſoon as they could get their pay, they would imme- diately come to Portſmouth to me, where this ſhip was going: but, alas ! all my hopes were baffled, and the hour ofmy deliverance was as yet far off. My maſter, having ſoon concluded his bargain with the captain, came out of the cabin, and he and his people got into the boat and put off; I followed them with aching eyes as long as I could, and when they were out of fight I threw myſelf on the deck, with a heart ready to burſt with for- row and anguiſh. СНАР. [ 180 ] С НА Р. V. The author's reflections on his ſituations deceived by å promiſe of being delivered -His deſpair at Sailing for the West Indies-- Arrives at Montſerrat, where be is ſold to Mr. King-Various in- tereſting inſtances of opprefſion, cruelty, and extortion, which the author faw practiſed upon the ſlaves in the West In- dies during his captivity from the year 1763 to 1766- Addreſs on it to the plantersa Thus, at the moment I expected all my toils to end, was I plunged, as I ſuppoſed, in a new ſlavery; in compa- riſon of which all my ſervice hitherto had [181] had been perfect freedom; and whoſe horrors, always preſent to my mind, now ruſhed on it with tenfold aggra- vation. I wept very bitterly for ſome time: and began to think that I muſt have done ſomething to diſpleaſe the. Lord, that he thus puniſhed me ſo fe- verely. This filled me with painful reflections on my paſt conduct; I re- collected that on the morning of our arrival at Deptford I had rafhly ſworn that as ſoon as we reached London I would ſpend the day in rambling and ſport. My conſcience ſmote me for this unguarded expreſſion: I felt that the Lord was able to diſappoint me in all things, and immediately confider- ed my preſent ſituation as a judgment of Heaven on account of my preſump- tion in ſwearing: I therefore, with con- trition of heart, acknowledged my tranſgreſſion to God, and poured out my [ 182 ] my ſoul before him with unfeigned re- pentance, and with earneſt fupplica- tions I befought him not to abandon me in my diſtreſs, nor caſt me from his mercy for ever. In a little time my grief, ſpent with its own violence, began to ſubſide ; and after the firſt confuſion of my thoughts was over I reflected with more calmneſs on my preſent condition : I conſidered that trials and diſappointments are ſome- times for our good, and I thought God might perhaps have permitted this in order to teach me wiſdom and refigna- tion; for he had hitherto ſhadowed me with the wings of his mercy, and by his inviſible but powerful hand brought me the way I knew not. Theſe re- flections gave me a little comfort, and I roſe at laſt from the deck with de- jection aud ſorrow in my countenance, yet mixed with ſome faint hope that the [ 183 ] the Lord would appear for my deli- verance. Soon afterwards, as my new maſter was going on ſhore, he called me to him, and told me to behave myſelf well, and do the buſineſs of the ſhip the ſame as any of the reſt of the boys, and that I ſhould fare the better for it; but I made him no anſwer. I was then aſked If I could ſwim, and I ſaid, No, How- ever I was made to go under the deck, and was well watched. The next tide the ſhip got under way, and foon after arrived at the Mother Bank, Portſmouth; where ſhe waited a few days for ſome of the Weſt India convoy. While I was here I tried every means I could deviſe amongſt the people of the ſhip to get me a boat from the ſhore, as there was none ſuf- fered to come alongſide of the ſhip; and their own, whenever it was uſed, was [ 184 ] was hoiſted in again immediately. A ſailor on board took a guinea from me on pretence of getting me a boat; and promiſed me, time after time, that it was hourly to come off. When he had the watch upon deck I watched alſo; and looked long enough, but all in vain; I could never ſee either the boat or my guinea again. And what I thought was ſtill the worſt of all, the fellow gave information, as I after- wards found, all the while to the mates, of my intention to go off, if I could in any way do it; but, rogue like, he never told them he had got a guinea from me to procure my eſcape. However, after we had failed, and his trick was made known to the ſhip's crew, I had fome ſatisfaction in ſeeing him deteſted and deſpiſed by them all for his behaviour to me. I was ſtill in hopes that my old ſhipmates would not [ 135 ] not forget their promiſe to come for me to Portſmouth: and, indeed, at laſt, but not till the day before we failed, ſome of them did come there, and ſent me off ſome oranges, and other tokens of their regard. They alſo ſent me word they would come off to me themſelves the next day or the day after; and a lady alſo, who lived in Goſport, wrote to me that ſhe would come and take me out of the ſhip