º ſº Bºx º w 3. * -> º º ºś w º - ~ #; § fl; º º §§ ; # ºš # | bº : § V. §\ <Ş\ §§§ /92 5 Z9 27 of MICHIGAN * of zzzozy 0/ º (2. 07 £/, A J','!' RSITY 4.9% ,57////E/W UNIVE . . …, … 22,5×……–…” ----, , ,· , , ) --№ſſae…! <∞ . 、「」 ~~~~** --~- - - it. A \,"lo * , \ , 2- #19 |% sº THE HISTORY OF T H E COUNTY PA. LAT IN E A N D DU C HY OF L A N C A S T E R ºftºn. art lane bººk, - º head. M 0 R E c A. M. b - car t Wh a , ; -1 rº- º: 2. | 5 a n aſs ºr zºna - º - Inga tº I, a n * * * * * Galley le - º ºn, B A. y ºf - º sº tº sº s She 1 1 F 1 at º º | 3 aſ ter. sºon Buºy - º - & - - º 3 § º ºr º *. - Jſoon *Biºlº |- -- - - } * Delph | / * - - - - Cºndºr - º, Pºlan Published by George Routledge & Sons, - East - * Hayle Bank (Jºn - º, Heswall -- - ºwTtaſk -n. mº - ºrialſ, 23|aby for. th. Bºlºgi As ºf º Bºmſº infare rºton º - ºnkº º, lan. hall ºf) new Edition of Bainess History of MAP () R' 'T'ſſ E - COUNTY PALAT | NE O F " | LAN CASTI FR0M THE ORD NANCE SURVEY BR0 UGHT UP TO THE PRESENT TIME 1 / ſº º BY J. BARTHOLOMEW, E R.G. S. |8 (68. SCALE 4 MILES TO AN INCH, º + 5. º 7 3. 9 10 ml. 12 HUNDREDS LONSDALE North & South of the sands AMOUNDERNEss LEYLAND BLACKBURN SALFORD WEST DERBY PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTY According to the Reform Act of 1867 NORTH LAN CASHIRE NORTH-EAST LANCASHIRE SOUTH-EAST LANCASHIRE SOUTH-WEST LANCASHIRE Hundreds, Nº. 1,2.5 Blackburn Hundred Salford Hundred West Derby Hundred ºtone . . rºº Hºlcºmbºrº 1. ... thºut! - - - - - - - º -- Hillº --- ( , ". º, Temperºr. º mºnºx. - "Yºugº Lancashire 1868. T H E H IS TO RY OF THE COUNTY PALATIN E AND DUCHY L. A N C A S T E R BY THE LATE EDWARD BAINES, ESQ. THE BIOGRAPH/CAZ DEPARTMENT BY THE ZATE W. A. WHA 77ON, ESA. 34.4%, S- @ 32cm, 3&cbigºt, amt improben (Etition EDITED BY JOHN HARLAND, F.S.A. Editor of the Lancashire Lieutenancy, etc.; Ballads and Songs of Lancashire, etc.; Lancashire Lyrics; Mamecestre; Collectanea relating to Manchester and Neighbourhood; Manchester Court Leet Records; House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe ; Salley Abbey; Charters and Muniments of Clitheroe; Autobiography of William Stout of Lancaster, etc.; Joint Editor of a History of Preston Guild ; of Lancashire Folk-Lore, etc. etc. VO/L UAMA: / L O N D O N GEORGE ROUT LED GE AND SONS, THE BROADWAY M A N C H EST E R L. C. G ENT I 86.8 Printed by R. CLARK, AEdinburgh. :*- i eS}i TO THE NATIVES AND RESIDENTS OF THE COUNTY PALATINE OF LAN CASTER, THIS WORK, DEVOTED TO ITS HISTORY, IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE EDITOR. FEBRUARY I 868. INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO VOLUME I. —º- YººHº original intention of the Publishers of this edition of Baines's History of Lan- 2.3 * tºº tº e g tº * - * tº º g ...tº; º/ā cashire was simply to reprint it, in one volume, with careful revision and correction e. 34 £ of its many errors. After a portion of this volume had gone to press, however, it º: gº was determined to extend it to two volumes, and to bring down the chief events * in the history of important parishes and towns to the present time. In fulfilment of a general wish to have Baines's History of Lancashire in a new edition, and no other, it was necessary to adhere to the form in which he had moulded his history, under Hundreds and Parishes. Since he wrote, however, the old boundaries and landmarks of parishes, and to some extent even of counties, have been greatly disturbed; indeed, in many cases, utterly overthrown. The county of Lancaster, as popularly known, and as represented in all the maps, is a different tract of country, with different boundaries, from what is termed “The Registration or Union County of Lancaster.” The latter includes many townships and parts of townships really in Cheshire and Yorkshire, and its population exceeds that of the geographical county of Lancaster by nearly 36,000 persons. The change is still greater and more perplexing in the case of parishes. Lancashire, till within a few years ago, was a county of large parishes, of which Whalley in one hundred (105,249 statute acres), and Manchester in another (34,193 acres), are striking examples. But the large parishes have been divided and subdivided from time to time; new and smaller parishes have been carved out of them ; and these, under different legislative enactments, are by no means uniform in character, ecclesiastically or parochially. Some are parishes and the cures rectories; some are “new parishes” and perpetual curacies; some “district parishes” and perpetual curacies; others again, “separate parishes.” There are “Peel parishes” (under the Act 6 and 7 Vict, cap. 37), and there are “Blandford parishes” (under the Act 19 and 20 Vict. cap. 104). There are “ parochial chapelries,” “district chapelries,” consolidated chapelries,” “parliamentary ecclesiastical districts,” and “conventional districts.” But the changes do not end with those ecclesiastically made. The new poor-law has introduced a novel series of divisions of the land—into poor-law unions, super- intendent-registrars' districts, sub-districts, etc. These are very rarely indeed conterminous with the old parishes. The unions comprise variously from two to twenty townships, and these are grouped without regard to their former parishes, and on the borders often extend to townships in the next county. The superintendent-registrars' districts are generally, but not invariably, conterminous with the unions. These districts, and their sub-districts, are now the areas of jurisdiction within which many important national and local acts and regulations are to be executed—such as taking the decennial census of the population; registering births, marriages, and deaths; vaccinating infants; collecting rates, and administering relief to the poor by boards of guardians. All these changes tend greatly to lessen the practical value of the old divisions called “counties” and “parishes,” as they have existed in England from remote times, and to set up entirely new territorial divisions and vi - introductorg £20tice, districts. But these are by no means completed; the changes are still progressing; what is the parish of to-day, may be a total different ecclesiastical and parochial district to-morrow. Under these circumstances, seeing that the present is in reality a stage of transition, it was thought every way the best course to adhere to the plan of Mr. Baines, and to retain the old divisions of counties, hundreds, and parishes; only notifying where changes in parishes had been made, and enumerating the townships within each poor-law union. To have done otherwise would have rendered it necessary to discard the whole of the local histories as written by Mr. Baines, and to have published under his name a totally different work. But the future historian of Lancashire will have to do something of this kind. What is now transitional will then have become settled, and the whole of the land of Lancashire will have become divided permanently into parishes and poor-law districts. Some legis- lative measures may be found necessary to consolidate into one genus or class the many present varieties of parishes and ecclesiastical districts; and then the functions of the county historian will be more clearly defined, and more easily and correctly fulfilled, than is possible at this time. The Publishers having decided to issue the first volume at once, whilst the second is passing through the press, it may be necessary here to explain in what the present edition deviates from that of 1836. Its very inaccurate family pedigrees have been altogether omitted, as they could not be satisfactorily corrected without sacrificing much time—certainly some years—if even the utmost time, care, and pains could ever have rendered some of them trustworthy. Then, for the old, greatly- abbreviated Latin deeds and documents of the old edition, have been substituted, in English, either full translations, or the substance of the document, as its intrinsic importance appeared to require. Throughout the work, wherever a regnal year is stated, as “2 Hen. III,” care has been taken to add within parentheses the common year or A.D., as “ (1217–18);” in this, as in most instances, the regnal year, which, with Henry III., began in October, running into two ordinary years. More correct ver- sions, in English, are given of the Domesday Survey, of the grants and charters to the various boroughs and towns, and of all documents of interest. The creation of the new diocese of Manchester and the various changes it involves—(parts of Lancashire being now in three different dioceses, Chester, Manchester, and Carlisle, and the archdeaconries and deaneries being recast accordingly)—all these have had due attention. The changes in the old, and the creation of new courts of law, of record, and others, have been noted. In the history of the parliamentary representation of Lancashire, all the dates of the parliaments from the reign of Edward I. have been supplied; and all the elections, since the Reform Act of 1832, for the county, its divisions, and its boroughs, have been chronicled, with the numbers of the electors in 1832 and 1865, the names of all the candidates, their political character, and the number of votes recorded for them respectively. The changes effected in the county and the boroughs of Lancashire by the “Representation of the People Act” of 1867 are noted, and all the important sections of the Act itself printed. The geology of the county has been wholly re-written; the periods of the meteorological observations of Dr. Dalton and others are greatly extended. All matters of less general interest, though desirable for reference, have been put in smaller type. The footnotes embody many references to other works containing fuller information on the various subjects named. The first parish history in the work is that of Manchester, and this will be found to comprise much information not possible to be given in the old edition. The history of the barons of Manchester—the Greslets, La Warres, Wests, and Mosleys—has been written anew ; the old charters of Manchester and Salford correctly translated; much new matter embodied as to the old Parish and Collegiate Church, its rural deans, wardens, and fellows, deans and canons, etc.; a description of the present Cathedral and its restorations (1845-1867) and new tower; the various churches and other places of worship in the city and its vicinity; the Free Grammar School, and the new scheme for its regulation (1866); Chetham's Hospital, School, and Library, a list of the governors, and a sketch of the chief contents Introductory potite. - - vii of the library; the various institutions of Manchester, religious and benevolent, literary, scientific, and educational—all find a brief notice. The annals of the town are given in years, from 1700 to 1867, including the rebellions of 1715 and 1745; various riots, and the “Peterloo.” affair of 1819; the population and bills of mortality at various periods; the sanitary condition of the city; the Art Treasures Exhibition in 1857; the seven years' agitation for the repeal of the corn-laws; the municipal government and institutions of Manchester; boroughreeves and mayors of Manchester and Salford; courts and gaols, and other public buildings; town-halls, libraries, parks, poor-law unions; the chapelries in the old parish; biographies of Manchester men, including Dr. Dalton and Eaton Hodgkinson; and a necrology, or death-list, of notable Manchester residents in the present century. In somewhat similar form, but with fewer details, are given the local histories of the old parishes of Ashton-under-Lyne, Prestwich-cum-Oldham, Middleton, Rochdale, Bury, Radcliffe, Dean, Bolton, Eccles, and Flixton, thus completing the local history of every parish within the Hundred of Salford. Copious Addenda close the volume, including the Population of every parish and town- ship in Lancashire, at every decennial census from 1801 to 1861, with the ages, conditions, and occupations of the people in 1861; the County Registration on the 1st January 1868; the Valua- tions of Property for assessing the County Rate in 1854 and 1866; the Property and Income Tax Returns for every parish or populous place in Lancashire for the year ending 5th April 1860, the latest return of this kind; a list of the County Magistrates in March 1868, and many other interesting statistics and statements relating to the County generally, or to the Hundred of Salford, and especially to the City of Manchester. By a comparison it will be seen that (with the exception of 123 pages of the history of the cotton manufacture, which is reserved for the Appendix at the end of volume ii.) this volume includes the whole of the first and second volumes, and 170 pages of the third volume of the old edition; though it embodies, in addition, the history of the last thirty years. To make this volume as useful as possible, both a Table of Contents and an Index to the chief subjects have been included. A coloured Map of the whole county, reduced from the Ordnance Survey, and on a scale of four miles to the inch, has been carefully engraved, and forms the frontis- piece to the volume. This map clearly shows the boundaries of the six Hundreds, and also the parliamentary divisions of the county as prescribed by the Act of 1867. It also delineates the border portions of the counties of Westmorland and York, and those of North Cheshire as far south as Chester. The Editor is sensible that many inaccuracies may have crept in, and many omissions may have been made, in the haste of carrying this volume through the press. If any such be pointed out to him, he will be glad to rectify them in the second volume. J. H. February 1868. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. •–4– - CHAPTER I. Earliest Notices of Lancashire—The Roman Conquest and Rule in Britain-B.C. 55 to A.D. 448 CHAPTER II. The Saxon Period—Invasions, Conquests, and Short Rule of the Danes—Termination of the Saxon and Danish Dynasties of England—The Norman Conquest—A.D. 448 to 1066 CHAPTER III. William the Conqueror's Suppression of Revolts in the North—His Extension of the Feudal System and Seizure of Church Lands and Property—The Domesday Survey and Book—The Honor of Lancaster—Its first Norman Baron, Roger de Poictou–Its Grant by the Crown to Randle third Earl of Chester—A.D. 1066 to circó 1120 CHAPTER IV. Territory of South Lancashire (between Ribble and Mersey), successively the Possession of the Earls of Chester, of the Ferrers Earls of Derby, and of Edmund Crouchback, first Earl of Lancaster—His son Thomas, second Earl, executed, whose brother Henry, third Earl, was succeeded by his son Henry, fourth Earl, created first Duke of Lancaster, and called “the good Tuke”—John of Gaunt, second Duke—Creation of the Duchy and its Privileges—The County Palatine, its Chancery Court, etc.—A.D. 1128 to 1399 CHAPTER. W. Character of Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Derby and Duke of Hereford–His Quarrel with the Duke of Norfolk, and Banishment—Elevated to the Dignity of Duke of Lancaster on the Death of his Father, John of Gaunt— Returns to England—Expels Richard II. from the Throne—Elevation of the noble House of Lancaster to the Royal Dignity—Possessions of the Duchy of Lancaster separated from the Crown Possessions—Establish- ment of the Duchy Court—Abolition of the Duchy Court of Star Chamber—History of the Duchy continued— Its Courts, Chancellors, Officers, etc.—Ducatus Lancastriae, from the Harleian MSS.—A.D. 1380 to 1860 CHAPTER WI. Creation of the County Palatine—Sheriffs from the Earliest Records—Courts of the County Palatine—Ecclesi- astical and other Courts—Assizes—Public Records of the County Palatine.—A.D. 1087 to 1836 CHAPTER VII. The Earldom of Lancaster possessed by King John—Privileges to the Honor of Lancaster in Magna Charta— Forest-Laws and Assize of the Forest at Lancaster—Grant of Land between Mersey and Ribble—Large Trains on Lancashire for Men and Money for the Wars—Wars of the Barons—Edward II. the Prisoner of Thomas Earl of Lancaster—Analysis of Landed Possessions in the County from Testa de Wevill.—A.D. 1164 to 1327 b PAGE 21 3I. 43 56 X (Content:3. CHAPTER VIII. PAGE Representative History of the County of Lancaster—First Members for the County of Lancaster, and for its Boroughs –First Parliamentary Return and first Parliamentary Writ of Summons for Lancashire extant—Members returned for the County of Lancaster in the Reigns of Edward I. to Edward IV—Returns lost from 17 Edward IV. to 33 Henry VIII.-County Members from 1 Edward VI. to 30 Victoria—The ancient Lancashire Boroughs, consisting of Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan, resume the Elective Franchise 1 Edward WI–Newton and Clitheroe added to the Boroughs of Lancashire—Representation of Lancashire during the Commonwealth—List of Knights of the Shire for the County of Lancaster, from the Restoration to the Present Time—Alterations made in the Representation of the County and Boroughs of Lancashire by the Reform Act of 1832.-A.D. 1295 to 1867 e & º º & tº 4. . . . 88 CHAIPTER IX. Lancashire History in the Reign of Edward III—Pestilence—Creation of the First Duke of Lancaster—Heavy Imposts on the People of the Duchy–Death of the First Duke of Lancaster—His Will and Possessions— Administration of the First Duke, from the Rolls of the Duchy—Renewal of the Dukedom in the person of John of Gaunt—The Franchise of jura regalia confirmed, and extended in favour of the Duke of Lancaster— Continuance of the Royal Bounty to the House of Lancaster—A.D. 1327 to 1379 º º . 104 CHAPTER X. Power of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster—The Duke's Expedition to Spain—Larger Measures in Lancashire than any other part of the Kingdom—Accession of the House of Lancaster to the Throne—Grant of the Isle of Man, first to Henry, Earl of Northumberland, and afterwards to Sir John Stanley, Knight—Annals of the Duchy—Charters of the Duchy—Will of Henry IV.-Henry W. ascends the Throne—Union of the County of Hereford to the Duchy of Lancaster—Battle of Agincourt—Death of Henry W.-His bequest of the Duchy of Lancaster——A.D. 1377 to 1422 • e ‘e º * & º º . I 17 CHAPTER XI. Scarcity of Records for History during the Wars of the Roses—Marriage of Henry VI.-Claims of the Rival Houses of York and Lancaster to the Throne—Wars of the Roses—Henry VI. dethroned by Edward IV.-Henry seeks an Asylum in Lancashire—Taken by Sir John Talbot—Sir John's Grant for this service—Catastrophe of the Lancastrian Family—Edward W. murdered in the Tower—Coronation of Richard III.-His Warrant for seizing a Rebel's Land in Lancashire—The King's Jealousy towards the Duke of Richmond, Step-son of Lord Stanley, extends to his Lordship—Attainder of Lady Stanley, Countess of Richmond—Landing of the Duke of Richmond in England—Battle of Bosworth Field—Confiscation of Lancashire Estates—Union of the Houses of York and Lancaster—Sweating Sickness—Lambert Simnell and Perkin Warbeck, Pretenders to the Throne—Fatal Consequences of the Civil Wars to the Duke of York's Family (note)—Sir William Stanley accused of High Treason: condemned and executed—Henry VII's Royal Progress in Lancashire— Execution of Edward, Earl of Warwick, the last Male of the Plantagenet Line—Death of Henry VII-A.D. 1472 to 1509 . b e s wº g o * e a º . 132 CHAPTER XII. The Sixteenth Century—Henry VIII. ascends the Throne—Invasion of England by the Scots—Battle of Flodden Field—The King's Letter of Thanks to Sir Edward Stanley, etc.—Lords-Lieutenant first appointed—The Reformation—Religious Persecution—Visitation of the Monasteries—Dissolution of the Lesser Monasteries— Insurrections produced by the Dissolution of the Monasteries—The Pilgrimage of Grace: Dispersion of the Rebel Army; They re-assemble, etc.; Finally dispersed—Renewed Rebellion in the North—Execution of the Abbot of Whalley and Others—Dissolution of the Larger Monasteries—First Publication of the Bible in English—Excommunication of the King—List of Lancashire Monasteries—Their Revenues administered by the Duchy–Aggregate Value of the Dissolved Monasteries—Bishopric of Chester, etc., erected—List of Chantries in Lancashire—Decayed Towns in Lancashire—Privilege of Sanctuary—The King's Death-A.D. 1509 to 1547 . º g e º e . . . º 149 ©. (Tomtºmtg. xi CHAPTER XIII. PAGE Lancashire in the Reign of Edward VI. ; in the Reign of Queen Mary—Lancashire Martyrs: John Rogers, John Bradford, George Marsh—Muster of Soldiers in the County of Lancaster in Mary's Reign—Lancashire in the Reign of Elizabeth—General Muster of Soldiers in Lancashire in 1559–Ecclesiastical Commission, consisting of the Earl of Derby, the Bishop of Chester, and others—State of Lancashire on the Appointment of the Commission—Catholic Recusants—Mary Queen of Scots seeks an Asylum in England : placed in Confine- ment—Puritan Recusants—Rebellion in the North to re-establish the Catholic Religion : Suppressed— Meetings of the Lieutenancy—Original Letter of Edward, Earl of Derby, to the Queen—Letter of the Earl of Huntingdon to Secretary Cecil, casting Suspicion on the Loyalty of the Earl of Derby; proved to be ill- founded—Part taken by Lancashire Gentlemen to liberate Mary Queen of Scots—Comparative Military Strength of the Kingdom—Muster of Soldiers in Lancashire in 1574—Declaration of the Ancient Tenth and Fifteenth within the County of Lancaster—The Chaderton MSS. relating to the Affairs of the County of Lancaster—Original Papers relating to the Lancashire Recusants—Lancashire Contribution of Oxen to Queen Elizabeth's Table—MS. of the Lancashire Lieutenancy—Lancashire Loyal Association against Mary Queen of Scots and her Abettors—Trial and Execution of Mary Queen of Scots—The Spanish Armada : Letter from the Queen to the Earl of Derby thereon ; Preparations in Lancashire to Resist ; Destruction of- Thanksgiving for National Deliverance in Lancashire—Memorable and Fatal Feud—Atrocious Abduction— Levies of Troops in Lancashire for Ireland—Suppression of the Rebellion there—Death of Queen Elizabeth —Loyal Address of Lancashire Gentry to her Successor James I. on his Accession to the Throne,—A.D. 1547 to 1603 º tº gº º tº & tº e * e º . 160 CHAPTER XIV. Ancient Manners and Customs of the County—Dress—Buildings—Food—Coaches—Sports and Pastimes—The Arts—The Laws—King James's first Progress—Lancashire Knights—The Plague—The Gunpowder Plot— Letter to Lord Monteagle— Cecil's Account of the Discovery—Fate of the Conspirators—Lancashire Baronets—Lancashire Witches—Dr. Dee's Petition—Seer Edward Kelly, the Necromancer—History of Lancashire Witchcraft—Duchess of Gloucester—The Stanley Family—Satanic Possession—Case of Seven Demoniacs in Mr. Starkie's Family at Cleworth ; dispossessed—The Conjuror hanged—King James's Daemonologie—Witches of Pendle Forest—Samlesbury Witches—Second Batch of Pendle Forest Witches— Examination of the Lancashire Witches before the King in Council—Deposition of Ann Johnson, one of the reputed Witches—Case of a Lancashire Witch in Worcestershire—Richard Dugdale, the Lancashire Demoniac : his Possession ; Dispossession—Witchcraft exploded—Progress of King James through Lanca- shire—The Book of Sports—Further Honours conferred on Lancashire Men—Letter from King James to Sir Bichard Hoghton—Letter from the King's Council to the Earl of Derby, Lord-Lieutenant of Lancashire and Cheshire.—A.D. 1603 to 1624 . ſe tº . * g & t tº . 190 CHAPTER XV. } Contests between Charles I. and his Parliament—Lancashire Members—Lords-Lieutenant—Breaking out of the Civil Wars in Lancashire—County Meeting—Summons of Lord Strange to Manchester—Musters made by him in Lancashire—Impeachment of Lord Strange—Meeting of Loyalists at Preston—Blowing-up of Hoghton Tower–Campaign of 1643—Act of Sequestration—Summons by the Duke of Newcastle to Manchester : Answer—Military Operations in Lonsdale Hundred—Assembly of Divines—Campaign of 1644–Siege of Lathom House ; of Bolton ; of Liverpool—Deplorable Condition of the People of Lancashire—Seal and Patronage of the Duchy–Military Possession of the County by the Parliamentary Forces—Catalogue of the Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of Lancashire who compounded for their Estates in 1646—Classical Presbyteries of Lancashire—Campaign of 1648—Battle of Preston—Execution of King Charles I.- Campaign of 1651—Battle of Wigan Lane—Fatal Consequences of the Battle of Worcester—The Earl of Derby made Prisoner–Tried and executed—Duchy and County Palatine Courts—Summons by Oliver Cromwell of a Lancashire Member—Sir George Booth's Failure to raise the Royal Standard—General Monk's Success—Restoration of Charles II-A.D. 1625 to 1660 . e e º * . 2II xii Contentā, CHAPTER XVI. Restoration of Monarchy and Episcopacy—Corporation and Test Acts—Act of Uniformity—Ejected Ministers in Lancashire—Five-mile Act—Sufferings of the Nonconformists—Abolition of the Feudal System—Militia Quota for Lancashire—Lancashire Plot—Conspiracy of the Earl of Clarendon and others—Rebellion of 1715; of 1745—Lancashire Gentry—Lancashire Visitations—Geographical Situation of the County— Climate—Meteorology—Soil and Agriculture—Forests—Geology—Lancashire Rivers—Catalogue of the Bishops of Chester, from the Institution of the Bishopric, 33 Henry VIII, to the Present Time—Rate imposed upon the Clergy to provide Horses and Arms for the State in 1608—Ecclesiastical Courts, their Jurisdiction, Fees, and Revenues—Religious Communities, Catholics, Protestant Dissenters, Methodists, etc. —A.D. 1660 to 1745 - CHAPTER XVII. LANCASHIRE HUNDREDs: at the time of the Conquest—Mr. Whitaker on the Old Hundreds—Newton and Warrington Hundreds merged in the West Derby Hundred–Hundreds synonymous with Wapentakes—Institution of Hundreds: made subservient to the Security of the Persons and Property of the Subject by King Alfred— System of Government, Ecclesiastical and Civil—Statute of Winton—Enumeration of the Present Hundreds of Lancashire—Order of their Arrangement in this History—“Representation of the People Act 1867”— Area and Population of County Divisions and Boroughs—The New Lancashire Boroughs—Changes made by the Act in the Parliamentary Representation of Lancashire. HUND RED OF SAT, FORD. SALFORD HUNDRED–Contrast between this Hundred at the time of the Domesday Survey and at the Present Time—Situation and Dimensions of this Hundred—Parishes and Townships of Salford Hundred arranged in Divisions BARISH OF MAN CHIESTER. PARISH OF MANCHESTER.—Early History of Manchester—The Name : how derived—Roman Period—Roman Remains: early Discovery of ; late and more ample Discoveries—Saxon Period—Manchester at the Norman Conquest—Ancient Charter granted to Salford–Barony and Barons of Manchester—-Early Charters and Documents—The Greslets: Manchester Charter of 1301–The De la Warres—The Wests—The Mosleys— —Armorial Bearings of Manchester, and of the Successive Lords of the Manor—A.D. 79 to 1846 Early Ecclesiastical History of Manchester—The Churches of St. Mary and St. Michael—Deanery of Manchester— Rectory—Collegiate Foundation—Erection of the Collegiate Church—Will of Thomas del Booth—Manchester constituted a Place of Sanctuary—Privilege of Asylum abolished—Collegiate Foundation dissolved : restored —Succession of Wardens—The Cathedral; its Restorations ; New Tower—Other Churches—Chapels— Burial-Grounds—Places of Worship, and Numbers of Sittings—Education of the Poor—Manchester Free Grammar-School : its Foundation ; Augmentation ; Soke Mills—Revenues and Expenditure of the School— Exhibitions—Hulme's Exhibitions—The Scheme of 1867—Present Feoffees of the School—High Masters— Chetham's Hospital and Library—Governors—Boroughreeve's (now the Mayor's) Charities—Other Charities —Salford Charities—Charities of the Out-townships of the Parish—Modern Charities of Manchester—Modern Societies and Institutions Early Inquisition relating to Manchester—Punishments—Origin of Manchester Manufactures—Visit of Henry VII. to Manchester—Early Waterworks—Leland's Description of Manchester in 1538—Manchester at the Refor- mation—Memoir of John Bradford the Martyr—Ecclesiastical Commission—Dean Nowell—The Bishop of Chester's Residence fixed in Manchester—Aldport Lodge, etc.—Sufferings of the Catholic Recusants—Relaxa- tions of the Rigours against them—Treatment of Alehouse-keepers and Bakers—Parks in Salford Hundred— Description of Manchester by Camden in Queen Elizabeth's Reign—Privilege of choosing the Boroughreeve— Sale of the Manor of Manchester—Removal of the Bishop—Population—State of Society—First Printing- press in Manchester—Panic—Renewed Ecclesiastical Commission—The Astrologers and Dr. Dee—Eruption PAGE 259 265 267 279 (Tomtentº, xiii e PAGE of Hough Moss—Inflammatory Handbill—Breaking out of the Civil Wars—Siege of Manchester—Summons by the Earl of Newcastle—Manchester's Answer—League and Covenant—The Plague in Manchester—Presby- terical Classis—Representation of Manchester during the Commonwealth—Rigorous Treatment of the Presby- terian Ministers—Union between the Presbyterians and the Independents—Restoration of Charles II. cele- brated at Manchester—Special Assize at Manchester–Treatment of the Nonconformists—Dr. Kuerden's Description of Manchester in the Reign of Charles II—Manners of the People of Manchester at the end of the Seventeenth Century—Unsuccessful Attempt to impose a Duty on the Sale of Merchandise at Manchester. —A.D. 1359 to 1693 , 3 & © © tº wº * tº * 307 HISTORICAL ANNALS OF MANCHESTER FROM 1700 TO 1867–Including the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745—The Manchester (Rebel) Regiment and Sufferers—Canals–Corn and other Riots—Volunteers of 1803—“Peterloo,” August 1819–Population of Manchester at Various Periods—Bills of Mortality for each Year, 1580-1832, and in Decades—Parliamentary Elections, 1832-1865–Anti-Corn-Law seven years' Agitation—Art Treasures Exhibition (1857) º ë to jº § tº • . * te & 327 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT AND INSTITUTIONS.—The Old Feudal Government of Manchester—Charter of Incorpora- tion (1838)—The Wards, the Council and its Committees—Local Acts—Royal Charters and Grants— Boroughreeves and Mayors of Manchester and Salford–Salford Charter of Incorporation and Boundaries of the Borough—The Wards, the Council and its Committees—Salford Local Acts—Manchester Assize-Courts for the Hundred of Salford—Courts of Record and other Courts in Manchester and Salford—Manchester City Police Force—New Police-Courts—City Gaol—New Bailey Prison and the New Salford Hundred Gaol— Municipal Receipts and Expenditure—Accounts of the Manchester Corporation Waterworks and Gasworks —Accounts of Townships in the City—Estimated Annual Value of Property in Manchester—Salford Borough Expenditure—Manchester Poor-Law Guardians—Workhouses and Swinton Schools–Churchwardens and Sidesmen for Manchester and Salford—Manchester Town-Hall and New Town-Hall—Chorlton-on-Medlock and Hulme Town-Halls—Salford, Pendleton, and Broughton Town Halls—Manchester Post Office—Rainfall for Eighteen Years—Dr. Dalton's Meteorological Observations—Soils of Manchester and Neighbourhood— Sanitary Condition of Manchester—Health Officer—Water Supply and Corporation Waterworks—Gasworks— Markets and Fairs—Street and other Improvements—Sewers—Hackney Coaches—Bridges—Railway Stations —Statues—Royal Exchange—Banks—Free-Trade Hall—Literary and Philosophical Society—Other Scientific and Literary Institutions—Athenaeum—Manchester and other Mechanics' Institutions—Manchester Royal Institution—Natural History Society—Newspapers and Periodicals—Libraries : Royal Exchange, Foreign, Law, etc.—Manchester Free Libraries—Salford Royal Borough Free Library–Military and Barracks— Volunteers—Races—Theatres—Assembly Rooms—Various Manufactures and Trades—Chamber of Commerce —Inland Bonding and Customs—Public Parks: Peel, Queen's, and Philips Parks—Old Halls and Mansions —Chapelries of Newton, Blackley, Didsbury, Chorlton, Stretford, Denton, Gorton, and Birch—Ardwick— Heaton Norris—Cheetham Hill—Lives of William Chadderton, D.D., Bishop of Lincoln ; William Barlow, D.D., Bishop of Lincoln ; Humfrey Chetham, the Founder ; John Booker, Astrologer ; Ralph Brideoake, D.D., Bishop of Chichester ; John Worthington, D.D., Master of Jesus College and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge; John Byrom, A.M., F.R.S.; Samuel Ogden, D.D., Woodwardian Professor of Geology, Cambridge ; Charles White, F.R.S., Surgeon and Chemist ; John Whitaker, B.D., F.R.S., the His- torian of Early Manchester ; Henry Clarke, LL.D. ; John Dalton, D.C.L., etc., Philosopher and Chemist ; Eaton Hodgkinson, F.R.S., etc., Mathematician—Manchester Necrology in the Nineteenth Century.—A. D. 1837 to 1867 . * º e ſº º tº g & * g 369 ASHTON-UNDER-LYNE PARISH : Early History—Name—Ancient Lords—Church and Advowson–Rectory—The Asshetons—Riding the Black Lad—Custom Roll, and Rental of the Manor (1422)—Extent and Surface of the Parish—Boundaries of the Parish in 1643 and in 1857—Divisions of the Parish and Area—Ashton Town Division—The Old Hall—The Parish Church—Rectors of Ashton—Other Churches—Chapels—Liter- ary Institutions—Charities—Canals and Railways—Cotton Manufacture—Population of the Parish, its Divisions and Townships, and of the Municipal and Parliamentary Borough of Ashton—Ashton Moss—— —Union Workhouse—Old Halls—Hartshead Division : STALYBRIDGE—Mossley and Mossley Bottom— Brown Edge Hill—Knott Hill and Reservoir—Rainfall there during Twelve Years—Higher Hurst—Auden- shaw Division—Guide Bridge—Shepley Hall Estate—High and Low Arch—Hobson's Free School—Auden- shaw Lodge—Buckley Hill—Cinderland Hall—Medlock Wale—Woodhouses—Waterhouses—Mansions in xiv. (Tomtentā. Audenshaw—Knott Lanes Division—Lees—Deanshut—Alt Hill—Bardsley—Taunton Hall–Mansions in Knott Lanes—Fairfield—Rectors ASHTON-UNDER-LYNE : Borough and Town History—Local Government—Churches and Chapels (1851 and 1867) —Literary Institutions, Newspapers—Charities—Manufactures and Trade–Cotton Manufacture, Mills, Engines, Looms—Fairs—Storms 1791 and 1817–Town-Hall, Banks, Market-Hall, Infirmary, Old Hall– Parliamentary Borough and Elections since 1832—Waterworks—Baths—Charter of Incorporation (1847)— Poor-Law Union, Area and Population, and Townships (1861)—Places of Worship—Workhouse PRESTWICH-CUM-OLDHAM PARISH : History of—Prestwiches of Prestwich and Langleys of Agecroft–Pilkingtons of Pilkington and their Traditions—Levers of Alkrington—Area and Population of the Parish—Parish Church, Rectory, and Rectors—Advowson—Churches and Chapels—The Deyne or Rectory-house—Stand Old Hall and Church—Charities—Townships of Royton and Chadderton—Life of Lawrence Chadderton, D.D., Bishop of Chester—Lees Estate and Hall, Crompton—Land and Soil of the Chapelry of Oldham OLDHAM : Chapelry and Borough—Area and Population—Principal Church and Incumbents—Churches and Chapels—Free Grammar School—Charities—Devolution of the Manor of Oldham—The Cudworths—Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, Life of Lees Hall—Trade, Manufactures, Coal-mines—Local Government— Municipal Incorporation (1849)—Population of Municipal Borough and Buildings, Town-Council, Wards, and Ex-Mayors—Town-Hall, Police, County Magistrates, and City Court—Gas and Water Works—Borough Rate and rateable Value of Property in the Borough—Borough Treasurer's Accounts—Cemeteries—Alexandra Park—Post Office, Banks, Stamp and Excise Offices—Railways and Stations—Fairs—Victoria Market— Lyceum, School of Art, Mechanics' Institution—Warious Institutions—Volunteers—Local Events and Occur- rences—Poor-Law Union—Markets—Parliamentary Borough and Elections since 1832 MIDDLETON PARISH : History of—Area and Population of Parish and Townships—The Manor and its Devolution —Parish Church, Rectory, and Rectors—Charities—Free School—Middleton Hall—The Town of Middleton —Townships of Middleton and Tonge—Local Government—Improvement Act (1861) and Compensation Commissioners' Accounts—Police, Post Office, Bank, Railways and Stations—National School, Newspapers, Baths, Free Library, Church Reading-room and Library, Co-operative Society and Stores—Trade—Riots— Agricultural, Floral, and Horticultural Societies—Burial-ground—Local Annals—Rhodes, and the Print- works of Messrs. S. Schwabe and Company—Life of Rev. William Assheton, D.D.—Townships of Birtle- cum-Bamford and Hopwood—The Hopwood Will Cause (1855)—Townships of Ainsworth and Great Lever —Notes of Mr. D. Rasbotham on Great Lever and Hall in 1788—New Church—Thornham Estate—Advow- son (1861) ROCHDALE PARISH : History of, its Divisions and Townships, their Area and Population—De Lacy, Inquisition of 1311—Devolution of the Manor—Its Lords, the Lacys and Byrons—The Parish Church and Vicarage, Tithes and Glebe Lands—The Church Edifice and Burial-ground—Chantries and Monuments—Rectors and Vicars— Churches, Chapels, etc., in Parish—Rise of Dissent—Boundaries of the Parish—Poor-Law Union and Relief (1860-67)—Valuations of Property—Collieries—Castleton Township—Devolution of Estates—Butter- worth—Milnrow—Hundersfield, Littleborough, Todmorden and Walsden—Spotland—Whitworth—Old Halls —Saddleworth, Roche Abbey—Rochdale Town, Municipal and Parliamentary Borough—Parliamentary Elections since 1832—Statistics of Parliamentary and Municipal Borough and Buildings—Local Govern- ment—Charter of Incorporation (1856), Mayors, Committees, and Receipts and Expenditure of Corporation —Petty Sessions, Police, and Fire Establishments—County Court—Water Supply—Gas—Rochdale Vicarage Act and Estate—Town-Hall, Cemetery, Post-Office, Banks, Savings Bank, Chamber of Commerce and Mer- chants' Association—Baths—Co-operative Societies and Stores—Climate and Sanitary Condition of the Town -—Charities—Free Grammar School—Charitable, Literary, and other Institutions—Newspapers—Theatre— Manufactures and Trade—Improvements—Markets and Fairs—Rush-bearing—Local Events and Occurrences BURY PARISH : Area and Population of the Parish and its Townships—The Old Castle and Castle Barracks— —Early History of the Parish and Devolution of the Manor—De Lacy Inquisition of 1311—Old Halls— The Parish Church, Edifice, Monuments, Registers—The Living and the Glebe-lands—Rectory and Rectors— PAGE 423 426 446 453 468 482 (Tomtentā. *. XV PAGE Churches and Chapels—Rise of Dissent—Charities—Manufactures—John and Robert Kay—The Peel Family—Increase of the Population—Poor-Law Union—Musbury, Cowpe, Lench, Newhall Hey, and Hall Carr—Royal Manor of Tottington, Holcombe, Elton, Heap, Heywood, Walmersley—Old Halls in the Parish— Dialect—Bury Town and Parliamentary Borough, its Boundaries—Elections since 1832—Parliamentary and Municipal Statistics—Places of Worship in 1851—Local Government by Commissioners—Rates—Gas and Water—Burial Board and Cemetery—Commissioners' Receipts and Expenditure—Petty Sessions—Estimated Population of the Borough and Townships in 1867—County Court—Police and Fire Establishments—Banks, Dispensary, Newspapers, Monuments—Co-operative Society and Stores—Fall of the Theatre (1787), and Wreck of the Rothesay Castle Steamer (1831)—The Market and Hall—Chapels, etc.—Life of John Warburton, F.R.S., F.A.S., Somerset Herald • gº & . 514 RADCLIFFE PARISH . Of Saxon Origin—Named in Domesday—The Radcliffes and the Devolution of the Manor— License to kernel and embattle Radcliffe Tower—The Parish Church, its Monuments and Windows—Living, Advowson, Rectory, and Rectors—Episcopal and other Chapels—Charities—Radcliffe Tower and its Remains –Legend of the Radcliffe Tragedy—Local Government—Hamlet of Whitefield—Area and Population of the Parish—Manufactures, Fairs, etc.—Reservoir—Life of Warden Wroe, the “Silver-tongued” g . 528 DEAN PARISH : History of—Devolution of the Manor—The Three Townships and the Family of Hulton–Area and Population of the Parish and its Townships—Rumworth, Middle Hulton, Kersley, Westhoughton, Horwich, Smithells, and Little Hulton–Roman Road—The Parish Church, its Structure—Living, Advowson, and Vicars—Episcopal and other Chapels—Charities—Local Events and Occurrences—Population and Manufac- tures—Lives of Richard Bancroft, D.D., Archbishop of Canterbury ; of Martin Heton, D.D., Bishop of Ely; of George Marsh, the Martyr—Over, Middle, and Little Hulton–The Families of Rigby, Kenyon, and Yates–Townships of Kersley and Farnworth–Dorning Rasbotham—Township of Halliwell—Smithells Hall and its Possessors—Townships of Heaton and Horwich, and Forest of Horwich—Wilder Lads— Hanging or Giant's Stone and Dane's Dyke—Schools in the Parish–Soils, Farms, and Land-rents—Quarries and Mines º sº g º gº * e g tº tº * . 534 BOLTON PARISH : History of Population and Area of Parish and Townships—Devolution of the Manor—Leland's and Camden's Visits—The Living and Vicarage—The Parish Church and its Monuments and Registers—The Old Church taken down (1866)—New Church in Progress of Erection—Vicars, New Parishes, Lectureship, and Churches in the Old Parish—List of Churches and Chapels—Charities—Manufactures and Trade— Notes of Dorning Rasbotham—Samuel Crompton invents the Mule—Statistics of Manufacturing—Poor-Law Union—Little Bolton—Little Lever and Hall—Darcy Lever, Tonge-with-Haulgh, and Breightmet — Harwood, Sharples, Bradshaw, Turton, Quarlton, Edgeworth, Entwisle—The Entwisle Family and Sir Bertine—Longworth, Anlezargh, Rivington–The Pilkingtons of Rivington, and Life of James Pilk- ington, D.D., Bishop of Durham—Blackrod and Lostock—Soil of the Parish and Land-rents, Mosses, Coal and Lead Mines, Mineral Springs, Climate * º ſº * * {- e . 547 BOLTON : Borough and Town, its Manufactures and Trade—Works and Factories—Canals and Railways—Prices of Provisions (1745 and 1787)—Population—Townships of Great and Little Bolton—Schools—Charter of Incorporation (1838)—Accounts of Corporation—Ex-Mayors—Town-Hall, Police, Fire-Engines, County Court—Water-Supply, Rainfall, and Gas—Street Improvements—Post-Office, Banks, Market-Hall, Squares, Public Library and Museum, and other Institutions — Infirmary, Baths, Concert Hall, Theatre, Parks, Cemetery, Exchange—Volunteers, Co-operative Societies—Working Men's Dwellings—Parliamentary Borough, and Elections since 1842—Parliamentary Electoral Returns—Local Events and Occurrences º . 55.8 ECCLES PARISH : History of—Area and Population of Parish and Townships—Roman Road—Name and Family of Eccles—Barton-upon-Irwell Township, and Devolution of the Manor—Barton and Booth Families—Whickles- wick Manor—Cadishead—Parish Church, its Structure and Restorations, Monuments, Ancient Assignment of Pews—Advowson—Deeds relating to Eccles Church in Whalley Abbey Coucher-Book—Chantries— Rectory and its Devolution, Tradition of Tithes, Vicars, Registers, and Marriages—John Bradford the Martyr —Terrier of the Glebe—Episcopal Chapels—Pendleton Church—Dissenting Chapels—Monton Chapel and Ministers—Charities—Bury Lane Fight—Population of the Parish (1776-1861)—Wakes and Guisings—May- poles and Sports at Pendleton and Pendlebury—Local Annals—Manufactures, Canals, and Railways— xvi Contents. Patricroft, Bridgewater Foundry and Christ Church—Barton Village and Old Hall—Trafford, Beaucliffe, Monks, Lostock, Davyhulme, Irlam, and Great and Little Woolden Halls—Greaves Family—Chat Moss, Reclamation and Cultivation—Hamlets in Barton—Barton Poor-Law Union and Workhouse—Pendleton Township, and Devolution of the Manor—Pendlebury Township and Agecroft Hall—Irlam's-o'-th'-Height, and Church—Clifton, and Devolution of the Manor—Worsley, and Devolution of the Manor—The Worsley Family and the Three Halls of Worsley—Kempnall and Wardley Halls, and the Story of a Skull—Booths Town, Manor and Hall—Bridgewater Canal—New Parish of Worsley—Ellenbrook Chapel—New Parish of Walkden Moor—Villages and Hamlets in Worsley–New Parish of Swinton, and Proposed New Church and Chapels— Lives of William Booth and Lawrence Booth, Archbishops of York and Lord Chancellors of England ; of Thomas Langley, Cardinal, Lord Chancellor, and Bishop of Durham ; of Robert Ainsworrh, F.A.S., Lexicographer ; of Barton Booth, Tragedian FLIXTON PARISH : History of—Area and Population of Parish, and Devolution of the Manors of Flixton and Urmston–The Parish Church—Flixton a Prebend of Lichfield Cathedral—Rectory, Incumbents, Registers, and Monuments—Chapels and Charities—Decrease of the Population—Willages of Flixton and Urmston— Flixton House and Shaw Hall—Urmston a New Ecclesiastical District—New Church—Urmston Hall —Notice of John Collier (“Tim Bobbin”)—Soil and Land-rents in the Parish ADDENDA To VoIUME I: Population of Lancashire, its Parishes, Townships, etc., at Seven Censuses—Population of the entire County, its Hundreds and Boroughs—Population of the Registration or Union County—Births, Marriages, and Deaths in the Ten Years (1851-1860)—Inhabited Houses and Population of the Parliamentary and Municipal Boroughs of Lancashire (1861)—Ages, Conditions, and Occupations of the People of Lancashire (1861)—Population of the Parliamentary Divisions of the County (1865-6)—County Registration (1st January 1868)—Valuations of Property for County Rate (1854 and 1866)—Property and Income Tax Returns (1860) —County Magistrates and Officers (March 1868)—County Courts (1868)—Poor-rates and Relief, Lancashire (1865-66)—Co-operative Societies in the County—Local Courts—County Rifle Association—Mayors in Salford Hundred (1867-8)—Old Deanery of Manchester—Consolidated and other Chapelries in the Diocese— Statistical Notes of Diocese–Population and Area of Townships in the (Old) Parish of Manchester (1861)— Ditto in the Parliamentary City of Manchester—Ditto in the Parliamentary Borough of Salford—Owens College ; Bequest of John Owens; Benefactions, Officers, Exhibitions, Scholarships, etc.—Manchester Police Statistics (1867)—Births and Deaths in Manchester and Salford (1867)—Marriages in Manchester Cathedral (1867)—Manchester Natural History Society and Museum—Manchester Free Public Libraries—Manchester Portico Library and News Room—Salford Royal Borough Library, Museum, and Peel Park (1867)—Pendleton Working People's Association (1867)—Manchester Free Grammar School—Manchester Botanical and Horticultural Society (1867)—New Park for Hulme—Manchester Rainfall (1867)—Chorlton Union Statistics Manchester and Salford Nurse-Training Institution—Manchester Convalescent Hospital, Cheadle Hall— Manchester Clinical Hospital, Park Place, Cheetham—The Fenian Outrage in Hyde Road; Special Commission ; Trials and Executions—Stretford: Local Government Act—Oldham : Parliamentary, Electoral, and Municipal Returns and Statistics (1865-6) PACE . 607 . 612 THE HISTORY OF LAN CASH I R.E. —º- CHAPTER I. Earliest Notices of Lancashire—The Roman Conquest and Rule in Britain-B.C. 55 to A.D. 448. %iº. sºHE County of Lancaster, though not particularly famed for those monuments of antiquity .." gººd #/s. which shed a lustre on history, local as well as national, is by no means destitute of ancient j #|| ſº Žº remains. Its distinguishing characteristics, however, consist in the extent of its commerce, &lsº º 9 the importance of its manufactures, the number and value of its modern institutions, and the º: alº sº* activity and enterprise of its abundant population. In tracing the history of such a county, tº º with accuracy the monuments bequeathed to us by our ancestors. For nearly four thousand years of the world’s existence, the history of this county, and of this country, is almost a blank, except so far as it may be read in its geological phenomena; and it may be confidently asserted, that before the first landing of Julius Caesar upon our shores, scarcely anything is known of the people who inhabited this island, or of the government and institutions under which they lived. According to Ptolemy, the inhabitants of the country between the lofty ridge which now separates Yorkshire from Lancashire, and the bay of Morecambe, bore the name of the Setanții, or Seganti—the dwellers in “the country of water;” which district, on the second invasion of the Romans, was included in the more extensive province of the Brigantes, extending on the east side of the island from the Humber to the Tyne, and on the west from the Mersey to the Eden, and comprehending the six counties of Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lancashire. This being the most powerful and populous nation in Britain, during the Roman sway, it is the most celebrated by the best writers." Historians are generally agreed that the Aborigines of Britain, as Caesar calls our earliest ancestors, were Gauls or Gaels, who emigrated from the Continent, and settled in this island” about a thousand years before the birth of Christ. The more probable conjecture is, as Caesar intimates, that the interior parts of Britain, to the north and to the west, and consequently Lancashire, were peopled by the earliest inhabitants, and the maritime parts by those who crossed over from Belgium, in Gaul, for the purpose of invading it, almost all of whom had their names from the tribes whence they sprang, and, on the cessation of hostilities, remained here. Before the first invasion of the Romans, the inhabitants of this part of the island subsisted chiefly by hunting; and their cattle grazed upon pastures, unencumbered by any of the artificial divisions which a state of cultivation never fails to produce. For their clothing, when the severity of the season compelled them to submit their limbs to such restraints, they were indebted to the skins of animals; and their dwellings were formed by the pillars of the forest, rooted in the earth, and enclosed by interwoven branches, which but imperfectly served to shelter them during the hours of repose from the conflict of the elements. Their governments, according to Diodorus Siculus, the ancient historian, though monarchical, were free, like those of all the Celtic nations; and their religion, which formed one part of the government, was Druidical: their deities were furies; human sacrifices were offered to them ;” and the eternal transmigration of souls was inculcated, and universally believed. The manners and customs of the ancient Britons resembled those of the Gauls. They were extremely warlike, eager for slaughter, and bold and courageous in battle. Dion Cassius, speaking of the Britons in the northern part of the island (the Brigantes), says, “They never cultivate the land, but live on prey, hunting, and the fruits of trees; for they never touch fish, of which they have such prodigious plenty. They live in tents, naked, and without shoes; have their wives in common, and maintain all their children. The people share the government amongst them, and they practise robbery without restraint. They fight in chariots, having small fleet horses; they have also infantry, who can run very swiftly, and while they stand are very firm. Their arms are * Camden, vol. iii. p. 233. * Rich. de Cir. b. I. cap. ii. sect. 4. * Solinus. B 2 Qſìje #istºry ºf 3Lancašijire. CHAP, I. a shield, and a short spear, on the lower part of which is a bell of brass, to terrify the enemy by its Sound when shaken. They likewise wear daggers. They are accustomed to brave hunger, cold, and all kinds of toil; for they will continue several days up to their chins in water, and bear hunger many days. In the woods they live on bark and roots of trees. They prepare a certain kind of food for all occasions, a piece of which, of the size of a bean, prevents their feeling hunger or thirst.” Pliny says, “the Britons and Gauls wore a ring on their middle finger;” and Caesar describes them as wearing long hair.” They wore, like the Gauls, a particular dress, called bracha :-‘‘Like the old brachae of a needy Briton.” But the description of the manners and customs of the ancient Britons, as given by Caesar, is the most full and clear. “The Britons,” says the Roman conqueror, “use brass money, or iron rings of a certain weight instead of it. They think it not right to eat hares, poultry, or geese, though they breed them all for amusement. Of all the natives, the most civilised are the inhabitants of Cantium [Kent, all that country lying on the sea-coast; and the manners of this people are not very different from those of the Gauls. The inland inhabitants for the most part sow no corn, but live on milk and flesh, and for clothing wear skins. All the Britons stain themselves with woad, which produces a blue colour, and gives them a more horrible appearance in battle. They wear the hair of their head long, but close and bare on every part of their body, except their head and upper lip. They have their wives in common among ten or twelve of them, especially brothers with brothers, and parents with children ; but the issue by these wives belongs to those who married them when virgins. Most of them use chariots in battle. They first scour up and down On every side, throwing their darts, creating disorder among the ranks by the terror of their horses and noise of their chariot-wheels; and when they are got among the troops of horse, they leap out, and fight on foot. Meantime the charioteers retire to a little dis- tance from the field, and place themselves in such a manner, that if the others are overpowered by the number of the enemy, they may be secure to make good their retreat. Thus they act with the agility of cavalry, and the steadiness of infantry, in battle, and become so expert by constant practice, that in declivities and precipices they can stop their horses on full speed, and on a sudden check and turn them, run along the pole, stand on the yoke, and then as quickly dart into their chariots again. They frequently retreat on purpose, and, after they have drawn our men a little way from the main body, leap from their poles, and wage an unequal war on foot. Their manner of fighting on horseback creates the same danger, both to the retreater and the pursuer. Add to this, that they never fight in bodies, but scattered and at great distances, and have parties in reserve Supporting One another, and fresh troops ready to relieve the weary.” 4 Though Caesar says that the Gauls had different languages, he adds, that it was usual for the Gauls to come over to Britain to receive instruction from our Druids; and Tacitus” says, “The language of the Britons and the Gauls is not very different.” The Romans, in their thirst for universal empire, after subduing Gaul, turned their attention towards Britain. Caesar's two expeditions into Britain, in the year 55 B.C., ended in a partial conquest of the south and South-east parts of the island, limited to the districts of the coast, and those washed by the Thames, and certainly not extending northward to within a hundred miles of Lancashire. But the sun of Roman glory had now passed its meridian. Distracted by domestic wars, which ended in the establishment of an absolute monarchy in Rome, the conquerors had little force to spare for the preservation of distant conquests; the Britons, were, therefore, for a long time, left to themselves, and, for nearly a century after the invasion of Caesar, they enjoyed, unmolested, their own civil and religious institutions. In the interval between the first and second invasion of Britain by the Romans, the founder of the Christian religion had accomplished his divine mission, in a province of the Roman empire, but almost with- out observation at Rome ; and, ten years after his death (A.D. 43), the Emperor Claudius sent over an army to this country, under the command of Aulus Plautius, the first Roman general who landed on this island since the invasion of Julius Caesar. The Emperor Claudius, and his generals Plautius, Vespasian, and Titus, Subdued several provinces of Britain, after thirty pitched battles with the natives, in A.D. 43 and 44. Suetonius defeated the British under Boadicea in A.D. 61 ; but it was not till the reign of Domitian that Lancashire was really invaded and finally conquered by the Romans, under the successor of Suetonius, Julius Agricola. At this period the principal and the most able commander amongst the Britons was Venutius, of the state of the Brigantes; and it is probable that the progress of the Roman arms in the country of the Segantii (Lanca- shire), was arrested by the skill and valour of this native general; but the discipline and constancy of the Roman troops, now commanded by Agricola, “struck a panic into the state of the Brigantes, which,” accord- ing to Tacitus, “was accounted the most numerous of the whole country, by attacking them with great force; and after several, and some of them bloody battles, he reduced great part of Britain by victory, or involved it in war.”” When Agricola, who added to the bravery of the soldier the skill of the statesman, had alarmed the native inhabitants by his severity, he offered inducements to peace by his clemency. By this conduct many of the states, and the Brigantes amongst the rest, which till then had stood out, gave hostages, and submitted to have a line of garrisons and castles drawn round them. This was the origin of our Roman stations. “In order that men who, by their unsettled and uncivilised state, were always ready for war, might be accustomed to peace and inactivity by pleasure, the general privately suggested, and publicly concurred in, the erecting of temples, market-places, and houses, * Sir Robert Sibbald supposes this to be the root of orobus, or the * B, G. v. 14. * Martial. Wild Astragalus thalius, which has a taste like liquorice, and is called by the Highlanders, who chew it for the same purpose at present, * B. G. V. 12. * Wit. Agr. xi. ſcarémyle. (Scotia Illust. p. i. lib. i. c. 17-19.) The plant meant by Sir Robert (for it is not easily identified by this description) is * Agricola seems to have invaded and conquered what is now the heath peaseling, the Orobus tuberosus of Linnaeus. Lancashire in the Summer and autumn of A.D. 79.—H. CHAP. I. * . * . . . . .” { . . . . . . Y. p . . . Giffe #istory of 3Lancashire. 'f 3. commending those who showed a readiness to these works, and censuring those who appeared remiss. This honourable emulation produced the effect of obligation. He applied himself to instruct the sons of the chiefs in the liberal arts, and appeared to prefer the genius of the Britons to the accomplishments of the Gauls; inasmuch as they, who but a little time before disdained the language, Inow affected the eloquence of Rome. This produced an esteem for the Roman dress, and the toga came into general use. By degrees the Britons adopted the vicious indulgences of the Romans, and the porticoes, the baths, and the splendid banquets, entered into the number of their enjoyments. This, which they called cultivation, was in effect the appendage of slavery.” I Pursuing his victorious career, Agricola carried the terror of his arms to the remotest part of Scotland, and added Ireland to the number of his conquests. At length, having traversed the country from its southern to its northern extremity, in the short period of eight years, he returned to Rome, where the Emperor Domitian, rendered jealous by his renown, received him with a cold salute, and then left the conqueror of Britain to mix with the servile crowd of the imperial court.” From the departure of Agricola (A.D. 82) till the arrival of the Emperor Hadrian in Britain (A.D. 117), the name of the Brigantes scarcely occurs in history. It appears, however, that they were subjected to the incursions of their northern neighbours, the Picts, and that the emperor, “after correcting many things, drew a wall eighty miles in length, on the northern boundary of the country of the Brigantes, to confine the ‘Bar- barians’ within the limits of their own borders.” Nearly a century had now elapsed since the second invasion of Briton by the Romans, and in the course of that period there had risen up in Lancashire the stations' of Mancunium, MANCHESTER ;* Veratinum, WARRINGTON; Ferigonium, RIBCHESTER ;’ Columium, CoLNE; Coccium, BLACKRODE; Ad Alaunam (the Longovicus of the Notitia), LANCASTER ; Bremetonacaº, OVERBOROUGH." The estuaries into which the rivers that watered these stations fell, though involved in some degree of uncertainty, from the vague and indecisive character of the Roman charts, were—THE MERSEY, called Belisama ; THE NEB OF THE NESE (Freckleton), at the mouth of the Ribble, called the Haven of the Setantii, or the Setanțian Port ; and THE BAY OF MORECAMBE.” - The Lancashire stations communicated with Isurium (Aldborough) and Eboracum (York), the Brigantine capitals, by roads constructed by the Roman soldiery, and with other towns enumerated in the Itinerary of Antoninus, the Chorography of Ravenna, and the Description of Britain by Richard of Cirencester. It is conjectured that the principal part of the Roman roads in Britain was commenced by Julius Agricola to facilitate his conquests. The four grand military Roman ways in Britain bear the names of Watling Street, Hermin Street, the Fosse, and Ikening or Iknild Street; but it is only the first-mentioned of these roads that comes within the scope of this history. Each of the stations affords its antiquities: Rib- chester abounds with remains; and Colne, Freckleton, Lancaster, Manchester, Overborough, and Warrington, will be found, in the progress of this work, to exhibit in succession their antiquarian stores, and to proclaim their ancient alliance with the Mistress of the World. After the lapse of sixteen centuries, the county of Lancaster still presents innumerable remains of these celebrated roads. At least four great Roman roads pass through this county—two of them from north to south, and two others from west to east. The first of the Roman routes" extends from Carlisle (Luguvallium) in Cumberland, to Kinderton (Condate) in Cheshire: passing through Lancaster, it advances pretty nearly due south, near Garstang and Preston, to Blackrod ; then taking the direction of Walkden Moor, where it assumes the name of Staney- street, it advances by the Hope Hall estate, crosses the highway from Manchester to Warrington, and, having passed the ford of the Irwell at the shallow which gives denomination to Old Trafford, proceeds through the village of Stretford to the bridge over the Mersey; then, pointing at Altringham, it passes along the declivity * Tacitus, Vit. Agricolae, xxi. * Wit. Agricolae, xl. * Wit. Hadriani, Scrip. Hist. Aug. p. 51. * Whitaker's History of Manchester. * The name or termination Caster, Cester, or Chester, from Castra, a camp, generally indicates a Roman station. * Since Mr. Baines wrote, several discoveries have been made as to Roman stations, roads, etc., which render some rectification Inecessary. John Robson, Esq., M.D., of Warrington, has shown that the station named Comdate, in Cheshire, was not, as previously supposed, at Kinderton near Middlewich, but at Wilderspool, on the Mersey, four miles from Warrington. He suggests that one of the difficulties in reconciling the Itimera of Antoninus and of Richard of Cirencester, as to the station which is supposed to have occupied the site of modern Manchester, would be romoved by the hypothesis that Mamucium = Saxon Ma'mecestre+ modern Manchester; and that Mancunium is some place on another ſter, not far from Man- chester, but distinct from it. (See Hist. Soc. of Lancashire and Cheshire Proceedings, vol. ii. p. 34.) Again, it is supposed that the Veratinum of the Ravenna, usually identified with Warrington, was not so much a station as the name of a ford there over the Mersey. Mr. Charles Hardwick, in 1855, discovered the remains of a Roman station at Walton-le-Dale, near Preston, and this seems to be admitted as most likely to have been the station of Coccium. The ablest writers on Roman roads and stations in Lancashire have been the late Rev. Edmund Sibson, of Ashton-in-Makerfield ; the late Mr. John Just, of Bury; John Robson, Esq., M.D., of Warring- ton ; Mr. Charles Hardwick; and Mr. T. T. Wilkinson, F.R.A.S., of Burnley. The results of their investigations may be generally stated:—From south to north–Condate=Wilderspool, Cheshire ; Mamucium=Manchester; Coccium = Walton, near Preston ; Reri- gonium or Rigodunum = Ribchester ; Bremetomacis = Lancaster; Ad Alauna/m- Overborough ; Calumio = Castercliffe, Colne. Mr. Wilkinson regards Ad Alpes Penimos or Gallumio, as–Portfield, Whalley. Mr. Hardwick regards the chief Roman stations in Lancashire as “a double line of forts to guard the passes over the principal rivers in Lancashire ; ” the first line being placed “at the head of the tidal estuaries of the Mersey, the Ribble, and the Lune,” and comprising Condate (Wilderspool) on the Mersey, Coccium (Walton) on the Ribble, and Bremetonacis (Lancaster) on the Lume. The second or inland line of forts is formed of Mamucium (Man- chester), on the Irwell, a tributary of the Mersey; Rerigonium (Rib- chester) on the Ribble; and Ad Aldunam (Overborough or Burrow) on the Lune. (See Hardwick's History of Preston, p. 34.)—H. 7 For the causes referred to in note 6, the present allocation of the estuaries is thus given :-Seieia (Estuarium= Estuary of the Dee ; Belisama (Estuarium = Estuary of the Ribble ; Portus Sistun- tiorum = Mouth of the Wyre ; Morecambe (Estuarium = Morecambe Bay. It may be objected to this arrangement, that the great Lan- cashire commercial river, the Mersey, is altogether omitted, as if not known to the Romans. It may be that the Dee, then a much nobler river than now, was by them preferred to that stream, which divided the northern Brigantes from the Cestrian Cornabii, though their station or ford of Veratinum was on the Mersey.—H. * These routes require to be rectified in accordance with the two notes immediately preceding.—H. 4 Qſìje 39tgforu of £ancashire. CHAP. T. of the hills, and enters Dunham Park; here it takes the name of Street to Bucklow Hill; from hence it passes to Mere Town; when, leaving Northwich about half-a-mile to the right, it takes the name of King Street at Broken Cross, and proceeds to Kinderton, the Condate of Antoninus, now a suburb of Middlewich. () The second Roman road extends from Overborough to Slack or Almondbury (Cambodunum) in York- shire. This road passes through Ribchester, across the Ribble ; then, proceeding to the east of Blackburn, through Radcliffe and Prestwich over Kersall Moor, is carried by Strangeways to Manchester; traversing that township obliquely, it passes over Newton Heath, by Haigh Chapel, to the Summit of Austerlands, where it enters Yorkshire, passes Knoll Hill in Saddleworth, and, crossing the Manchester and Huddersfield road at Delph, leaves Marsden about a mile and a half to the south, skirts Golcar Hill, and attains the plot of Cambodunum (Slack). . The third route commences at the Neb of the Nese, on the right bank of the Ribble, called by the Romans The Setantian [Sistuntian] Port, or, as we should express it, The Port of Lancashire ; this road changes from west to east, and, crossing the Lancaster road, leaves Preston about a mile to the right, assuming on Fulwood Moor the name of Watling Street; hence it proceeds to Ribchester, from which station it passes over Longridge Fell, and then, turning to the north, traces the Hodder to its source. The fourth Roman road commences at the ford of the Mersey, near Warrington, and passes through Barton and Eccles to Manchester; it afterwards traverses the townships of Moston, Chadderton, and Royton, and keeping about a quarter of a mile to the right of Rochdale by the Oldham road, continues through Littleborough ; afterwards, mounting the British Apennines, it sweeps over Rumbles Moor and advances to Ilkley, the Olicana of Ptolemy, where stood the temple of Werbeia, the goddess of the Wharf. The Roman Stations in Lancashire occur in the second and the tenth routes of the Itinerary of Antoninus, and are thus arranged —” ITER II. .# .# # * ** 3: * 3% .# EBURACVM. (LEG. VI. Vic.) York. CALCARIA . M. P. IX. Tadcaster. CAMBODVNO M. P. XX. . Slack. MAMUCIO M.P. XVIII. . Manchester. CONDATE g M. P. XVIII. Wilderspool. DEVA. (LEG. XX. Vic.) M. P. XX. Chester. ITER X. - From Lanchester, in the County of Durham, to Drayton, in Shropshire. A GLANOVENTA. From Lanchester. GALAVA M.P. XVIII. . Keswick. . ALONE. M.P. XII. . Ambleside. GALACVM M.P. XIX. ... near Kendal. BREMETONACI M. P. XXVII. . Lancaster. CoCCIO. M. P. XX. Walton-le-Dale. MANCVNIO . M.P. XVII. . (?) Manchester. CONDATE M. P. XVIII. Wilderspool. MEDIOLANO. M.P. XVIII. Chesterton. The Itinerary of Richard of Cirencester” is more full, and thus exhibits the Lancashire Stations, with their immediate connections, in the VI. VII. and X. routes:— - ITER WI. Ab EBORACO DEVAM UsquE SIC. From York to Chester CALCARIA M.P. IX. Tadcaster. CAMBODUNO . M.P. XXII. . . Slack. MANCUNIO g e M.P. XVIII. . . Manchester. FINIBUS MAXIM.A. ET FILAVIAE M. P. XVIII. . Stretford on Mersey. CONDATE $º M.P. XVIII. Wilderspool. DEVA . | M.P. XVIII. . Chester. TTER WII. A PORTU SISTUNTIORUM EBORACUM USQUE SIC. From the mouth of the Wyre to York. RERIGONIO . º & g ſº M.P. XXIII. . . Ribchester. AD ALPES PENINos M.P. VIII. . . Portfield, Whalley. ALIGANA M.P. X. . . Ilkley. ISURIO . M.P. XVIII. . . Aldborough. EBORACO M.P. XVI. . York, - * The lists, as given above, are from the edition by Wesseling (Amsterdam, 1735), the most accurate copy of Antoninus known, ' and very much more correct than that printed in the original edition of this work. The Itinerary is supposed to have been compiled about A.D. 320. The letters M. P. Mille Passus, a thousand paces, usually called Roman miles, equal 4834:28 English feet, the English mile being 5280 feet, or 446 feet longer than the Roman mile.—H. * Of doubtful authority: the MS. not known.—H. CHAP. I. Qſìje #istorg of £antagijire. 5 * ITER X. * * * + º: + BROCAVONACIS . * -> º ſº - o * º º g . . Brougham. AD ALAUNAM . e - e g - s . M.P. XXXXVII. . . Overborough. COCCIO . & e - g e º º º M. P. XXXVI. . . Walton. MANCUNIO e e º s º - e wº . M.P. XVIII. . . (?) Manchester. CONDATE . - g - e g o s s . M. P. XXIII. . . Wilderspool. + + + + + + Several other roads, called Vicinal-ways, are to be found in this county, but the routes above described form the four principal military communications. These roads generally consist of a regular pavement, formed by large boulder stones or fragments of rock imbedded in gravel, and vary in width from four to fourteen yards. It is a singular characteristic of the Roman roads, that they are not carried over rivers by bridges, but by fords, except where the rivers are impassable, and then bridges are thrown over.’ The terror of the Roman name, and the vigour of their arms, seemed scarcely able to keep in subjection the inhabitants of Britain, who sought every opportunity to shake off the foreign yoke. According to Herodian, the propraetor in Britain addressed a dispatch to the Emperor Severus, to the effect that “the in- Surrections and inroads of the Barbarians, and the havoc they made far and near, rendered it necessary that he should either increase the Roman force in this country, or that he should come over in person.” On this intimation, the emperor, though then advanced in life, and sinking under bodily infirmities, repaired to Britain, and established his court in Eboracum (York), the capital of the Brigantes. Having collected his force round that city (A.D. 207), the emperor, attended by his sons Caracalla and Geta, marched from York, at the head of a powerful army, to the North, where he drove the Caledonians within their frontiers, and erected a stone wall within the vallum of Hadrian, and very nearly upon the site of that celebrated earthen rampart. The loss of Roman soldiers in this expedition, according to Dion Cassius, amounted to 50,000 men, partly by war, and partly in cutting down the Woods, and draining the mosses, for which the north of England, and Lancashire in particular, is to the present day distinguished. To commemorate his victories, Severus coined money with the inscription, VICTORIAE BRITANNICAE; he also assumed the name of BRITAN- NICUS MAXIMUS, and gave to his son Geta the name of BRITANNICUS, . Mints were established by the Romans at eleven of their British stations, two of which were York and Chester; and it is probable that from these northern mints the coin was circulated over Lancashire. No fewer than fifty different Roman coins have been found at Standish, in this county, near the ancient Coccium, several of which are from dies struck by the Emperor Severus, After the death of Severus at York, and the return of Caracalla to Rome, a long and profound silence is observed by the Roman historians as to the affairs of Britain; and it is not till the reign of Dioclesian,—when Carausius, himself a Briton, who, being sent by the emperor with a fleet to guard the Belgic coast, embraced the opportunity to pass over into this island, and got himself proclaimed emperor at York,+that any incident appertaining to the subject of this history is recorded. One of the most interesting discoveries of Roman remains in Lancashire was made during the Summer of 1796, at Ribchester, by a youth, the son of Joseph Walton, in a hollow, nine feet below the surface of the ground, that had been made in the waste land at the side of the road leading to the church, and near the bed of the river. It is conjectured, that when these antiquities were deposited in this place, the sand was thrown amongst them to preserve them in a dry state, but they are in general much defaced by the corrosive effect of Sand upon copper during a period of nearly two thousand years. These antiquities were purchased by Charles Townley, Esq. of Townley Hall, in this county, from the persons who found them, and they are described by that gentleman in a letter addressed by him to the Rev. John Brand, secretary to the Society of Antiquaries, the substance of which will be found in its proper place in these volumes. It will be suffi- cient to say here, that they consist of a helmet; a number of patera; the remains of a vase ; a bust of * Galen, ix. c. 8. methodi. 6 Qſìje #igturn ºf £ancashire. CHAP. T. Minerva; the remains of two basins; a number of circular plates; and various other curiosities, many of which appear to have been appropriated to religious uses. “The helmet,” says Mr. Townley, “deserves the particular attention of the curious as the remains of remote ages; very few ancient ones, decorated with embossed figures, have as yet appeared. The three or four which were preserved in the Museum at Portici are esteemed to be the most richly ornamented, and the best as to style of workmanship; but when this helmet was in its proper state, it must have been equal, at least, to those in point of decoration, and in respect to its having a vizor imitating so exactly the human features, I believe it to be the only ancient example of the kind that has yet been discovered. This singularity may excite a doubt, whether such a helmet was destined for real combat, or only for the enrichment of occasional trophies which were erected in the celebration of military festivals, or carried in procession amongst the Greeks and Romans. Trophies of this sort are seen on various medals, with the names of the people, whose subjugation such trophies are meant to record, inserted upon them; as for example, DE SARMATIs—DE GERMANIs, on the medals of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. The Superior style of work- manship of the mask to that of the head-piece is also remarkable; in the former, the beauty of the features, the excellent work of the figures in relief, and more particularly by the sharp edges and lines with which the eye-brows, eye-lids, and lips are marked, after the manner of Grecian art preceding the Caesars, denote it to have been executed some ages before the head-piece, the coarse and heavy work of which corresponds with that of the artists employed in the reign of Septimius Severus, and particularly with the sculpture upon the arch of that emperor, situated near the Capitol hill at Rome. The cheek measures ten inches and a half from its junction to the scull-piece, at the top of the forehead, to its bottom, under the chin. A row of Small detached locks of hair sur- rounds the forehead a little above the eyes, reaching to the ears, which are well delineated. . Upon the locks of hair rests the bottom of a diadem or tutulus, which at the centre in the front is two inches and a quarter in height, diminishing at the extremities to one inch, and it is divided horizontally into two parts, bearing the proportionate heights just mentioned.* The lower part projects before the higher, and represents a bastion wall, separated into seven divisions by projecting turrets with pyramidal tops, exceeding a little the height of the wall. The apertures for missile weapons of defence are marked in each of the turrets. The two arched doors appear in the middle division of this wall, and one arched door in each of the extreme divisions. The upper part of the diadem, which recedes a little, so as to clear a top of the wall and of the turrets, was ornamented with seven embossed figures, placed under the seven arches, the abutments of which are heads of genii. The central arch, and the figure that was within it, are destroyed, but the other six are filled with a repetition of the following three groups:–A. Venus, sitting upon a marine monster; before her a draped figure with wings, bearing a wreath and a palm branch, and behind her a triton, whose lower part terminates in tails of fishes. Two serpents are represented on each side of the face, near the ears, from whence the bodies of these reptiles surround each cheek, and are joined under the chin. The union of various characters recals the pantheic representations of the goddess Isis; and when the accompaniments of the work are attentively considered, I am persuaded they will be found to represent the goddess in her generating, preserving, and destroying capacities, which primitively constituted her universal dominion, and characterised her as the Dea Triformis.” - Britain was soon after this period divided into two consular provinces, Maxima Caesariensis and Valentia, and into three praesidial districts—Britannia Prima, Britannia Secunda, and Flavia Caesariensis.” This division was probably made in the reign of Valentinian, after the memorable victory obtained by Theodosius over the united power of the Picts and the Scots; and Lancashire came under the consular goverment of Valentia, as forming part of that province. From this period the Roman power rapidly declined, and the empire was menaced with desolation by the continental barbarians. The inhabitants and troops that were quartered in Britain, fearing lest the Vandals should pass over the sea, and subdue them with the rest, revolted from their obedience to Honorius, and set up One Mark, whom they declared emperor; but they soon deprived him of his dignity and his life, placing Gratian in his room, who was a countryman of their own. Within four months they murdered him also, and conferred the sovereignty upon One Constantine, not so much in respect to his courage or his quality, for he was a very inconsiderable man in the army, but in regard to his name, which they looked upon as fortunate ; hoping he would do as much as Constantine the Great had done, who had been advanced to the imperial dignity in the same island. This new prince, immediately after his promotion, passed over into Gaul, and, taking with him the very flower of the British youth, so utterly exhausted the military force of the island, that it was wholly broken, and the island left naked to her invaders (A.D. 448).” Britain, being thus deprived both of the Roman soldiers and of the most vigorous part of her own population, became an easy prey to the incursions of the northern invaders, the Picts and Scots, to whose inroads the county of Lancaster was peculiarly exposed. The wall of Severus, though it stretched across the island, and was built of Solid stone, twelve feet in height and eight feet in thickness, and though it was strengthened by fortresses well supplied with munitions of war, no longer formed a barrier against the inroads of the enemy. The country was garrisoned, and the conquest principally achieved and maintained, during the four centuries that Britain was subject to the Roman sway, by three out of the twenty-nine Roman legions, namely—Legio II. ; Legio VI, Victrix, principally stationed in the Brigantian capital of Eboracum (York); and Legio XX, usually called Valens Victrix (mighty and victorious), long stationed at Chester.” The manufacture of woollens was introduced into England, and probably into Lancashire, at an early period of the Roman conquest, and the luxury of dress soon succeeded the painting of the body. After-ages have increased and perfected these useful fabrics, and the ancient country of the Brigantes is still the most famous of all the districts of England for this invaluable production of the loom. The religion of the Romans consisted, till after their final departure from Britain, of the idolatry of the Pantheon, though the light of Christianity began to dispel the mist of heathenism during the reign of Constantius Chlorus, * From Subsequent information, it is ascertained that a Sphinx * Notitia. * Echard, vol. iii. pp. 272, 273. was found with these remains, which the person who discovered * Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. xxvii. c. 8. them omitted to deliver to Mr. Townley, but which, it is judged, * A Roman legion, when full, consisted of about 6000 infantry served to decorate the top of the helmet. and 400 cavalry. CHAP, I. (Liſt £istory of £antagjire. 7 the father of Constantine the Great. Constantius erected the first episcopal see in Britain, and the seat of that high dignity was at Eboracum." Constantine not only favoured the Christian doctrine, but, to display his attachment to Christianity, he stamped upon his coins the emblem of the Cross, A.D. 311. The progress of the true faith was, however, continually retarded by the wars, with which this country was distracted, and it was not till a later period of British history that the great body of the nation could be called Christians. The lapse of sixteen centuries, during which time fifty generations of men have passed over the stage of time, though it has consigned to destruction numberless Roman remains, has served to bring to light a great mass of antiquities in the stations of Lancashire. Hence in Manchester, and in Lancaster, we have altars, statues, coins, and medals; and in Ribchester, a rich collection of antiquities, consisting of masks, helmets, and domestic utensils, serves to show that this retired village was once an abode of the conquerors of the World. * Burton's Monasticon, p. 6. 8 - (Iije Đistory of £amtāājire. CHAP. II. CHAPTER II. The Saxon Period—Invasions, Conquests, and Short Rule of the Danes—Termination of the Saxon and Danish Dynasties - of England—the Norman Conquest.—A.D. 448 to 1066. iº county and this country were occupied by the Romans, was almost obliterated by the six centuries which succeeded, of invasion from without and discord within the island. One A redeeming event served, however, to dispel the night of heathen darkness; and the general tº introduction of Christianity, perverted and contaminated though it was by superstition and fº Sºx' error, irradiated the gloom of the Saxon, the Danish, and the Norman dominion. So fair a country as Britain, suddenly abandoned by its Roman conquerors, and possessed by a people without union in the governments, and without reliance upon themselves, naturally became a prize for foreign competition; and the struggles for independence were rather the transient and convulsive efforts of despair, than the dauntless energies of patriotic confidence. The ships which transported the legionaries of Rome from the shores of Britain had scarcely weighed anchor, when the invading hordes of Scots and Picts dislodged the British troops from their fortresses, and, forcing a passage through, or passing round, the Roman wall, penetrated into the counties of Cumberland and Lancaster, and even to the gates of York, from whence they menaced the other parts of the island. The state of the country at that time, as described by one of the earliest British historians, serves to show that considerable progress had been made in the arts, in commerce, and in agriculture; and that the people no longer painted their bodies, or depended for their food on the precarious resources of the chase. “The island of Britain,” says this ecclesiastic, “800 miles in length and 200 in breadth, embraced by the embowed bosoms of the ocean, with whose most spacious, and on every side impassable enclosure, she is strongly defended, enriched with the mouths of noble floods, by which outlandish commodities have in times past been transported into the same, besides other rivers of lesser account ; strengthened with eight-and-twenty cities, and some other castles, not meanly fenced with fortresses of walls, embattled towers, gates, and buildings (whose roofs, being raised aloft with threatening hugeness, were mighty in the aspiring tops compacted), adorned with her large spreading fields, pleasantly seated hills, even framed for good husbandry, which ever mastereth the ground, and mountains most convenient for the changeable pastures of cattle ; watered with clear fountains and Sundry brooks, beating on the snow-white sands; together with silver streams gliding forth with soft sounding noise, and leaving a pledge of sweet savours on bordering banks, and lakes gushing out abundantly in cold running rivers.” This description of the wealth of Britain, and of its scenery, drawn thirteen hundred years ago, was doubtless applicable to the county of Lancaster at the time of the departure of the Romans. “After this,” continues our author, “Britain being now despoiled of all armed soldiers, and of her own brave and valorous youth (who quitted the island along with the Romans, never returning to their homes), and absolutely ignorant of all practice of war, was trampled many years under the feet of two very fierce outlandish nations—the Scots and the Picts. Upon whose invasion, and most terrible oppression, she sent ambassadors, furnished with letters, to Rome, humbly beseeching, with piteous prayers, the hosts of soldiers to redress her wrongs, and vowing with the whole power of her mind her everlasting subjection to the Roman empire, if they would allow their soldiers to return, and to chase away their foes. These letters were indicted to this purpose,_ * The Lamentations of the Britons unto Agitius, thrice Consul.’ ‘The barbarians drive us to the sea, the sea drives us back to the barbarians. Thus, of two kinds of death, one or other must be our choice, either to be swallowed up by the waves, or butchered by the sword.’ In this deplorable condition, no relief could be afforded by the Romans; the Goths were at their own gates; and to aggravate the miseries of the Britons, a dreadful famine raged in the ravished country, which obliged many of them to yield their necks to the yoke of the invaders for a little food; and those who had too much constancy to submit to this humiliation were constrained to seek refuge in the mountains, or to conceal themselves in caves and thickets.” Repulsed by the Roman government, and without confidence in their own strength, the Britons sought assistance from the Saxons, a nation of warriors and pirates. The military renown of these people pointed them out as the most efficient of auxiliaries, while their ambition and their avarice made them in reality the most dangerous of allies. To avert a present danger, ambassadors were sent to the heads of their government, and to this urgent invitation the chiefs of the Saxons replied:—“Know ye, that the Saxons will be fast friends to the Britons, and ready at all times to assist them in their necessity, for a suitable return ; with joy, therefore, embark again for your country, and make your countrymen glad with these good tidings.” The Saxons were confederated tribes, consisting of the Angles (and hence Anglo-Saxons), the Jutes, and the genuine Saxons." They were settled on the shores of the German Ocean, and extended from the Eyder to the Rhine. The etymology of their name is involved in the obscurity of remote antiquity. * Gildas. - * Epist. of Gildas, cap. i. * Epist. of Gildas, cap. xvii. * With these, it is supposed, were some bodies of Friesians,—H. chAP. II. ~ Oſije #igtorg of £ancašijire. 9 Their leaders are supposed to have bequeathed the appellation to their followers. The first Saxon expedition to England, which consisted of 1000 soldiers, embarked in three vessels, called Cyula, or Ceols, composed of hides, under the command of Hengist and Horsa, the latter serving under the former, and both being in the fourth generation from Woden, one of the principal gods of the Saxons. On their arrival in England, they were directed by Wortigern, the British king, to march against the enemy, then spread over the greatest part of the country of the Brigantes; and on their arrival in the neighbourhood of York, a bloody engagement took place, by which the Picts and the Scots were driven out of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and compelled to take refuge within their own borders. The Saxon generals, disinclined to finish the campaign by a single battle, neglected to follow up this victory, and their troops remained in York and in Manchester, to recover from the fatigues of their journey, and to recruit their numbers with fresh levies. Vortigern, held by the double tie of gratitude to Hengist and love to his fascinating daughter Rowena [Rumwen], became insensible to the danger that menaced his country, and the king closed his eyes to those dangerous designs of ambition in his foreign auxiliaries, which every day became more manifest to his people. Having possession of Manchester and York, the Saxons sent for a further supply of troops from Germany, which speedily arrived in seventeen ceols, and were encamped in the Isle of Thanet. This measure naturally increased the suspicion of the Britons, and they expressed their displeasure, by refusing to provide for the fresh levies. A proclama- tion, commanding them to quit the country, immediately followed, at which Hengist took deadly offence; and the Saxons, who had come to expel invaders, now assumed themselves the character of open enemies. Further reinforcements, under the command of Octa, the son of Hengist, and Ebissa, the son of Octa, soon after arrived, and marched to the north, spreading themselves over the Brigantian districts, which were soon to assume another name. The demands of the Saxons rose with the concessions of the Britons; and it at length became clear, that nothing short of the full possession of this fair island would allay the cravings of their ambition and cupidity. Disgusted with the blindness and effeminacy of Vortigern, his people drove him from his throne, and Vortimer, his son, reigned in his stead. After several battles between the Britons and the Saxons, fought with various success, in one of which Vortimer fell, Vortigern again ascended the throne, and Hengist demanded a conference between the Saxon chiefs and the British nobility, to arrange terms, as was alleged, for the Saxons quitting the kingdom. This meeting took place upon the plain of Ambrij, now called Salisbury Plain. The unsuspecting Britons came unarmed, but the perfidious Saxons had each a short skeine concealed under his cassock. After the conference, the horns of festivity went round, till the spirits of the assembly had become exhilarated, when, at the terrible exclamation of “Nemed Saxes,” out rushed the Saxon weapons; the unarmed Britons fell before the perfidious assassins, and three hundred of the bravest chiefs and the most elevated men of the country perished on the spot.” Hengist now possessed himself of the southern part of the island, which he erected into a principality, under the designation of the Kingdom of Kent, while Octa and Ebissa remained settled in Northumbria. The fortunes of the Britons were partially retrieved by Aurelius Ambrosius, a Briton of Roman extraction. Under his direction the military spirit of his countrymen was roused into action, and after marching from Totness at the head of a formidable force, accompanied by Uther, his brother, surnamed Pendragon, he arrived before the gates of York, when he summoned Octa to surrender. A council of war being called, it was determined by the Saxons to surrender at discretion, and to cast themselves upon the clemency of the Britons. Ambrosius granted a free pardon to the invaders, and, instead of shipping them out of the country, he assigned to them a district on the borders of Scotland. Ebissa, who had probably occupied Manchester while Octa was stationed in York, encouraged by the success of his kinsman's appeal to the conqueror's clemency, came and surrendered himself in the same manner, and met with a similar reception. The gratitude of the Saxons did not outlive their merciful conqueror. On the death of Ambrosius, who was succeeded by Uther the Pendragon (A.D. 449), Octa and Ebissa revolted, and issued from their northern retreat, by the route of Overborough and Walton le Dale, both which places they took, as well as Manchester and Warrington. On their arrival before York an obstinate battle took place under the walls of that city, which ended in the defeat and capture of the two ingrates." The son and successor of Uther, born of Lady Igren, Duchess of Cornwall, was the renowned King Arthur (A.D. 467). Trained to arms by Ambrosius, under whose commission he for some time fought,” and animated by the wrongs of the Britons, over whom he was appointed to reign, he became himself the leader of their wars, and in all of them he came off conqueror. The first of his battles was fought at the mouth of the river called the Glem. The second, third, fourth, and fifth, upon another river called the Douglas, in the territory of Linuis. The sixth was on a stream which bears the name of Bassas. The seventh was in the wood of Caledon. The eighth was at Castle Guinnion (or Caer-wen). The ninth at the city of Legion (Chester). The tenth on the banks of the river Ribroit. The eleventh on the hill Agned Cathregonion; and the twelfth at Mount Badon" (Bath). The history of this distinguished warrior is mixed up with so much * Nennius, cap. xxviii. [really from Gildas]. 8 Nennius, c. xlviii. * About A.D. 428, according to Dr. D. H. Haigh's Conquest of 4 Geof. Mon. Polichron, etc. Britain by the Saaºons.—H. - 9 Malmesbury, f. 4. * Nennius, capp. lxv. lxvi. C 10 Ciſc 3:?igtúrg of 3Lancašjire. CHAP. II. romance as to render it extremely difficult to separate truth from fiction. The ingenuity and research of Mr. Whitaker, the historian of Manchester, have placed this subject in so strong and interesting a light, in the second chapter of his Saxon History of Manchester, that it may be quoted with advantage, with the exception of those passages for which the public is indebted more to the vigorous imagination of the author than to historical evidence. “The second, third, fourth, and fifth battles of Arthur are supposed to have been fought in our own county (Lancashire), and upon the banks of our little Douglas... And the name of the river concurs with the tradition concerning Arthur, and three battles prove the notion true. On the traditionary scene of this engagement remained, till the year 1770, a considerable British barrow, popularly denominated Hasty-Knoll. It was originally a vast collection of small stones taken from the bed of the Douglas; and great quantities had been successively carried away, by the neighbouring inhabitants. Many fragments of iron had been also occasionally discovered in it, together with remains of those military weapons which the Britons interred with their heroes at death. On finally levelling the barrow, there was found a cavity, in the gravel immediately under the stones, about seven feet in length, the evident grave of the British officer, and all filled with the loose and blackish earth of his perished remains. At another place, near Wigan, was discovered, about the year 1741, a large collection of horse and human bones, and an amazing quantity of horse shoes, scattered over a large extent of ground—an evidence of some important battle upon the spot. The very appellation of Wigan is a standing memorial of more than one battle at that place; Wig signifying, in Saxon, a fight, and Wig-en, being its plural. According to tradition, the first battle fought near Blackrod was uncommonly bloody, and the Douglas was crimsoned with blood to Wigan. Tradition and remains concur to evince the fact that a second battle was fought near Wigan-lane many ages before the rencounter in the civil wars. The defeated Saxons appear to have crossed the hill of Wigan, where another engagement or engage- ments ensued; and in forming the canal there, about the year 1735, the Workmen discovered evident indications of a considerable |battle on the ground. All along the course of the channel from the termination of the Dock to the point of Pool-bridge, from forty to fifty roods in length, and seven or eight yards in breadth, they found the ground everywhere containing the remains of men and horses. In making the excavations, a large old spur, carrying a stem four or five inches in length, and a rowel as large as a half- crown, was dug up ; and five or six hundredweight of horse-shoes were collected. The point of land on the south side of the Douglas, which lies immediately fronting the scene of the last engagement, is now denominated the Parson's meadow ; and tradition reports a battle to have been fought in it. The dispirited Saxons fell before the Superior bravery and dauntless spirit of the Britons. These four battles were fought upon the river Douglas, and in the region Linuis. In this district was the whole course of the current, from its source to its conclusion, and the words “super flumen quod vocatur Douglas, quod est in Linuis” (upon the river called Douglas, which is in Linuis), show the stream to have been less known than the region. This was therefore considerable; one of the cantreds or great divisions of the Sistuntian kingdom, and comprised, perhaps, the western half of south Lancashire. From its appellation of Linuis, or the Lake, it seems to have assumed the denomination from the Mere of Marton, which was once the most considerable object within it, and was traversed by the Romans in canoes of a single tree.” Thus by four successive victories had Arthur subdued the great army of the Saxons, which had so often beaten the Britons of the north, and then held the Sistuntii in bondage. But Lancashire was not yet entirely delivered. The castles which had been previously erected there by the provincials, would naturally be garrisoned by the Saxons on their conquest of the country, and the towns and their vicinities more immediately bridled by their barbarous oppreessors. Tradition asserts Manchester to have been thus circumstanced in particular at this period.” Here, in the Castle-field, according to our authority, stood the Roman castle, now occupied by the Saxon commander Sir Torquin, who was not expelled till after two desperate attempts to carry the fortress, in which the Britons at length succeeded, and Torquin fell before the victors. The traditions of Lancashire still cherish and uphold the memory of Sir Torquin, the lord of the castle, and the knights of the Round Table, many of whom fell within the tyrant's toils, till Sir Lancelot du Lake slew the sanguinary knight, and liberated his captives. The last of Arthur's victories was achieved at the battle of Badon Mount ; and Mr. Whitaker contends that these memorable engagements not only checked the progress of Cerdic, but annihilated the Saxon army, and that a long interval of repose, extending through seventy years, followed. It appears, however, from the Saxon chronicles, that Cerdic died in the year 534 [515 or 516], “and was succeeded by his son Cynic [Creoda, or his grandson Cyneric] in the government of Wessex; and that he,” in the peculiar language of these chronicles, “reigned afterwards twenty-six winters.” It is also shown, from the history of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors, that Ella and Ida reigned in Deira and Bernicia, within thirteen years from the death of Arthur, and that the Saxon conquests gradually advanced, till all England was subdued, and erected into seven sovereign states, under the name of the Heptarchy. The propriety of this appellation has been disputed, and the term Octarchy adopted in its stead. The difference is capable of an easy explanation,-Northumbria being considered one kingdom by the advocates for the Heptarchy, and two (that is, Deira and Bernicia,) by the supporters of the Octarchical division. The seven kingdoms were—Sussex, Kent, Wessex, East Anglia, Essex, Mercia, and Northumbria. This latter kingdom, which alone concerns the subject of this history, was occasionally divided into two, under the names of Deira and Bernicia, but in its integrality it may be exhibited thus, with the succession of its Saxon sovereign princes:—Northumberland consisted of the counties of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Durham, Westmorland, Cumberland, Northumberland: and its kings were—1. Ella, or Ida; 2. Adda, or Elappea; 3. Theodwald ; 4. Fretnulse ; 5. Theodrick; 6. Ethelrick; 7. Ethelfrid; 8. Edwin; 9. Oswald; 10. Egfrid; 11. Alkfryd ; 12. Osred; 13. Kenred; 14. Oswick; 15. Ceolulph; 16. Egbert ; 17. Oswalph ; 18. Ediswald; 19. Elured; 20. Ethelred; 21. Alfwald, and 22. Osred. This kingdom existed 379 years, dating its commencement from 547, and its desolation in 926. During the Roman period, the largest portion of this county took its name from the Brigantes; but the Saxons, from its local situation to the North of the Humber, changed its designation to “Northan Humber Londe,” or 1 Higden, p. 225. * Leigh's Lancashire, b. i. p. 18. * Whitaker's Manchester, vol. ii. b. ii. c. 2. CHAP. II, Çſt £istorg of 3Lancashire. II. Northumberland. The Saxon inhabitants of this kingdom were the Angles, who arrived from Anglia," or Angloen, in Pomerania, as early as the year 449 [428], though their kingdom of Northumberland was not established till one hundred years after that date. It has been conjectured that Mercia included Deira, or that the country between the Mersey and the Ribble was within the Mercian territory. But the preponder- ance of evidence is in favour of the more generally recognised limits; namely, that the Humber and the Mersey to the South, and the Eden and the Tyne to the north, formed the Northumbrian boundary; and that when this kingdom was divided, the kingdom of Deira consisted of the counties of Lancaster, York, Westmorland, Cumberland, and Durham, precisely the ancient Brigantine limits, while Bernicia comprehended Northumberland and the south of Scotland between the Tweed and the Firth of Forth. The system of government established by our Saxon ancestors had in it the germ of freedom, if it did not always exhibit the fruits. In religion they were idolaters, and when they settled in Britain, their idols, altars, and temples soon overspread the country. They had a god for every day in the week. Thor, or Thur, represented Thurs- day; Woden conferred his name on Wednesday; Friga presided over Friday; Seater over Saturday ; and Tuisco, the tutelar god of the Germans, conferred his name on Tuesday. The attributes of the first four of these deities corresponded with those of the Roman deities, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and Saturn ; Tuisco's parallel was Mercury; the Saxons had also their Ermenseul, who, like Mercury, was the bestower of wit ; and Heile, a sort of Æsculapius, the preserver and restorer of health. Besides these gods, the Saxons worshipped the sun and the moon, who each conferred a name on one of the days of the week; Sunnan on Sunday, and Monan on Monday. The people worshipped the statues of these gods. THOR, the Supreme, was seated on a throne, and on either side of him stood WODEN and FRIGA (husband and wife). Thor, according to the pre- vailing Superstition, bore rule in the air, and governed the thunder, the lightning, and the winds; he like- wise directed the weather and regulated the seasons, giving plenty or inflicting famine at his will. Woden made war, and ministered rigour against enemies; while Friga bestowed upon mortals peace and pleasure. So gross was the Saxon Superstition, and so strong their incentives to war, that they believed if they obtained the favour of Woden by their valour, they should be admitted after death into his hall, and, reposing on couches, should satiate themselves with ale from the skulls of their enemies whom they had slain in battle ! This beverage was in high esteem amongst them; and Eoster, to whom they sacrificed in the month of April, gave the name to Easter, by which the festival of the resurrection is designated in the Christian system. The Saxon women were not allowed to contract a second marriage, and a similar restriction applied to the men, except those in elevated stations who were childless; for, amongst such, “to be without children was to be without reputation.” The most dismal feature of their superstition was the custom which they had in war, after a successful enterprise, of selecting by lot, and sacrificing, one-tenth of their captives to their san- guinary gods. In this spirit they offered human sacrifices to obtain success in battle. Before the arrival of the Saxons, Christianity had taken root in England, and spread its healing branches over the whole land, recommending itself even to the Roman legionaries; but the invasion of the Saxon infidels for a time obscured, if it did not extinguish, the light of the gospel in Britain ; and both Gildas and Bede concur in representing the Saxons, at that period, as a nation “odious both to God and man,” the subverters of altars, and the enemies of the priesthood. Before Gregory, surnamed the Great, had attained the pontifical chair, he formed the pious design of undertaking the conversion of the Saxon Britons. Observing in the market- place at Rome a number of Saxon youths exposed to sale, whom the Roman merchants in their trading voy- ages had bought from their British parents, and, being struck with their beauty, he inquired to what country they belonged, and was told they were Angles, from the kingdom of Deira. Moved by the same spirit that now actuates so many of the people of England towards the heathen nations, he determined himself to under- take a mission to Britain, to convert the heathen of that country. The popular favour of the monk disin- clined the people to allow him to be exposed to so much danger in person; but no sooner had he assumed the purple, than he resolved to fulfil his benevolent design towards the Britons, and he pitched upon two Roman monks, Augustine and Paulinus, to preach the gospel in that island. In the year 596, Augustine, at the head of about forty missionaries, embarked from Italy, and landed in the Isle of Thanet. Their arrival was immediately announced to Ethelbert, king of Kent, who, with all his subjects, received the faith of the cross. In 604 the neighbouring East Saxons were proselytised ; in 627 the East Angles adopted the Chris- tian faith; and in the following year the example extended to Mercia. Thus the flame spread from king- dom. to kingdom, till the whole heptarchy had become Christian. Edwin, the king of Northumbria, one of the best and the wisest of the Saxon sovereigns, having married Ethelburga, a Christian princess, received Paulinus with distinguished favour; and in the year 627 he was consecrated archbishop of the Northum- brians. Edwin himself embraced the Christian religion with his whole court ; and on Easter Sunday, in the year 627, the king and his nobles were all baptized at York. The great body of the people followed the example of their sovereign and his barons, and in one day 10,000 persons were baptized by Paulinus in the river Swale, since designated the Northumbrian Jordan. Christianity now became the prevailing religion. The people of Lancashire, like those of Yorkshire, embraced the true religion. The venerable Paulinus was * Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 449. * Sid. Apoll. Epist. vi. 1. 8. * Gildas, Brit. Epist. xxiii.; Bede 1. i. 22. 12 The #istorg of £ancashire. CHAP. II. indefatigable here, in the discharge of the duties of his mission; and the waters of the Ribble, as well as those of the Swale, were resorted to for the baptism of his converts. From that period to the present, Christianity has continued to maintain its ascendency in the northern parts of Britain; and in 678 the South Saxons, who were the last of the states to bow down to idols, discarded their superstitions, and became the worshippers of the only true God. Paulinus was consecrated first archbishop of York; he died in the year 644. The British churches, which the Saxons had not demolished, had fallen into decay; but they were now repaired, and the heathen temples were many of them converted into places of Christian Worship, with appropriate dedications; and the Saxon churches in London, York, and Manchester, were distinguished by the names of St. Paul, St. Peter, and St. Mary. The feasts of dedication were instituted to preserve the memory of the consecration of the churches; and these annual festivals, which commenced in the evening preceding the celebration of the dedication, were called church wakes, which have gradually assumed a secular character, and are now ranked amongst the village festivals of Lancashire. Coeval with the churches, a number of castles were also erected, or re-edified; and it is conjectured that not fewer than twelve considerable ones arose south of the Ribble—Wall-ey, Wal-ton, Child-wall, and Win-wick, Black-stone, Seph-ton, Stan-dish, and Pen-wortham, Wig-an, Roch-dale, Middle-ton, and Berry. These were, probably, the seats of twelve Saxon chiefs, before the institution of parishes; and, therefore, the seats of as many parochial churches.” Edwin survived his conversion only six years, having fallen in a sanguinary battle fought with Penda, the Mercian, and Cadwallan, the Cambrian, at Hethfield, where his whole army was put to the sword. The ancient kingdom of Northumberland revived on the death of Edwin, in the person of Oswald, his successor; of which king it is said, that though his power extended to three kingdoms, “he was lowly to all, gracious to the poor, and bountiful to strangers.” Under the force of his arms Cadwallan fell, and the flower of his army perished. The victories of Oswald served but to inflame the resentment of the pagan Penda, king of Mercia, who fought against him and slew him at Mirfield, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, according to the Saxon Chronicles,” or, according to the venerable Bede, at Win- wick, in the county of Lancaster. For some years, the people of Lancashire, with the rest of their fellow- subjects of the kingdom of Deira, had been in a state of constant hostility with their ancient allies and neighbours, the people of Bernicia; but by the mild and enlightened rule of Oswald, their differences were reconciled, and they united in allegiance to one sovereign. A new era was now opening in the ecclesiastical history of this province, the effects of which were to be felt through a long series of ages, and to influence in no small degree the future interests of the nation. Monastic institutions began to prevail in Northumbria about the middle of the seventh century, under the fostering hand of that distinguished prelate Wilfrid, sole bishop of Northumberland; and in a few years numbers of monasteries and nunneries sprang up in Lancashire and other parts of the province. The practice of introducing relics into the churches belongs also to this age, and innumerable were the pilgrimages made to Rome and to the venerable places which had been hallowed by the blood of the martyrs, to collect the remains of the Saints. By the constitution of the western churches, the pope was invested with a patriarchal authority over them ; but the Britons had hitherto never acknowledged the pontifical jurisdiction, He was now, however, requested to confirm the immunities of religious houses, which had been previously ratified by the king, and Wyre mouth was the first that received the papal confirmation." Theodore, the arch- bishop of Canterbury, having long seen the necessity for affording to the people some more extensive means of religious instruction than they at that time possessed, and for dividing such of the bishoprics as were too large for the proper discharge of the episcopal duties, recommended to the king to convene a synod in 678, at which Egfrid and his Saxon barons were present. By this august assembly it was provided, by an unani- mous decision, that as the number of Christians was daily increasing, new sees should be erected; and, as if in anticipation of some formidable opposition, a declaration was appended to the decrees, to the effect that whoever presumed to violate them should be degraded of his sacerdotal office and excommunicated." In virtue of these canons, the bishopric of the East Angles was divided into two, and the dominions of the Mercians, which lay beyond the Severn, were assigned to the new see of Hereford. Wilfrid still remained the sole bishop amongst the Northumbrians, and his diocese reached from the Firth of Forth to the Humber, on the east of the kingdom, and from the Firth of Clyde to the Mersey, on the west. No prelate in these early days had aggrandised the church so much as Wilfrid. With influence almost unbounded in all parts of 'the kingdom, and amongst all the upper classes, from the greatest to the humblest of the Saxon barons, he was enabled to procure manors and lordships for the erection and endowments of churches; and in his time the precedent was first established of alienating the demesnes of the crown to augment the revenues of the church. Wilfrid was munificent and ostentatious, affable and accomplished, ambitious and intractable, pious but proud. By one of the decrees of the synod, it was directed that the bishopric of this prelate should be divided into two, Deira and Bernicia, of which York was to be the capital of one, and Hexham of the other. The haughty spirit of the prelate was wounded by this partition, which he did not hesitate to designate as 1 Domesday Book, fo. 270. * Bede, lib. ii, cap. 9. s. 3. * Sax. Chron. A.D. 642. 4 Bede, lib. iv. c. 18. * Bede, lib. iv. c. 5. - CHAP. II. - Qſìje 3%istory of 3Lancašijire. 13 an unjust spoliation. After in vain attempting to induce the king and the archbishop of Canterbury to repeal the synod's decision, Wilfrid appealed to the pope in person, whose mandate for his restoration to the whole of the former bishopric was rejected by a convocation of all the English bishops; Wilfrid was deprived, but, after a contest of twenty-seven years, was reinstated in the see of Hexham ; but the Saxon bishops refused to admit the authority of the Roman pontiff in any affairs relating to the British churches. When the angry passions excited by this controversy had subsided, the pontifical claim was again advanced, and, in the middle of the eighth century, the Roman see was authoritatively declared, in the canons of Northumbria, to be the court of appeal in all ecclesiastical differences. Although the Britons had lived securely in Furness, relying upon the fortifications with which nature had guarded them, nothing proved impregnable to the Saxon conquerors; for it appears that in the early part of the reign of Egfrid, king of Northumberland, that monarch “gave St. Cuthbert the land called Carthmell, and all the Britons in it.” Bede, or Beda, a native of our kingdom of Northumbria, died in 734, after a life of unparalleled literary labours. This venerable ecclesiastic, who was born in the year 672, ranks the first in the number of early British historians, though his works are marred by legendary tales, which serve to show that his mind was not free from the superstitions which for so many ages afterwards prevailed in the county of Lancaster, to an extent scarcely equalled in any other part of the kingdom. In the time of Bede, but in what exact year is not ascertained, the ecclesiastical divisions of parishes were first established, and before the middle of the seventh century, and within twenty-five years from the conversion of the Saxon inhabitants of Northumbria to the Christian faith, churches were erected in the various districts of this county, to which ministers were appointed to dispense the ordinances of religion. The Saxon heptarchy was now drawing towards its termination. Ambition agitated all parts of the country by its conflicts, and the face of nature seemed to sympathise with the general disorder. Dreadful forewarnings came over Lancashire and the other parts of the land of the Northumbrians,” which excited general terror amongst the people. Storms were soon followed by “a great famine; and not long after, on the sixth day before the ides of January (793), the harrowing of heathen-men (the Danes) made lamentable havock in the Church of God.” “In the year 798.” (adds the Saxon Chronicle) “a severe battle was fought in the Northumbrian territory during Lent, on the fourth day before the nones of April, at Whalley; wherein. Alric, the son of Herbert, was slain, and many others with him.” This is the first time in which the parish of Whalley is mentioned in civil history. Simeon of. Durham writes:– “A league or confederacy was made by the murderers of King Ethelred. Wada, leader in that league, went with his forces to fight against Eardulph the king in a place called by the English Billangahoh, near Whalley, and many were slain on both sides; and Wada the leader fled with his troops.”4 Egbert, the son of Alcmund, king of Wessex, having mounted the throne of his ancestors, penetrated successively into Devonshire and Cornwall, and ravaged the country from east to west. After the conquest of Mercia, Egbert marched against Eanred, king of the Northumbrians; but this prince, feeling that resistance was hopeless, acknowledged his superiority, and the whole Anglo-Saxon heptarchy merged in the kingdom of Wessex, under the sway of Egbert, the founder of the feudal system in England.” Before Egbert ascended the throne, the Northmen had commenced their attacks upon Britain ; and so early as 787 a small expedition landed at Teignmouth, in Devonshire. The invaders were principally from the promontory of Denmark, the Cambrica Chersonesus of Tacitus. In 794, a more formidable armament effected a landing in Britain, and spread devastation amongst the Northumbrians, plundering the monastery of King Everth, at the entrance to the Wear. The resistance made to the invaders was so determined, that some of their leaders were slain ; several of their ships were shattered by the violence of a storm; and such of the invaders as escaped the fury of the waves, fell by the sword. The following year, Erdulf, the viceroy or king of Northumbria, ascended the throne, and was consecrated in the capital of York." In A.D. 800 Northumbria was again subjected to a Danish visitation, and the immediate cause of this invasion is said to have been this: Osbert, the viceroy of Ethelred, having violated the wife of the Earl Bruen Bocard, the latter invited Godericke, the king of Den- mark, to take possession of the country. Godericke received this invitation with great alacrity, and dispatched a strong armament, under Ingwar and Hubba, to Britain. On their arrival in Northumbria, on the coast of Holderness, the Danes fell upon the inhabitants with the utmost fury, and massacred all before them, without regard to age, sex, or condition. Marching on to York, they took possession of that city, and slew Osbert, the tyrant, by whose lust his country had been involved in so much ruin. Emboldened by their success in the north, they advanced into Norfolk, and demanded of Edmund, the king of the West Saxons, that he should surrender his throne. With this insolent summons he refused to comply ; on which a bloody battle ensued, at Thetford, which ended in the overthrow of the Saxons, and in the execution of their king, who I Camden’s Brit. vol. iii. p. 380. ting off the first syllable the modern village of Langho. Of this * At Wearmouth, in the bishopric of Durham. great battle there are, however, no remains, unless a large tumulus 3 Saxon Chron. A.D. 793. near Hacking Hall, and in the immediate vicinity of Langho, be * Dr. Whitaker supposes Billange, or Billinge, to have been at supposed to cover the remains of Alric, or some other chieftain that time the name of the whole ridge, extending from the mountain amongst the slain.—History of Whalley, book i. cap. iii. p. 31. near Blackburn, now bearing that appellation, to Whalley. Bil- * Kuerden's MS. in Chetham's Library, Manchester, 4to, p. langaton will, on that supposition, be the Orthography of Billington, 229. and Billangohah, or the low hill by Billinge, will leave, after cut- 6 Sax, Chron. 14 Qſìſe ºffistory of 3Lancashire, CHAP. II. because he would not abjure the Christian faith for the errors of paganism, was bound to a stake, and shot by the arrows of the Danish invaders.' - The situation of Lancashire, and of the other parts of Northumbria, must now have been most deplorable: for forty years the war raged amongst them with various success; and Ella, the governor, like Osbert, fell by the sword. Ethelred for a while kept the field, but at length his life and his power fell before the superior discipline of the Danes. In the midst of these sanguinary conflicts, the clergy, resting their claim on the Jewish law, insisted that a tenth of the produce of the land belonged to the priesthood under the Christian dispensation: this claim, though long resisted, was at length admitted by Ethelwulf, for the honour of God, and for his own everlasting salvation;” and it was further agreed that the revenues of the church should be exempt from the burdens of the state. The Danes, in the fury of their warfare, laid waste every town and place that resisted their sway; but their especial fury was directed against religious houses. The exactions of the Danes made upon the impoverished people, advanced from £10,000 to £40,000 a-year, which sum in those days was considered of enormous amount. Lancashire, and, no doubt, other parts of the island, were in A.D. 869 visited by one of the most dreadful calamities to which mankind are subject, a severe famine, and, its inevitable consequence, a mortality of cattle and of the human race.” Agriculture was but imperfectly understood, and almost every district of the same kingdom was left to depend upon its own precarious resources. The contest between the Anglo-Saxons and the Danes, in this and the neighbouring counties, had withdrawn the husbandman from his employment; and, having neglected to sow, of course he had nothing to reap. The consequence was, that not only many parts of these fair regions mourned in want, but they were absolutely depopulated. Merciless and slow-consuming famine devoured its wretched victims, and the Small share which might have fallen to the native inhabitants was consumed by the ruthless Danes, who, from their principal station in York, spread like swarms of locusts across the island, from sea to sea. Both Northumbria and East Anglia had now fallen under the sanguinary sword of the Danish invaders, who began to aspire to the conquest of the whole island. Mercia next became the object of their attack, and Ethelred, king of Wessex, fell in a battle fought with the invaders at Merton, Alfred was now advanced to the throne of Wessex; but within a month of his elevation, he was attacked and defeated at Wilton." A new swarm of the Danes soon after landed, under three of their princes, Guthrum, Oscitel, and Amund, and proceeded into Northumbria, the favourite seat of their power. The husbandmen became the slaves of the invaders, and the thanes were made subservient to their purposes of avarice and aggrandisement. The noble spirit of Alfred bent beneath the storm, and, finding no security upon the throne, he withdrew from his elevated station, and took up his residence in an obscure part of the kingdom, as a guest in the family of a swineherd, where occurred the incident of his letting the cakes burn, The hospitable rustic, notwithstanding the asperity of his wife's temper, obtained the favour of the king. By his advice he applied himself to learning; and Alfred, on his return to power, acknowledged the obligation he had received, by elevating his host from the shepherd's crook to the bishop's crosier, and afterwards made him bishop of Winchester.” The humiliation of Alfred disciplined his temper, purified his heart, and served to enlighten his already profound understanding. His measures to regain his throne, and to surround it with its only impregnable bulwark, the love and confidence of the people, were judicious and exemplary. An auspicious incident at this juncture occurred, to fortify his courage; for having, in the assumed character of a minstrel, observed the conduct of the Danes in their encampments, he suddenly assembled a strong force, and inflicted a signal overthrow upon the invaders, at Eddington, where the Danes were encamped. With a generosity equal to his bravery, he gave them their lives, on the condition that they should, through their leader Guthrum, exchange paganism for Christianity. Guthrum was permitted, with his followers, to colonise East Anglia, and the Northumbrians were afterwards put under his rule. The sovereignty of Mercia, on the defeat of the Danes, fell into the power of Alfred, and, without avowedly incorporating it with Wessex, he discontinued its regal honours, and constituted Ethelred his military commander, to whom he afterwards married his daughter Ethelfleda. To fortify his kingdom against hostile attacks, he rebuilt the cities and castles which had been destroyed by the invaders; but his principal care was to construct a navy for the protection of the coast, and he has ever been considered as the founder of the English marine. In Northumbria the Danes continued to govern till towards the close of Alfred's reign, when Anarawd abandoned his power in that kingdom, and besought the friendship of Alfred. The king received him hospitably; and, to confirm the good intentions that he had formed in favour of the Christian faith, he became his sponsor in baptism, and his friend in all the relations of life. The state of learning in Lancashire, in the ninth century, may be inferred from Alfred's own declaration— “When I took the kingdom,” said he, “there were very few on the south side of the Humber, the most improved part of England, who could understand their daily prayers in English, or translate a letter from the Latin. I think there were not many beyond the Humber ; they were so few, that I cannot indeed recollect one single instance on the south of the Thames, when I took the kingdom.” The encouragement given to * The Danes, like the original Saxons, were idolaters ; their * Saxon Chron. A.D. 854. * Asser, 20. principal god was Thor, and to him they offered human sacrifices. * Saxon Chron. A.D. 871. * Malmsb. p. 242. 6 Alfred's Preface, p. 82. CHAP. II. The history of Lancashire. 15 learning by this enlightened and benevolent monarch was highly exemplary; he instituted schools for the instruction of his nobles in reading and writing, much after the model of the Lancasterian schools of the present day. The invasion of the Danes, and their predatory depredations, particularly in the county of Lancaster, and the other parts of the kingdom of Northumbria, had almost destroyed the ancient police of the kingdom. To remedy this disorganised state of society, Alfred changed the ancient provisional divisions of England into counties, and the distribution of these into hundreds, which were again subdivided into tenths or tithings. Under these divisions the population of the country has been ever since arranged; and every person was directed to belong to some hundred or tithing (tenth), while every hundred and tithing became pledged to the preservation of the public peace and security in their district, and were made answerable for the conduct of their several inhabitants. In consequence of this arrangement, every criminal accused was sure to be apprehended; and it may be supposed that in this part of the kingdom the number of the lawless was at first very large. In the division of Britain into counties, the south-western portion of the Brigantine territory of the Romans, and of the Northumbrian Kingdom of the Saxons, was named Loncasterscyre or LOnceshire, from the capital Loncaster, the castle on the Lone or Lune. South Lancashire was divided into six hundreds, which have since undergone some alteration. The designation of each of these hundreds was derived from the principal place in the division, in the reign of Alfred; and those names now serve to indicate the mutations to which places as well as persons are exposed. The Lancashire hundreds of our Saxon ancestors were Derbei, Newtone, Walintune (Warrington), Blackeburne, Salford, and Lailand. Of the names of the Lancashire tithings we have no distinct remains; but the nearest approximation to them may be found in each ten of our modern townships. Hitherto the administration of justice was confided to a species of provisional prefects, but in the time of Alfred the functions of these officers were divided into those of judges and sheriffs. The institution of juries belongs to the same period; and so tenacious was Alfred of the faithful discharge of the judicial office in penal judgments, that he caused forty-four justices to be executed as murderers, because they had exceeded their duty, and condemned to death unjustly the persons they judged." Alfred compiled a code of laws (the DOM-BOC), which he enlarged with his own hand. Amongst his other legal institutions, it is perfectly clear that he had none corresponding with our Court of Chancery, since it appears that he hastened the decision of causes, and allowed no delay exceeding fifteen days.” Death deprived the world of this great monarch in A.D. 900 at the age of fifty-two years. He was a pattern for kings in the time of extremity; a bright star in the history of mankind. Living a century after Charlemagne, he was, perhaps, a greater man, in a circle happily more limited." In the century which succeeded the death of Alfred, there is little to relieve the contests of ambition, which so generally prevailed. Lancashire and the whole Northumbrian territory had, by the clemency of Alfred, become a species of Danish colony. There the resident Danes concocted their schemes of ambition and aggression against the Saxon power; and, upon the shores of Yorkshire and of Lancashire, fresh swarms of invaders effected their landing, and found Succour and support. Edward the Elder succeeded to the power of his father; but his title was disputed by Ethelwald, son of King Ethelbert, who established his head- quarters in York, and was joined by the Northumbrians in his rebellion. The insurgents, quitting their stronghold in the north, marched into Kent, where a sanguinary battle ensued, and Ethelwald fell in the action, when his followers sought their safety in flight. Unsubdued, though vanquished, the Northumbrians pene- trated again into Wessex, where they were again defeated, and pursued with great slaughter into their own country. Following up his successes, Edward subdued the two next princes of Northumberland, Reginald and Sidoc, and acquired the dominion of that province. In his wars between the Mersey and the Humber, the king was assisted by his sister Ethelfleda, the widow of Ethelbert, earl of Mercia, who, after her husband's death, had retained the possession of the government of that province. This princess is extolled by the early British historians as the wisest lady in Britain, the very emblem of her illustrious father Alfred ; and to her munificence the Mercians were indebted for the rebuilding of the city of Chester, while her royal brother built the ancient city of Thelwall, on the southern bank of the Mersey, and placed a garrison there." The more effectually to maintain his dominion over the province of Northumbria, the king collected an army in Mercia, which he ordered to march to Manchester, which place he repaired and garrisoned." In the excess of antiquarian disputation, a controversy has arisen, whether, in the era of the Saxon heptarchy, the country between the Mersey and the Ribble, comprehending the southern part of Lancashire, was included in the kingdom of Northumbria; and Dr. Whitaker maintains that this district, under the heptarchy, formed a portion, not of Northumbria, but of Mercia. To this assertion are opposed the generally- received opinion, that the kingdom of Mercia was terminated on its north-western boundary by the river Mersey; and the positive fact, that in the Saxon Chronicle, the highest existing authority perhaps upon this subject, Manchester is said to be in Northumbria. The passage is conclusive upon this point —“This year (A.D. 923) went King Edward with an army, late in the harvest, to Thelwall; and ordered the borough to be + Mirroir des Justices, cap. ii. Sec. 3. - * Herder's Outlines, p. 245. * Mirroir, p. 245. * Saxon Chron, A.D. 923. 16 (The 39tgtorg of £artcagüire. CHAP. II. repaired, and inhabited, and manned. And he ordered another army also from the population of Mercia, the while he sat there, to go to Manchester, in Northumbria, to repair and to man it.” - The ascendency of the Danish power in Northumbria, owing to their colonisation in that kingdom by Alfred, subjected this part of Britain to a frequent recurrence of the horrors of war when all the other parts of the island were at peace. In order to extinguish the spirit of rebellion, and to give security to his throne, Athelstan marched into Northumbria, and, after a signal victory gained at Brunanburg [site unknown], he united Northumbria to the rest of his kingdom ; and in that way acquired the title of the first English monarch, thus eclipsing the fame of Alfred, who had suffered the Danes to divide the kingdom with him by apportioning to them Northumbria and East Anglia. Athelstan amongst other laws enacted (A.D. 935) that any merchant who should make three voyages over the sea with his own manufactures, should have the right of a thane, that is, should rank with the privileged orders. By this means encouragement was given to manufactures and to commerce at the same time; and that agriculture might enjoy its share of the royal favour, any ceorl who had five hides of his own land, a church, a kitchen, a bell-house, and a separate office in the king's hall, also became a thane. The Danish Northumbrians, still impatient of the Saxon rule, broke out again into rebellion, in the reign of Edmund, the successor of Athelstan, and chose Anlaf of Ireland as their king; but Edmund, marching suddenly into the southern part of Northumbria (Lancashire, and Yorkshire), overthrew the mal- contents, who, to appease his indignation and to conciliate his confidence, offered to embrace the Christian religion, and to abandon their idolatry. From the middle to the end of the tenth century, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles are almost entirely occupied by the wars in Northumbria and the changes in the monastic orders, which were then taking place under the influence of the ambitious Dunstan, abbot of Glastonbury. Under the auspices of Dunstan, the Benedictine rule was introduced into nearly fifty monasteries South of the Trent ; but, notwithstanding Wilfrid's endeavours in former times, and Dunstan's energies and activity in the present day, there was not, before the Norman conquest, a single monk in all the Northumbrian territory.” The tribute of Danegeld, a tax upon the people to repel the ravages of the Danes, was imposed for the first time in the year 991, and was at first of the amount of £10,000. All the land in the county contributed to this impost by a rate- able assessment, except the lands of the church, which were exempt on account of the efficacy of the prayers of the clergy, which were supposed to form an equivalent for their contributions. “The payment of Danegeld was first ordained on account of the pirates; for in their ravages of our country, they did all they could to desolate it. To check their insolence, Danegeld was levied annually, 12d. On every hide throughout the country, to hire men to oppose the pirates. From this tax every church, and every estate held in property by the church, wheresoever it lay, was exempted, contributing nothing towards this payment, be- cause more dependence was placed on the prayers of the church than on the defence of arms.” The produce of this tax, which was at first employed in resisting the Danes, was afterwards used to purchase their for- bearance. Their irruptions and exactions became continually more oppressive, and in the year 1010 the base expedient was resorted to of purchasing peace from them by the payment of £48,000. It is remarkable that in the whole of the Saxon Chronicles, the term “Lancashire "never once occurs, though the neighbouring counties in the kingdom of Northumbria are mentioned in those ancient annals several times. It is also remarkable that the name of Lancashire is not to be found in the Domesday Book of William the Conqueror, though the manors and lands are described in that imperishable record with the usual accuracy and precision." The long and inglorious reign of Ethelred was perpetually distracted by the invasions of the Danes, first under Sweyn, and afterwards under Canute, his son and successor; and in the reign of Edmond Ironside, the king was obliged to surrender up one-half his kingdom, by awarding to Canute, Mercia, East Anglia, and Northumbria, which he had entirely subdued. The unfortunate Edmond survived the treaty by which his kingdom was dismembered only a month, having been murdered at Oxford by two of his chamberlains; and in this way the succession of Canute, the Dane, to the throne of England, was secured. In order to gratify the ambition of the chief of the English nobility, and to attach them to his interest, Canute created Thurkill earl or viceroy of East Anglia, Eric earl of Northumbria, and Edric earl of Mercia, reserving to himself only the government of Wessex; but this power of the earls was of short duration; Thur- kill and Eric were soon expelled from the kingdom, and Canute became sole monarch of England. Finding himself firmly seated on his throne, he restored the Saxon customs, to which the people were attached, in a general assembly of the states; justice was administered with impartiality; the lives and property of all the people were protected, and the Danes were gradually incorporated with his subjects. Canute, the greatest sovereign of his age, had the fame to reign over six kingdoms.' The closest connection subsisted between 1 Wilkin's Leges Anglo-Sax. p. 71. * Saxon Chron. A.D. 941. * Mr. Baines quotes a MS. of Dr. Kuerden as to the division of the kingdom of Northumbria, by King Egbert, into shires or * Sim. Dunelm. A.D. 1074. * Saxon Chron. A.D. 991, counties, and these again into hundreds, wapentakes, or ridings; - but the statement is exceedingly inaccurate and without authority. * Camden, vol. i. p. 177. —H. " Saxo, 196. CHAP. II. (The #istory of Lancashire. 17 Northumbria and Scotland in the reign of Canute, and even Cumberland was subject to Malcolm, the Scotch king. This division of his kingdom was inconsistent with the policy of Canute, who, after marching through Lancashire at the head of a formidable army, took possession of Cumberland, and placed Duncan, the grand- son of Malcolm, in possession of that province, subject to the throne of England. Canute, by a treaty with Richard, duke of Normandy (A.D. 1305), had stipulated that his children by Emma, the sister of that prince, should succeed to the throne of England; but, in violation of that engage- ment, he appointed Harold, surnamed Harefoot for his speed, as his successor, instead of Hardicanute, the son of that princess. A short and disturbed reign was terminated by the succession of Hardicanute, who appointed Siward, Duke of Northumbria, along with Godwin, duke of Wessex, and Leofric, duke of Mercia, to put down the insurrection which prevailed against his government. Edward the Confessor succeeded to the throne in 1041, to the prejudice of Sweyn, king of Norway, the eldest son of Canute. The English flattered themselves that, by the succession of Edward, they were delivered for ever from the dominion of the Danes, and their rejoicings were unbounded; but the court was soon filled with Normans, to the pre- judice of the Anglo-Saxon nobility, and the language and the fashions of France were very generally intro- duced. This circumstance gave great offence to the native nobles, who, with Godwin at their head, supported by his three sons, Gurth, Sweyn, and Tosti, rose in rebellion against the king. On the death of Duke God- win, one of the most powerful nobles of his time, his son Harold aspired to the English throne, and was joined by Macbeth, an ambitious Scotch nobleman, who had put to death his sovereign, Duncan, king of Scotland, and usurped his throne. In the wars which ensued, the men of Lancashire were deeply engaged, and Siward, duke of Northumberland, resisted the usurper with all his force. To defeat the ambitious pro- gress of Harold, the king cast his eye towards his kinsman, William, duke of Normandy, as his successor. This prince was the natural son of Robert, Duke of Normandy, by Harlotta, daughter of a tanner in Falaise." The character of the young prince qualified him for the duties of government in the age in which he lived, and to a courage the most intrepid he added a severity the most inflexible. During a visit paid by Harold to Rouen, William disclosed to him the intentions of Edward, and prevailed upon him, by an offer of one of his daughters in marriage, and by other motives of fear and reward, to promise that he would support his claims to the throne of England. Not satisfied with a promise, on which he had little reliance, William re- quired Harold to take an oath in ratification of that engagement ; and, in order to give increased solemnity to the pledge, he secretly conveyed under the altar, on which Harold agreed to swear, the relics of some of the most revered martyrs. Notwithstanding this solemn engagement, which Harold considered as extorted, and therefore not binding, on his return to England he resorted to every means within his power to strengthen his influence. Earl Tosti, a tyrannical prince, the brother of Harold, who had been created duke of Nor- thumberland, acted with so much cruelty and injustice in the counties of York and Lancaster, that the in- habitants, headed by the thanes, rose in rebellion against him, and expelled him from his government. Morcar and Edwin, the sons of Duke Leofric, who possessed great powers in this part of the kingdom, con- curred in the insurrection; and the former, being elected duke or leader, advanced from York with an army, collected on the north of the Mersey and of the Humber, to oppose Harold, who had, through the royal favour, been appointed governor of Wessex, and who was commissioned by the king, on the representation of Tosti, to reduce and chastise the Northumbrians. Morcar, “advancing South with all the shire, and with Nottinghamshire, and Derbyshire, and Lancashire,” marched to Northampton. Here they were met by Harold, at the head of the king's forces, and a desperate battle appeared inevitable; but Morcar, wishing first to appeal to Harold's generosity and sense of justice, rather than to the issue of arms, represented to him that Tosti had acted with so much injustice and oppression in his government, that the inhabitants of York- shire and of Lancashire, with those of Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmorland, being accustomed to the government of the law, and being determined to support their birthright, preferred death to slavery, and had taken the field, determined to perish rather than to submit to the iron yoke of the tyrant. After communicating with the king, Harold abandoned the cause of his brother, and obtained a royal amnesty for the insurgents, who returned to their homes as conquerors, driving before them all the cattle they could collect, amounting to many thousands. Morcar was from this time confirmed in his govern- ment of Northumbria; and Harold, instead of consummating the family alliance contracted with the daughter of William of Normandy, married the daughter of Duke Morcar. The death of Edward speedily followed the suppression of the great northern insurrection, and his body was interred in the abbey of Westminster, “which he had himself erected to the honour of God and St. Peter, and all God's saints.” The religious zeal of this sovereign, with whom the Saxon line of English sovereigns terminated, procured him the name of the Confessor; and his love of justice induced him to complete a code of laws from the works of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred, though those which pass under his name were, according to Sir Henry Spelman, composed after his death. This sovereign was the first who touched for the king's evil—a superstition which maintained its hold of public credulity through six centuries, and was not discontinued till the time of the Stuarts. Though, by the will of Edward, William of Normandy was appointed his successor, Harold stepped into 1 Brompton, p. 910. 2 Saxon Chron. A.D. 1065. 3 Saxon Chron. D I8 (Iſiſt ºigturg of £ancashire. CHAP. II. the vacant throne without hesitation, having first been crowned at York, where he was residing at the time of the king's death, by Aldred the archbishop, nor did he quit this part of the kingdom till four months after- wards, when he repaired to London, having been every where received in his progress with the most joyous acclamation. Earl Tosti, who had taken refuge in Flanders with Earl Baldwin, his father-in-law, on his ex- pulsion from Lancashire, collected a large fleet, and endeavoured to regain his forfeited possession by sailing up the Humber and penetrating into Northumbria. Finding his power ineffectual, he associated himself with Harold Harfager, king of Norway, who with 300 ships assembled in the Isle of Wight, and there remained all the summer. On the approach of autumn, Harfager appeared off the Yorkshire coast with his 300 ships, and was joined by Earl Tosti, who had replenished his force amongst the Danish Northumbrians, and, after entering the Humber, they sailed up the Ouse towards York. On receiving this intelligence, Harold, whose army was collected in the south, under the expectation of an invasion undertaken by the Normans, hastened to the north by forced marches. But before his arrival, Edwin, earl of Mercia, and Morcar, earl of North- umberland, had gathered from Lancashire, and other parts of the earldoms, a considerable force, with the intention of repelling the invaders. On their arrival at Fulford, a village south of York, a sanguinary battle ensued, in which the slaughter was so great, that the Norwegians traversed the marshes on the bodies of the fallen,” and in which Morcar and Edwin were obliged to seek safety in flight, leaving the invaders in posses- sion of the field. After demanding hostages and prisoners from the inhabitants of York, the “Northmen " marched to Stamfordbridge, where they were surprised by Harold, at the head of the largest force ever collected in England. Before the battle commenced, a proposal was sent by Harold to his brother, offering to re-instate him in the government of Northumbria, if he would withdraw from the field. To which Tosti, in the insolence of his spirit, replied, “Last winter such a message might have spared much blood; but now what do you offer for the king my ally "" “Seven feet of ground,” said the Saxon general.” The die was cast. For some time the passage of the bridge was disputed by one of the Norwegians, who, owing to the narrowness of the bridge, withstood the “English folk,” “so that they could not pass. In vain did they aim at him their javelins, he still maintained his ground, till a soldier came under the bridge, and pierced him terribly inwards, under the coat of mail. Then Harold marched over the bridge, at the head of his army, when a dreadful slaughter ensued, both of the Norwegians and the Flemings, in which were slain Harfager, the fair-haired king of Norway, and Tosti, the expatriated earl of Northumbria. The fleet of the Norwegians fell also into the hands of Harold, who allowed Prince Olave, the son of Harfager, to depart the kingdom, with twenty of his vessels, taking with him the wreck of the Norwegian and Flemish army. This act of generosity, as historians are accustomed to consider it, was not unmixed with policy. A still more formidable invasion was approaching, and Harold wished to be freed from one body of his enemies before he had to encounter another. The shouts of victory were heard across the island, from the Humber to the Mersey ; but scarcely had those shouts subsided, before intelligence was received that William of Normandy had landed at Pevensey, at the head of 60,000 men, supported by a fleet of 3000 sail,” and was constructing a castle at the port of Hastings. Harold received the news of William's landing without any emotions of dis- may, while he was at dinner in his favourite city of York. Hastening to London at the head of his army, which had been diminished by the battle of Stamfordbridge, and which was discontented by being denied a share of the spoil, he received a message from Duke William, who offered Harold his choice of three proposals —to reign in fealty under William, whom he had sworn to serve ; or to decide the dispute by single combat ; or to submit the cause to the arbitration of the pope : to which Harold replied, that the God of battles should be the arbitrator, and decide the differences between them. Yielding to the impetuosity of his own temper, instead of listening to the wise counsels of his brother Gurth, he marched from London without due prepar- ation, in the vain hope of surprising the Normans in the south, as he had surprised the Norwegians in the north. The night before the battle of Hastings was passed by the invaders in preparations and in prayer," while the English devoted their hours to festivity and joyful anticipations. The fate of England hung on the issue of the day. Before the battle commenced, on the 14th October 1066, William joined in the solemnity of religious worship, and received the sacrament at the hands of the bishop ; and to give increased effect to these solemnities, he hung round his neck the relics on which Harold had sworn to support his claims to the English throne." He divided his army into three bodies. In front he placed his light infantry, armed with arrows and balistae, led by Montgomery. The second division, commanded by Martel, consisted of his heavy-armed battalions. His cavalry, at whose head he stood in person, formed the third line, and were so disposed, that they stretched beyond the infantry, and flanked each wing of the army. The English army, chiefly infantry, were arranged by Harold in the form of a wedge, meant to be impenetrable. Their shields covered their bodies; their arms wielded the battle-axe. Harold, whose courage was equal to his station, quitted his horse, to share the danger and the glory on foot. His brothers, Gurth and Sweyn, * Saxon Chron. A.D. 1066. * The “Roman de Rou’’ says 696, which is more probable. * Snorre, p. 155 ; Ork. Saga, p. 95. * Will, of Malms. p. 104. * Snorre, p. 160. 4 Saxon Chron. 7 Guil. Pict. p. 201. CHAP. II. The history of Lancashire. * 19 accompanied him, and his banner, in which the figure of a man in combat, woven sumptuously with gold and jewels, shining conspicuous, was planted near him.' The English, occupying the high ground, which was flanked by a wood, not only received the discharge of the Norman weapons with patient valour, but returned the attack with their battle-axes and ancient weapons with so much effect, that the foot and the cavalry of Bretagne, and all the other allies of William on the left wing, gave way. The impression extended along the whole line, and was increased by a rumour that the duke had fallen, Dismay began to unnerve his army; and a general flight seemed about to ensue.” William, to arrest the progress of the panic, and to convince his soldiers of his Safety, rushed amongst the fugitives, and, with his helmet thrown from his head, exclaimed, “Behold me—I live; and will conquer yet, with God's assistance. What madness influences you to fly? What way can be found for your escape? They whom, if you choose, you may kill like cattle, are driving and destroying you. You fly from victory—from deathless honour. You run upon ruin and ever- lasting disgrace. If you continue to retreat, every one of you will perish.” The Normans rallied, and made a desperate onset ; but the English, forming a wall of courageous soldiery, remained unbroken. William, finding all his efforts to penetrate their ranks fruitless, resolved to hazard a feigned retreat. A body of a thousand horse were entrusted with this critical operation. Having rushed upon the English with a horrible outcry, they suddenly checked themselves, as if panic-struck, and affected a hasty flight. The English entered eagerly on the pursuit with apparent success; for the Normans, having retired upon an excavation somewhat concealed, fell into their own trap; many of them perished, and some of the English shared the same fate. While this manoeuvre was occupying their attention, the duke's main body rushed between the pursuers and the rest of their army. The English endeavoured to regain their position: the cavalry turned upon them, and, thus enclosed, many of them fell victims to the skilful movements of their adversaries. At length they rallied and regained their position, but, uninstructed by experience, they suffered themselves to be twice afterwards decoyed to a repetition of the same artifice. In the heat of the struggle, twenty Normans confederated to attack and carry off the English standard. This service they effected, though not without the loss of many of their number.” The battle continued through the day with frequent changes of fortune. Harold was more distinguished for the bravery of a soldier than for the skill of a general. William united the two characters. He had three horses killed under him. While Harold lived, his valorous countrymen seemed invincible. Fertile in expedients, the duke directed his archers not to shoot directly at the English, but to discharge their arrows vigorously upwards towards the sky. The random shafts descended into the English ranks like impetuous hail, and one of them pierced the gallant Harold in the eye," and, penetrating the brain, terminated his life. A furious charge of the Norman horse increased the disorder. Panic scattered the English, and the Normans vigorously pursued them through the broken ground. A part of the fugitives rallied, and, indignant at the prospect of Surrendering their country to foreigners, they sought to renew the contest. William, perceiving that the critical moment for sealing the victory had arrived, ordered Count Eustace and his soldiers to the attack. The duke, with a vigour and energy peculiar to himself, joined in the final conflict, and secured the victory of Hastings and the crown of England. The body of Harold was found by his mistress, Edith, “the Lady of the Swan Neck,” near those of his two brothers, who were also slain in the battle, and was sent, at the request of his mother, for interment to the monastery of Waltham, which he had founded. - The battle of Hastings terminated the Saxon dynasty in England, after a continuance, with occasional interruptions, of six hundred years. During this long period the foundations of some of the most important of our public institutions were laid, and it may be interesting, even for the illustration of local history, shortly to advert to their nature and origin. In the Saxon period, the mechanical arts, so closely interwoven with the interests of society, met with liberal encouragement : the wisest of their monarchs invited from all quarters skilful and industrious foreigners; they encouraged manufactures of every kind, and prompted men of activity to betake themselves to navigation, and to push commerce into the most remote countries. As an indication of an approach towards a state of free traffic, and of the increase of commerce, it is mentioned that Canute, about the year 1028, established mints for the coinage of money in thirty-seven cities and towns of England, of which number the town of Manchester was one.” A silver penny, coined at York about the year 630, and marked with the name of Edwin, the Northumbrian monarch, is supposed to be the earliest specimen of coinage in this island after the abdication of the Romans. The king and his barons enfranchised the principal towns, to encourage the progress of manufactures, and Manchester was of the favoured number. - - It must be admitted, however, that whatever progress our Anglo-Saxon ancestors had made in commerce and in manufactures, since the time of the Roman sway in Britain, this country had retrograded deplorably in the practice of the fine arts. As early as the reign of Severus, the sculpture and the painting of Rome had obtained a high degree of perfection ; but in the Saxon times these accomplishments were will of Malm. p. 101. * Guil. Pict. 202. * There is no good authority for this ; and Manchester is not 8 Brompton, p. 960. included in the long list of Canute's mints, given in Ruding's 4 Henry of Hunt, p. 368; Will. of Malms. p. 101. Annals of the Coimage.—H. 20 (ſiſt #igtorg of 3Lamraghirt. CHAP. II. almost extinct in the island, and the coinage of Northumbria, in the reigns of Edelstan, of Harold surnamed Harefoot, and of Edward the Confessor, as exhibited in the following specimens, serve sufficiently to prove the lamentable deterioration:— The Anglo-Saxons were divided into four classes:—men of birth—men of property—freemen—and serviles. Their money was in pounds, shillings, and pence ; twenty shillings constituted a pound, and twelve pence a shilling, as at present—with this difference, however, that twenty shillings weighed a pound troy—and hence the term pound. Guilds, or communities of mutual protection, were formed by persons engaged in trade, which sought at once to protect the interests of those branches of business, and to provide for the members of their fraternities in sickness and old age." Markets and fairs were pretty generally established; attention was paid to agriculture; and the yeoman was held in deserved estimation. Their monarchy was partly hereditary and partly elective ; and the power of their sovereigns not absolute, but limited. Their Witena-Gemot of “wise men” formed the great council of the nation, and was a body, the foundation of our parliaments, that at once enacted laws and administered justice, Besides the trial by jury, they had the trial by ordeal of water and of iron; by the iron ordeal, the accused carried a piece of red-hot iron three feet, or nine feet, according to the magnitude of the offence; in the water ordeal, he plunged his hand into a vessel of boiling-hot water up to the wrist in some cases, and to the elbow in others; the hand was then bound up, and sealed for three days, at the end of which time the bandage and seal were removed; when, if the hand was found clean, he was pronounced innocent, if foul, guilty.” This was a trial, not a punishment, and it was performed before the priest, in the presence of two witnesses, after due preparation. Sometimes the party choosing this mode of trial prepared his own hand, to endure the fiery trial; and sometimes probably prepared the hand of the priest, and thus induced him to abate the height of the temperature. There was another ordeal by Water: the culprit, having a rope tied about him, was plunged into a river two ells and a half deep ; if he sank, he was acquitted; but if he floated, being considered deficient in weight of goodness, he was condemned.” The punishments were various, and consisted of banishment, slavery, branding, amputation of limb, mutilation of the nose, ears, and lips, plucking out the eyes, stoning, or hanging. The trial by jury was a rational and enlightened inquiry. The Saxons have the merit of having introduced this invaluable institution into England; and some authors contend that it originated in the time of Alfred, but it is certain that it was in use amongst the earliest Saxon colonists." The trial by jury did not at once attain perfection, and it is probable that Alfred matured and perfected the institution. Originally a man was cleared of an accusation, if twelve persons came forward and swore that they believed him to be innocent of the alleged crime.” This was a jury in its earliest form. Afterwards it became necessary that twelve men, peers or equals of the litigants, should hear the evidence on both sides, and that they on their oaths should say whether the accused wa guilty or innocent. - -- - - The Feudal System arose in England during the Saxon dynasty, and for many ages exercised an influence and control over society, not only in this country, but over the whole of the western nations of the world. Though the system was introduced into this country by the Anglo-Saxon, it was not till the Norman Conquest that it received its complete consummation. In the heat of the battle of Hastings, William had promised his followers that the lands of England should be theirs if victory crowned their efforts; and the possessions of Earl Tosti, as well as those of the other Saxon barons, between the Mersey and the Ribble, and to the north of the latter river, speedily became the knights' fees of the houses of Lacie and Poictou. In the partition of the spoil, the most considerable share fell to the king. These lands became the subject of feudal tenures; the king conferred them upon his favourites in Capite, on the condition that they should faithfully serve him in war and in peace, and on payment of a certain annual fine ; and they again granted their Lancashire manors to Goisfridus, Willielmus, Tetbaldus, and others, as their feudatories. These thanes had their socmen and villeins—in other words, their farmers and their slaves—some holding by military, and others by rustic obligations; but all, from the highest to the lowest, under feudal tenures. The whole frame of society was involved in this comprehensive system." ! Eden on the Poor Laws. * Wilk. Leg. Inae, p. 27. 6 Mr. Baines gives here a very long quotation as to the feudal system from a MS. of Dr. Kuerden, in the Chetham Library, which, from its want of authority and accuracy, loose style, and strange * Turner's Ang. Sax. iv. 337. phraseology, is not deemed Worth reprinting.—H. * Textus Roffensis. * Black. Com. cap. xxiii. CHAP. III. The history of Lancashire. 21 0HAPTER III. William the Conqueror's Suppression of Revolts in the North—His Extension of the Feudal System and Seizure of Church Lands and Property—The Domesday Survey and Book—The Honor of Lancaster—Its First Norman Baron, Roger de Poictou–Its Grant by the Crown to Randle, Third Earl of Chester—A.D. 1066 to circó 1120. O sooner was the Norman Conqueror seated on the throne of England, than he began to exercise the power of conquest with all the rigour which the jealousy of his own mind and ºš the insubordinate disposition of his new subjects dictated. The doctrines inculcated by i\{ Machiavel, in his instructions to conquering princes, were practised by William of Normandy in England, five centuries before they were promulgated by the Italian politician. He left *QA A/C no art untried to root out the ancient nobility, to curb the power of the established clergy, or to reduce the commonalty to the lowest state of penury and dependence. Earls Morcar and Edwin, who had so successfully resisted the tyrannical power of Earl Tosti, were among the first to revolt from the yoke of the tyrant. To give effect to their resistance, they raised forces in Lancashire and Cheshire, as well as in the other northern counties, and fixed upon the celebrated Northumbrian capital, the city of York, then amongst the first cities in the kingdom, Superior even to London, as their stronghold. This alarming revolt the Conqueror hastened to subdue ; and such was the violence of his rage, that, on his way to the north, he swore repeatedly, by the “splendour of God,” that he would not leave a soul of the insurgents alive. The strength of the Saxon barons was increased by the junction of a large force under Bethwin, king of North Wales. Preliminary to his arrival, William had suspended Morcar, and appointed Robert de Comyn, a Norman baron, to the earldom of Northumberland. The orders given to Robert were, to subdue the refrac- tory spirit of the people, without regard to the shedding of blood;’ and a guard of seven hundred men was placed around his person. The intrepid Northumbrians, roused by a sense of their own wrongs, and by the indignity offered to the Earl Morcar, rose in open insurrection, and put to death the Norman, with every individual composing his guard. The first measure taken by William, on his arrival at York, was to offer mercy to the insurgents, on their submission to his authority ; and the chiefs, finding themselves unequal to contend with the power that was brought against them, accepted the proffered clemency. The earls Morcar and Edwin, accompanied by Gospatric, and Edgar Atheling, their lawful prince, fled into Scotland under the protection of King Malcolm. Unmindful of that general amnesty which he had offered, the Conqueror directed the most severe proscription against the Saxon inhabitants of these regions, hundreds of whom fell under the cruel inflictions of the Normans. To guard against a surprise, the Conqueror caused numerous castles to be erected in the north of England; and in the city of York two castles sprang up under the direction of the Normans. These precautions were not confined to inland fortifications; they extended also to the coast, and the castles of Lancaster and of Liverpool, on the Lune and the Mersey, were both erected during the early part of the Conqueror's reign, by Roger de Poictou, one of the most distinguished amongst the Norman barons. Notwithstanding the severity practised by William on the suppression of the first insurrection, he allowed the earls Morcar and Edwin to retain their estates in Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Cheshire, though he extended the rigours of confiscation over the lands of many of their followers. The forfeitures, attainders, and other acts of violence, soon produced another insurrection, the flame of which, lighted up amongst the brave Northumbrians, spread into other parts of the kingdom ; but the king, well aware that the most imminent danger existed in the counties of York and Lancaster, determined to march once more against them, and placing himself at the head of a powerful army, he left London, to take his revenge upon the insurgents. By common consent, Earl Waltheof was appointed governor of the city of York by the Saxon barons, while the Danish general took up his intrenchments between the Humber and the Trent, in order to keep the Normans in check. On the arrival of William and his army before York, he sent his summons to the governor, offering him clemency, if he surrendered promptly; but threatening the most terrible vengeance, if he attempted to withstand his authority. He pushed on the siege with vigour, and was not less vigorously resisted. A breach having been made in the walls by the engines of the besiegers, the governor himself, being a man of prodigious might and strength, stood single in the breach, and cut off the heads of several Normans who attempted to enter.” For six months the siege was sustained, and the struggle was sanguinary and exhausting; and it was not till William had reinforced the besieging army again and again, that he gained possession of the city. Famine at length effected what force could not achieve ; 1 Wal. Hemingford, Canon of Gisburgh. * William of Malmsbury. 