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THE QUESTION
wAR witH GREAT BRITAIN,
examined upon .
MoRAL AND CHRISTIAN PRINCIPLES.
- Lºv. 0. v/ſ Á º ſ
* and the children of Israel Inquired of the lord, saying,
sHALL I Go out To BATTLE AGAINST THE chILDREN of BENJA-
MIN, My BROTHER 2" . . . . . . . . . . . . . JUDGes, xx. 27, 28.
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SEVERAL friends to whom this diſcourſe has been communicated,
have thought that it might be of ſome uſe, in the preſent awful criſis of
our affairs; more eſpecially to the Religious people of our country. It
is therefore ſubmitted, as it was firſt written, to the candid and ſerious atten-
tion of all who fear God and love their country. If any apology be requiſite
for its appearing anonymous, the words of one of our great and good
men" are adopted. “Thoſe who are in the habit of approving or con-
demning, more from regard to perſons than to things, wiſh to know the
author before they read a book. In the hope that theſe ſheets may be
impartially conſidered, the writer will not affix his name.”
.* “Anſwer to War in Diſguiſe,” attributed by thoſe who have the beſt means
of knowing, to His Excellency Rufus KING, Eſq.
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*
SERMON,
JUDGEs xx. 27, 28.
s: And the children of Iſrael inquired of the Lord, Jaying, Shall I go out
to battle againſt the children of Benjamin, my brother ” k
IT was the charaćter of one of the beſt men of New-England,
that “he never would ačt, without being firſt ſatisfied, that if he did,
it would be right.”* If that was a good rule for all times, it muſt
be indiſpenſable, in ſuch a caſe as the ſacred text brings up. A queſ.
tion of war is a ſubjećt awfully ſolemn ! ſurely every good man will
chooſe to know what is right here, before he aëts. And every con-
fiderate people, where the true God is known, will religiouſly aſk
counſel of Him, before they engage in this dreadful work ſee, in
this chapter, all the children of Iſrael going up to the houſe of God,
to inquire ſolemnly of Him, when ſuch a queſtion was before them.
And had they, in the firſt place, done this in due manner, it is highly
probable they would have eſcaped thoſe great calamities they were
made to feel ; and perhaps, might have had no war at all.
The obječt of this diſcourſe is, to explain that inquiring of the Lord,
which becomes a people's duty, when a queſtion of war is before them,
and to offer ſome reaſons which show the importance of ſuch inquiry.
Under the firſt head, three things will deſerve, confideration : the
obječt of ſuch inquiry : the way in which it is to be made, and the
proper ſpirit and manner of it. .
The great obječt of inquiry is, or ſhould be, whether war, in ſuch
caſe, be right in the fight of God. If it is not, no considerations
ſhould eyer perſuade us to it. On the other hand, if it is, then it be-
comes an incumbent duty, and, as such, must be taken up. For the
divine law, in this caſe, does not leave us to our diſcretion. The ſtand-
ing precept is, Thou ſhalt not kill ; and the only caſes in which we may,
are thoſe in which we muſt ; that is, caſes of clear neceſſity. Accord-
ingly, the queſtion here ſubmitted is, Shall I go out to battle 2 and the
anſwer is decisive; “Go.” As elſewhere it is equally peremptory in the
negative ; “Thus faith the Lord, ye ſhall not go up, nor fight againſt
your brethren, the children of Iſrael.”f g
But the general queſtion, “Would it be right in the fight of God?”
pmuſt include more particulars than one. Whether going to war
* See the obituary notice of the venerable Dr. Sewall. # I Kings, xii. 24.
4
would be doing juſtly to thoſe we are to war againſ?, is one point. If
it would not, then certainly it would not be right in the fight of God,
but a crime of high degree. . For inſtance, it would be flagrantly un-
juſt to make war without provocation. It would be unjuſt to go to
war upon ſlight provocation. Becauſe, by the ſuppoſition, the puniſh-
ment you aim to inflićt, is far greater than the crime. And if great
wrong has been done to us, yet, if ſome aggreſſion on our part has
rovoked it, it might ſtill be unjuſt to go to war for it.