at the ſame time. This lady had been once very intimate with my former maſter: I uſed to ſell and take care of a great deal of property for her, in dif- ferent ſhips; and in return ſhe always ſhewed great friendſhip for me, and uſed to tell my maſter that ſhe would take me away to live with her: but, un-. fortunately for me, a diſagreement foon afterwards took place between them; and ſhe was ſucceeded in my maſter's good [ 186 ) good graces by another lady, who peared fole miſtreſs of the Ætna, and moſtly lodged on board. I was not ſo great a favourite with this lady as with the former; ſhe had conceived a pique againſt me on ſome occaſion when ſhe was on board, and ſhe did not fail to inſtigate my maſter to treat me in the manner he did *. However, the next morning, the 30th of December, the wind being briſk and eaſterly, the Æolus frigate, which was to eſcort the convoy, made a fignal for failing. All the ſhips * Thus was I ſacrificed to the envy and reſent- ment of this woman for knowing that the lady whom ſhe had fucceeded in my maſter's good graces deſigned to take me into her ſervice; which, had I once got on ſhore, ſhe would not have been able to prevent. She felt her pride alarmed at the fuperiority of her rival in being attended by a black ſervant: it was not leſs to prevent this than to be revenged on me, that the cauſed the captain to treat me thus cruelly. then [ 187 ] fore any then got up their anchors; and, be- of my friends had an oppor- tunity to come off to my relief, to my inexpreſſible anguiſh our fhip had got under way. What tumultuous emotions agitated my ſoul when the convoy got under fail, and I a priſoner on board, now without hope! I kept my ſwimming eyes upon the land in a ſtate of unutterable grief; not know- ing what to do, and deſpairing how to help myſelf. While my mind was in this ſituation the fleet failed on, and in one day's time I loft fight of the wiſhed-for land. In the firſt expref- fions of my grief I reproached my fate, and wiſhed I had never been born. I was ready to curſe the tide that bore us, the gale that wafted my priſon, and even the ſhip that conducted us; and I called on death to relieve me from the horrors I felt and dreaded, that [ 188 ] that I might be in that place “Where ſlaves are free, and men oppreſs no more - Fool that I was, inur'd ſo long to pain, "To truſt to hope, or dream of joy again. “Now dragg'donce more beyond the weſtern main, " To groan beneath fome daftard planter's chain; * Where my poor countrymen in bondage wait ** The long enfranchiſement of a ling ring fate : “Hard ling'ring fate! while, ere the dawn of day, "Rous'd by the lath they go their cheerleſs way; "And as their foul with ſhame and anguish burn, “Salute with groans unwelcome morn's return, "And, chiding ev'ry hour the flow-pac'd fun, “Purſue their toils till all his race is run. “No eye to mark their fuff'rings with a tear; “No friend to comfort, and no hope to cheer: " Then, like the dull unpity'd brutes, repair "To ſtalls as wretched, and as courſe a fare ; " Thank heaven one day of mis’ry was o’er, ** Then ſink to ſleep, and wiſh to wake no moret. “The Dying Negro," a poem originally publiſhed in 1773. Perhaps it may not be deemed impertinent here to add, that this elegant and pathetic little poem was occae fioned, as appears by the advertiſement prefixed to it, by the following incident. “A black, who, a few days before had ran away from his maſter, and got himſelf chriſtened, with intent to marry a white woman his fellow-ſervant, be- ing taken and ſent on board a ſhip in the Thames, took an opportunity of thooting himſelf through the head." Thc [ 189 ] The turbulence of my emotions how ever naturally gave way to calmer thoughts, and I ſoon perceived what fate had decreed no mortal on earth could prevent. The convoy failed on without any accident, with a pleaſant gale and ſmooth ſea, for fix weeks, till February, when one morning the Æolus ran down a brig, one of the convoy, and ſhe inſtantly went down and was ingulfed in the dark receſſes of the ocean. The convoy was immediately thrown into great confuſion till it was day-light; and the Æolus was illu- mined with lights to prevent any far- ther miſchief. On the 13th of Febru- ary 1763, from the maſt head, we def- cried our deſtined iſland Montſerrat: and ſoon after I beheld thoſe "Regions of ſorrow, doleful ſhades, where peace “ And reſt can rarely dwell. Hope never comes " That comes to all, but torture without end “ Still urges.” At 3) [ 190 ] At the fight of this land of bondage, a freſh horror ran through all my frame, and chilled me to the heart. My for: mer ſlavery now roſe in dreadful re- view to my mind, and diſplayed no- thing but miſery, ſtripes, and chains ; and, in the firſt