22 Qſìje 39tgtorg of Lancashire. - CHAP. III. and William not only promised forgiveness to the governor, but also the most reasonable terms to his troops, on the condition of surrender. Under the influence of that admiration which bravery inspires amongst the brave, the Conqueror gave to Waltheof his niece Judith, daughter of the countess Albemarle, in marriage, and created him also earl of Northumberland. The reconciliation was only temporary. William, impatient of opposition, brought the gallant earl to the block, on account of another conspiracy, and this was the first nobleman whose life was terminated in England by decapitation. Earls Morcar and Edwin, no longer able to sustain their own dignity, or to preserve the public rights, quitted the seats of their earldoms in Northum- bria and Mercia. Edwin, in attempting to make his escape into Scotland, was betrayed by some of his followers, and killed by a party of Normans, to the deep affliction of the men of Lancashire and Cheshire, where the ardour of his patriotism, and his personal accomplishments, had gained all hearts; while Earl Morcar was thrown into prison, and consigned to future obscurity. Lucia, the sister of the earls Morcar and Edwin, was presented in marriage to Ivo Talbois, the first baron of Kendal, who came over with the Con- queror. This baron was distinguished by the favour of his prince, who granted to him that part of Lanca- shire which adjoins Westmorland, as well as the confiscated lands of his wife's brother in Lincolnshire. William viewed the inhabitants of Northumbria as the most formidable enemies to his power; and in order to satiate his rage, and to prevent further resistance, he razed the city of York to the ground; and with it fell many of the principal nobility and gentry, as well as the humbler inhabitants, Nor did his implacable vengeance rest here; he laid waste the whole of the fertile country between the Humber and the Tees, a distance of sixty miles, so that, for nine years afterwards, neither spade nor plough was put into the ground.' If any of the wretched inhabitants escaped, they were reserved for a more lingering fate, being forced through famine to eat dogs and cats, horses, and even human flesh. So unsparing was the destruction, that the inha- bitants could scarcely recognise their own lands; and when the Domesday Book was compiled, though the survey was not commenced till ten years afterwards, many townships remained uncultivated, which is the reason why Wasia [waste] so often occurs in the Domesday Survey of Yorkshire. In that part of this ancient document which concerns Lancashire, the returns are more fully made, though not under the head of a distinct county; and a presumption naturally arises that the Conqueror's severity was practised with less rigour between the Mersey and the Duddon, than between the Humber and the Tees. In the north of Lancashire, included within the ancient limits of Richmondshire, several vacancies are found ; and in the south-eastern part of the district, between the Ribble and the Mersey, the scanty return of names may be accounted for by the vicinity of that part of Salford hundred to the devoted county of York. - The Conqueror soon placed all the land of the kingdom under that system of feudal tenure which had already been partially introduced under the Saxon dynasty. These possessions, with very few exceptions besides the royal demesnes, were divided into baronies, which were conferred, with the reservation of stated services and payments, on the most considerable of the Normans. The great barons, who held of the crown, shared out a large part of the lands to other foreigners, who bore the names of knights or vassals, and who paid their lord the same duty and submission in peace and in war, which he himself owed to his sovereign. The whole kingdom contained about seven hundred chief tenants, and 60,215 knights' fees; and as none of the English were admitted into the first rank, the few who retained their landed possessions were glad to be received under the protection of some powerful Norman baron, though at the cost of an oppressive burden on those estates which they had received as a free inheritance from their ancestors.” Having broken the spirit of the laity, the Conqueror now proceeded to appropriate a large share of the enormous property of the clergy to his own use. The first step he took for the attainment of this object, was to seize not only all the riches" and valuable effects which the English had lodged in the religious houses throughout the kingdom during the troubles; but even the charters, shrines, and treasures belonging to the monasteries themselves, resolving at the same time that none of the English monks or clergy should ever be preferred to any of the vacant sees, and that those who already possessed them should be stripped of their dignities. In consequence of this resolution, Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was removed from his episcopal office on various groundless pretences, but without the colour of justice. Adding cruelty to injustice, William imprisoned the deprived prelates, and kept them in confinement all the rest of their lives. In this province, the king, during the feast of Pentecost, named Thomas, a canon of Baieux, to the see of York. The principles he had adopted in Normandy he introduced into England, and seemed quite ready to act upon the determination he had made in the former country—namely, “that if any monk, who was his subject, should dispute his will, he would cause him to be hanged forthwith.” In Saxon times, the clergy, not only in this province, but throughout the nation generally, held their lands and possessions by a different tenure from the laity, called Frank-Almoigne, subject to no secular service, to no rents or impositions, but such as they con- sented to lay upon themselves in their councils or synods, which privilege they had extorted, as we have already seen, from the superstition of Ethelwulf.” Their estates, derived from the bounty of the Saxon kings * Malms. p. 103, Knighton. Ingulf. p. 79. Sim. of Dur. p. * The drenghes mentioned in the Domesday Book, “Newton 199. - Hundred,” were probably of this number.—B. * Orderic. Vitalis, p. 523. * Sim. of Dur. Ann, of Waver. T. Sprott's Chron. p. 114. * See chap. ii. p. 14. - -CHAP. III. (The #igtorg of £ancashire. 23 and their nobles, were so great, that they possessed more than a third part of the kingdom ; the computation being that of the 60,215 knights' fees, the clergy held 28,015, exclusive of their plate, jewels, and various other treasures. With such enormous riches at their disposal they became unduly powerful; and William, jealous of that power, and suspicious of their fidelity, reduced all their lands to the common tenure of knight's service and barony. The new prelates were required to take an oath of fealty, and to do homage to the king, before they could be admitted to their temporalities; they were also subject to an attendance upon the king in his court-baron, to follow him in his wars with their knights and quota of soldiers, to pay him their usual aids, and to perform all the other services incident to the feudal tenures. The clergy remonstrated most bitterly against this new revolution; but William was inexorable, and consigned to prison or to banishment all who opposed his will. While the power of the clergy was thus curtailed, that of the barons, who were now chiefly Norman, was increased. In their manors they had absolute jurisdiction; they gave laws and administered justice in their courts-baron to their vassals; and suits between the tenants of different lords were tried in their hundred, or county courts, while the king's courts took cognisance only of those between the barons themselves.” By a synod held in London (A.D. 1075), the precedency of the bishops was settled, according to the priority of their consecration, except with regard to such sees as had particular privileges annexed to them. Hitherto the bishops had resided in small towns or villages, for the purpose, as was alleged, of sacred retire- ment ; but at this synod it was determined that the see of Lichfield, in which diocese the county of Lancaster was at that time included, should be removed to Chester. It was now ordained for the first time, “that no bishop, abbot, or clergyman, should judge any person to the loss of life or limb, or give his vote or countenance to any other for that purpose ;” and to comply with this canon, the prelates have ever since withdrawn from the House of Lords in such cases, satisfying themselves with entering a protest in favour of their right, without exercising it.” The activity of William's mind suggested to him a great national work, which will be held throughout all ages as a redeeming feature in his life, and will serve to transmit his memory with veneration to posterity. “After the synod,” says the Saxon Chronicle, “the king held a large meeting, and very deep consultation with the council, about this land ; how it was occupied, and by what sort of men. Then sent he his men over all England into each shire, commis- sioning them to find out—‘How many hundreds of hides were in the shire, what lands the king himself had, and what stock upon the land; or what dues he ought to have by the year from the shire.” Also, he commissioned them to record in writing, “How much land his archbishops had, and his diocesan bishops, and his abbots, and his earls; what or how much each man had, who was an occupier of land in England, either in land or stock, and how much money it was worth.’ So very narrowly, indeed, did he commission them to trace it out, that there was not one single hide, nor a yard of land; nay, moreover (it is shameful to tell, though he thought it no shame to do it), not even an ox, nor a cow, nor a Swine, was there left, that was not set down in his writ. And all the recorded particulars were afterwards brought to him.” That nothing might be wanted to render this record complete, and its authority perpetual, the survey was executed by Norman commissioners, called “the king's justiciaries,” consisting of nobles and bishops, acting under royal appointment, and associated, probably, with some of the principal men of each shire. The inquisitors, upon the oaths of the sheriffs, the lord of each manor, the presbyters of every church, the reeves of every hundred, the bailiffs and six villeins of every village, were to inquire into the name of the place, who held it in the time of King Edward, who was the present possessor, how many hides in the manor, how many carucates in demesne, how many homagers, how many villeins, how many cotarii, how many servi, what free-men, how many tenants in Socage; what quantity of wood, how much meadow and pasture, what mills and fish-ponds; how much added or taken away, what the gross value in King Edward's time, and how much each free-man or soc-man had or has. All this was to be triply estimated : first, as the estate was held in the time of the Con- fessor; then, as it was bestowed by King William ; and, thirdly, as its value stood at the formation of the survey. The jurors were moreover to state whether any advance could be made in the value. The exact time occupied in taking the whole survey of the kingdom is differently stated by historians; but the probability is, that it was commenced A.D. 1080; and it is evident, from the date inserted at the end of the second volume, that it was completed in 1086. It is remarkable that in this survey the name of Lancashire does not occur; but that part of it which lies between the Ribble and the Mersey is surveyed under Cheshire, while the northern part of the county, including Amounderness and the Hundred of Lons- dale, north and south of the Sands, is comprehended under Yorkshire. The return in Amounderness, that “sixteen of the villages in this hundred have few inhabitants (how many is not known), and the rest are waste,” sufficiently indicates that the hand of the spoiler had lain heavy upon that Hundred. By the Domesday return, the king acquired an exact knowledge of all the possessions of the crown. It furnished him with the means of ascertaining the strength of the country, pointed out the possibility of increasing the revenue in certain districts, and formed a perpetual register of appeal for those whose titles to their estates might in future be disputed. This purpose it has served ever since its completion; and even now, at the end of nearly eight hundred years, such is the credit of this document, that if a question arises whether a manor, parish, or lands, be ancient demesne, the issue must be tried by this book, whence there is no appeal. The two volumes which contain the survey are now, by common consent, called Domesday Book, from Dome (census), and Boc (book). It has, however, borne other designations, and has been known as Rotulus Wintoniae, Scriptura. Thesauri Regis, Liber de Wintonia, and Liber Regis. Sir Henry Spelman adds, Liber Judi- ciarius, Censualis Angliae, Anglia. Notitia et Lustratio, and Rotula Regis." - - 1 T. Sprott's Chron. p. 114. * Carte's Hist, vol. i. p. 421. |been called “Domesday type,” to represent the numerous peculiarly 8 Brist. Monast. p. 33. abbreviated Latin words in this ancient record. All who care to * In the original edition, an attempt was made, by what has read this, and the number must be very few, can now see the 24 (Uiſt #ištúrg ºf £amtāgījirt. CHAP. III, BETWEEN RIBBLE AND MERSEY. [SOUTH LANCASHIRE] ROGER DE POICTOU HELD THE UNIDERMENTIONED LAND BETWEEN RIBBLE AND MERSEY. IN [WEST] DERBy HUNDRED. Ring Edward [the Confessor] had there one manor named Derbei, with six Berewicks." There are four hides.” The land is fifteen carucates.” There is a forest two leagues" long and one broad; and an aery of hawks. Uctred held six manors, Rabil (ROBY), Chenulveslei (KNowsLEY), Cherchebi (KIRKBY), Crosebi (CROSBY), Magele (MAGHULL), and Achetum (AUGHTON I.) There are two hides [of land]. The woods are two leagues long and the same broad, and there are two aeries of hawks. Dot held Hitune (HUYTON) and Torboc (TARBOCK): there is one hide quit of every custom duties but the gelt [danegeld]. The land is four carucates. It was worth twenty shillings. Bernulf held Stochestede (ToxtETH I.) One virgate” and half-a-carucate of land there paid four shillings. Stainulf held Stochestede (TOXTETH II.) There one virgate and half-a-carucate of land were worth four shillings. Five Thames held Seatone (SEFTON.) There was one hide there, worth sixteen shillings. © Uctred held Chirchedele (KIRKDALE). There is half-a-hide quit of every custom but the gelt. It was worth ten shillings. hill.” held Waletone (WALTON ON THE HILL). There were two carucates and three bovates [or oxgangs] of land worth eight SIłll III.19.S. - #. held Liderlant (LITHERLAND I.) There is half-a-hide. It was worth eight shillings. Three Thames held Himme (INCE BLUNDELL) for three manors. There was half-a-hide. It was worth eight shillings. Ascha held Torentun (THORNTON). There was half-a-hide. It was worth eight shillings. Three Thames held Mele (MEOLS) for three manors. There is half-a-hide. It was worth eight shillings. Uctred held Ulventwºne (LITTLE WOOLTON). There are two carucates of land, and half-a-league of wood. It was worth sixty-four pence. - Edelmºnd held Esmédune (SMITHDown, now LIVERPOOL). Three Thames held A/retune (ALLERTON) for three manors, Uctred held Spec (SPEKE). There are two carucates of land. It was worth sixty-four pence. & Four Radmans [Knight Riders] held Cildewelle (CHILDwALL) for four manors. There is half-a-hide. It was worth eight shillings. There was a priest there having half-a-carucate of land in frank-amoign [free-alms]. Ulbert held Wibaldeslei (WINDLE, WINDLESHAW, WHISTON, BoID, PARBöLD, AND PRESCOT). land. It was worth sixty-four pence. Two Thames held Uvetone (MUCH WooDTON) for two manors. There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty pence. Leving held Wavretreu (WAVERTREE). There are two carucates of land. It was worth sixty-four pence. Four Thames held Boltelai (BootLE) for four manors. There are two carucates of land. It was worth sixty-four pence. A priest had one carucate of land to the church at Waletone (WALTON ON THE HILL). Uctred held Achetum (AUGHTON II.) There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty-two pence. Three Thames held Fornebei (FoRMBY) for three manors. There are four carucates of land. It was worth ten shillings. Three Thames held Einſulvesdel (AINSDALE). There are two carucates of land. It was worth sixty-four pence. Steinulf held Hoiland (DOWN HOLLAND). There are two carucates of land. It was worth sixty-four pence. Uctred held Daltone (DALTON). There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty-two pence. The same Uctred [held] Schelmeresdele (SKELMERSDALE). There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty-two pence. The same Uctred [held] Literland (LITHERLAND II.) There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty-two pence. Wibert held Erengermeles (RAVEN's MEOLs). There are two carucates of land. It was worth eight shillings. This land was quit [of every tax] except the gelt. - Five Thames held Otegrimele (ORRELL in Sefton). There is half-a-hide. It was worth ten shillings. Uctred held Latume (LATHOM) with one berewick. There is half-a-hide [of land]. There is a wood One league long and half-a- league broad. It was worth ten shillings and eight pence. Uctred held Hirletun (HURLESTON, in Scarisbrick) and half of Merretum (MARTIN). There is half-a-hide. shillings and eight pence. Godeve held Melinge (MELLING). was worth ten shillings. Uctred held Leiate (LYDIATE). worth sixty-four pence. Two Thames held six bovates of land for two manors in Holand (Down Hol.I.AND II.) It was worth two shillings. Uctred held Acrer (ALTCAR). There is half-a-carucate of land. It was waste. Te0s held Bartºne (BARTON in Down Holland). There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty-two pence. Chetel held HeleShale (HALSALL). There are two carucates of land. It was worth eight shillings. All this land is rateable to the gelt; and fifteen manors rendered nothing to King Edward but the gelt. This manor of Derbei (WEST DERBY), with its aforesaid hides, rendered to King Edward in farm a rent of twenty-six pounds and two shillings. Three of these hides, the tax whereof [the king] remitted to the thanes who held them, were free. These rendered four pounds and fourteen shillings and eight pence. All these thanes were accustomed to render two ores" of pennies for each carucate of land; and by custom they, like the villeins, made the king's houses and what belonged to them ; and the fisheries, and the hays and stands" in the wood. And whoever came There is one carucate of land. It was worth thirty-two pence, There is half-a-hide. It was worth eight shillings. There are two carucates of It was worth ten There are two carucates of land ; [and] a wood one league long and half-a-league broad. It There are six bovates of land; [and] a wood one league long and two furlongs broad. It was beautiful fac-simile of the original, taken by photo-zincography under the direction of Lieut.-Col. Sir Henry James of the Ordnance Survey, which has been published in a separate vol. at a moderate price. We give the translation, as made from a careful examination of the fac-simile by William Beamont, Esq. of Orford Hall, Warrington, in his “Literal Extension and Translation of Domesday Book— Cheshire and Lancashire, etc.”—and by his permission. * The berewick was a small manor belonging to a larger. * The hide was an uncertain and variable quantity of land. * The carucate, carve, or plough-land, was, like the hide, an uncertain and variable quantity of land. In the last line but three of the survey of Derby Hundred, are the words, “In every hide there are six carucates of land.” This probably applies to all South Lancashire, within which the carucate was the sixth part of a hide, whatsoever quantity the latter implies. * The levva, here translated league, has often been rendered mile. It was half-way between, a measure of length containing twelve furlongs, each of forty perches of five and a half yards long, or about as long as about a mile and a half of our present measure. W. Bedmont. * The virgate, or yard-land, was two bovates or oxgangs, or one-fourth of a hide, and, like it, was a variable quantity. : ° The ord, was not a coin, but money of computation, each ora being worth twenty pence.—W. B. * Stabiliturge were the stands, stalls, or stations in the forest, where the deer might be aimed at and taken with less difficulty.—W. B. CHAP. III. QThe #istorg of £ancashire. 25 not to these when he ought, was fined two shillings, and afterwards came and worked until the work was finished. Each of them sent his mowers one day in August to cut the king's corn. If he failed [herein] he was fined two shillings. If any freeman committed theft, or forestel, or heinfare,” or broke the king's peace, he was fined forty shillings. If any one shed blood, committed rape, or absented himself from the shiremote without reasonable excuse, he was fined ten shillings. - #. absented himself from the hundred court, or came not when there was a plea, and when he was summoned by the reeve, he made amends by five shillings. r If [the reeve] commanded any one to go on a service [to which he was bound], and he did not go, he was fined four shillings. If any one desired to withdraw from the king's land, he paid forty shillings, and had liberty to go where he would. If any one desired to take up the land of his deceased father, he paid for it forty shillings as a relief. If he was not willing to pay this, the king took both the land and all the father's cattle. Uctred held Crosebi (CRosBY) and Chirchedele (KIRKDALE) for one hide, and was free of all customs but these six: breach of the peace, forestel, heinfare, continuing a fight after oath given [to the contrary], not paying a debt until after judgment given, and not keeping a time appointed him by the sheriff. The fine for these was forty shillings. They paid the king's gelt, however, like the rest of the country. In Otringemele (ORRELL in Sefton) and Herleshala (HALSALL) and Hiretum (TARLETON), there were three hides free from the gelt of the carucates of land, and from forfeitures for blood or rape; but they rendered all other customs. Of this manor of Derbei (WEST DERBY) the following men hold land by the gift of Roger of Poictou —Goisfrid two hides and half-a-carucate, Roger one hide and a half, William one hide and a half, Warin half-a-hide, Goišfrid one hide, Tetbald one hide and a half, Robert two carucates of land, [and] Gºlebert One carucate of land. These have four carucates in their demesne, and [there are] forty-six villeins, and one radman, and sixty-two bordars, and two serfs and three maid-servants. They have among them twenty-four carucates. Their wood is three leagues and a half long, and one league and a half and forty perches broad; and there are three aeries of hawks. The whole is worth eight pounds and twelve shillings. In every hide there are six carucates of land. But the demesne of this manor, which Roger held, is worth eight pounds. In this demesne there are now three carucates and six neatherds, and one radman, and seven villeins. - IN NEWTON HUNDRED. In Neweton (NEWTON), in the time of King Edward [the Confessor] there were five hides. Of these one was in the demesne. The church of the same manor had one carucate of land; and Saint Oswald of the same vill had two carucates of land free of every- thing. fine other land of this manor, fifteen men called Drenghes held for fifteen manors, which were berewicks of this manor; and among them all these men rendered thirty shillings. There is wood there ten leagues long and six leagues and two furlongs broad, and there are aeries of hawks. - - All the freemen of this hundred, except two, had the same custom as the men of Derbeishire [West Derby Hundred], but in August they mowed two days more than they on the king's tillage lands. The two [excepted men] had five carucates of land, and had the forfeitures for bloodshed, rape, and pannage [in the woods] for their men. The rest were the king's.-This whole manor [of Neweton] rendered to the king a farm of ten pounds ten shillings. Now there are there six drenghes and twelve villeins, and four bordars, who have nine carucates amongst them. The demesne is worth four pounds. IN WARRINGTON HUNDRED. King Edward held Walintune (WARRINGTON) with three berewicks, there is one hide. To the same manor there belonged thirty-four drenghes, who had that number of manors; in which there were forty-two carucates of land, and one hide and a half. Saint Elfin held one carucate of land, free of all custom except the gelt. The whole manor with the hundred rendered to the king a farm rent of fifteen pounds less two shillings. There are now two carucates in the demesne, and eight men with one carucate. These men hold land there : Roger one carucate of land, Tetbald one carucate and a half, Warin one carucate, Radulf five carucates, William two hides and four carucates of land, Adelard one hide and half-a-carucate, [and] Osmund one carucate of land. The whole is worth four pounds and ten shillings. The demesne is worth three pounds and ten shillings. IN BLACKBURN HUNDRED. Jºng Edward held Blacheburne (BLACKBURN). There are two hides and two carucates of land. Of this land the church had two carucates; and the church of St. Mary in Whalley two carucates of land, [both of them] free of all customs. In the same manor there is a wood one league long and the same broad, and there was an aery of hawks. –To this manor or hundred were attached twenty-eight freemen, holding five hides and a half and forty carucates of land for twenty-eight manors. There is a wood there six leagues long and four broad, and [the manors] were all subject to the above customs. In the same hundred King Edward had Humnicot (HUNCOTE, near Dunkenhalgh), two carucates of land, and Waletune (WALTON LE DALE) two carucates, and Peniltune (PENDLETON) half-a-hide. The whole manor, with the hundred, yielded the king a farm-rent of thirty-two pounds and two shillings. - Roger de Poictou gave all this land to Roger de Busli and Albert Greslet, and there are so many men who have eleven carucates and a half; to whom they have granted freedom [from all customs] for three years, wherefore it is not now valued. IN SALFORD HUNDRED. Xing Edward held Salford. There are three hides and twelve carucates of wasteland. There is a forest three leagues long and the same broad. There are many hays and an aery of hawks there. - - Ring Edward held Radeclive (RADCLIFFE) for a manor. There is one hide, and another hide there belongs to Salford. The church of St. Mary and the church of St. Michael held in Mamecestre (Manchester) one carucate of land, free from all customs but the gelt. To this manor or hundred belonged twenty-one berewicks, which so many thanes held for so many manors. In which there were eleven hides and a half and ten carucates and a half of land. The woods there are nine leagues and a half long and five leagues and a furlong broad. - One of these thanes, Gamel, holding two hides of land in Recedham (ROCHDALE), was free of all customs but these six—viz. theft, heinfare, forestel, breach of the peace, not keeping the term set him by the reeve, and continuing a fight after an oath given to the contrary. The fine for these was forty shillings. Some of these lands were free from every custom except gelt, and some were free even from the gelt. The whole manor of Salford with the hundred rendered thirty-seven pounds and four shillings. Of this manor there are now in the demesne two carucates and [there are] eight serfs and two villeins with one carucate. The demesne is worth one hundred shillings. # the land of this manor these knights hold, by the gift of Roger de Poictou : [i.e.] Nigel three hides and half-a-carucate of land, Warin, two carucates of land, another Warin one carucate and a half, Goisfrid one carucate, and Gamel two carucates of 1. Forestel (to steal before another), was the assaulting or ob- hind-departing) was a forfeiture for flight for murder, for killing structing of any person on the king's highway. Heinfºre (q.d. the lord's servant or hind, or for enticing or inveigling him away. 4. E 26 Ǻr #istory of 3Lancashire. ÚHAP. III. land. In these [lands] there are three thanes and thirty villeins, and nine bordars, and one priest, and ten serfs : they have twenty-two carucates amongst them. The whole is worth seven pounds. IN LEYLAND HUNDRED. Ring Edward held Lailand (LEYLAND). There is one hide and two carucates of land. There is a wood two leagues long and one broad, and an aery of hawks. To this manor there belonged twelve carucates of land, which twelve freemen held as so many manors. In these there were six hides and eight carucates of land. The woods there are six leagues long and three leagues and a furlong broad. The men of this manor and of Salford were not bound by the custom to work at the king's hall, or to mow for him in August. They only made one hay in the wood; and they had the forfeitures for bloodshed and rape. In the other customs of the other manors above [mentioned] they bore their part. The whole manor of Leyland, with the hundred, rendered to the king a farm-rent of nineteen pounds and eighteen shillings and twopence. Of the land of this manor Hirard holds one hide and a half, JRobert holds three carucates, Radulph, two carucates of land, Roger two carucates of land, [and] Walter One carucate of land. There are four radmans, a priest, and fourteen villeins, and six bordars and two neatherds there. They have eight carucates among them. There is a wood three leagues long and two leagues broad, and there are four aeries of hawks there. The whole is worth fifty shillings. It is in part waste. - King Edward held Peneverdant (PENWORTHAM). There are two carucates of land, and it rendered ten pence. There is now a castle there. . In the demesne there are two carucates, and six burgesses, and three radmans, and eight villeins, and four neatherds. They have four carucates among them all. There is half a fishery. There are a wood and aeries of hawks, as in the time of King Edward. It is worth three pounds. - - . In these six hundreds, of Derby, Newton, Warrington, Blackburn, Salford, and Leyland, there are one hundred and eighty- eight manors. In which there are eighty hides, less one, rateable to the gelt. In the time of King Edward the whole was worth one hundred and forty-five pounds and two shillings and two pence. When Roger of Poictou received it from the king, it was worth one hundred and twenty pounds. The king now holds it, and has in his demesne twelve carucates, and [there are] nine knights holding a fee. Amongst them and their men there are one hundred and fifteen carucates and three oxen. The demesne which JRoger held is valued at twenty-three pounds and ten shillings. What he bestowed on his knights, at twenty pounds and eleven shillings. [NORTH LANCASHIRE, Surveyed under Yorkshire, AMOUNDERNESS. In Prestume (PRESTON) Earl Tosti had six carucates rateable to the gelt, and to it these lands belong — Estun (ASHTON-ON-RIBBLE) two carucates; Lea (LEA) one carucate; Salewic (SALWICK) one carucate; Cliftun (CLIFTON) two carucates; Newtune (NEWTON with SCALEs) two carucates; Frecheltun (FRECKLETON) four carucates; Rigbi (RIBBY with WRAY) six carucates. . Chicheham (KIRKHAM) four carucates; Treueles (TREALEs) two carucates; Westbi (WESTBY) two carucates; Plumtun (LITTLE PLUMPTON) two carucates; Widetun (WEETON) three carucates; Pres (PREESE) two carucates; Wartum (WARTON) four carucates. Lidun (LYTHAM) two carucates; Meretum (MARTON in POULTON) six carucates; Latum (LAYTON with WARBRECK) six carucates; Staininghe (STAINING) six carucates; Carlemtun (CARLETON) four carucates; Biscopham (BISPHAM) eight carucates. Rushale (Ross ALL) two carucates; Brune (BRINING) two carucates; Torentum (THORNTON) six carucates; Poltum (POULTON in the FYLDE) two carucates; Singletºn (SINGLETON) six carucates; Greneholf (GREENHALGH) three carucates. - Eglestun (ECCLESTON) four carucates; another Eglestun (ECCLESTON, Great and Little) two carucates; Edeleswic (ELSWICK) three carucates; Inscip (INSKIP) two carucates; Sorbì (SOWERBY) One carucate ; Aschebi (NATEBY) one carucate. Michelescherche (ST. MICHAEL-LE-WYRE) one carucate ; Catrehale (CATTERALL) two carucates; Clactune (CLAUGHTON) two carucates; Newhºuse (NEWHOUSE or NEWSHAM) one carucate ; Plumtun (GREAT PLUMPTON) five carucates. Brocton (BROUGHTON) one carucate ; Witingheham (WHITTINGHAM) two carucates; Bartwm (BARTON in PRESTON) four caru- cates; Gusamsarghe (GOOSNARGH) one carucate; Halcium (HAIGHTON) One carucate. - Trelefelt (THRELFALL in the FYLDE) one carucate; Watelei (WHEATLEY) one carucate; Chipinden (CHIPPING) three carucates; Actun (ALSTON) one carucate; Fiscwic (FISHWICK) one carucate; GrimeSarge (GRIMSARGH) two carucates. *º- Bibelcastre (RIBCHESTER) two carucates; Bilevurde (BILLSBOROUGH) two ſor three] carucates; Suenesat (SWAINSET) one caru- cate ; Fortune (FoRTON) one carucate ; Crimeles (CRIMBLEs) one carucate; Cherestanc (GARSTANG) six carucates; Rodecliff (RAWCLIFFE) two carucates; another Rodeclif (RAWCLIFFE) two [or three] carucates; a third Rodecliff (Upper, Middle, and Out) three carucates; Hameltwme (HAMBLETON) two carucates. - Sta/mine (STALMINE) four carucates; Pressovede (PREESALL) six carucates; Midehope (MYTHORP or MYTHOP) one carucate. All these vills belong to Prestume (PRESTON); and there are three churches. In sixteen of these vills there are but few inhabi- tants—but how many there are is not known. The rest are waste. Roger de Poictou had [the whole]. [IN LONSDALE VALE.] In Haltun (HALTON) Manor Earl Tosti had six carucates of land rateable to the gelt. In Aldeclif (ALDCLIFF) two carucates; Tiernººn (THORNHAM) two carucates; Hillum (HILLHAM) one carucate ; Lomcastre (LANCASTER) six carucates; Chercºlomcastre (CHURCH LANCASTER) two carucates. - Hotum (HUTTON) two carucates; Neutum (NEWTON) two carucates; Owretum (OVERTON) four carucates; Middeltwm (MIDDLETON) four carucates; Hietune (HEATON) four carucates; Hessam (HEYSHAM) four carucates. Oxeneclif (OxCLIFF) two carucates; Poltume (POULTON-LE-SANDs) two carucates; Toredholme (TORRISHOLME) two carucates; Schertune (SKERTON) six carucates; Bare (BARE) two carucates; Slime (SLYNE) six carucates. Bodeltone (BOLTON) four carucates; Chellet (KELLET) six carucates; Stopeltierne (STAPLETON-TERNE) two carucates; Newhºuse (NEwsom E) two carucates; Chremeforde (CARNFORTH) two carucates. All these vills belong to Haltune (HALTON). In Witetume (WHITTINGTON) Manor Earl Tosti had six carucates of land rateable to the gelt. In Neutune (NEWTON) two carucates; Ergume (ARKHOLME) six carucates; Ghers?nctume (GRESSINGHAM) two carucates; Hotun (HUTTON) three carucates; Cantesfelt (CANTSFIELD) three carucates. Irebi (IREBY) three carucates; Borch (BURRow) three carucates; Lech (LECK) three carucates [all in Lancashire]. Borctume (BURTON-IN, LONSDALE) four carucates; Bennulfeswic (BARNOLDSWICK) one carucate; Inglestume (INGLETON) [in Yorkshire] six CarucateS. - Castretume (CASTERTON) [in Westmorland] three carucates; Berebrºwne (BARBON) [Westmorland], three carucates; Sedberge (SEDBERGH, in Yorkshire) two carucates; Tiernebi (TIERNSIDE, in Westmorland) six carucates. * - All these vills belong to Witetume (WHITTINGTON). CHAP. III. (ſiſt #istory of £ancashire. 27 TwPLVE MANORS.–In Ovstevvic and Heldetune (AUSTWICK, in Yorkshire, and KILLINGTON, in Westmorland) [there are twelve manors—viz.] Clapeham (CLAPHAM, in Yorkshire), Middeltun (MIDDLETON, Westmorland), Mamzserge (MANSERGH, Westmorland), Cherchebi (KIRKBY-LONSDALE), Lupetun (LUPTON, Westmorland), Prestºn (PRESTON PATRIOK, Westmorland), Holme (HoME, Westmorland), Bortum (BURTON, Westmorland), Hotune (HUTTON ROOF, Westmorland). - - Wartum (WARTON), Clactun (CLAUGHTON), Catun (CATON). These Torſin held for twelve manors, In these there are forty-three carucates rateable to the gelt. Four MANORS,--In. Benétain (BENTHAM, Yorkshire) [there are four manors—viz.] Wininctume (WENNINGTON), Tathaim (TATHAM), Farleton (FARLTON), Tunestalle (TUNSTALL). - Chetel had [these for four manors, and there are in them eighteen carucates rateable to the gelt, and three churches. In Hougun. Manor (HAWGOAT in Dalton, Furness and Furness Fells). Earl Tosti had four carucates of land rateable to the gelt. In ChilveStrevic (KILLERWICK) three carucates; Sourebi (SOWERBY) three carucates; Hietun (HEATON) four carucates; Daltune DALTON) two carucates; Warte (SWARTH) two carucates; Newtºn (NEWTON) six carucates. - Walletum (WALTON) six carucates; Suntum (SANTON) two carucates; Fordebodele two carucates; Rosse (Roos Pſert (HERT) two carucates; Lies (LEECE) six carucates; another Lies (LEECE) two carucates. 1 Glassertum (GLEASTON) two carucates; Steintum (STAINTON) two carucates; Clivertum (CLIVERTON)2 four carucates; Ouregrive ORGRAVE, now called TITEUP) three carucates; Meretum (MARTON, alias MARTIN) four carucates; Pennigetum (PENNINGTON) two carucates; Gerleuuorde (KIRKBY-IRELETH) two carucates; Borch (BURRow) six carucates; Berretseige (BARDSİy) four carucates; Witingham, (WITTINGHAM) four carucates; Bodele (BOOTLE, in Cumberland) four carucates. Santacherche (KIRK-SANTON) one carucate; Hougénaï (WALNEY) six carucates. All these vills belong to Hougun (FURNEss). NINE MANORS.–In Stircaland (STRICKLAND) [there are nine manors—viz.] Mimet (MINET), Cherchebi (KIRKBy-KENDAL), Helsingetume (HELSINGTON), Steintun (STAINTON), Bodelforde (BODELFORD), Hotum (OLD HUTTON), Bortun (BURTON IN KENDAL, Westmorland), Daltun (DALTON IN KENDAL, Lancashire), Patum (PATTON IN KENDAL, in Westmorland). Gilemichel had these. In them are twenty carucates of land rateable to the gelt. - MANOR.—In Cherchebi (KIRKBY-KENDAL) [Manor] Duvam has six carucates so rateable. MANOR.—In Aldingham (ALDINGHAM in Furness) [Manor] Ernulf had six carucates so rateable. MANOR.—In V/wrestun (ULVERSTON) T'urulf has six carucates so rateable. In Bodeltun (BOLTON with URSWICK) there are six carucates; in Dene (DEAN) one carucate. E) six carucates; THE KING's LAND IN CRAVEN, WEST RIDING, YoFKSHIRE, In Mellinge (Melling), Hornebi (HORNBY), and Wenningetum (WENINGTON) [Manor], Ulf had nine carucates rateable to the gelt. THE LAND OF ROGER OF POICTOU. In the two Manors of Lanesdale and CoCreham (LONSADLE and COCKERHAM) Ulf and Machel had two carucates rateable to the gelt. In the three Manors of Estun (ASHTON), Ellhale (Ellel), and Scozforde (SCOTFORTH) Cliber, Machern, and Ghilemichel, had six carucates liable to the gelt ; [i.e., in Estun two carucates] in Ellhale (ELLEL) two carucates; in Scožforde (SCOTFoRTH) two carucates. In Biedun. Manor (BEETHAM, Westmorland), Earl Tosti had six carucates rateable to the gelt ; Roger of Poictou now has them, and Ernulin, a priest under him. In Jalant (YEALAND CONYERs) four carucates; in Fareltun (FARLETON) four carucates; in Prestºwn (PRESTON RICHARD, Westmorland) three carucates. In Bereuwice (BORWICK) two carucates; in Hennecastre (HINGASTER, Westmorland) two carucates; in Eureshaim (HEVERs- HAM, Westmorland) two carucates; in Lefuenes (LEVENS, Westmorland) two carucates. 8 Of the different ranks of men mentioned in the Domesday Survey, it may be stated briefly that the barons were of two classes—the greater, or king's barons, who held directly of the crown; and the smaller barons, or those of the county, who held under the earl. Thane was the Saxon equivalent for the Norman baron. At the period of Domesday Survey thanes were, however, of three classes:–(1.) The King's thanes, holding directly from the crown; (2) Those holding under nobles, lords of mesne manors, or vavasors; and (3) Franklins, freeholders, or yeomen, called thanes from their lands being hereditary and their tenure free. Again, there were two classes of thanes—the ecclesiastic, called in Saxon Mass-Thanes, and the temporal or secular thanes. Both of these were again divided into two classes; the greater thanes were next in rank to earls, being the king's thanes, and called Barones Regis. The inferior the Saxons called the less thanes, without any addition, as the Smaller barons, such as lords of manors, the less valvasores, or vavasors, and freeholders. After the invasion of the Normans, many military men of that rank and appella- tion, endowed with the title of knight, were called by the name of thanes, and afterwards of milites or equites —knights. Free-men were all holders of land by free, as distinguished from servile, tenure. Radmans or road-men, were probably riders or horsemen, not always free ; drenghes were a sort of allodial tenants, between the freemen and the villeins, rendering services to the lord, but personally exempt from the perform- ance of them, which was done by the villeins holding under them. Bordars held their small portions of land by the service of supplying the lord's board or table with poultry, eggs, and other small articles of food. The neatherds (bovarii) or hinds tended the cattle, etc., and were less servile than the villeins, whose tenure and service were servile, and who were either regardant, or attached to the land, or in gross—i.e. attached to the person of their lord, who was able to sell or dispose of them at his pleasure. The serfs (servi) were bond men and women employed only in and about their lord's house. The villeins appear to have corresponded to the Saxon ceorls, as the serfs did to the Saxon theows or slaves. 1 Fordebodele, Hert, and one of the two Leeces, were all on the coast, and are said to have been washed away by the sea.—W. JBedmont. * Cliverton has been washed away by the sea.—W. B. 8 Under the heads “Yorkshire, the land of Gospatric, West Riding,” and “The king's land in Yorkshire,” Mr. Beamont has introduced the following two entries, which are not found in this part of the Domesday Survey, as photo-zincographed, but which umdoubtedly relate to Ulverstone, the capital of Furness in Lanca- shire:—“In Ulvestone [ULVERSTONE] manor, Gospatric had six caru- cates of land rateable to the gelt. The land is three carucates. There are now there four villeins, but they do not plough. The vill is a league long, and half as broad. In King Edward’s time it was worth twenty shillings, now ten shillings.” “In Ulvestone [ULVERSTONE] manor, Gospatric held six carucates rateable to the gelt. The land is two carucates.” 28 Çür £igtorg of 3Lantasijire. CHAP. III, The great baronial proprietors, both Saxon and Norman, of the “Honor of Lancaster,” were amongst the most unfortunate of their order. The earls Morcar and Tosti had suffered the fate so common to men in exalted stations in those turbulent times; and Roger de Poictou, the third son of Roger de Montgomery, though endowed with three hundred and ninety-eight manors, as the reward of the services rendered by his family to the Conqueror, was doomed to surrender them all as the price of his rebellion. The proprietors, at the time of taking the survey, had greatly increased in number, and the manners and customs of the people, as developed in the survey of the six hundreds between the Mersey and the Ribble, form the most valuable feature of this ancient record.' The tenure by which the thanes held the land in the hundred of Derby was —two ores of pennies for a carucate : this must have been most indulgent as far as the rent was concerned, but the obligation to build the king's houses, to attend his fisheries, to repair his fences, and to reap his harvest, would add not a little to the pressure upon the thanes. Such was the inequality of the laws in these times, that in some districts—Orrel, Halsall, and Everton, for instance—the occupiers were exempt not only from the principal tax (dane-geld), but they were exonerated from the punishment justly due to some crimes of the greatest enormity; while in other places, the offence of rape, and of the tenant absenting himself from the shire-mote or hundred court, were to be punished with the same severity—viz, a fine of ten shillings! It appears also that there were in these six hundreds one hundred and eighty-eight manors, and that their annual value, when Roger de Poictou received them from the king, was scarcely equal to that of a small estate in our times. The contrast between the nature of landed possessions in this district, in the time when the dane-geld tax was enforced in 1086, and the time when the property-tax existed in 1814, is most striking ; in the former all the lands between Mersey and Ribble were valued at £120–in the latter at £2,569,761. Allowing for the difference in the value of money at the two periods, the statement will stand thus:— Annual value in 1086, £120 × 110 = £13,200 In 1814 & 2,569,761 Increased value . £2,556,561 The Saxon titles consisted of Etheling, Heretog, Ealderman, and Thane, but they all merged at the Con- quest into the more general and comprehensive title of Norman Baron. At the head of the Capitanei Regni, or chiefs of the realm, in the earlier of these periods, stood the Ethelings. These were noble persons of the first rank, as princes sprung from the blood royal, and were endowed accordingly with great fees and offices in the kingdom. Of this description was Edgar Etheling, but the Conquest deprived him of his inheritance. Amongst the Saxons were certain magistrates called Aldermen. These were princes and governors of pro- vinces, Earls, Presidents, Senators, Tribunes, and the like. They were of different ranks, as Aldermannus totius Angliae (the Alderman of all England), in later times imagined to be capitalis Angliſe Justiciarius (chief justice of England); Aldermannus Regis (king's alderman), so called because he was constituted by the king, or that he exercised regal authority in the province committed to his charge ; Aldermannus Comitatás (of a county), sometimes taken pro Schyreman et pso Comite (for the shireman and the comes or earl himself). The office of Alderman was to inspect the county’s arms, and to raise forces within his jurisdiction ; to repress the refrac- tory, and to promote public justice. The Bishops were nobles inferior in rank to Earls. By the laws of Alfred and Athelstan, the lives of the dignitaries, both in the church and state, were valued, and the rate at which their heads were estimated serves to show their relative dignity. The head of the archbishop, the earl, or satrap, was valued at 15,000 thrymses; the bishop and alderman, at 8000; the Belli Imperator et summus praepositus (the commander and chief officer of war), or vice-comes (sheriff), at 4000 thrymses. From which it appears that the alderman held the middle station between the earl and the sheriff. After the Con- quest, the alderman's office grew out of use, and was superseded almost entirely by the sheriff. - - Honors were hereditable before the Conquest by earls and barons, and for the most part to such as were of the blood-royal ; hence the honor of Lancaster had been possessed successively by earls Tosti and Morcar. By the Norman law, honors became a feudal patrimony of any of the high barons, generally adjoined to the principal seat of the baron. The great baron of Lancashire, Roger de Poictou, so called from having married Almodis of Poictou, ranked amongst the Capitales Barones, holding immediately from the crown. The barons who held of him were called Barones Comitatüs (barons of the county), and held free courts for all pleas and complaints, except those belonging to the earl's Sword. The ancient barons in their lordships or baronies took cognisance of litigation and robberies, and enjoyed and used the privileges which are called sac, Soc, tol, theam, infangthef, outfangthef, fairs, and markets.” The distinction between an honor and a manor consists 1 The appellation Christis Crofte was anciently given to this tract, and it is celebrated as a place of security in troublesome times, in the following metrical prophecy:— forfeitures and fines; Tol, an acquittance from payment of duties or tolls in every part of the kingdom ; Theam, a royalty granted over “When all England is alofte, Safe are they that are in Christis Crofte ; And where should Christis Crofte be But between Ribble and Mersey.” * Sac was the power of administering justice; Sac, of hearing and determining causes and disputes, with the power of levying their villein tenants, as well as over their wives, and children, and goods, to dispose of them at pleasure. Spelman calls it a right of trying their bondmen and serfs. Infangthef was the privilege of trying thieves taken within their lordship ; Outſangtheſ, a royalty granted by the king, with power to try and punish a thief dwelling out of the baron's liberty or fee, for a theft committed out of his jurisdiction, if he be taken within it. (HAP. III, Oſije History ºf 3Lämta&ſjirt. 29 principally in the much greater extent of the former, and in the courts held in each. A manor was composed of demesne and services, to which belong a three weeks' Court, where the freeholders, being tenants of the manor, sit covered, and give judgment in all suits that are there pleading. But an honor has either a Castle, as at Lancaster, or at least the site of a castle, or some principal house of state, and consists of demesnes and services, to which a number of manors and lordships, with all their appurtenances and other regalities, are annexed. To every manor a Court Baron is attached. In an honor, an honourable Court is kept once every year at least, and oftener if required ; at which court all the freeholders of all the manors which stand united to the honor make their appearance, and in which suitors do not sit, but stand bareheaded. Over that court should be hung a cloth of state, with a chair of state, upon which chair should be laid a cushion made of cloth of gold, or what is becoming and decent for a place of honour, and upon which there ought to be embroi- dered the arms belonging to the honor. The barons of the Honor of Lancaster, in the time of the Conqueror, are thus set forth in Kenion's MSS. :— “LIST OF BARONS COM. LANC. under Roger de Poictou. Godefridus, his sheriff of Derby—Yardfridus, Baron of Widnes Paganus Villers, Baron of Warrington-Albertus Grelle, Baron of Manchester-Burun [Byron], Baron of Ratchdale and Totington— Ilbert Lacy, Baron of Clitheroe-Warinus, Baron of Newton—Warinus Busli or Bushel, Baron of Penwortham—Roger de Mont- begon, Baron of Hornby—William Marshall, Baron of Cartmel—Michael Flemingus, Baron of Glaston—William de Lancaster and Robert de Furness, Barons of Ulverston—Wil. de Lancaster, Baron of Nether Wiresdal—Theobaldus Walter, Baron of Weeton.” N.B. -Another copy says, “Theob. Pincerna” (i.e. the Butler). - In tracing the barony of Lancaster, we find the founder of this illustrious house to have been Ivo de Talebois, otherwise Taillebois, otherwise Talboys, of the house of Anjou, who came over with the Conqueror, and who, in virtue of his marriage with Lucy, the sister of the Saxon earls Edwin and Morcar, seconded by the favour of his prince, obtained a large portion of the north of Lancashire, and so much of Westmorland as comes under the designation of the barony of Kendal. The Richmond Fee, the Marquis Fee, and the Lumley Fee, formed portions of this barony, and William, the great-grandson of Ivo de Talebois, first caused himself, by royal license, to be called William de Lancaster and baron of Kendal, before the king in parliament. “SUCCESSION OF THE BARONS OF LANCASHIRE.-1. Sheriff of Derby, Godfrid, Peverel, Ferrers. 2. Castellan of Liverpool, Molineux, 3. Barony of Widness, divided between Lacy and Grelly. 4. Barony of Warington, Paganus, afterwards Butler, 5. Barony of Newton, Langton. 6. Barony of Manchester, Grelly [La Warre], West, Mosley. 7. Barony of Rochdale, Baldwin Teu- tonicus, afterwards Byron. 8. Barony of Cliderow, Lacy, the Crown, Monk, Montague. ... 9. Barony of Penwortham, Bussel, Lacy, the Priory, Fleetwood. 10. Barony of Hornby, Roger de Montbegon. 11, Barony of Furnes, Michael Fleming. 12. Barony of Wiresdale, Wm. de Lancaster. 13. Barony of Weeton and Amounderness, Theobald Walter.” “STATIONS OF THE ANCIENT BARONS.”—Roger de Poictou, Earl of Lancaster, prudently stationed his barons in the most vulnerable places, to preserve his earldom in quiet —l. He built a castle at Liverpool against the passage over the water from Cheshire, and there placed his trusty friend, Vivian Molineux, to be governor and castellanus, in the utmost limits of his earldom ;8 and for his greater assistance he placed near him at Derby his vicecomes, Godefridus; and not far above, at or Opposite Runcorn, being another passage out of Cheshire, he fixed Yardfrid, another baron, at Widnes; and a little above that, at Warrington, another passage, and near unto the church, was the seat of another barony, given to Paganus Villers, to defend the ford at Latchford, before a bridge was made at Warrington; and a little distance, at Newton, was the seat of the Banisters, a barony in King John's time, to strengthen the former, and opposite a high ford or boat called Holyn Fare Passage, out of Cheshire, at Straitford, as well as to keep guard against another Cheshire barony, called Stockport, he placed Albertus Grelle, an eminent baron ; then approaching the hilly mountain from Yorkshire, at a different passage from Ratchdale, an ancient barony, afterwards succeeded by Lord Buryn, the present baron thereof; then ascending easterly among those hills at Clidero, he placed Ilbert Lacy, a baron, near the adjacent passage into Yorkshire; and more northward, not far from his own castle at Lancaster, at Hornby, he placed Roger de Montbegon. Then upon the northern boundary, from the Scots in Cumberland, was placed at Gleston, Michael Flandrensis; and shortly after the abbot of Furnes, (4th W. Rufus, 1090-1), placed upon the west part, possessing the Foldra and Walney, who convened with William de Lancaster; and long afterwards the king bestowed the same upon Ingelianus de Guyas in marriage with his sister; afterwards it was alienated, and came to the possession of the families of Kirkby and Tells. From thence returning southward to Kartmel, which in King John’s time came to William de Marshall, governor to King Henry III., and proceeding southward on the river Wyre, one side guarded by William de Lancaster, lord of that part of the barony of Netherwyrsdal, belonging likewise to the lords of Furness, and the other side environed with the barony of Weeton, which (temp. W. Rufus) was an appendant to the barony of Penwortham, and bestowed upon Abardus Bussell, brother of Warinus Bussell, and continued in the renowned noble family of Theobaldus Pincerna, from whom proceeded the duke of Ormond. And lastly, on that famous estuary of Ribble, at Penwortham, where remained an ancient castle from the time of the Saxons, here was placed the barony given to Warinus Bussell, who had this place bestowed upon him temp. William the Conqueror, though it had then no baron, Leyland and great part of Amounderness did anciently belong to the Bussells, for in the survey temp. Will. I., I find one Rog. de Busli and Albert Greslet, who had Blackburn hundred, and afterwards, upon division between them, Greslet had part of Leyland hundred, as Brindle, Worthington, etc. . . . . . and a knight's fee in Dalton, Wright- ington, and P. . . .4 which he gave in marriage with a daughter to Öne Orme, the son of Edward, of Ashton-under-Line. Mont- begon had another part of Leyland hundred, which he held as annexed to Hornby, as most part of Croston parish—viz. Croston, 1 From Percival’s MSS. The barony of Cartmel appears to be omitted. 2 From Kenion’s MSS. * A castellanus is the prefect or governor of a castle, acting there in place of the lord, and sometimes called castaldus, gastaldius ; his office is called castaldia, Castallamea being first the name of an office and afterwards of a dignity. These castelians were appointed by dukes and earls, who enjoyed vast territories, and in some fortified places stationed military guards or garrisons to repel enemies. They were civil judges, to determine the disputes of the people. Having become powerful, and the sons often succeeding to the father's office, they at last obtained from the lords the right of holding office in fee; and by little and little passing the bounds of their jurisdiction, they transformed the Wand of an inferior justice into the sword of the Superior, making the force of the dignity to consist more in the fulness of baronial power, than in the mere name of baron. Spelman, p. 128, voce Castellanus. 4 Probably Parbold. 30 (Iije 39tgtorg of £antaghire. CHAP. III. Madeley, Chorley, Haskenmore, Tarlton, and Hole, formerly part of Warinus's Barony, belonged to the Willers, and afterwards to Montbegon, as likewise Sherington, Welsh Whittle, and Chernoe Gogard, Adlington, and Duxbury, belonged to Greslet. W. B. The baron of Warington had divers territories in Derby hundred to be assistant to the baron of Derby, and a fee or two in the hundred of Amounderness, as the baron of Manchester held divers fees in the hundred of Leyland; the baron of Newton a knight's fee in Blackburn hundred,” etc." The more particular succession of the barons of Lancashire will be most advantageously treated in the hundreds to which the baronies belong; but the rise of the honor into a duchy, and the achievements of the noble and royal house of Lancaster, from the Conquest to the period when they attained the consummation of their dignity, by giving a sovereign to the throne of England, belong to this portion of our history. The castle of Lancaster, built by Roger de Poictou, not only served as a military fortress to preserve the power of his royal benefactor, but it was used also as the baronial residence. It appears from the “Baronia de Manchester,” that Robert Busli held Blackburn hundred on a temporary tenure only for three years, hence it was not appropriated before Lacy was its lord; and the probability is, that he held under De Poictou. In the reign of Rufus, Roger de Poictou granted a charter to our Lady of Lancaster, to which Albert Greslet, the first baron of Manchester, was a witness.” In the interval between the first division of property, under the Norman dynasty and the Domesday Survey, the possessions of Roger were forfeited to the crown, by his defection from the royal cause. The honor of Lancaster was, however, restored to him in the time of William Tufus, but it was finally alienated on the banishment of Roger, in the 2d Henry I. (1102). From that time it remained in the crown till it was bestowed on Ranulf de Bricasard (styled also De Meschines), the third earl of Chester. The precise time when this grant was made, and the circumstances which called for so strong a manifestation of the royal bounty, are not ascertained; but the following translation of an almost illegible charter in the British Museum sufficiently authenticates the fact.” - “RANULF, Earl of Chester, to his constable, dapifer, justiciaries, sheriffs, and bailiff, that are betwixt Ribble and Mersey, and to all his men, French and English, greeting:—Know me to have granted and confirmed to the Abbot of Evesham, and the Monks there serving God, all possessions, lands, and tenements, and all liberties given and granted by Warin and Albert Buissel in all things; and also that they may have their courts in Hocwice of all their tenants, as truly as I have mine at Penwortham, for him and all his tenants, housebote and haybote, for building or burning, and useful for all other his necessities, without disturbance of me, or of any in my name, or of any other whatsoever. I also will and firmly command, that no man against the same monks, con- cerning my grant and confirmation, shall interfere upon any occasion, exaction, or confirmation. I will warrant the aforesaid Abbot, Convent, and their successors, without fine or demand, for fear or my forfeiture, but they shall hold the same freely and honourably in all places; and I, Ranulf, and my heirs, the aforesaid concession and confirmation to the aforesaid Abbot and their successors will warrant and without fine.—Teste meipso.” * It is right to state that these lists of baronies and barons, derived from the MSS. of Kenion and Percival, have no satisfactory authority.—H. * Kuerden’s MSS., folio 271. 3 Harl, MSS. cod. 7386. k . §: - § CHAP. Iv. (The #istory of lancashire. 31 . CHAPTER IV. Territory of South Lancashire (between Ribble and Mersey), successively the Possession of Earls of Chester, of the Ferrers Earls of Derby, and of Edmund Crouchback, first Earl of Lancaster—His son Thomas, second Earl, executed, whose brother Henry, third Earl, was succeeded by his son Henry, fourth Earl, created first Duke of Lancaster, and called “the Good Duke”—John of Gaunt, second Duke—Creation of the Duchy and its Privileges— The County Palatine, its Chancery Court, etc.—A.D. 1128 to 1399. - sº a ºf URING the disturbed reign of Stephen, Ranulf or Randle “de Gernons,” the earl of Chester, sº possessed himself of a third part of the whole realm of England," and amongst his possessions º Ž º % were the lands ceded to his father between the Ribble, and the Mersey. From Ranulf or Randle, the son, they descended to Hugh de Kevelioc, and Ranulf or Randle, surnamed “de º - 7 w g } § ~ • eN º Blundeville,” son of Hugh, and grandson of the second Randle. Ranulf de Blundeville, in 13 Jºãº) Henry III. (1228), had a confirmation from the king of all his lands between the Ribble and 3. the Mersey, and was made chief lord, under the king, of the whole county of Lancaster, with all its forests, hays, homages, and other appurtenances. At the same time he executed the office of sheriff by his deputies in the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and ninth years of that king. Ranulf paid down forty marks of silver for these lands to Roger de Maresey, and afterwards two hundred marks more ; and agreed further to render annually, at Easter, a pair of white gloves, or one penny, for all services whatsoever. This earl, after enjoying his pos- Sessions for many years, died in 1231; and leaving no issue, his whole inheritance was shared by his four sisters and co-heiresses. Maud, the eldest, married David, earl of Huntingdon, brother to William, king of Scots; Mabil, the next, married William de Albini, earl of Arundel; Agnes, the third sister, married William, Tarl Ferrers, the sixth in lineal descent from Robert de Ferrers, raised by King Stephen to the earldom of Terby, for his prowess at the battle of the Standard, in the third year of the king (1137). The heirs of the first earl of Derby were usually called Earls Ferrers, though they were likewise earls of Derby. This Agnes had the castle of Chartley, in Staffordshire, and the lands in that part of Wales called Powis; and also the manor of West Derby, and all Earl Ranulf's lands between the Ribble and Mersey; with Buckbrock in Northampton- shire, and Navenby in Lincolnshire. In the eighth Henry III. (1223-4), William, Earl Ferrers, was constituted governor of the castle and honor of Lancaster;" and the next year he executed the sheriff's office for this county for three parts of the year, as he did likewise for the whole of the tenth and the eleventh years of the king's reign (1225-7). In addition to £50 for the relief of the lands of his wife's inheritance, he and she were bound to pay yearly a goshawk, or fifty shillings, into the king's exchequer, as had been usual for lands lying between the rivers Ribble and Mersey. In 26 Henry III. (1241), he gave a fine of £100 to the king for the livery of the three hundreds of West Derby, Leyland, and Salford, which had been seized into the king's hands for certain misdemeanors of his bailiffs. This earl died on the 20th of September 1247, and his countess sur- vived him only one month—they having lived together as man and wife seventy-seven years. William, Earl Ferrers, son and heir of the above earl and countess, had livery of his lands and castle in the year 1247; and the next year he obtained a mandate to the sheriff of Lancashire for the enjoyment of such lands between Ribble and Mersey, as his uncle Ranulf, earl of Chester, formerly possessed. He also obtained a charter for free warren, for himself and his heirs, in all his demesne, throughout his lordships in Lancashire and elsewhere. Three years afterwards he procured a special grant from the king of such officers, for conservation of the peace between Ribble and Mersey, as Ranulf, earl of Chester, formerly had ; which officers were maintained at the expense of the inhabitants. By Margaret, his second wife, one of the daughters and co-heiresses of Roger de Quincy, earl of Winchester, he had two sons; Robert succeeded him in the earldom of Derby, and settled at Groley, in Leicestershire. This unfortunate earl took part with Simon de Montfort, and was deprived of his earldom and all his estates in 1265; among which were all his lands between Ribble and Mersey. These possessions Henry III. united with the honor of Lancaster, and gave to Edmund Crouchback, his youngest son, who, by that king's creation, was the first earl of Lancaster. * Nichols's Leicestershire, to which we have been much indebted * Dugdale's Baron. ex Pat. 8 Hen. III. m. 12. There were eight for the historical materials relating to the illustrious house of Lan- earls of Derby of this family, whose name seems to have been caster.—B. spelled Ferrars ; whilst that of their descendants, of Chartley, Tamworth, and Groby, is usually spelled Ferrers.-H. 32 The pistory ºf Lancashire. CELAP. IV. EARIS OF LANCASTER Edmund Crouchback was the distinguished favourite of his father; and on St. Luke's Day (October 18), in the year 1253, the king convened many of his nobles, along with the bishop of Romania, who came to him from Pope Innocent IV., and, having brought a ring from his Holiness, used it as a symbol to invest Edmund with the dominion of Sicily and Apulia, whereupon he had the title of king of Sicily. This grant produced some of the most important events in our history; amongst others, the association of the barons against Henry III. ; the appointing of conservators of the peace in this and the other counties of England; and the settling of the democratical part of our constitution on a permanent basis by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, while the king was his prisoner. Prince Edmund, about the same time that he took the title of king of Sicily, was made earl of Chester. Upon Innocent's death, Alexander IV. confirmed Prince Edmund in the grant of the kingdom of Sicily in due form; but Pope Urban IV., by a bull in 1263, revoked the deed, and Edmund renounced the claim to the crown of that kingdom. The prince was amply compen- sated for the loss of that imaginary power, for on the 4th of August 1265, his brother Edward having defeated the earl of Leicester and his adherents in the battle of Evesham, the king, by his letters-patent, bearing date the 25th of October, created him earl of Leicester, giving him there with the honor of Hinckley and the stewardship of England. The next year he received from his royal father the honor, town, and castle of Derby, with all the effects belonging to Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby. In addition to other grants, he received also the honor, earldom, castle, and town of Lancaster, with the forests of Wiresdale and Lonesdale." The following year the king announced to his knights, vassals, and other tenants of the honor of Lancaster, that he had given to his son Edmund that honor, with the wards, reliefs, and escheats attached to it. In the same year, during the king's residence at York, he issued a declaration, from which it appears that, although he granted the possessions in the county of Lancaster to his son Edmund for his sustentation, that grant was not to operate to the injury of Roger de Lancaster. The royal bounty was still further extended in the following year by a grant from the king of possessions forfeited by the treason of Simon de Montfort.” In the year 1284 Edward I., in an inspeximus, dated at Lincoln on the 18th of August, confirmed the grant of the honor of Lancaster made by Henry III. to his brother Edmund, and forbids the sheriffs of Norfolk, Suffolk, Lincoln, Nottingham, Leicester, Derby, York, Rutland, and Stafford, or their officers, from entering the honor of Lancaster.” \ * In a footnote on this page Mr. Baines gives the substance of various royal grants, etc., to Edmund Crouchback, in the original Latin, for which we have substituted an English translation of the essential parts of these documents : — 1. (51 Henry III. 1266-67).-The king grants to Edmund, his son, his castle of Kenilworth, and that he may have free chace and free warren in all demesne lands and woods belonging to the castle. - 2. (Idem).-The king grants to the forenamed Edmund the honor, castle, and manor of Monmouth, with appurtenances. 3. (Idem).-The king grants to the forenamed Edmund the castles of Grossemunde, Skenefrith, and Blaunchastel. 4. (June 30, 51 Henry III. 1267).-Henry, king, etc., grants, etc., to our most dear son Edmund, the honor, earldom, castle, and vill of Lancaster, with the vaccaries and forests of Wiresdale and Lonsdale, and Newcastle-under-Lyne ; and the manor, castle, and forest of Pickering; and our vill of Gounemecestr [Godman- chester]; and the rent of our vill of Huntingdon, with all appur- tenances. To have, etc., with knights’ fees, advowsons of churches, charters, liberties, customs, and all other things, to the honor, earldom, castle, vills, demesne, vaccaries, forests, and rent aforesaid, appertaining, etc. Witnesses—John de Warren, earl of Surrey; Humfrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford and Essex; Philip Basset ; Roger de Somery; Alan la Rusche ; Stephen de Eddeworthe ; Bartholomew le Bigod, and others. Given by our hand at St. Paul’s, London, 30th June, in the 51st year of our reign [1267]. * Three more Latin documents are appended in notes to this page, of which the following is the substance:— . 1. (52 Henry III. 1268).—The king, to the knights, freemen, and all other tenants of the honor of Lancaster, greeting. Whereas we have lately given to Edmund our son the aforesaid honor, with wards, reliefs, escheats, and all other things appur- tenant and belonging to that honor, etc. We command that to the same Edmund and his heirs, in all things that to the same honor belong, ye may be attentive (or maintenant) and answering. Witness the king at Westminster, 8th February, 52d year of his reign. [8th February 1268.] 2. (52 Henry III. 1268).-The king, etc. : Whereas we formerly (or lately) committed to our beloved and faithful Roger de Lancas- ter our county of Lancaster, with appurtenances, that he might have its keeping while he lived, so that he rendered to us yearly one hundred marks [æ66:13:4] to our exchequer; and afterwards that county, with its appurtenances, we granted to our most dear son Edmund towards his maintenance : We, willing in this respect to the same Roger, make our special promise to him in good faith, that in the premises we will preserve him free from any injury to which he may be liable at times. Witness the king, at York, 15th September, 52d year of his reign. [15th September 1268.] 3. (53 Henry III. 1269).-The king to all his bailiffs, etc.: Whereas by our charter we have given and granted to our son Edmund the honor, will, and castle of Leicester, and all the lands and tenements of the same honor, with knights' fees and other its appurtenances, which formerly belonged to Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, our enemy, and which, according to the law and custom of our kingdom, by the war which he excited against us in our kingdom, and by the battle in which at Evesham he, our enemy, was slain, became forfeit and escheated to us—to have, etc., to the same Edmund for ever :—We, willing to show our grace more fully to the same son, grant to him the stewardship of England, which the same Simon formerly had, to have, etc., for the whole of his life, with all things pertaining to the said stewardship, of our special grace. Witness the king, at Windsor, 9th May, in the 53d year of his reign. [9th May 1269.] * This inspeximus of Edward I. recites the original grant of his father Henry III., and confirms it —The king, etc. We have inspected the letters which our father the Lord Henry [III.], of renowned memory, made to our dearest brother Edmund, earl of Lancaster, in these words:—“Henry, etc., to the sheriffs of the counties [named in the text], and to all other sheriffs and stewards in whose bailiwicks the honor of Lancaster exists, greeting.” [After reciting the grant of the honor, etc., this confirmation forbids the sheriffs enumerated either to enter themselves or to send or permit their bailiffs to enter or intermeddle with anything belonging to that honor, or to the men of the honor, unless re- quired to do so by the bailiffs of his said son. If any of them or their bailiffs should find or discover anything of those which to CEIAP. IV. Oſije #i8tory of 3Lancashire, 33 These vast possessions laid the foundation of the future greatness of the house of Lancaster; the power and influence of which increased to such a magnitude as ultimately to seat the family on the throne of these realms. In 21 Edward I. (129I) Prince Edmund procured license to make a castle of his house in the parish of St. Clement Danes, in the county of Middlesex, called the Savoy; and he founded that house of nuns of the order of St. Clara, called the Minoresses, without Aldgate, in London. He also was the chief builder of the Grey-friars house in Preston, in this county. This great earl, by Blanch, his second wife, daughter of Robert, earl of Artois, (third son of Lewis VIII, king of France) and widow of Henry of Navarre, had three sons—Thomas, Henry, and John, and a daughter. In 24 Edward I. (1296) being sent with the earl of Lincoln and twenty-six bannerets into Gascony, they sat down before Bordeaux; but, seeing no likelihood of its surrender, they marched to Bayonne. Here their army began to dissolve, on account of their treasure being exhausted, and Prince Edmund became so much affected by the embarrassments of their situation, that he fell sick and died, about the feast of Pentecost (May 13), 1296. . - Thomas, earl of Lancaster, the eldest son and immediate successor of Prince Edmund, did homage in 26 Edward I. (1297-8), and had livery of his lands, except the dowry of Blanch, his mother. After this cere- mony, he marched into Scotland through Lancashire, the king himself being in the expedition. Being sheriff of Lancashire by inheritance, he appointed Richard de Hoghton his deputy in that office; in the next year he was summoned to parliament by the king. In 4 Edward II. (1310), he married Alice, the sole daughter of Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, and, in virtue of that marriage, became possessed of the castles and lands belonging to that distinguished house. With this accession of property, the earl of Lancaster became the most opulent, as well as the most powerful subject in England, and possessed in his own right, and that of his wife, no fewer than six earldoms, attended with all the jurisdictions and power which in that age, and under the feudal system, were annexed to landed possessions. In the following year he was the chief of those nobles who entered into a combination against Piers de Gaveston, the king's Gascon favourite, with the avowed intention of defending the religion of the state, and restoring the people's liberties. Being made choice of by the barons for their general, the earl of Lancaster sent messengers to the king, requiring the delivery of Piers into their hands, or that he should be banished the realm. Such was the inveteracy of the nobles against the royal favourite, that it is said that Henry de Lacy charged the earl of Lancaster upon his deathbed that he should maintain his quarrel against Gaveston. This injunction the earl faithfully obeyed, and, after a protracted struggle with the king, the earls of Lancaster, Hereford, and Arundel, having seized Gaveston in the castle of Warwick, struck off his head without the formality of a trial. The king soon after hearkened to terms of accommodation, and granted to the earl of Lancaster, and to the other delinquent barons, pardon of their offence, stipulating only that they should, on their knees, ask his forgiveness in public." With these mild conditions they very cheerfully complied, and, having made their submission, they were again received into the royal favour. Gaveston was succeeded in the royal confidence by Hugh le T]espenser, or Spenser, and by his father, a venerable nobleman, whose wisdom and moderation were not sufficient to check the opposite qualities in his son. No sooner was Edward's attachment declared for the Spensers, than the turbulent barons, headed again by the earl of Lancaster, concerted plans for their ruin, and manifested their discontent by withdrawing from parliament. One gross act of injustice so alarmed the earl of Hereford, that he complained to Thomas earl of Lancaster, who thereupon mustered a number of the barons, with their adherents, at Shireburne; and from thence marched, armed and with banners, to St. Alban's, with the determination to reform the administration of the government. The barons next marched to London with all their forces, stationed themselves in the neighbourhood of that city, and exhibited before the parliament, which was then sitting, charges against the Spensers, who were both of them at that time absent from the country. These charges the lay-barons declared to be proved, and passed a sentence of attainder and perpetual exile against the ministers. The commons, though now an estate in parliament, were yet so little considered, that their assent was not required; and even the votes of the prelates were dispensed with on the present occasion. To secure themselves against consequences, the barons obtained from the king an indemnity for their illegal proceedings.” The following year the king raised a powerful army, with which he marched into Wales, and so far recovered confidence in his own strength as to recal the Spensers. |Many of the barons, considering their cause hopeless, sent in their submission; but the earl of Lancaster, in order to prevent the total ruin of his party, Summoned together his vassals and retainers, and, having re- ceived the promise of reinforcements, advanced with his forces against the king, who had collected an army of thirty thousand men. The earl, being aware of the inferiority of his own force, despatched into Lancashire Sir Robert de Holland (whom he had advanced from the humble office of his butler to the dignity of knighthood, with a stipend of two thousand marks [#1333] per annum), to bring up five hundred men out of that county. The required force was raised without difficulty, but the perfidious knight, instead of bringing them to the that honor belong, they are without delay to render it to the reign.” (18th August 1268.)—We accept these letters ſpatent] for bailiffs of his said son. They are not to distrain on any tenants of ourselves and our heirs in the form aforesaid, etc. the honor, unless required by the bailiffs of the earl.] “Witness 1. Ryley, p. 538. myself at Lincoln, the 18th day of August, in the 52d year of our * Tottle's Collect, part ii. p. 54. F 34 Qſìje Đistorg of 3Lancagüirº. CHAP. IV. earl, conducted them to the king. Finding himself disappointed of his levies, the earl marched to his castle at Pontefract, the ancient seat of the Lacies. Having called a council of the barons by whom he was surrounded, which sat in the Black-friars in Pontefract, they advised him to march to Dunstanburgh, in Northumberland; but this advice he declined, and resolved to remain at Pontefract ; whereupon Sir Roger de Clifford, one of his knights, drawing out his dagger, swore that he would plunge it into the breast of the earl, if he would not submit to the counsel that had been given to him. Under the influence of these cogent arguments, the earl quitted Pontefract, and marched to Boroughbridge, where, finding the country-people in arms, and William, Lord Latimer, then governor of the city of York, and Sir Andrew de Harcla, Warden of Carlisle and the Marches, ready to encounter him, the battle commenced without delay. The first discharge of arrows from the archers of the royal army proved so fatal to the Lancasterian force, that the earl betook himself to a chapel, which he refused to yield to Harcla, though he saw his force partly dispersed and partly destroyed. Looking on the crucifix in the chapel, he said:—“Good Lord, I render myself to thee, and put myself into thy mercy.” His prayers were unavailing; the royal forces entered the chapel, and the earl was made prisoner. To add indignity to his misfortune, his enemies took off his coat of armour, and, putting upon him one of his men's liveries, they carried him first to York, and afterwards to Pontefract, where he was pelted by the mob, and confined in the tower of the castle. “Being brought into the hall, in the presence of the king, he had sentence of death by these justices, viz. Aymer earl of Pembroke, Edmund earl of Kent, John de Bretaigne, and Sir Robert Malmethorpe. His defence was not listened to by his judges, and the earl, in the bitterness of his complaint, exclaimed—“Shall I die without answer?' After quitting the court, he was exposed to fresh insults, and being set upon a wretched horse, without bridle, he was paraded through the streets with a friar's hood upon his head. On his way to the place of execution, he cried—‘King of heaven, have mercy on me ! for the king of the earth mous ad guerthi [hath abandoned us].” Having arrived at a hill without the town, he knelt down towards the east, until Hugin de Muston caused him to turn his face towards Scotland, when an executioner from London cut off his head.” . A number of the earl’s followers were afterwards condemned and executed; others fled beyond the seas, and, for a time, the public tranquillity was restored. His character is differently estimated. His partisans represented him as a saint ; his enemies, as a sinner, and that of no ordinary magnitude: by the former he is said to have wrought miracles after his death; by the latter he is described as a turbulent subject, an arbitrary master, and a faithless husband. The just way to estimate his character is to make due allowance for the prejudices both of his friends and his enemies; and the conclusion will then be, that he was a munificent benefactor to the poor, a devoted adherent to his own order, and a man of more than ordinary mental powers; while, at the same time, he was ambi- tious, incontinent, and disloyal. Many miracles were reported to have been wrought at the tomb of this earl of Lancaster; and the people flocked in great numbers to the place of his execution, till the king, at the instance of the Spensers, set guards to restrain them. So great indeed was the veneration paid to him, that they worshipped his picture, which, with other things, was painted on a tablet in St. Paul's cathedral, London, till the king, by his special letters to the bishop, dated from York, in June 1323, inhibited them from so doing. Notwithstanding this inhibition, the memory of the deceased earl was cherished with the deepest veneration; and it was generally believed, in that age of superstition, that, in addition to other miracles, blood issued from his tomb. In the reign of Edward III, the king, in compliance with the wishes of his subjects, presented a petition to the pope, beseeching him to grant canonisation to the departed earl Thomas;’ but it does not appear that this Saint was ever added to the calendar. Ancient slander asserts that Alice, the wife of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was repudiated by her husband on account of her familiarity with Ebulo le Strange, a younger son of Lord Strange of Knockin. However this may be, after the death of her husband, she was married by Ebulo without the king's license; and all the lands of her inheritance, which were held of the king in capite, were seized and detained. This confiscation was not relaxed till she delivered up those lands which lay in the counties of Lancaster, Chester, and York, and gave the castle and lordship of Denbigh, in Wales, and also the castle of Bullingbrook, in the county of Lincoln, and lands in other parts of the kingdom, unto Hugh le Despenser, the royal favourite. After being divested of these immense possessions, the lands which she still held amounted to no less a sum in annual value than 3000 marks [f 2000]. At the death of this lady, which occurred in 1348, all the lands of that great inheritance, which descended to her from Henry de Lacy, late earl of Lincoln, by virtue of the grant made by her father and by the grant of King Edward I., came to Henry, earl of Lancaster, afterwards the duke of Lancaster; which lands lay in the Blackburn hundred, Rochdale, Tottington, and Penwortham, in the county of Lancaster; Halton, in the county of Chester; Bowland and Snaith, in the county of York; and divers other parts of the kingdom. A household book of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, preserved in the records of Pontefract, and quoted by Stow, exhibits a curious illustration of the manners and customs of the early part of the fourteenth century. This book, kept by Henry Leicester, his cofferer, shows the amount of the disbursements of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, in his domestic expenses for the year 1313, which were no less than £7359:13:03. At that * Rot. Rom, et Franc, 1 Edw. III, [1327] n. 4 in Turr, Lond. CHAP, IW. (ſiſt #istºry of £antagjire. 