But there is another point of inquiry; viz. Whether going to war
would be doing juſtice to ourſelves and to our children P
If it would not, ſuppoſe it were not unjuſt to the adverſe party, it
could not be right in the fight of God. For inſtance, if, in all proba-
bility, it would plunge us into much greater evils than thoſe which it
aims to repel; or than would have been ſuffered without war ; if, in-
ſtead of redreſfing our grievances, it would greatly increaſe them ; in
ſhort, if no equivalent were likely to be found for all we ſhould ſuffer,
nor any valuable purpoſe anſwered; in ſuch caſe, engaging in war
would be more than impolitick; it would be immoral. It would be a
flagrant violation of a ſacred truſt; viz. the guardianſhip of our children
and poſterity committed to us by Heaven, and for which we are ſol-
emnly reſponſible ; nay, it would be a kind of ſuicide ; and ºf the law
againſt murder forbids individuals to deſtroy themſelves, it certainly
regards as a high crime for a nation to ſacrifice thouſands of its peo-
ple, without neceſſity clear as the day. Every thing, therefore, of
this nature, as well as every thing belonging to the queſtion of juſtice
to our neighbour, muſt be a ſubjećt of ſolemn inquiry.
We come to confider in what way this inquiry muſt be made. No
immediate anſwers from heaven are now to be expected by audible
woice, by prophetick dreams, viſions, or the like ; no reſponſes by
Urim and Thümmim ; no prieſts, nor prophets, by whoſe fimple dec-
larations our duty is to be determined. No ; but we have a Drvine
Rule, which marks for us a clear line of condućt in all great con-
cerns, and every part of it approves itſelf to conſcience. For inſtance,
we have the golden rule our divine Maſter gave us, “Whatſoever ye
would that men ſhould do to you, do ye even ſo them.” According
to this, we muſt maintain no points againſt others, which we could not
think it would be right for others to maintain againſt us; and be ſure
to confider nothing as cauſe of war, which we muſt not confeſs would
-be ſuch, if done by ourſelves.
Again we have a command, which ſays, “ Follow peace with all
men, and holineſs :” that is, as an excellent good man and wiſe man
uſed to comment upon it, purſue peace, though it ſeem to flee from
'you ; and let nothing ſtop your purſuit, but what is contrary to holi-
meſs. If the firſt efforts prove ineffectual, follow on with redoubled
exertions, while any hope remains.
Again, we are commanded, “If it be poſſible, as much as lieth in
you, live peaceably with all men.”’t For this, it ſeems, we muſt ens

* Matt. vii, 12. † Rom. xii. 18,
5
terpriſe with all our faculties and with all our might; and if the
obječt can be homeſtly and honourably obtained, then it muſt be.
Coincident with this, is another command : “Be not overcome of
evil, but overcome evil with good.” We are overcome when our
paſſions get the dominion, ſo that fighting pleaſes us better than hon-
ourable peace : And certainly, when we are ſo paſſionate that we
will fight unneceſſarily, under every diſadvantage, and without hope.
This ſhould never be, if the greateſt evil has been done to us ; and
much leſs, if none but what we ourſelves have provoked. In-
Ítead of this, full trial ſhould be made, in every caſe, of that magnanimi-
ty, that moderation and liberality, which rarely fail to diſarm a generous
adverſary, as much as conquering him by the ſword. If upon all
trial, it ſhould not have that effect, then it may be hoped, that gra-
cious Heaven will ſhow what muſt be done in another way.
In fine ; “Bleſſed are the peace makers,” ſays our Divine Lord,
“ for they ſhall be called the children of God.” And who can thoſe.
peace makers be, but ſuch as follow the God of peace ; and his Son,
the great Mediator between heaven and earth ; and can therefore
gondeſcend, if they are the only party injured, to ſeek reconciliation,
and go very great lengths for it, before they will give it over. *
Such is the genius of the diſpenſation we are under, and to which
our own beſt hopes are all to be aſcribed. And if ſentiments like
theſe ought to prevail in our individual concerns, who would not ſup-
poſe that nations bearing the chriſtian name, ſhould likewiſe have reſ-
pećt to them in their national tranſactions ; and are without excuſe
if they will ruſh to war as haſtily, and as paſſionately, upon ſlight
provocation, as uninformed barbarians have been wont to do ; or upon
£reat provocation without firſt making trial of all thoſe honourable
condeſcenſion which the goſpel precepts enjoin, and its great exam-
ples recommend ºf
The way therefore to inquire the mind of God, when a queſtion of
war is before us, is to ſtudy the BIBLE ; and eſpecially the genius of
the Gospel of PEACE. Then, apply its ſacred maxims and ſenti-
ments to our own caſe, viewed in all its circumſtances and connexions.