paroxyſm of my grief, I called upon God's thunder, and his avenging power, to direct the ftroke of death to me, rather than permit me to become a ſlave, and be ſold from lord to lord. In this ſtate of my mind our ſhip came to an anchor, and ſoon after dif- charged her cargo. I now knew what it was to work hard; I was made to help to unload and load the ſhip. And, to comfort me in my diſtreſs in that time, two of the ſailors robbed me of all my money, and ran away from the ſhip. I had been ſo long uſed to an European climate, that at 3 firit [ 191 ] firſt I felt the ſcorching Weſt India ſun very painful, while the daſhing furf would toſs the boat and the peo- ple in it frequently above high water mark. Soimetimes our limbs were broken with this, or even attended with inſtant death, and I was day by day mangled and torn. About the middle of May, when the ſhip was got ready to ſail for England, I all the time believing that Fate's blackeſt clouds were gathering over my head, and expecting their burſting would mix me with the dead, Cap- tain Doran fent for me aſhore one morning, and I was told by the mef- fenger that my fate was then deter- mined. With trembling ſteps and fluttering heart I came to the captain, and found with him one Mr. Robert King, a quaker, and the firſt merchant in the place. The captain then told me [ 192 ] me my former maſter had ſent me there to be fold; but that he had de- fired him to get me the beſt maſter he could, as he told him I was a very de- ſerving boy, which Captain Doran ſaid he found to be true; and if he were to ſtay in the Weſt Indies he would be glad to keep me himſelf; but he could not venture to take me to Lon- don, for he was very ſure that when I came there I would leave him. I at that inſtant burſt out a crying, and begged much of him to take me to England with him, but all to no pur- poſe. He told me he had got me the very beſt maſter in the whole iſland, with whom I ſhould be as happy as if I were in England, and for that reaſon he choſe to let him have me, though he could fell me to his own brother- in-law for a great deal more money than what he got from this gentleman. 2 Mr. ( 193 ) We TOU het Mr. King, my new maſter, then made a reply, and ſaid the reaſon he had bought me was on account of my good d character; and, as he had not the leaſt l doubt of my good behaviour, I ſhould be very well off with him. He alſo told me he did not live in the Weſt t Indies, but at Philadelphia, where he I was going ſoon; and, as I underſtood ſomething of the rules of arithmetic, I when we got there he would put me to ſchool, and fit me for a clerk. This converſation relieved my mind a little, and I left thoſe gentlemen conſiderably FI more at eaſe in myſelf than when I came to them; and I was very thank- ful to Captain Doran, and even to my old maſter, for the character they had given me; a character which I after- wards found of infinite ſervice to me. he I went on board again, and took leave of all my ſhipmates; and the next day -Vol. I. K the 02 me net as OU Oni 2010 ( 194 ) the ſhip failed. When ſhe weighed anchor I went to the waterſide and looked at her with a very wiſhful and aching heart, and followed her with my eyes until the was totally out of fight. I was ſo bowed down with grief that I could not hold up my head for many months; and if my new maſter had not been kind to me I be- lieve I ſhould have died under it at laſt. And indeed I foon found that he fully deſerved the good character which Cap- tain Doran had given me of him ; for he poffeffed a moft amiable diſpoſi- tion and temper, and was very chari- table and humane. If any of his ſlaves behaved amiſs he did not beat or uſe them ill, but parted with them. This made them afraid of diſobliging him; and as he treated his flaves better than any other man on the iſland, ſo he was better and more faithfully ſerved by [ 195 ) Mr. by them in return. By this kind treat- ment I did at laft endeavour to com- poſe myſelf; and with fortitude, though moneyleſs, determined to face what- ever fate had decreed for me. King ſoon aſked me what I could do; and at the ſame time ſaid he did not mean to treat me as a common ſlave. I told him I knew ſomething of ſea- manſhip, and could ſhave and dreſs hair pretty well; and I could refine wines, which I had learned on ſhip- board, where I had often done it; and that I could write, and underftood or arithmetic tolerably well as far as o the Rule of Three. He then aſked me if I knew any thing of gauging; and, on my anſwering that I did not, he ſaid one of his clerks ſhould teach me to guage. Mr. King dealt in all manner of lu merchandize, and kept from one to K 2 fix [ 195 ] fix clerks. He loaded many veſſels in a year ; particularly to Philadelphia, where he