35 time silver was of the value of one shilling and eightpence the ounce, or 20s, the lb. troy: his total expenses, therefore, in one year, amounted in our money to about twenty-two thousand pounds—an immense amount, When the great disparity in the price of provisions between that time and this is considered. HOUSEHOLD BOOK OF THOMAS, EARL OF LANCASTER, IN THE YEAR 1313. if S. d. Charge of the pantry, buttery, and kitchen . e gº e * 3405 0 0 To 184 tuns 1 pipe of red or claret wine, and two tuns of white wine 104 17 6 To grocery . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 17 0 To 6 barrels of sturgeon g wº & e g * tº º e & º t te º g tº sº 19 0 0 To 6800 stock-fishes, so-called, and for dried fishes of all sorts, as lings, haberdines [Salted cod], &c. . * - © 41 6 7 To 1714 pounds of wax, Vermilion, and turpentine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 7 44 To 2319 pounds of tallow-candles for the household, and 1870 of lights for Paris candles called perchers gº tº 31 14 3 To charge of the earl’s great horses” and servants' wages . tº e te e & t o º º g 486 4 3% To linen for the earl and his chaplains, and for the pantry . te e º * g * º * g * 43 17 0 To 129 dozen [skins] of parchment, and ink . & {- º e § e & ſº e e e g & 4 8 3% To 2 cloths of scarlet for the earl's use; one of russet for the bishop of Anjou ; 70 of blue for the knights; 28 for the esquires; 15 of medley for the clerks; 15 for the officers; 19 for the grooms; 5 for the archers; 4 for the minstrels and carpenters, with the sharing and carriage for the earl’s liveries at Christmas g º e ſº 460 15 0 To 7 furs of variable miniver, or powdered ermine, 7 hoods of purple, 395 furs of budge” for the liveries of barons, knights, and clerks; 123 furs of lamb, bought at Christmas for the esquires . & * o © * e 147 17 8 To 65 saffron-coloured cloths for the barons and knights in summer; 12 red cloths for the clerks; 26 ray cloths for the esquires, 1 for the officers; and 4 ray cloths” for carpets in the hall. g * § g e g ſº 345 13 8 To 100 pieces of green silk for the knights; 14 budge furs for Surcoats; 13 hoods of budge for clerks; 75 furs of lambs for liveries in summer, with canvas and cords to truss them . * º © e * ſº g & 72 19 O To saddles for the lord’s summer liveries º & * e & º º © © {j e ſº ſº & 51 6 8 To 1 saddle for the earl, of the prince's arms g © tº & º e & te & & t e º 2 0 0 To several items [the particulars in the account defaced] g e * e g tº & * g gº * 241 14 1% To horses lost in the service of the earl. & & e e º * g © tº & ... • & * e 8 6 8 To fees paid to earls, barons, knights, and esquires e . g & g • e * e e & & 623 15 5 To gifts to knights of France, the queen of England's nurses, to the countess of Warren, esquires, minstrels, messengers, and riders . tº e e e tº tº g e g tº iº & e ſº g ſº 92 14 0 To 168 yards of russet cloth, and 24 coats for poor men, with money given the poor on Maundy Thursday . tº 8 16 7 To 24 silver dishes; 24 saucers; 24 cups; 1 pair of paternosters; 1 silver coffer; all bought this year . g & 103 5 6 To diverse messengers about the earl’s business . . . e º G º e e * * º tº g 34 19 8 To sundry things in the earl's chamber. § & ſº ſº e * gº tº ſº * g º g º 5 0 0 To several old debts paid this year . . & o © wº * * > * tº g º iº & tº º 88 16 0; The expenses of the countess at Pickering, in the pantry, buttery, kitchen, &c. . º ſe º ſº $ g 285 13 43, In wine, wax, spices, cloths, furs, &c., for the countess's Wardrobe * & & * * gº g e & 154 7 4, Total . £7359 13 0} A MAXIMUM on the price of provisions was established by a royal proclamation in 1314, by which the following rates were fixed:— The best grass-fed ox alive, 16s; the best grain-fed ox, £1 : 4s. ; the best cow alive and fat, 12s. ; the best hog of two years old, 3s. 4d. ; the best shorn mutton, 1s. 2d.; the best goose, 3d. ; the best capon, 2%d. ; the best hen, 1%d. ; the best chickens, 2 for 1}d. ; the best young pigeons, 3 for 1d. ; 20 eggs, 1d. This maximum, after existing for twelve years, was repealed in the year 1326. Henry, brother and heir of Thomas earl of Lancaster, obtained a grant of the custody of the castles and honor of Lancaster, Tutbury, and Pickering, 20 Edw. II. (1326), and in the following year an act was passed for reversing the attainder of his unfortunate brother; whereupon he became possessed of all the lands and lordships which had been seized on the death of his brother—namely, the earldoms of Lancaster and Leicester, and all the other lands of which Edmund his father, and Thomas his brother, were formerly possessed. This document, which is preserved in the national archives in the Tower of London, serves to shed much light upon the local history of the age." The life of this earl was not remarkable for any great political event 1 The number of the earl’s horses was generally about 1500. * Lambskin, dressed with the wool outwards. 3 Striped cloths. 4 ACT OF RESTITUTION. A.D. 1327, 1st Edward III. (claus. 1 Edward III. p. 1, m. 3, &n Turr. Lond.)—The king to his beloved Adam de Boghier, late farmer of the manor of Berleye, in Co. York, greeting—Whereas we have taken the homage of our beloved and faithful cousin [i.e. kinsman] Henry, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, brother and heir of Thomas, late earl of Lancaster, deceased, for all lands and tene- ments which the same Thomas, his brother, held of the lord Edward, late king of England, our father, in chief, on the day on which he died, and we have restored to him those lands and tenements, and have commanded that they be delivered to him. We, willing to show special grace to the same earl in this respect, grant unto him. all the issues and arrearages of the farms of the lands and tenements which were those of the aforesaid Thomas, on the day on which he died, etc. . [These issues and arrears, from the time when Adam became farmer of the manor, he is to deliver in the aforesaid form, being exonerated by the king.] Witness the king at Stannford, 23d April [1327]. [Then follow the signatures or subscriptions of various functionaries, high and low, of and within the honor of Lancaster—viz.] JOHN DE LANCASTER, custodian of the honor of Lancaster. GEOFFREY DE WERBURTON, sheriff of Lancashire. JOHN DE KYLVYNTON, custodian of the honor of Pykeryng. ROBERT FONCHER, custodian of Melbourne & farmer of the honor of Tuttebury. WILLIAM DAVID the elder, ROBERT DE HILTON, & their fellows, farmers of the vill of Tuttebury. THOMAS DE ROLLESTON, farmer of the will of Rolleston. PHILIP DE SOMERWILL, farmer of the manor of Barton. RICHARD DE WYTHENHULL, NICHOLAS DE SALOPLA, & their fellows, farmers of the manor of Adgersleye. ROBERT LE HUNTE, JOHN DE VERNEY, & their fellows, farmers of the manor of Utoxhather. WILLIAM DAVID, farmer of the manor of Yoxhale. JOHN DE KYNARDESEYE, farmer of the manor of Marchinton. 36 QThe #istory of £ancashire, CHAP. IV. connected with the house of Lancaster. He left issue, by Maud, his wife, Henry, his son and heir, and six daughters: Maud, married to William de Burgh, earl of Ulster, and afterwards to Ralph, son and heir of the earl of Suffolk; Blanch, to the Lord Wake ; Eleanor, 1st to John de Beaumont, earl of Buchan, 2dly to Richard, earl of Arundel, having the pope's dispensation for the same, on account of their affinity, and like- wise because in his tender years he had contracted matrimony with Isabel, the daughter of Hugh le Despenser, his kinswoman in the second degree of consanguinity; Isabel, abbess of Ambresbury; Jane, married to Lord Mowbray; and Mary, to Lord Percy. Henry, son and heir of Henry, surnamed Grismond, from the place of his birth, obtained, in 7 Edward III.(1333), a grant from his father, dated at Kenilworth, 28th December, of the castle and town of Kidwelly, with the whole territory of Carnwathland, etc., and in the 9 Edward III. (1335), he was in the expedition to Scotland, at which time he gave such proof of his valour and military skill, that he obtained from the king a grant of certain lands at Berwick-upon-Tweed, which had belonged to Peter de Kymeringham. On the 7th of April 1336, he was made captain-general of the king's army in that realm; and in May following he received the title of banneret. Two years afterwards he was advanced to the title and dignity of the earl of Derby; having besides the annual fee of £20 per annum (usually given in lieu of the third penny of the pleas of the county, which the earls anciently had), a pension of 1000 marks (£666:13:4), to be received yearly during his father's life, out of the customs of London, Boston, and Kingston-upon-Hull, until the king should otherwise provide for him in lands, or rents, of that value. Shortly after this, King Edward, designing to clear the Isle of Cadsant of the garrison which the French had placed there, sent over this earl with con- siderable forces; where, upon the first encounter, the gallant earl of Derby advanced so far, that he was struck down, when, by the valour of the famous Sir Walter Manney, he was raised up, and placed out of danger; the gallant knight crying, “Lancaster for the earl of Derby.” In 16 Edward III. (1342) the earl was in another expedition into France, having with him of his retinue 5 bannerets, 50 knights, 144 esquires, and 200 archers on horseback; and had for his wages in that service an assignation of a hundred and eighty sacks of wool; taking for himself eight shillings per diem ; for every banneret, four shillings; every knight, two shillings; every esquire, one shilling; and every archer, sixpence. He had also the same year an assignation of 1000 marks for guarding the marches of Scotland. In 18 Edward III. (1344) the earl of Lancaster was engaged in another expedition to the south of France; and, according to Walsingham, after taking the strong town of Brigerac, he subjected no less than fifty- six cities and places of note to the dominion of King Edward; and such was the terror of his name, that the cry of “A Derby l’ “A Derby (* carried dismay into the enemy's camp. In this year of his great exploits, his father died, as already mentioned, on which the earl of Derby succeeded to the honor, castle, and earldom of Lancaster. The famous order of the Garter was first instituted in 1349; of which, next to the king, Prince Edward was the first knight-companion, and the earl of Lancaster the second.” After the siege of Poictiers, of which the earl of Lancaster, Derby, and Leicester was the hero, he was appointed by the king, together with William de Clinton, earl of Huntingdon, Renaud de Cobham, Sir Walter Manney, William Lovell, and Stephen de Consintone, to hear and determine all disputes relating ‘to arms. At this time he had of his own retinue 800 men at arms, and 2000 archers, with 30 banners, and kept such hospitality, that he spent a hundred pounds a-day. After the truce, it was found also that he had expended, in those wars of France in which the battles of Crecy and of Poictiers were fought, about seventeen thousand pounds sterling, besides the pay which he had from the king. In consideration whereof he obtained a grant, bearing date from the camp before Calais, 21 Edward III. (1347), to himself and his heirs-male, of the castle and town of Brigerac, which was one of the places he had taken by strong assault ; likewise of all the lands and goods which he had taken at St. John d’Angelyn, until their ransom were satisfied; and soon after he The PRIOR OF TUTTEBURY, farmer of the manor of Scrop- ton. HUGH DE MEINELI, the elder, ROBERT FOUCH, & their fellows, farmers of the hundred of Appeltre. ROBERT FOUCH, JoBN DE DENUM, & their fellows, farmers of the manors of Beaurepeir, Doffeld', Heigheg', Holebrok, Suthewode, Wyneleye, Holond, Newebiggynge, Edricheshay, Alrewasseleic, & Coldebrok, with the members. JoBN DE KYNARDESEYE, WALTER WALTESHEF, & their fellows, farmers of the wapentake of Wirkesworth & Assebourne, with the members. LAURENCE COTERELL & his fellows, farmers of the lead-mines of the same wapentake. NICHOLAS DE HUNGERFORD, farmer of the quarry of Roweclif. THOMAS DE RADECLIVE, HENRY DE BEK, farmers of the manor of Spoudon. WILLIAM COKENY, farmer of the borough of Asshebourne. GILBERT HENRY DE YOXHALE, farmer of the hundred of Gres- cleie. EDMUND DE ASSHEBY, keeper of the fees of the honor of Lancaster, in the counties of Lincoln, Notyngham, Stafford’, & York, & of the manors of Wadinton & Alkeberugh. JOHN DE WYWILL, farmer of the manor of Ridelinton. RICHARD DE WHATTON, late farmer of the courts of Bothemeshull & Crophull, in the county of Notingham. MARY, countess of PEMBROKE, for the manor of Hegham. WILLIAM TRUSSEL, escheator on this side [i.e. south of] Trent. SIMON DE GRYMESBY, escheator beyond [i.e. north of] Trent. ODO DE STOK, late keeper of the castle of Kenilworth. * Sir John Froissart's Chronicles, liv. i. chap. 30. * The number received into this order consists of twenty-five persons, besides the sovereign ; and as it has never been enlarged, the value of this badge of honourable distinction continues unim- paired. The particular cause of its origin is unknown ; but a story prevails, that the mistress of King Edward, at a court ball, dropped her garter, and the king, taking it up, observed some of the courtiers to Smile significantly, as if they thought he had not obtained the favour by accident : upon which he exclaimed, Homi Soit qui mal y pense (Evil be to him that evil thinks); which was adopted as the motto of the order. CELAP. IV. Cije 39tstorg of 3Lancashire. 37 procured another grant to himself and his heirs-male, of Horeston Castle, in the county of Derby, and the annual rent of forty pounds, issuing out of the town of Derby. Soon after this he was constituted the king's lieutenant and captain-general in the parts of Poictou ; and, to crown his dignities, and to reward his merit, the title of Duke of Lancaster was conferred upon him by the king. . DUKES OF TANCASTER, Henry, the first duke of Lancaster, having received his title to the dukedom by the general consent of all the prelates and peers then sitting in Parliament at Westminster, for his life, he was invested therewith by cincture or girding of a sword; with power to have a chancery in the county of Lancaster, and to issue out writs there, under his own seal, as well touching pleas of the crown as any other relating to the common laws of this realm ; as also to enjoy all other liberties and regalities belonging to a county palatine, in as ample a manner as the earl of Chester was known to have within that county. About this time likewise he was constituted admiral of the king's whole fleet, from the Thames westward. In the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum' a document is preserved, containing the names of some of the principal and subordinate officers of the Duchy of Lancaster, with a list of the salaries paid for their services, of which the following is a translation:— Fees and Wages of the Officers within the King's Duchy of Lancaster, made in the 22d of the Reign of Edward IV. (1482). * LANCASTER, with its Members. Richard, duke of Gloucester, head-steward there, per ann. º º gº g g º ſº jº & ſº . 6l. 13s. 4d. Thomas Molineux, constable of the castle of Liverpool . * § t tº & * tº º ge g . 6l. 13s. 4d. The same, head-forester of Simon's Wood, and King's parker of Croxteth . * * g d ſº ſº * e 70s. 4d. The same, high-steward of West Derbyshire and Salfordshire . {} g tº t © * g & tº tº 100s. 0d. Thomas, Lord Stanley, receiver of the county of Lanc. per ann. e tº is g * º & e * . 6l. 13s. 4d. Hugh Worthington, forester of Quernmore . te * e e ſº ſº e * g e . . . 4!. 11s. 0d. Two foresters of Wiresdale, each of them per ann. 308. 4d. º * ſº a e te tº gº tº tº g 60s. 8d. Richard Pilkington, keeper of the park of Hyde and Fulwood, per ann. . º * e gº e g ſº º 30s. 4d. Thomas, Lord Stanley, parker of the park of Toxteth e e * º * º * * * e o 60s. 8d. Thomas Richardson, one forester of the Wood of Mirescough . e e g tºº. * e º ſº e * } 60s. 8d. John Adamson, another forester of the same wood, per ann. . * * t tº tº ſº * * e & 60s. 8d. Two foresters in Blesedale, per ann. g e * 9 º e º e tº e tº g e g e 30s. 4d. Sir James Harrington, knt.; seneschal of Lonsdale and Amounderness . & * o & is g e . 4!. 4s. 0d. The same Sir James, keeper of the park of Quernmore, per an. tº * * *. e tº g & º tº 45s. 6d. Thomas Thwayte, chancellor of the county palatine of Lanc. . º º p e ſº tº tº e e . 407. 0s. 0d. Sir H. Fairfax, knt., chief justice of the king at Lanc. per ann. g tº ſº ſº * t g g e . 267. 13s. 4d. Richard Pigot, another king's justice at Lanc. per ann. . ſº © º g g tº & tº e e . 237. 6s. 8d. John Hawardyn, king's attorney-general at law there, per ann. e * º & & º e g & . 6l. 13s. 4d. John Lake, clerk of crown pleas tº & º ſº © e s * & 40s. 0d. John Bradford, clerk of common pleas . e º e tº º tº º e i. e § * * * 40s. 06. John Lake, William Bradford, and John Bradford, clerks of the crown in Co. Lanc. in time of sessions, for their wages for 40 days, each of them 28, per day. . & e º tº tº tº tº e * 0s. 0d. Ranulphus Holcrofte, baron of the King's Bench at iancaster, per aim. . º º g tº $º * A. os. oº. Thomas Bolron, crier of all sessions and courts of the king, within the county of Lanc. per ann. º * º 40s. 0d. Thomas Ratcliff, Esq., constable of the king's castle of Lancaster, per ann. . . º º & g g 13]. 6s. 8d. Thomas Barowe, master-mason of the king's castles, within the counties of Lancaster and Chester . ſº g . 127. 3s. 4d. Peter Wraton, king's carpenter at Lancaster, and clerk of the king's works there . e e in tº g . 7l. 3s. 8d. Total . ſº º & & º & tº * :6200 183, 20. CLYDEROWE, with its Members. Richard, duke of Gloucester, steward of the lordship of Penwortham e ‘ t in g e & g g º 20s. 0d. Thomas, lord Stanley, receiver of the lordship of Clyderowe . & t & g * * tº e º . 6l. 13s. 4d. Brian Talbot, constable of the castle of Clyderowe . § o ſº g © * e g º º . 107. 0s. 0d. Roger Banaster, porter of the castle there, per ann. . tº: º & & g º e • • e © $º 40s. 8d. John Cays, parker of the park of Musbury, per ann. e tº º, º g & g º g & g g 30s. 4d. John Talbot, parker of the park of Ightenhull, per ann. . e e tº g & & ſº º e i- º 40s. 8d. Robert Harington, parker of the park of Radam, per ann. tº º tº * * g e * e & & 30s. 4d. John Hunter, keeper of the chace of Trowdon, per ann. . tº e e • g g e º o º e 40s. 8d. Richard Shrobury, keeper of the park of Lathegryne, and paler of the same . 3. g $ * e g † 45s. 6d. t Total . . . . . . . . . .22 is. 6d. The duke of Lancaster, deeply imbued with the chivalrous spirit of the age in which he lived, obtained a license from the king to proceed to Syracuse to fight against the infidels. To guard against the possible consequences of this crusade, he obtained a royal grant, providing, that in case he should depart this life before his return, his executors should retain all his estates, castles, manors, and lands in their possession, until his debts were discharged. On his journey he was taken prisoner in Germany, and constrained to give three thousand scutes of gold for his liberty. This surprisal was made at the instance of the duke of Brunswick; and learning, before he came to his destination, that the Christians and the pagans had made a 1 Cod. 433, fo. 317 a. * The scute was of the value of half-a-noble, or 3s. 4d., so that 3000 scutes represent £500. 38 - (ſiſt ºigtúrg of £antagüirº. CHAP. IV. truce, he returned to Cologne, where he observed “that it did not belong to a person of the duke of Bruns- wick's rank to deal with a stranger in the manner that the duke had dealt with him; that he had never offended him ; and that if the duke thought proper to interfere with his concerns, he would find him ready to play a soldier's part.” This conversation having been communicated to the duke of Brunswick, he sent the duke of Lancaster a letter of challenge to meet him at Calais in single combat. The duke of Lancaster accepted this challenge with alacrity, and taking with him fifty knights and a large retinue, he proceeded towards the scene of action. A rencounter between two personages of so much distinction excited the deepest interest both in France and England; and great efforts were made, but without success, to reconcile the combatants without an appeal to arms. On the appointed day they entered the lists, and having taken the usual oaths, mounted their horses for the combat. In the moment of trial, the courage of the duke of Brunswick failed him, and he quitted the quarrel, and submitted himself to the award of the king of France. The king and his court, who were to have witnessed the combat, now became the mediators, and at a great feast reconciled the dukes to each other. Henry, who, for his deeds of piety, was styled the “Good duke of Lancaster,” out of his devout respect to the canons of the collegiate church at Leicester, permitted the priests to enclose their woods, and stored them with deer out of his own parks. After this time he received special command from the king to keep a strict guard upon the sea-coasts of Lancashire, and to arm all the lanciers who were raised in his territories for the public service. In 31 Edward III. (1357) John, king of France, having been taken prisoner by Edward the Black Prince, was brought into this country. The captive monarch became the guest of Henry duke of Tancaster, in his stately palace in the Savoy, which he had completed at the expense of fifty-two thousand marks (£34,666), obtained at the taking of Brigerac. The duke of Lancaster, having terminated his career of military renown, devoted himself to works of piety; and “By a deed, bearing date the second of January, in the 35th of Edward III., he gave to the monks at Whalley, in this county, and to their successors, two cottages, seven acres of land, one hundred and eighty-three acres of pasture, two hundred acres of wood, called Ramsgrove, all lying in the chase of Blackburn ; likewise two messuages, a hundred and twenty-six acres of land, twenty-six acres of meadow, and a hundred and thirty acres of pasture called Standen, Holcroft, and Grenelache, lying within the townships of Penhulton and Clitheroe, with the fold and foldage of Standen, to support and maintain two recluses in a certain place within the churchyard of the parochial church of Whalley, and their successors recluses there; as also two women-servants to attend them there, to pray for the soul of him the said duke, his ancestors and heirs; that is to say, to find them every week throughout the year seventeen loaves of bread, such as usually were made in their convent, each of them weighing fifty shillings sterling ; and seven loaves of the second sort, of the same weight; and also eight gallons of their better sort of beer; and threepence for their food. Moreover, every year, at the feast of All Saints, to provide for them ten large fishes, called stock-fish ; one bushel of oatmeal for pottage; one bushel of rye; two gallons of oil for their lamps; one pound of tallow for candles; six loads of turf, and one load of faggots, for their food; likewise to repair their habitations; and to find a chaplain, with a clerk, to sing mass, in the chapel belonging to these recluses, every day; and also all vestments, and other utensils and Ornaments, for the same chapel; the nomination of successors, upon deaths, to be in the duke and his heirs. This “good duke of Lancaster,” by his will, bearing date at the castle of Leicester, the 15th of March, 35 Edward III. (1361), wherein he styles himself duke of Lancaster; earl of Derby, Lincoln, and Leicester; steward of England, and lord of Brigerac and Beauford, bequeathed his body to be buried in the collegiate church of our lady of Leicester. He only survived the making of this testament nine days. At that time a plague raged in England, which, in allusion to the great plague in 1349, Barnes calls the “Second plague, nothing near,” says he, “so dismal and universal as the former, but much more destructive to the nobility and prelacy.” Thus died the great, valiant, and liberal prince Henry Plantagenet, March 24th, 1361. He left issue by Isabella, his wife, daughter of Henry lord Beaumont, two daughters, his heirs: Maud, twenty-two years old, first married to Ralph, son and heir of Ralph lord Stafford; and after to William of Bavaria, son of Lewis the emperor; and Blanch, nineteen years old, married to John of Gaunt, earl of Richmond, fourth son of King Edward III. Maud, the elder, had for her purparty an assignment of the manors in the counties of Berks, Leicester, Northampton, Rutland, and Huntingdon, and also the lordship of Beauford and Nogent in France. - And to John earl of Richmond, and Blanch his wife, “whose homage was then taken by reason of issue between them, the castle and town of Pontefract; the manors of Bradeform, Almanbury, Altofts, Warnfeld, Rothewell, Ledes, Roundehay, Scoles, Berewyck, Kepax, Aberford, Knottingley, with the mills there; Beghale, Kamsale, Ouston, Elmesdale, Akworth, and Staincros; the bailiwick and honor of Pontefract; a certain rent called castle ferme, with the pleas and perquisites, also the manors of Kriteling and Barlay; except such lands therein as were held for life (the reversion to the said duke), the castle of Pickering, with the soke and all its members; the manors of Esyngwold and Scalby, with the members, all in the county of York; the wapentakes (or rather hºndreds) of Leyland, Amunderness, and Lonsdale ; the manors of Oves-[? Ulnes]-walton, Preston, Singleton, Riggeby, and Wra, Overton, Skirton; the towns of Lancaster and Slyne ; the royal bailiwick of Blackburnshire, the office of master-forester beyond Ribbel; the vaccary of Wyresdale, likewise the manors of Penwortham, Totyngton, and Rachedale; the wapentake of Clyderhowe, with the demense lands there ; the lordship of Bowland, the vaccary of Bowland and Blackburnshire; the forest of Blackburnshire and the park of Ightenhull, with the appurtenances in Blackburnshire; all in the county of Lancaster. The castle and manor of Dunstanburgh, with the manors of Shoplaye, Stamford, Burton, and Emeldon ; also the fishing of Tweed, in the county of Nor- thumberland. The manor of Hinckley, with the bailiwick there, in the county of Leicester; the castle and manor of Kenilworth, with the pool and mill there ; the manors of Wotton, Shrewle, Radesle, and Ashtul, with their appurtenances, in the county of Warwick; the manors of Halton, Ronkore, More, Whitelawe, Congleton, Keleshole, and Bedestan; the bailiwick of Halton ; the town of Wyndenes [Widnes], sergeanty of Wyndenes, in the county of Lancaster. In addition to these great lordships and lands, there was a further assignment made unto the earl of Richmond, and Blanch his wife, of the manors of Coggleshul, Cridelyng, Bailey, Kilbourne, Toresholme, Marthesdon, Swamyngton, Passenham ; likewise certain lands in Daventre and Hinkele, with the mills of Lilleborn ; also the manor of Uggele, in the county of Essex. # CHAP. IV. Qſìje #igturn of £ancagüire, 39 John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was born at Gaunt (Ghent), in Flanders, from whence he derived his surname, between the 25th and 31st of March 1340; and on the 20th of September 1343, he was created earl of Richmond, having therewith a grant in tail general of all the castles, manors, and lands belonging to that earldom, and all the prerogatives and royalties which John, late duke of Britany and Richmond, enjoyed." In 1355 he attended the king, his father, on an expedition into Flanders, and in 1357 had a grant in special tail of the castle and lordship of Lydell, in the county of Northumberland. Having obtained a dispensation from Rome, he was married at Reading, in Berkshire, to his cousin, the lady Blanch, second daughter and co-heir of Henry Plantagenet, duke of Lancaster. In 1361 he obtained a special charter for divers privileges to himself, and his heirs by Blanch his wife—namely, return of writs, pleas of Withernam.” felon's goods, etc. in all the lordships and lands whereof he was then possessed, with freedom for himself and his heirs, and all the tenants and residents upon the lands, and fees which belonged to Henry, earl of Lancas- ter, from all manner of tolls of what kind soever, throughout the whole kingdom. The same year having issue by his wife, and doing his homage, he had an assignation of her property in all the lands whereof her father died possessed. And, by virtue of the king's license, he obtained a further grant from John bishop of Lincoln, Richard earl of Arundel, and others, to himself, his wife, and their issue, of the castle of Bolingbroke, with the park, knight's fees, and advowsons of the churches thereto belonging, together with other manors in the counties of Stafford, Northumberland, and Derby. In 1362, upon the death of Maud, the widow of William, duke of Bavaria, without issue, he had, in right of the said Blanch, the sister and heir of Maud, all the possessions appertaining to her moiety of the estate of Henry, duke of Lancaster, deceased. Whereupon he was in parliament declared duke of Lancaster,” in right of his wife Blanch; and the king girt him with a Sword, and set on his head a cap of fur, and a circlet of gold with pearls therein; and created him duke of Lancaster, with all the liberties and regalities of an earl palatine; as also earl of Leicester, Lincoln, and Derby, with the office of high-steward of England. In 1366, after having been empowered to vest several of his estates in feoffees, in order to make a settlement on his lady, and to discharge some pecuniary incumbrances, the duke of Lancaster joined his brother, Prince Edward, at Bordeaux, on behalf of Don Pedro, king of Castile, who, owing to an insurrection of his subjects, fled into Gascony for aid. On breach of the truce in 1369, he was sent with a considerable force to give battle to the French ; being retained to serve the king for half-a-year with 300 men-at-arms, 500 archers, 3 bannerets, 80 knights, and 216 esquires; but owing to sickness amongst his soldiers, he did not venture to make the attack. On his return from Calais to England, he found that his wife, the lady Blanch, had been taken off by the great pestilence, and that she had been interred with great funeral pomp in St. Paul’s cathedral. In 1370, the duke of Lancaster was again engaged in an expedition into Gascony; and Peter the cruel, king of Castile and Leon, whom Edward, prince of Wales, had invested in his kingdom, having left at his death two daughters, who, to avoid the usurper, their uncle, had taken refuge in Gascony, he married Constance, the elder of the sisters. Soon afterwards he assumed the title of king of Castile and Leon, and supported his claim by force of arms, but without success. He impaled also the arms of Castile and Leon with his ducal coat. On his return to England, in 1372, the duke was empowered to surrender to the king his father his earldom of Richmond, with all the castles, manors, etc. to the same belonging, in exchange for numerous other manors in the counties of York, Norfolk, Suffolk, Huntingdon, and Sussex. Soon afterwards he headed two formidable expeditions against France, both of which failed. In 1377, he obtained the manors of Grenested, Seford, and Leighton, with several privileges in the same, and the castle and honor of Tikhill. He had license also to give his lordships of Gryngeleye and Wheteley to Catherine Swinford, his concubine (widow of Sir Hugh Swinford, knight, and daughter of Sir Paen Roet, knight, Guyen king of arms), for life. Turing this year he procured the grant of a chancery in his dukedom of Lancaster, with all other royalties pertaining to a county palatine, to hold in as ample a manner as the earl of Chester ever enjoyed the same ; with an obligation of sending two knights to parliament as representatives of the commonalty of the county of Lancaster, with two burgesses for every borough within the said county." He had license also to 1 Cart. in officină ducatás Lancastriae. * When a distress is removed out of the county, and the sheriff, upon a replevin, cannot make deliverance to the party distressed. 8 By the deed of creation, dated 36 Edward III. (1362), the king, in consideration of the growing activity and praiseworthy deeds of his dearest son, John, earl of Lancaster, gives to the earl the name and honour of duke, and appoints him to be duke of Lancaster, and invests him with the same title and honour by girding him with a sword, and the placing of a cap of dignity on his head. To have and to hold the same title and honour of duke of Lancaster to him and his lawful heirs-male for ever. This grant is witnessed by Simon, archbishop of Canterbury, William of Winchester, chan- cellor, S. of Ely, treasurer, bishops; Richard, earl of Arundel, Robert of Suffolk, Thomas, de Vere, our chancellor of Oxford, earls; Edward le Despenser, Ralph de Nevill, John de Nevill, John atte Lee, steward of our household, and others. Given by our own hand in full parliament, at Westminster, 13th November, 36th of our reign (1362). * By this grant the king, after praising the prowess in war and wisdom in council conspicuous in his son, and also the probity, activity, and excelling wisdom of his dearest son John, king of Castile and Leon, duke of Lancaster, etc., and being desirous to reward these high merits, of his certain knowledge and cheerful heart, with the assent of his prelates and nobles now assembled in parliament at Westminster, grants to the same John, for the whole of his life, that he may have within the county of Lancaster his chancery and his writ under his seal as record from the office of chancery, his justiciars, as well for pleas of the crown as for what- soever other pleas may be held at common law, and recognisance thereof, the issuing of executions by his writ and his officers of the same chancery, and whatsoever other liberties and jura regalia, appurtenant to the county palatine, as entirely and freely as the 40 (Iſiſt #istºrg of 3Läntääijire. CHAP. IV. coin money for the space of two years, from the 12th of June (1377), in the city of Bayonne, or the castle of Guyssen, or any other place within the seneschalcy of Landere, of gold, silver, or any other metal whatsoever. In this year (1377) John Wickcliffe, the most eminent of all the Lollards of that time—the “morning- star of the Reformation,” as he has been beautifully called—being convened before the archbishop of Canter- bury, the bishop of London, John duke of Lancaster, and Lord Percy, at the Black Friars, in London, the duke had the magnanimity to speak in favour of Wickcliffe, and to make Some strong observations upon the bishops. So unusual a departure from the orthodoxy of the day gave great offence to the episcopal bench, and produced so much discontent among the citizens, that they rose in tumult, and determined to murder the duke, and to set fire to his house in the Savoy. This tumult, the bishop of London, much to his honour, succeeded in quelling; but the duke of Lancaster was obliged to seek his safety in flight, and it was not till after the death of his father that a reconciliation was effected between him and the citizens of London, under the mediation of Richard II. After the death of Edward III. consultation being had about the solemnity of the coronation of King Richard II. John, king of Castile and Leon, duke of Lancaster, appeared before the king in council, and claimed, as earl of Leicester, the office of seneschal of England; as duke of Lancaster, the right of bearing the principal sword, called the curtana, on the day of the coronation ; and as earl of Lincoln, to carve for the king sitting at table on the day of his coronation. Diligent examination being made before certain of the king's council concerning these demands, it sufficiently appeared that the duke, as holding by the law of England, after the death of Blanch his wife, had established his claim ; and it was agreed that he should exercise the offices by himself, or proper deputies, and receive the fees thereunto belonging. Accordingly, on the Thursday before the coronation, which was on the Thursday following, by order of the king, he sat judicially, and kept his court in the Whitehall of the king's palace at Westminster, and there received the bills and petitions of all such of the nobility and others as, by reason of their tenure, or otherwise, claimed to do service at the new king's coronation, and to receive the accustomed fees and allowances." He was also, with Edmund earl of Cambridge, and certain bishops, appointed one of the protectors of the king during his minority. - - - In 20 Richard II. (1378-9) the duke obtained authority to establish a treasury, with barons and other proper officers, within his duchy of Lancaster.” . In this early period of our history, personal slavery prevailed to a greater extent in England than in any other country of Europe.” The barons had struggled for liberty, and had, to a certain extent, secured its possession from the crown by the deed of Magna Charta, extorted from King John, and confirmed by Henry III. and Edward I. But this liberty was almost exclusively enjoyed by the privileged classes, who themselves exercised despotic power over their vassals. The rights of those who tilled the ground and per- formed the other duties of humble citizens were imperfectly understood and subject to daily violation; and so unequal was the pressure of taxation, that the rich and the poor were confounded together in one in- discriminate mass, and called upon (1378) to pay a poll-tax, amounting to three groats on every individual throughout the land, male and female, above the age of fifteen years. The collection of this unequal and odious impost produced a rebellion, excited by John Ball, a popular preacher, and led by Wat Tyler, Jack Straw, and others. The duke of Lancaster, one of the king's ministers, and who was supposed to be his principal adviser, became extremely unpopular; and the insurgents, having broken into the city of London, burnt down the duke of Lancaster’s palace of the Savoy and cut off the heads of a number of gentlemen who attempted to resist their lawless outrages ; amongst whom was Simon Sudbury, the primate and chancellor of England, and Sir Robert Hales, the high-treasurer. This insurrection was suppressed by the determined conduct of Walworth, the lord mayor of London, who resented the insolence shown towards the king on the part of Wat Tyler, by a violent blow with his sword which brought him to the ground, where earls of Chester have theirs within the county of Chester. Tenths, etc., Richard grants to his said uncle that he may have a chancery fifteenths, and other quotas and subsidies, by the commonalty of our kingdom, and tenths and other quotas by the clergy of the Same, we grant and impose, as the same are granted and imposed by the apostolic See ; and pardons for life and members, in cases where, in that county, for any offence, life or limb is forfeit, etc. Our Same son, at our mandate, shall cause to be sent to our parlia- ments and councils, two knights for the commonalty of the said county, and two burgesses for every borough within the said county, etc. Witness the king, at Westminster, 28th February [51 Edward III. 1377] by the king himself, with the assent of the entire parlia- ment.—(Rymer, tom, iii. pt. iii. p. 1073. Ed. recent.) * A portrait of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, in this Capa- city, is preserved in the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum. * Though it is stated in the text that this grant was made in the second regnal year of Richard II., it appears by the deed itself that it was in his thirteenth year; and therefore not in 1379 but in 1390. After reciting by inspeximus the charter of Edward III. granting to our dearest uncle John the title and honour of duke of Lancaster, for life within the county, and in short confirms all that is granted by the former charter. It enlarges the grant by authorising the duke to have approved faithful and efficient men for collecting the tenths, fifteenths, subsidies,; etc. And that he may have justices itinerant, and for the pleas of the forest within the said county. And further that he may have his exchequer in the said county, and barons and other necessary officers in the same exchequer, as well as whatever jurisdiction, executions, and customs are reasonably used in the exchequer of England. The duke and his heirs to have and hold all and singular liberties, and the appointment of justices for the pleas of the forests, excepting those pleas in which the king is a party, and all tenths, fifteenths, etc. Witnesses: the arch- bishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London and Winchester (the chancellor); The dukes Edward of York, Thomas of Gloucester, (our uncles); the earls Richard of Arundel, William of Salisbury, Henry of Northumberland ; Richard le Scrope, John Devereux, steward of our household, and others. Given at Westminster by our hand 16 February, 13th of our reign (1390). * Froissart, liv. ii. chap. 74. CHAP. IV. The pistory of Lancashire. 41 he was soon despatched by others of the king's attendants (1381). Richard, taking advantage of the temporary panic, contrived to conciliate the people, and, by his wisdom and moderation, prevailed upon them to disperse. During this insurrection, the duke of Lancaster was in Scotland negotiating a peace, in which he happily succeeded. On this occasion, William, earl of Douglas, with a degree of generous forbearance which seldom fails to obtain its reward, told the duke that he had been acquainted from the first with the distracted state of England, but was so far from wishing to take advantage of the critical situation in which the duke and his country were placed, either for carrying on the war or extorting more favourable terms of peace, that he might remain in Scotland as their guest, until the insurrection should cease ; or, if he chose to return, he might have an escort of five hundred horsemen. The duke expressed his acknowledgments, but declined the offer. On his return to England, being excluded from Berwick by the governor, he accepted the earl's pledge of honour, and returned into Scotland, where he remained until the popular tumult had subsided. In 1384 the duke of Lancaster was despatched, with a powerful military and naval force, to Scotland, to avenge the injuries which the English had received and to prevent a repetition of them, by some memorable act of chastisement. The duke advanced to Edinburgh, and at the same time the fleet was despatched to ravage the coast of Fife. His soldiers strongly urged him to burn the capital, but the duke, cherishing a grateful remembrance of the hospitality which he had experienced three years before, preserved the city from destruction." A little before Easter in 1384, John Latimer, an Irish Carmelite friar, charged the duke of Lancaster with an intention to destroy the king and to usurp the crown; but on being summoned to meet this accusation, the duke completely established his loyalty. The king, being under the guidance of evil councillors, resolved upon the death of the duke of Lancaster; but private information having reached him from one of those that were in the plot, he retired to his castle at Pontefract, and through the medi- ation of the Princess Joan, mother of the king, a perfect reconciliation took place. The next year he desired leave of the king, and also of the lords and commons in parliament, to go into Spain for the recovery of his wife's inheritance ; and ordained his son, Henry, earl of Derby, his lieutenant of all he had in England, placing around him a safe and judicious council. When he took his leave, the king presented him with a coronet of gold, and the queen gave another to his wife; orders were also given that he should be addressed by the title of “king of Spain.” His train consisted of no less than a thousand spears of knights and esquires, two thousand archers, and a thousand tall yeomen. Having landed in Britany, near the castle of Brest, he was resisted by two of the forts, in the assault of which he lost many of his men ; but he ultimately triumphed, and, having sailed with his fleet to the Garonne, he marched to the Spanish frontier and carried the town of Bayonne. After this, the king of Castile sent to him to treat of a marriage between his daughter and the duke's son; and, through the mediation of the duke of Berry, a truce was concluded. In 1388 the duke was appointed lieutenant of Aquitaine. - The disputes which had so long existed in Spain concerning the right to the kingdom of Castile and Leon, were at length amicably settled by an agreement that Henry, eldest son of John, king of Castile and Leon, and of Portugal, should marry Catherine, the duke's only daughter, by his wife Constance ; and that the duke should quit his claim to Spain on condition of receiving, for his own and daughter's life, a yearly payment of 16,000 marks, and, in case his wife should survive him, that she should have annually 12,000 marks (£8000). The duke returned to England in November 1389 with much treasure; for it is said that he had forty-seven mules laden with chests of gold for his second payment, and several great men of Spain, as guarantees for his future annuity. On his return he relieved Brest, in Britany, then besieged by the French. In the following year (1390) he was created duke of Aquitaine by the consent of the lords and commons of England, on which occasion a splendid cap was put upon his head, and a rod of gold was given to him, to hold his new dignity of the king of England, as king of the realm of France. In 13 Richard II. (1390) he obtained a further confirmation of the privileges of his duchy of Lancaster, in the appointment of a chancery court there, with the power to issue writs under his own seal ; likewise an exchequer, with barons and other necessary officers, and power to make justices itinerant for the pleas of the forest, etc.” His attachment to his favourite Catharine Swinford remained unaltered, notwithstanding the disparity of their stations; and, after the death of his second wife, Constance, he married her at Lincoln, on the octaves of the Epiphany (1395), at which, say the Chroniclers, there was no little admiration in regard to her low birth. “This woman was born in Henault, daughter of a knight of that country. She was brought up in her youth in the duke of Lancaster's house, and attended on his first wife, the Duchess Blanche of Lancaster; and in the days of his second wife, the Duchess Constance, he kept the aforesaid Catharine as his concubine, who afterwards was married to a knight of England, named Swinford, that was now deceased. Before she was married, the duke had by her three children, two sons and a daughter. One of the sons was named Thomas de Beaufort; and the other, Henrie, who was brought up at Aken, in Almaine, proved a good lawyer, and was afterwards bishop of Winchester. For the love that the duke had to these his children, he married their mother, the said Catharine Swinford, being now a widow, whereof men marvelled much, considering her mean estate was far unmeet to match with his highness, and nothing comparable in honour to his other two former wives. , And indeed, the great ladies of England, as the duchess of Gloucester, the countess of Derby, Arundel, and others, descended of the blood royal, greatly disdained that she should be matched with the duke of Lancaster, and by that means be accounted second person in the realm, and preferred in room before them, and thereof they said that they would not come in any place where she should be present, for it should be a shame to them 1 Buchanan : Rerum Scotiarum Historia, lib. ix. cap. 45. * See note 2, page 40, supra. G 42 (The ºigtorg of £antagüirº. CHAP. IV. that a woman of so base a birth, and concubine to the duke in his other wife's days, should go and have place before them. The duke of Gloucester also, being a man of an high mind and a stout stomach, misliked his brother matching so meanly; but the duke of York bare it well enough ; and verily the lady herself was a woman of Such bringing up and honourable demeanour, that envy could not in the end but give place to well deserving.”" . . - - Three years after his marriage, in a parliament convened at London, he procured an act for legitimatising the children whom he had by Catharine Swinford; and in another parliament, held in September in the same year, called the great parliament, the earl of Arundel was, by the duke of Lancaster, who sat that day as high steward, condemned of treason, and beheaded on Tower-hill. During this parliament the earl of Derby was created duke of Hereford. Soon after the duke of Lancaster attended King Richard into France, being with him at Guynes, upon the meeting then had with the king of that realm, when peace was made by Richard II. marrying Isabel, daughter of the king of France, then only eight years old. In the same year (1396-97), the duke of Lancaster had a renewal and amplification of the privileges of his duchy of Lancaster.” He also obtained the hundreds of Southgrenhow and Laundishe, in the county of Norfolk, which had come into the king's hands by the attainder of the earl of Arundel. In 1398, after obtaining from the king an ample renunciation of all claim on any part of his inheritance, with a confirmation of the dower of the castles of Knaresbrough and Tickhill to Catharine his wife, and a settlement of the manor of Bradford and Almondbury on his son John Beaufort, marquis of Dorset, he was constituted lieutenant in the marches toward Scotland, from the beginning of the twenty-eight years' truce between that country and England. In October, Henry of Bolingbroke, the duke's son, received sentence of banishment ; and from that period, this disgrace produced the most pungent sorrow in the mind of his venerable father, who was soon afterwards seized with a fatal illness, and died. His death was much lamented by his friends; but neither the king nor the people sympathised in their sorrow. He was interred with great funeral pomp near the body of Blanch, his first wife, for whom and for himself he had erected, soon after her decease, a sumptuous monument, surmounted with the ducal arms. An inscription was afterwards placed on a pensile tablet, which, after enumerating his various titles and honours, states that He was thrice married, first to Blanche, daughter and heir of Henry, duke of Lancaster, by whom he received a most ample inheritance; secondly, to Constance (who is buried here), daughter and heir of Peter, king of Castile and Leon, in whose right he was entitled to use the title of king, etc. She bore him one daughter, Catharine, who had children by Henry, king of Spain. His third wife was Catharine, of a knightly family, and a lady of extraordinary beauty, who bore him a numerous progeny, of which stock by the mother's side Henry VII., most prudent king of England, married one, whose felicitous marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of King Edward IV. of the house of York, united the royal families of Lancaster and York and restored peace to England. This illustrious prince John named Plantagenet, king of Castile and Leon, duke of Lancaster, earl of Leicester, Lincoln, and Derby, Lieutenant of the king in Aquitaine and High Steward of England, died in the 22d year of the reign of Richard II. and A.D. 1399. The bequests of John, duke of Lancaster, were numerous and munificent ; but the largest portion of his estates descended to his only surviving son and heir by Blanch of Lancaster. Throughout his life, the duke of Lancaster surpassed all the great men of his age in power and fortune; but he was not so universally respected as his brother the Black Prince, the good duke of Lancaster, or his eldest son, Henry of Bolingbroke, earl of Derby. Some defects in the moral character of John of Gaunt, his haughty carriage towards inferiors, and his public support of Wickliffe the reformer, added to his want of success in arms, contributed to lower him in the public estimation; though his readiness on all occasions to apply his ample fortune in the discharge of his public duties, and his zeal in the cause of his country, served to rank him amongst the most illustrious of her benefactors. - The ducal family of the house of Lancaster, had, by its marriage alliances, become connected with many of the most powerful barons of the kingdom, and Henry of Bolingbroke, the representative of this house after the death of his father, John of Gaunt, impelled partly by his wrongs, but principally by his ambition, was about to wrest the sceptre from the feeble hands of his royal cousin, and to ascend the throne of England almost without a struggle. By this act of usurpation the seed was sown for the long and sanguinary intestine wars between the rival houses of Lancaster and York, which served for so many years to deluge the country with blood. 1 Holinshed, p. 485. * This is an exemplification and full confirmation of preceding charters, as in 1st Richard II. And further, for the greater security of the duke, the king declares and grants to him that he may have all fines for transgressions, etc., for agreeing to grant license, and all issues and forfeitures of all men, tenants and residents in his lands, and fees, and whatsoever fines, “year, day, and waste,” in whatsoever courts of the king, and what by the hands of his officers may be levied for fines and amercements aforesaid. And that he may have, in the aforesaid lands and fees, assise of bread, wine, and ale, etc., and other things which belong to the office of clerk of the markets, and fines, etc.; so that the clerk of the king's markets be not injured. And that he may have the chattels of felons and fugitives, the return of all writs, summonses, and precepts of the King, etc., and their execution, so that no officer of the king be injured thereby. And if it happen that the officers of the duke be amerced in the king's courts for negligence, etc., such fines and amercements may be to the duke. And that he may have the chattels [or cattle] called “waif and stray,” deodands, treasure- trove, and the chattels called “manu opera,” etc. [This last term has two meanings : 1. Stolen goods taken upon a thief, ap- prehended in the fact; and 2. Cattle, or any implements used to Work in husbandry. Most probably it is here intended in its former sense.]—H. CHAP. v. The history of Lancashirt. 43 CHAPTER W. Character of Henry Plantagenet, Earl of Derby and Duke of Hereford—His Quarrel with the Duke of Norfolk, and Banishment—Elevated to the Dignity of Duke of Lancaster on the Death of his Father, John of Gaunt—Returns to England—Expels Richard II, from the Throne—Elevation of the noble House of Lancaster to the Royal Dignity—Possessions of the Duchy of Lancaster separated from the Crown Possessions—Establishment of the Duchy Court—Abolition of the Duchy Court of Star Chamber—History of the Duchy continued—Its Courts, Chancellors, Officers, etc.—Ducatus Lancastriae, from the Harleian MSS.—A.D. 1380 to 1860. *N*@ENRY PLANTAGENET, surnamed of Bolingbroke from the place of his birth, was in character YVºx diametrically the reverse of his sovereign, King Richard II. His talents were of a superior order; his manners were popular, and even fascinating; and his ambition led him to aspire to a higher station than that of the first subject in the realm, which his father had so long ) occupied. tº gº º In the fourth year of the reign of Richard II. (1380-1), Henry was betrothed, with the consent of the king, to Mary de Bohun, the younger daughter and coheiress of Humphrey de Bohun, late earl of Essex, Hereford, and Northampton, and hereditary constable of England. In 1385, he was summoned to parliament by the title of Henry, earl of Derby. In the eleventh year of the reign, Henry was engaged with the duke of Gloucester in the éðmbination against the king's ministers, at which his Majesty took great offence; but Richard was afterwards reconciled to him, and in the 21st year of his reign (1397-8), we find the king “sitting in royal majesty, holding in his hand a rod, and making his cousin, Sir Henry of Lancaster, earl of Derby, a duke, by the title of duke of Hereford.” This reconciliation was, however, short-lived ; a violent quarrel having arisen between the duke of Hereford and the duke of Norfolk, which terminated in an appeal to arms, the king availed himself of this opportunity, with the advice of his council, of which the duke of Lancaster, father of the duke of Hereford, was at the head, to send them both into exile. In some of the versions relating to this memorable duel, it is represented, that Henry, duke of Hereford, lodged the infor- mation against Thomas, duke of Norfolk; but Sir John Froissart, a contemporary writer, states the matter differently, and more probably, by representing that the secret of the confidential conversation between the duke of Hereford and the duke of Norfolk was divulged by the latter; and this construction is supported by the more severe sentence passed upon that duke, “because he had sowen Sedicion in this realme by his woordes, whereof he could make no profe.” - The nation was highly incensed by the king's behaviour to the duke of Hereford, who was the darling of the principal peers, of the city of London, and of the people. They held that he had committed no crime, and had been condemned without trial; that by his banishment they were deprived of their best protector; and they thought themselves by that event exposed to all the malice and indignation of an incensed and vindictive tyrant. As the duke passed through the city of London on horseback, on his leaving the kingdom, he was followed by more than 40,000 people, who cried after him, and bewailed his fate and their own in the most moving manner. He was accompanied on this occasion by trumpets and instruments of music, and with the more melting sounds of universal lamentation. The mayor of London, and others of the principal citizens, followed him to Deptford; and some accompanied him as far as Dover, in his way to Calais. On the duke's arrival at Paris, he was very graciously received by the Court of France; where he was soon offered in marriage the only daughter of the duke of Berry, uncle of Charles VI. To prevent this union, King Richard sent the earl of Salisbury, his ambassador to the Court of France, where the earl represented the duke of Hereford as a person guilty of traitorous designs against his prince; upon which the treaty of marriage proceeded no farther. After his departure, he received letters from his father, advising him rather to go into Castile than into Hungary; but the duke of Lancaster becoming sick, his son continued in Paris, where the news reached him of his father's death. The king, availing himself of the exile of the duke of Hereford, now become duke of Lancaster, seized the possessions of his father, John of Gaunt, into his own hands, and lavished them with his usual profusion upon his favourites. Shortly after this time, the king was obliged to embark for Ireland, to suppress a rebellion which had arisen in that oppressed country; and, during his absence, England fell into great distraction. In this exigency, the people of London sent for their favourite Henry, duke of Lancaster, promising him their assistance, if he would accept of the government. With such encouragement, and aided by the duke of Britany, he took shipping at Le Port Blanc, and landed at Raven- 1 Froissart. 44 (The #istory of 3Lantagijire. char. v. spur, at the mouth of the Humber, in Yorkshire, where he was met by a number of nobles in the north, and their followers. On his arrival at Doncaster, he found himself at the head of a considerable army, and the common people in all places greeting his return with enthusiasm. The injustice practised towards him by the king, in first banishing him from the realm without proof of guilt, and then seizing upon his patrimonial inheritance, in violation of his letters-patent, excited the indignation of the nation towards the oppressor, and their sympathy and enthusiasm in favour of the oppressed. His march through the country was a triumph; everywhere the castles yielded to his summons, and on his arrival at Bristol his forces were augmented to 60,000. To oppose this formidable force, the duke of York, who had been left viceroy of the kingdom during the king's absence, assembled an army of 40,000 men at St. Alban's ; but their attachment to the royal cause was so lukewarm, that they went over to the duke of Lancaster, on his representation that he sought not the subversion of the throne, but the recovery of his paternal possessions, which the king had seized, on the death of his illustrious father. The intelligence of this invasion reached the king when he was in Dublin, on which he hastened back into England, and landed in Wales; where, finding that he was almost totally forsaken, he went on to Conway Castle, in the county of Caernarvon. The duke, on hearing of the king's arrival, marched to Chester. From thence he despatched the earl of Northumberland to the king, who proposed that a parlia- ment should be called, to remove the grievances of which the country complained, and particularly to arbitrate between the king and the duke of Lancaster. Richard, scarcely aware of the danger by which he was menaced, consented to an interview with the duke of Lancaster. In this way he became his prisoner, and was, under various pretences of friendship and loyalty, conducted to London. To give an air of justice to the ultimate designs of the duke, he caused a parliament to be convened under the authority of Richard, by which parliament the king was declared to have forfeited his throne by extortion, rapine, and injustice. Being thus deposed by the suffrages of two estates of the realm, the throne was declared vacant, and the head of the noble house of Lancaster ascended the throne of these realms, by the style and title of Henry IV. On receiving this dignity before the assembled parliament, the new monarch crossed himself on the forehead, and, calling upon the name of Christ, said— sº. “In the name of Fadher, Son, and Holy Ghost, I Henry of Lancaster, challenge this rewme of Yngland, and the croun, with all the membres, and the appurtenances; als I that am descendit by right line of the blode, coming fro the gude lorde King Henry therde, and throghe that right that God of his grace hath sent me, with help of kyn and of my frendes to recover it; the which rewme was in poynt to be ondone by defaut of governance, and undoing of the gude lawes.” A tradition had prevailed amongst the vulgar, that Edmond Crouchback, earl of Lancaster, son of Henry III., was really the eldest brother of Edward I., but that, owing to some deformity in his person, he had been supplanted in the succession by his younger brother ; and as the present duke of Lancaster inherited from Edmond by his mother, this genealogy constituted him the true heir to the throne. This was, however, a topic rather to be insinuated than declared, and the best grounds of Henry's claim were the misrule of his predecessor, and the affections of the people over whom he was himself called to govern. Henry duke of Lancaster being now seated upon the throne of England, the unfortunate Richard was sent to the duke's castle at Pontefract. Here he was detained in confinement for some time ; but so short is the distance between the throne and the grave of a deposed monarch, that his life was speedily terminated, either by the hand of the assassin, or the more protracted misery of famine. Richard's reign being thus terminated, his successor turned his attention to the appointment of his new officers. The office of high- steward, which he possessed in right of his earldom of Leicester, derived from the Lacys, he conferred upon his second son, Lord Thomas, whose incapacity, from his nonage, was supplied by the earl of Worcester; while the office of chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster was given to John Wateringe, a divine of considerable influence with his royal master. Mr. Justice Blackstone, in his Commentaries, observes, that “the county palatine, or duchy of Lancaster, was the property of Henry Bolingbroke, the son of John of Gaunt, at the time when he wrested the crown from King Richard II. and assumed the title of King Henry IV.” But this is a mode of expression at variance with the usual accuracy of that distinguished writer's style, and would seem to imply that the county palatine of Lancaster and the duchy of Lancaster are co-extensive, and that the terms are convertible. This, however, is by no means the case—the county palatine being confined to the county, while the duchy of Lancaster, as we have already intimated, and as we shall speedily show more specifically, comprehends not only the county of Lancaster, but many other portions of the kingdom. It has been justly observed by Plowden,” in the celebrated “Duchy of Lancaster Case,” 4 Elizabeth (1562), and by Sir Edward Coke, in his fourth Institute, that the new monarch was well aware, that “he held the duchy of Lancaster by sure and indefeasible title, but that his title to the crown was not so assured: for that, after the decease of Richard II, the right of the crown was in the heir of Lionel, duke of Clarence, second son of Edward III. ; John of Gaunt, father of Henry IV. being but the fourth son.” One of his first measures after ascending the throne was, therefore, to pass an act, Sanctioned by parliament, ordaining that his eldest son Henry should have and bear the name and title of duke of Lancaster, in addition to his other titles (of prince of Wales, duke of Aquitaine and Cornwall, and earl of Chester); and that neither the inheritance of 1 Knyghton, p. 2757; Rot. Parl. III. 422. * Vol. i. intro, sect. 4, p. 118. 3 P. 215. 4 P. 205. § # CHAP. V. The #ígtorg of ilantashire. 45 his duchy of Lancaster, or its liberties, should be changed, transferred, or diminished, through his assumption of the royal dignity; but that they should retain their distinctive character and privileges, and be governed in like manner, as if he had never attained the royal dignity. It was further directed, that all ecclesiastical benefices in the said duchy should be conferred by himself and his heirs, so that the (lord) chancellor, treasurer or other officers of the state, should not interfere, by reason of their respective offices, with the collection or preservation, or even with the visitation, of benefices within the duchy; and that all receivers, bailiffs, and other servants of the duchy, etc., should appear before certain special auditors and ministers, and not before the treasurer and barons of the king's exchequer, and account and answer for profits and benefits of the duchy, without any interference of the treasurer and barons. (See Roi. Parl. III. 428.) - Steadily pursuing the principle here laid down, it was by a subsequent act" ordained, that the right of succession to the duchy of Lancaster after the king's death should belong to his eldest son, Henry, prince of Wales, and his heirs; and in default of heirs to Thomas, his second son, and that the ancient rights, statutes, and customs of the duchy, should be maintained and observed inviolate. Having thus fixed the succession to the property of the duchy by all the force of legislative enactments, the next care of the king was to establish a court, called the duchy court of Lancaster, in which all questions of revenue and council, affecting the duchy possessions, might be decided. This court is now held at the duchy office in Westminster; thence issue all patents and commissions of office or dignities, all orders and grants affecting the limits and revenues, and all acts of authority within the duchy. It is also a court of appeal from the chancery of the county palatine of Lancaster, which court is a court of equity for matters of equity arising within the county of Lan- caster,” and is held at Preston. The record-office of the duchy of Lancaster, where the deeds are deposited, has been frequently changed: within living memory, Gray's Inn, Somerset House, and Great George's Street, has each in succession afforded them a depository; but the office now seems permanently fixed within the precinct of the ancient ducal residence of the Savoy, in Lancaster Place, Waterloo Bridge, London, of which bridge the southern arch abuts against his Majesty's inheritance of the duchy of Cornwall, and the northern against his inheritance of the duchy of Lancaster. The duchy chambers at Westminster being within the precincts described in old statutes as a royal residence, the proceedings are dated before his Majesty, “at his palace at Westminster,” and not, as other royal acts, at the personal residence of the monarch. In this court he is not only presumed to be present, as in others, but to be personally acting by the advice of his chancellor, and other ministers, for the affairs of his duchy.” When that intolerable nuisance, the court of star-chamber, existed, in contravention of the provisions of Magna Charta, which direct that no freeman shall be deprived of his liberty or property but by lawful judgment of his peers, the duchy of Lancaster had also its star-chamber, and the chancellor of the duchy and council of his court punished without law, and decreed without authority; but this power was swept away by the act 16 Car. I. (1640–41), which ordained, that from the first of August 1641, this power should be abolished in every court within the realm, and that from henceforth no court should exercise the jurisdiction of star-chamber." Two years after the succession had been settled upon Prince Henry and his heirs, the manor of Brotilby, and fee of La Haye, in the county of Lincoln, with the wardship of the castle of Lincoln, formerly in the possession of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, and which now remained in the hands of the king, through the forfeiture of Thomas, son of Thomas, earl of Kent, was incorporated with his inheritance of Lancaster, as parcel of the duchy; and it was ordained that it should descend to his heirs, and that all the tenants of these possessions should be governed in the same manner and by such officers as the other lordships and manors of the inheritance.” Soon after Henry W. ascended the throne (in 1414), he confirmed the acts of his royal father with regard to the duchy of Lancaster; and it was directed, with the sanction of parliament, that all the liberties and franchises of this duchy should in all things be maintained and exercised for ever, according to the tenor of the charters already granted, and that the seal hitherto used in the duchy, and all matters under that seal which had hitherto been given and granted, should have force, without the reclamation of the king, or his officers; and that the seal of the duchy should be used for ever, in transacting the business of the duchy. As several honors, castles, and manors, which were the inheritance of Mary, one of the daughters and heir- esses of Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford, Essex, and Northampton, whose heir the king was, had descended to him by hereditary right, the king separated all these possessions from the crown, and incorporated them with his duchy of Lancaster, appointing that they should be administered by the officers of the duchy, as they had been accustomed to be ; and that the vassals and tenants of this inheritance, and the resiants within the same, should enjoy the liberties and franchise of the duchy. He also ordained that all ecclesias- tical benefices attached to the duchy inheritance should be conferred under the seal of the duchy, without the interference of the chancellor and treasurer of England. To render this ordinance complete, it was further directed that all the castles, honors, and lands, which had come into possession of the king's father, Henry 1 8 Hen. IV. 1406-7. - * 2 Lev. 24. 4 Rot. Parl. 16 Car. (1640) p. 2, nu. 6. 3 The duchy of Lancaster office is now (1867) in Lancaster Place, * Act of 10 Henry IV. (1409). London, W.C. The records of the duchy are now deposited there. 46 - Çiſt ºigtúry of 3|ancashire. CHAP. W. IV., in consequence of a grant made in the first year of his reign (1400), as to escheats, forfeitures, and recovery, should be incorporated with the duchy, and that any other honors, castles, or manors, which had come by escheats, forfeitures, or recovery, should also be joined to the duchy, and that they should be ruled and governed by the officers and ministers of the duchy, under the sanction of the duchy seal." In the third year of the reign of Henry W. (1415) it was directed that two of the chief seneschals (stewards) of his inheritance for the time being, besides the number of guardians limited by form of statutes, should act in all the counties of the kingdom, and that they should exercise their office of seneschal in all commissions of the peace, and that no donations, pardons, or releases, which concerned in any manner the duchy of Lancaster, or that emanated therefrom, should be valid except under the seal designed for the duchy. Two other acts, the first passed in the ninth year of Henry W. (1421) and the second in the first of Henry VI. (1422-3), annex other possessions of the Bohun family to the duchy of Lancaster. It was the misfortune of Henry VI. to be deeply involved in debt; and his expectation that two Lanca- shire knights would remove all his embarrassments, by the discovery of the philosopher's stone I was not sufficient to prevent his creditors from urging their demands in a tone little suited to the refinement of a court. To satisfy these demands, he was driven to the expedient of mortgaging, for five years, the revenues of the duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, and the terms of this mortgage, as given in the 18th Henry VI. (1440) sufficiently indicate the importunity of the royal creditors, and the petulancy of the king under their demands. The revenues of the duchy having reverted to the king, as duke of Lancaster, an act was passed in the 39 Henry VI. (1460-61), appointing that there should appertain to the duchy one chief steward and one auditor in the northern parts, and one other chief steward and one other auditor in the southern parts, with one chancellor, one receiver-general, and one attorney-general in and of all the duchy, with one chief-steward, and one attorney-general in the county palatine of Lancaster. While the mortgage existed, several new offices had been created, but by this act those offices were abolished as burdensome in fees and unnecessary for use. Hitherto the archives of the duchy had been lodged in the church and priory of St. Bartholomew, in West Smithfield, London, much to the annoyance of the prior and his convent. On a representation that the church had become much occupied and encumbered with “divers great chests containing the books” of the duchy of Lancaster, and that divine service was interrupted by the entrance of ministers, under colour of an examination of the books, and that no little disturbance was created thereby, the king directed that the prior and convent, and their successors, should be exonerated from the custody of the said books and documents; and the officers of the duchy were ordered to remove their chests, with their contents, out of the priory into the Tower of London, or into such other place as might be found convenient to deposit them (1460).” Although the court of the duchy of Lancaster was instituted in the early part of the reign of Henry IV, no post-mortem inquisitions are registered in this court earlier than the first of Henry W. (1413). The duty of collecting and arranging the inquisitions has been performed by the direction of his Majesty's commissioners of public records, and a list of these inquisitions is published along with a list of the pleadings, consisting of bills, answers, depositions, and Surveys, relating to the suits in that court, in two volumes, entitled “Ducatus Lancastriae.” These volumes are thus described by the persons charged with the duty of collecting and arranging the materials:— “According to the returns made to the select committee of the House of Commons in the year 1800, the INQUISITIONs Post MoRTEM in this repository then found amounted to 2400, beginning with the first year of King Henry W. (1413), and ending with the eighteenth year of King Charles the First (1642). A more recent investigation has shown their number to amount to 3569; which it has also been found necessary to put in a better state of arrangement, and to clean, repair, and bind them in volumes. The PLEADINGs consist of bills, answers, and depositions and surveys, in suits exhibited in the duchy court, commencing with the first year of King Henry VII. and are continued to the present time. (Signed) “R. J. HARPER. - - JOHN CALEY. Dated “Office of the Duchy of Lancaster, 1823.” . WM, MINCHIN.” The Inquisitions and Pleadings contain a great fund of local information; but they would, in the most condensed form, occupy an inconveniently large space in our county history; and the necessity for their insertion is materially diminished since the Ducaſus, thanks to the liberality of parliament, is presented to many of the public libraries in this kingdom, and is therefore easily accessible: suffice it to say, that the records, of which the Ducatus exhibits little more than an index, are to be found in the duchy record office, in London ; and their number, as far as regards the county palatine of Lancaster, stands thus:—Inquisitions Post Mortem, in vol. i. 2105; in vol. ii. (Nil). Pleadings in vol. i. 1594; in vol. ii. 1589.—Total 3183. The hostility of the house of York to the house of Lancaster did not extend to the revenues of the duchy, for no sooner had Edward IV. ascended the throne than he confirmed all the charters and liberties of the duchy of Lancaster, in a manner the most ample, except that he joined the duchy inheritance to the crown.” Henry VII, not to be outstripped by a member of the rival house, enacted, in the first year of his 1 Act 2 Henry V. (1414). 2 39 Henry VI. (1460). Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Commons, being in this * AN ACT FOR INCORPORATING AND ALSO FOR CONFISCATING present parliament, and by the authority of the same, that the THE DUCEIY OF LANCASTER, TO THE CROWN OF same Henry, late called King Henry the Sixth, for the considerations ENGLAND FOR EVER (1 Edward IV—1461). of the great, heinous, and detestable matters and offences before “It is declared and adjudged by the assent and advice of the specified by him, committed against his faith and ligeance to our CELAP. W. (Iije #igturn of 3Lancashire. 47 reign (1485), that all the lands of the duchy of Lancaster which had been alienated from that inheritance in the reign of Edward IV. should be re-invested in the king and his heirs for ever, as amply and largely, and in like manner, form, and condition, separate from the crown of England, and possessions of the same, as the three Henries, or Edward IV., or any of them, had and held the same. Ever since the period when Henry IV. mounted the throne of England, the duchy of Lancaster has indeed always been considered by the reigning monarch as one of the richest gems in the crown, though for state purposes it has been kept separate and distinct from the regal revenues and possessions. When the act for regulating the order of wards and liveries was passed, a special proviso was introduced, to guard against the royalties, liberties, and jurisdictions of the county palatine and the duchy of Lancaster suffering prejudice; and when Henry VIII. had impaired the revenues of the duchy of Lancaster by a number of gifts, grants, and sales, indemnity against the consequences of these alienations was found for the king, as duke of Lancaster, by a grant from parliament (in 1545) of the manor of Ripon and its dependencies in the county of York, and of the vaccary in the forest of Ashedowne, with its rents and manors in the county of Sussex, both of which were attached to the duchy, and the revenues received and accounted for as duchy lands. The example set by the father was closely and speedily imitated by his children ; and in the time of Philip and Mary the duchy possessions were restored to their former extent by an act expressed in these very significant terms:– “AN ACT FOR THENLARGYNG OF THE DUCHIE OF LANCASTRE. “Forasmuche as the Kyng and Quene our sovereigne Lorde and Ladyie, considering and regarding the state of the Duchie of Lancastree, being one of the most famous Princeliest and Stateliest peeces of our said Sovereigne Ladie the Quenes aungyent Enheritance, doo poeyve and consider that the Possessions and yerely Revenues of the said Duchie arre and have been of late greatlye diminished, as well by reason of Sundry Giftes, Grante and Sales, made by the late Kinges of famous memorye, Henry theight and Edoarde the Sixte, late Kings of Englande, Father and Brother to our said Sovereigne Ladie the Quenes Highnes, as also by reason of sundrie Exchainges made with dyvers their loving Subjectes, of Sundry Manors, Landes, Tentes, Possessions, and Hereditaments, lately belonging to the same Duchie ; and the Manors, Landes, Tentes, Possessions, and Hereditaments, being recey'ved and taken in recompence of the said Exchanges, bee not annexed to the said Duchie, but been in thorder Svey and governance of other Courtes and Places, so by theyr Highnes taken and recey'ved in Exchange; And forasmuche also as theyr Maties doo mynde and intende to preserve, avaunce, mayntaine, and contynue thauncient and honourable Estate of the said Duchie ; Our said Sovereigne Lord and Ladye therfore bee pleased and contented that yt be enacted, ordeyned, and established by their Maties with thassent of the Lordes Spuall and Temporall, and the Comóns in this pnte pliament assembled, and by thauctoritee of the same, That all Honors, Castels, Lordeshippes, Manors, Landes, Tenementes, Possessions, and Hereditamentes within this Realme of Englande, weh at any tyme synce the xxviijth daye of Januarie, in the first yere of the Reigne of our saide late Sovereigne Lorde Kynge Edoarde the Sixte (1547), were pcell of the Possessions of the said Duchie of Lancastre, or weh were united and annexed to the said Duchie by aucthorite of pliament fres Patentes or otherways, and weh at any time since the sayd xxviij daye of Januarie, have been given, granted, alyenated, bargayned, solde, exchanged, or otherwayse severed from the said Duchie, by our said late Sove- reigne Lord King Edoarde the Sixte, or by our Sovereigne Lady the Quene that now ys, or by our Sovereigne Lorde and Ladie the King and Quenes Maties that now bee, to or wth any pson or psons, and weh sayd Honors, Castles, Lordshippes, Manors, Landes, Tentes, and Hereditamentes, since such Giftes, Grants, Alienacons, Bargaynes, Sales, Exchanges, or Severance thereof so made as is aforesaid been, cómon, or returned agayn to thandes of our said late Sovereigne Lorde King Edwarde the Sixte, or to thandes of our said Sovereigne Ladie the Quene, or to thandes of our Sovereigne Lord and Ladie the King and Quene, or to thandes of her Mtie, her heires, and successors, in Possession, ReverCon, Remainder, or other ways, and weh now bee or remain in thandes of our said Sovereigne Lord and Lady the King and Quenes Maties, of any estate of inheritance, shall from the time the same came reverted agayn to thandes of our said late Sovereygne Lorde Kinge Edward the Sixte, or to thandes of our said Sovereigne Lady the Quene, or thandes of our said Sovereyne Lord and Ladye the King and Quene, by aucthoritee and force of this Acte bee united and annexed for ever unto the Sayd Duchye of Lancastree, and shalbe adjudged, demed, and taken for ever for, and as peels and membres of the said Duchie of Lancastre,” etc. said liege Lord King Edward the Fourth, his true, righteous, and natural liege Lord, offended and hurt unjustly and unlawfully the Royal Majesty of our said sovereign Lord, stand by the advice and assent convicted and attainted of High Treason. And that it be ordained and established by the same advice, assent, and authority, that he the same Henry forfeit unto the same our Liege Lord Edward the Fourth, and to his heirs, and to the said Crown of England, all Castles, Manors, Lordships, Towns, Townships, Honors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Services, Fee-Farms, Knights’-Fees, Ad- vowsons, Hereditaments, and Possessions, with their appurtenances, which he or any other to his use had the third day of March last past, being of the Dutchy of Lancaster, or that were any parcel or member of the same Dutchy, or thereunto annexed or united in the first year of the reign of Henry, late called King Henry the Fifth, or at any time since. And that it be ordained and established by the same advice, assent, and authority, that the same Manors, Castles, Lordships, Honors, Towns, Townships, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Services, Fee-Farms, Knights’-Fees, Advowsons, Hereditaments, and Possessions, with their appurtenances in England, Wales, and Calais, and the Marches thereof, make, and from the said day of March be to the said Dutchy of Lancaster corporate, and be called the Dutchy of Lancaster. And that our said sovereign Lord King Edward the Fourth have, seize, take, hold, enjoy, and inherit all the said Manors and Castles, and other the Premisses with their appurtenances, by the same name of Dutchy, from all other his inheritances separate, from the said fourth day of March, to him and to his heirs Kings of England perpetually, and that the County of Lancaster be a county Palatine : And that our Liege and Sovereign Lord King Edward the Fourth and his heirs have, as parcel of the said Dutchy, the same. County of Lancaster and County Palatine, and a Seal, Chancellor, Judges, and Officers for the same ; and all manner of Liberties, Customs, Laws Royal, and Franchises in the same County Palatine lawfully and rightfully used, and over that another Seal, called the Seal of the Dutchy of Lancaster, and a Chancellor for the keeping thereof, Officers and Counsellors for the guiding and governance of the same Dutchy, and of the particular officers, ministers, tenants and inhabitants thereof, in as great, ample, and large form as Henry, calling himself Henry the Fifth, at any time therein had, use, and enjoy lawfully. And by the same authority the said officers and ministers, and also the said tenants and inhabitants of and in the same Dutchy have, use, exercise, and enjoy such and all Liberties, Privileges, and Customs, as the Officers, ministers, tenants, and inhabitants of the same Dutchy had, used, exercised, or enjoyed lawfully in the time of the same Henry, calling himself King Henry the Fifth ; and that also in the same Dutchy be used, had, and occupied all such Freedoms, Liberties, Franchises, Privileges, Customs, and Jurisdictions, as were used therein lawfully before the said fourth day of March. And the officers, ministers, tenants, and inhabitants of or in the said Dutchy be entreated and demeaned according to the same Freedoms, Liberties, Franchises, Customs, Privileges, and Jurisdictions, and not distrained, arcted, nor compelled to the contrary in anywise.” 