Let this be done with ſolemnity, as in the preſence of that Being, to
whom nations, and each individual muſt give account. This is the
way to know whether going to war be our indiſpenſable duty. I ſay,
indiſpenſable duty, for the reaſon given above, that the only caſe in
which war is permitted, is, where neceffity is laid upon us, and we muſt
go to war. I ſay indiſpenſable duty, for another reaſon. This is
one of thoſe caſes, where in order to ačt with a clear conſcience, we
muſt be freed from all reaſonable doubt. If in a capital trial, where
any doubts remain, no verdićt ſhall be given that ſhall take away life;
* Rom. xii. 21.
+ “O ſhame to man
—Men only diſagree, , .
Of creatures rational, though under hope
Of heav'nly grace, and God proclaiming peace;
Yet live in hatred, levy cruel wars,
Waſting the earth.” Miltos.
6
certainly there ſhould be no decifion at a venture, or without clear ne-
ceſſity, for deſtroying the lives of thouſands.
But, inquiring of the Lord ſuppoſes, offering up prayers to Him,
as well as ſtudying his word. If, “in every thing,” prayer be a
bounden duty,” it certainly is in ſo great a concern as this. Plain
as the rules are, we know, or ſhould know, how liable we are to err,
through frailty, from prepoſſeſſion, or the want of a right ſpirit. God
in his great goodneſs has therefore pointed out this way of addreſſing
ourſelves to Him, that we may underſtand our duty as it lies before
us, and be preſerved from whatever would miſlead us, either as to the
rule itſelf, or its application to the preſent caſe. We muſt watch, as
well as pray, if we would inquire in the appointed order. That is,
be always on our guard againſt the various cauſes, and occaſions of de-
ception.
And thus we come to conſider, the proper ſpirit and manner of
this inquiry. Here I ſhall chiefly take up ſuch hints as Iſrael’s
error in the firſt inſtance, and dear bought experience in the courſe
of things, clearly point out to us.
I. We ſhould aſk counſel in an unbiaſed and unreſerved manner,
We ſhould come to it, with a mind as open as poſſible to convićtion,
and ready to ſubmit ourſelves to Heaven’s direétion, in all points. It
was the error of Iſrael, that, before they came to aſk counſel of the
Lord, they had made up their minds. Very unhappily, the firſt no-
tice of the affair which had happened, was given in a manner, juſt fit-
ted to inflame their paſſions to the utmoſt ; and it had the effect.
In that inflamed ſtate of mind, without a particular and ſolemn in-
quiry, either into the ſtate of fačts, or into the mind of God, they
determined at once what to do. They would not even go to their
tents, nor turn to their houſes; but they would go off dire&t, and ar-
range themſelves for war. In that threatening attitude they made
their demands; as though it were not even intended that their bre-
thren ſhould comply.” And when they came afterward to the houſe
of the Lord to aſk counſel, it is remarkable that they did not ſubmit
the main queſtion, whether they ſhould go up to battle ; that they had
determined themſelves. The only queſtion they left to their Maker,
was, who ſhall go up firſt To come to inquire of the Lord with a
mind ſo predetermined, was a great impropriety. It was more ; it was
a great fin. And they were puniſhed for it, until they learned to
come in a better manner. After a dreadful overthrow, then they
ſubmitted the whole ſubjećt. & &
2. When we come with a queſtion of war, it ſhould be with great
tenderneſs of mind, both in deference to the adverſe party, and to the
lives and intereſts of our own people. &
Here likewiſe, Iſrael, hurried on by their paſſions, appear to have
been ſtrangely deficient. They ſeem not to have calculated upon any
diſtreſs to be felt on their own part ; and as to their brethren, againſt
whom they were arming, they appear quite regardleſs how much they
might ſuffer. But after a mortifying defeat; after loſing twenty two
*See Phil. iv. 6. + Matt, ºxvi. 4I. | See v. 9 to 13,
7.
thouſand men in the very firſt battle, in a diſpute, which a little mo-
deration, perhaps, might have ſettled without any bloodſhed, they
began to weep for themſelves and their country ; to think what a
dreadful calamity war was ; and whether they had not ruſhed too pre-
cipitately into ſuch an unnatural conteſt as this, with a people of their
own blood, their own language and manners, and their own religion.