was born, and was connected with a great mercantile houſe in that city. He had beſides many veſſels and droggers, of different ſizes, which uſed to go about the iſland; and others to collect rum, ſugar, and other goods, I underſtood pulling and managing thoſe boats very well; and this hard work, which was the firſt that he fet me to, in the fugar ſeaſons uſed to be my conſtant employment. I have rowed the boat, and flaved at the oars, from one hour to fixteen in the twenty-four; during which I had fif- teen pence ſterling per day to live on, though ſometimes only ten' pence. However this was conſiderably more than was allowed to other ſlaves that uſed to work often with me, and be- longed to other gentlemen on the ifland: [ 197 ] iſland: thoſe poor ſouls had never more than nine-pence per day, and feldom more than fix-pence, from their maſters or owners, though they earned them three or four piſterines * : for it is a common practice in the Weſt Indies for men to purchaſe flaves though they have not plantations them- ſelves, in order to let them out to planters and merchants at fo much a piece by the day, and they give what allowance they chuſe out of this proa duce of their daily work to their ſlaves for ſubſiſtence; this allowance is often very ſcanty. My maſter often gave the owners of theſe flaves two and a half of theſe pieces per day, and found the poor fellows in vićtuals himſelf, be- cauſe he thought their owners did not feed them well enough according to the * Theſe piſterines are of the value of a ſhilling. K 3 work [ 198 work they did. The ſlaves uſed to like this very well; and, as they knew my maſter to be a man of feeling, they were always glad to work for him in preference to any other gentleman; ſome of whom after they had been paid for theſe poor people's labours, would not give them their allowance out of it. Many times have I even feen theſe unfortunate wretches beaten for aſking for their pay; and often feverely flogged by their owners if they did not bring them their daily or weekly money exactly to the time; though the poor creatures were obliged to wait on the gentlemen they had worked for ſometimes for more than half the day before they could get their pay; and this generally on Sun- days, when they wanted the time for themſelves. In particular, I knew a countryman of mine who once did not bring [199] bring the weekly money directly that it was earned; and though he brought it the ſame day to his maſter, yet he was ſtaked to the ground for his pre- tended negligence, and was juſt going to receive a hundred laſhes, but for a gentleman who begged him off fifty. This poor man was very induſtrious'; and, by his frugality, had ſaved fo much money by working on ſhipboard, that he had got a white man to buy him a boat, unknown to his maſter. Some time after he had this, little eſtate, the governor wanted a boat to bring his ſugar from different parts of the iſland; and, knowing this to be a negro-man's boat, he ſeized for himſelf, and would not pay the owner a farthing. The man on this went to his maſter, and complained to him of this act of the governor; but the only ſatisfaction he received upon it K4 was [200] was to be damned very heartily by his maſter, who aſked him how dared any of his negroes to have a boat. If the juftly-merited ruin of the vernor's fortune could be any grati- fication to the poor man he had thus robbed, he was not without conſola- tion. Extortion and rapine are poor providers; and ſome time after this the governor died in the King's Bench in England, as I was told, in great poverty. The laſt war favoured this poor negro-man, and he found ſome means to eſcape from his Chriſtian maſter: he came to England; where I ſaw him afterwards feveral times. Such treatment as this often drives theſe miſerable wretches to deſpair, and they run away from their maſters at the hazard of their lives. Many of them, in this place, unable to get their pay when they have earned it, and fear- ing [ 201 ] ing to be flogged, as uſual, if they return home without it, run away where they can for ſhelter, and a re- ward is often offered to bring them in dead or alive. My maſter uſed ſome- times, in theſe caſes, to agree with their owners, and to ſettle with them him- ſelf; and thereby he ſaved many of them a flogging Once, for a few days, I was let out to fit a veſſel, and I had no victuals allowed me by either party ; at laſt I told my maſter of this treatment, and he took me away from it. of the eſtates, on the different iſlands where I uſed to be ſent for rum or ſugar, they would not deliver it to me, or any other negro; he was therefore obliged to ſend a white man along with me to thoſe places; and then he uſed to pay him from ſix to ten pil- rerines a