48 The historg of Lancashire. CHAP. W. In the following reign a systematic return was made of the fees, privileges, writs, and advowsons attached to the Duchy of Lancaster and its officers, a copy of which has been preserved, and is as follows:— - - HERE BEGINNETH THE BOOKE - WHICH IS KNOWN BY THE NAME OF AND TREATING OF THE FEES, PRIVILEGES, WRITTs, ADVOWSONS, AND OTHER OFFICERS THAT BELONG TO THE DUCHY AND COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER [ABOUT 1588]. Fees of the Dutchy. - The chancellor's fee of the Dutchy . © tº . #238 16 4 much more as makes both their salaries amount The attorney of the Dutchy . g * . . 66 5 4 to £76:17:3] The auditor for the north partes . º º . 68 13 4. The sum of all the payments which are paid to all the The auditor for the south partes º e . 68 13 4 officers, or allowed as salarys in the dutchy, in the [Besides to both of them murrey cloth, green cloth whole amount to - º 0. e º . £641 3 4 for their tables and for their lying in London, as An ESTIMATE of the REVENUES of the DUCHY of LANGASTER, collected by the particular Receivers of the Honors belonging to the - said Duchy, and yearly paid by the Receiver-General. Revenues of the Dutchy per annum. The receiver of Cliderhow and Halton, payeth to the general The receiver of Leicester . º & e e * . £400 Receiver of the dutchy o g o g & , f1700 The receiver of Furness . •' e º º º ... 1000 The receiver of Pomfrett and Knasbrough, com. 69 annis . 1800 The receiver of Bullingbroke . e * t º . 900 The receiver of Tickhull . * º º e e . 500 Augmentation of Lancaster . . . º e . 400 The receiver of Pickeringleigh . * º s º . 350 The receiver of the colledge and chantry rents in the county The receiver of Duntanborough * º º & - 80 of Stafford and Derby . * º e º © e 40 The receiver of Tutbury, p. ann. . º & º . 1500 - The receiver of Longberington . * º º p º 80 £8600 South Division. The receiver of Higham Ferars. º e º & , #800 The receiver of Essex and Hartford . e & º . 61000 The receiver of Norfolk and Suffolk . © † wº . 200 The receiver of the marches of Wales and Monmouth ... 100 The receiver of Sussex . o e • e º . 300 The receiver of Kilwaldid e & º g º ... 100 The receiver of the south parts e º © e ... 1000 - #4800 So that the whole receipts of the general receiver of the Dutchy one year with another amounteth to . º Q 14:14,000 0 0 The receiver is to pay to the treasurer of his Majesties most honourable chamber º Q - . £4000 0 0 - And to the cofferer of his Majesties household . te º g & & • • º & º 7000 0 0 For fees to the court officers . * º © º e e º t º g º e * 641. 3 4 For expenses of the mass Songs, and others, per ann. o • 100 0 0 - Total disbursements . º . 11,741 3 4 So that remains communibus annis, in the custody of the general receiver, to be disposed of according to his majesty's use, upon Mr. Chancellor, Sir Francis Walsingham.” 2258 16 8 £14,000 0 0 A DECLARATION of all the FORESTS, CHASES, and PARKES, belonging to the DUTCHY of LANCASTER, out of which the Chancellor, Attorney-General, Receiver-General, and two Auditors, are to have deer summer and winter. In Lancashire. In Staffordshire. In Derbyshire. Castle Donnington parke. The forest of Bolland. Yoxalward parke. High Peak forest. Barnes parke. The forest of Wiersdale. Agardesley parke. Shattell parke. New parke of Leicester. The forest of Bleasdale. Rolleston parke. Melbure parke. Tonley parke. Tuegrame parke. Marchington ward. Mansfield parke. Pekelton parke. Mierscough parke Tutbury parke. Morley parke. Toxteth parke. Hockeley parke. Posterne parke. In Wiltshire. Quernmore parke. Rowley parke. - Ravensdale parke. º High Lenis parke. - •o 1, 2 Loxley parke. In Cheshire. In Leicestershire. Alborne chace. Halton parke. * The forest of Leicester. Everley parke. PARKS AND CHASES. In Hamshire, Kingsomburne parke.—The chace of Holt, and the parke, Dorsetshire. Kirby parke, in Lincolnshire.—Higham Ferrers, in Northamptonshire. - - In Yorkshire. . parke. Weecks parke. In Hertfordshire. Poulfret parke. Onisbrough parke. Two other parkes there are in Suf. inor º - tºº. - Altafts parke. jolk. Eyste parke there also. Fº Kepax parke. Acworth parke, and the New Kingslaugby p ark, do © Blausby parke. parke of Wakefield. - In Essea. S'--~~~~5 5 *ve Pickeringly forest. The great parke of Plashey. Billon parke. - In Sussea. The little parke there. Oldney park, Buckinghamshire. The old parke of Wakefield. Hunsde parke. Coppedhull parke. Hungerford park, Berkshire. Hay parke. * The forest of Ashdowne. Highester parke there. * It may be presumed that the statement of Revenue this year This fixes the period when this account was taken, or the rates is not equal to the average year, as the figures do not correspond affixed, concurring with the Entry of the Fees of the “Justices of with this amount. w the Queen's Bench.” * Sir Francis Walsingham was chancellor in 1588.-See list. §: CHAP. W.; # * '' . . Çift #istory of 3Lancašijite. “FEES DUE PER ANNUM TO THESE OFFICERS. £ S. d. Bailiffe of the manor of Salford Bailiffe of Derby wapontake Bailiffe of manr of West Derby Mr of the forest of Wiersdale Mr of Amounderness forest The escheator of county palatine The sheriff of Lanc. hath for allowance The constable of Liverpool castle . e º The maister of Symondwood forest, and keeper of Tox- teth parke hath for his fees, per annum . Steward of the wapontake of Derby and Salford The receiver of the co. palat. * Porter of Lancaster castle Steward of Amounderness Steward of Lonsdale º Reeper of Quernmore parke $ Mr of the forest wood of Myerscough Maister of Wiresdale et Quernmore & g The chancellor's fee of the county palatine, per annul The justice of the queen's bench for his office in county palatine e e And for dyett e {e º º g To another justice for his office in county palatine, and dyett too * t & Atty of County palatine Clerke of ye crown for county Clerk of the common pleas . * Clerk of crown and pleas . & g g Barons of the exchequer there Cryer of the sessions at Lancaster Master of Bolland forest & & Steward of ponds for his fee sº & Receiver of Clitheroe tº & © & Steward of Blackburn, Tottington, and Clederhow, for his fee . * & º g ſº Constable of Clitherow castle a > tº * The keeper and porter of the gaole in the castle of Clitherow ſe g g & g Messenger of the dutchy . gº The keeper of the parkes' fees Fee of the bailive of Ormskirk Bailif of Burscough fee 6 13 0 0 10 0 0 0 13 1; 4 () l 6 1 1. I 1 i; 143 i;. 1 3 | ..: The under steward of Ormskirk appointed by the Earl of Derby w º tº * Fee of the clerk of the court there The fee of the auditor º e The fee of the receiver per annum . g The reward of the said receiver The fée for Furness • , The baylives of Dalton's fee The ditto of Hawkshead’s fee The ditto of Beamond and Bolton wº † Fee of all the manors pertaining to Furness mo- mastery . * e Fee of the receiver there Clerk of the court there tº Baylive of Furness liberty . & Keeper of woods in plane of Furness Reward of the auditor º tº * The stipend of a clerk to serve in the chapel at Farnworth g * e & ºp The stipend of a clerk to serve in the chapel at Lither- poole º ſº * * s g The fee of a clerk and schoole mt of Walton, per &IIIlúIII . © º g º The clerk's stipend at Blackrodes & The clerk of Clitherow stipend º g The stipend of the clerk of Padiham chappel The chaplin's fee in the chappel of Harewood, per 8.]]Illllll . g g The clerk in the chappel Of whalley g & The stipend of a clerke to serve in the chappel of Ruf- ford, per annum . tº The stipend of a clerke and school maister at Man- chester, per annum o Clerke of Beconshawe chapel g e The stipend of a clerk and school-master at Leyland The stipend of a clerk and school-master at Preston Clerke and steward of Wigan e tº The clerke of Croston's stipend gº e g The payment made unto seven weomen praying within the late colledge, called Knowles's Alms house, per a]]]}UIIIl Payd to two persons and the surveyor thereof ; I : 1 : i 35 15 5 10 “A NOTE of all the BENEFICES and SPIRITUAL LIVINGS belonging to the DUTCHY OF LANCASTER. (r) for rectory—(v) for vikarage. Comit. Berks. Henton Rectory Im. Comitat. Ebor. Methley (r) clare Darrington (v) per ann. Ackeworth (r) per ann. Croston (r) per ann. Slaitborne (r) per ann. Rirkbram (with r) Ouston (v) per ann. Castleford (r) per ann. Bradford (v) * Berwickes of Elemitt In Com. ESSea. Stamford rivers (r) . Munden (v) g Dedham (v) per ann. Essex (v) per ann. Longton (v) per ann. Laugham (v or r) Gloucester. Tiberton Rectoria . . . Hartford. Saint Andrews with St. Nicholas In Com. Lincoln. Hartringfordbury (r) Ounley (r) clere 23 7 5 25 8 (1 0 0 0 22 || 0 10 0 13 0 0 0 12 18 4 7 2 13 20 13 0 20 0 0 33 12 4 26 13 4 12 12 0 10 0 0 8 0 (0 18 3 8 17 0 0 7 16 0 12 I 2 16 0 0 9 3 4 Whittingham (r) Hantley (r) per ann. Stoopings parva (r) . Norcot (r) g South Somersetes (r) Bennington (v) Salt Thetby (r) Southreston (r) Morningerby (r) . iº $º * Thoresby (r) e • * * w In Comºé. Lancastrée. Pennington Don clear (r) . . Dalton (v) and clear In Com. Leicester. Hathurend (v) g St. Peter, Leicester (v) Desford (r) º Whitwicke vic. tº # Wiccaria de pembe valet, per ann. Mandeoallecke sene [sive] Monobon (v) Swafield (r) § & º Mamelly vic. Valet. per ann. Shibden (v) Trunche (r) Southropes (r) Sydestrond (r) Northrope (r) Mondesley (r) :I I 1I º 6 I 1. 1 I 4 9 d. : 10 i5 # l :2: . 50 (The #istory of £ancashire. CHAP. W. £ S. d. £ s. d. - In Comit. Worfolk. Rolston (r) - - º . T3 9 6 Themingham rector . - w s 6 0 0 Tatenhill (r) * - * e . 26 0 0 Withrope (r) 5 5 2 Wolstanton (r) - - º * . 32 3 9 Malilaske (r) 5 0 0 - º Beeston (r) 16 0 0 - In Com. Suffolk. Plumbstead (r) 5 3 2 Clare (v) - - - 4 18 8 - - Eyken (v) . - 6 13 4 In Comit. Northamp. Holmesett (v) cleare e * º * () () () Inchester (v) e “ º 8 0 0 Stratford . - - - º . 13 0 0 Passenham (r) .20 0 0 Somersham (r) w * tº & 8 0 0 Preston (v) 15 4 0 Hunden (v) . 7 13 4 Widd (v) 3 6 10 * Bethome (v) clear 13 17 4 - * , In Co. Wölffs. Millome (v) e - 8 5 & Poole (r) º - - e . 17 12 5 Urswick (v) sunt Richmondsh. * 7 17 4 Ashley (r) . - • . . e . 9 16 4 - In Com. Stafford. In Co. Westmorland. Tudbury (v) - e e & º 7 0 0 Orton (v) . e º & g . 16 17 4 “The valuation of some parsonages and vicarages within the dutchy appeareth not in the records remaining in the dutchy office, but may be found in the office of the first-fruits, where the same are best known,”—Birch's MSS. y - From the time of Queen Elizabeth to the reign of Charles II. no material change took place in the duchy court of Lancaster, with the exception of the abolition of the duchy court of star-chamber already noticed; but in the 12th Charles II. (1660), the last remaining vestige of the feudal system, after having existed in this country for at least six hundred years, was swept' away, and with it the privileges of wards and liveries attached to the duchy of Lancaster, although those privileges had been thought worthy of special protection a century before. The progress of knowledge had burst the bonds of vassalage, and although the system introduced, or completed, by the Norman conquerors, had taken deep root, and identified itself with the whole frame of society, the tenures in capite, and knights' service, were now declared “more burthensome, grievous, and prejudicial to the kingdom, than beneficial to the king,” and they were, therefore, for ever abolished. During the interval between the year 1642, when the public treasury passed into the hands of the parliament, and the year 1660, when Charles II. obtained the royal inheritance, the revenues of the duchy of Lancaster were applied to the exigencies of the state, first under the administration of Lord Newburgh, and subsequently under the chancellorships of William Lenthall, Speaker of the House of Commons, John (President) Bradshawe, Thomas Fell, and Sir Gilbert Gerard, Bart. ; the latter of whom was displaced at the Restoration by Francis Lord Seymour, who, as a mark of the royal favour, obtained this lucrative appointment, for his attachment to the House of Stuart. To facilitate the proceedings in the duchy court, an act was passed in the 16th and 17th Charles II. (1665), empowering the chancellor of the duchy to grant commissions for taking affidavits within the county palatine of Lancaster, and other places in the several counties of the kingdom within the survey of the duchy court, whereby the same validity was given to those affidavits, as if they had been sworn, as hitherto in the duchy chamber at Westminster, and to render these proceedings, in the incipient state, as little burthensome as possible, it was directed that the very moderate fee of twelve pence, and no more, should be received by the person empowered to take the affidavits. From the first creation of the duchy of Lancaster, in 1351, to 1831, there have been eighty-three chan- cellors of the duchy. The following is a complete list of those officers, obligingly furnished by the duchy office — - - CHANCELLORS of the DUCHY and COUNTY PALATINE of LANCASTER, from the first Creation of the Duke- dom in 1351, to the present time, June 1831. 34 Edward III. . . Sir Henry de Haydok tº * e Chancellor of Henry, first duke (1360). 46 Edward III. . . Ralph de Ergham, clerk º - º Bishop of Sarum (1372). 51 Edward III. . . Thomas de Thelwall, clerk . º º Created Chancellor of Co. Pal., 16th April (1377). 1 Richard II. . . . Sir John de Yerborough, clerk - 6 Richard II. . . . Sir Thomas Stanley . -> - º November 10th, pro temp. (1382). 6 Richard II. . . . Sir Thomas Scarle . º o 0. November 29th (1382). 7 Richard II. . . . Sir William Okey * - - º October (1383). 1 Henry IV. . . . John de Wakering . • º º (1399–1400). 1 Henry IV. . . . William Burgoyne, Esq. º º e (1399–1400). 6 Henry IV. . . . Sir Thomas Stanley . º - e May 15th (1405). 11 Henry IV. . . . John Springthorpe, clerk º - º March 30th (1410). 1 Henry W. . . . John Woodhouse & º º º 4th April (1413). 1 Henry VI. . . . John Woodhouse, contd. º - e 20th January (1423). 2 Henry VI. . . . William Troutbecke, Esq. Q -> º 10th June (1424). 9 Henry VI. . . . Walter Sherington, clerk º - tº 16th February (1431). 17 Henry VI. . . . . e e e º - º 7th May (1439), Chancellor for life. 20 Henry VI. . . . William Tresham o º º º 3d July (1442), Chancellor in reversion. 26 Henry VI. . . . William Tresham 6. º - e 1st November (1447). 27 Henry VI. . . . John Say, Esq. * d - e 10th June (1449). * Rot. Parl. 12 Car. II. p. 3. nu, 4. CHAP. W. 5 | Çür #igturn of 3Lancashire. 1 Edward IV. 11 Edward I.W. 17 Edward IV. 18 Edward IV. 1 Richard III. 1 Henry VII. 19 Henry VII. 21 Henry VII. 1 Henry VIII. 14 Henry VIII. 17 Henry VIII. 21 Henry VIII. _35 Henry VIII. 1 Edward VI. 6 Edward VI. 1 Queen Mary . . 4 & 5 Philip & Mary 1 Elizabeth . . . 10 Elizabeth 19 Elizabeth 32 Elizabeth 37 Elizabeth 43 Elizabeth 13 James I. 14 James I. 15 James I. 5 Charles I. Feb. 10, 1644 . 1649 . 1655 . 1659 . . . . 12 Charles II. . 16 Charles II. . 23 Charles II. . 34 Charles II. . 1 Wm. and Mary 9 William III. 1 Queen Anne 5 Queen Anne 9 Queen Anne 1 George I. 2 George I. 3 George I. 1 George II. 8 George II. 16 George II. 34 George II. 3 George III. . 11 George III. . 22 George III. . 23 George III. . 24 George III. . 27 George III. . 44 George III. . 44 George III. . 45 George III. . 45 George III. . 46 George III. . 47 George III. . 52 George III. . 52 George III. . 4 George IV. . 9 George IV. . 9 George IV. . I William TV.. John Say, Esq., contd. Sir Richard Fowler, Kt. Sir John Say, Kt. Thomas Thwaites Thomas Metcalfe Sir Reginald Bray, Knt. . * & & g Sir John Mordant, Knt., . g * sº Jº Sir Richard Empson, Knt. tº e Sir Henry Marny, Knt. . Sir Richard Wingfield, Knt. Sir Thomas Moore, Knt. . & Sir William Fitzwilliams, Knt. Sir John Gage, Knt. & Sir William Pagett, Knt. . Sir John Gate, Knt. Sir Robert Rochester, Knt. Sir Edward Walgrave, Knt. Sir Ambrose Cave, Knt. Sir Ralph Sadler, Knt. . & Sir Francis Walsingham, Knt. . Sir Thomas Henage, Knt. Sir Robert Cecil, Knt. * Sir John Fortescue, Knt. . * Sir Thomas Parry, Knt., and John Daccomb, Esq. Sir John Daccombe, Knt. . Sir Humphrey May, Knt. . Egward Lord Newburgh . º * e & William Lord Grey of Wake and William Lent- hall, Esq. John Bradshawe Thomas Fell . g Sir Gilbert Gerard, Bart. Francis Lord Seymour Sir Thomas Ingram, Kt. Sir Robert Carr, Bart. & * Sir Thomas Chicheley, Kt. * g Robert Lord Willoughby, of Ersby. Thomas Earl of Stamford . e Sir John Leveson Gower, Bart. James Earl of Derby e * * William Lord Berkeley, of Stratton . Henage Earl of Aylesford g Richard Earl of Scarborough Nicholas Lechemere, Esq. John Duke of Rutland George Earl of Cholmondeley Richard Lord Edgecumbe Thomas Earl of Kinnoull James Lord Strange . e w gº & * Thomas Lord Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon John Lord Ashburton gº gº tº & Edward Earl of Derby Thomas Earl of Clarendon Charles Lord Hawkesbury Thomas Lord Pelham Lord Mulgrave ſº e Earl of Buckinghamshire Dudley Lord Harrowby g Edward Earl of Derby . e The Right Hon. Spencer Perceva The Earl of Buckinghamshire .. The Right Hon. Charles Bathurst . . Nicholas Lord Bexley The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T. The Right Hon. Charles Arbuthnot . Lord Holland. 16th June (1461). 10th June (1471), also Chan. of Excheq. 3d November (1477). 2d April (1478), also Chan. of Excheq. 7th July (1483). 13th September (1485). 24th June (1504). 3d October (1505). 14th May (1509). 14th April (1523). 31st December (1525), made Chancellor of England. 3d November (1529), (after Earl of Southampton). 10th May (1543). 1st July (1547). 7th July (1552). (1553–54). 22d June (1558). (1558–59). 16th May (1568). 15th June (1577). (1590). 7th October (1595). 16th September (1601). 27th May (1615). 5th June (1616). 23d March (1618). 16th April (1629). 1st August (1649). 1655). 14th May (1659). 9th July (1660). 21st July (1664). 22d February (1671). 21st November (1682). 21st March (1689). 4th May (1697). 12th May (1702). 10th June (1706). 21st September (1710). 6th November (1714). 12th March (1715). 19th June (1717). 17th July (1727). May (1735). 22d December (1742). 27th February (; 1760). 13th December (1762). 14th June (1771). 17th April (1782). 29th August (1783). 31st December (1783). 6th September (1787). 11th November (1803). 6th June (1804). 14th January (1805). 10th July (1805). 12th February (1806). 30th March (1807). 25th May (1812). 23d June (1812). 13th February (1823). 26th January (; 1829). 2d June (; 1828). 25th November (1830). We have thus sketched, with a rapid hand, principally from official documents, a connected and authentic history of the duchy of Lancaster, one of “the most famous, princeliest, and stateliest of inheritances.” The connection of the duchy with the ducal and royal House of Lancaster is too close to admit of separation. They serve to illustrate and to ennoble each other, and to have exhibited them apart would have derogated from the dignity of both. In each successive reign, from the period when Henry of Bolingbroke ascended the throne of this kingdom, to the present time, with the exception of the interregnum of the commonwealth, the sovereigns of England have enjoyed the title of duke, and the revenues of the duchy of Lancaster, both of which are now in possession of our gracious sovereign, and will descend as an inalienable inheritance to the successors of the present monarch. The proceedings of the duchy court, during a period of four hundred and thirty years, are full of interest 52 Qſìje ??igturn of 3Lancashire. CHAP. W. in all the counties of the kingdom to which the duchy extends, but in the county palatine of Lancaster they have a peculiar claim to that distinction; and it may tend essentially to the convenience of those who at present, or in future times, may have occasion to consult the records of that duchy, to be presented with the following authentic information, both as to their nature, and as to their places of deposit. THE DUCHY RECORDS. “Return from the Deputy-Clerk of the Council, and Keeper of the Records in the Duchy of Lancaster, to the Committee on the Public Records of this Kingdom, made in virtue of an order from the select Committee, with an answer to the enquiry, Whether all the Records of the Duchy are open to public inspection ? “In obedience to your Order of the 21st February last, I herewith return answers to the several Queries put to me, with respect to the Records of this Office, under the Custody of the Clerk of the Council, and the two Auditors, to whom I, in this respect, act as deputy ; but beg leave at the same Time to state, that such only are considered as public, and open for public Inspection, as in any wise relate to, or concern Judicial Proceedings, the remainder being collected for the purpose of better managing and improving the Inheritance of his Majesty's Possessions in right of his Duchy of Lancaster; and the Officers of the Duchy think themselves at liberty to withhold them from public inspection, except for the purposes before mentioned, or by command of his Majesty, as Duke of Lancaster, signified by his chancellor of the Duchy. “The Answer to the First Question is contained in the following list of Records in the Office of the Duchy of Lancaster — Account of the purchase Money arising from the Sale of Rents under the several acts of Parliament, 19 Geo. III. 1779, to the present time.—[i.e. 1800]. Awards for inclosures, in which the Duchy Property has been concerned,—27 Geo. II, 1754, to the present Time. Bills and Answers and Depositions in the Duchy Court of Lancaster, and of such as have been transmitted from the County Palatine to be heard in the Duchy Court, 1 Hen. VII. 1487, to the present Time. Charters and Grants of various Kings under the Great Seal, as well as of private Persons (remaining in Boxes), to the King's Sons, and to Ecclesiastical Persons, of Lands within the Surveys of the Duchy, -1 King Stephen, 1135, to 10 Queen Elizabeth, 1558. Charters and Grants in Fee Farm, some of which are enrolled in the Office, and others remain on Parchment, with the Royal Sign Manual. The original Charters of the Duchy and County Palatine to the King's Son, and Grants of Lands to Individuals of the possessions of the Duchy, 51 Ed. III. 1377, to I Queen Anne, 1702. Court Rolls of such Manors as formerly belonged to the Duchy, and have since been granted away, and of Such as are at present demised by Leases under the Duchy Seal,—1283 to the present Time. - Decrees of the Duchy Court inrolled in Books, and some drafts with the Attorney General's Signature, 1 Hen. VII. 1487, to the present Time. Grants of Rents under the several Acts, to enable the Chancellor and Council to dispose of the Fee Farm and other Rents, and to enfranchise Copyhold Estates, 20 Geo. III. 1780, to the present Time. Inquisitions Post Mortem, consisting of 2400 of various Lands and Tenements, within all the Counties in England,-1 Hen. W. 1413, to 18 Car. I. 1642. Leases, Drafts, and Inrolments, of such as have passed the Duchy Seal, of Land and Tenements, Parcel of the Possessions of the Duchy, 1 Hen. VIII. 1510, to the present Time. Ministers and Receivers Accounts of the Rents and Revenues of the Duchy, -1135, to the present Time. Patents of Offices granted under the Duchy Seal,—1 Hen. VIII. 1510, to the present Time. Presentations to Livings under the Duchy Seal,—1 Hen. VIII. 1510, to the present Time. Rentals and Particulars of Lands belonging to the Duchy, collected together in Bags and Presses, and consisting of various other documents, of such Descriptions, that they cannot be comprised under one Head, registered into Counties, and in the Catalogue are the Names of places alphabetically arranged,—51 Ed. III. 1377, to the present Time. - Registers of Leases, Warrants, Grants, and other Documents, under Royal Signs Manual, inrolled in Books, of John, Duke of Lancaster, in the Time of Edw. the Third, and of various Kings, relating to the Possessions of the Duchy, 51 Edw. III. 1377, to 8 Hen. VI. 1430. Revenue Proceedings in Duchy Court inrolled in Books,—6 Car. I. 1630, to the present Time. Special Commissions of Sewers, and to survey estates belonging to the Duchy, 23 Eliz. (1581), to the present Time. Privy Seals and Bills, being the particulars prepared previous to the granting any Leases or Offices under the Duchy Seal,—1 James I. (1603), to the present Time. “The Building wherein the Records are kept is situate on the East Side of Somerset Place," is in good Condition and Security, with respect to the Rooms where the Records are deposited ; but many of them have been obliged to be lately removed from the lower part on account of the Dry Rot, which has affected the basement Story. As the Records yearly increase, more Room will be wanted at some future Period, for the Accommodation of them. The Office was appropriated to the use of the Duchy of Lancaster under the Act for erecting the Buildings at Somerset House, and is therefore public Property. But this office was given to the Duchy in consideration of Accommodations and Concessions made by his Majesty in right of his Duchy, from such parts of the manor of Savoy as belonged to the Duchy. The Records, except those of very ancient Date (which were, in some degree, destroyed by the vermin in the late office), are in good preservation ; and such as are not contained in Books are arranged in Presses, according to their Dates, tied up with paper and string, and numerically indorsed; and in the course of every summer a person is employed to remove the Dust from them, and put new paper and string to such as want it. The Books are deposited in Closets, indorsed according to their dates and Subjects. There are correct general Indexes, Repertories, and Calendars, of all the Records in the Office, with reference to the particular Subjects which they contain ; and as fresh Records are transmitted to the Office, they are continued to be entered in existing Calendars; and these additions are minutely attended to, without any Expense on that account being borne by the King as Duke of Lancaster. Several Years ago, according to what I have been informed, a Fire happened at the Duchy's Office, Gray's Inn, by which accident several Records were destroyed, and some are supposed to have been stolen. Some of these have been recovered from persons who have voluntarily surrendered them ; and some few Indexes and Catalogues, which had been made for the use of the officers who had the care of the Records; but I know of none now existing in any place, from whence they are likely to be regained ; and such ample Repertories have since been made, and the Records arranged in such order, that they would hardly be of use if recovered. I am employed in the arrangements of the Records myself, and a clerk assists me in placing and replacing them, for which no Salary or allowance whatever is paid, but a fee of 8s. 6d. is charged for the production of each Record, which is the sole allowance, as well for the trouble and producing them, as for arranging them and keeping them in proper preservation, and for making the Indexes, Repertories, and Calendars, and the further sum of 1s. is charged per folio for Copies, or 16d. if there is any considerable difficulty arising from the Antiquity or Language of the Record. Attendance with the Records themselves is so seldom demanded, that no Fee has been regularly settled for that purpose ; but if in London, a charge is made of one guinea, besides the coach-hire; and if in the country, two guineas a day, with the travelling charges, and all other expenses, would be expected. No account has been kept of the profits derived by searches for public records, independent of those where fees * 1 The Records are now removed to Lancaster Place. CHAP. W. The #istory of Lancashire. - 53 have been received for other searches, from whence any average can be taken. The answer to the Sixth Question is, I presume, contained in the answer to the foregoing questions. . I am not apprised of any regulation that can be made for rendering the use of the said Records more convenient for proper Inspection. - “R. J. HARPER, “May 8, 1800. Deputy-Clerk of the Council.” “Several Fee Farm Rolls of this Duchy have been lately transferred to this Office from the Augmentation Office.” “Return to a further Question to the Clerk of the Council and Keeper of the Records of the Duchy of Lancaster. “Query.—Are there in your custody, as such Officer, any Calendars, or Indexes to the Inquisitions Post Mortem mentioned in your Return to this Committee, and upon what plan are they formed—and are they in a state sufficiently correct for publication, if it should be thought to conduce to the benefit of the Public to have the same printed tº “Answer.—There are, as stated in my former Return, several Inquisitions Post Mortem, Traverses, and other Inquisitions of divers kinds, remaining in this Office under my care, commencing in the beginning of the Reign of Henry W. and finishing 18 Charles I., amounting to nearly 2,400 in number, Some of which consist of many large Skins of Parchment put on Files, in several |bundles, secured from future injuries by strong covers, and to which there is a regular Alphabetical Index and Calendar, in one Volume, divided into the several Reigns of the Kings before mentioned, and containing the names of Persons, and all places mentioned in each Inquisition, omitting none that are legible. The first directing immediately to the several lands each person died possessed of; the other referring to each Inquisition, in which any particular Lands are to be found. I know of no objection to publishing the above Index, if it should be thought conducive to the public benefit; and understand it will fill about 90 Pages when printed. “R. J. HARPER, “June 27, 1810. Deputy-Clerk of the Council.” The following is an Abstract from the public records relating to the Depositories of the Duchy of Tancaster:— - DEPOSITORIES OF THE DUCHY RECORDS. Records and other Instruments. - Date. Where kept. Charters and Grants — Under the great Seal of Duchy Lands º e * o Stephen to Elizabeth . e g Of various Kings . e • º o g & e 1135 to 1558 . º • º Duchy Office. Grants in Fee Farm, some enrolled, others not . o w 51 Edw. III. (1266) to Anne . Confirmation of privileges . ë o & º 2 Henry W. (1414) e e Bodleian Library. Copies of Charter relating to the Duchy . º o Henry IV. to Edw. IV. Exemplification of the grant of creation of the County - - * Ashmolean Museum. Palatine, and creation of Duke º e e • | 1 Edw. IV. (1461) e s e Patents of offices under the Duchy seal. . • * º } I º VIII. (1509) to the present | Bodleian Library. Grants of Rent under Statutes . © º * tº . 1780 to the present time . . Duchy Office. Inquisitions Post Mortem. . . - º o º º . . . 1 Henry W. (1413) to Car. I. . . Bodleian Library. Transcripts of, for Duchy Lands in Western Counties, ! 16 Car. I. (1640 Dorset, Somerset, Wilts, Hants & tº • ar. I. (1640) o * Sewers—Special Commissions • - e e º º 23 Eliz. (1581) to the present time University Lib. Camb. Surveys —Of Woods and Underwoods . e Q . . . 1575 . . s tº e . . Feoda Militum Regis Caroli Ducis Lancastriae . o s. Car. I. . - w e º & Privy Seals and Bills º o e © º 1 Jac. I. (1603) to the present time Awards for Inclosures e º º º º e s 1754 to the present time º Presentations to livings under the Duchy Seal . o º 1510 to the present time Court Rolls— Of manors formerly of the Duchy and of those now in demise | 1283 to the present time Leases— Registers of, together with warrants and other documents, | 51 Edw. III. to 8 Hen. VI. (1377 to | Duchy Office. under the Sign-manual . e º e e 1430) • º te e g Drafts and inrolments of . º º º & p . 1 Hen. VIII. (1509) to the present time . o e e º e Rentals and Particulars— Of Duchy Lands, alphabetically arranged . e & e | 51 º III. (1377) to the present Fee-farm Rent-rolls during the Commonwealth . e e Cari, and II. . º º Augmentation Office. Rnight's Fees therein belong to Charles I. . º º º 1648 General Rental Tempore Interregni e t e w º - º e e º University Lib. Camb. The like for Dorset, Somerset, Wilts, and Hants o º 1636 to 1640 . º - e - . Of Ministers and Receivers e º º º 1135 to the present time e tº Of money arising by Sales under statutes . º º º 1780 to the present time | Duchy Office, Of receiver in the County of Lancaster, and annexed lands of ) º - - - - Clithero, Furmeis, and Houlton º | Date wanting o tº º e University Lib. Camb. Forests, Pleas of . - © - • º e e º 8 Edw. III. (1334) - e * King's Rememb. Office. Pleading and Decrees, by Bill and answer . . . . } I º VII. (1485) to the present Books of decrees and orders . • e e e e 1487 to the present time Duchy Office. Revenue Proceedings . º e e e g e 1630 to the present time * A few Records concerning the Duchy . e • e º - • * * * * * Auditor's Office Land Revenue. The Seal of the Duchy of Lancaster is as ancient as the duchy itself; as is also the Seal of the County Palatine. The seal of the duchy remains with the chancellor of the duchy at Westminster; that of the county palatine is kept at Preston, in the office of the keeper of the seal. All grants and leases of land, tenements, and offices, in the county palatine of Lancaster, in order to render them valid, must pass under 54 (Iſiſt ºigturn of £ancashire. CHAP. W. the seal of the county palatine, and no other; and all grants and leases of lands, tenements, and offices, out of the county palatine, and within the survey of the duchy, must pass under the seal of the duchy, and no other seal." The custom, however, is to seal all deeds of lands, etc. within the county palatine, with both the duchy and the county palatine seals, and all without the county, but within the survey of the duchy of Lancaster, with the duchy seal only. These seals are essentially the same as those that have been used since the days of John of Gaunt, but new seals are engraved in each successive dukedom. Those at present in use are extremely splendid, and may rank amongst the first efforts of art in this department. THE DUCHY SEAL Represents the King seated on his Throne in Royal Robes, wearing the Collar of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, and the Imperial Crown. In his right hand he holds the Royal Sceptre, and his left is placed on the Orb and Cross on his left knee. On the dexter side of the Throne, on a compartment adorned with the Union Badge of the Rose, Thistle, and Shamrock, is placed a Lion sejant crowned with the Imperial Crown, and supporting between the Paws a Banner of the Arms of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; and on the sinister side of the Throne, on a like compartment, is a Unicorn Sejant and addorsed, gorged with a Prince's Crown, and supporting a banner of the Arms of the Duchy of Lancaster—viz. Gules, 3 Lions passant guardant Or, a label of three points, each charged with three fleurs-de-lis. The ground of the Seal is diapered, and round it is the Royal Style “Gulielmus quartus dei gratia Britanniarum Rex. Fidei Defensor.” On the Reverse is an antique Shield of the Arms of the Duchy, placed in bend dexter, between two Ostrich Feathers erect Ermine, each issuant from an Escrol. The shield is pendent by a belt from a Helmet, from which flows the Lambrequin, and on the Helmet rests the Crest, being upon a Chapeau, turned up Ermine, a Lion statant guardant, gorged with a Label of three points, each charged with three fleurs-de-lis. The Seal is circumscribed with the inscription “Sigillum Ducatus Lancastriae.” THE COUNTY PALATINE SEAL, The ground of which is diapered, represents the King on Horseback in Armour, upon a Mount in base, with the right arm elevated, and brandishing a sword. Upon the King's Helmet is placed the Crest, being on a chapeau, a Lion statant guardant. On the dexter side, under the upraised Arm, is a rose ensigned by a Prince's Coronet. The Caparisons of the Horse are ornamented with the letter L, ensigned with a like Coronet, and with the Royal Motto, Dieu et Mon Droit. On the Mount, near the dexter foot of the King, is a Talbot Dog courant, gorged with a collar. The whole is circumscribed “Sigillum Comitat: Palatin: Lancastriae.” The Reverse of this Seal is also diapered, and bears a Shield of the Arms of the Duchy, as above described, pendent by a belt from a Coronet, composed of Crosses patee and fleurs-de-lis, occupying the upper part of the Seal. On a Mount, in base, are represented, on each side of the Shield, two Talbots addorsed, each collared, and supporting an Ostrich Feather issuant from an Escrol. The Seal is thus circum- scribed, “Gulielmus quartus dei grat. Britanniarum Rex: Fid: Def:” Although the offices of the duchy, and the county palatine, except that of the chancellor's, are little subject to political changes, the list of officers is frequently varying by the inevitable operations of time. In July 1867 these lists were as follow :- OFFICERS OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER, Chancellor—Colonel John Wilson Patten, M.P. Clerk of the Council and Registrar—Joseph Henry Gooch, Esq. Attorney-General—Henry Wyndham West, Esq. Clerk in Court in Causes—Edward Thomas Whitaker, Esq. Queen's Sergeant—Charles Purton Cooper, Esq., Q.C. Surveyor-General of Lands and Woods of the Duchy—George Queen's Counsel—Edward James, Esq. Q.C. - Legard, Esq. 2 3 5 3 Gordon Whitbread, Esq. Surveyor-General of House-Property and Buildings of the Duchy— Receiver-General—General Fox. Sydney Smirke, Esq., R. A Auditor—Francis Alfred Hawker, Esq. . Messenger—John Poundall. OFFICERS OF THE COUNTY PALATINE.” Chancellor—The Earl of Devon. Comptroller for the Liverpool and Manchester Districts—Peter Vice-Chancellor—William Milbourne James, Esq., Q.C. Thomas Renand, Esq. Secretary—Joseph Henry Gooch, Esq. Prothonotary (pro tem.)—Joseph Henry Gooch, Esq. Attorney-General—Edward James, Esq., Q.C., M.P. Deputy-Prothonotary—Edmund Robert Harris, Esq. Constable of Lancaster Castle—Thomas Greene, Esq. Clerk of the Crown—Thomas Starkie Shuttleworth, Esq. Seal-Keeper—Thomas Starkie Shuttleworth, Esq. Clerk of the Peace—Robert John Harper, Esq. Principal Registrar of Court of Chancery—Peter Catterall, Esq. Deputy-Clerks of the Peace—Messrs. Birchalſ and Wilson. District Registrars, Preston—Joseph Catterall, Esq. 3 5 3 5 Manchester—Henry Wilbraham, Esq. High-Sheriff (1867)—Thos. Dicconson, Esq. of Wrightington Hall. 2 2 2 2 Liverpool—Jas. WinckworthWinstanley, Esq. Under-Sheriff—Thomas Part, Esq., Wigan. Comptroller for the Preston District—Chr. Bland Walker, Esq. Deputy Under-Sheriffs—Messrs. Wilson and Deacon. * Sir Edward Coke's Fourth Part of the Institutes of the Laws and other Constables, Keepers of Gaols, Bridgemasters, Surveyors, Of England, fo. 210. etc.—see Appendix No. III. * For a list of various other County Officers—as Coroners, Chief CEHAP. W. (The #istorm of £ancashire. . - 55 From the institution of the duchy of Lancaster, seals were, no doubt, in use, and the words, “The seal hitherto used,” in the act quoted above, serves to prove that it was not now introduced for the first time. In the British Museum" there is a manuscript entitled “Ducatus Lancastriae,” on the subject of the honors and dignities of the dukedom of Lancaster, written in the age of Elizabeth and attributed to Sir William Fleetwood, recorder of London, one of the worthies of Lancashire, which supplies an hiatus in the early period of the history of the Honor of Lancaster, wherein the learned civilian scrutinises the claims of Edmund Crouchback to the title of earl of Lancaster, with as little ceremony as he was accustomed to use in scrutinising the representations of the suitors in the recorder's court. DUCATUS LANCASTRIAE.” Lancaster is an ancient honor; its dukedom being made of a number of honors. Honors were dignities before the Conquest, as may be seen by the agreement made between King Stephen and Henry, duke of Normandy, son to Maude the empress, for suc. cession of the crown. Stephen was son to Adela, daughter to the Conqueror. After Stephen's death, Henry Plantagenet (son of the empress), was king of England, and had issue Henry, whom he crowned king in his lifetime; after his death, Richard Coeur de Lion, who created his brother John (Comte Sans Terre, Earl Lackland) earl of Lancaster and the town and territory of Bristol, and the counties of Nottingham, Devon, and Cornwall. Richard died without issue, leaving young Arthur and his sister, children of Geoffrey, his next brother [older than John] and heir. John, nevertheless, was crowned king of England, who had issue Henry and Richard and four daughters. Henry (III.), his eldest son, is crowned king, and grants to his brother (Richard) the earldom of Cornwall, with great possessions. In the 26 Henry III. (1241-2) came into England a nobleman, Piers of Savoy, who, because of his wisdom and prudence, was of the king's council in all things. To him the king gave the whole earldom of Lancaster, parcel of which earldom is the Savoy, a place without the bars of the new Temple, London, which in those days was known as a V.anaforia, since named “Maner Mori Templi,” at this day the Savoy, parcel of the possessions of the dukedom of Lancaster. Piers of Savoy built him a house there, calling it by the name of the country whence he came, the Savoy. This Piers, earl of Lancaster, being of great age, and his son being an alien born, and therefore not capable of inheriting the earldom, it escheated to the king and was vested in the crown. Henry III. had six sons and two daughters—John, Richard, William, Henry (who died without issue), Edward, afterwards king by succession, and Edmund, surnamed Crouchback, of whom is descended the family and noble house of Lancaster. For the king to the exalting of his blood, by letters patent, dated Lincoln, 8th August, in his 22d year (1327-8), granted to his dearly beloved son Edmund the honor of Lancaster, with all men, wards, reliefs, escheats, rents, and all other things pertaining to the honor, to be to him and the legitimate heirs of his body for ever. He also gave him and his heirs the honor of Leicester, etc., on 17th June, 55th year (1271). There is not any record or proof extant that this Edmund was created either earl of Lancaster or Leicester; * but an earl natural is evermore a king's son, who, by his birthright, is an earl born, etc. As King John, on King Richard granting him the honor of Lancaster, was named earl of Lancaster, not by creation but by birthright ; so Edmund Crouch- back had the two aforesaid honors granted him, and so was named earl of Lancaster and Leicester. The Honor of Lancaster, as by record appears, extends chiefly into Lancashire, Middlesex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, York, Rutland, and Staffordshire, etc. Edmund Crouchback, second son of Henry III., being advanced to these honors and dignities, had two sons— Thomas and Henry. This Thomas was erroneously attainted in a parliament of Edward II. by the policy of Hugh le Despencer, the father and his son, and was put to death at Pontefract ; but in a parliament 1st Edward III. (1827), this judgment was re- versed and the earl's dooms and possessions restored to the next heir, his brother Henry, who was not only earl of Lancaster and Leicester by lineal descent, but also heritor to divers other earldoms, honors, etc. This Henry was afterwards created duke of Lan- caster by Edward III. He had issue only one daughter, Blanche, afterwards married to John of Gaunt, by means whereof the said John of Gaunt was created duke of Lancaster, and by the assent of the Lady Blanch, his wife, all the possessions of the dukedom were lawfully conveyed to the said John the duke, the lady Blanche, and to the heirs of the body of John, etc. After which the said John had issue of the said Blanche, Henry of Bolinbroke, afterwards king by the name of King Henry IV., who had issue Henry V. The latter had issue Henry VI, which king had issue; after whose death the right and title to the dukedom, by force of the said entail ſpassed] unto John, earl of Somerset, son of the said John, earl of Lancaster, by Catharine Swynford, third wife of the duke; which John, earl of Somerset, had issue Margaret, the countess of Richmond and Derby; which Margaret had issue Henry VII., who married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Edward IV., by whom he had issue Henry VIII., who had issue, our sovereign lady the Queen Elizabeth, in whose sacred person are contained the two houses of Lancaster and York, etc. 1 Harl. Coll. No. 2077. - earl of Leicester by letters-patent of 49 Henry III. (1264-5), and * The original document being long and verbose, and full of con- earl of Lancaster 51 Henry III. (1266-7), both which patents are tracted words, we give the above as its Substance,—H. still extant. 3 Serjeant Fleetwood is in error: Prince Edmund was created 56 Qſìje History of 3Lancagüirº. CHAP. WI. CHAPTER WI. Creation of the County Palatine—Sheriffs from the Earliest Records—Courts of the County Palatine—Ecclesiastical and other Courts—Assizes—Public Records of the County Palatine.—A. D. 1087 to 1836. *Gººgºl,0SELY connected with the Duchy of Lancaster are the courts and privileges of the County S. * Palatine. Upon the subject of the palatinate privileges, Selden observes, “that the counties º ºf f § of Chester and Durham are such by prescription or immemorial custom, or at least as old as the Norman Conquest ; but that Lancashire, as a palatine county, is of more modern date, and was so created by Edward III. after it became a duchy, in favour of Henry Plantagenet, § first earl and then duke of Lancaster, whose heiress being married to John of Gaunt, the king's son, the franchise was greatly enlarged and confirmed in parliament, to honour John of Gaunt himself, whom, on the death of his father-in-law, the king had also created duke of Lancaster.” Upon this subject the authorities are conflicting: Lancashire appears to have enjoyed palatine jurisdic- tion under Earl Morcar, before the Norman Conquest ; but after that event, which changed the whole frame of society, these privileges remained in abeyance till they were partially revived in the early part of the twelfth century, and fully confirmed in the time of “the good duke of Lancaster,” and of John of Gaunt. We give an extract from an original letter from Dr. “Kuerden, in his own hand,” dated Preston, 20th Jan. 1664, to his brother, both in law and in pursuits, Mr. Randle Holme, in the Harleian Collection in the British Museum —” tº gº ſ: * iſ: “Mr. Townly and myself are in hott pursuit of our coutryes affaires, and in retriuing the glory of our Palatinate out of monu- métal ashes, and are able by this time to prove our county a Palatinate Jurisdiction under Rog. Pictavensis, before the grand Survey of Doomsday's Record in ye Echdr and forfeted before that time, restored again in With the second's time, forfeited againe by Pictavensis at the battell of Teuerchbuy, [Tewkesbury] in the beginning of Henry I., bestowed then on Stephen before he was king, and continuated for his reigne in his son, W. Comes Boloniae et Moritoniae, till about the 5th of Richard the first, then given to Jo Earl Moreton, afterwards to P. of Savoy, and by Henry 3d conferred on Edmund Crouchback, our first earl by charter, though some of these latter had not their Jura Regalia as at first.” Counties palatine are so called a palatio, because the owners thereof, the earl of Chester, the bishop of Durham, and the duke of Lancaster, had in those counties jura regalia as fully as the king had in his palace ; regalem potestatem in omnibus.” The peculiar jurisdiction and form of proceedings of the courts of law in the county palatine of Lancaster are the result of those privileges which were granted to its early earls and dukes, to induce them to be more than ordinarily watchful against the predatory incursions from the Scotch border, and to prevent their tenants from leaving the territory defenceless and exposed to hostile agressions, while seeking redress at the more distant tribunals of the realm." Law was to be administered by the officers and ministers of the duke, and under his seal, and anciently all offences were said to be against his peace, his Sword and dignity, and not as now “against the peace of our lord the king, his crown and dignity.” The king's ordinary writs for redress of private grievances, or the punishment of offences between man and man, were not available within the county palatine, such writs then ran in the name of the duke; but in matters between the king and the subject, the palatine privileges could not contravene the exercise of the sovereign power, and the prerogative writs were of force, lest injuries to the state should be remediless. Since 27 Henry VIII. (1535) all writs have run in the name of the king, and are tested before the owner of the fran- chise. Hence it is that all ordinary writs out of the king's court at Wesminster, for service in this county, are addressed to the chancellor of the duchy, commanding him to direct the sheriff to execute them, and that all processes to that officer, out of the chancery of the county palatine, are not tested before the king or his justices at Westminster, as in other counties. The franchise and revenue of the duchy being under different guiding and governance from those of the crown, all honours and immunities, and all redress within this county, with very few exceptions, must be derived from the chancellor of the duchy, as the principal minister of the king, in his capacity of duke of Lancaster. Justices of assize, of gaol-delivery, and of the peace, are, and ever since the creation of the county Palatine of Lancaster have been made and assigned by commission, * Tit. Honour, part ii. sec. 8. p. 677. * Cod. 2042. * Bracton, lib. iii. c. 8. sec. 4. these were abolished by parliament ; the former, 27 Henry VIII. (1535); the latter, 14 Elizabeth (1572). By the first mentioned of these acts, the powers of owners of counties palatine were much * Upon this account there were formerly two other counties pala- tine,—border counties, as they were called,—Pembrokeshire and Hexhamshire; the latter now united with Northumberland; but abridged, the reason for their continuance having in a manner ceased, though still all writs are witnessed in their names, and all forfeitures for treason by the common law accrue to them. chap. vi. * Qſì #igförg of £amtāşşire. 57 under the seal of the county palatine," and the sheriffs for the county of Lancaster are appointed in the same way. The election of sheriff for this county palatine, in 1824, formed an exception to the general rule. The practice is to date the writ before his majesty, “at his palace at Westminster;” but on this occasion, when John Entwistle, Esq. of Foxholes, was appointed, that document was dated from “the palace of Brighton.” Anciently sheriffs, like coroners, were chosen by the freeholders; but popular elections growing tumultuous, this practice was abolished. • - The choice of the sheriffs in the palatine counties is conducted in a different manner from that of the choice of these officers, in the other counties of the kingdom. The usual mode of election is for the judges, having met in the exchequer chamber on the morrow of St. Martin (Nov. 12), to return for each of the counties, not palatine, the names of three persons, residents in each county, to the king—and for the king, with a small instrument, to prick the name of one of the three, usually the first upon the list, as sheriff. But for the county of Lancaster, the chancellor of the duchy selects the three names, which he submits to the king, as duke of Lancaster, usually on some day between the 1st and the 20th of February in each year; and the king chooses one of the three, generally that at the head of the list. In the early periods of British history, the sheriffs continued in office for a number of years, as will be seen in the following list, and some for the whole term of their life; but since the 28th Edward III. (1354), the office can only be held legally for one year. Nor was it unusual in early times to elect to this office the most exalted peers of the realm. Before the Conquest, the county of Lancaster, with some other jurisdictions, was committed to the earl of Northumbria, in the large sense, and sometimes to the earl of Deira, being the more southern part of that kingdom or province. The last of these earls in the Saxon times were earls Tosti and Morcar, whose pos- sessions are noted in Domesday Book. . - The following list is compiled from the manuscripts of Mr. Hopkinson, compared by the late Matthew Gregson, Esq., with that of the late George Kenyon, Esq., which we have collated with and corrected from a MS. (No. 259) in the British Museum, indorsed, “Nomina Vicecomitum collecta ex Rotulis Pellium recepta apud Westmonasterium. De Termino Michaelis, anno primo Regis Edwardi primi” (1273).” SHERIFFS OF LANCASHIRE, FROM THE EARLIEST RECORDS To 1867. NORMAN LINE. RICHARD I. 3. 1189. Gilbertus Pipard. WILL. II. 1190. Henry de Cornhill. 1087. Galfridus was sheriff, and the only one named until 91. Idem, oval-, + º Prºbly the person cºliº. Goiânii in the . .” ºvey. “ : Ripå 7 Mersham.” * e Domesday Survey Inter Ripå 7 Mersham 94. Theobald Walter and Wm. Radcliffe pro eo (Theobald PLAN { F A e Walter, K.) - LANTAGENET OF ANJOU 95. Idem Theobald and Benedictus Garnet pro eo. HENRY II. 96. Idem. Idem. . 97. Idem Theobald and Robertus Vavasor pro eo. 1156. Rad. Pigot, for four years. - * p in ann. º 1160. Robt. de Montalto, for three years. 98. Theobald Walter and Nicholas Pincerna pro eo. 63. Hugh de OWra. - J - tº gº - OEIN. # #º: 1199. Theobald Walter. . Galniaus de Yalomus. - y 1200. Rob. de Tattershall (Rob. de Toteshal, K.) 66. William Vesci. I 67. Willielmus de Veseye. & : on- * 68. Rogerus de Herlebeck (Wm. de Vescye, K.) * - : Ricardus Vernon. - nº # . º K.) Roger Lacy, Cons. Cest. Robt. Walensis, Rich. Vernon 72. #. º C ; I 1205. (K. omits the second). - . 73. i * ... [36].'Ila,I'Ci. William Vernon. Gilbertus fil. Roger and Rich. . . . . 74, Rad, fil. Bernardi (Rad. de Glanvill, K.) 1206. } 'º. º Fºl Reynfridi. #. jº. or Robertus fil. Bernardi. 1207. Roger Lacy, Robert Wallensis, Gilbert fil. Reynfridi . Radulphus fil. Bernardi (K. Rob. H.) Adam fil. Rog. pro eo 2 - ~ º, Roºm. Benºida al Banº, Kº 8. Gilbert fill Reynfidi and Adam fil. Rog, pro eo (Gilbert l º, oval; fil. Reinford, K.) to Radulphus fil. Bernardi. 1209 1183. - to Idem Gilbert and Adam, durante vita, Joh’s, regis. 84. Gilbert Pipard and Hugo. Gilbert Pipard. 1...g. ſIdem (1213, 1214, Reinford, K.) 85. Frater ejus pro eo. Alan Walans. 4.1- V's EI III. - 86. Gilbertus Pipard and Petrus frater ejus pro eo. Gilbert ENIRY III. Pipard. - 1216. Ranulfus Comes Cestria. 87. Gilbertus Pipard and Petrus. 17. Ranulfus Comes Cestria and Jordanus fil. 88. Gilbertus Pipard. - 18. Idem Ranulfus and Jordanus, for five years the same. 1 Coke's 4th Institute, p. 205. * Coke's 2d Institute, p. 174. In the list above Kenyon's dates are followed, as comprising nearly * Kenyon dates from the year of appointment; Hopkinson from ten months of the year's shrievalty. The authorities for various the year in which the shrievalty ends ; so the apparent difference readings are marked K. for Kenyon, H. for Hopkinson, and G. for of a year runs throughout their lists (Gregson's Fragments, p. 225). Greswell. The names in the text are generally from Hopkinson.—H. I 58 Qſìje #istorg of £ancagüirº. CHAP, WI. 1223. Idem Ranulfus and Jordanus (William Ferrars Comes, 24. Idem Ranulfus and Jordanus, and Will. Ferrars Comes. Robertus Montjoy pro eo. 25. Idem Wills. and Robertus Custos pro eo. 26. Idem Willielmus and Gerardus Etwell pro eo (Idem and Comes Ferrars, K.) 27. Adam de Eland, Cust, pro Will, com. (Adam de Yeland only, K.) 28. Idem (some person appointed five years more, Eland of Ebor.) 1233. Johannes Byron Miles, Will. de Lancaster (William de Lancaster only, K.) Gilbert Westby pro eo. 34. William Lancaster, et Simo de Thornton, pro eo. 35. Idem Willielmus et Simo. 36. Robertus de Latham, idem Will. and Simo pro eo. 37. Same William and Simeon for six years. 1243. William Lancaster et Richard Butler pro eo. 44. Willielmus Lancaster. 45. Idem William and Mattheus Redmain. 46. (Mattheus Redmain alone, K.) 47. l Idem. 48. Idem Mattheus and Robert Latham (half-year, K.) 49. Robert Lathom. Ditto, for seven years further. Patricius de Ulnesby, for three years. 1256. Ult. an junct. Will. de Pincerna (de Bewsey). (Patricius de Ulnesby, K.) 59. Galf. de Chetham ut Firmarius. 1260. Idem Galfridus for two years. 61. Idem Galf. (Radulfus Dacre and Gal. de Chetham, half-year, K.) 62. Idem Galf, and Adam de Montalto. 63. Idem Adam and Robert de Latham (Adam de Mont- alto, K.) 1272. Randulphus Dacre. EDWARD I. 73. Thos. Travers. 74. William Gentyl (Henry de Lea, H.) 75. Ranulphus de Daker. 76. Nichus de Le. 77. Henry de Lea, or Hen, du Lee. 78. Gilbert de Clifton, 79. Rog. de Lancaster. 1280. Rudus de Montjoy. 81. Thomas Banester. 82. Rich. de Hoghton. (Gilb. de Clifton and Hen. de Lea, H.) 83. Thos. de Lancaster. # | Henry de Lea. 86. Robert Latham and Gilbert Clifton pro eo (Gilbert Clif- ton alone, K 87. Gilbert Clifton. 88. Robert de Leyborne, 89." Gilbert Clifton. 1290. Roger de Lancaster. 91. Radus Mountjoy (to 1297, K.) 92. Richard Hoghton and Rads. de Montegaudeo, or Mount- OW. 1292 JOy to . Idem Radulphus Montegaudeo, or Montjoy. 1298. 99. Edmund Comes Lancaster and Richard Hoghton pro eo (Thomas Lancaster, by inheritance with Rich. Hoghton, 1300. Richard Hoghton for two years. 1. Thos. Travers and Richard Hoghton. 2. Thos. Travers, EDWARD II. 1303 to Thos. Earl of Lancaster. 1308. 1309. Willielmus Genty]. 10. Thos. Earl of Lancaster. 1311 to Richard de Bickerstath. 1320. 21. Gilbertus Southworth (Wm. le Gentyl, K.) 23 John d’Arcy. iº | Edward Stanley, miles. 12. 14. EDWARD III. Wm. Gentyl. Jolies de Hambury. Johes de Burghton. Johes de Hambury and Galfrus de Warburton. Johes de Denon. ! Robertus Foucher (others Say Toucher). Willielmus Clapham. Robertus Ratcliffe of Ordsall. Stephanus Ireton. Johes le Blount. Johannes Cockayne. Ricardus Ratcliffe. Willielmus Radcliffe. Johannes I pree, Willielmus Radcliffe. Johannes Ipree, vice-sheriff (no sheriff's name found). Galfrus de Chetham. Richard Townley. RICHARD II. Richard Townley. Thos. de Bobbeham. Nicholas Harrington, for six years. Rads. Ratcliffe, for three years. Robertus Standish. Rads. Standish, miles. Johannes Butler de Rawcliffe, miles, for two years more, Ricardus Mollineux. |HOUSE OF LANCASTER. HENRY IV. Thomas Gerard. Johannes Butler. Johannes Butler. Radulphus Radcliffe. Radulfus Radcliffe, miles. Johannes Bold. Johannes Bold, miles. ſº | Radulfus Stanley, miles. HENRY W. Rads. Stanley, miles, and Nicholas Longford. William Bradshaw and Robert Longford. Robertus Urswick. Robertus Lawrence. | Ricardus Radcliffe. HENRY WI. Ricardus Radcliffe, for three years. Robertus Lawrence. Johannes Byron, Knt. (Idem John, H.) HOUSE OF YORK. Nichus Byron. EDWARD IV. Johannes Broughton. Thomas Pilkington. Robtus Urswick, miles. Thos. Pilkington, arm. Thos. Molineux, arm. Thos. Pilkington, miles. HOUSE OF TUDOR. TJNION OF YORK AND LANCASTER, HENRY WII. HENRY WIII. Edwardus Stanley, miles. Idem (Postea Dom. Monteagle, K.) CHAP. VI. 59 Çiſt ºftistory of £ancashire. l % } Edwardus Stanley. 28. 1532. 42. 46. 47. 48. 49. 1550. 51. 1603. 4. Alex. Osbaldeston, miles. Johes Townley, miles. Thos. Southworth, miles. Alex. Radcliffe, miles. EDWARD VI. Alexander Radcliffe, miles (Richard Radcliffe, K.) Thomas Gerrard, miles. Robert Worsley, miles (T. Gerrard, K.) Peter Legh, miles (R. Worsley, miles, K.) John Atherton, miles (Peter Legh de Lime, mil. John Atherton, K). - Thomas Talbot, miles. Thomas Gerrard, Imiles. MARY. Marmaduke Tunstall, mil. John Atherton, miles. Thomas Langton, miles. Edward Trafford, miles. Thomas Gerrard, miles. ELIZABETH. John Talbot, Esq. Robert Worsley, Knt. John Atherton, Knt. John Southworth, Knt. Thomas Hesketh, Knt. Thomas Hoghton, Esq. (of Hoghton). Edmund Trafford. Richard Molineux, Knt. (of Sefton). Thomas Langton, Knt. Edward Holland, Esq. (of Denton, G.) John Preston, Esq. of the Manor. Thomas Butler, Esq. Edmund Trafford, Esq. John Byron, Esq. Richard Holland, Esq. William Booth, Esq. Francis Holt, Esq. Richard Bold, Esq." Robert Dalton, Esq. John Fleetwood, Esq. (of Rosshall). Ralfe Ashton, Esq. (of Middleton). Edmund Trafford, Knt. John Biron, Knt. Richard Holland, Esq. John Atherton, Esq. Edmund Trafford (Thomas Preston, K.) - Thomas Preston, Esq. (Richard Asheton, Esq., K.) Richard Asheton (and Richard Bold, Esqs., K.) John Fleetwood, Esq. (of Penwortham). Thomas Talbot, of Bashall, Esq. Richard Molineux, Knt. Richard Bold, Esq. James Asheton, Esq. (of Chaderton). JEdward Fitton, Esq. Richard Asheton, Esq. (of Middleton). Ralph Ashton, Esq. (of Lever). Thomas Talbot, Esq. (of Bashall). Richard Holland, Esq. Richard Molyneux, Knt. Richard Asheton, Esq. (of Middleton). Richard Hoghton, Knt. (Rob. Hesketh, Esq., G.) Robert Hesketh, Esq. (Sir Richard Hoghton, G.) Cuthbert Halsall, Esq. (Sir Cuthbert Hoghton, G.) Ldmund Trafford, Knt. (Esq., G.) HOUSE OF STUART. - JAMES I. John Ireland, Esq. Nicholas Moseley, Knt. 1605. 6 Ralph Barton, Esq. (Rand, Barton, Esq.) Edmund Fleetwood, Esq.” Richard Ashton, Knt. (of Middleton and Whalley). Robert Hasketh, Esq. Edmund Trafford, Knt. Roger Nowell, Esq. (Roger A. Nowell, Esq., K.) John Fleming, Esq. Cuthbert Halsall, Knt. Robert Bindloss, Esq. (of Borwick, K.) Richard Sherborne, Esq. (Richard Sherburne, Stony- hurst, K.) Edmund Stanley, Esq. Rowland. Moseley, Esq. (Robert Moseley, K.) Edmund Trafford, Knt. Richard Shuttleworth, Esq. John Holt, Esq. Leonard Ashawe, Esq. (Leonard Ashall, or Ashow, K.) Edmund Moore, Esq. (of Bank Hall). Gilbert Ireland, Esq. (of Hale). Sir George Booth, Knt. and Baronet. Sir Rafe Asheton, Baronet. CHARLES I. Richard (or Edward, K.) Holland, Esq. Roger Kirkby, Esq. Sir Edward Stanley, Baronet. Edmund Ashton, Esq. (of Chaderton). Edward Rawsthorne, Esq. Thomas Hesketh, Esq. . Richard Bold, Esq. Nicholas (or Richard, K.) Townley, Esq. Rafe Ashton, Esq. (of Middleton). Ralph Standish, Esq. (of Standish). Humfry Chetham, Esq. (The Benefactor, K.) Manchester. William Farington, Esq. Richard Shuttleworth, Esq. Roger Kirkby, Esq. Sir Edward Stanley, Baronet. Robert Holt, Esq. (Richard Holt, K.) Peter Egerton, Esq. John Girlington, Knt. Gilbert Hoghton, Esq. (Bart. K.) John Bradshaw, Esq. (No Sheriffs elected during the Civil Wars—Gregson.) - COMMON WEALTH. Gilbert Ireland, Knt., until May 1649. John Hartley, of Strangeways, gentleman, until December 1649. Edward Hopwood, of Hopwood, Esq. Henry Wrigley, gentleman, Chamber Hall (A. Wrigley, K. Alexander Barlow, of Barlow, Esq. John Parker, of Entwistle, Esq. Peter Bold, of Bold, Esq. John Atherton, of Chowbent, Esq. John Starkie, of Huntroyd, Esq. Hugh Cooper, of Chorley, Esq. Robert Bindloss, Esq. of Borwick Hall. Sir Richard Hoghton, Baronet. RESTORATION. CHARLES II. George Chetham, Esq. of Turton. ! Sir George Middleton, Baronet. J. Girlington, Esq. Thomas Preston, Esq. William Spencer, Esq., two years. John Arden, Esq. | Thomas Greenhalgh (of Brandlesome, Esq., K.) 1 Fuller, in his Worthies, has a different order of succession for the four years 1572-75—viz. 1572 (14 Elizabeth), Francis Holt; 1573, Richard Holland; 1574, William Booth; and 1575, Francis Holt again; omitting John Byron. - * Fuller omits John Ireland, and gives the three following— Nicholas Moseley, Knt., Thomas Baker, Esq., and Edward Fleet- wood, Esq. Qſìje ??ištúrg ºf 3Lancashire. CHAP. VI. I685. 88. I689. 1690. 1731. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38, 39. 1740. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 1750. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 1760. Christopher Banister, Esq. Henry Slater, Knt. | Sir Robert Bindloss, Baronet (of Borwick Hall, K.) Peter Brooks, Knt. (Butterworth, K.) Alexander Butterworth, Esq. of Belfield. Idem Alexander Rigby, Esq. Alexander Rigby, Esq. Idem (of Layton, K.) Sir Rodger Bradshaw, Bart, (of Haigh, K.) William Johnson, Esq. of Rishton Grange (William Spencer, K.) Lawrence Rosthorn, Esq. of White Hall. Idem. (Thomas Leigh, Esq., K.) Thomas Legh jun., Esq. of Lyme. Idem. (Peter Shakerley, Esq., K.) JAMES II. Peter Shakerley, of Shakerley, Esq. William Spencer, Esq., two years. (Peter Shakerley, K.) Thomas Richardson, of Rawnhead, nominated, but not SWOTil IIl. WILLIAM AND MARY. Jas. Birch, Esq. of Birch Hall. Peter Bold, Esq. of Bold (Alexander Rigby, K.) Alexander Rigby, Esq. (Layton). Francis Livesey, Esq., of Livesey or Manchester (Thomas Rigby, K.) Thomas Rigby, Esq. of Gorse. Thomas Ashurst, of Ashurst, Esq. Richard Spencer, Esq. of Preston. Thomas Norris, Esq. of Speke. Boger Manwaring, Esq. of Morley. Wm. West, Esq. of Middleton. Robert Dukenfield, Esq. of Dukenfield (Thomas Rigby of Middleton, K.) (Hulme, of Davy Thomas Rigby, of Middleton, Esq. Hulme, K.) William Hulme, Esq. (of Davy Hulme). ANNE. Roger Nowel, of Read, Esq. Peter Egerton, of Shaw, Esq. George Birch, of Birch Hall, Esq. Succeeded by his brother, Thomas Birch. Richard Spencer, of Preston, Esq. Christopher Dauntesey, of Agecroft. Edmund Cole, of Lancaster and Cote. Miles Sandes, of Graythwaite, Esq. Roger Kirkby (ob, this year). Succeeded by Alexander Hesketh, Esq. Roger Farker, of Extwisle, near Burnley, Esq. Sir Thomas Standish, of Duxbury, Bart. Wm. Rawsthorne, of Preston, Esq. Richard Walantine, of Preston and Benteliffe (Exeter), Esq. William Farington, of Werden, Esq. Hous E OF BRUNSWICK. GEORGE I. Jonathan Blackburn, of Orford, Esq. Thomas Crisp, Esq., Wigan and Parbold. Samuel Crooke, of Crooke, Esq. Richard Norris, of Liverpool and Speke, Esq. Thomas Stanley, of Clithero, Esq. Robert Mawdesley, of Mawdesley, Esq. Benjamin Hoghton, Esq. Benjamin Gregg, Esq., Chamber Hall. Sir Edward Stanley, of Bickersteth, Bart. William Tatham, Esq., Over Hall. Miles Sandys, of Graithwait, Esq. Edmund Hopwood, of Hopwood, Esq. GEORGE II. Dr. Daniel Wilson, of Dalham Tower. Joseph Yates, of Peel, near Manchester, Esq. William Greenhalgh, of Myerscough, Esq. James Chetham, of Smedley, Esq. William Leigh, of West Houghton. John Parker, of Breightmet, Esq. John Greaves, of Kilshaw, Esq., or Culchith. Dr. Bushel, of Preston, M.D. Arthur Hambleton, of Liverpool, Esq. Darcy Lever, of Alkrington, Knt. LL.D. Thomas Horton, of Chadderton, Esq. Samuel Chetham, of Castleton, Esq. Sir Ralph Asheton, of Middleton, Bart. Roger Hesketh, of Meols, Esq. Robert Duckenfield, of Manchester. Robert Bankes, of Winstanley. John Blackburne, of Orford, Esq. Robert Radcliffe, of Foxdenton, Esq. Daniel Willis, of Red Hall, Esq. (now Halstenhead). William Shaw, of Preston, Esq. Sam. Birche, of Ardwicke, Esq. Geo. Clarke, of Hyde, Esq. Tigby Molineux, of Preston, Esq. Charles Stanley, Esq., Cross Hall. James Fenton, of Lancaster, Esq. Richard Townley, jun. of Belfield, Esq. John Bradshaw, of Manchester, Esq. Thomas Hesketh, of Rufford, Esq. Thomas Johnson, of Manchester, Esq. James Barton, of Penwortham, Esq. James Bailey, of Withington, Esq. Robert Gibson, of Myerscough Planks, Esq. Edward Whitehead, of Claughton, Esq. Samuel Hilton, of Pennington, Esq. GEORGE III. Sir William Farington, of Shaw Hall, Knt. Thomas Braddle, of Conishead, Esq. Thomas Blackburne, of Hale, Esq. Sir William Horton, of Chadderton, Bart. John Walmesley, of Wigan, Esq. Edward Gregg, of Chamber Hall, Esq. Alexander Butler, of Kirkland, Esq. Thomas Butterworth Bayley, of Hope, Esq. Dorning Rasbotham, of Birch House, Esq. Nicholas Ashton, of Liverpool, Esq. Sir Ashton Lever, of Alkrington, Knt. William Cunliffe Shaw, Esq., Preston. Thomas Patten, Esq., Warrington. Geoffrey Hornby, of Preston, Esq. Sir Watts Horton, of Chadderton, Bart. Lawrence Rawsthorne, Preston, Esq. Samuel Clowes, of Chorlton, Esq. Wilson Gale Bradyall, Esq., Conishead. John Clayton, of Carr, Esq., or Little Harwood. John Atherton, Esq., Walton Hall, Liverpool. John Blackburn, Esq., Orford, now Hale. Sir Frank Standish, Duxbury, Bart. James Whalley, Esq., Clerk Hill, Whalley. Wm. Bankes, of Winstanley, Esq. John Sparling, Esq., Liverpool. Sir John Parker Mosely, of Ancoats, Bart. William Bamford, of Bamford, Esq. Edward Falkner, of Fairfield, near Liverpool, Esq. William Hulton, of Hulton, Esq. Charles Gibson, Esq., of Lancaster, now Quernmore. James Starkie, of Heywood, Esq. William Asheton, of Cuerdale, Esq., now Downham. Thomas Townley Parker, of Cuerden, Esq. Sir Henry Philip Hoghton, of Walton, Bart. Robinson Shuttleworth, of Preston, Esq. Richard Gwillym, Bewsey, Esq. Bold Fleetwood Hesketh, of Rossal, Esq. John Entwistle, of Foxholes, Esq. Joseph Starkie, of Royton, Esq. James Ackers, of Lark Hill, Esq. Sir Thomas Dalrymple Hesketh, Bart., Rufford. Robert Gregg Hopwood, of Hopwood, Esq. Isaac Blackburne, Esq. Thomas Lister Parker, of Browsholme, Esq. Meyrick Bankes, of Winstanley, Esq. Le Gendre Pierce Starkie, of Huntroyd, Esq. Richard (Cross) Legh, of Shawe Hill and Adlington, Esq. Thomas Clayton, of Carr Hall, Esq. ºl łº, , ! * . . . * * * §º R - ! ; ; iłł ~ * f , *ś, | ; ; ; ; - ** , , ! . . CHAP. VI. (The #istorm of £antagjire. 61 1809. Samuel Clowes, of Broughton, Manchester, Esq. WICTORIA. 1810. William Hulton, of Hulton, Esq. 1837. Th a; * g 11. Sam. Chetham Hilton, of Moston Hall, Esq. § wº. ºSQ. }} Edward Greaves of Culcheth, Esq. 39. Charles Scarisbrick, of Scarisbrick, Esq. 13. William Fººingtºn, of Shawe Hall, Big 1840. Thomas Fitzherbert Brockholes, of Brockholes, Esq. 14. Lawrence Rºwshºne. P enwortham, º: 41. Sir Thomas Bernard Birch, of the Hazles, Bart. 15. Le Gendre Pierce Starkie, Huntroyd, Esq. 42. Thomas Robert Wilson France, of Rawcliffe Hall, Esq. 16. William Townley. Townhº, Esq. 43. William Garnett, of Lark Hill, Salford, Esq. 17. Robert Townley Parker, of Cuerden, Esq. 44. John Fowden Hindle, of Woodfold Park, Esq. 18. Joseph Fielden, Wetton House, Esq. 45. Pudsey Dawson, of Hornby Castle, Esq. 19. John Walmesley, Castle Mere, Esq. 46. William Standish Standish, of Duxbury Park, Esq. 47. William Gale, of Lightburne House, Ulverston, Esq. GEORGE IV. 48. Sir Thomas George Hesketh, of Rufford Hall, Bart. 1820. Robt. Hesketh, Rossal, Esq. 49. John Smith Entwisle, of Foxholes, Rochdale, Esq. g & g 1850. Clement Royds, of Mount Falinge, Rochdale, Esq. 21. Thomas Richard Gale Braddyll, Conishead Priory, Esq. ygs, ge, , ESQ. º º q 51. Thomas Percival Heywood, of Claremont, Esq. : hº Lodge, Esq. * 52. Thomas Weld-Blundell, of Ince Blundell, Esq. 24. John Entwistle, Foxholes, Esq. 53. John Talbot Clifton, of Lytham Hall, Esq. 54. Richard Fort, of Read Hall, Esq. 25. John Hargreaves, Ormerod House, Esq. rº 2 , Fºg. . --- 26. James Penny Machell, Penny Bridge, Esq. 55. John Pemberton Heywood, of Norris Green, West Derby, 27. Chas. Gibson, Quernmore Park, Esq. Esq. g = 9 g 28. Edmund Hornby, Dalton Hall, #. 56. Robert Needham Philips, of The Park, Prestwich, Esq. º 57. Charles Towneley, of Towneley, Esq. 29. Henry Bold Hoghton, Bold Hall and Hoghton Tower, 58. George Marton, of Capernwray, Esq. 59. Sir Robert Tolver Gerard, of Garswood, Bart. 1860. Henry Garnett, of Wyreside, Esq. Esq. 1830. Peter Hesketh, Rossal Hall, Esq. - 61. Sir Humphrey de Trafford, of Trafford Park, Bart. WILLIAM IV. 62. Wm. Allen Francis Saunders, of Wennington Hall, Esq. 1831. Peregrine Edward Towneley, of Towneley, Esq. 63. Sir William Brown, of Richmond Hill, Liverpool, Bart. 32. Geo. Rich. Marton, of Caponwray, Esq. 64. Sir James Philips Kay-Shuttleworth, of Gawthorpe, 33. Sir John Gerard, of New Hall, Bart. Burnley, Bart. 34. Thomas Joseph Trafford, of Trafford, Esq. 65. William Preston, of Ellel Grange and Liverpool, Esq. 35. Thomas Clifton, of Lytham, Esq. 66. Sir Elkanah Armitage, Pendleton, Manchester, Knight. 36. Charles Standish, of Standish, Esq. 67. Thomas Dicconson, of Wrightington Hall, Esq. The county palatine of Lancaster is parcel of the duchy of Lancaster, and the king has a seal, chancellor, and other officers, for the county palatine, and others for the duchy, both of which are managed separately from the possessions of the king." It is one of the privileges of a county palatine, that none of its inhabitants can be summoned out of their own county, except in case of treason, or error, by any writ or process.” In the early periods of the palatine privileges in Lancashire, these distinctions of law were not so well under- stood as at present ; hence a number of legal harpies were in the daily habit of seizing the inhabitants and their property, and conveying them away under form of law, though they had no jurisdiction whatever in the county. These violent and illegal proceedings kept those parts of the county wherein they were practised in a continual ferment. Large assemblies of the people rose to resist the intruders; and riots, and even murders, frequently ensued. So intolerable an evil called for a strong remedy, which the law had not then provided, but in 28 Henry VI. (1449-50) an act was passed, by which it was ordained, that if any “misruled” persons, under colour of law, made a distress where they had no fee, seigniory, or cause, to take such distress in the counties and seigniories in Wales, or in the duchy of Lancaster, they should be adjudged guilty of felony, and punished accordingly.” An ancient petition to parliament from the inhabitants of this county has been preserved in the Tower of London, wherein that protection was loudly called for, which the legisla- ture were not slow to grant. A most extraordinary piece of legislation, relating to the county palatine of Lancaster, took place four years after this, by which an act, made for a temporary purpose, was declared perpetual. By this act it was ordained, that if any person should be outlawed in the county palatine of Lancaster, he should forfeit such of his land and goods as were found in that county, but in no other ;” 31 Henry VI. (1453), and that this should be the extent of his punishment, however aggravated might be his offence. The effect of such a law was to encourage crime to an alarming extent, for if any “foreigner” came into the county palatine of Lancaster, and committed any treason, murder, or robbery, or made and violated any contract, the sole redress for the injured party was against his lands and effects in the county, which generally were of no value. The pernicious consequence of this law soon became too palpable to be endured, and, two years after it had been made “perpetual,” it was repealed in 33 Henry VI. 1455. The defeat of this insidious measure did not prevent its repetition in the seventh year of the reign of Henry VII. (1491-2). when, in the absence of the “knights of the shire, and other noble persons of the county,” an act of parlia- ment was obtained, at the instance, and by the influence, of a single individual, probably one of the adherents of the deposed tyrant Richard, by which it was ordained that persons residing out of the county should 1 Plow. Com. p. 219, on the duchy of Lancaster case, so elaborately argued, by which it was decided that a lease under the duchy seal of land, parcel of the duchy of Lancaster, made by Edward VI. in his nonage, to commence after the end of a former lease in esse, was good, and not avoidable by reason of his nonage. * Coke's 4th Institute, p. 411. 3 Statutes of the Realm, vol. ii. p. 356. * Statutes of the Realm, vol. ii. p. 365. 62 (The #istory of £antagüirº. ..CHAP. VI. neither be liable to process in the county of Lancaster, nor should forfeit, for their offences in the county, any goods but such as were to be found within its limits. It may easily be conceived that no long time was necessary to discover this legislative error; and, accordingly, we find that, in the very same parliament, an act was passed (1491), which, after reciting “that the Countie of Lancastre is and of long tyme hath byn a Countie Palantyne, made and ordeyned for grete consideracion, and within the same hath byn had and used Jurisdiccion Roiall, and all things to a Countie Palantyne belonging, in the dayes of the noble Progenitours of our Soverayn Lord the King, unto the begynnyng of this present Parliament,” proceeds to enact, “that the said County Palatyne, and every parte of the Jurisdiccion therof, be in every poynt touching all Processes, Forfaitures, and other thinges, as large, and of like force and effecte, as it was the day next before the first day of this present Parliament, and as if the said Acte had not bin made.” The wars between the rival houses of York and Lancaster still agitated the country. The madness of party raged with its utmost violence, and men of fortune and influence were accustomed to equip their partisans in liveries, and to furnish them with badges of distinction indicating to which house they belonged. The natural consequence of this conduct was to increase the general agitation, and to embarrass the adminis- tration of the laws. It is probable also, that there were local feuds mixed up with these elements of general discord, which so far exceeded the corrective power of the police, that a law was enacted, by which it was declared that no person should give liveries or badges, or retain, as their menial servants, officers, or men learned either in civil or ecclesiastical law, by any oath or promise, under the penalty of one hundred shillings per month for every person so retained, to be recovered before the justices at their usual sessions of oyer and terminer, or before the king's justices in the counties palatine of Lancaster and Chester. The palatine privilege had in the reign of Edward VI. been perverted to the injury of the inhabitants, by subjecting them to the consequences of outlawry without their knowledge. As the king's writ of proclamation awarded upon an exigent against any inhabitant of Lancashire, in any action involving the process of outlawry, did not run in Lancashire, it was necessarily sent to the sheriff of an adjoining county, and the consequence was, that many persons were outlawed without their own knowledge. When the trade and commerce of the county began to be extended, this grievence manifested itself so frequently, that an act was passed (6 Edward VI. 1552), whereby it was enacted, that whenever any writ or exigent from the court of king's bench or common pleas should issue against any person residing in Lancashire, a writ of proclamation should be awarded to the sheriff of the county palatine of Lancaster, and not to the sheriff of any adjoining county; and that the sheriff of Lancashire should make and return the proclamation accordingly. During the civil wars between prerogative and privilege, when Charles I. had the nominal authority of the sovereign, but when the two houses of Parliament exercised the royal functions, the powers of the duke of Lancaster, like those of the king of England, were assumed by the founders of the commonwealth ; and an ordinance remains upon record (of 10th February 1644), by which John Bradshaw of Bradshaw, in the county of Lancaster, Esq., was appointed to the office of sheriff of this county, which office he held for four successive years, in contravention of the Act of 28 Edw. III. (1354), till the king was deposed, and until he, the sheriff of the county palatine of Lancaster, in the capacity of president of the parliamentary tribunal, consigned his monarch to the block. With the restoration in 1660, the authority and the revenues of the duke of Lancaster reverted to the king. In order to secure the ducal prerogatives and the ancient privileges of the county, a number of courts have, in the succession of ages, risen up in Lancashire, involving the juris- prudence of the county. The reason of these immunities, as assigned by Sir Edward Coke, is, “for that the county of Lancaster is a county palatine, and the duke,” at its institution, “had jura regalia,” or royal pre- rogatives, within the county—“to exercise all manner of jurisdiction, high, mean, and low.” “This county palatine (of Lancaster) adds Sir Edward, was the youngest brother, and yet best beloved of all other, for it hath more honors, manors, and lands annexed unto it than any of the rest, by the house of Lancaster, and by Henry VIII. and Queen Mary, albeit they were descended also of the house of York, viz. –from Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Edward IV.” The nature of the courts in the duchy and county palatine of Lancaster, ecclesiastical, civil, and criminal, may be thus stated:— THE ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS ARE The Prerogative Court of York, within which province this county lies; the Court for the Dioceses of Man- chester and Chester; and the Court for the Archdeaconry of Richmond. Probates of wills and letters of administration, of persons dying within the county of Lancaster, have ceased to be granted by the ecclesiastical and diocesan courts of Manchester and Chester, and are now, under the Probate Act of 1847, granted by her Majesty's Courts of Probate, of which there are three in Lancashire—one at Manchester for the city of Man- chester and the hundred of Salford; one at Lancaster for the county, except the hundreds of West Derby (dio- cese of Chester) and Salford, and the city of Manchester (diocese of Manchester); and one at Liverpool for the hundred of West Derby (within the diocese of Chester). Of these Probate Courts the Registrars (1867) are— * Statutes of the Realm, vol. ii. p. 426. CHAP. VI. Qſìje ??istory of £ancashire. 