And now it is inſtructive to ſee how their ſtile is altered. At firſt it
was, “Which of us ſhall go up firſt to battle againſt the children of
Benjaminº as though they were no more related to them than any
other people. But now it is, “Shall I go again to battle againſt the
children of Benjamin, my brother ?”t
If the war were ever ſo neceſſary, it was but proper they ſhould
feel in that manner. How diſtreſſing then ſhould be the thought, to
plunge into it without neceſſity ? - -
3. A trembling ſenſe of dependence on the favour of Heaven,
ſhould never forſake us ; and certainly not when a queſtion of war
is before us. Whether in ſuch an undertaking the Lord of Hoſts
would be with us, or whether he would only frown upon it, are inte-
reſting queſtions. And it is madneſs to put them out of fight; wheth-
er we are plainly feeble and unprepared, or whether our proſpe&ts, in-
a human view, are highly flattering. It was Iſrael’s great error to be
ſo confident of vićtory, becauſe they could bring ſuch an army into
the field. There was probably ſo much the leſs of looking up for
Divine aid, and ſo much the leſs of trembling for thoſe fins which
expoſed them to humiliating diſappointment. And ſee how diſtreſſ-
ingly their ſelf-confidence was puniſhed. In the two firſt ačtions,
though in compariſon with their enemy they were nearly in the pro-
portion of fifteen to one, their ſuperior numbers did little more than
to ſwell the number of their ſlain ; and before they began to have any
ſucceſs, they had loſt forty thouſand men. So dangerous is it, as
well as improper, to truſt in an arm of fleſh, and forget our depend-
ence on the Sovereign Power -
4. Inquiring of the Lord on the ſubjećt of war, ſhould be with
fincere mourning for thoſe fins, by which the bleſfings of peace have
been forfeited, and throwing ourſelves upon mercy in the appointed
way. When Iſrael came firſt to iiiquire about war, nothing appear-
ed of mourning for their fins, or imploring mercy, on that account.
And war ſeems to be ſent upon them for a puniſhment of ſuch im-
penitence, and for their great declenſions ; eſpecially the idolatry
which was now tolerated in the land, though according to their law,
it ſhould have have been a firſt obječt of reform. At their ſecond
inquiry, there ſeems to be a mourning of ſome fort; but without thoſe
accompaniments, which were required in ſuch caſe. Therefore they
ſtill met with fore rebuke. But the third time there was deep
mourning, and faſting, and the offering of burnt ſacrifices, and peace-
offerings; and ſº they inquired of the Lord, through the mediation
af the High Prieſt. And now the God of Iſrael had reſpect to his
* V. I?, + v. 23.
“, - -
*.
8 *A.
own appointments, and an anſwer of peace was given to them. Shali
we be found waiting on the Lord in like manner, with deep humilia-
tion ; with affectionate ſupplication for pardon and peace, and a due
réference to the Great High Prieſt and his atoning ſacrifice 2
We now come to the ſecond general head; the importance of ſuch
inquiring of the Lord in every ſuch caſe. .
It is a plain duty, “In all thy ways acknowledge him.”* Cer-
tainly then, in all ſuch great concerns. It is an honour due to the
Sovereign of the world. If the eyes of ſervants ſhould look to the
hand of their maſter, and the eyes of a maiden to the hand of her
miſtreſs,f much more ſhould every eye to His dire&ting hand, to
whom above all, it is our buſineſs to approve ourſelves. -
In this caſe nothing can be right which the Maſter does not ap-
prove. The great queſtion, therefore, ought to be “What is right
in the ſight of God “ This queſtion all good men will chooſe to bring
to Him. And a proper teſt of integrity, or of aiming to do right
in all things, is a defire to know the mind of God, that we may do
it ; a continual aſking counſel of him, and an unreſerved ſubmitting
of all our conduct to His dire&tion : that is, to the direétion of his
word and ſpirit. * w
To inquire of the Lord is as plainly a great privilege, as a great
duty. How forcible are thoſe words of the Prophet, “O Lord, I
know that the way of man is not in himſelf. It is not in man that
walketh to dire&t his ſteps.” In this view he prays to be correóted,
that is, to be ſet right. And who does not want this mercy 2
We ſhould be miſerable, if we might not aſk it. How wretched, if
in great concerns, we had no ſuch liberty . On the other fide, the
encouragement to ſeek heavenly direétion is ineſtimable. “If any of
you lack wiſdom, let him aſk of God, who giveth to all men liberally
and upbraideth not, and it ſhall be given him.”+ How ample,
and how gracious is this And if it reaches all men, it extends to
nations. Pious rulers and heads of nations had, indeed, in all preced-
ing ages, believed in fimilar promiſes, and found it not in vain to call
their people together, to aſk heavenly direétion, upon great occaſions.