day, From being thus em- ployed In many K 5 [ 202 ] ployed, during the time I ſerved Mr. King, in going about the different eſtates on the iſland, I had all the op- portunity I could wiſh for to ſee the dreadful uſage of the poor men; uſage that reconciled me to my fituation, and made me bleſs God for the hands into which I had fallen. I had the good fortune to pleaſe my maſter in every department in which he employed me; and there was ſcarcely any part of his buſineſs, or houſhold affairs, in which I was not occafionally engaged. I often ſup- plied the place of a clerk, in receiving and delivering cargoes to the ſhips, in tending ſtores, and delivering goods : and, beſides this, I uſed to ſhave and dreſs my maſter when convenient, and take care of his horſe; and when it was neceflary, which was very often, I worked likewiſe on board of different veſſels [203] veſſels of his. By theſe means I be- came very uſeful to my maſter; and ſaved him, as he uſed to acknowledge, above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he ſcruple to ſay I was of more ad- vantage to him than any of his clerks ; though their uſual wages in the Weſt Indies are from fixty to a hundred pounds current a year. I have ſometimes heard it aſſerted that a negro cannot earn his maſter the firſt coft; but nothing can be fur- ther from the truth. I ſuppoſe nine tenths of the mechanics throughout the Weſt Indies are negro ſlaves; and I well know the coopers among them earn two dollars a day; the carpenters the ſame, and oftentimes more; as alſo the maſons, ſmiths, and fiſher- men, &c. and I have known many flaves whoſe maſters would not take a thouſand pounds current for them. K 6 But [ 204 ] But ſurely this aſſertion refutes itfelf; for, if it be true, why do the planters. and merchants pay ſuch a price for ſlaves? And, above all, why do thoſe who make this affertion exclaim the moſt loudly againſt the abolition of the flave trade? So much are men blinded, and to ſuch inconſiſtent arguments are they driven by miſtaken intereſt! I grant, indeed, that ſlaves are ſome times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working and ſtripes, reduced ſo low, that they are turned out as unfit for ſervice, and left to periſh in the woods, or expire on a dunghill. My maſter was ſeveral times offered by different gentlemen one hundred guineas for me; but he always told them he would not ſell me, to my great joy: and I uſed to double my di- ligence and care for fear of getting into the hands of thoſe men who did not allow [ 205 ] allow a valuable flave the common fupport of life. Many of them even uſed to find fault with my maſter for feeding his ſlaves ſo well as he did; although I often went hungry, and an Engliſhman might think my fare very indifferent; but he uſed to tell them he always would do it, becauſe the ſlaves thereby looked better and did more work While I was thus employed by my maſter I was often a witneſs to cruelties of every kind, which were exerciſed on my unhappy fellow ſlaves.. I uſed frequently to have different cargoes of new negroes in my care for ſale; and it was almoſt a conſtant practice with our clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the chaſtity of the female flaves; and theſe I was, though with reluctance, obliged to ſubmit to at all times, being unable to nosa help [ 206 ] help them. When we have had ſome of theſe flaves on board my maſter's vefſels to carry them to other iſlands, or to America, I have known our mates to commit theſe acts moſt ſhamefully, to the diſgrace, not of Chriſtians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their brutal paſſion with females not ten years old; and theſe abomi- nations ſome of them practiſed to ſuch fcandalous exceſs, that one of our cap- tains diſcharged the mate and others on that account. And yet in Mont- ferrat I have ſeen a negro man ſtaked to the ground, and cut moſt ſhock- ingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, becaufe he had been connected with a white woman who was a com- mon ptoſtitute : as if it were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent Afri- can girl of her virtue; but moſt hein- ous in a black man only to gratify a paſſion [ 207 ] paſſion of nature, where the tempta- tion was offered by one of a different colour, though the moſt abandoned woman of her ſpecies. ods One Mr. D--- told me that he had fold 41000 negroes, and that he once cut off a negro-man's leg for running away I aſked him if the man had died in the operation, how he as a chriſtian could anſwer for the horrid act before God? and he told me, anſwering was a thing of ano- ther world; what he thought and did were policy. I told him that the chriſtian doctrine taught us to do unto others as we would that