63 Manchester, John Burder, Esq.; Liverpool, C. R. Ogden, Esq.; Lancaster, John Sharp, Esq. Until the insti- tution of the bishopric of Chester (32 Henry VIII. 1540), at the period of the Reformation, Lancashire lay within the dioceses of Lichfield and Coventry, and wills proved from this county, at that time, were deposited at Lichfield, where those wills now remain. THE COURTS OF DAW ARE– ſ”. The High Court of Chancery. * The Exchequer. The Chancery of the Duchy. - The Chancery of the County Palatine. SUPERIOR COURTS. * * The Queen's Bench. * The Common Pleas at Westminster. The Common Pleas at Lancaster. The Judges' Commission of all manner of Pleas, U. The Commission of Oyer and Terminer, The Courts Marked thus * have a general jurisdiction, and are not peculiar to this county. Sessions for the County and for Boroughs. Coroner's Court. For the County and for Boroughs. Leets for Hundreds and for Manors. Borough Courts. Piedpoudre Courts. Courts of Requests. By Justicias. By Replevin. By Plaint. By Replevin. By Plaint. Copyhold. Customary. Copyhold. Customary. By Plaint. , Of Record . . . Criminal. Civil. INFERIOR COURTS, - County. Not of Record. - For Hundreds. For Honors. For Manors. * THE HIGH CouTT OF CHANCERY, AND THE COURT OF ExCHEQUER, have concurrent jurisdiction in this county with the Chanceries of the Duchy, and the county Palatine, in all matters requiring the interference of equity to remedy the defects, or mitigate the rigours, of law. But in affairs where the authority is derived by statute, or commission from the crown, as in bankruptcy and matters of a fiscal nature, the lord chancellor has an exclusive jurisdiction, and the barons of the exchequer paramount authority. THE CHANCERY OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER is practically obsolete, but not abolished. It used to be a court of appeal for the chancery of the county palatine; but now all appeals from the latter go to the Lords Justices. It has a nominal jurisdiction in re- ference to the estates of the duchy, which lie in various counties. THE CHANCERY OF THE COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER is an original and independent court, as ancient as the 50th of Edward III. (1376), and the proceedings are carried on by English bill and decree. The office is at Preston, and the court was formerly held four times a-year, namely, once at each assize at Lancaster, and once at Preston in the interval of each assize. This court is now appointed to be held at Preston, Liverpool, and Manchester. The business at Preston, however, is so light, that, by arrangement, there is seldom a court at Preston; the Preston business being taken at Tiverpool or at Manchester, as more convenient to the bar, etc. The process of the court is by subpoena, attachment, attachment with proclamations, commission of rebellion, sequestration, and writ of assistance, etc.; and the general practice of the court, except in some particular cases where it is governed by its own par- ticular rules, is similar to the practice of the high court of chancery in almost everything, except in despatch and expense. The chancery of Lancashire has concurrent jurisdiction with the high court of chancery in all matters of equity, whether concerning lands lying within the palatine, or concerning transitory suits, its cog- nisance of which depends on the person or lands of the defendant being amenable to the process of this court ; but its jurisdiction is exclusive of all other courts of equity, when both the subject of the Suit, and the residence of the parties litigant are within the county; and in such case a defendant may insist on his right to be sued in this chancery by demurrer or plea to any other equitable process. The court, in point of fact, exercises a concurrent jurisdiction with the high court of chancery in all matters of equity within the county palatine, particularly in matters of account, fraud, mistake, trusts, fore- closures, tithes, infants, partition, and specific performance of contracts and agreements. It also interferes to 64 (The #igturn of £ancashire. CHAP. VI. restrain parties from proceeding in actions at law, and for that purpose grants the writ of injunction. And it also issues injunctions to stay waste and trespass in cases where irreparable mischief might arise, unless the parties were immediately restrained from doing the acts complained of. It is likewise auxiliary or assistant to the jurisdiction of courts of law, as by removing legal impediments to the fair decision of a question de- pending, either by compelling a discovery which may enable them to decide, or by perpetuating testimony when in danger of being lost, before the matter to which it relates can be made the subject of judicial investi- gation. It also has jurisdiction, on ex-parte applications, in appointing guardians for infants, and in allowing them a competent maintenance out of their property, and in enabling them to make conveyances of their trust and mortgaged estates for the benefit of the parties beneficially entitled. Although the bills are addressed to the chancellor of the duchy, the vice-chancellor of the county palatine is the judge of the court, and the causes and all motions and petitions are set down and heard before him. The chancellor of the duchy, assisted by the two judges in commission for the county palatine, sits to hear causes at Westminster, either commenced originally in the duchy chamber, or which have been transmitted there by way of appeal from the court of chancery of the county palatine. THE COURT OF QUEEN's BENCH AND THE COURT OF COMMON PLEAS AT WESTMINSTER have concurrent jurisdiction with the court of common pleas for the county palatine of Lancaster in almost all cases, and will enforce their jurisdiction over personal actions, unless conusance of the cause be claimed, or the palatinate jurisdiction be pleaded, or error be brought, after judgment by default, with the venue laid in Lancashire, and the want of an original be assigned for error. In the two first instances, the superior courts cannot refuse to allow the privilege when properly claimed ; and in the last, the want of jurisdiction becomes apparent, from the circumstance of there being, in the chancery at Westminster, cursitors for the issuing of writs into every county but the counties palatine ; and therefore, upon a cause of action arising in Lancashire, there is no proper officer from whom an original could have been obtained to warrant the subsequent pro- ceedings in the court at Westminster. The cases where the jurisdiction of the courts above is excluded, and that of the common pleas at Lancaster must be adopted, are chiefly pleas of lands within the county, or actions against corporations existing in Lancashire. All writs out of the courts at Westminster (except Habeas Corpus and Mittimus) are directed to the chancellor, and not to the sheriff, in the first instance; and, where execution of them must be done by the sheriff, the chancellor issues his mandate to that officer, and, on receiving his return, certifies in his own name to the court above that the writ has been duly executed; and if the chan- cellor return, that he commanded the sheriff, and has received from him no answer, the court above will rule the sheriff to return the mandate. There is only one franchise in the county having the execution of writs by its own officer, viz. the Liberty of Furness, to the bailiff of which the sheriff directs his precepts, and receives from him the requisite returns. THE COURT OF COMMON PLEAS FOR THE COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER is an original Superior Court of Record at Common Law, having jurisdiction over all real actions for lands, and in all actions against corporations within the county, as well as over all personal actions where the defendant resides in Tancashire, although the cause of action may have arisen elsewhere ; but this court has no jurisdiction beyond the limits of the county. The judges of this court are appointed by commission from the king, under the seal of the duchy of Lancaster, but in the name of the king, pursuant to the statute of 27 Henry VIII. (1535). The judges, according to the present usage, are only two, being the judges appointed on the northern circuit, whose commission continues in force so long as the same judges continue to be appointed to that circuit. Its returns are on the first Wednesday in every month. The office of the protho- notary is at Preston, where the records for the preceding twenty years are kept, and those for previous years are deposited at Lancaster, where the court sits every assizes before one of the two judges of the courts at Westminster who have chosen the northern circuit, and who are half-yearly commissioned, the one as the chief justice, and the other as one of the “justices of the common pleas at Lancaster.” The patent of the judges for the common pleas at Lancaster also appoints one of the judges “chief justice, and the other, one of the justices of all manner of pleas within the county palatine,” and under this the causes sent by mittimus from the courts at Westminster are tried at bar; but as there is no clause of nisi prius in the jury process by mittimus to Lancaster (it being out of the ordinary circuit of the judges), they cannot be assisted by a sergeant on the civil side as in other counties. By the same commission are tried at bar all pleas of the crown, whether removed by certiorari, or otherwise directed so to be tried. This court is a great advantage to the commercial county of Lancaster, as well because its process for arrests to any amount reaches to all parts of the county, and may be had without the delay of sending to London, as from the celerity and excellency of its practice. A great majority of the causes now tried at Lancaster, as well as at Liverpool and at Manchester, are brought in the common pleas of the county palatine, and in point of importance are equal to those sent down for trial there from the courts at Westminster. In this court, actions may be brought within about three weeks from CHAP. VI. Çift history of Lancashire. 65 the time of holding the assizes; and execution may be had after trial, as soon as the assizes terminate, without waiting till the following term, which, at the summer assizes especially, embraces a considerable period. The advantage of this promptitude in legal processes in Lancashire has been so strongly felt, that the principle is now extended to the general law of the country; and still further improved by an act of parliament passed in the early part of 1831, for the more speedy judgment and execution in actions brought in his Majesty's courts at Westminster; and the proceedings in the court of common pleas of the county palatine of Lancaster have been facilitated by making all writs of inquiry or damage returnable on the first Wednesday in every month (in addition to the first and last days of each assize), in lieu of being returnable, as hitherto, on any of the return days in Easter and Michaelmas terms respectively. The general official business of the court of common pleas in Lancashire is transacted by the deputy of the prothonotary. The office of prothonotary is a patent office, in the gift of the crown, in right of the duchy of Lancaster. Henry Wyndham West, Esq., is (1867) the Attorney-General; Charles Purton Cooper, Esq., is the Queen's Sergeant ; and Edward James, Esq., Q.C., and Gordon Whitbread, Esq., are the Queen's Counsel. For the county palatine, Edward James, Esq., Q.C., is the Attorney-General, and there are usually two Queen's Counsel for the palatinate. Previous to every assize, commissions of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery are issued, under which the senior judge presides in the crown court, and delivers all the gaols within the county. The official proceedings in criminal cases within the county are conducted by the clerk of the crown, or his deputy.’ The office of clerk of the crown is in the gift of the chancellor of the duchy for the time being. The office is held at Preston. At the end of the assizes, three copies are made of the calendar of the prisoners; one of which is signed by the senior judge, and delivered to the clerk of the crown, in whose custody it is kept ; another copy is signed by the clerk of the crown, and kept by the judge; and a third, signed by the same officer, is left with the high sheriff or the gaoler. Under this authority, and without any special warrant, all executions take place. The judge writes the word “reprieved” or “respited,” opposite to the name of each convict sentenced to die, but not left for execution ; and such as have not either of these words written opposite their names, are hanged. On behalf of those who are reprieved, the judge addresses a letter, called “the Circuit Letter” to the king, recommending them to mercy on the grounds therein specified, which letter is transmitted to the office of the secretary of state, and generally, indeed invariably, produces a commutation of punishment. The assizes were formerly held half-yearly, and at Lancaster only. But great changes and improvements have been made in this respect since 1830. After a royal commission in 1829, various reports of committees of county magistrates, and several numerously-signed petitions and memorials from populous towns in South Lancashire, it was determined to hold assizes for the criminal and civil business of the two hundreds of West Derby and Salford, at Liverpool; and accordingly assizes have been held there from the year 1835 in the Sessions-house, Chapel Street, and from the 8th December 1851 in St. George's Hall. Still the business of the assizes increased so greatly, and the inconvenience of jurors, suitors, prosecutors, witnesses, and others, having to travel thirty or forty miles to the assizes, and many of them to remain there for a number of days, at a great distance from home, led to a growing requirement that the hundred of Salford should have assizes for its business. Accordingly assizes for that hundred were held for the first time in the splendid new Assize Courts at Manchester in July 1864; and this county now has three places of assize—at Lancaster, for the hundreds of Amounderness, Blackburn, Leyland, and Lonsdale ; at Liverpool for the West Derby hundred ; and at Manchester for the hundred of Salford. Besides the usual periods of spring and autumn, or Lent and Michaelmas, it has also been deemed necessary to have a winter assize, both at Liverpool and Manchester, chiefly for the delivery of the gaols of prisoners committed too late for trial at the August assizes, and who would otherwise be incarcerated before trial till the following March. - THE COURTS OF INFERIOR JURISDICTION are either Courts, which, upon recording their judgment, can award that the party condemned shall be fined or imprisoned, or they are COURTS NOT OF RECORD, and consequently not possessing the power to make such an award. Of the former class, some are more conversant in matters of criminal, and others of civil nature. The Criminal Courts of Record are—the General Sessions, held annually and quarterly, before the justices of the peace for the county. The Annual Sessions are held in July, at Preston, and afterwards, by various adjournments, until the numerous county affairs, placed, by various statutes, under the peculiar cognisance of this court, are transacted. These are annually accumulating ; and the matters of county finance have now become so much the objects of magisterial care and public interest, that its sittings bear no very distant resemblance to those of Parliament. THE GENERAL QUARTER-SESSIONS, called the “County Sessions” to distinguish them from those of boroughs, are held, according to statute, at Lancaster, the first week after the 11th of October; the first week after the 20th of December; the first * Appendix to Evans on the Court of Common Pleas of the County Palatine of Lancaster. K 66 (The #igturn of £ancašijire. CHAP, WI. week after the 31st of March ; and the first week after the 24th of June, in each year; and thence, by adjournment, at Preston, Kirkdale (Liverpool), and Salford. At these three places intermediate sessions are also held midway between the winter sessions. The multifarious matters under the cognisance of this court are too well known to require enumeration. A very considerable number of barristers attend the last adjournments; and many judicious arrangements have been made, which evince the anxious desire of the magistrates to reduce, as much as possible, the time consumed, and the enormous sums annually ex- pended, in the prosecution of offenders. The bench have the power, and frequently exercise it, to effect a further saving of both, by dividing the sessions, and trying indictments and appeals in different courts at the same time. Similar sessions are held in the boroughs of Manchester, Bolton, Wigan, and Liverpool, before the local magistrates, agreeably to the respective charters, or to immemorial prescription, which presupposes such a charter anciently granted, and now lost or decayed. Another court of record of criminal judicature is the coroner's court, rapidly assembled on the discovery of any dead body, and composed of the officer and a jury selected by the constables of the four townships next adjoining to that spot on which the corpse was first found. The name of the officer is supposed to be derived from the circumstance of his examination of the witnesses, and pronouncing of sentence, being in a ring or circle of people assembled round the deceased, or in corona populi. Others derive the name coroner from coronator, because he holds placita coronae, or pleas of the crown, and the chief justice of the Queen's Bench is the chief coroner of England. He is elected by the freeholders, upon a writ requiring the sheriff to hold a county court for the election, and returned into chancery. In this county there are six coroners, each of whom has full power to act through Lancashire; but the exercise of such power is limited, by private agreement and for mutual convenience, to the hundred or neighbourhood of their respective residence. The coroner is bound by law to discharge his office in person, to come when sent for, and to view the body in the presence of the jury; and if the corpse cannot be found, no inquest can be held. He must also inquire of every death in prison, whether naturally or by misfortune. There are other duties attached to the office, such as the execution of process where the sheriff is party, or in contempt ; the taking and entering of appeals of murder, rape, and robbery, etc.; the judgment on the writs of Outlawry; the inquests of wreck and treasure-trove ; and others of less frequent occurrence, and less public concernment, than its ordinary painful and unpleasant task: the office is of high antiquity, and great public utility, when executed according to the spirit and for the end of its original institution. The principal officers of the corporate boroughs are usually coroners within the precincts of their jurisdiction. The coroner is a conservator of the peace, at common law, virtute officii. The remaining court of record, for the punishment of offences, is the Leet. Formerly the sheriff perambulated the county, and held his criminal court in every hundred. This was called the Torn, or Tourn; but when the delay, inconvenience, and expense of that officer “taking a turn” through so extensive a district became manifest, this court was made stationary in every hundred, and was held, as at present, before the steward of the hundred. A singular instance occurs, as early as the time of Edward II., of the exactions to which the inhabitants of Lancashire were subjected by the itinerant visits of some of the Ostentatious sheriffs in their periodical tourns through the county; but to these grievances they did not tamely submit, as appears from an ancient indictment presented by the grand jury, of which the following is a translation — & 4 ASTE The Grand Jury of the Wapentake of West Derby present that ‘ Willielmus le Gentil,’ at the time when LANCASTER. ºil. . sheriff, and when he held his Towrm in the said Wapentake, ought to have remained no longer in the Wapentake than three nights with three or four horses, whereas he remained there at least nine days with eight horses, to the oppression of the people ; and that he quartered himself one night at the house of ‘Dns de Turbat,’ and another night at the house of one ‘Robertus de Bold,’ another at the house of “Robertus de Gremlay,’ and elsewhere, according to his will, at the cost of the men of the Wapentake.” For this offence, and for another of a more extraordinary kind, which will be exhibited in the parlia- mentary history of the county, the sheriff was placed in duress; but the record adds, that “the said ‘Willielmus Geniil’ is enlarged upon the manucaption of four manucaptors.” At the period when the comites or earls divested themselves of the charge of the counties, that duty devolved upon the sheriffs, as the name shire-reeve, or bailiff of the shire, imports; and, in like manner, when the hundredors ceased to govern the divisions styled hundreds, their office was supplied by the steward—i.e. Stede-ward, or governor of the place. This officer is one of those conservators of the peace who still remain such by virtue of his office. The six hundreds in Lancashire—viz. Lonsdale, Amounderness, Blackburn, Leyland, West Derby, and Salford—were anciently styled shires. Thus Leland, temp. Henry VIII. speaks of Manchester standing in Salfordshire; and, in common with all the hundreds north of the Trent, they bear the synonymous name of wapentakes, from the ancient custom of the heads of families assembling armed, upon the summons of the hundredor, and touching his weapon, to testify their fealty. In many parts of this county, lands and manors are held by Suit to the hundred leet, of which service this was probably the sign 1 Rot. plac. coram R. 17 Edw. II. m. 72 (1323-4). CHAP. VI. (ſiſt #istory of £ancashire. 67 and symbol, and such are called hundred lands. The leet must be held at least twice in every year, and within a month of Easter and Michaelmas respectively. It is held before the steward of the hundred, or his deputy, and a jury impanelled by him. The amercements are limited only by the assessment of at least two men, according to the measure of the fault, agreeably to a provision of Magna Charta. Anterior to the statutes which have given to the sessions concurrent jurisdiction, its duties embraced every offence, from eaves-dropping and vagrancy, to high treason; but, although contrary to several very learned dicta, every statute affecting it has preserved, and none has diminished, its powers; which are seldom called into exercise, except to abate nuisances, punish deficient measures, and appoint the high and petty constables, and other municipal officers. Its proceedings have two singular characteristics—the entire absence of fees and lawyers. The increase of population and the influence of feudal lords gave rise to manorial leets (which were granted to obviate the necessity of the tenants of a particular manor being obliged to attend the torn, or general leet of the hundred), held before the stewards of the several lords of manors, or their deputies; and, by custom, the leets of several manors may be held at once in some certain place within one of the manors. THE INFERIOR COURTS OF RECORD OF CIVIL JUDICATURE, are—1st, The Courts of Boroughs, usually held before the principal corporate officer, and the recorder or steward, and having jurisdiction, in personal actions, to an unlimited amount. Such is the Court of Passage at Liver- pool, the Court of Record at Manchester, the Borough Court of Preston, and others, as numerous and as various as the respective charters or prescriptions. 2d, The Piedpoudre Court is a court of Record, having unlimited jurisdiction over all contracts arising within a fair, before the lord or owner, or his steward or clerk of the fair. It was the lowest and most speedy court in the realm, except one now extinct, called the Court of Trail-baton, where the judge was bound to decide whilst the bailiff drew his staff or trailed his baton round the room. 3d, The Court of Requests in Manchester (as elsewhere) has been superseded by the County Courts. THE INFERIOR COURTS, NOT OF RECORD, are all calculated for the redress of civil, and not of criminal, injuries. It has been seen that the sheriff had a court-leet called the torn, which was the criminal court of the county; he had also his court-baron or civil court, which formerly travelled round the county in the same manner as the torn. The same complaint of expense, delay, and inconvenience, attended this rotary process; and long before the torn was localised in the hundreds, the County Court, or Sheriff's Court, became stationary in the county town, and its jurisdiction was limited to those suits in which the parties dwelt in several hundreds. In both hundred and county courts, matters to any amount were originally determined, until the statute of Gloucester directed that no suits should be commenced without the king's writ, unless the cause of action did not exceed 40s. The Lancashire County Court, so far as relates to the recovery of small demands, probably possesses greater practice and efficiency than any other similar court; owing to an act of parliament" (peculiar to the county palatine of Lancaster), prohibiting the removal of causes without bail, where the debt or damage is under £10, and to the excellent rules of practice since introduced, in conjunction with the circumstance that process may be issued at Preston, from the chancery of the duchy, at a much smaller expense and more speedily than it can be in ordinary cases, where it must be had from the High Court of Chancery. Very much delay (incident to proceedings in county courts in general) is likewise obviated in this court, by entries being permitted to be made at the sheriff's office in the intervals between the regular monthly court-days, as if they had been entered at the previous court-day. According to immemorial usage, the court has been held every Tuesday month at Preston, but latterly, in addition to this, it has regularly adjourned its monthly sittings from thence to Manchester, on the Thursday following, in order to obviate the expense and loss of time incurred, through so many witnesses having to travel from that populous district as far as to Preston. Of late years too the sheriff has retained a barrister, to preside in the Court, in which the number of actions commenced may be stated at from 4000 to 5000 annually: from 1000 to 2000 being for sums under 40s, but the greater proportion being for sums above that amount. THE HUNDRED COURTS have concurrent jurisdiction with the County Court in certain personal actions under 40s, in value, and are held from three weeks to three weeks, before the steward of the hundred, or his deputy, and a jury, within the respective jurisdictions. No suit can be removed by the defendant, before judgment, without bail, to the satisfaction of the court ; nor by the losing party, after judgment, without similar security in double the amount of the judgment. There is in this county one Honor or Superior Manor, having numerous dependent manors under it. 1 35 Geo. III. (1794-5). 68 (The #istory of 3Lancašijire. CHAP. VI. It is the Honor of Cliffheroe, the jurisdiction of which is very extensive. It has courts in the nature of courts- leet, at which the lords of the inferior manors owe suit ; and others in the nature of copyhold courts, for the admittance of tenants by copy of court-roll under the various forfeited manors within the honor. There are also numerous other Manors in various parts of the county; some of which have copyhold courts, and others only courts-baron for the redress of the tenants' grievances; some have courts-leet, and some few courts for the recovery of debts and damages under 40s, held according to their various local customs. It has been complained of as a defect of the Superior courts, that their sittings and offices are at too great a distance from the centre of business and the mass of the population. The evil of the inferior judicatures of a civil nature is, that, owing to the restrictions upon the amount of the sums sought to be recovered, and the diminished value of money, the time of respectable juries and professional men is wasted upon trifling suits, when it might be advantageously applied to ease the Superior courts of those matters which are too small to deserve their cognisance, and yet too great to pass remediless, Save at the risk or ruin of individuals. Several unsuccessful attempts have been made to remedy both these grievances. The answer to such has been, that it is dangerous to render more easy, cheap, and speedy, the administration of justice, lest the people should contract a love of litigation, which would injure them more than the delay or denial of redress. - It should be stated that although the Hundred or Wapentake Courts and the Old Borough Courts are not abolished, they do not dispose of much business, with the exception of such courts as the Court of Record for Salford hundred, and the Manchester City Court of Record. The smaller courts are virtually superseded by the County Courts, established under the County Courts Act, and which are held all over the kingdom. RECORDS OF THE COUNTY PALATINE. The principal public records connected with the jurisprudence of the county palatine of Lancaster may be classed under three heads:—1st, Those in the department of the Deputy-clerk of the Crown at Lancaster. 2d, Those in the department of the Prothonotary of Her Majesty's Court of Common Pleas for the county of Lancaster; and 3d, Those in the department of the Register of the Court of Chancery of Lancashire. Soon after the appointment by his Majesty of the Commissioners of Public Records, issued in virtue of a recommendation of the two Houses of Parliament, in the year 1800, the commissioners instituted inquiries into the nature of these records and the places of their deposit ; and from the answers returned to those inquiries it appears— FIRST.—That the public records, rolls, instruments, and manuscript books and papers in the custody of the clerk of the crown for the county palatine of Lancaster, consist of instruments and other criminal proceedings in the crown office for the county palatine ; the records of such instruments and proceedings, and different books of entries, though not very numerous, are supposed to be all that have been preserved. These records (except the proceedings at two or three preceding assizes, which are kept in the office of the deputy-clerk of the crown in Preston), are deposited in the new office or room that has been fitted up in Lancaster Castle for the reception of these and other records of the county; Lancaster Castle being supposed to be the property of the crown, in right of the duchy of Lancaster. For eighty or ninety years past, the indictments, etc., are so far arranged, that any proceeding inquired for may be easily referred to ; antecedent to that period, such as have been preserved are promiscuously placed together in no regular order, but are in tolerable preservation. All the proceedings at each assizes within the period first mentioned are entered or docketed in books, by referring to which, the proceedings in each prosecution may be known ; but there are no other indexes or catalogues ex- cept that, upon some of the older rolls, the contents are endorsed. All searches are made by or in the presence of the deputy-clerk of the crown, or his confidential clerks, who are employed in the custody and arrangements of the records, and give attendance as occasion may require, without any remuneration from the public. Office copies of records are charged after the rate of eightpence for each sheet, consisting of seventy-two words, and the usual fee upon a search is 6s. 8d., and the deputy-clerk of the crown charges for attending at Lancaster during the assizes with a record, a guinea. The searches in this office are very rare, and, of course, the fees upon them very inconsiderable. SECOND.—The public records, rolls, instruments, and manuscript books and papers in the custody of the deputy prothonotary of the court of common pleas, in and for the county palatine of Lancaster, consist of fines and recoveries, records, writs, minutes, papers, and proceedings in real, personal, and mixed actions, instituted in this court, along with some few enrolments of deeds; and they are supposed to be the whole of the records or papers relating to this court since its creation. These records and other docu- ments, for a period of upwards of fifty years, are lodged at the office of the deputy prothonotary, which (with the other principal law officers of this county palatine), is held at Preston, on account of its central situation. All the early records and documents are now lodged in an ancient tower or chamber within the castle of Lancaster, which has been very commodiously fitted up for their reception at the expense of the county. The records and other documents are methodically arranged in separate compartments, according to their dates, and are in general in very good preservation. There are docket rolls or indexes to all the records, con- taining the names of the parties to the fines, recoveries, and suits recorded at each assizes. As the records of this court are kept at a distance of twenty-two miles from the office, a person is appointed at Lancaster by the deputy prothonotary, vulgarly called custos rotulorum, who is entrusted with the care of the records, etc., whose duty it is to attend every search, and to take care that every record be duly and safely restored to its proper place, for which a fee is due.” THIRD.—The public records, etc., in the custody of the registrar of the court of chancery of the county palatine of Lancaster, con- sist of bills, answers, and other pleadings, depositions, Order-books, decrees, decree-books, and other books for entries in causes, and other matters instituted in that court; and are supposed to be the whole of the records or papers that have been preserved since its creation. These documents, anterior to the year 1740, were kept in a room or chamber in the castle of Lancaster; such as are sub- sequent to that period are at the office of the deputy-registrar in Preston, which is the private property of the deputy-registrar. The old records are deposited in an office fitted up in the early part of the present century in Lancaster Castle for their reception, at the * Return made by William Cross, Esq., deputy prothonotary to the commissioners of Public Records. CHAP. VI; gºt #istory of Lancashire. 69 expense of the county. The bills, answers, and depositions, etc., are upon different files, with the respective years in which they are filed marked upon labels affixed to them ; but neither these, nor the other books or proceedings, appear ever to have been well arranged; many of them are much defaced, and almost, if not wholly unintelligible. The bills, answers, depositions, etc., have usually been indexed (or entered in a pye-book) when brought to the registrar's office to be filed : there are no indexes of the other proceedings, and many of the indexes first mentioned have been lost, and the remainder are not accurate. Various circumstances have caused these records or papers to be at different times removed. All searches in this office are made by, or in the presence of, the deputy-registrar or his confidential clerks, who are employed in the custody and arrangement of the records, and give attendance as occasion requires, without any salaries or emoluments paid by the public. There are charges for copying proceedings, etc., and fees for search, also for a journey of the deputy-registrar from Preston to Lancaster, and his expenses. Owing to the irregular state of the records, few searches are made. The places of deposit of the records of the county palatine may be summarily stated as follows:— Becords and other Instruments. Date. Where kept. County Palatine of Lancaster. Chancery — 1740 to 1800. Dates want- tº º Bills, Pleadings, Depositions, Orders, and Decrees ing before 1740; 1135 to * &m." County Palatine 1558 tº º ucny UIIlce. Charters and Grants of various kinds tº & tº e 1136 to 1558 Common Pleas:— * Fines and Recoveries, Writs, Minutes, Proceedings in | Geo. III Actions, and Inrolment of Deeds & º e § ºl. -- *... tº The Records before his present Majesty's Reign . g . Dates wanting Pleas of the Crown :- hº and other Criminal proceedings, and Books of About 50 years before 1800 Collectanea relating to the History and Antiquities thereof, made by the three Holmes º * $ • © e . . . . . . Collection of Names of the King's Castles, Mansions, Parks, Forests, Chases, etc. within the survey of the Duchy of Prothonotary's Office at Preston. Castle, Lancaster British Museum. * * * * * * University Library, Camb. Lancaster § Iter Forestaº e * * * g º & & . 8 Edward III. . . Lincoln's Inn Library. Nona Roll . e * g sº g g * > & º 15 Edward III. e . King's Rememb. Office. Ecclesiastical Survey (a copy) tº * º § º g 26 Henry VIII. & . | First-Fruits Office. Survey of Estates therein not granted in Fee-farm g g 1629 g & g . University Library, Camb. Catalogue of Charters throughout England and Wales . tº 1 p * * * * Ashmolean Museum. Fee-farm, Rolls of g w º & e Temp. Interregni . . Augmentation Office. The archives of the ecclesiastical courts, so far as they concern the county of Tancaster, are to be found at Lichfield, from the earliest period of their preservation up to the year 1590, in the custody of the registrar of the diocese of Lichfield and Coventry; and since that period, in the custody of the deputy-registrar of the diocese of Chester; the deputy-registrar of the consistory court of the archdeaconry of Richmond; and the deputy-registrar of the five several deaneries of Amounderness, Copeland, Lonsdale, Kendal, and Furness. These depositories may be classed under four heads:— - FIRST.-There are in the custody of the registrar of the diocese of Lichfield and Coventry, in right of the bishop's see, original manuscripts, or episcopal registers, or acts, of the bishops of Lichfield and Coventry, from the year 1298, except that there are some chasms in several of the bishops' times. These registers contain acts on institutions of rectors and vicars, and some entries of appropriations of rectories and endowments of vicarages in the diocese. There are also books of the judicial proceedings in causes in the court, from about the year 1450. Original wills, and grants of letters of administration, from 1526 to 1590, when the ecclesiastical archives belonging to the diocese of Chester ceased to be kept at Lichfield. - SECOND.—There are deposited in the public episcopal registry at Chester, in which diocese the [south-west part of the] county of Lancashire is situated, original wills or copies thereof proved there, from the year 1590 to the present time, and bonds given by persons administering to the effects of persons dying intestate. Sundry pleadings and proceedings exhibited in causes in the con- sistory court of Chester, and books of the acts in the same causes. , Nine folio volumes, commencing in the year 1525, containing entries of sentences of consecrations of churches, chapels, and burial-grounds in the diocese, faculties for rebuilding and improving churches, chapels, and parsonage-houses, confirmation of Seats, and other ecclesiastical commissions and faculties. Proceedings on the installations of bishops, patents of the officers of the vicar-general and official principal commissaries; rural deans, registrars, proctors, and apparitors. Three books, commencing in 1500, containing entries of presentations or institutions to ecclesiastical benefices within the diocese. Four books, commencing in 1752, containing entries of institutions, licenses to curacies, ordinations, and other episcopal acts. Several books of subscriptions to the liturgy, and the articles of the church of England, by persons ordained, and clergymen admitted to benefices or cures. A volume usually called Bridgman's Ledger, having been chiefly collected by Dr. John Bridgman, who was appointed bishop of Chester in 1619, containing copies of various appropriations, endowments, compositions, grants, agreements, leases, charters, orders by the crown, rentals of synodals, procurations, pensions, tenths, and subsidies; patents and statutes of grammar-schools. A volume, usually called Gastrell’s Notitia, being compiled by Dr. Francis Gastrell, elected lord bishop of Chester in 1714, containing an account of the then population of each parish, number of families, Catholics, Dissenters, families of note, patrons, wardens, Schools, endowments, charities, and several other particulars of each parish and chapelry in the diocese; entries of licenses of marriage; probates of wills, and letters of administration; names of the clergy; church and chapel wardens; account of exhibits at episcopal visitations, and correction books; original presentation to benefices, and nominations to curacies and schools, and terriers and parish and chapel registers." There are two other registries in the arch- deaconry of Richmond, at Lancaster and Richmond. All the foregoing records are deposited in the public episcopal registry in Chester, which is a stone building, slated, and commodiously fitted up for the safe and convenient preservation of the records and * Bishop Gastrell's Notitia Cestriensis has been edited by the Rev. Canon Raines, and printed for the Chetham Society, in 4 vols. viii. xix. xxi. and xxii. of the Society's series,—H. 70 (Tije Đíðförg of 3Lancašijire. CHAP, WI. papers deposited therein. The records and papers are in general in good preservation, except the most ancient part ; from time or inevitable accident, they are in many parts imperfect before the year 1650, and for ten years following quite deficient. From that period, the wills, and most of the registries and entries, are regular and correct. There are complete indexes to the wills, registries, and entries of institutions, from their commencement, except in the parts before mentioned to be deficient. There are several manuscript volumes in the possession of the bishop of the diocese, containing a particular account of the extent and population of the diocese, number of Catholics and Dissenters, state of parsonage-houses, residence of clergy, schools, charities, and several other particulars relative to the diocese, being answers to queries addressed by different bishops to the clergy of the diocese. The number of parishes in the diocese of Chester was, in the year 1800, two hundred and sixty-two. THIRD.—The records, instruments, and papers, in the custody of the deputy registrar of the consistory court of the archdeaconry of Richmond, in the diocese of Chester, consist entirely of original wills; bonds taken upon the issuing of letters of administration, tuition, and curation; affidavits and bonds relative to marriage-licenses; proceedings in ecclesiastical suits; enrolments of faculties for pews and galleries in churches and chapels; terriers and duplicates of parish registers; and such other matters as relate to the office and jurisdiction of the commissary of the said archdeaconry of Richmond, but do not comprehend any record or instrument of any other nature or description. From the most ancient of the said records, to the year 1750, they comprise the wills, administration and tuition bonds, which have arisen from every part of the said archdeaconry of Richmond; but since that year a division took place, and the wills and other papers and records not relating to such business as is usually called contentious, arising within the five deaneries of Amounderness, Kendal, Copeland, Lonsdale, and Furness, part of the said archdeaconry, are deposited in the parish church of Lancaster, under the custody of another officer there. From the most remote period, the duplicates of parish registers, terriers, and all other records, proceedings, and papers (except those of a contentious nature, and the wills, etc., of the period first before mentioned) of the five deaneries, are also deposited at Lancaster; whilst all other wills, papers, and records, arising within this archdeaconry have continued to be deposited, and remain in the registry of the consistory court at Richmond. . The registry at Richmond is part of the ancient chapel, called Trinity Chapel, in the centre of the market-place of the borough of Richmond, Sufficiently large and commodious, and in most respects secure ; but having several dwelling-houses and shops, wherein fires are directly underneath, as well as adjoining to it, it is in some measure exposed to danger. ... The state of preservation of the records, etc., at Richmond, is in general very good, though some few of the ancient wills have suffered by the access of moisture in certain places, particularly in the corners of the roof, which are now perfectly repaired, and all increase pf decay is prevented as much as possible. The wills are arranged alphabetically in bundles of ten years each ; the terriers and parish registers in parcels, according to the different parishes; and all the rest of the records, with sufficient regularity to answer the purposes of those who require Searches to be made. There is no regular catologue, schedule, or repertory of the records, nor any index, except of the terriers and faculties, and of such of the wills and administrations as have arisen within the present century, within the three deaneries of Rich- mond, Catterick, and Boroughbridge, commonly called the three Yorkshire deaneries. - FOURTH.—The original wills within the five deaneries of Amounderness, Copeland, Lonsdale, Kendal, and Furness, within the archdeaconry of Richmond, preserved and kept at Lancaster, proved and approved before the worshipful commissary (for the time being) of the said archdeaconry or his surrogates, or before the vicar-general or his surrogates respectively, since the first of Novem- ber 1748, are registered, deposited, and kept in a convenient room, called the registry of the east end, of and within the parish church of Lancaster, where are also deposited all bonds taken on granting letters of administration, curation, tuition, and marriage- licenses within these five deaneries. And in the same place are also deposited and kept copies of the parochial registers delivered in by the church and chapel wardens within the five deaneries at each visitation. The register or place of deposit is deemed very Secure, and well accommodated for the keeping of the several instruments. The several wills and instruments are well preserved, and the wills and administration, curation, and tuition bonds belonging to each of the Said deaneries, are kept separate and apart from each other ; and those of each deanery arranged annually, and also decennially, in alphabetical order. The bonds on granting marriage-licenses are arranged in numerical order. There are distinct alphabetical books for each of the deaneries, called “Act Books,” in each of which are entered schedules containing a short entry of the probate of each will, and of every administration, curation, and tuition, granted within each of the deaneries respectively; to each of which act books is prefixed or annexed an alpha- betical index of contents. The following exhibits a condensed view of the places of deposit of the records and other instruments connected with the ecclesiastical affairs of the county of Lancaster — ECCLESIASTICAL. IRecords and Other Instruments. Date. Where kept. Dioceses of Chester and of Manchester— Installations of Bishops, Patents of Officers, etc. Q g g & * || 4 - - - - - ~ Terriers and Parish and Chapel Registers © & e º • I tº - - - - - Presentation to Benefices, Nominations to Curacies and Schools e tº i < * * * * * Appropriations, Endowments, Compositions, Grants, Agreements, Leases, Orders, etc. & & I w - - - - - s Bishop's Registry of Licenses of Marriage, Probates of Wills, and Letters of Administration Proceedings in causes, and Books of Acts of the Consistory Court Presentations and Institutions to Ecclesiastical Benefices . © o | Chester or of Manchester, as the case Imay be. Commencing 1500 Consecrations of Churches, Chapels, etc., and Faculties for rebuilding Churches e * e º ſº º e g º . 1525 ) , * Original Wills, or Copies of 1 . º i;90 to tiºn ./ Population of Parishes, Account of . 1714 II]] (2. .* * As to the wills of persons resident, or having property, within registry at Durham), edited by Dr. Raine. Vol. xxxviii., a con- the county palatine of Lancashire, much interesting information has been printed of late years. Especially deserving of notice are three vols. entitled “Lancashire and Cheshire Wills and Inventories,” edited by the Rev. G. J. Piecope, vols. xxxiii. li. and liv. of the Chetham Society's series ; embracing wills of persons of various ranks and grades within the period A.D. 1480-1639. Of wills re- lating to Lancashire, but lodged in registries in Durham and York- shire, much information will be found in the following works, published by the Surtees Society —Vol. ii., “Wills and Inventories illustrative of the history, manners, etc., of the Northern Counties of England, from the 11th century downwards” (chiefly from the tinuation of vol. ii., “Wills from the registry at Durham,” edited by the Rev. W. Greenwell. [A third volume will bring these wills down to the Restoration.] Vol. iv. “Testamenta Eboracensia : Wills illustrative, etc., of the province of York, from A.D. 1300 downwards.” Vol. i. edited by Dr. Raine; vol. xxx. (vol. ii.), 1429-1462, edited by the Rev. J. Raine; vol. xlv. (vol. iii.), “Wills from the registry at York” (1395-1491). At the end of this volume are “Dispensations for Marriage, Marriage Licenses,” etc., from the registers of York, Durham, and Richmond, 1374- 1531,–H. CHAP, WI. 71 (Tije Đigturn ºf 3Lancašijire. ECCLESIASTICAL-60ntinued. Becords and other Instruments. Date, Where kept. Richmond Archdeaconry, Consistory Court— Wills, Original & & © e e - Bonds on granting Letters of Administration, etc. Marriage-Licenses and Affidavits thereon . Parochial Registers, copies of . tº e Act Books, containing Entries of Probates Proceedings in Suits . . . . . g º Inrolment of Faculties for Pews, etc. Terriers . e * º º Duplicates of Parish Registers . Wills, Original e “ o tº e e Administration, Curation, and Tuition Bonds . Act Books, containing Entries of Probates The earliest date— Chester & º - Lichfield and Coventry Diocese— Ecclesiastical Survey e - Terriers of Rectories and Vicarages . • - Registers containing Institutions of Rectors and Wi Rectories, and Endowments of Vicarages Judicial Proceedings in Causes Wills and Grants 1s Administration, Letters of Licenses . - e - Registers of Parishes cars, Appropriation of • * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * tº s a s e - 1748 to the present 1500. time. 26 Hen. WIII. * - e º e - !º to the present time, 1450 1526 1660 with chasms. to present time. \ h j Consistory Registry, JRichmond. Commissary Registry, Lancaster. Registry, Chester. First Fruits Office. Bishop's Registry, Lichfield. 72 Çije Đigturn ºf 3Lancašijire. CHAP. VII. CHAPTER WII. The Earldom of Lancaster possessed by King John—Privileges to the Honor of Lancaster in Magna Charta–Forest- Laws, and Assize of the Forest at Lancaster—Grant of Land between Mersey and Ribble—Large Drains on Lancashire for Men and Money for the Wars—Wars of the Barons—Edward II, the Prisoner of Thomas Earl of Lancaster—Analysis of Landed Possessions in the County from Testa de Nevill—A.D. 1164-1327. ºESUMING the chronological Order of our history from the period at which it had arrived when (,§ º we commenced the history of the dukes and duchy of Lancaster, it is proper to correct an ſº #j §: error into which the learned Selden has fallen, when he says, “That Lancashire, till Henry º º º III, created his youngest son Edmund Crookback earl of it (A.D. 1266), I think was no º!\º: § county; for in one of our old year books a learned judge' affirms that in this Henry's time §§º Nº was the first sheriff's turn held there.” That sheriffs were elected for this county upwards of a century before Henry III. ascended the throne of these realms, is already abundantly clear. In the Domesday Survey of the date of 1086, the county of Lan- caster, as we have already seen, is Surveyed as portions of the adjoining counties of York and Chester, but it is not named in that Survey ; and after a diligent examination of the public records, the first mention we find of the county is in the Pipe Roll in the Exchequer Office, seventy-eight years after that survey was completed. The Pipe Rolls commence with 5 Stephen (A.D. 1140), and contain returns from a great number of the sheriffs of other counties, but the name of Lancashire does not occur till the 11th Henry II. (1165), after which the returns for Lancashire seem to be regular under every year, at least for some time. It is thus manifest that Selden is in error in supposing that Lancashire was “no county” till the time of Henry III., and that it had no sheriff till 1266, when Edmund Crouchback was created earl of Lancaster. The records in the office of the duchy of Lancaster are stated by Mr. Harper to be of as early a date as the first of Stephen, but those do not of course apply to the duchy, which was not created till more than one hundred years afterwards; nor have we found any traces of records so early in that depository, relating to the county of Lancaster, as even the time of the second Henry. In the Chapter House at Westminster there is, amongst its immense circular documental storeys, a bag of Lancashire fines, marked “Lancastria,” in which several ancient deeds are depo- sited, of the date of 7 Richard I. (1195-6), relating to ecclesiastical affairs. In the reign of John, the men of Lancashire complained that their privileges were infringed by Roger Poer, who had deprived them of more than a hundred acres of wood and forest land, which they had been accustomed to enjoy as common of pasture.” The complaint of the men of Lancashire was made with peculiar propriety to King John, who, though he was surnamed Sansterre, possessed the earldom and honor of Lan- caster, which were conferred upon him as an inheritance, while he was earl of Morton or Mortaigne, by his brother Richard I. in the excess of his bounty. The death of Richard soon after opened the way to the throne for John, who did not hesitate to assume the possession by imbruing his hands in the blood of his nephew Arthur. During the reign of Richard, the spirit of crusading had been at its height; not only the flower of the most distinguished families in Lancashire, but in every part of Christendom, embarked in these holy wars with the utmost enthusiasm; and though a few splinters from the wood of the real cross were pur- chased by the sacrifice of more than 300,000 men, such was the excitation of the times, that a knight-templar seldom failed to rank amongst the first of public benefactors. To these wars future ages are indebted for the introduction of coats of arms, by which the incased knights were distinguished on the plains of Palestine, and since which time illustrious families have used them to adorn their pedigrees. When the great bulwark of British freedom, Magna Charta, was wrested from King John on the field of Runnymede, by the intrepid barons, special privileges were granted to the honor of Lancaster by name; and it was provided in the articles appendant to that charter, that “if any one should hold of any escheat as of the honor of Walingeford, Notingeham, Bologne, or Lankastr", or of other escheats which are in the king's hands, and are baronies, and he die, his heir shall not give any other relief, or perform any other service, to the king, than he should perform to the baron ; and that the king hold it in the same manner as the baron.” The Charter of Forests was scarcely less appreciated in Lancashire than Magna Charta. The number and extent of the forests in this county made the severity of the laws by which they were protected oppressive in the extreme (though the rigour of the laws had already been relaxed in their favour), and the immunities 1 Thorp, 17 Edward III. (1343) fol. 566. * Abbrev. Placit. Rot. i. p. 24. CEIAP. VII. The #istory of ilancashire. 73 conferred on the people by these memorable charters would have immortalised the memory of the king, had they flowed spontaneously from the royal bounty, instead of having been dictated by an imperious necessity, over which he had no control. The Forest-Laws are of great antiquity in this country; they are of Saxon origin; and, like the laws of Draco, they are written in blood. A charter of forests was granted by Canute, in the year 1016, called “The Charter and Constitution of Forests,” introduced by this royal declaration —“These are the Constitutions of the Forest, which I, Canute, king, with the advice of my nobles, do make and stablish, that both peace and justice may be done to all the churches of our kingdom of England, and that every offender may suffer according to his quality, and the manner of his offence.” By this charter, four of the best freemen (Pagemed, Verderors) were appointed in every province of the kingdom, to distribute justice, called “The Chief men of the Forest.” There were placed under each of these four men of middle sort (Lespegend, Regardors), to take upon themselves the care and charge by day, “as well of the vert as of the venison.” Under each of these, two of the meaner sort of men (Tinemen, Foresters) were appointed to take care of the vert and the venison by night. These officers were supported at the cost of the state, the first class receiving a stipend of two hundred shillings a-year, the second of sixty, and the third of fifteen each, with certain equipments and immunities. “The Chief men of the Forest” were clothed with royal powers, in the administration of the laws of the forest. If any man offered violence to one of these chief men, if a freeman, he was to lose his freedom and all that he had ; and if a villein, his right hand was to be cut off, for the first offence; for the second he suffered death, whether a freeman or a slave. Offences in the forest were punished according to the manner and quality of the offender : any freeman, either casually or wilfully chasing or hunting a beast of the forest, so that by swiftness of the course the beast pant for breath, was to forfeit ten shillings to the king ; if not a freeman, twenty ; if a bondman, to lose his skin If the beast chased be a royal beast (a staggon), and he shall pant and be out of breath, the freeman to lose his liberty for a year, the bondman for two years, and the villein to be outlawed. A freeman or a bondman killing any beast of the forest, to pay double its value for the first offence, the same for the second, and for the third to forfeit all that he possesses. Bishops, abbots, and barons, not to be challenged for hunting in the forests, except they kill royal beasts, and then to make restitution to the king. Every freeman to be allowed to take his own vert, or venison, in the purlieus of the forest, or when hunting in his own ground, but he must refrain from the king's venery. Freemen only to keep the dogs called greyhounds, and the knees of those dogs to be cut before the chief men, unless they be removed, and kept ten miles from the bounds of the royal forest. Welteres, or Langerans, small dogs, as well as Ramhundt, might be kept without cutting their knees. If a dog became mad, and bit a beast of the forest, the owner was required to make a recompense according to the price of a freeman—that is, twelve times two hundred shillings; but if a royal beast was bitten by a mad dog, then the owner was to answer as for the greatest offence in the forest—namely, with his own life Such substantially were the forest-laws of Canute the Dane. William the Norman, another royal Nimrod, did not relax the severity of these laws; but, by afforesting large tracts of land, very much extended the field of their operation. Though the Conqueror displayed a large share of his sanguinary and rapacious character in the north, there is no reason to suppose that he deprived any man of his possessions to enlarge the forests of Lancashire. It is said of him, however, by Mapes, per- haps with some monkish exaggeration, that in afforesting the New Forest, in Hampshire, for the free enjoy- ment of the chase, “he took away much land from God and man, and converted it to the use of wild beasts, and the sport of his dogs, for which he demolished thirty-six churches, and exterminated the inhabitants.” The retribution which followed was speedy and signal; three of the immediate descendants of the great spoliator lost their lives while engaged in the chase in this forest, amongst whom was William Rufus, who fell by the arrow of his bow-bearer, Sir Walter Tyrrell. Richard I. was much addicted to the pleasures of the chase, and, as one of the highest favours he could bestow upon his brother John, earl of Morton, he gave him, as we here learn, the honor of Lancaster, and the royal prerogatives of forest in this county. John, having received so much from his sovereign, felt disposed to allow the knights, thanes, and freeholders of the county of Lancaster to share in the royal bounty; and for this purpose he granted them a charter, whereby they and their heirs, without challenge of him and his heirs, were allowed to fell, sell, and give, at their will, their forest woods, without being subject to the forest regu- lations, and to hunt and take hares, foxes, rabbits, and all kinds of wild beasts, except stag, hind, and roebuck, and wild hogs, in all parts within his forests beyond the demesne hays of the county.” This charter he con- firmed to them in the first year of his reign (1199), before the celebrated “Carta de Foresta,” (1224) for amelio- rating the rigours of the forest laws, was sketched; and his successor, Henry III., confirmed these franchises to the lieges of Lancashire four years after he had signed that charter. These grants, so ratified and confirmed, were not sufficient to protect “the lieges” against the annoyance of the royal foresters, and on the 18th of Edward II. (1324-25) we find them presenting a petition to the king, praying that they may enjoy their chartered privileges without molestation." The answer to this petition was—“Let them come into the Chancery, and show their charters and confirmations;” and then—“Le Roise avisera ;” which was a form of refusal. - The parks, forests, and chases” of Lancashire, in the time of the Edwards, according to the records in the duchy office, were-Wyresdale, Lonsdale, Quernmore, Amounderness, Blesdale, Derbyshire, Fullwood, Symones- wood, Lancaster, Croxteth, Toxteth ; and included in the general term of the Forest of Tancaster, were the forests of Bowland, Blackburnshire, Pendle, Trawden, Accrington, and Rossendale ; in a word, the 1 The vert is the covert, the trees, and the herbage of the forest ; 4 Ex Pet. in Parl., 18 Edward II., No. 17. and, according to Sir Edward Coke, whatever beast of the forest is * The legal distinction between a forest and a chase is this: the for the food of man, is venison. latter is under the common law, the former under the forest-laws. g & * Blackstone says—“A forest in the hands of a subject is properly 2 * * Lib. de Script. Brit. 187. c. 159. the same thing with a chase, being Subject to the common law, not 3 Duchy Rolls, Rot. f. 12. to the forest-laws.”—Com. ii. 38. 74 QThe #istorg of £ancashire. - CHAP. VII. high region on the eastern side of the county, the successive possessions of the houses of Lacy and of Lancaster. Though the “Carta de Foresta” and the “Assisa et Consuetudines Forestae,” of the 6th Edward I. (1278) had so far relaxed the rigour of the forest-laws as no longer to allow the life of a man to be put on a level with the life of a stag, yet assizes of forests were statedly held in this county, at which the Justices in Eyre north of the Trent presided, and where offences committed against “the vert and the venison” were visited with heavy penalties. - A record of the Forest Assize, held at Lancaster 15 Edward I. (1286), discloses pretty fully the system of forest jurisprudence. We have therein the Justices in Eyre, “Justiciarii Itinerantes,” north of the Trent, assisted by the Foresters of the Fee, in their ministerial capacity, for they had no judicial office. To these were added the Wiridors, who presided in the forest courts of attachment and Swainemote, as a kind of initiative tribunal, leaving it to the judges to ratify or to annul their decisions. To complete the judicial array, there were added twenty-four Regardors, or jurors, knights of the forest, chosen by virtue of the king's writ, and elected, like the Viridors, by the freeholders in full county. The presentments for killing and taking deer are in the usual style, and amounted at this assize to forty-eight in number. The most remarkable is the plea set up by Nich. de Lee, who, in justification of his conduct in hunting in the king's forest, urges the chartered privileges (those granted by King John especially) of the knights and freeholders of Lancashire,” of whom he was doubtless one. These proceedings show that the sanguinary character of the forest-laws had been gradually ameliorated ever since the time of Canute, by the charters of King John, Henry III., and Edward I. ; and, instead of expatriation and death, we find the heaviest punishments inflicted at this memorable assize to consist of fines and imprisonment, and those of a very moderate nature. In a word, the forest-laws, so severely condemned, were less rigorous under the Plantagenets than are the game- laws of modern times. The Lancaster forests, in days of yore, answer with great accuracy to the description given by Manwood, the elaborate writer on the Forest-Laws, when he says—“A forest is a certaine territory of woody grounds and pastures, privileged for wild beasts and fowls of forest, chase, and warren, to rest and abide in under the protection of the king, for his princely delight and pleasure.” The forest-laws, as administered at the assise of the forests of Lancaster and of Pickering, are quoted by this authority as the most perfect model of forest jurisprudence. “The earl of Lancaster,” says he, “in the time of Edward II. and Edward III. had a forest in the counties of Lancaster and York, in the which he did execute the forest-laws as largely as any king in this realm did. And even at this day (A.D. 1580) there are no records so much followed as those which were executed by the said earl in his forests.” In much later times we have had an English monarch displaying his solicitude for the preservation of the “vert and venison” in the forests of Lancashire. The following royal warrant, addressed to the Master Foresters, Bow-bearers, and Keepers of the Forests, Parks, and Chases, in the county palatine of Lancaster, and in other parts of the duchy, bearing the signature of King William III. and countersigned by the chancellor and auditor of the duchy, will form a not inapt conclusion to this digression. . - WILLIAM R. - Gſäffereag Complaint has been made to Us that great Destruction has been made of Our Deer in severall of Our Forrests, Chaces & Parks within Our Duchy & County Palatine of Lancaster, and that some of you have refused to give an Account thereof: Our Royall Will and Pleasure is, that you and every of you, do from time to time, as often as it shall be required of you, give a. true and just Account To Our Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved Cozen & Counsellor Thomas Earle of Stamford, Chancellor of Our Duchy & County Palatine of Lancaster, or Chancellor for the Time being, Of All Our Deer within the Forrests, Chases & Parks where you are respectively concerned, and of what Destruction has been made thereof. And at the Close of every Season you also give a particular and true Account what Number of Our Deer have been killed, by whom, for whom, and by whose Order or Authority, and of what Stock is or shall be remaining in Our Forrests, Chases, and Parks wherein you are concerned as aforesaid, that all abuses and ill practices may be remedied, and Our Deer better preserved for the future. And hereof you are not to faile, as you will answer the contrary at your Perill.–Given at Our Court at Kensington the 23d day of December 1697, and in the Ninth year of Our Reign. By his Majesty's Command. & STAMFORD. Enrolled in the Office of the Auditor of the Lord the King that now is, of his Duchy of Lancaster, in the South Parts, 20 Dec. 9 Wm. III. 1697. p Jo, Bennett, Aud. The act of Magna Charta, so recently granted by John, was confirmed and ratified by Henry III, to whom an aid of one-fifteenth of all the moveables of his people was given by Parliament in return for this favour, with the reservation that those only who paid the fifteenth should be entitled to the liberties and privileges of the charter. To give increased stability to the obligations of this engagement between the king and his people, all the prelates and abbots were assembled, with burning tapers in their hands, and the great charter being raised in their presence, they denounced the sentence of excommunication against all who should henceforth violate this fundamental law. Then, throwing down their tapers on the ground, they exclaimed—“May the soul of every one who incurs this sentence so stink and corrupt in hell !” To which 1 Duc. Rot. 15 Edw. I. f. 12. * See John's Charter, p. 72, consulted with advantage by those who wish to obtain more than a * See Manwood on the Forest Laws, p. 72, a work which may be popular acquaintance with this subject. - CHAP. VII. e Čije ??istory of £ancashire. 75 the king, who took part in the ceremony, added—“So help me God. I will keep these articles inviolate, as I am a man, as I am a christian, as I am a knight, and as I am a king crowned and anointed.” The trial by ordeal, introduced by the Saxons, and continued through so many successive ages, to the outrage of justice and the Scandal of the nation, could now no longer be tolerated. The Church of Rome, never prone to innovation, was the first to protest against a standard so fallible. And accordingly we find royal letters of the reign of Henry III. (1219) addressed to the itinerant judges in the counties of Lancaster, Cumberland, and Westmorland, the north-western circuit of that day, announcing to the judges that because it was not determined previous to the opening of the circuit, what form of trial they should undergo who were charged with robbery, murder, arson, and the like, “since the ordeal of fire and water had been prohibited by the Roman Church,” it had been provided by the king in council, that the judges should proceed in the following manner with persons accused of these crimes:–viz. That those charged with the greater crime, and to whom violent suspicion attached, should be held and safely confined in prison, but not in such a manner as to incur peril of life or limb : That persons accused of other crimes, and to whom, had it not been prohibited, the ordeal of fire and water might have been sufficient, should be required to quit the realm : And that those charged with minor offences should be liberated on bail. These directions, it was felt, were very vague and general; but as they were all that the council could at the time provide, the judges were left at liberty to follow their own discretion, and to act according to the dictates of their consciences. In this reign the undisputed possession of that great mass of Lancashire property, the lands between Ribble and Mersey, was conveyed by the family of Roger de Maresey to Randulf or Randle, earl of Chester, in virtue of a compact of which the following is a translation :- This agreement is made between the Lord Randle, earl of Chester and Lincoln, and Roger de Maresey: viz.—that the said Earl and Roger shall deliver to Sir Ralph de Bray, one forty marks [#26: 13:4], and the other the charter which the said Roger makes to the lord the earl of the sale and demise of all his lands which he had or may have between the Ribble and Mersey; to wit, so that Roger shall go without delay between Ribble and Mersey, to the dispossessing himself of the said lands, and to the causing of all those (who held of him there) to do their homage to the said lord the earl, or their fealty to his bailiffs appointed in his place. Which done, the said Ralph de Bray shall render to the oft-named earl the charter already named, and to the same Roger the said forty marks. If the tenants refuse to do homage, etc., the earl or his bailiffs shall compel them to render it. And the said Roger, at the cost of the lord the earl, shall journey together with the earl's bailiffs, so far as this business requires, so that what is aforesaid may be consummated. And for the greater security, each of them to this writing in the form of a chirograph hath set his seal. . Witnesses: the Lord Walter, Abbot of Chester, Sir William de Vernon, Justiciar of Chester, Ralph de Bray, Walter Dayvill, Richard de Biron, John de Lexington, Simon and John, clerks. [From the Couchir Book of the Duchy Office, Lancaster Place, London, tom. i. Comitatus Lancastriae, fol. 77, num. 70.] Notwithstanding the ratification of Magna Charta, the nation continued much agitated by the intrigues of the nobles within, and the hostility of the bordering countries from without. To meet this emergency, a proclamation was issued to the sheriffs of the counties of Lancaster, Cumberland, and Westmorland, ordering them to assemble all those in their respective jurisdictions who held of the king in chief to the amount of a knight's fee, to be prepared with horses and arms, to march with the king from Chester on an expedition into Wales against Llewellyn, and other rebels. The barons, in the meantime, more anxious about the redress of their own grievances than the incursions of the Welsh, assembled in Supreme council at Oxford under Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, and, after insisting upon the strict fulfilment of the articles of Magna Charta, demanded that four knights should be chosen by the freeholders from each county in the kingdom, to make inquiries into the complaints of the inhabitants, and to present them at the next parliament. They also resolved that three parliaments should be held in every year, including burgesses, as well as barons and ecclesi- astical dignitaries, the two latter of whom had alone been hitherto summoned; that the sheriffs should be annually chosen in each county by the freeholders; that the sheriffs should have no power to fine the barons; that no heirs should be committed to the wardship of foreigners; that no new warrens or forests should be created; nor the revenues of any counties or hundreds let to farm. The king, feeling that the tendency of these extensive measures of reform was to abridge the royal power, strenuously opposed their introduction, and the matter was finally referred to the pope, by whose decision the great charter was ratified, but the ordinances of the Supreme council of Oxford were annulled. The barons did not hesitate to resist the award of his holiness by force of arms, and Robert de Ferrars, earl of Derby, was amongst the most distinguished of the insurgents (A.D. 1263). An association was formed in the city of Worcester, consisting of the populace and the leaders of the insurgents, amongst whom were eighteen of the great barons, headed by the earls of Leicester, Gloucester, and Derby, with Le Despenser the chief justiciary. By the terms of their compact they were never to make peace with the king but by common consent, and with such securities for their liberties and privileges as those which were contained in the convention of Oxford. A long and sanguinary civil war ensued, during which the king was taken prisoner by the barons, and obliged to ratify the obnoxious conven- tion. Subsequently, Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, fell in the contest, and the earl of Derby was taken prisoner. This struggle was, however, essentially conducive to the establishment of the public liberties, and laid the foundation of our representative system of government. The defeat of the barons elevated the house of Lancaster. The forfeited title and possessions of Simon de Montfort devolved by royal favour upon 1 Foedera, vol. i. p. 146. 76 The #istory of Łancashire. CHAP. VII. Edmund Crouchback, the second son of Henry III., and the estates of Robert de Ferrars, earl of Derby, were also conferred upon him by the king, with a grant of the possession of the county of Lancaster, but not to the prejudice of Roger de Lancastre. Llewellyn, prince of Wales, had been deeply implicated with the barons of England in their wars against their sovereign, Henry III., and when Edward I. ascended the throne, one of the first acts of his government was to summon the Welsh prince to do homage in person to the new king. With this mandate Llewellyn refused to comply, except upon the condition that the king's son, and other noblemen, should be delivered to the Welsh court as hostages for his safe custody. Edward was in no temper for parley, and accordingly we find a summons from the king calling upon Roger de Lancastre to attend upon his majesty, to proceed against the Welsh, who are represented as having risen in rebellion. This royal order was followed by a writ of military summons (dated Windsor, 12th Dec. 5 Edw. I. 1276) from the king to Edmund, earl of Lancaster, and the sheriff of the county, announcing that Llewellyn, son of Griffin, prince of Wales, and his rebellious associates, had invaded the land of the lieges in the Marches, and committed homicides and other enormous damages, and commanding that the sheriff do forthwith assemble all that are capable of bearing arms in the hundreds, boroughs, and market-towns of his shrievalty, to march to Worcester, in the octaves of St. John the Baptist, prepared with horses and arms.' The war was continued, with some intermissions, through several Successive years; and in order to clear a passage into Wales, it appears that a mandate was issued by the king in the year 1282 to the sheriff of Lancashire, ordering him to provide two hundred woodcutters (coupia- toribus) to cut away the wood, and thereby to open passes into Wales. These men were to be powerful and active, and each of them was to come provided with a large hatchet to cut down the trees. They were to be chosen in the presence of William de Percy, who was sent specially into the county for that purpose; and were to muster at Chester on Saturday on the octaves of the feast of St. Peter. For this service the sheriff was to pay, from the issues of his bailiwick, into the hands of each hewer, threepence per diem for his wages.” At the time when these Lancashire husbandmen, of extraordinary powers, were receiving threepence a-day for their labour, the price of wheat was ninepence per bushel, and taking the average of wages in England for the six hundred years following, it will be found (unfavourable seasons apart), that the wages of labour have generally been in the proportion of a peck of wheat per day. In large towns the price of manufacturing labour has often been higher, and in some cases, especially amongst the weavers, much lower; but as a standard, none can approach nearer than the one which is here suggested. Much obscurity is thrown over historical and topographical works on the subject of money, for want of some standard of value to which the Sums mentioned in different ages may be referred. No standard will be found so unerring as the prices of wheat and of labour, which, on being compared in times past with the price of those articles in our day, will always convey to the mind some definite notion, when sums of money are mentioned, of the value of those sums at the period under consideration. With this view the following table, extracted from the records in the exchequer, and collated with Paris, Walsingham, Stowe, Fleetwood, and others, is constructed :— CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, SHOWING THE PRICE AT WHICH THE ARTICLES THEREIN MENTIONED SOLD IN THE YEARS SPECIFIED. A.D. # S. d. 1202. Wheat (rainy season) g g e ſe is tº per quarter 0 12 0 1248. Thirty-seven sheep for the King * & tº & ſº * 0 18 4 1253. Wheat fell to g e º e * e * per quarter 0 2 6 1256. Brewers ordered to sell three gallons of ale in the country for a penny. 1272. A Labourer's wages . tº e wº © © & per day . 0 0 1, A Harvest Man iº & do. . () () 2 1274. A Bible in nine vols., with a Comment & & º & . 33 6 8 1275. Rent of the Lord Mayor's House . © º e º a year . 1 0 0 1280. The Chancellor's Salary gº * e g g * do. . 40 0 0 1283. An English Slave and his Family sold for g & . 0 13 4 1285. Grinding Wheat ſº & * g gº e per quarter 0 0 0} 1286. Wheat, after a great storm . º * & g * do. . 0 16 0 1288. ,, fell to & º g g & ſº * do. () { 8 1294. Wheat (a grievous famine) . g g g º $ do. I () () Wheat, average in the 13th century, about . tº º tº do. 0 6 0 1300. Wheat and Barley . tº g & © * g do. () 3 4. Oats . e e º g * * g e do. 0 1 8 A Primer for the Prince of Wales, now 15 years 11 months old te 2 0 () 1302. A Cow e gº º g © . g () 6 0 A fat Sheep . e t e * iº º g e 0 1 0 A Cock or Hen tº * º gº * > g e each 0 0 13, 1309. A Pair of Shoes º g tº tº © & * * 0 0 4 1314. Prices fixed by Parliament—A fat Ox & e e 0 16 0 A Cow . is e . 60 12 0 A. Sheep . 0 1 2 A fat Hog & & . 0 3 4 A fat Goose & . 0 0 24, Pair of Chickens . () () I Eggs per dozen 0 0 0% This Maximum increased the scarcity which it was intended to remove. The growers would not bring in provisions, and what was sold was dearer than before. The Act was therefore repealed in 1315. * Rot. Claus. 5 Ed. I. m. 12 d. in Turr, Lond. * Foedera, vol. ii. p. 611. CHAP. VII. Qſìje #istory of £ancashire. A.D. º £ S. d. 1315. Salt (an unheard-of price) . e ſº & e e a bushel . , 0 2 6 1326. Yearly Rent of Arable Land in Kent tº gº sº tº per acre . 3d. to 0 0 6 Pasture Land tº & tº tº º do. wº . 0 0 1 Meadow Land & * º & e do. . 4d. to 0 0 10 1338. Allowance from Edward III. to 32 Students at Cambridge . º per diem . . 0 0 2 Wool taken by the King (a forced price) . g * & per stone of 14 lbs. 0 2 0 1342. Wine º e & º t ſº e g per gallon . 0 0 4 1347. King's Apothecary, a pension for life e e gº g per day . 0 0 6 1348. A year of pestilence—a Horse e & º . 0 6 8 a fat Ox .* . 0 4 0 a Cow . . 0 1 0 a Heifer wº . 0 0 6 1357. Ransom of David King of Scotland . º º tº tº e 100,000 0 0 1360. of John King of France tº * is e tº e . 500,000 0 0 A Horse for military service . g * o g º e e . 1 0 0 A Master Carpenter, 4d.—his Journeyman . p gº e per day 0 0 2 1379. Wine, white, 6d.-red º 's tº ſe e ... per gallon 0 0 4. 1385. Assistant Clerk of Parliament g * tº * g a year . . 5 0 0 1390. Kendal Cloth g sº . † g g sº a piece 3s. 4d. to 0 5 0 Wheat, average in the 14th century, about . g e g per quarter 0 6 0 1407. Salt . tº e g per bushel 0 0 7% A Plough . ſº g tº tº $º { } gº g ę 0 0 10 Wages of a Thresher g ſº g *: * e e per day 0 0 2 1414. A Priest's stipend, with cure of Souls e s e g a year . 5 6 8 without . g & . & & do. . 4 13 4 1482. 220 Draught Horses for $9 º § te ge e gº 100 0 0 1495. Allowance to Edward the Fourth’s Daughter * º * a week . 1 0 0 for her eight servants . tº g ſº a year . 51 II. 8 Oats . • " . * - a quarter . . 0 2 0 Wheat g g g ſº gº o is g () 6 0 Wheat, average in 15th century, as estimated for rent, about º 0 7 0 1547. Income of the poor churches in York * ſº gº & a year 1 6 8 1562. Wheat, conversion price g o ſº {º t g per quarter 0 8 0 Ale, when malt was 8s. per quarter . º • g g per gallon 0 0 2 1576. Beef and Mutton . gº • & • g e a stone . () () 6 Weal . gº & * g ū g © . . . 8d. to 0 1 0 Wheat, average in the 16th century, about . º e º per quarter | | 0 Labour of a husbandman per week, in the 16th century * º 0 5 0 Average Price of Wheat &nd Malt per quarter, at Windsor. From 1611 to 1620. tº * . £2 1 1; From 1671 to 1680. e º . £2 10 8% 1621 to 1630. º * . 2 5 2 1681 to 1690. * • 1 19 1% 1631 to 1640. in & . 2 6 10% 1691 to 1700. 2 16 10% 1641 to 1650. e tº . 3 12 8 1701 to 1710. 2 3 23 1651 to 1660. g ë . 2 10 0 1711 to 1720. 2 4 11 1661 to 1670. † ſº . 2 8 10; 1721 to 1731. 2 I I Labour of a husbandman per week, in the 17th century 0 9 0 These prices of wheat are from the Eton, Books, and are for the best grain; the measure also is above the legal standard, so that 7-9ths of the preceding quotations will form about the average price of all England. Average London Price in January. Wheat. Barley. Oats. From 1732 to 1740 . s © . £1 8 10 & #0 15 13. £0 12 5 1741 to 1750 . - o . 1 5 8; 0 14 3 0 12 4 1751 to 1760 . g tº . 1 13 3 0 17 11 0 14 10% 1761 to 1770 . e & . 1 13 1.1; 1 2 () 0 15 1.1% Average Price in England and Wales. Wheat. Barley. Oats. From 1771 to 1775 . g tº . 62 10 0 £1 6 9 #20 16 10% 1776 to 1780 . e & . I 19 0 I 0 0 0 16 63 1781 to 1785 . * tº . 2 9 2 1 4 4% 0 16 10 1786 to 1790 . te e . 2 5 10 1 3 5% 0 17 0} . 1791 to 1795 . º e . 2 12 11 1 10 11; 1 1 0 1796 to 1800 . :- * . 3 12 3% 1 17 8 1 5 2 Labour of a husbandman per week, in the 18th century * e 0 1 1 0 AVERAGE PRICE OF WHEAT IN ENGLAND AND WALES In each year from 1801 to 1830 inclusive, from the Official Returns. In 1801 . 