Witneſs Moſes, Joſhua, Samuel, David, Aſa, Jehoſhaphat, Hezekiah,
Joſiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, and others. The inference is obvious, that
we are the more inexcuſable, if we do not, both individually and col-
le&tively, avail ourſelves of this high privilege. And we are the more
expoſed, if it be neglected. Who indeed can hope to proſper, that do
riótaſk divine dire&tion, and give themſelves up to it : ... "
, , . It ſhould be obſerved, that drawing near to God, and religiouſly
referring ourſelves to his dire&tion, are among the beſt means to make
us feel what is right, and free us from the influence of every blinding
paſſion. O if we could feel continually the impreſſions of his divine
purity, his impartial eye, his holy and good word, how would it puri-
fy our ſentiments. And how much better ſhould we judge, than by
conſulting our own feelings, and the ſpirit of the world ! The beſt

- " - Prov. iii. 4. + Pſ. cxxiii. * Jer, x. 23. + Jam i. 5.
9
men, from age to age, have found the benefit of often retiring to thi, ,
ſančtuary, and thouſands beſide have found a ſtrong check upon what
was wrong in their ſpirits or inclinations. - ,’
On the whole, the different ſucceſs Iſrael met with, before their in-
quiring of the Lord in due manner, and after it, is inſtead of a thouſ-
and arguments to confirm its importance. On the one fide, we ſee a
bleſfing ; on the other fide, diſhonour and diſappointment. In every
caſe where this great duty is negle&ted, both princes and people will
follow their own headlong paſſions; they will plunge into war where
there is no neceſſity; and they will bend and ſubmit, where they
ought to have ſtood firm. Or, if they ſometimes happen to do right,
it will not be in obedience to the Divine pleaſure, but to their own ;
and who, in that caſe, is to bleſs and reward them 2 in ſhort, it would
be improper to expect to ſee wiſdom, or conſiſtency, true honour or a
bleſfing, where they are not even aſked for.
Our ſubjećt, on a review, leads us to inquire ſeriouſly, What have
been our habits, with reſpect to aſking counſel of God in all great
concernments : and, in particular, whether we have been duly awake
to this great duty, fince the queſtion of war has been moved in theſe
United States. To ſuppoſe that any perſons have been ſufficiently
awake to this duty, and to the whole way and manner of it, is to ſup-
poſe a great deal. Yet numbers, we ought to believe, have felt this
as a great concern, ačted upon it as ſuch, and carried it with them
among their firſt wiſhes, that the Sovereign of the world, notwith-
ſtanding our ill-deſervings, would vouchſafe to manifeſt his pleaſure,
both to the government and the people of this nation ; and that his
pleaſure thus manifeſted, might be religiouſly reſpected. Others, I
am afraid, in various parts of the land, have been too much abſorbed
in contemplations merely political, and too indifferent to the main queſ-
tion, What is the will of God upon this awful occaſion, and what
meaſures will beſt accord with his holy dire&tions : How many have
made up their minds, without religiouſly and diſpaſſionately conſulting
the Holy Oracle, it is not my province to determine. One thing is
certain, that the alarm which went forth in the firſt inſtance, was too
much adapted, like that in Iſrael’s caſe, to awake our paſſions, and in-
duce a committing of ourſelves, before we were ſufficiently informed.
Another thing is certain, that this nation, called by the name of
chriſtian, has not yet been led, according to former uſage on great oc-
caſions, to petition the Supreme Power, that an honourable tranquil-
lity may be continued to theſe ſtates, orto ſubmit to Him the queſtion,
Whether we muſt go out to battle againſt our brother ? And I believe
it may be ſaid, without enthuſiaſm, that we have been left ſo much
the more to our own wiſdom, and our own counſels. I am afraid, in-
deed, that the name of brother, has been very much dropped, as in the
caſe of Iſrael againſt Benjamin, and all thoſe tender arguments thrown
out of fight, which would make it ſeem dreadful to ſtain our hands
with Engliſh blood. If this be the caſe any where, or in any meaſ-
ure, let me pray my countrymen to correót themſelves in this, before
they go a ſtep further, and certainly before they ultimately decide
- B -
10
the great queſtion before them, and candidly to confider; whether
ſuch a bias muſt not have proceeded from ſomething wrong at bot-
tom, and ſomething which Heaven may think proper to cure by fore
calamity, as in that caſe, unleſs it be ſeaſonably put away.
While paſſion reigns, we are not prepared even to conſult the ora-
cle in due manner, or to act our parts rightly in the courſe of things,
if it ſhould appear that we ought to take up arms. How unprepared
then, with ſuch paſſions, to take up our duty, if the voice of Heaven
ſhould command us to go and make peace 2
May the grace of Heaven prepare us to come with unbiaſed
minds, and ſubmit the whole queſtion of war; whether it would be
right in the fight of God ; whether it would agree with the golden
rule of Chriſt, and with all the ſacred maxims and precepts of the
goſpel ; whether, in ſhort, in the view of Infinite Rećtitude, it would
agree both with juſtice to our neighbour, and juſtice to ourſelves and
our children; whether it be ſo neceſſary that we cannot keep a good
conſcience without it.