others ſhould do unto us. He then ſaid that his ſcheme had the deſired effect-it cur- ed that man and ſome others of run- ning away. Another negro-man was halfhange!, and then burnt, for attempting to poi- olub fon [ 208 ] fon a cruel overſeer. Thus by re- peated cruelties are the wretched firſt urged to deſpair, and then murdered, becauſe they ſtill retain ſo much of hu- man nature about them as to wiſh to put an end to their miſery, and retali- ate on their tyrants! Thefe overſeers are indeed for the moſt part perſons of the worſt character of any denomina- tion of men in the Weſt Indies. Un- fortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not reſiding on their eſtates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the hands of thefe human butchers, who cut and mangle the ſlaves in a ſhocking manner on the moſt trifling occafions, and altogether treat them in every reſpect like brutes. They pay no regard to the ſituation of pregnant women, nor the leaſt atten- tion to the lodging of the field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well co- vered, and the place dry where they take [ 209 ] make their little repoſe, are often opem ſheds, built in damp places; ſo that, when the poor creatures return tired from the toils of the field, they con- tract many diſorders, from being ex. poſed to the damp air in this uncom- fortable ſtate, while they are heated, and their pores are open. This neg- lect certainly conſpires with many others to cauſe a decreaſe in the births as well as in the lives of the grown negroes. I can quote many inſtances of gentlemen who reſide on their eſtates in the weſt Indies, and then the ſcene is quite changed; the ne- groes are treated with lenity and pro- per care, by which their lives are pro- longed, and their maſters profited. To the honour of humanity, I knew ſeveral gentlemen who managed their eſtates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true inte- reft. [ 210 ] reft. And, among many I could men- tion in ſeveral of the iſlands, I knew one in Montſerrat * whoſe ſlaves look- ed remarkably well, and never needed any freſh ſupplies of negroes ; and there are many other eſtates, eſpecially in Barbadoes, which, from ſuch judicious treatment, need no freſh ſtock of ne- groes at any time. I have the honour of knowing a moſt worthy and hu- mane gentleman, who is a native of Barbadoes, and has eſtates theret: This gentieman has written a treatiſe on the uſage of his own ſlaves. He allows thein two hours for refreſhment at mid-day; and many other indul- gencies and comforts, particularly in their lying; and, beſides this, he raiſes more proviſions on his eſtate than they can deſtroy; fo that by theſe attentions * Mr. Dubury, and many others, Montſerrat, + Sir Philip Gibbes, Baronet, Barbadoes, he [211] he ſaves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy, and as happy as the condition of ſlavery can admit. I myſelf, as fhall appear in the ſequel, managed an eſtate, where, by thoſe at-- tentions, the negroes were uncommon- ly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by half than by the common mode of treatment they uſually do. For want, therefore, of ſuch care and atten- tion to the poor negroes, and otherwiſe oppreſſed as they are, it is no wonder that the decreaſe ſhould require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill the vacant places of the dead. Even in Barbadoes, notwithſtanding thoſe humane exceptions which I have mentioned, and others I am acquaint- ed with, which juftly make it quoted as a place where ſlaves meet with the beſt treatment, and need feweſt recruits of any in the Weſt Indies, yet this iſland up [ 272 ] iſland requires 1000 negroes annually to keep up the original ſtock, which is only 80,000. So that the whole term of a negro's life may be faid to be there but fixteen years *? And yet the cli- mate here is in every reſpect the ſame as that from which they are taken, ex- cept in being more wholeſome. Do the Britiſh colonies decreaſe in this manner? And yet what a prodigious difference is there between an English and Weſt India climate? While I was in Montſerrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey, who endeavoured to eſcape from his miſerable bondage, by concealing him- ſelf on board of a London fhip: but fate did not favour the poor oppreſſed man; for, being diſcovered when the vefſel was under fail, he was delivered up again to his maſter. This Chriftian * Benezet's Account of Guinea, p. 16. maſter [ 213 ] maſter immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at each wriſt and ancle, and then took ſome ſticks of feal- ing wax, and lighted them, and drop- ed it all over his back. There was an- other maſter who was noted for cruelty; and I