4.5 18 3} In 1809 . £4 15 2 In 1817 . £4 14 4; In 1824 #2 17 0 1802 . 3 7 4 1810 - 5 6 2+ 1818 . 4 4 2+ 1825 3 6 53 1803 2 16 5; 1811 .. 4 14 11 1819 . 3 13 0% 1826 2 17 3% 1804 3 1 7 1812 . 6 5 6 1820 - 3 5 6 1827 2 16 10 1805 4 7 93. 1813 . 5 8 5 1821 . 2 14 4 1828 3 11 10% 1806 4 0 13 1814 . 3 14 0% 1822 - 2 3 5; 1829 3 16 10 1807 3 12 4} . 1815 . 3 4 4% 1823 - 2 11 9 ' 1830 3 14 6 1808 . 3 19 2 1816 . 3 15 5% Labour of a husbandman per week, in the 19th century 0 12 0 78 - . Çür #istory of £ancaglitz. CHAP. . VII. COIN AGE. For a further illustration of the Scale of Prices in successive ages, it is necessary to show how many pounds, shillings, and pennies have been coined out of a pound troy of silver, at different times in England; and also the degree of fineness of the standard, and the times at which the several alterations have taken place. e * lue of t Fine Silver. Alloy. Yº f #. Oz, dwt. Oz, dwt. # S. d. Before A.D. 1300 a pound of standard silver contained . . 11 2 0 18 1 0 0 1300. 28 Edward I. ſº g tº e © º ſº e . 11 2 0 18 1 0 3 1344, 18 Edward III. . ſº * § º g e * . 11 2 0 18 I 2 2 1346. 20 Edward III. . g • , , * º g º . 11 2 0 18 I 2 6 1353. 27 Edward III. . & & e g g e g . 11 2 0 18 1 5 () 1412. 13 Henry IV. . ſº * & e & g g . 11 2 0 18 1 10 0 1464. 4 Edward IV. . g tº & g ſº gº g . 11 2 O 18 1 17 6 1527. 18 Henry VIII. . & º † s ſº g g . 11 2 0 18 2 5 0 1543. 34 Henry VIII. . § g & § g g iº . 10 0 2 0 2 8 0 1545, 36 Henry VIII. - 6 0 6 () 2 8 () 1546. 37 Henry VIII. . 4 '0 8 0 2 8 '0 1549. 3 Edward VI. gº e † g tº & g . 6/ 0 6 0 3 12 0 1551. 5 Edward VI. " . g tº * ſº g g † . 3 0 9 () 3 12 0 1551, end of 1552. 6 Edw. VI. . & * † º g . 11 I 0 19 3 0 . () 1553. 1 Mary . e g {{ e º g sº º , 11 0 1 0 3 () () 1560. 2 Elizabeth * g o & ſº tº * g . 11 2 0 18 3 0 0 1601. 43 Elizabeth & & tº te º º g tº . 11 2 0 18 § 2 º' 3 2 () 1816. 56 George III. . º s 11 2 & e tº 0 18 3 6 0 1 These rates of English Money, except the last, are taken by Mr. Folkes from the indentures made with the masters of the mint, and consequently may be depended upon as authentic ; the last is from the act 56 George III. cap. 68 (1816). The mines of Lancashire were yet unexplored; and the most important of all its minerals, as constituting the principal source of its manufacturing greatness, had lain undisturbed in the bowels of the earth till the reign of Henry III., when coals were, for the first time, used as fuel in England. From that period to the present, the great coal-fields in the south and in the centre of the county of Lancaster have continued to be worked, but the full extent of their capacity and utility was not shown till the middle of the eighteenth century, when the agency of steam began to be brought into general operation under the powerful geniuses of Crompton, Arkwright, and Watt, aided by the skill, enterprise, and capital of Peel, and a hundred other names that might be mentioned. . § In the early ages of our history, the honour of knighthood, with the military services to which it was incident under the feudal system, was often forced upon the subject, and hence we find that, in the year 1278,” a writ was addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, commanding him to distrain upon all persons seised of land of the value of £20 per annum, whether held of the king in capite, or of any other lord, who ought to be knights, and were not, and all such were ordered forthwith to take out their patent of knighthood. Fourteen years after this, a writ was issued, wherein the qualification was raised to double the amount, and a writ, dated the 6th of February 1292, was issued to the sheriff of Lancashire, along with other sheriffs, proclaiming that all persons holding lands in fee, or of inheritance, of the value of £40 per annum, must take the order of knighthood before Christmas in that year. One of the prerogatives of the crown was to relax and to vary these services, and hence a writ, addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, was issued, reciting “ that the commonalty of England having performed good services against the Welsh, the king excuses persons, not holding lands of the value of £100 per annum, from taking the order of knighthood;” but in this writ it was directed, that all holding above that amount, and not taking that order before the Nativity of the Virgin, are to be distrained upon. Subsequently, injunctions were addressed to the sheriff, commanding him to make extents on the lands of those who refuse to take the order of knighthood, and to hold them for the king until further orders. It must not be supposed that this honour was always declined, or that no man's ambition led him to aspire to the distinction. Such a conclusion would be erroneous; for we find a writ to the sheriff of Lancashire, of the date of the 6th of April 1305, directing him to proclaim that all who should become knights, and are not, must repair to London before Whit-Sunday next, to receive that distinction, if properly qualified. While the contest continued between England and Wales, a number of public officers were appointed, called commissioners of array (arraiatores), whose duty it was to array the troops engaged in the war, to pre- serve the peace in the midst of so much agitation, and to communicate the views and intentions of the govern- ment to the people. Roger de Mortimer, who enjoyed a large share of the royal favour, received the appoint- ment of conservator of Lampaderoour [Lampeter], in West Wales, which appointment was announced by letter to the prelates and clergy, in Lancashire, through the medium of Reginald de Grey, the captain, in Chester and Flintshire. - - The necessities of the public treasury, in 1282, obliged the king to demand an aid by way of loan from the religious houses, and from all the merchants in the kingdom, and John de Kirkeby was empowered to declare certain difficult and important matters with which he was entrusted, explanatory, no doubt, of the * In 1816 the pound of bullion was first coined into sixty-six shillings, of which, however, only sixty-two were issued; four shil- lings being kept at the mint as a Seignorage, * Rot. Claus, 6 Edw. I. m. 8, d. Turr. Lond. CELAP. VII. (Iſiſe £istory of 3Lancašijire. 79 king's necessities, to the people of Lancashire. Speedily afterwards, letters-patent were addressed to Robert de Harington, John Byron, and Robert de Holland, appointing them conservators of the peace, pursuant to the statute of Winton, and writs of Venire were issued for that purpose." During the contest with Wales, several summonses for military service were issued in Lancashire, the number of which was probably increased by its vicinity to the seat of war. On the 26th of May 1282, a writ was sent to the sheriff, reciting an ordinance in council, whereby every person holding land or rents of the value of £30 a-year was required to provide himself with a horse and suitable armour, and to join the king's forces against the Welsh, and even persons unfit for military service were required to find and to equip substi- tutes. On the 30th of July, in the same year, a docket of commission issued, empowering William le Butiller, de Werenton, to press 1000 men, capable of bearing arms, into the king's service; from which it would appear that the obnoxious practice of impressing men into the navy in latter times extended then to the army. The contest with Wales was now at its crisis. On the 24th of November, a writ was addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, requiring him to send all men capable of bearing arms to march against the Welsh ; and Edmund, earl of Lancaster, was required to furnish from his lands in Lancashire 200 soldiers. Early in the following year another levy' was called for ; and the earl, on the summons of the king, was required to repair with horse and arms to Montgomery : a similar summons to arms was also addressed to Roger de Lancastre; and to supply the necessary ways and means for this vast expenditure of the government, a commission was issued, consti- tuting Henry de Newark and others collectors of the previous levy. The skill and perseverance of Edward, seconded by the zeal and constancy of his subjects, at length reduced the Welsh nation to the greatest extremities. Llewellyn, finding all his resources exhausted, his country almost depopulated by the length and severity of the contest, and famine rapidly completing the destruction which the Sword had commenced, was obliged to submit to the conqueror; and the ancient Cambrians, after having for 800 years maintained their national independence, passed under the English yoke. The title of “Prince of Wales” was now conferred for the first time on a “foreign prince,” and the eldest son of the king of England has ever since that period borne this designation. - The wars of the crusades, in which England took so large a share, had served to drain the treasury, and the cost of these holy contests seemed especially to belong to the church. Pope Nicholas IV. to whom, as the head of the see of Rome, the first-fruits and tenths of all English benefices were payable, granted to King Edward I. the tenth of these benefices for six years towards defraying the expenses of the Crusades. In order to ascertain the full value of the livings, and ultimately to enrich the church, his Holiness caused a survey to be made, usually called “Pope Nicholas's Valor,” which was completed in the province of Canter- bury in 1291, and in the province of York in the following year, under the direction of the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln. This valuable and curious document is still preserved ; and its contents, so far as regards the county of Lancaster, will be introduced in that department of our work which relates to the eccle- siastical history of the county. How far this exhibition of the wealth of the Church of England influenced the mind of the king, it is impossible now to ascertain ; but in this reign the celebrated statute of mortmain was passed, by which the clergy were prevented by law from making new acquisitions of land for the use of the church. This county had scarcely recovered from the drain made upon its blood and treasure by the war with the neighbouring principality of Wales, when it was called upon, in common with the other parts of England, to engage in another contest, still more formidable, against the combined power of Scotland and France. The causes of these long and sanguinary wars it is not the province of this history to investigate. On the break- ing out of the war in 1293, writs of military service were issued to the sheriffs, announcing that the king was about to set out for Gascony, to protect his inheritance from the king of France ; and all the knights, abbots, and priors, holding in chief by military tenure, or serjeanty, were required to meet the king at Portsmouth, to embark in this expedition. In the same year, letters-patent were sent to the knights and freeholders in Lancashire, announcing that collectors were appointed of the tenths in aid of the war: writs were issued in the early part of the following year, to sixty-eight persons about to embark with Edmund, earl of Lancaster, to Gascony, exempting their goods from the payment of this impost, and, as a matter of precaution, orders from the king were issued to the sheriff of Lancashire, reciting, that through some religious foreigners, as well Normans as others, residing in this kingdom, and dwelling on the sea-coast, not a little danger had arisen to the safety of the state; he was therefore commanded to cause such persons to remove to the interior without delay, and to give up their places to religious English. The sheriffs were also commanded further to draw to land all their ships and boats, wherever they might find them, in the sea or any other water, and to cause all their furniture and cargoes to be wholly removed, so that the vessels might be of no use. The commissioners for assessing and collecting the tenth and the seventh in 1296 were, “Magr Rich. de Hoghton, clerk,” and “ Rad. de Mansfield, clerk; ” and that the returns might be duly made, Rich. de Hoghton and John Genty] were earnestly required to appear in their proper persons before the treasurer and the 1. By the statute of Winton (Winchester), passed 13 Edward I. vided, that every hundred shall be answerable for the robberies and (1285) it is, amongst a number of other important enactments, pro- other offences committed within its jurisdiction. 80 (The #istory ºf 3Lancašijire. CHAP. VII. barons of the exchequer, on the Octave of the feast of St. Nicholas ensuing, to do and execute those matters which should be more fully explained to them ; and this they were to do as they regarded the king's honour, and their own loss of all things, both lands and tenements, goods and chattels, and as they would avoid the king's perpetual wrath. The exactions of the king to carry on the war became burdensome in the extreme: the first peers of the realm murmured against his demands upon their purse, and upon their personal services; and to such an excess did their altercations arise, that the king, in requiring the reluctant Services in Flanders of his constable Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford, and one of the founders of the duchy possessions, exclaimed—“Sir earl, by God you shall either go, or hang !” was answered by the earl with equal determination—“By God, sir king, I will neither go, nor hang !” The clergy were not more disposed to acquiesce in the arbitrary exactions of the king and his ministers, than the laity; in consequence of which, Inumbers of them were put out of the protection of the law ; but in order at once to stimulate their loyalty, and inflame their fears, writs were issued to John de Lancastre, and to the sheriffs, empowering them to appoint commissioners to reverse the recognisances of such of the clergy as wished to receive the king's protection, and to arrest and imprison all those who had promulgated excommunications and ecclesiastical censures against his ministers. - At this early period of our history newspapers were unknown, but in the 25 Edward I. (1297) the king addressed a mandate to John de Lancastre, sheriff of the county, announcing that his Majesty had learnt, that newsmongers (“trovewrs de novelles,” as they are called) were going about the country, sowing discord amongst the prelates, earls, and barons, as well as others of his subjects, endeavouring thereby to disturb the public peace, and to subvert the good order of the realm ; which said offences, the sheriffs were required to inquire into, and to take order for bringing the delinquents to justice. From enemies the Welsh had been converted into allies; and while the king was engaged in the French war, an army from Wales was appointed to march against the Scots, to carry hostilities into their country. That no interruption might be given to that force, letters were addressed by the king to the sheriffs of Lancashire and Yorkshire, as well as to those of Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire, directing them, at their peril, to take care that all bakers and brewers should have a sufficient supply of bread and beer in the towns through which the Welsh army had to pass, on their march “against the Scottish rebels.” In the course of this year, no fewer than three rates were imposed : the first, of an eighth ; the second, of a fifth ; and the third, of a ninth of the moveables of the subject ; and Robt. de Hoyland, Allan le Norreys, John Gentyl, and Hugh de Clyderhou, with the sheriff of the county, were appointed assessors and collectors for the county of Lancaster.” To reconcile the people to these accumulated impositions, and to assuage the popular discontent, letters were addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, and the sheriffs of the other counties, directing them to take means for the redress of public grievances, the most intolerable of which probably was that of excessive taxation. At this time the resources of the government were principally derived from the landed possessions of the people ; but commerce and manufactures, to which in future ages the state was to stand so much indebted for its supplies, now began to dawn upon the country, and the establishment of the famous commercial society of “Merchant Adventurers” (in 1216), with the partial introduction of the staple manufacture of woollens, both in the west and in the north of England, laid the foundation of those mighty resources, which in modern days distinguish the county of Lancaster from all other districts of the world. In the time of the Edwards of the Plantagenet line, the population of Lancashire must have been very considerable ; for in this year the commissioners of array, in their precepts to Will. de Ormesby, the king's justiciary, directed that a levy of three thousand foot soldiers should be raised in Lancashire, and sent to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, by the feast of St. Nicholas, to be placed under the command of Robt. de Clifford, warder of the Scotch marches, adjoining to Cumberland. The following year a writ was directed to John de Warren, earl of Surrey, directing him to march forthwith to Scotland, at the head of the troops raised in Lancashire and in the neighbouring counties. - The war with France having been brought to an end by the mediation of his Holiness the pope, and the peace consummated by a double marriage, that of Edward himself with Margaret, the sister of Philip, king of France, and that of the Prince of Wales with Isabella, the daughter of the same monarch, the king was left at liberty to turn his undivided attention to the conquest of Scotland; and for the purpose of infusing fresh vigour into the operations against that country, Edward determined to place himself at the head of the English army. No fewer than three successive writs of military summons were issued during the year 1297 to the authorities of the county of Lancaster; the first to the sheriff, the second to Thomas, earl of Lan- castre, and the third to Henry baron de Lancastre, calling upon the levies to meet the king at Carlisle, and appointing Robt. de Clifford the king's commandant (“cheventain”) of Lancashire, Cumberland, and Westmorland. The spirit of Scotland sank under the mighty array that was proceeding against that country, headed by a monarch accustomed to conquer. Robert Bruce, father and son, along with several other nobles, made their submission to Edward; but John Baliol, the king, assembled the flower of the * Rot. Claus, 24 Ed. I. m. 3. d. Dated Bury St. Edmunds, 15th November 1296. * Rymer's Foedera, vol. ii. p. 783. 8 Rot. Parl, 25 Edward I. p. 2. m. CHAP. VII. (The 3?igtorg Of £ancashire. 81 Scotch nobility, together with a large portion of the military force of the kingdom, hoping by one mighty effort to expel the invaders and to liberate their country. For this purpose, they made a general and simultaneous attack upon the English, under the Earl Warrenne, who were at that time besieging Dunbar with a force of twelve thousand men. Undismayed by Superior numbers, the English general advanced to receive them, and a sanguinary battle ensued, which issued in the total defeat of the Scotch army with a loss of twenty thousand men. One of the first consequences of this victory was the surrender of Dunbar, and the other fortresses of Scotland soon followed the example. Baliol, the king, despairing of his country's cause, resigned his crown into the hands of the English monarch, who, on his return from Scotland, conveyed with him the ancient stone of inauguration, which had for so many ages been deposited at Scone, and to which tradition attached the belief, that wherever that stone was placed, the monarch in possession of it would govern Scotland. Though subdued, the spirit of the Scotch nation was not wholly broken. The severity of the English justiciary Ormesby, and the exactions of the treasurer Cressingham, rendered the yoke of the conqueror intolerable ; and William Wallace, the descendant of an ancient family, whose valour and skill will be remembered through all time in Scotch history, reanimated the spirits and rallied the scattered forces of his country. The English army under Warrenne, consisting of forty thousand men, having obtained a victory at Annandale, pushed forward to Stirling, where they were encountered by Wallace on the banks of the Forth, and the greatest part of their number was pushed into the river at the edge of the sword. After this signal victory, Wallace, in his turn, became the invader, and the north of England, as far as the borders of the county of Lancaster, was laid waste with fire and sword. The king, on receiving this disastrous news in Flanders, hastened back to England; and having placed himself at the head of one hundred thousand men, of which Lancashire furnished its full complement, he chased the invaders into Scotland and inflicted upon them a signal overthrow at Falkirk. Wallace, aided by the son of Robert Bruce, still kept the field, and, by a kind of predatory warfare, rendered the conquest of Scotland anything but secure. No cessation was allowed to the efforts, military and pecuniary, of the inhabitants of the north of England; for, in the two following years, 1298-9, eight writs of military service were issued, appertaining to the county of Lancaster. The first directed the sheriff to proclaim the prorogation of the general military summons of the 26th September preceding; the second was a writ of military summons to Thomas, earl of Lancaster, requiring him to appear at York on the morrow of St. Martin (Nov. 12); the third, addressed to the commissioners of array, ordering them to raise two thousand foot soldiers in Lancashire, to meet at Newcastle-upon-Tyne on the eve of St. Katharine (Nov. 24), to march against the Scots; the fourth was a writ to the commissioners of array, indicating the deteriorated state of the coinage, in which it was announced that if the soldiers levied by the preceding commissions should be unwilling to march on account of the bad money then current, or from the severity of the weather, the commissioners were to provide them a premium in addition to their pay ; the fifth was a summons to Henry, earl of Lancaster, to repair to the army; the sixth, a writ to Thomas de Banastre to raise two thousand infantry in Lancashire, to meet the king at Berwick-upon-Tweed; the seventh, a writ to the sheriff of Lancashire, directing that all prelates and other priests, and all widows and other women holding of the king, should send substitutes to Carlisle; and the eighth, a summons to Thomas, John, and Henry de Lancaster, to meet the king, to proceed against the Scots. In the following year (1300) commissions were addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, empowering him to summon all persons holding lands or rents of the value of forty pounds per annum and upwards, to meet the king at Carlisle; and in the same year the commissioners of array called by various writs upon Robert de Holand, Mathew de Redman, Allan Norreys, John Gentyl, and Robert de Norreys, to raise in Lancashire, by separate levies, three thousand men, to meet the king at Carlisle on the Nativity of St. John Baptist, and on the day after the Assumption. The oppressive nature of these ancient conscriptions may be collected from the royal proclamations of the same period, by which Jehan de Seint Jehan (the king's commandant “cheventayne’), in all matters relating to deeds of arms in Lancashire, etc., was empowered, along with the Earl de Abingdon, to amerce those refractory persons who refused to perform services, either in defence of the marches or to act against the Scots. - The writs to the sheriff of Lancashire, in the two following years (1301 and 1302), relate principally to the assessment and collection of the fifteenths, which both the clergy and the laity were called upon to pay to the knights appointed to make the collections. Jehan de Seint Jehan having been superseded in his command in Lancashire by John Butterte, letters of credence were addressed to the inhabitants, clerical and laical, requiring them to give full faith to the king's clerk, Ralph de Mounton, and to Richard le Brun, who were commissioned to declare to them certain weighty matters touching the safety of the country, not explained in the letters of credence, but which, it appears, related to the king's determination to undertake a fresh expedition against Scotland. One of the first consequences of this confidential communication was a call upon the commissioners of array, William de Dacre, Henry de Kygheley, and Robert de Hephale, requiring them to raise seven hundred men in Lancashire, and to send them to Lancaster after the feast of the Invention of the Cross (May 3, 1303); and IM 82 (Iſiſt £istory ºf 3Lancashire. CHAP. VII. all prelates, women, and others unfit to bear arms, but who were willing to pay the fine (twenty pounds for a knight's fee, and so on in proportion to their possessions), for the services done to the king in Scotland, were to appear before the treasurer at York on the morrow of the Ascension (May 17); or otherwise, by substitute, with horse and arms, at Berwick. Aided by a large army, and a no less powerful fleet, Edward marched victoriously through Scotland, and laid the country at his feet. Amongst his trophies, the gallant William Wallace became his prisoner, and instead of obtaining that respect to which he was entitled by his courage and patriotism, he was conveyed in chains to London, where he was tried and executed as a traitor. The disorganisation of society produced by so much intestine war, exhibited itself on every hand. Crimes were greatly multiplied, and Peter de Badbate, Edmund Deyncourt, William de Vavasour, John de Island, and Adam de Middleton, were judges under a commission of Trailbaston appointed to hear and determine all offences against the peace in the counties of Lancaster and Westmorland, as well as in eight other counties. The number of offenders rendered necessary the utmost promptitude in the administration of justice; and the proceedings of the judges, under these commissions, are said to have been so summary, as not to exceed the time in which their staff of justice, or baston, could be trailed round the room." One formidable enemy still remained in Scotland—viz, Robert Bruce, the grandson of that Robert, who, in the time of Baliol, was a competitor for the crown. Animated by those principles of resistance to foreign sway which had inspired the breasts of so many of his countrymen, this ambitious young nobleman collected a strong army in Scotland, by means of which he was enabled to expel a large portion of the English from that country, and to drive their principal army across the borders. Edward, roused to desperation by this renewed revolt, when he considered his conquest Secure, determined to take signal vengeance upon the Scottish nation. On his march to the north he took the route of Lancashire, and for some time fixed his head-quarters at Preston. From this place the king addressed a letter to his Holiness the pope, complaining of the wrongs he had sustained from the archbishop of Canterbury, and claiming redress. The tidings of a new war were communicated to John de Lancastre, by a writ, dated the 5th of April 1306, which recites, that “Robertus de Brus,” late earl of Carrick, and his accomplices, have raised war against the king, with the intention of usurping the kingdom of Scotland. To resist this aggression, Henry de Percy was appointed commander-in-chief under the king, and John de Lancastre was required to assist him with all the horses and arms in his power. At the same time, two writs were addressed to the Sheriff of Lancaster : the first, requiring him to make purveyance of corn, etc., for the king's army, at the public cost ; and the second, a letter to the sheriff, archbishops, and other prelates, as well as to women who owed military service, ordering them to send their substitutes to Carlisle, in fifteen days from the Nativity of St. John Baptist (i.e. before 9th July), or to appear at the exchequer and make fine for the same. In the midst of all this hostility the Scots and the English were not indisposed to indulge in their ancient games of the jousts and the tournaments. The indulgence in these pastimes was thought by the king to indicate a degree of levity and familiarity inconsistent with the relative situation of the two countries; and hence two proclamations were addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, requiring him to announce that any persons who should engage in these sports until the Scottish war was terminated would be liable to arrest, and that their lands and goods would be seized into the king's hands. From Preston the king marched at the head of one of the most powerful armies ever seen in Lancashire, to Carlisle, and from thence into Scotland. The final conflict now approached. Bruce met the English army at Methven, in Perthshire, where a general engagement took place, which ended in the entire overthrow and dispersion of the Scots. A number of the most distinguished men in the country were taken by the English, and executed by order of Edward as traitors; but Robert Bruce escaped with his life, and took shelter, along with a few of his followers, in the Western Isles. To complete the conquest of Scotland, Robert de Lathum, Nicholas de Leyburn, Will. Gentill, Alan le Norreys, and John de Kirkeby, clerk, commissioners of array for the county of Lancaster, were ordered to levy one thousand foot soldiers in this county, one hundred and fifty of them from the liberty of Blackburnshire, and the remainder from the other parts of the county. This force, when collected, was Ordered to advance in pursuit of Robert de Brus, into the marches of Scotland, where he was lurking. But in the meantime the king, in the midst of all his glory, was seized with a mortal sickness at Carlisle, and there he died. One of the legacies left by Edward I. to his successor was the recently-subdued kingdom of Scotland; and amongst the first acts of the new monarch, we find writs of military service (1307-8) addressed to the sheriffs of the counties of Lancaster, Westmorland, Cumberland, and Northumberland, as well within * According to Sir Edward Coke, the judges of trailbaston were a sort of Justices in Eyre ; and it is said they had a baston or staff delivered to them as the badge of their office; so that whoever was brought before them was trailé ad baston, traditus ad baculum, , whereupon they had the name of justices de trail baston, or justiciarii ad tradendum offendenţes ad baculum vel baston. Their office was to make inquisition through the kingdom on all officers and others touching extortion, bribery, and such like grievances; of intruders into other men's lands, barretors, robbers, and breakers of the peace, and divers other offenders; by means of which inquisitions, some were punished with death, many by ransom, and the rest flying the realm, the land was quieted, and the king gained riches towards the support of his wars.-(Mat. Westm. anno 1305.) A commission of trailbaston was granted to Roger de Gray and others, his associates, in the reign of King Edward III.-Spelm, CHAP. VII. The #istory of Lancashire. S3 their franchise as without, commanding them to assist the custos, John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, the king's lieutenant in Scotland, with horses and arms, for the purpose of resisting the malice and insolence of “Robertus de Brus,” and his accomplices. Summonses of a still more urgent nature were addressed in the following year (1308-9) to “Willielmus de Acre,” “Mattheus de Redeman,” and the sheriff of the county of Lancaster, urging them to assemble together, with the men of the county, as well horse as foot, and to take order for the defence of the Scotch marches, under the command of “Gilbertus de Clare,” earl of Gloucester and Hereford. The pay of the forces was made with so much irregularity as to disincline the conscripts to the service ; but in 1310, a commission of array was addressed to “Robertus de Leyburne’ and “Mattheus de Redman,” along with the sheriff of the county, Ordering that three hundred foot soldiers should be “elected,” to muster on the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin at Berwick-upon-Tweed, and from thence to march against the Scots; their wages to be paid to them by the sheriff, from the day that they marched from the county of Lancaster, until their arrival at the place of muster. The war with the Scots, so long protracted, was now drawing to a crisis. Edward II. had placed himself at the head of the English army, and the commissioners of array called upon the inhabitants of Lancashire for a fresh levy of five hundred men, while Yorkshire was required to contribute four thousand, Derbyshire one thousand, Nottinghamshire one thousand, Northumberland two thousand five hundred, and the other counties in a similar proportion, regulated, no doubt, in some degree, by their wealth and population. After due preparation, the two armies met at Bannockburn (June 25, 1314). At first the event of the conquest seemed dubious, but the English having got involved amongst a number of covered pits prepared by Bruce for their reception, their forces fell into disorder; and the disasters of years, suffered by the Scots during the reign of the first Edward, were retrieved in a single day. The throne of Scotland was re-established by this remarkable victory, Robert Bruce reaped the reward of his valour in the loyalty and affection of his people, and Edward returned to London to coerce his refractory barons, who appeared as little disposed to submit to his sway as were the people he had so lately left in the north. The description given of the state of the county of Lancaster, as well as of other parts of the country, at this period, in the royal proclamations, serves to show to what an extent insubordination and lawless Outrage were carried. According to these documents, malefactors of all classes, as well knights as others, were accustomed to assemble unlawfully by day and by night, in large bodies, and to commit assaults, and even murders, with impunity. To put an end to these excesses, commissioners were appointed in Lancashire, under the designation of conservators of the peace ; and as a healing measure, a letter of credence was issued by the government to “Nigellus Owhanlam,” chief of escheats, requiring him to obtain full faith for “Edmundus le Botiller,” justiciar; “Ricardus de Beresford,” chancellor; and “Magister Walterus de Jeslep,” treasurer of Ireland, who were empowered to explain to the principal inhabitants certain matters relating to the king and the kingdom. Similar letters were also addressed to “Walterus de Lacy,” “Hugo de Lacy,” “Thomas Botiller,” and others, whose influence was necessary to maintain the public peace, under the com- bined pressure of war and of famine, with both of which the county was at that time afflicted. The tide of invasion seemed now about to pour from the north to the south, and, instead of the levies being raised to march into Scotland, a commission was appointed, whereby “Johannes de Maubray ” was empowered to raise all the able-bodied men in Lancashire, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, for the purpose of resisting the Scots, in case they should invade this kingdom. Shortly after the institution of this commission, a command was issued to “Thomas,” earl of Lancastre, and to one hundred and twenty-eight other individuals, usually considered barons, or tenants in capite, ordering them to appear at Newcastle, prepared with horses and arms, to proceed against “Robertus de Brus.” In the same year (1316–17), a writ of summons was addressed to Thomas earl of Lancastre, and twelve other barons, convening them to meet at Nottingham, to hold a collo- quium, to deliberate upon matters of state with the pope's legate. The state of society in Lancashire at this juncture called loudly for the appointment and intervention of conservators of the public peace. A species of civil war existed in the heart of the county. Adam de Banistre, of the house and family of Thomas earl of Lancaster, in order to ingratiate himself with the king, and to avert the consequences of his own crimes, invaded the lands of the earl. Having erected the royal standard between the Ribble and the Mersey, in opposition to his feudal lord, he declared that the earl wished to control the king in the choice of his ministers, which he disapproved; and numbers of others, friends to high prerogative, embarked in his cause. Having entered the earl's castles, they supplied them- selves with money and arms, which had been deposited there for the use of the soldiers who were appointed to march against the Scots. In this way about eight hundred armed men were collected, when the earl, hearing of the hostile enterprise, immediately ordered his knights and vassals into the field. This force did not exceed six hundred men ; but they marched without delay against the insurgents, and, having come up with them in the neighbourhood of Preston, they divided themselves into two bodies. The force under De Banistre did not wait to be attacked, but fell furiously upon the first division of the earl's men, which began to give way, when, the second division coming up, the fortune of the day was changed, and Adam and his 84 (Liſt fligtorg of 3Lancashire. CHAP. VII. followers took to flight, many of them having been killed by wounds in their back, received in their precipi- tate retreat. For some time De Banistre, their leader, concealed himself in his barn; but being closely beset by his enemies, and abandoning all hope of escape, he took courage from despair, and boldly opposed himself to his foes, of whom he killed several, and desperately wounded many others; at length, finding it impossible to take him alive, his assailants slew him, and having cut off his head, presented it to the earl as a trophy. According to an ancient indictment, the battle between Adam de Banistre and his adherents, and the adherents of the earl of Lancaster, took place near Preston, in the valley of the Ribble ; and the victors so far forgot their duty to their lord, and their allegiance to the king, that they entered the hundred of Leyland, and robbed and despoiled various of the inhabitants of property to the amount of five thousand pounds—an immense sum in the fourteenth century, when, as we have seen, a bushel of wheat sold for ninepence, and the yearly value of good arable land did not exceed sixpence per acre. * The necessities of the state still continued urgent, and a commission of array was issued, for levying the following bodies of foot soldiers in the north –In Lancashire, 1000; Cumberland, 1000; Northumberland, 2000; Westmorland, 1000; Yorkshire, 10,000—or for five counties, 15,000 men. To support these enor- mous levies, it became necessary to resort to extraordinary means, and writs were addressed to the mayors of Lancaster, Preston, and Wigan, as well as to all the other principal towns in the kingdom, Soliciting them to send the king as much money as they could possibly afford, to carry on the almost interminable war with Scotland. This corporate contribution was independent of the collection of the eighteenths, which was proceeding along with it contemporaneously; for we find in the records a writ, addressed to the collectors and assessors of the rates, directing them to stay the collection in Lancashire, as to those persons who had their property destroyed from the invasion of the Scots, but specifically providing that they alone should be exempted. The levy for the scutage, in respect of the general summons of the array against the Scots, was also continued, and fixed at the rate of two marks (£1 : 6:8) for each shield or knight's fee in Lancashire. In the turbulent and disastrous reign of the second Edward, the invasion of the enemy from without was aggravated by the wars of the barons directed against the royal favourites within the kingdom. We have already seen, in that department of our history of Lancashire which relates to its ancient barons, that Thomas earl of Lancaster, after having headed the barons against Piers Gaveston, made a further attempt, by force of arms, to remove the De Spencers from the royal councils. While this war was pending, a commission was issued (in 1321) to arrest and take “Thomas” earl of Lancaster, and ten others, his principal associates in rebellion; and a writ was at the same time addressed by the king to the sheriffs of Nottingham and Derby, commanding them to raise the “hue-and-cry” against the earls of Lancaster and Hereford, and other rebels, their adherents, and to bring them to condign punishment. The fatal battle of Boroughbridge (1322) surrendered the earl of Lancaster and his followers into the king's possession ; and the hand of the executioner, with the delinquent’s face turned to Scotland, to indicate that he was in league with the Scotch rebels, terminated his career, without allaying the general discontent. Although it does not appear that the county of Lancaster was the actual scene of any of the conflicts between the barons and the king's forces, yet levies of troops were called for in the county, to aid the earl's enterprise; and, in a memorandum of the delivery of the prisoners confined in the king's marshalsea, and in the castle of York, some of whom had been taken in arms against the king, and others had surrendered at discretion, in all about two hundred principal men, it is stated, that “Nicholas de Longford,” of the county of Lancaster, was fined two hundred marks (£133: 6:8), and that “Ricardus de Pontefracte,” “Robertus de Holand,” “Johannes de Holand,” and “Ricardus de Holand,” found security for their good behaviour. There is also preserved an ancient inquisition, taken at Wigan, of which the following is a copy, tending still further to show that neither the laity nor the clergy of the county of Lancaster were indifferent spectators of the contest by which the kingdom was at that time agitated:— Rot, plac. coram Aſ.” R. Mich. ( INQUISITION taken before the king at Wigan, in the county of Lancaster, º º # [1323] in his presence, and at his command. WEST DERBy.—The jurors of the Wapentake present that “Gilbertus de Sutheworth,” 15 Ed. II. [1321], sent two men-at-arms, at his own expense, to help the earl of Lancaster against the King—viz. “Johannes filius Robertile Taillour de Wynequik,” and “Ricardus de Plumpton,” and that he also abetted many other persons in aiding the earl against the king. The said “Gilbertus,” being in court, puts himself upon the country, and is acquitted by the jury. The jurors present that “Robertus de Cliderhou,” parson of the Church of Wygan, who for thirty years was a clerk of the Chancery, and afterwards Escheator “citra Trentam,” has committed the following offences —That he sent two men-at-arms, well armed,—viz. “Adam de Cliderhou,” his son, and “Johannes fil. Johannis de Knolle,” to assist the earl of Lancaster against the Ring, and with them four able-bodied foot soldiers, armed with swords, daggers, bows and arrows. That on a certain high festival, he preached to his parishioners and others, in his Church at Wygan, before all the people, telling them that they were the liege men of the earl, and bound to assist him against the king, the cause of the earl being just, and that of the king unjust. By means of which harangues, many persons were incited to turn against the king, who otherwise would not have done so. And the said “Robertus,” being present in Court, and arraigned, says, that on a certain feast-day, when preaching in his Church, he exhorted his parishioners to pray for the king, and for the peace of the kingdom, and for the earls and barons of the land; and he denies sending any men-at-arms or foot soldiers; and he puts himself upon the country, he is found guilty by the Jury of the offences CHAP. VII. (The 39tgtorg of 3Lancašijire. 85 charged in the indictment, and is committed to prison. Afterwards, thirteen Manucaptors undertake to produce him on Monday after the Octaves of St. Martin, under the penalty of 1000 marks, and they also undertake to answer for any fine, etc. On which day, the said “Robertus” appears in court, and submits to a fine of £200. Though a truce had been concluded between England and Scotland, the war was continued with little intermission; and in a commission for raising fresh levies in this and the other counties (1322), it is said, that, after the conclusion of the truce, the Scots had invaded the kingdom, and that Thomas, late earl of Lancaster, and his adherents (“whose malice was now quelled,”), had entered into treasonable conspiracy with them. The commissioners of array for the county of Lancaster, under the commission, were, “Richard de Hoghton,” “Johan Travers,” and “Thomas de Lathum,” to whom the duty was confided of arming the forces of the county and marching them to their destination. The disorders of the times had filled the prisons of Lancashire with inmates, and writs were addressed from Kirkham, to the constables of the castles of Liverpool, Hornby, and Clitheroe (but not of Lancaster), directing them to keep the prisoners in their respective castles in Safe custody. At the same time a com- mission was issued, under the royal Seal, whereby Johannes de Weston jun., marshal of the household, was empowered to pursue, arrest, and take “Willielmus de Bradshagh’’ and “Ricardus de Holland,” the leaders of disorderly bodies of armed men, who committed great depredations in the county of Lancaster. This Willielmus de Bradshagh soon after appears to have been restored to the royal favour; for in the following year we find a writ addressed to him, stating, that the king has ordained, that “Johan,” earl of Warrenne, and others, shall proceed to Lancashire with an armed force, for its protection (against the Scotch invaders, no doubt), and that “Bradshagh’’ shall be one of the commissioners of public protection. The return of the sheriff to a writ issued for that purpose, serves to show that the great landed proprietors were, at the early part of the fourteenth century, very few in number: it is as follows:—“In Lancashire, 13 Knights and 51 Men-at-arms. All the above hold lands to the amount of £15 per annum.” According to a presentment made in the hundred of West Derby, it would appear that the sheriffs, in those days, were often remiss in their duty, and that “Willielmus de Gentil,” and “Henricus de Malton,” his predecessor in office, suffered certain notorious thieves to be set at liberty upon manucaption, though their crimes were not mainpernable according to the law ; and that, owing to the laxity of their administration of the law, several persons in the wapentake avoided making presentment of other notorious thieves, to the injury of the peace, and the danger of the property of their honest and well-disposed neighbours. Nor was this all; they returned certain persons as jurors, and on inquests, without giving them warning; and “Gentil' So far presumed upon his office, as to arrogate to himself the election of knights of the shire; “whereas,” as the instrument charging him with these manifold delinquencies very properly observes, “they ought to have been elected by the county.” The intrigues of the barons were still actively at work against the king and the royal favourites, the De Spencers; and Henry, earl of Lancaster, the brother and heir of Earl Thomas, entered into that conspiracy by which Edward was dethroned. The ill fortune of this weak monarch having precipitated him from a throne to a prison, the earl of Lancaster became his gaoler in the castle of Kenilworth. The mildness and humanity of the earl's character ill suited him for this office, which he was ordered by Mortimer, the gallant of the perfidious queen, to surrender into the hands of Mautravers and Gournay; under whose direction, if not actually by their hands, the wretched Edward, after having been exposed to every possible insult and priv- ation, was thrown upon a bed, and a red-hot iron having been forced up his body, he was consigned to death, under agonies so excruciating that his shrieks proclaimed the atrocious deed to all the guards of the castle. One of the first acts of Edward III. was to reverse the attainder of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, and to place his brother Henry in possession of the princely inheritance of that illustrious house. But here we must pause, to take a survey of the landed property of the county of Lancaster, and the tenures by which it was held in the early part of the fourteenth century, as deduced in the “TESTA DE NEVILL.” Of this book it is said, in the Records published by his Majesty's commissioners, that “In the king's remembrancer's office of the court of exchequer, are preserved two ancient books, called the Testa de Nevill, or Liber Feodorum, which contain principally an account— “1st. Of fees holden either immediately of the king, or of others who held of the king in capite. “2d. Of serjeanties holden of the king. “3d. Of widows and heiresses of tenants in capite, whose marriages were in the gift of the king. “4th. Of churches in the gift of the king, and in whose hands they were. “5th. Of escheats, as well of the lands of Normans as others, in whose hands the same were. “6th. Of thanage, forestry, and other peculiar services and tenures. “The entries specifically entitled Testa de Nevill form comparatively a very small part of the whole. A part of a roll, bearing that name, is extant in the chapter-house at Westminster, consisting of five Small membranes, containing ten counties, of which Lancashire is one. The roll appears to be of the age of Edward I., and these books to have been compiled near the close of the reign of Edward II., or the commencement of that of Edward III., partly from inquests on presentments, and partly from inquisitions on writs to sheriffs.” The following is a tolerably copious extract and analysis of the contents of the Testa de Neville, so far as relates to the county of Lancaster, which may answer any popular purpose. The full entries are cited in the various local histories. - 86 CHAP. VII. The history of Lancashire. 1. FEES HELD IN CHIE OF THE KING, ETC. “Agnes de Clopwayt in Blothelay, Alex. de Kyrkeby, Orm de Relet, Henr. de Waleton, in Waleton, Adam Girard, Luke P'oitus de Dereby, in Dereby, Adam de Helmelesdal in Crosseby, Quenilda de Kirkdale, in Forneby, Robert Banastr, Robert de Clyton, in Leyland Hundred, Alward de Aldholm in Vernet, Hug. le Norrays, in Blakerode, Edwin Carpentar in Kadewaldesir, Rich. de Hilton in Salford Hundred, Alan de Singleton, in Blackburn Hundred, and Amoundernesse, Rich, Fitz Ralph in Singleton, John de Oxeclive, in Oxcumbe, Roger Carpentar in Lancaster, Robert Scertune in Sutherton, Ra. Barun, John Oxeclive in Oxeclive, Robert, the constable of Hofferton, in Hofferton, Adam Fitz Gilemichel in Scline, Rog. Carpentar in Lancaster, Rob. Son of Roger de Shertnay, in Skerton, Rad. Balrun in Balrum, W. Gardinar in Lancaster, Walter Smith in Hefeld, Rog. Gernet in Halton, Wiman Gernet in Heschin, Will. & Benedict, sons of Walter de Gersingham, in Gressingham, Margery, widow of Barnard Fitz Barnard, in Gressingham. “The Earl of Ferrars, in the wapentake of Derby (and he has Sub-tenants), Almaric Butler, who has the following sub-tenants— Henry de Tyldesley in Tyldesley, Gilb. de Kulchet in Culcheth, Alan de Rixton in Rixton and Astley, Will. de Aderton in Atherton, Robt. de Mamelisbury in Sonky, Roger de Sonky in Penketh, Earl de Ferrars in Hole Hulesale and Wyndul, Will. de Waleton & Will. de Lydyathé in Lydiate & Hekergart, Rich. Blundea in Hyms and Barton, Ad. de Molynous & Robt. Fitz Robt. in Thorinton ; the heir of Robert Banaster in Makerfeld, Waleton, & Blakeburnshire, and has sub-tenants; Will. de Lanton and Rich. de Golborn in Langton, Keman, & Herbury ; the Earl of Lincoln (Randolph Earl of Chester) in Appleton and Cronton, of the Earl *Ferrars' fee; of the same fee are, Will. de Rerisbury in Sutton & Eccleston, Robt. de Lathum in Knowsley, Huyton, and Torbock, Ad. de Molyneus in Little Crossby, Robt. de Rokeport, Rog. Gernet and Thom de Bethum in Kyrkeby, Sim. de Halsale in Maghul, Will. de Waleton in Kirkdale, Will. le Koudre and the heir of Rob. de Meols, in North Meols, Thom. de Bethum and Robt. de Stokeport in Raven Meols. “Waren de Waleton in Waleton, Ric, Banastre, Walt. de Hole, |Ric. de Thorp, Will. de Brexin, Thom de Gerstan, Sim. del Pul in Bretherton, Robt. de Cleyton in Clayton & Penwortham, the abbot of Cokersand in Hoton, Robt. Russel in Langton, Leyland, & Eccleston, Robt. Banastre's heir in Shevington, Charnock, and Welsh Whittle. “John Punchardun in Little Mitton, Ad. de Blakeburn & Roger de Archis in Wisewall and Hapton, Henr. Gedleng in Tunley, Caldcoats, & ‘Sn. Odiswrth,’ [Snodiswrth], Ad. de Preston in Extwistle, Ra. de Mitton in Altham, Mearley, & Livesay, Robt. de Cestr' in Downham, John de Grigleston in Kokerig, Will. Marshall in Little Mearley, Gilb. Fitz Henry in Rushton, Hugo Fitun in Harewood, Thos. de Bethum in Warton, Will. Deps' in Prees & Newton ; Ric. de Frekelton in Frekelton, Quintinghay, Newton, & Eccleston, Gilb. de Moels, Rog. de Nettelag & Will. de Pul in Frekelton, Alan de Singilton & Iwan de Frekelton in Frekelton, Waren de Quitinghay & Robt. de Rutton in Quitinghay, Alan de Singilton in Quitinghay, Newton, & Elswick, Warin de Wytingham in Elswick—The heir of Theobald Walter in Wytheton & Trevele, John de Thornul, Will. de Prees, Rog. de Notesage, Ad. de Brete- kirke, Will. de Kyrkeym, Robt. Fitz Thomas & Will. Fitz William in Thistledon, Prees, & Greenhalgh. Will. de Merton in Marton ; Rog. Gernet, Thos. de Bethum, and Robt. Stokeport in Bustard Rising. - “Adam de Bury in Bury, Robt. de Midelton in Middleton, Gilb. de Warton in Atherton, the heir of Rich. Hilton in Pendleton ; Thomas de Gretley's tenants; Gilbert Barton in Barton, Matthew Haversage in Withington, Robt. de Lathum in Childwall, Parbold, and Wrightington, Rich. le Pierpoint in Rumworth, Will. de Worthinton in Worthington, Rog. de Pilkinton in Pilkington, Thos. le Grettley in Lindeshey, in the honor of Lancaster. “Will. de Lancaster in Ulverston, Matthew de Redeman & Robt. de Kymers in Yeland, Lambert de Muleton in Routheclive, Rog. Gernet in Little Farleton, Robt. de Stokeport in Gt. Farlton, Ad de Eccliston, Will. de Molineus, Hug. de Mitton, Ric. de Katherale, Hen. de Longeford in Eccleston, Leyrebreck, and Catterall, Ad. de Werninton in Wennington, Hug. de Morwyc in Farleton & Cansfield, Henr. de Melling in Melling, Rich. de Bikerstat in Helmes & Stotfaldechage ; Adam Fitz Richard in Bold & Lawerke, Rich. Fitz Martin in Ditton, Rich. Fitz Thurstan in Thingwall, Thos. de Bethum in Bootle, Rich. de Frequelton in Thorp, Rog. de Lacy, 5 knts, fees of the fee of Clithero, Walter Fitz Osbert, Will. de Wynewyck, Peter de Stalum, Elya de Hoton, the heir of Rog. de Hoton, Alan Fitz Richard & John de Billesburgh, tenants of the king, but no place mentioned; Will. de Nevilla in Kaskenemor Marferth de Hulton in Pendleton, Roger de Midleton in Chetham, Edwin Carpentar in Cadwalesate, Ada de Prestwych in Prestwych & Failesworth, Hugh de Blakerode, by charter in Blakerode, Elias de Penilbury in Pendlebury and Chadderton, Robt. de Clifton in Clifton, Gospatric de Cherleton in Chorleton, Henry de Chetham in Chetham, Will. de Bothelton, Gilbt. de Tonge in Tonge, Randle Fitz Roger, Rich. de Edburgham, the Abbot of Furness in Furness, Ad. Fitz Orm in Middleton, Walt. de Parles in Pulton, Will. de Hest in Middleton, the Prior of Lancaster in Newton and Aldcliff, the Burgesses of Lanc. in Lancaster, & Nich. de Verdon in Kirkby.] 2. SERJEANTIES HOLDEN OF THE KING. “Orm de Kellet in Kellet, Rich. de Hulton, Wapentake of Salford, Roger Carpentar in Lancaster, Roger Gernet in Fishwick, Lonesdale, & Wapent of Derby, Alan de Singleton, Will. de Newton; Ad. Fitz Orm in Kellet, Thos. Gernet in Hesham, John de Oxeclive in Oxcliffe, Robt. de Overton in Overton, Rog. de Skerton, Rog. Blundus in Lancaster, le Gardiner in Lancaster, Rad. de Bollern in Bolrun, Thos. Fitz Ada in Gersingham, Will. & Benedict in Ger- Singham, Margery, widow of Bernard Fitz Bernard; Walter Under- water holds Milneflet. Ad, Fitz Richard, in Singleton, by serjeanty of Amounderness, ‘Willoch’ & Neuton’ in Newton, Ad. de Kelleth, son of Orm, in Kellet, Henr. de Waleton in Walton, Wavertree & Newsham's, Edwin Carpentar in Cadwalslete, Hamo de Macy & Hugo de Stotford in Scotforth, Rog. White & Gilbert Fitz Matthew in Lancaster, Will. Fitz Dolfin & Will. Fitz Gilbert in Gersingham. The places are not mentioned after the following names —Henry Fitz Siward, Robt. de Middleton, Rich. Fitz Henry, Gilbt. de Croft, Hugo de Croft, Robt. the reeve, Adam de Relloc, & Rog. Fitz John ; Roger Gernet in Halton, Rog. le Clerk in Fishwick, Balde- win de Preston in Fishwick, John Fitz John in Fishwick, Alan and Rich. de la More in Fishwick, Rog. Fitz Viman in Hesham, Thomas Gernet in Hesham, John de Toroldesholm in Torrisholme, Adam Gerold in Derby, Ad. de Moldhall in Crosby, Robert de Curton in Querton, Rog. de Assart in Fishwick, Will. Wachet in Fishwick, Will. & Agnes de Ferrars, Salford, Clayton, and Newshams, Gervas Fitz Simon in Oxcliffe, Abbot of Cockersand in Bolrun, Brothers of St. Leonard at York in Bolrun, the widow Christiana de Gersingham, Robt. & Will. de Bolrun, the Prior of Lancaster, Will. le Gardiner & Adam Gernet in Bolrun, Rog. Fitz William, Will. Fitz Thomas, Will. & Matilda de Parles in Torrisholme. 3. WIDOWS AND HEIRESSES OF TENANTS IN CAPITE, WHOSE MARRIAGES WERE IN THE GIFT OF THE KING.2 “Alicia dr. of Galfr. de Gersingham, Christiana dr. of same Alicia & Thomas de Gersingham, Lady Elewisa de Stutevill, Oliva wid. of Rog. de Montbegon, Quenilda wid. Rich. Walens. Margaret wid. Ad. de Gerstan, Waltania wid. Rich. Bold, Beatrix de Milton, Quenilda wid. Rog. Gernet, Matilda de Thorneton, Avicia wid. Henr. de Stotford, Avicia wid. Rog. de Midelton, Eugenia wid. Will. de Routhclive, Eva de Halt, Matilda dr. Nicholas de Tho- roldeholm, Alicia the wid, of Nicholas, Emma the wid. of Nicholas, Sarra de Bothelton, Alicia wid. Rich. Fitz Robert, Cecilia wid. Turstan Banastr, Quenilda dr. Richd. Fitz Roger, Matilda de Stokeport, Lady Ada de Furneys; wid, of Gamell de Boelton, Matilda de Kellet, Agnes de Hesham, widow of Hugo de Oxeclive, wid. Will. Gernet. - - * The “Testa de Nevill” mentions several tenants-in-chief, whose lands, though held of the honor, are not in the county of Lancaster, and which are omitted here. * If the land-holder left only daughters, the king had the profits of relief and wardship ; and had also, if they were under the age of fourteen, the right of disposing of them in marriage. This power was said to be vested in the king, in order to prevent the heiresses that were his tenants from marrying persons that were of doubtful affection to him, or that were incapable and unfit to do the services belonging to the land. He had also a power of dispos- ing of his male wards in marriage, whose parents had died when they were under twenty-One, though without such good reasons for it. But this power of disposing of wards of either sex in marriage, as well as the right of wardships, was afterwards very much abused, and was therefore taken away by the statute of 12 Car. II. (1660), together with the tenure itself by military, or (as it was usually called) knight's service. CHAP. VII. 87 The #istory ºf lancashire. 4. CHURCHES IN THE GIFT OF THE KING, ETC. “Lancaster; earl Roger de Poictou gave it to the Abbot of Sees. “Preston; King John gave it to Peter Rossinol, who died, and the present King Henry gave it to Henry nephew of the Bishop of Winton. Worth 50 marks per an. “St. Michael upon Wyre; the son of Count de Salvata had it by gift of the present King, and he says, that he is elected into a bishoprick, and that the church is vacant, and worth 30 marks 7007” (!!?!, - { % Kºm ; King John gave 2 parts of it to Simon Blundon, on account of his custody of the son and heir of Theobald Walter. Worth 80 marks. - 5. ESCHEATS OF THE LANDS OF NORMANS AND OTHERS. “Merton, Aston, “Henry de Nesketon holds of the king's escheats in the counties of Warwick & Leicester, Nottingham and Derby, Lancashire, Cumberland, Westmorland, and Northumberland.’ Fourteen bovates of land in Haskesmores, which Willm. de Nevill held as escheats of our lord the king. “Hugo le Norreys holds a carucate of land in Blakerode, which is an escheat of the king, to whom he pays a yearly rent of 20s. 6. THANAGE, 1 FORESTRY, AND OTHER PECULLAR SERVICES AND TENURES. “Thomas & Alicia de Gersingham, by keeping the king's hawks in Lonsdale ; Luke, the constable of Derby, by being constable and keeping the cattle ; Adam de Hemelesdale, by constabulary at Crosby ; Quenilda de Kirkdale, by conducting royal treasure ; Richd. Fitz Ralph, by constabulary of Singleton ; John de Oxeclive, by being carpenter in Lancaster castle; Adam Fitz Gilmighel, by being the king's carpenter; Roger Carpentar, by being carpenter in Lancaster castle; Rad. Barun, by being mason in Lancaster castle; Rad. Balrun, the same ; Wm. Gardener, by finding pot-herbs and leeks for the castle; Walter, son of Walter Smith, by forging iron for carts ; Roger Gernet, by being chief forester; Willm. Gernet, by the service of meeting the king on the borders of the country with his horn and white rod, and conducting him into and out of the county; he holds 2 carucates of land in Heskin; Willm. & Benedict de Gersingham, by forestry and by keeping an aery of hawks for the king; Gilbert Fitz Orm, by paying annually 3d., or Some spurs to Benedict Germett, the heir of Roger de Heton, in thanage ; Heir of Robt. Fitz Barnard, in thanage; Rog. de Ley- cester, by paying 8s. & 2 arrows yearly ; Adam Fitz Rice & Alan Fitz Hagemund, in drengage ; Richd. de Gerard, in drengage; Gillemuth de Halitton, in drengage ; Adam de Glothie, Will. de Nevilla, Reyner de Wambwalle, Gilbert de Notton, Rog. de Midelton, Alex. de Pikington, Will. de Radeclive, Adam de Prestwich, Elias de Penilbury, Will, and Rog. Fitz William, Henr. de Chetham, Alured de Ives, Thomas de Burmul, Adam de Pemberton, Adam de Rulling, Gilbert de Croft, Gilbert de Kelleth, Matilda de Kelleth, Thos. Gerneth, William de Hest, and William, son of Rich. de Tatham, all in thanage ; John de Thoroldesholm, by lardenery; Rog. de Skerton, by provostry; Robt. de Oveston, by provostry; Rog. White and Edward Carpenter, by carpentry; Gilbert Fitz Matthew, by gardenery ; Rad, de Bolran, by masonry; the burgesses of Lancaster, in free-burgage and by royal charter; the prior and monks of Seaton, by royal charter ; Thomas Fitz Adam, Will. Fitz Dolfin, & Willm. Fitz Gilbert, by forestry; Henr. de Waleton, by being head serjeant or bailiff of the hundred of Derbyshire; Galfr. Balistrar', by presenting two cross-bows to the king; the serjeanty of Hetham, which Roger Fitz Vivian holds, by blowing the horn before the king at his entrance and exit from the county of Lan- caster; Thomas Gernet, in Hesham, by sounding the horn on meet- ing the king on his arrival in those parts.” In addition to these peculiar services and tenures of the feudal times, many of which sound strangely in modern ears, several religious houses are enumerated which held in pure frank alms; and a still larger number of persons who held by donation, in consideration of annual rents, as will be seen on reference to the “TESTA DE NEVILL.” 1 THANAGE SERVICE.--—Thane, from the Saxon thenian, minis- trare, was the title of those who attended the Saxon kings in their courts, and who held their lands immediately of those kings; and therefore they were promiscuously called thani et Servientes regis, though, not long after the Conquest, the word was disused; and instead thereof, those men were called Barones Regis, who, as to their dignity, were inferior to earls, and took place after bishops, abbots, barons, and knights. There were also thani minores, and these were likewise called barons: these were lords of manors, who had a particular jurisdiction within their limits, and over their own tenants in their own courts, which to this day are called Courts Baron ; but the word signifies sometimes a nobleman, sometimes a freeman, sometimes a magistrate, but, more properly an officer or minister of the king. “Edward King grete mine Biscops, and Imine Earles, and all mine Thynes, on that shiren, wher mine Prestes in Paulus Minister habband land.”—(Chart. Edw. Conf. Pat. 18 H. VI. m. 9, per Inspect.) In an Anglo-Saxon writ of William the First, quoted by Spelman from an Abbotsbury MS., the term Thegend occurs in the same sense. In thanage of the king, signified a certain part of the king's lands or property, whereof the ruler or governor was called thane.—(Cowell.) In the early periods of the history of this country, the payments of the thanes were made regularly into the public treasury by the sheriffs, distinctly in the name of this class; hence we find, that in 13 Henry III. (1229) the thanes of the county of Lancaster, through the sheriff, paid a composition of fifty marks (£33: 6:8), to be excused from the tailliage or assessment which the king, in the exercise of his absolute authority, had imposed upon his people.—(Mag. Rot. 13 Hen. III. titulo Lancastr.) The same sheriff (Wm. de Vesci) rendered an account of fourscore and sixteen pounds (£96) of the gift of the knights and thanes.—(Mag. Rot. 5 Hen. II. Rot. 2, b. Tit. Northumberland. Nova Placita & Wovae Conventiomes.) In 3 John (1201) the “Theigni and fermarii” of the honor of Lancaster had paid a composition of fifty marks to be exonerated from crossing the sea.—(Mag. Rot, 3 John, Rot. 20, d.) 8S Qſìjr ibistory of 3Lancashire. CHAP. VIII. CHAPTER VIII. Representative History of the County of Lancaster–First Members for the County of Lancaster, and for its Boroughs— First Parliamentary Return and first Parliamentary Writ of Summons for Lancashire extant—Members returned for the County of Lancaster in the Reigns of Edward I. to Edward IV—Returns lost from 17 Edward IV. to 33 Henry VIII.-County Members from 1 Edward VI. to 30 Victoria—The ancient Lancashire Boroughs, consisting of Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan, resume the Elective Franchise 1 Edward VI-Newton and Clitheroe added to the Boroughs of Lancashire—Representation of Lancashire during the Commonwealth— List of Knights of the Shire for the County of Lancaster, from the Restoration to the Present Time–Alterations --> made in the Representation of the County and Boroughs of Lancashire by the Reform Act of 1832—A.D. 1295 to 1867. - - gº E have now arrived at that period when the representative system began to prevail in the \º/\*) will in that assembly, in order to promote the interest of the great community for which it f ſº, iſ: jº legislates. None of the English counties presents a more interesting representative history sº than the county of Lancaster; and yet this subject has hitherto been either entirely neglected, or has been treated in so vague and desultory a manner as to have neither uniformity nor connection. To supply this deficiency, much labour has been required in examining and collating the public records; but that labour has been amply rewarded by the mass of facts which these documents contain, from the fountain-head of authentic information. - - * - So early as the Saxon heptarchy, a species of parliament existed, as we have already seen, under the designation of the Witena-Gemot, or “Council of Wise Men,” by whom the laws were enacted. This assembly consisted of the comites or earls, the hereditary representatives of counties, assisted by the prelates and abbots, and the tenants in capite of the crown by knight's service. The disposition of such an assembly would naturally incline them to Sanction the edicts of the sovereign ; and it is highly probable that his will generally served as their law. After the Conquest, the first William, and his immediate descendants, called to their “Great Council,” the Norman barons and the dignified clergy, with the military tenants. This council, or “King's Court,” as it was called (the term Parliament not having then come into use), assembled three times in the year—namely, at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide. The barons and other tenants-in-chief of the king, enumerated in Domesday Book, amount to about seven hundred. These persons possessed all the land of England in baronies, except that part which the king reserved in his own hands, and which was called “Terra Regis,” and has since been called the “ancient demesne” of the crown. These tenants-in-chief, per baroniam, as well the few who held in socage as those who held by military service, composed the great council, or parliament, in those times; and were summoned by the king, though they had a right to attend without summons. The landowners of the second, third, and other inferior classes, being all tenants, or vassals, of this upper class of landholders, though by free and honourable tenures, similar to those by which their lords themselves held of the king, were bound by the decisions of their superior lords. The landed interest alone was represented in the national councils; there were at that time no representatives, either of the cities or boroughs, or of the trading interest, which were considered too insignificant to be represented in the great council." The representation of such places was an innovation introduced in the early part of the fourteenth century by Simon de Montfort and the reforming barons of his day. It is true that these barons were actuated in some degree by ambitious motives, and that their conduct partook of the revolutionary turbulence of the age in which they lived; but they were the legitimate descendants of those illustrious patriots who wrung from King John the charter of British freedom. The reforms they introduced were parts of the same system ; the one the natural effect of the other, and both flowing from that spirit of “popular encroachment,” which does not, and which ought not, to rest, till its fair claims are satisfied. In this way the dictation of the barons, and the discontents of the subordinate orders of society, were overcome ; and, though in an age of comparative darkness, Edward I, the “Justinian of England,” whose sagacity enabled him to mark the signs of the times, did not hesitate to declare in his writs to the sheriffs for the return of burgesses to parliament, “that it was a most equitable rule, that that which concerns all should be approved * Archæologia, vol. ii. p. 310. % - . . . §: : ! . . . . . . . . . . . I a '. ; : ...} * } { ". : ; | ; : * : , , CHAP. VIII. 6. gºt #istory Df Hamrashire. 89 of by all.” By this temperate extension of the popular rights, the visionary projects of John Ball and Wat Tyler, which soon after arose, were defeated; and the representative system of England has remained ever since essentially unaltered, till an enlargement of the elective franchise was rendered necessary by the altered state of society in commerce and in manufactures. In the time of Henry III. abuses in the government had been suffered to accumulate, till, according to the contemporary historians, “justice itself was banished from the realm; for the wicked devoured the righteous, the courtier the rustic, the oppressor the innocent, the fraudulent the plain man, and yet all these things remained unpunished. Evil counsellors whispered into the ears of the princes that they were not amenable to the laws. The subject was oppressed in various ways, and, as if these sycophants had conspired the death of the king, and the destruction of his throne, they encouraged him to disregard the devotion of his people, and to incur their hatred rather than to enjoy their affection.” In addition to these grievances, the kingdom was deeply involved in debt, and the king stood in need of fresh contributions to carry on his wars, which the barons refused to grant till the public grievances were redressed. Overwhelmed with difficulties, Henry issued his mandate for holding a parliament at Oxford. Of this parliament, so celebrated in history, and particularly in the representative history of England, it is recorded that “the grandees of the realm, major and minor, with horses and arms, were convened at Oxford, June 11, 1258, together with the clergy, to make provision and reformation, and ordination of the realm ; and on their oath of fidelity were exhibited the articles which in the said realm stood in need of correction.” This parliament, owing to the popular excitation under which it was assembled, and to all the members coming dressed in armour, and mounted as for battle, obtained the name of parliamentum insanum ; but there was a method in their madness, and one of their first acts was to ordain that four knights should be chosen by each county, whose duty it should be to inquire into the grievances of the people, in order that they might be redressed, and that they should be returned to the next parliament, to give information as to the state of their respective counties, and to co- operate in enacting such laws as might best conduce to the public good. Some approach had been made towards this state of things in the time of King John, when the knights were appointed to meet in their several counties, and to present a detail of the state of those counties to the great council; but here they were not only to present their complaints, but, by being made a component part of the legislative body, they were to contribute from their local knowledge to the removal of those wrongs which it was their duty to resent. p In this parliament at Oxford twenty-four persons were elected—twelve on the part of the king, and as many on the part of the community—for the reformation of public abuses, and the amendment of the state of the realm. “On the part of the king— “On the part of the barons— The lord bishop of London. The lord bishop of Worcester. The lord (bishop) elect of Winton. Sir Simon, earl of Leicester. Sir Henry, son of the king of Almaine. Sir Richard, earl of Gloucester. Sir John, earl of Warrenne. Sir Humphrey, earl of Hereford. Sir Guy de Lesignan. Sir Roger Mareschal. Sir Wim. de Valence. Sir Roger de Mortimer. Sir John, earl of Warwick. - Sir Geoffry Fitz-Geoffry. Sir John Mansel. Sir Hugh le Bigot. |Friar John de Derlington. Sir Richard le Grey. The abbot of Westminster. . - Sir William Bardulf. Sir Hugh de Wengham. Sir Peter de Montfort. [The twelfth is wanting.] Sir Hugh Despenser.” Amongst a variety of other decrees, the twenty-four enacted that the state of the holy church be amended ; that a justiciar be appointed for one year, to be answerable to the king and his council during his term of office ; that a treasurer of the exchequer be also appointed, to render account at the end of the year; that the chancellor shall also answer for his trust ; that shire-reeves be provided in every county, trusty persons, freeholders, and vavasors, of property and consequence in the county, who shall faithfully and honestly treat the people of the county, and render their accounts to the exchequer once every year ; and that neither they, nor their bailiffs, take any hire; that good escheators be appointed, and that they take nothing from the goods of the deceased out of the lands which ought to be in the king's hands; that "the exchange of London be amended, as well as all the other cities of the king, which had been brought to disgrace and ruin by talliages, and other extortions; and that the household of the king and queen be amended. - - - Of the parliaments, they ordain:— “That there be three parliaments in the year : the first, upon the octave of St. Michael (Oct. 6); the second, on the morrow of Candlemas (Feb. 3); the third, June 1. . To these three parliaments shall come the counsellors-elect of the king, though they be not commanded, to provide for the state of the realm, and to manage the common business of the realm, when there shall be need, by the 1 Ann. Burton, anno. 1258, p. 424. * Vavasors were persons who held lands by military tenure of other persons than the king. N 90 Qſìje 39tstory of £antagjire. CHAP. VIII. command of the king.” “That the community do choose twelve prode men (“prud’hommes,” men of probity and prudence), who shall go to the parliaments, and attend at other times when there shall be need, when the king or his council shall command, to manage the business of the king, and of the realm ; and that the community hold for stable that which these twelve shall do ; and this to spare the cost of the commons. Fifteen shall be named by the earl mareschal, the earl of Warwick, Hugh le Bigot, and John Mansel, who are elected by the twenty-four, to name the aforesaid fifteen, who shall be of council of the king; and they shall be confirmed by them, or by the greater part of them ; and they shall have power from the king to give them counsel in good faith concerning the government of the realm, and all things belonging to the king and kingdom ; and to amend and redress all things which they shall see want to be amended and redressed, and to be over the high justiciar, and over all other pérsons; and if they cannot all be present, that which the greater part shall do shall be firm and stable.” The unconstitutional power assumed, of choosing the responsible ministers of the crown—for in no other light can the functions of these “twelve prode men” be considered—gradually fell into disuse, though the time when that authority ceased is not very accurately defined in history. In November of the same year (1258), after the dissolution of the memorable parliament of Oxford, writs were issued from the king's chan- cery to the sheriffs of England, commanding them respectively to pay “reasonable wages” to the knights delegate for their journey to parliament, upon the affairs touching their several counties. This is the first known writ “de eagensis,” and it is of the same tenure as that of subsequent times, when it became essential to parliament to have in it the representatives of the counties, chosen by the freeholders; but the writ for Lan- cashire, issued on this occasion, is lost, and with it the names of the knights returned for the county. The king and his courtiers, headed by his brothers, and countenanced by his son Edward, the heir- apparent of the crown, resisted to blood the attempts made to reform the parliament, and to redress the public grievances, accompanied, as these attempts were, with measures for subverting the royal prerogative, and establishing an aristocratical oligarchy. The progress of reform in the constitution of parliament was not, however, materially retarded by this resistance. It had always been the avowed intention of Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, and Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby, to confine the executive power within the limits of the law, and to have all the acts of the king confirmed, as well by the representatives of the county as by the barons spiritual and temporal;" and in the parliament of Worcester, called “Montfort's Parliament,” held in 49 Henry III. (1265), it was enacted, that each sheriff throughout England should cause to be sent to the parliament two knights (not four) elected by the freeholders, with two citizens from each of the cities, and two burgesses from each of the boroughs throughout England. By these means the respective orders in the state had an opportunity of expressing the public will; and in an assembly so constituted, and of which the lords spiritual and temporal formed a part, the due consideration of the public good was effectually secured.” It happened, however, that in these early parliaments the expense incurred by the communities of the counties, cities, and boroughs, from the attendance of their members in parliament, was often considered oppressive ; and hence we find that many poor boroughs, particularly in the county of Lancaster, had no members, the reason alleged being that they were unable to pay their expenses, on account of their debility and poverty. The boroughs for which returns were made were principally “walled towns,” held of the king in ancient demesne ; and the only places in Lancashire entitled to the privilege, if that could be considered a privilege which was felt as a public burden, were, Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan. The inha- bitants of the boroughs, under the feudal system, were, for the most part, villeins, either in gross, or in relation to the manor in which the town stood, and belonged to some lord.” The former held houses, called burgage tenures, at the will of the lord, and carried on some trade, such as carpenter, Smith, butcher, baker, clothier or tailor, and the election of members was in the inhabitants of the burgage tenures, so far as they were free agents. There were also in these boroughs certain free inhabitants who held burgages, and were in conse- quence invested with the elective franchise. In incorporated cities and boroughs, the right of election was generally in the corporate body, or freemen as they were called, subject to such limitations, however, as the charters imposed. When the wages of the members representing the cities or boroughs were paid out of the rates, the election was in the inhabitant householders paying those rates, and the right of election was hence designated “scot and lot suffrage.” In treating the subject of the county representation from the first return to parliament made by the sheriff of Lancashire to the present time, the most clear and satisfactory mode will be to take the reign of each of the early kings separately, and connect with the lists in each reign such other historical matter as may be presented on the subject: and 1st.—Of the parliamentary history of the reign of EDWARD I. Although the return of knights and burgesses summoned to parliament by writ commenced as early as 49 Henry III. (1265), no original return made by the sheriff for this county, or for its boroughs, is found in * According to Selden, there were, in 1262, one hundred and fifty temporal, and fifty spiritual barons, summoned to parliament to perform the service due to their tenures. * In former times both lords and commons sat together in one Mouse in parliament, says Sir Edward Coke, in his 4th Institute, 23 ; but this is clearly a mistake, as is shown by Sir Robert Cotton and others, and as is decidedly proved by 6 Edward III. (1332), n. 3. Parl. Rot., where it is said—“The bishops by themselves, the lords |by themselves, and the commons by themselves, consulted, and advised the king touching the war with Scotland.” In 17 Edward III. (1343), the prelates and lords met in the Chambre Blanche, and the commons in the Chambre Peynte ; and both afterwards united in the Chambre Blanche.—Rot, Parl. 8 Archaeologia, vol. ii. p. 315. * Prynne's Enlargement of his 4th Institute. CELAP. VIII. (Iſiſt ºffigturn of £ancašijire. 