But in order to underſtand our duty, it is not only neceſſary to
ſtudy the ſacred oracles with great care, and prayerful application ;
but to confider with as much accuracy as poſſible, the ſtate of fačts,
and impartially compare them with the ſacred rule, that we may ſee
how it applies. * *
Suppoſe then, we ſhould now ſpend a few moments, in reviewing
and pondering in its principal circumſtances, the caſe which we have
to bring and ſubmit, to the arbiter of nations.”
It is known to all, that the immediate occaſion of the alarm through-
out theſe ſtates, was an attack on the 22d of June laſt, by a Britiſh
frigate on a publick armed ſhip of the United States, (by which
ſeveral of our people were killed, and a number more wounded,) and
a taking away by force from our ſhip, ſeveral of the men on board.
All this was proclaimed and publiſhed throughout the Union ; and
produced (as every one would ſuppoſe) a ſtrong ſenſation ; ſtronger
indeed, than would have been felt, had the whole caſe been ſtated.
You were told of the attack, but not of the irritations which preceded,
or the queſtion that brought it on. Indeed it was announced as an
“ enormity committed without provocation.” And I am very ſorry
that it was ſo announced |
You are told of the aſſailants taking away the men; but not that
they took them as of right under their command; not that they took
them as ſo many deſerters from the Britiſh ſervice, and known on all
hands, to be such ; not that they took them in this way, becauſe their
applications in a civil way, though often repeated, had been as often
refuſed.
It was announced as a finiſhing circumſtance to mark the charac-
ter of this ačtion, that “it had been previouſly aſcertained, that
the men demanded were native Americans ;” when the fačt
* [t has not been thought neceſſary to load this publication with documents.
s The facts here ſtated have been again and again before the publick, and ſtand
uncontradićted.
*
t
& 11
is, that nothing was aſcertained by regular inquiry, till ſome.
time after ; when the fact is, that the men demanded, and for
the recovery of whom the attack was made, were all native Britons;
and of all who were taken off, only a part were native Americans ; and
you ſhould have been appriſed that they were men who had voluntarily
enliſted into the Britiſh ſervice, and had deſerted ; whom, therefore,
by our laws, we had no right to retain, when demanded by their of.
ficers. Theſe were the facts, relative to the proclaimed attack.
And whatever would have been its charaćter, if made without provoca-
tion, all muſt acknowledge that the circumſtances which brought it on,
went far to reduce its enormity, if not wholly to change its complex-
ion. The principle lately ſet up in America, of covering all Britiſh
fübjećts, who ſhould come under our flag, not excepting mutineers and
deſerters, together with the ſubſequent pračtice, of inveigling and
enliſting Britiſh ſeamen, had produced a ſerious effect. It threatened
the annihilation of the Britiſh maritime power. It threatened in par-
ticular to defeat the intention for which the Britiſh ſquadron now in
our ſeas, was ſent out ; and to give their enemy an eſcape. The Brit-
iſh were loſing their men every day, and the anſwer of our officers,
and of adminiſtration itſelf to reſpectful applications for thoſe men,
left no hope of redreſs. Their officers, quite recently have given up to
ours, Britiſh men who had deſerted our ſervice ; and we, who now
denied their reſpectful applications, had lately given up deſerters from
the French, though demanded in a coarſe way. All this the officers of
Britain knew and felt before they made their laſt demand of their.
men on board our ſhip ; and meeting with an ultimate refuſal,
they did, as our Prebles or Decaturs would have done ; took by
force ſuch deſerters as they found there.