believe he had not a ſlave but what had been cut, and had pieces fairly taken out of the fleſh: and after they had been puniſhed thus, he uſed to make them get into a long wooden box or caſe he had for that purpoſe, in which he ſhut them up during pleaſure. It was juſt about the height and breadth of a man; and the poor wretches had no room, when in the caſe to move. It was very common in ſeveral of the iſlands, particularly in St. Kitt's, for the ſlaves to be branded with the initial letters of their maſter's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks. Indeed on the moft trifling [ 214 ] trifling occaſions they were loaded with chains; and often inſtruments of tor- ture were added. The iron muzzle, thumb-ſcrews, &c. are ſo well known, as not to need a deſcription, and were ſometimes applied for the flighteſt faults. I have ſeen a negro beaten till ſome of his bones were broken, for only letting a pot boil over. Is it ſur prifing that uſage like this ſhould drive the poor creatures to deſpair, and make them ſeek a refuge in death from thoſe evils which render their lives intoler- able—while, " With ſhudd'ring horror pale, and eyes aghaft, They view their lamentable lot, and find "No reſt!" A ne- This they frequently do. gro-man on board a veffel of my maſter, while I belonged to her, hav- ing been put in irons for ſome trilling miſdemeanor, and kept in that ſtate for 3 [[ 215 ] for ſome days, being weary of life, took an opportunity of jumping over- board into the ſea; however, he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whoſe life was alſo a burden to him, reſolved to ſtarve himſelf to death, and refuſed to eat any victuals : this procured him a ſevere flogging: and he alſo, on the firſt occaſion which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but was ſaved. Nor is there any greater regard ſhewn to the little property than there is to the perſons and lives of the negroes. I have already related an inſtance or two of particular oppreſſion out of many which I have witneſſed; but the following is frequent in all the iſlands. The wretched field-ſlaves, after toil- ing all the day for an unfeeling owner, who gives them but little victuals, ſteal fometimes a few moments from reſt [ 216 ] Treſt or refreſhment to gather ſome ſmall portion of grafs, according as their time will admit. This they com- monly tie up in a parcel; either a bit's worth (ſix-pence) or half a bit's worth; and bring it to town, or to the market, to ſell. Nothing is more common than for the white people on this oc- caſion to take the graſs from them without paying for it; and not only ſo, but too often alſo, to my know- ledge, our clerks, and many others, at the ſame time have committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpleſs females ; whom I have ſeen for hours ſtand crying to no purpoſe, and get no redreſs or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying ſin enough to bring down God's judg- ment on the iſlands? He tells us the oppreſſor and the oppreſſed are both in his hands; and if there are not the poor, [ 217 ] poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the bruiſed, which our Sa- viour ſpeaks of, who are they? One of theſe depredators once, in St. Eu- ſtatia, came on board of our veſſel, and bought ſome fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure with the things, he returned again and wanted his money back: I refuſed to give it; and, not ſeeing my captain on board, he began the common pranks with me; and ſwore he would even break open my cheſt and take cheft and take my mo- ney. I therefore expected, as my cap- tain was abſent, that he would be as good as his word: and he was juſt pro- ceeding to ſtrike me, when fortunately a Britiſh ſeaman on board, whoſe heart had not been debauched by a Weſt India climate, interpoſed and prevent- ed him. But had the cruel man ſtruck me I certainly ſhould have defended VOL. I. myſelf L [ 218 ] myſelf at the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thus oppreffed ? He went away, however, ſwearing; and threatened that whenever he caught me on ſhore he would ſhoot me, and pay for me afterwards. The ſmall account in which the life of a negro is held in the Weſt Indies, is ſo univerſally known, that it might ſeem impertinent to quote the follow- ing extract, if ſome people had not been hardy enough of late to aſſert that negroes are on the fame footing in that reſpect as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the Aſſembly of Barbadoes, it is enacted - That if any negro, or other ſlave, under pu- niſhment by his maſter, or his order, • for running away, or any other crime or miſdemeanor towards his faid maſter, unfortunately ſhall ſuffer in life or member, no perſon what-