Taking all theſe facts and circumſtances into view, we ſhould have
found it difficult to confider this attack as ſufficient cauſe of war, if
the government of Britain had authoriſed it. In ſuch a ſtate of things,
as the venerable Biſhop of Aſaph in 1774, ſaid upon another occa-
fion, “We ought to have expected the ſtrongeſt marks of reſentment,
and to have been prepared to forgive them.” •
But as the caſe was, this attack was the aët of individuals, and not
of the government ; therefore, the many invečtives on this occaſion,
againſt the Britiſh nation, and againſt their government, ſhould have
been ſpared. Theſe certainly had no tendency to promote juſtice, or
to prevent a rupture. And whether our putting ourſelves, like Iſ-
rael, in ſuch a hoſtile attitude, and proclaiming hoſtility againſt the
whole Britiſh navy, before making our demands of reparation, was
clearly neceſſary, or whether any principle of true honour required it,
deſerves a ſerious thought. What would have been loſt, in point of
dignity or wiſdom, had we, without aſſuming ſuch an air of defiance,
choſen to rely upon it, that the government of Britain, on a ſimple
repreſentation of the caſe, would do all that was proper ? If we had
choſen, I ſay, to rely upon it, till the contrary ſhould appear 2
It is certainly a ſtrong proof of the magnanimity of that govern-
ment, and its fincere diſpoſition to maintain peace, that it has, under
12
circumſtances ſo forbidding, diſapproved the attack on the Chefa-
peake ; recalled the officer who ordered it; appointed a ſpecial min-
iſter of peace to come over and ſettle this ſad affair, on terms of ami-
ty, and, by publick proclamation, to all intents given it in orders, that
no ſuch act ſhall be done hereafter, be the provocation what it may,
without a repreſentation firſt made to the government.
Such being the ſtate of things, the Cheſapeake diſpute ſeems now
in a train to be finiſhed, if we ARE PAct Fick on our PART. And the
queſtion of war now appears reduced to one fingle point; ſhall we make
war with our brethren, becauſe, by the Proclamation abovementioned,
they claim their own men, becauſe they demand their affiſtance when
in extreme want of it, and forbid their withdrawing themſelves with-
out permiſſion ? Is this that caſe of clear neceſſity, in which we, as
in duty bound, muſt fly to arms ? What, to interfere between a gov-
ernment, and its ſubjećts, and preſcăbe the rules by which both the one
and the other ſhall be governed . To encourage deſertion, at this crit-
ical moment, which requires every man in that ſervice to be at his
poſt To fill our country with runaways, and our ſhips with foreign-
ers, inſtead of our own people ! Excellent privilege
Suppoſe then we go to war for it, have we a probable hope, that we
ſhall obtain and eſtabliſh it 2 No. After the deſtrućtion of all our
commerce, after a moſt coſtly ſacrifice of treaſure and of blood; the
moſt probable reſult is, that we shall ſue for peace, and yield the ve-
ry point for which we contend. But ſuppoſe, for a moment, that
we obtain it; what is it worth Nothing. No, it is a great deal
worſe. We have filled our country and depraved our government
with the refuſe of Europe. We have diſcouraged and depreſſed
our own native citizens; and thrown by degrees, the defence of
all that is dear to us, into their hands that do not naturally feel for it;
and who, in caſe of war againſt their native connexions, would
deſert again And are theſe the precious advantages we are going to
buy at ſuch a price 2
But would such A contest Be RIGHT IN THE SIGHT OF
HEAVEN ? This is the great queſtion, would it agree with the golden
rule, of doing to others, as we could ſoberly wiſh that they ſhould do
to us : We do not intend that the flag of any nation ſhall cover de-
ferters from us. We are in the habit of reclaiming them from who-
ever have, given them ſhelter; our brave officers are honoured for
doing this, and doing it with ſpirit, when they cannot effect it other-
wife. And the immortal Nelſon had too great a ſoul, to confider
this as a crime. Great Britain has no idea of protećting deſerters
from us, but gives them up ; and we give deſerters up, to all nations,
except Britain. ..lf we mean to refuſe this, why not declare war
againſt the other nations of Europe, whoſe laws, in this point, are ſub-
ſtantially the ſame with hers ? And why ſhall Great Britain be the
only nation we conteſt this point with ? Is this maintaining our neutral-
ity, in the honeſt and honourable manner in which we ſhould maintain
it Nay, in what way could we ſo effectually take fides with one of
13
the belligerents againſt the other, as by contending for ſuch a princi.
ple, at this awful crifis -
Can it poſſibly be juſt to ourſelves and to our children, to plunge
into ſuch calamity for ſo poor an objećt, ſuppoſe it were a lawful one
Can it poſſibly be excuſable to encounter ſuch calamity in an un-
righteous cauſe A greater injury cannot be done to a nation, than
that of involving it in an unjuſt war, ſuppoſe it were ſucceſsful. It
demoralizes a people to an amazing degree : and that is enſlaving them
in the worſt ſenſe of the word; unleſ; they can have the virtue to awake
and aſſert their ſacred rights. A queſtion of war is far different from
a mere political queſtion. It is a caſe of conſcience, where every man
who is to ačt, ſhould know what he is going about. It is againſt
our principles to compel men into religion, in any form which their con-
ſciences cannot approve: and ſhall we compel them into horrid guilt?
Shall we compel them to ſhed blood, where they in their conſciences
believe, that their Maſter in Heaven forbids it 2 How ſhall we ever,
in ſuch a cauſe, lift up our eyes for Heaven’s protećtion ? And what,
will become of a cauſe which we cannot aſk God to proſper ?
War has been called an appeal to Heaven. And when we can, with
full confidence, make the appeal, like David, and aſk to be proſpered
according to our righteouſneſs, and the cleanneſs of our hands,” what
ſtrength and animation it gives us ! . -
When the illuſtrious Waſhington, at an early ſtage of our revolu-
tionary conteſt, committed the cauſe in that ſolemn manner. “May
that God whom you have invoked, judge between us and you,”t, how
our hearts glowed that we had ſuch a cauſe to commit ! And do we
believe that that beſt of men, if he were now preſent, would ſpeak
with the ſame confidence in a cauſe of ſheltering runaways : Or do we
believe that his virtuous ſoul would ſhrink back from it 2
I have hinted the importance of coming with clean hands into the
court of Heaven, if we mean to make our appeal there. And are we
ſure that we are not the aggreſſors in this controverſy 2 Are we ſure
that only a common courteſy and equity on our part, would not have
prevented it all 2 If we are not ſure, how muſt that thought embitter
every moment of the conteſt, even if we were to go on triumphantly :
What muſt it then, if every thing ſhould go againſt us And ſince this
aćt of individuals was committed, have we certainly done all that was
proper, to prevent a national rupture ? Are we ſure that Great Bri-
tain has not far outdone us in pacifick diſpoſitions How then have we
complied with the rule we are under, “If it be poſſible, as much as
in you lieth, live peaceably with all men º’” If without full confidence
in all theſe points, we cannot arm ourſelves againſt any nation, but
with conſcious guilt, ſhall we in theſe circumſtances go to war with
our own kindred, with a people of our own religion ? Infidelity, I
know, may deſpiſe this argument, but men of chriſtian ſentiments will
feel how eminently unnatural it is, that two chriſtian nations, trained
up in goſpel ſentiments, ſet up for lights to the world, apparent-
\
* Pſalm xviii. 24. + See his letter to Gen. Gage, in July, 1775,
14
ly deſtinéd by Providence to ſpread this divine religion through the
earth, and who, at this moment, are doing more for that purpoſe than
all people in the world beſide, ſhould, without the moſt imperious
and irreſiſtible neceſſity, be ſeen contending in hoſtile array, “ which
ſhould do the other moſt harm ;” and thus become a ſtumbling block, in-
ſtead of a proper example, to pagans and barbarians !
If ſtill there are thoſe who wiſh to inflame us againſt thoſe brethren,
by the unpleaſant things of former years; let our own better ſenti-
ments, even in times of higheſt irritation and greateſt danger, furniſh
the anſwer. Our declaration of Independence in 1776, was in this
ſtile : “Henceforth we ſhall regard them (i. e. the people of Great
Britain,) as we do other nations, enemies in war, in peace friends.”
How inconſiſtent is it, therefore, now to call up thoſe ſufferings from
Britain, which ſhould have been long ago buried in oblivion | Let
our treaty of peace and amity with which we cloſed the war, furniſh
an anſwer ; unleſs we were hypocrites. Let that Independence an-
ſwer, which, by the favour of Heaven, we obtained ; and which our
brethren of Britain were, at leaſt, as cordial in eſtabliſhing, as our own
allies were. . In fine, let the memorable propoſition brought forward
in Maſſachuſetts, at an early period after the eſtabliſhment of our peace,
recal us from every ſentiment unworthy of the ſame people. The
propoſition was to this effect, that an addreſs might go from our federal
government to the courts of Europe, praying that ſome mode might
be conſulted for the ſettlement of national controverfies, ſo that war, in
every caſe, might be prevented. Whatever may be thought of the
pračticability of ſuch a propoſition, it will at leaſt, be a pleaſing mo-
nument of the ſpirit of thoſe times, when a rare conſtellation of wiſe
and virtuous patriots, enlightened and adorned the councils of this re-
ublick. *
r And be it remembered, that if after this, we ſhall ever be conſent-
ing in a war, not clearly juſt, and clearly indiſpenſable, the ſpirit of
1775, the ſpirit of 1783, the ſpirit of the beſt times, of this and every
other nation, will riſe in judgment againſt us.
FINIS.
G
262
Illiſill