91 any of the public records till 23 Edw. I. (A.D. 1295). The first return of members for this county is to the parliament at Westminster, appointed to assemble on Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin (Nov. 12); and it announces, that “Matthew de Redman,” and “John de Ewyas’ were elected knights for the county of Lancaster, by the consent of the whole county, who have full and sufficient power to do for themselves, and for the commonalty of the county aforesaid, what our lord the king shall ordain by his council. “That the aforesaid Matthew was guaranteed to come on the day contained in the writ, by Thomas, son of Thomas de Yeland; Thomas Fitz Hall; William Fitz Adam ; and William son of Dake” (in confirmation of which they affix + their marks, theſimanucaptors or Sureties for the members not being able probably to write their own names). + “And that the aforesaid John was guaranteed by John de Singleton, Richard de Grenel, Roger de Boulton, and Adam de Grene- hulles.” The sheriff's return adds, “There is no city in the county of Lancaster.” It then proceeds to say “that Lambert le Despenser and William le Dispenser, burgesses of Lancaster, are elected burgesses for the borough of Lancaster, in manner above said. And the aforesaid Lambert is guaranteed by Adam de le Grene and John de Overton; and the aforesaid William is guaranteed by Thomas Molendinar and Hugh le Barker.” That “William Fitz Paul and Adam Russel, burgesses of Preston, are elected for the borough of Preston in Amounderness; and the aforesaid William is guaranteed to come as above by Richard Banaster and Richard Pelle. And the aforesaid Adam is guaranteed by Henry Fitz Baldwin, and Robert Kegelpin.” That “William le Teinterer, and Henry le Bocker, burgesses of Wigan, are elected for the borough of Wygan in the manner above said. And they are guaranteed to come by John le Preston of Wygan, Adam de Cotiler, Roger Fitz Orme, and Richard Fitz Elys.” That “Adam Fitz Richard and Robert Pinklowe, burgesses of Liverpool, are elected for the borough of Liverpool. And they are guaranteed to come, in the time specified in the writ, by John de la More, Hugh de Molendino, William Fitz Richard, and Elias le Baxster.” There is a copy of a writ and return, in 1294, for Cumberland, and amongst the persons returned for that year are—Matthew de Redman” and Richard de Preston, as knights of the shire. In the parliament of 1296, no original writ for Lancashire appears, nor is there any enrolment of writs de expensis for this county on the rolls. The first parliamentary writ extant, addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire, is of the date of 25 Edward I. (15th Sept. 1297) in the Tower of London, and requires that knights only (not citizens and burgesses) shall be sent from this county to parliament, for the confirmation of Magna Charta, and the Charter of Forests. This writ, which is of the nature of a bargain between the king and his people, recites that, in relief of all the inhabitants and people of the kingdom for the eighth of all the goods of every layman, and the most urgent necessity of the kingdom, the king has agreed to confirm the great charter of the liberties of England, and the charter of the liberties of the forest ; and to grant by letters-patent that the said levy of the eighth shall not operate to the prejudice of his people, or to the infringement of their liberties; and he commands and firmly enjoins the sheriff, that he cause to be elected, without delay, two of the most able and legal, or most honest and lawworthy (“probioribus et legalioribus”) knights of the county of Lancaster, and send them with full powers from the whole community of the said county, to his dearest son Edward, his lieutenant in England (the king being then abroad, engaged in the war with France), on the octaves of St. Michael next ensuing (6th Oct. 1297), to receive the said charters and the king's letters-patent for the said county.” The members returned in the parliament of 1297 were “Henricus de Kigheleye,” and “Henricus le Botiller,” vel “Botiler.” In the parliament of 1298, the return in the original writ is “Henricus de Kigheley,” and “Joannes Denyes,” knights of the shire. The parliament of the following year (1299) produces no original writ, nor any writ de expensis, for this county. The same observation applies to the parliaments of May 1300 and 1305, and to the two parliaments in 1306. - To the parliament of January 1300, “Henricus de Kigheley” and “Thomas Travers” were returned for this county; in September 1302, “Willielmus de Clifton,” and “Gilbertus de Singleton; in 1304, “Willielmus de Clifton,” vel “ de Clyffedone,” and “Willielmus Banastre,” were elected to the same honour. These returns to the frequent parliaments, in the latter part of the reign of Edward I. completes the writs for that period, so far as regards this county. During the same reign, four returns were made to parliament of members for the borough of Lancaster, two for the borough of Liverpool, five for Preston, and two for Wigan; each of which will be treated of in its proper place. The number of counties, cities, and boroughs, making returns to parliament at this time amounted to one hundred and forty-nine,” in the list of which we find ten members for Lancashire; namely two for the county, and two for each of the above-named boroughs. In the 24 Henry VI. (1446) the number of members was reduced to 274, all the boroughs of Lancashire having then disappeared from the list, and the only members returned for this county consisting of the knights of the shire. Although these early parliaments were frequent, the period of their sitting was of short duration. In 49 Henry III. (1265) the parliament which assembled to settle the peace of the kingdom, after the barons' wars, accomplished its duty in thirty-two days, and then dissolved; and yet this was reputed an incredible delay. The parliament, 28 Edward I. (1300) which confirmed the great charter and made articuli super cartas, was summoned to meet on the second Sunday in Lent, and ended the 20th day of March, on which day the writs 1 Petit MSS. vol. 15, fol. 88. Inner Temple Libr. * This is probably the same person that was returned for Lanca- of either money or counsel, or both. The order of the parliament of Oxford, that three parliaments should, be held in one year, does shire in the following year. 3 Rot. Claus. 25 Ed. I. m. 6. d. Orig. in Turr. Lond. 4 It is evident that no fixed rule was adhered to in summoning these parliaments, except that which arose out of the king's want not appear ever to have been acted upon with uniformity, and this enactment was probably intended only to fix the times at which the parliaments were to assemble, till the reforms then contemplated were completed. 6 Prynne's Brev. Parl. 92 - Qſìje 3%istorm ºf £ancašijire. char. viii. for the knights’ and burgesses' expenses were dated, making a session of three weeks. The famous parliament at Lincoln, 28 Edward I. (Jan. 1301), wherein the king and nobles wrote their memorable letters to Pope Boniface, claiming homage from the kings of Scotland to the kings of England, sat but ten days. The parlia- ment of 35 Edward I. was summoned to meet at Carlisle, on the 20th of January (1307), when the king expected Cardinal Sabines; but the cardinal not arriving, as was expected, the king prorogued this parliament by another writ, till the Sunday next after Mid-lent (March 12), and on Palm Sunday the parliament ended, having sat only fifteen days, whereof three were Sundays," it being in those times the general practice to assemble the parliaments on the Sunday, and so far to disregard the Sabbath, as to hold their sittings continu- ously, without any intermission, on that day. EDWARD II. No fewer than thirty-two parliaments were held during the twenty years' reign of Edward II. There are no writs extant for Lancashire in ten of that number—namely, in 1308 and 1309; in 1310 ; in the two parliaments of 1312, the first in February and the latter in July; in the parliaments of 1313 and 1316 ; and in those of 1317, 1318, and 1323. Mr. Palgrave, in his second volume of Parliamentary Writs and Writs of |Military Summons, published by direction of the commissioners of public records, has given a very complete list of the returns made to parliament by the sheriff of Lancashire during this reign; and from that source the following returns, from 1307 to 1327, are derived :—In 1307, it appears from the original writ for this county, that “Matheus de Reddeman, miles,” and Willielmus le Gentyl, miles,” were returned. In 1311, “Thomas de Bethune,” vel “Bethum, miles,” and “Willielmus le Gentylle,” vel “Genty], miles,” were returned to the parliament on the 8th of August. The writ de expensis for the attendance at parliament, from the return day until the feast of St. Dionysius, together with their charges coming and returning, is tested at London on the 11th of October. It is remarkable that an individual named Thomas de Bethun or Bethom, is also returned for Westmorland in the same parliament; and it is highly probable that the electors in some cases economised their expenses by returning the same member to represent two counties. This parliament is remarkable for the desertion of its public duty, from a cause which strikingly indicates that ancient members of parliament had much less patience than their successors of the present day. So exhausted were the lords, the king's counsel, the knights, and the burgesses, by their sitting of nine weeks, that most of them departed from parliament without license, as the writs and summons attest, and the remainder petitioned the king to adjourn, and thus obtained license to return to their homes. The original writ for the county of Lancaster, in the parliament of August 1312, returns “Henricus de Trafforde, miles,” and “Ricardus le Molineaux de Croseby, miles.” No enrolment of writ de expensis appears on the rolls, but the entries of such writs are incomplete. “Dominus Willielmus de Bradeschagh, miles,” and “Dominus Edmundus de Dacre, miles,” are returned in the original writ of March 18, 1313. In the writ of July 8, in the same year, Radulphus de Bykerstathe, miles,” and “Willielmus de Slene, miles,” are returned. No manucaptors were found by these knights. To the parliament of the 23d of September, in the same year, “Henricus de Feghirby vel Fegherby, miles,” and Thomas de Thornton vel Thorneton, miles,” are returned. The writ de expensis for “Henricus de Fegherby,” and “Thomas de Thorneton,” for attendance at parliament, from the return day (September 23) until Thursday next after the feast of St. Michael (November 15), amounts to £21 : 12s, at the rate of four shillings each per diem, together with their charges coming and returning. In the parliament of Sep- tember 1314, “Thomas Banastr", miles,” and “Willielmus de Slene, miles,” appear in the original writ, as well as in the writ de expensis. “Willielmus de Bradeshagh, miles,” and “Adam de Halghton, miles,” are returned in 1315, and £19:4s., at the rate of four shillings each per diem, is awarded to them by the writ de expensis. In 1316, “Johannes de Lancastrie” and “Willielmus de Walton” are returned on the 27th of January. “Rogerus de Pilketon, miles,” and “Johannes de Pilketon, miles,” are returned by the original writ of 29th July in the same year, and their charges allowed at the usual rate in the writ de expensis. “Edmundus de Nevill', miles,” and “Johannes de Horneby, miles,” are returned by the original writ of 1318, on which it is observed that no manucaptors were found by these knights. At this period an advance took place in the wages allowed to the county members for their services in parliament, and the allowance in the writ de expensis is five shillings each per diem, instead of four as hitherto. In 1319, “Willielmus de Walton, miles,” and “Willielmus de Slene, miles,” are returned in the original writ for the county; but it is much torn and defaced, and rendered almost illegible. From some cause, the members' wages were again reduced to four shillings each per diem. In 1320, “Gilbertus de Haydok, miles,” and “Thomas de Thornton, miles,” appear in the original writ, and in the writ de expensis; but it was alleged that they were returned by Willielmus le Gentil, the sheriff, on his own authority, and without the assent of the county. No original writ for this county is found for the parliament of 1321, but the names of “Johannes de Horneby junior,” and “Gilbertus de Heydok,” are inserted in the writ de expensis, tested at Westminster on the 22d of August. “Edmundus de Nevill, miles,” and “Johannes de Lancastria, miles,” were returned to the parliament of 1322. By this writ the sum of one hundred and seven shillings and fourpence is awarded to the two knights for 1 Prynne's Enlargement of his 4th Institute. CELAP. VIII, (The ºigturn of 3|antašijire. 93 seventeen days' attendance in parliament at York, and six days coming and returning; Edmundus de Neville receiving sixty-nine shillings, at the rate of three shillings per diem, and Johannes de Lancastria thirty-eight shillings, at the rate of twenty pence per diem; but why the latter received lower wages than the former for his parliamentary services is not stated. In the original writs of election and proclamation for this county, in the parliament summoned to meet at Ripon on the 14th of Novemher 1322 (altered afterwards to York), “Richard de Hoghton, miles,” and Gilbertus de Singilton'vel Sengilton, miles,” were returned. From the writ de expensis it appears that the original rate of wages was re-established, and the sum of £8: 8s. for fifteen days' attendance in parliament, and three days coming and three days returning, was awarded to the knights. In 1324 the original writ for this county returns the names of “Edmundus de Nevill', miles,” and “Gilbertus de Haidok, miles.” The names of “Edmundus de Nevyll’” and “Thomas de Lathum,” “per. iiii dies,” are entered on the original pawn or docket, as knights appearing for this county. The writ de expensis directs that sixteen marks for twenty days' attendance at parliament, and four days coming and four days returning, at the rate of three shillings and fourpence each per diem, should be paid to the knights. No reason is assigned for the substitution of the name of “Thomas de Lathum” for that of Gilbert de Haidok. At another parliament in this year “Willielmus de Slene, miles,” and “Nicholaus le Norrays vel Norreys, miles,” appear in the original writ for this county, returned by Gilbertus de [Sothelworth, sheriff. No manu- captors were found by these knights. In the writ de expensis, £7: 15s, is awarded to the members for twenty- one days' attendance in parliament, and five days coming, and five days returning, at the rate of two shillings and sixpence each per diem. There is a peculiarity in this original writ. Usually the citizens and burgesses of the county are required to send members; but in this case the summons is confined to knights of the shire. In 1325 “Willielmus de Bradeshaghe, miles,” and “Johannes de Horneby vel Hornby’’ are returned. No manucaptors were found by these knights. In the Writ de expensis, £7: 14s. is awarded for twenty-two days' attendance in parliament, including coming and returning; “Willielmus de Bradeshaghe" to be paid at the rate of four shillings, per diem, a knight's wages, and “Johannes de Horneby” at the rate of three shillings per diem, an inferior rate of wages. In 1326-7 “Edmundus de Nevyll, miles,” and “Ricardus de Hoghton, miles,” appear in the writ of expenses, the original writ not being found. The sum awarded to the two knights is £28: 8s. for seventy-One days' attendance in parliament, coming and returning, at the rate of four shillings each per diem. During this reign four returns are made for the borough of Lancaster, and two for the borough of Preston, but none for either Liverpool or Wigan. The rate of wages paid to the borough members appears to have been fixed at two shillings each per diem. By an assumption of power which is scarcely to be credited, the high sheriff of the county in 17 Edward II. (1324), arrogated to himself, as we have already seen, the right of superseding the privileges of the electors, and returning members for the county by his own appointment. The presentment made to the grand jury of the hundred of West Derby against this Ostentatious and arbitrary sheriff has already been referred to, but it may not be unacceptable to have the document entire — “The Grand Jury of the Wapentake of West Derby present, That ‘ Willie/mºus le Gentil,” at the time when he was Sheriff, and when he held his Tourn in the said Wapentake, ought to have remained no longer in the Wapentake than three nights with three or four horses, whereas he remained there at least nine days with eight horses, to the oppression of the people; and that he quartered himself one night at the house of ‘Dús de Turbat,’ and another night at the house of one ‘Robertus de Bold,’ another at the house of ‘Fobertus de Grenlay,’ and elsewhere, according to his will, at the cost of the men of the Wapentake. They also present, that the said “Willielmus' allowed one “Henricus fil. Roberti le Mercer,’ indicted of a notorious theft, to be let out upon manucaption ; whereas he was not mainpernable according to the law ; in consequence of which the men of the Wapentake avoided making presentments of notorious thieves; and that ‘Henricus de Malton’ did the same when he was sheriff. That the said “Willielmus' and “Henricus’ returned certain persons on inquests and juries without giving them warning. That the said “Willielmus le Gentil,’ when sheriff, had returned ‘Gilbertus de Haydok’ and “Thomas de Thornton,” knights of the shire (14 Edward II., 1320), without the assent of the County, whereas they ought to have been elected by the County;-and had levied twenty pounds for their expenses; whereas the County could, by their own election, have found two good and sufficient men who would have gone to Parliament for ten marks or ten pounds, and the sheriff's bailiffs levied as much for their own use as they had levied for the knights. Also, that ‘Henricus de Malton,’ when he was sheriff, had returned ‘Willielmus de Slene’ and ‘Willielmus de Walton’ as knights (12 Edward II. 1318), in the same manner.” The said “Willielmus Gentiſ’ is enlarged, upon the manucaption of four manucaptors. —(Rot. Plac. 17 Edw. II. m., 72.) LAN CASTER. EDWARD III. In the first parliament of Edward III. (1327), “Michael de Haverington” and “Will'us Lawrence” were returned knights of the shire for the county of Lancaster. “Nich’us le Norreys” and “Henricus de Haydock” were elected in 1328, and were succeeded by “Thomas de Thornton” and “John de Hornby,” who were succeeded in the same year by “Will'us de Bradshaigh" and “Edrus de Nevill.” In 1329, “Nicholaus de Norreys” and “Henry de Haydok” attended the adjourned parliament, and were succeeded by “Will'us de Bradeshawe.” and “Joh’es de Lancastria.” “Will'us de Saperton” and “Henry de Haydok” were their successors in the year 1330. At the election of these members, the sheriff, by Order of the king, proclaimed that if any person in the county had suffered wrong from any of the servants of the crown, they were to come to the next parliament and make known their complaints. “Will'us de Bradshawe" and “Oliverus de Stanesfield” were returned in 1331. “Robertus de Dalton” and “Joh’es de Horneby” were elected in 1332, and in the same year “Adam Banastre” 94 (ſiſt £istory of 3Lancašijire. CHAP. VIII. and “Robertus de Dalton” were returned. In 1333, “Edos () de Nevill” and “Johannes de Horneby” were elected; and in the writs de expensis it appears that the wages of the knights were then four shillings per diem, “Robertus de Radeclyf.” and “Henricus de Haydock” were returned in 1334, and they were succeeded in the same year by “Edmundus de Nevill” and “Robertus de Dalton.” In 1335, “Robertus de Shirburn" and “Edmundus de Nevill” were elected. In 1336, “Johannes de Horneby” and “Henricus de Haydok” were returned; and in the same year “Johannes de Shirburn” and “Henricus de Haydok.” In 1337, “Robertus de Irland” and “Henricus de Haydok” were returned, and they were succeeded in the same year by “Ric'us de Hoghton,” and “Edmundus de Nevill.” The changes made in the county members seem at this period to have been very frequent, but whether that arose from the fickleness of the constituents, from the inadequate payments made to the knights of the shire, or from the unproductive nature of parliamentary influence, and the very diminutive size of the pension- list, does not appear. The return to the writ of summons in the year 1338, contained the names of “Johannes de Hornby’’ and “Johannes de Clyderhowe,” as knights of the shire, to whom, by the writ de expensis, dated at North- ampton on the 2d of August, the sum of £7:4s, was awarded for coming to, remaining in parliament, and returning to their houses, being a payment of four shillings each per diem for eighteen days. The writ for 1339 was issued by the guardian of the kingdom, and the king's council, in his Majesty's absence; and the knights returned to parliament for the county of Lancaster were “Robertus de Clyderhowe” and “Henricus de Bikerstath.” In the same year “Nich’us de Hulm” and “Robertus de Prestecote" were returned. “Robertus de Dalton” and “Johannes de Dalton” were returned in 1340, and in the same year “Johannes de Radecliffe” and “Robertus de Radecliffe” were elected and returned to parliament, with the usual allowance of four shillings per diem. During the remainder of this reign the parliaments continued to be held almost every year; and it is clear, from the continually-varying names returned for the county of Lancaster, that each session was a new, and not an adjourned parliament. It is equally clear that no argument in favour of any precise duration of parliament can be founded upon the practice of these early times, seeing that there was frequently more than one parliament in the year; and that at other times the assembling of parliament was intermitted for two, three, or four years. In the 4th of Edward III. (1330) it was enacted that parliaments should be held once a-year, and oftener, if necessary. The 36 Henry VI. (1458) requires a parliament to be held every year. By 16 Charles II. (1664) it is enacted that parliaments shall be triennial; confirmed by 6 William and Mary (1694); but by 1 George I. (1714) the time of their continuance, if considered necessary by the king and his advisers, was rendered Septennial. So that our parliamentary history affords all the precedents from three parliaments in the year to one parliament in seven years. The following is a list of the members for the county of Lancaster during the remainder of the reign of Edward III., with the date of the parliaments in which they sat, and the amount of wages they received from the county:— MEMBERs (KNIGHTS). PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. ;: * ! Westminster, Monday, 15 days of Easter (April 28, 1331) . º * . £13:12s. for 34 days. :- - Claus. 17 E. III. P. l. n. 1 dorso. Nº. i º, Radiº Westminster, Monday after Octaves of Holy Trinity (June 16, 1344) . . £12 : 16s. for 32 days. Claws. 18 F. III. P. 2 m, 26. Joh’es de Cliderhowe . & ! - •oºl Al-4+, Westminster, Monday after Feast of Nat. Blessed Mary (Sep. 11, 1346) . £7: 4S. for 18 days. Adam de Bredekirk . . 2 y Claws. 20 F. ITT. P. 2 m, 14 d. Rob'tus de Plesyngton . Westminster, Monday after Dominica day Middle Quadragesima * t * robius de Prestcote. d ! 31, isis) g wº e q * tº º g * £9:4s, for 23 days. Claus, 22 JE. III. P. 1, m. 24 d. * º* * e | Westminster, Morrow of St. Hillary (Jan. 19, 1349) tº £15:4s. for 38 days. - tº º & ſ - Claus, 22 E. III. P. 1. ‘m. 33 dors0. §: º clif © ! Westminster, Octaves of the Purification (Feb. 9, 1851) . e fe . £13:4s. for 33 days. & Claus. 25 E. III. Pars unica, m, 27 dorso. No Writ found . ſº , Westminster, Tuesday, Feast St. Hillary. 26 E. III. (1352). 4s. f d Johes de H. Westminster, Morrow 1 of the Assumption (Aug. 26, 1852). & º . £4:4s. for 21 days. ohes de Haveryngton 5 ption (Aug Claus, 26 F. III. In. 10 d. 1 This was called the “Great Council” for “settling the Staple” one knight only, “ of the most advanced, discreet, and most exempt, or manufacture of the kingdom, to which Lancashire sent only one in that respect, as men who would be least withdrawn from autumnal member for the county, and none for its boroughs; but were such occupation.” Writs were also issued (for the first time) to Henry, a council to be held in the present day, it is highly probable that duke of Lancaster, to send the same (one knight) from his county. this county would return, at least, its full complement of members. —H. —B. To this parliament writs were sent to all the sheriffs, to send CHAP. VIII. (The #t3tory of £antagjire. 95 MEMBERs (KNIGHTS). PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. §º | Westminster, Monday after St. Matthi. Apost. (Sep. 28, 1853) . . . . e6 for 30 days. • TT 5 Claus. 27 E. III. m. 5 d. Yºlº | Westminster Monday after St. Mark Evang. (April 28, 1854) . e . £13: 12s. for 34 days. Claus. 28 F. III. m. 21 d. Rog. de Far’ndon º | º Westminster, Monday after St. Edmund, Martyr (Nov. 23, 1355) º . £7: 12s. for 19 days. Roºt de Hamily º 2 Cºmº E. H. Parsºmº." -> £7: 12s. for John for #. º ºn º | Westminster, Monday in Easter week (April 10, 1857) . . . . . 38 days, and for Robº. füOpt. de Singleton * º £6:4S. for 31 days. (Addressed to the Duke.) Claus. 31 Jº. III. m. 19 d. The Writs de expensis for the knights of the shire for the county of Lancaster are directed, not to the sheriff, but to the duke of Lancaster himself. The knights for the counties generally had two distinct Writs, some of them for six, others for seven, and one for eight days’ expenses; but the writs for Lancashire were issued to the duke of Lancaster himself, or his lieutenant, by the title of Duke and Duchy of Lancaster:- MEMBERs (KNIGHTS). PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. #º | Westminster, Monday after Purification B. M. (Feb. 5, 1358) . e £13:12s. for 34 days. - Claws. 32 E. III. m. 31 d. Kºi..." . . . Westminster, Sunday before conversion of St. Paul Gan 2, 1881) . . alsº ºr ssay. Claus. 35 E. III. m. 38 d. . No Writ #: cashire in | Westminster, 15 days of St. Michael (Oct. 13, 1362). º 36 E. III. At this period a singular piece of presumption was practised in the return to parliament of members for the county of Lancaster. The deputy-sheriffs, instead of returning the members elected by the County, returned themselves, concealing the Writ, and levying the expenses, which they appropriated to their own use. Upon complaint made to the king, he issued two Writs: the first to the sheriff of Lancashire, and the second to the justices of the peace of the county, directing them to examine into the merits of the election, and to certify the facts to him in chancery; in the mean time, the levying of the expenses was suspended till further orders upon these “unparalleled writs,” as they are called by Prynne. In the writ to the sheriff, (dated 17 Nov. 1362), that officer is informed that the greatest agitation exists in Lancashire respecting the election of the knights for that county in the last parliament; and his Majesty, wishing to be more fully informed about the election, commands the sheriff to assemble the knights and other good men of the commons of the said county, and to make inquiry, whether “Edrus Laurence” and “Matthew Risheton,” who have been returned in the writ to parliament as knights of the said county, or other persons, were duly elected; and if, upon deliberation and information, he should find them to have been elected by the common assent of the County, then to cause the said Edrus and Matthew to have £18: 16s. for their expenses incurred in coming to the parliament, remaining there, and then returning—that is to say, for forty-seven days—each of the aforesaid Edrus and Matthew receiving four shillings per diem; but if other persons have been elected knights of the said county, then the sheriff is to render information of their names, under his seal, into the king's chancery, and to remit the writ to his Majesty, conformably to the directions already given. The king's writ to the justices is addressed to his beloved and faithful Godefr. Foleiambe, and his fellow justices of the peace, in the county of Lancaster, on the 5th of February 1363; and it states roundly that the said Edrus and Matthew, who are the sheriff's lieutenants, have made a false and deceptive return ; in consequence of which, the jurors are required to call before them, at their next session, the knights and other good men of the same county, and take diligent information and inquisition on the above premises, and to return the same into the king's chancery; the sheriff of Lancashire being at the same time commanded to supersede the levy of the wages, until he shall have further directions from the king in his mandate respecting them. The result was, that, the election was declared void, and the sheriff's lieutenants were unseated by the king's authority. The pro- ceedings under these memorable writs, which were the first of the kind that were issued, serve to show that the king in these early times, and not the commons house of parliament, examined and determined on disputed elections; and that the king, by special writ issued to the sheriff, or to the justices of the peace, caused the merits of the elections to be inquired into, and certificate to be made of their legality or illegality. But, to resume the returns of the list of members for the county:— KNIGHTS. PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. #. . #. e | Westm. Octaves of St. Hillary (Jan. 20, 1365) . º ſº º g . £17:48, for 43 days. Cl. 38 E. III. m. 31 d. º º de Radeclyf ! Westm. Monday, the morrow of the Invention of the Cross (May 4, 1866) . £8:16s. for 22 days. Cl. 40 E. III, m, 23 d. 96 (The #istory of £ancashire. CHAP. VIII. Rog. d i. PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. OQ. Cle tº WlkWI) Qt,OI] . i. i. ; Sell. ! Westm, 1st of May (1868) . . . . . . . . . . #14 for 35 days. Joh’es de Dalt Cl. 42 E. III. m. 14 d. -- i. i. i. w | Westm. Octaves of Trinity (Sunday, June 3, 1369). . . . * * . £8: 16s. for 22 days. Joh’es de I - Cl. 43 E. III. m. I3 d. Ones de 1pre . | Westm. Mondav. O g • , 5 g y, Octaves of St. Michael (Oct 6,? 1371) º g & . £19:12s. for 51 days. Ric’us de Toumley - Cl. 45 E. III. m. 34 d. Joh’es de ſpre . g . Wynton, Monday in Octaves of Trinity (June 8, 1371) g e ſº . £4:4S. for 21 days. - . - Cl. 45 E. III. m. 22 d. Nich. de Haverynton . Westm. Morrow of All Souls (Wednesday, Nov. 3, 1372) . e e . £6: 12s, for 33 days. Will’us de Ath Cºl. 46 E. III. m. 4 d. • 1 + 3 therton . - - Joh’ .#.Il | Westm. Morrow of St. Edmund (Nov. 23, 1373) e * - ſº º . £12:8s. for 31 days. Joh’es Bottiler. Chival Cl. 47 E. III. m. 1 d. 9 ti * t º #. iº * 6?” e Westm. Monday after St. George (April 28, 1376) * te ſº º . £34:8s. for 86 days. Joh’es Botill Cº. 50 E. III. P. 2. m. 23 d. #.º. | Westm, in fifteen days of St. Hillary (Jan. 27, 1377) . g g . . . #18:16s. for 47 days. 07. 51 E. III. m. 12 d. In the 20 Edward III. (1346) the number of the temporal peers summoned to the parliament held at West- minster, at the head of whom stood Henry, duke of Lancaster, amounted only to fifty-four, from which it may be inferred that the hundred and fifty barons in parliament of 47 Henry III. (1263) mentioned by Selden included the minor barons, at that time the only representatives of the commonalty of the land; and that not by delega- tion, but by a common interest. The fixed number of abbots and priors to be summoned to parliament was determined in the reign of Edward III., but it will be seen by the following list that in the twenty-six religious houses to which this privilege was adjudged, none of the Lancashire monasteries are included: — 1. St. Albans. 8. Evesham. 15. Shrewsbury. 22. Malmesbury. 2. Glastonbury. 9. Wincheloomb. 16. Gloucester. 23. Cirencester. 3. St. Austin's, Cant. 10. Crowland. 17. Bardney. 24. St. Mary, York. 4. Westminster. 1]. Battell. 18. Bènet in Holm. 25. Selby. - 5. St. Edmondsbury. 12. Reading. 19. Thorney. 26. Prior of St. John of 6. Peterborough. 13. Abingdon. 20. Ramsey. Jerusalem, first 7. Colchester. 14. Waltham. 21. Hide. baron of England. Although the boroughs of Lancashire, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan, all returned burgesses to represent them in parliament in the reign of Edward I., only the two former of these places sent members in the reign of the second Edward, and so early as the ninth year of Edward III, we find the return made by the sheriff of the county, in answer to the parliamentary writ of Summons, states that, “There is not any city or borough in my bailiwick [or county].” It is to be observed that the writs do not particularise the boroughs that are to return members, but merely require the sheriff to return two citizens for each city, and two burgesses for each borough, within his county. In the 36th of Edward III. (1362), the sheriff, in his return, writes upon the writ, “There is not any city or borough in his county from which citizens or burgesses ought, or are accustomed, to come as this writ requires.” In the 38th of Edward III. (1364), the reason for this negative return is rendered—“There are not any cities or boroughs (in Lancashire) that Ought, or any of the citizens or burgesses of which are wont, to come to the said parliament, on account of their debility or poverty.” In the following year (1365) the case is still more strongly put—“There is not any city or borough from which any citizens or burgesses are able, or accustomed to come, according to the tenor of the Writ, by reason of their debility and poverty.” In the 2d of Richard II. (1378-79), when the parliamentary writs were addressed to the duke of Lancaster, this plea of debility is not confined to the county, but is extended to the whole duchy; and it is stated that there are not any burgesses in the duchy of Lancaster who were accustomed to come to our lord the king's parliament because of their poverty. In the last year of this king's reign (1399), the plea of poverty is again reduced within the limits of the county, and it is said—That there are not any citizens or burgesses within the county of Lancaster, who have been accustomed in times past to come to any parliaments. Our ancestors, so far from aspiring to an increase in their boroughs, were anxious, in the language of modern legislation, to merge those they had in schedule A, conceiving the cost of their borough members, though limited to the very moderate sum of two shillings a-day during parliaments of comparatively short duration, not sufficiently repaid by the support of their local interests. On the subject of the payment of wages to the members of parliament, considerable light is shed by a petition presented to the king in 8 Henry VI. (1430), by the commons, and which is expressed in these words—“The Commons pray, that all cities, boroughs, towns, and hamlets, and the residents within them, except the lords spiritual and temporal coming to parlia- ment, and the ecclesiastics, and those cities and boroughs which find citizens or burgesses for parliament, shall henceforth for ever contribute to the expenses of the knights elected, or to be elected, to parliaments.” For two hundred and fifty years—that is, from the end of the thirteenth to the middle of the sixteenth CELAP. VIII. The pistory of Lancashire. 97 century, about one hundred and twenty, or one hundred and thirty, cities and boroughs in England, returned members pretty constantly to parliament ; and about thirty others returned them only occasionally, amongst which were the Lancashire boroughs, the sheriffs having taken upon themselves to dispense with the attendance of members for those boroughs, for the reasons stated in the Writs. - The following petition, presented by the commons to the king in the same year, shows that the very moderate remuneration of the members was withheld, to their impoverishment, and to the detriment of the State :- “Whereas the Citizens and Burgesses elected to Parliament, have, from antient time, been accustomed to have of right, for wages and expenses each day during the sitting of parliament, two shillings; and for which wages each of them had from antient time, and of right ought to have, their writ to the sheriffs of the county where such cities or boroughs are, for them to levy and deliver to them the said wages, in the same manner as the knights of shires have had and used. And whereas these wages are now withheld, and divers notable and wise persons, elected to Parliament, cannot attend without their utter ruin, and the national loss : the Commons of this present Parliament pray the king to grant them the said wages, of two shillings each, every day, during thé Session of Parliament.” &D 5 “. . 85 Prynne has preserved a register of the time allowed to members of parliament for travelling from Lanca- shire to certain places, when the parliaments were held in those cities; from which it appears that two, and sometimes three days, were allowed for travelling to York, four days to Coventry, and five or six to London in ordinary seasons; but in a snow or “foul weather” eight days was the maximum allowance for travelling from hence to a parliament sitting at Westminster. In the 7th of Henry VI. (1429) it is asserted in the sheriff's return, notwithstanding the fact to the contrary, that there is not any city or borough within the county of Lancaster, which was accustomed in times past to send any citizens or burgesses to parliament, on account of their poverty and want of means, and therefore no mention is made of citizens and burgesses &S appears in the indenture annexed to the writ." Similar language is held in all the returns from Lancashire till I Edward VI. (1547), when Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan, resumed their elective franchise; and in 1 Elizabeth (1558-59) Newton and Clitheroe were added to the boroughs of the county. During the Commonwealth two returns were made by Manchester, but that town ceased to return members at the Restoration. - RICHARD II. In the first year of the reign of Richard II. (1378), the king, in his writ of summons for the duchy of Lancaster, addressed to John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and king of Castile and Leon, after announcing that Charles of France had overrun Flanders, and was meditating an attack upon the English city of Calais, informed his beloved uncle, that, for the better defence of his kingdom, and of the Anglican church and to afford succour to his allies, he designed to embark for the continent ; and for the good government of the kingdom while he was absent, the duke was commanded to send from his duchy two knights from the county palatine of Lancaster, two citizens from each city, and two burgesses from each borough, within the same, to parliament, having full power, from him (the duke) and the commons of the duchy, to take the neces- sary measures therein. This writ is preserved in the archives of the duchy of Lancaster.” The members returned to parliament as knights of the shire for the county of Lancaster, in virtue of the writ, were “Joh’es Boteler” and “Nich. de Haveryngton,” who, after a session of sixty-six days, received a writ de expensis to the amount of £26: 8s. ; but no citizens or burgesses were returned from any city or borough of the duchy or county of Lancaster. In the 2d year of Richard II. (1379) “J oh'es Botiller Chivaler,” and “Rad’us de ſpre,” were returned for the county of Lancaster, as appears from the foil. Cl. 2 Rich. II. m. 22 d., on which Prynne observes, that the writ in this roll was issued to the duke of Lancaster, and to his vicegerent, for the knights of the duchy; that in the Writ to the duke this clause, “as well within the liberties as beyond,” is omitted, and this clause of exception (inserted in all other Writs for knights' expenses in other counties), “the cities and boroughs of which the citizens and burgesses to our parliament, etc., shall come, so far as excepted,” because the sheriffs of Lancashire then and before returned- * There is not any city nor any borough within the bailiwick from which any citizens or burgesses to the said parliament ought (or are wont) to come, because of their weakness or poverty.” And in this very year made this return, “And there are not any citizens or burgesses in the aforesaid duchy who have been wont to come to any parliament, because of their poverty and debility.” The other knights of the shire returned for the county of Lancaster during the reign of Richard II. are enumerated in the following list :— KNIGHTS. PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. Joh’es Botiller, Chivaler . † e Thos. Sutheworth, Chivaler | Westminster, Monday after St. Hillary (June 16, 1380) º ſº e . £24 for 60 days. - - Cl. 3 R. II. m. 18 d. Joh’es Botiller, Chivaler . . ę * Thos. de Suthworth, Chivaler | Northampton, Monday after all Saints (Nov. 5, 1380). * tº * , . £19 : 12s. for 49 days. . CZ. 4 R. J.I. m. 20 d. 1 The sheriffs seem to have erected, nominated, returned, omitted, Preston ; yet in twenty-six intervening years, other sheriffs make discontinued, revived, and recontinued boroughs, at their own will returns to the effect set forth in the text.— Parliaments and and pleasure. Under the three first Edwards, thirteen sheriffs re- Councils of England, p. 30. turned members thirteen times for Lancaster and six times for * Roll. A, 6. m. 16. O 98 (ſiſt ºigtorg of £antagüíre. CHAP. VIII. KNIGHTS. PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. Will. de Athirton . e !-- c.4-on- **** so ºr oa Robt. de Urcewyk . e | Westminster, Morrow of All Souls (Nov. 3, 1381) & & e g C7 ºn 8s. º º days. ... O ſº. 11. 77%. 242, Cº. º cºme | Westminster, Morrow of St. John (May 7, 1382). g * * * . £10 for 25 days. Cl. 5 R. J.I. m. 5 d. †: | Westminster, Monday, Octaves of St. Michael (Oct. 6, 1382) gº & . £10:16s. for 27 days. * - 5 Cl. 6 R. II. p. 1 m. 17 d. i. i. º | Westminster, Monday, three weeks of Quadragesima (Feb. 23, 1883) . . £10:8s, for 36 days. John Holcrof l Cl. 6 R. II. p. 2 m. 13 d. Ohn Holcroft ti-ro- * * & e * (Name obliterated.) ) Westminster, Monday before All Saints (Oct. 26, 1383) º t † . £8:16s. for 40 days. Cl. 7 R. II. m. 23 d. #: jºinsºn | New Sarum, Friday after St. Mark (April 29, 1384) . º tº * . £16 for 40 days. ſº sº C/, 7 R. II. m. I d. * º | Westminster, Morrow of St. Martin (Saturday, Nov. 12, 1384) . º . £18 for 45 days. Cl. 8 R. II. m. 27 d. #: º | Westminster, Friday after St. Luke (Oct. 20, 1385) . gº tº & . £23:4s. for 58 days, Cl. 9 R. J.T. m. 22 d. Nic.de Haveryngton, Chivaler e * ſº * Robt. de Woºsley fº * | Westminster, 1st October (1386) w * & º 's s s s . £28 for 71 days. C7. 10 R. II. m. 16 d. Joh. le Botiller de Weryng- ton, Chivaler . & . Westminster, Morrow of the Purification B. Mary (Monday, Feb. 8, 1888) . £46 for 115 days. Thos. Gerard . p e . 11 R. II. Joh. de Asheton, Chivaler . e - - }. . sº º | Cantebrigge, Morrow of Nat. B. Mary (Sept. 9, 1388). & º e . £18:8s. for 46 days. Cl. 12 R. J.T. m. 14 d. Rad. de Tpres, Chival º !-- ~4- º J . . Aºi. º €I? . | Westminster, Monday after St. Hillary (Jan. 17, 1390) * , ſº wº . £22 for 56 days. - Cl. 13 R. J.I. p. 2. m. 7 d. 3. º Fºº | Westminster, Morrow of St. Martin (Saturday, Nov. 12, 1390) . g . £30:12s. for 34 days. Cºl. 14 R. J.I. m. 30 d. ; i. Wºº, cºme | Westminster, Morrow of All Souls (Friday, Nov. 3, 1391) . g fi . £17 for 40 days. Cl. 15 R. J.T. m. 26 d. Robt. de Ursewik, Chival & i. ... .º..." s | Wynton, Octaves of St. Hillary (Monday, Jan. 20, 1898) . y © . £23 for 38 days. Cl. 16 F. J.T. m. 19 d. #: $º.hºle Westminster, fifteen days of St. Hillary (Tuesday, Jan. 27, 1394) ge . £21 for 71 days. C7, 17 R. II. m. 9 d. #: i. Hº2 cline | Westminster, fifteen days of St. Hillary (Wednesday, Jan. 27, 1395) . . £12:16s. for 32 days. Cl. 18 J3. II, m. 6 d. #".º cºins | Westminster, Feast of St. Vincent (Monday, Jan. 22, 1397) te * . £30:12s. for 34 days. Cl. 20 R. J.T. p. 2. m. 2 d. * de Weryngton, Westminster, Monday after Exalt of Cross (Sept. 7, 1897), and adjourned to eig , ss for 41 days Rad, de Radecliff 9. & Shrewsbury (Monday, Jan. 28, 1398) . e º e º * º * Cº. 21 R. II. p. 2. m. 9 d. HENRY TW. The duchy of Lancaster being now united with the crown, by the duke having become king of England, the parliamentary writs of summons, in the first and second years of the reign of Henry IV, were addressed to the sheriff of Lancaster, and not to the duke. The members for the county returned in this reign were:— KNIGHTS. PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. Hen. de #: §: | Westminster, Morrow of St. Michael, summoned by Richard II. (Sept. 30, 1899) £26:16s. for 71 days. Ol. 1 Høn. TV. P. j. m. 21 d. Robt. de Ursewyke, Chival e * g. §. . Ai. ğ. | Westminster, Octaves of St. Hillary (Jan. 20, 1401) . º * tº . £34:16s. for 66 days. - C7. 2 H. TV. P. j. m. 3 d. Rich. de Hoghton, Chivaler e * §. āś, ë. Westminster, Morrow of St. Michael (Sept. 30, 1402) . * & * . £27 for 69 days. - e CZ. 4 H. T.V. m. 34 d. #. º cººle | Westminster, Morrow of St. Hillary (Jan. 14, 1404) . * g º . £31:12s. for 69 days. C7. 5 H. IV. P. m. 10 d. CEIAP. VIII. (The #istory of £ancashire, 99 IKNIGHTS. PARLIAMENT AT WAGES. Jac. Har on, Chivaler . ki i. Chivaler . Coventry, 6th of October (1404) . £8:8s. for 46 days. C. 6 H. TV. m. 5 d. Westminster (Monday), 1st of March (1406) Adjourned to 25th April t fe Adjourned to 4th June. Adjourned to 25th Oct. Adjourned to 22d Dec. . Will. Botiller Rob't. Lawrence. £71:12s, for 189 days. a si trºº £21:12s. for 54 days. Cl. 9 H. I. V. m. 8. d. To the parliament held at Coventry in the 6th year of this monarch's reign (1404), the sheriffs were commanded by the king not to return any lawyers—persons learned in the law; and hence this parliament was called, “The Lack-learning Parliament” (“Parliamenium Indochim”). |Henr. Hoghton, Chivaler . +,-, -, ex- Rad, de. Štavely, Chivaler . Gloucester, 20th October (1407) . HENRY W. The first return made in this reign (1st Hen. W. 1413) of the knights of the shire for Lancashire trans- mits the names of “Joh. Assheton and Joh. de Stanley, chivalers.” By a striking singularity the indenture mentions only the name of Sir John Stanley, and entirely omits that of his colleague, stating that Nich. Longford, knight, and all others named in the indenture after him, with unanimous consent and agreement, have made a free election, and given to John Stanley the younger full power to become a knight in the parliament to be held at Westminster, to answer for themselves and all theirs, and for all the commons in the county of Lancaster, in those matters which, under favour of the king, shall happen to be ordained in parliament. The corresponding indenture is lost. In the next parliament, “Rad. de Radcliff” and Nich. Blundell,” are returned as knights of the shire for this county (January 29, 1414). - 2 Henry W. Johannes de Stanley, Robertus Lawrence, per indent. (November 19, 1414).] 8 Henry V. Henry de Hoghton, Rad’us de Stanley (December 2, 1420). HENRY WI. The members returned to represent the county of Lancaster in this reign were :— 7 [? 6] Henry VI. Joſies Byron, Robertus fil. Roberti Laurence, knights, per indent. (October 13, 1427). 25 Henry VI. Thomas Stanley, knt. Thomas Harrington, Esq. per indent. (February 10, 1447). 27 Henry VI. The same persons. (February 12, 1449). 28 Henry VI. Thomas Stanley, Joſies Butler, knights, per indent. (November 6, 1449). 29 Henry VI. Thomas Stanley, Thomas Harrington, knights, per indent. (November 6, 1450). 33 Henry VI. Thomas Stanley, Alexander Radcliff, knights. (July 9, 1455). 38 Henry VI. Richus Harrington, knight, Henry Halsall, per indent. (November 20, 1459). 39 Henry VI. Richd. Haryngton, knt., and Henry Halsall (October 7, 1460). In the seventh year of this king's reign (1428-9), the qualification of electors for counties, which had hitherto been undefined, was fixed by an act of parliament, which ordains that “the knights shall be chosen in every county by people dwelling and residing in the same county, whereof every one of them shall have land or tenement of the value of forty shillings by the year, at the least, over and above all charges,” which is explained, by an act of the 10th (1431-2) of the same king, to mean, freeholds of that value, within the county for which the election is to be made. Hitherto all the freeholders, without exception, had claimed the right of voting for county members, in consequence of which, it is alleged, great outrages had arisen, “whereby manslaughter, riots, batteries, and divisions among the gentlemen and other people of the said counties, shall very likely arise and be, unless convenient and due remedy be provided in this behalf.” From the reign of Henry VI. to the present time [1866], no change has been judged necessary in this qualifica- tion, though the nominal money equivalent has in the meantime greatly increased.” The agitation of the kingdom at this period, arising out of the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, seems to have given rise to a violent stretch of the royal prerogative, the king having, of his own authority, summoned members to parliament ; and hence an act of indemnity was passed 23 Henry VI. (1445), which provides, “that all such knights of any county, as are returned to the parliament by virtue of the king's letters, without any other election, shall be good, and that no sheriff, for returning them, do incur the pains therefore provided.” | At this election, eighteen electors, in full county court, with other “honest men and lieges’ of the county of Lancaster, elected the knights.-Parliaments and Councils of England, p. 28. * In the original edition Mr. Baines states that since the reign of Henry VI. “the value of money has in the meantime increased tenfold.” The error is in using the term “value,” instead of “nominal equivalent.” The truth is, that £5 in the reign of Henry VI. would have purchased 15 quarters of wheat, which, for 20 years before 1707 (when Fleetwood wrote his Chronicon Preciosum) cost £30. In other words, from Henry VI. to 1707, the value of money had decreased sixfold, instead of increasing tenfold. What is meant is, that the equivalent of £5 temp. Henry VI. was £30 in 1707—a sixfold increase in nominal amount.—H. 8 Sir Robert Cotton's Abridgment, p. 664. 100 (Iſiſe #istorg of 3 antagijire. CHAP. VIII. EDWARD IV. The members returned for the county of Lancaster in this reign were:– 7 Ed. IV. 1467. James Haryngton, knt.; and William Haryngton, knt. 12 Ed. IV. 1472. Robert Harynton and John Asshton. 17 Ed. IV. 1477. George Stanley, knt.; and James Haryngton, knt. From the 17th of Edward IV. to 33 Henry VIII. (1541), all the returns are lost; and in the latter year, though a parliament was held, no return for this county appears amongst the records. From that period to the 16th of Charles I. (1640) the writs are regular, and the following are the members returned as knights of the shire for this county:— - - 1 Edw. WI. 1547. Thurstan Tyldesley, Esq.-John Kechyn, Esq. 2 3 1553. Richard Houghton, (in whose place Robert Worsley, Knt.)—Tho. Butler, Esq. 1 Mary. 1553. Rob. Sherborne, Knt.—John Rygmayden, Esq. I , , 1554. Tho. Stanley, Knt.—Tho. Langton, Knt. 1 & 2 Philip & Mary. 1554. Tho. Stanley, Knt.—John Holcroft, Knt. 2 & 3 , , ,, 1555. Tho. Stanley, Knt.—Will. Stanley, Knt. 4 & 5 , , ,, 1557. Tho. Talbot, Knt.—John Holcroft, senr. Knt. 1 Elizabeth. 1558-9. John Atherton, Knt.—Rob. Worseley, Knt. 5 2 3 1563. Tho. Gerard, Knt.—John Southworth, Knt. I3 2 3 1571. Tho. Butler—John Radcliffe, Esq. 14 2 3 1572. John Radcliff, Esq.-Edm. Trafford, Esq. 27 2 2 1585. Gilbert Gerard, Knt.—Rich. Molineux. 28 2 3 1586. John Atherton, Esq.-Rich. Holland, Esq. 31 5 2 1588. Tho. Gerard, son of Sir Gilbert Gerard, knt.—Tho. Walmesley, sergeant-at-law. 35 2 3 1592. Tho. Molineux, Knt.—Tho. Gerard, jun. Knt. 39 5 2 1597. Ric. Houghton, Knt.—Tho. Gerard, Knt. 43 22 1601. Rich. Houghton, Knt.—Tho. Hesketh, attorney of the Court of Wards. 1 James I. 1603. Rich. Molineux, Knt.—Rich. Houghton, Knt. 12 , , 1614. Gilbert Houghton, Knt.—John Radcliff, Knt. 18 , , 1620. John Radcliff, Knt.—Gilbert Houghton, Knt. 21 , , 1623. John Radcliff, Knt.—Tho. Walmesley, Knt. 1 Charles I. 1625. Rich. Molineux, Bart.—John Radcliff, Knt. I 2 2 1625. Rob. Stanley, Esq.-Gilbert Houghton. 3 2 2 1628. Rich. Molineux, Knt. and Bart.—Alex. Radcliff, Knight of the Bath. 15 3 2 1640. Gilbert Houghton, Knt. and Bart.—Will. Farrington, Esq. I6 2 ) 1640. Ralph Ashton, Esq.-Roger Kirby, Esq.-Rich. Houghton, Bart. In 15th of Henry VIII. (1523) Sir Thomas More, then chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, held the office of speaker of the House of Commons. The learned chancellor's connection with the duchy has led to the mistake that he represented Lancashire in parliament, and consequently that this county has had the honour to supply a member to the speaker's chair; but this is an error. - In the 1st of Edward VI. (1547) writs of parliamentary summons were re-issued to Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan; and each of these places at that period resumed, by royal authority, the elective franchise. Queen Elizabeth, in the first year of her Majesty's reign, made a further accession to the Lanca- shire boroughs, by the addition of Newton and Clitheroe; and all these six boroughs (except Newton, dis- franchised by the Reform Act of 1832) have ever since that time regularly returned members to parliament. It appears that nomination boroughs were perfectly familiar so early as the reign of Elizabeth ; and it is probable, that both Newton and Clitheroe have always partaken of this character: but the most flagrant instance of the kind upon record in these early times is to be found in a bundle of returns of parliamentary writs in the 14th of Queen Elizabeth (1572), which, though unconnected with the county of Lancaster, may not inaptly be introduced in this place. The document is in the chapel of the rolls, and is expressed in the following terms — “To all Christian people to whom this present Writing shall come : I, Dame Dorothy Packington, widow, late wife of Sir John Packington, Kt., Lord and Owner of the Town of Aylesbury, send greeting. KNow ye Me, the said Dame Dorothy Pack- ington, to have chosen, named, and appointed my trusty and well-beloved Thomas Litchfield and George Burden, Esqrs. to be my Burgesses of my said town of Aylesbury. And whatsoever the said Thomas and George, Burgesses, shall do in the Service of the Queen's Highness in that present Parliament, to be holden at Westminster the Eighth Day of May next ensuing the Date hereof, I, the same Dorothy Packington, do ratify and approve to be my own Act, as fully and wholly as if I were or might be present there. In WITNESs whereof, to these presents I have set my Seal this Fourth Day of May, in the Fourteenth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, of England, France, and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith, etc.” In the 26th year of this queen's reign (1584), a very extraordinary claim was set up to parliamentary nomination by Sir Ralph Sadler, “a knight of noted virtue,” in respect of his office of chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, which was no less than the right to nominate both the members to represent the borough of Leicester in parliament. The account given in the archives of the borough of this claim, and of the manner in which it was disposed of, is as follows:— “Nov. 12, 26 ELIZ.—At a common hall, the sheriff's precept being read, and after that Sir Ralph Sadler's letter for nomination of both our burgesses, and other letters; it is agreed, that Sir Ralph Sadler, knight, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, shall have the nomination of one of the burgesses; who thereupon nominated Henry Skipwith, Esq.; and the other chosen was Thomas Johnson, one of her Majesty's Serjeants-at-arms; and either of them promised to bear their own charges.” CELAP., VIII. The history of ilancashirt. I ()] On what authority the chancellor grounded his pretensions to nominate members for Leicester, except that it is within the duchy of Lancaster, does not appear, nor does it appear that any similar claim was ever made by any other chancellor, either before or since. It may be inferred from the corporation record, that members began about this time to serve without wages; and, it is probable, that the practice was gradually discontinued, till at length it wholly ceased. COMMONWEALTH. The following are the names of the members for the county of Lancaster, elected during the Common- wealth :— 1653. Will. West, John Sawry, Rob. Cunliss. [The name of “PRAISE GOD BAREBONE,” occurs in this parliament in the list of London members.] 1654. Rich. Holland, Gilbert Ireland, Rich. Standish, Will. Ashurst. f 1656. Sir Rich. Houghton, Bart. Col. Gilbert Ireland, Col. Rich. Holland, Col. Rich. Standish. 1658-9. George Book [? Rooke], Bart. ; Alex. Rigby, Esq. 11 CHARLES II." To 30 WICTORIA. The parliament of 1653 was a packed parliament, returned by Cromwell, the Lord Protector, and con- sisted of only one hundred and twenty-one members, of whom one hundred and ten were for England, five each for Scotland and Ireland, and one for Wales. In 1654, the right of election was again partially restored, the number of members being augmented to four hundred, of whom two hundred and seventy were chosen by the counties; the remainder were elected by London and other considerable corporations and towns, Manchester and Leeds being amongst the number. To the parliament of 1653 neither Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, Wigan, or Clitheroe sent any members, but the county returned three ; to those of 1654 and 1656 Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan sent each one member, and the county four. To the parliament of 1658–9 Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, Wigan, and Newton sent two members each, and the county two ; but no return was made for Clitheroe during the whole period of the Commonwealth. Though the government professed to be popular, the elective franchise was very much abridged during this period, and an estate of two hundred pounds value was necessary to confer the right of voting. In other respects the elections were unobjectionable, except that all those who had carried arms against the parliament, as well as their sons, were prohibited from voting at the elections. List of the knights of the shire for the county of Lancaster, from the Restoration to the present time:– 11 Charles II. * 1660. Sir Roger Bradshaw. e Edward Stanley. 12 2 3 * I661. The same . e & The same. 29 2 3 © 1678. Peter Bold . * º Charles Gerrard. 32 2 3 g 1681. Sir Charles Houghton & The same. 36 2 3 * 1685. Sir Roger Bradshaw g James Holt. 3 James II. . e I688. Lord Brandon † * Sir Charles Houghton. 1 William and Mary 1690. James Stanley e g Ralph Ashton. 7 William III. º 1695. The same . tº g The same. 10 2 3 e 1698. The same . g g Fitton Garrerd. 13 5 5 & 1701. The same . * º Robert Bold. 14 2 3 g 1702. The same . g † The same. 3 Anne & g 1705. The same . * & Richard Shuttleworth. 6 , , g & 1708. The same . g tº The same. 8 , , e e 1710. The same . t g The same. 11 , , g & 1713. Sir John Bland * º The same. 12 , , tº º 1714. The same . e The same. 8 George I. . * 1722. The same . g º The same. 13 2 3 & & 1727. Sir Edward Stanley. e The same. 7 George II. . iº 1734. The same . g º The same. 14 2 2 g & 1741. Lord Strange & e The same. 20 2 3 º * 1747. The same . * f The same. 27 2 3 & * 1754. The same . e & Peter Bold. 1 George III. º 1761. The same . ſº & James Shuttleworth. 2 3 2 & 1762. J. Smith (Lord Strange) . James Shuttleworth, Esq. 8 2 3 g 1768. The same . e g Lord Arch. Hamilton. " Richard L. W. Molyneux . Sir Thos. Egerton, Bart. 14 2 3 * 1774. E. Smith (Lord Stanley) . The same. Hon. Thomas Stanley Thomas Stanley, Esq. 20 2 2 e 1780. The same . * Sir Thomas Egerton, Bart. 24 2 3 º 1784. The same . . & e John Blackburne, Esq. 30 2 3 & I790. The same . tº e The same. 36 2 3 e 1796. The same . & te The same. 41 2 5 * 1801. The same . º º The same. 42 2 3 tº 1802. The same . & e The same. 46 2 2 - & 1806. The same . e tº The same. * The reign of Charles II. is dated from the death of his royal father, in 1649, in the calendars; and that chronology is adopted in this list, though his reign did not commence de facto till 1660. º 102 (The #istorg of 3 antaghire. CHAP. VIII. 47 George III. 1807. Thomas Stanley, Esq. John Blackburne, Esq. 53 2 5 º 1812. Lord Stanley © The same. 59 3 5 º 1819. The same , The same. 1 George IV. 1820. The same The same. 7 3 3 I826. The same The same. 1 William IV. e 1830. The same John Wilson Patten, Esq. 2 2 3 9. 1831. The same Benjamin Heywood, Esq. MEMBERs ELECTED SINCE THE PASSING OF THE REFORM ACT. Since the passing of the Reform Act in 1832, there have been nine parliaments, the general elections for which were in December 1832, January 1835, August 1837, July 1841, August 1847, July 1852, March 1857, April 1859, and July 1865. The first two of these parliaments were in the reign of William IV., the last seven in that of her present Majesty; and the parliament elected in July 1865 is styled the seventh parliament of Queen Victoria. As in 1832 a new parliamentary era commenced, we give the numbers of registered electors in 1832 and 1865, and the number of votes polled for each candidate at every contested election. By the Reform Act the county of Lancaster was separated into two divisions for representative and electoral purposes, usually termed North and South Lancashire. & Elections, Lancashire, North (Two Members). 1832, Dec. Sir T. Hesketh, Bart. (C) 3082 Electors in 1832, 6593—In 1865, 13,006. 1835, Jan. Lord F. Egerton & (C) 5620 JElections. |Hon. R. B. Wilbraham . º (C) 4729 1832, Dec. Right Hon. E. G. Stanley Q b (L) Wiscount Molyneux . º (L) 4626 John Wilson Patten . º º (C) George W. Wood e - (L) 4394 On Mr. Stanley becoming Colonial Secretary: 1837, Aug. Lord F. Egerton - - (C) 7 822 1833, March. Right Hon. E. G. Stanle º (L) Hon. R. B. Wilbraham . w (C) 1645 1835, Jan. Lord Stanley . & g * (L) Edward Stanley º - (L) 6576 John Wilson Patten . º º (C) Charles Towneley (L) 6044 1837, Aug. Lord Stanley . º - - (L) 1841, July. Lord F. Egerton * (C) John Wilson Patten . - - (C) Hon. R. B. Wilbraham. º (C) 1841, July Lord Stanley . © t; © (C) On decease of Mr. Wilbraham : John Wilson Patten . • º (C) 1844, May. William Entwisle e º (C) 757 I On Lord Stanley again becoming Colonial Secretary: William Brown .. º (L) 6973 1841, Sept. Lord Stanley . º º & (C) On Lord Francis Egerton becoming Earl of Ellesmere : On Lord Stanley's accepting the Chiltern Hundreds and 1846, June. William Brown º - ) being then created a peer : 1847, Aug. William Brown. e e (L) 1844, Sept. J. Talbot Clifton . (Protec.) Hon. C. P. Williers . . º (L) 1847, Aug. J. Wilson Patten º -> & (C) On Mr. Williers electing to sit for Wolverhampton : James Heywood & e º (L) 1847, Dec. Alexander Henry tº g 1852, July John Wilson Patten . º * (C) 1852, July William Brown º - (L) James Heywood - -> © (L) John Cheetham º * (L) 1857, March. John Wilson Patten . - - (C) 1857, March. William Brown º (L) Lord Cavendish º - - (L) ... John Cheetham º - P} - 1859, April. John Wilson Patten . - º (C) 1859, April. Hon. A. Egerton º º Ø 7470 Marquis of Hartington . - - (L) W. J. Legh • º (C) 6983 1865, July. John Wilson Patten . º - (C) John Cheetham º e (L) 6835 Marquis of Hartington . - - (L) . . J. P. Heywood º . . ... (L) 6753 On Mr. Patten accepting the Chancellorship of the Duchy of A third seat having been granted to this constituency : Lancaster : 1861, Aug. Charles Turner & 9714 1867, July. John Wilson Patten . e - (C) John Cheetham, • -> (L) 8898 1865, July. Hon. Algernon Egerton. º (C) 9167 Lancashire, South (Two Members), Charles Turner lad - ( º 8801 Electors in 1832, 10,039–In 1865, 21,555. tºº 9 : 1832, Dec. George W. WOO(l º º (L) 5694 H. Yates Thompson º - (L) 7703 Wiscount Molyneux . © (L) 5575 James P. Heywood ſº & (L) 76531 Of all the old Lancashire boroughs, Liverpool alone has risen into eminence ; and for this distinction it seems indebted rather to the local advantages of its marine situation than to its chartered privileges. Preston has at all times occupied a high station amongst the towns of the county; but for several centuries it was perfectly stationary in its wealth and population ; and it was not till its corporate restrictions were materially relaxed that it began to increase in either. The other boroughs of the county have not undergone any material changes in the lapse of ages, while a number of the other towns of Lancashire have been increasing within the last century in a ratio altogether unexampled. For many years, and indeed for some ages, the political character of the county representation has dis- played itself in a division of the return of members between the Stanley family, as the head of the Whig party, and the Tory interest, of which John Blackburne, Esq., the venerable proprietor of Hale Hall, was the organ; but at the general election in 1831, the disposition of the county in favour of the then pending reform bill (of which the most conspicuous features were its disfranchising the decayed boroughs, and con- ferring the elective franchise on many of the populous unrepresented towns of the county) was so strong, that 1 In the Reform Bill of 1867, Mr. Disraeli's scheme for the re-distribution of seats proposed to divide North Lancashire into North and North-East Lancashire ; and South Lancashire into South- East and South-West Lancashire, giving two members to each of the four divisions. According to a parliamentary return the population of each of these divisions, by the census of 1861, would be —North, 161,524; North-East (inclusive of Burnley), 212,965; South-East (inclusive of Stalybridge), 364,282; and South-West (inclusive of St. Helen's), 263,374,-H. CELAP. VIII. (ſhe #istory of 3Lancashire. 103 this tacit arrangement was no longer acted upon, but two members were returned, both of them in favour Of the new system. * That “poverty and debility,” which for so long a period induced the inhabitants of all the parliamentary boroughs in the county of Lancaster to suffer their elective rights to sink into abeyance, now no longer exist, but have given place to an amount of wealth and population which fully entitles most of its boroughs, and several other towns in the county, to send their representatives to the national councils. By the provisions of the Reform Act of 1832, 2 Will. IV. cap. 45, passed 7th June, the representation of the county of Lancaster and its boroughs stood thus:— Members. Lancaster, Preston, Liverpool, and Wigan (2 members each, and unaltered) . g * 8 Newton (disfranchised) . e sº e * g º g p º g * () Clitheroe, instead of two members, to return , e s * g t $ * 1 Lancashire, instead of two members, to return— North Lancashire 2 South Lancashire 2 New Boroughs. Manchester & 2 Ashton-under-Lyne I Bolton-le-Moors 2 Blackburn º g & 2 Bury . & & g * I Oldham s g o 2 |Rochdale e t g º tº s re g & I Salford t * & t e tº & g º 1 Warrington . 3. * º o * º 2 º * I 26 Before the Reform Act, Lancashire and its boroughs returned 14 members to parliament; so that the increased number for the county and boroughs by that act was 12, or nearly double. Since then, South Lancashire has had an additional member given to it ; now returning 3 knights. 104 - CŞt #t3torm of 3Lancašijire. CHAP. IX CHAPTER IX. Lancashire History in the Reign of Edward III.-Pestilence—Creation of the First Duke of Lancaster—Heavy Imposts on the People of the Duchy—Death of the First Duke of Lancaster—His Will and Possessions—Administration of the First Duke, from the Rolls of the Duchy—Renewal of the Dukedom in the person of John of Gaunt—The Franchise of jura regalia confirmed, and extended in favour of the Duke of Lancaster—Continuance of the Royal Bounty to the House of Lancaster-A.D. 1327 to 1379. NE of the most spirit-stirring periods in the early annals of Lancashire is that comprehended jºk in the long reign of Edward III., at which, in the Order of our history, we have now arrived. §§ºj}} %) In this reign, the estates of the house of Lancaster, forfeited by the defection of the head of ºč that house, were restored and augmented; the ducal dignity was conferred upon Henry, the w ºfº) first duke of Lancaster, and the second duke created in England; the county was erected into } Y As % a palatinate jurisdiction, with jura regalia ; and John of Gaunt, the distinguished ornament of the ducal house, flourished in princely splendour in the exercise of regal functions. To add to the interest of this portion of our history, the public records of the kingdom abound with authentic materials; and our difficulty has arisen, not from the deficiency, but from the redundancy, of those materials, which, being too copious to be published in detail, can only be presented in selection, and often by close abridgment. One of the first acts of Edward III., on ascending the throne, was to relax the severity of those decrees under which Thomas, earl of Lancaster, by the advice of the vindictive Despensers, had been doomed to the block, and the estates of the earl, as well as of his followers, to confiscation. Edmund de Nevill, by petition laid before the king in council, humbly represented that at the command of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, in whose service he was, he had arrayed certain persons to arrest Hugh le Despenser and others of the coun- sellors of the late king, for which offence he had been fined one hundred marks; of this fine he had paid thirty marks into the exchequer, which he prayed might be accepted in discharge of his fine, and which request the king was pleased graciously to grant." An order from his Majesty in council to the sheriff of Lancashire, issued in 1327, directs that the lands of Richard de Holand, who had been engaged in the quarrel of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, against the Despensers, should be restored and delivered into his hands; and the king, by the assent of parliament, ordered writs to be directed to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer for releasing from fines and confiscation those who had joined Thomas, earl of Lancaster, against his Majesty's deceased father, in the battle of Boroughbridge.” But the consummation of all this clemency was in the reversal of the attainder, and the cessation of all proceedings against Thomas, earl of Lancaster, on the petition of his brother and heir, Henry, the now earl, to whom all the estates forfeited by his deceased brother, were restored by a special act of grace, dated the 3d of March 1328. The order of restoration of the lands, profits, castle, and honor of Lancaster to Henry, earl of Lancaster, is directed to John de Lancaster, warden or keeper of the honor of Lancaster; Geofrey de Werburton, sheriff of Lancaster; Edmund de Assheby, keeper of the fees of the honor of Lancaster; and to the various other officers of that honor.” As if it had been intended to propitiate the manes of the deceased earl, a brief was issued from York to Robert de Weryington, clerk, enabling him to collect alms in various parts of the kingdom to defray the cost of the erection of a chapel, to be built on the site where Thomas, earl of Lancaster, had been recently beheaded. The war with Scotland still continued, and the incursions of the Scots exposed the inhabitants of the northern counties of England to the most severe suffering. The young king, anxious to avenge the wrongs committed upon his subjects, placed himself at the head of his army; to increase which, he directed his mandate to the commissioners of array of cavalry and infantry, in the county of Lancaster, announcing that the Scots were preparing to invade the kingdom, and ordering them to prepare with arms all the men in the county, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, to join the king at Durham." The effect of this expedition was to free the country from the invaders, by the overthrow of the Scots army; and the death of Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, which occurred on the 7th of June 1329, prevented any further active hostility 1 1 Edw. III. (1327), p. 1. m. 21. Turr. Lond. memorable insurrection, of whom many were killed or taken * The roll of the battle of Boroughbridge, in possession of C. W. prisoners, exclusive of a great number of knights of somewhat in- W. Wynn, Esq., published in Division II. of the Parliamentary ferior note, who were captured, and their lands confiscated by Writs, and Writs of Summons (Append. 188), serves to show the Edward II., but principally restored by his successor. extent of this rebellion, and the quality of the rebels. No fewer 3 * than three hundred and fifty barons and knights had arrayed them- 2 Edw. III. p. 1. m. 18. Turr. Lond. selves under the banners of Thomas, earl of Lancaster, in this * Rot. Scot, 1 Edw. III. m. 4. Turr, Lond. º CHAP. IX. - (Iije Đígtorg of £ancashire. 105 between the two countries for some years. At this time the county of Lancaster was much disturbed; large bodies of armed men assembled in the hundreds of Salford and West Derby, to the alarm of the peaceable inhabitants, and the insecurity of their property and lives. To put an end to this state of things, the king addressed his warrant (in 1328) to the sheriff of Lancashire, commanding him to make public proclamation, that whoever should in future assemble in this way, would be subject to imprisonment and the loss of their arms. This measure does not appear to have had the desired effect. It was found necessary in 1329 to appoint a commission, consisting of John de Haryngton, Thomas de Lathom, Richard de Houghton, Richard de Kigheley, and Gilbert de Warburton, as guardians of the public peace. In the proclamation by which this commission was accompanied, it is stated that great multitudes of vagabonds and others assemble illegally together, by day and by night, watching the passes through woods and other places, both public and private, and that these banditti waylay travellers, beating, wounding, and abusing them; killing some of them, maiming others, and robbing all of them of their property. The functions of the guardians of the peace were very extensive; they were no less than the powers of inquiring into offences, and of correcting and punishing the offenders at their own discretion. While the government were punishing the outrages of the lawless, they were not unmindful of the oppressions and delinquencies practised by their own servants; and hence we find that, in 1330, a writ was issued by the king's authority to the sheriff of Lancashire, reciting that, in consequence of the representation that divers oppressions and hardships had been inflicted on the inhabitants by men in authority, he was to make proclamation that whoever had suffered oppression and injustice, contrary to the laws and usages of the realm, should make known their grievances to the next parliament, through the two knights of the shire, to be sent from this county to that parliament.” The county was now threatened with a fresh war. The regency, by which the Scotch nation was governed during the minority of the prince, declined to recognise the claims of Edward Baliol, whose cause the English king had espoused, and taillage was levied of a fifteenth, to enable him to carry on the war, of which William de Denum, Thomas de Banenburgh, and Robert de Tughole, were appointed the assessors in the northern counties of Lancaster, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmorland; while Henry de Percy was appointed warden of the marches. The demands upon Lancashire were not confined to money; a levy of four hundred archers and one hundred hobelers, very strong and able-bodied men, fully accoutred, was required from this county, and John de Denum, Edward Nevil, and Robert de Shireburn, were appointed to array the levy.” At the same time, a writ of summons was addressed to Henry, earl of Lan- caster, directing him to join the king at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, on the Feast of the Holy Trinity (Sunday, June 14, 1332). In the meantime, the Scots forces had penetrated into the northern counties, and spread so much alarm by their homicides and devastations, that a writ was issued to the sheriff of Lancashire, announcing that the king, for the protection of the inhabitants, permitted them to withdraw themselves, with their goods and cattle, out of the county into the southern parts of the kingdom, and there to remain, wherever they chose in the king's woods, forests, and pastures, during their pleasure, and to graze their cattle in the same without making any payment for so doing. It was also announced that similar commands had been given to the bishop of Durham, and to the sheriffs of Northumberland, Nottingham, and Derby.” Signal and speedy vengeance was inflicted upon the Scots for this violation of the English territory. The king, who was then at Pontefract, at the head of a powerful army, on his way to the north, marched forward to Berwick, in which garrison the regent Douglas had fortified himself. After a protracted siege, a general battle ensued (July 19, 1333), in which Douglas was killed, and nearly thirty thousand of the Scots troops fell in the action, in which, according to Knyghton, the loss of the English amounted only to one knight, one squire, and thirteen private soldiers l—a loss, as the historian Hume observes, so small as almost to be incredible. The taillage, or tallage, collected in this reign, as mentioned above, was a kind of occasional property- tax. In the 11 Henry III. (1226-7) a taillage was made in Lancashire, which serves as a barometer by which to measure the relative importance of the principal towns of the county in the thirteenth century. The impost was assessed by “Master Alexander de Dorsete and Simon de Hal,” and the payments were for— Marks, s. d. The town of Lancaster g . [É8: 13:4] . e xiij. The town of Liverpool g . [7: 14:4] . tº xj. Vij. viii. The town of West Derby . & [5 : 1:0] . º vij. Vij. viii. The town of Preston . tº . [10 : 0:6] . . XV. ... Vj. The tenants in thanage paid X. marks (£6 : 13:4) to have respite, that they might not be taillaged." It is remarkable that neither Manchester nor Salford is mentioned in this early return to his Majesty's exchequer, and that Wigan, though one of the ancient boroughs of the county, is also omitted. On the marriage of the king's sister Alionora to the earl of Gueldres, an order was issued to the abbot 1 Claus. 2 Edw. III. Im. 20 d. Turr. Lond. * Claus. 7 Edw. III. p. 1. m. 18. Turr. Lond. * Claus. 4 Edw. III. Im. 18 d. Turr. Lond. 8 Pat. 6 Edw. III. p. 3. m. 18. Turr. Lond. * Mag, Rot. 11 H. III, Rot. 1. a. Lancastre. 106 Ǻr #istory of 3Lancašijire. CHAP. IX. of Furness, and to the priors of Burscough, Up-Holland, and Hornby, as well as to the abbot of Whalley and to the priors of Kertmell and Coningshead, requiring them to levy the subsidy on their respective houses, towards the maritagium, an impost of early times, which ceased with the feudal system. This order the priests were slow to obey, in consequence of which another letter was issued by the king from Pontefract, reminding them of their neglect, and ordering them to communicate their intention to the proper authority. No further documents appear on the subject ; and it may be presumed that this second application produced the desired effect. The abbot of Peterborough, in order to show his attachment to the king, and to secure the favour of the noble family whose influence at this time prevailed in his Majesty's councils, presented Edward with a splendid service of plate, amongst which was a silver-gilt cup with a scuchon, on which were engraved the arms of “Lancaster.” - The danger of invasion from the Scotch, which prevailed so frequently during the reign of Edward III., induced that monarch to issue an order to Robert de Shireburn and Edmund de Neville, directing them to enforce, in the county of Lancaster, the statute of Winton, for arming and arraying the inhabitants according to their respective estates in land.” - England being again involved in war with France, the king determined to embark for the Continent, partly to direct its operations, but principally to animate by his presence that extensive confederacy which he had organised against Philip, the French king. This intention was announced in Lancashire by a writ directed to John de Haryngton, Edmund de Nevill, and Richard de Houghton, knights, by which they were directed, along with other knights, to be in their proper persons “present before the king in council at Westminster, the day after Easter (1338), to hear what he had to expound to them for their conduct during his absence on most urgent business, in parts across the sea,” and with the further purpose of receiving instructions to preserve the peace inviolate during his absence.” Although parliaments had then been only very recently instituted upon the model of popular representation, the royal influence began already to exert itself to obtain the return of such members to the House of Commons as would best secure the king's purpose, by granting him large Supplies out of the public revenue; and this appears to have been the object of Edward in summoning these knights by the authority of his own writ. The parliament which was convened on the recommendation of this council (March 27, 1340) made a grant for two years of the ninth sheaf of corn, and the ninth lamb and fleece, on their estates; and from the burgesses, of a ninth of their movables, at the true value. The same parliament also granted a duty of forty shillings on each sack of wool exported, on each three hundred woolfells, and on each last of leather, for the same term ; declaring, however, that this grant was not to be drawn into a precedent. But in order to facilitate the supply, and to meet the king's urgent necessities, they agreed that he should be allowed twenty thousand sacks of wool, the amount to be deducted from the movables when they were levied. Local treasuries became necessary, as depositories for the sums collected in the respective counties, and the abbot of Furness accordingly received a command to provide a suitable house in his abbey for “the custody of the king's pence.” A writ of summons was directed to the sheriff of Lancashire, ordering him to arrest the ships in the ports, and to man and equip them for action." With the fleet, consisting of two hundred and forty sail, principally collected in this way, the splendid victory of Sluys was obtained by Edward over the navy of France in 1340, in which two hundred and thirty French ships were taken, and thirty thousand Frenchmen killed, along with their two admirals, while the loss of the English was comparatively inconsiderable.” Although this signal victory gave to the navy of England a superiority which it has never since lost, the alarm of invasion spread very generally, and, amongst other preparations made to repel the invaders, it was ordered (in 1339) that fifty men-at-arms, three hundred armed men, and three hundred archers, should be raised in this county, of which number twenty-five men-at-arms and one hundred and twenty archers were to be contributed by the following gentlemen:"—“John de Haryngton, for himself and his father, ten men- at-arms and forty archers; Robert de Radeclif, five men-at-arms and forty archers; and Henry de Trafford, ten men-at-arms and forty archers.” The warlike spirit of the king had involved him in hostilities both with Scotland and France; and in the following year a writ of military summons was issued to Gilbert de Clyderowe and to Robert de Radeclyf. ordering them to assemble the men-at-arms and archers under their command to meet the king at Carlisle, by Quadragesima Sunday (March 5, 1340), to repel the invasion of the Scots." At the same time, John de Helleker, the king's receiver for Lancashire, was ordered to send money to Carlisle, towards repairing the fortresses of that city, and the abbot of Furness was commanded to provide a suitable house in his abbey for 1 Claus. 7 Edw. III. p. 1. m. 23. Turr. Lond. * The statute of Winton, passed 13 Edward I. (1285) requires that persons possessing fifteen pounds in land or upwards, and chattels of the value of forty marks, shall provide themselves with a haberject or habergeon (a steel or leather breastplate, haberjonem), an iron cap, a sword, a cultel (dagger-knife), and a horse; of ten pounds in land, and chattels value twenty marks, a habergeon, sword, and cultel; of one hundred shillings in land, a purpoint, iron cap, Sword, and cultel ; of forty shillings in land, and more up to a hundred shillings, a sword, a bow, arrows, and cultel ; and he who had less than forty shillings in land, to be sworn to keep falchions, gisarms, knives, and other Small arms. The hand-gisarm was a short bill with serrated edge. 8 Claus. 12 Edw. III. p. 1 m, 37 d. Turr, Lond. * Rot. Aleman. 12 Edw. III. p. 1 m. 23, Turr. Lond. * Froissart, liv. i. chap. 51. 0 Rot. parl. 13 Edw. III. vol. ii. p. 110. 7 Ibid. 13 Edw. III. CHAP. IX. (The #istorm of 3Lancashire. 107 the custody of the king's pence. To the joy of the people, a proclamation was this year (1340) received in Lancashire and in the other counties of England, commanding the sheriff to publish a truce between the king and Philip de Valois, and between the English and the Scotch. Little reliance, however, appears to have been placed upon the permanent restoration of tranquillity, for in 1341 the sheriff of Lancashire was ordered to provide one hundred bows and one thousand sheaves of arrows, for the expedition into France." This was speedily followed by another to the sheriff, directing him to provide a thousand sheaves of steel-headed arrows, and a thousand bow-strings. In the war with France, which was speedily renewed, Henry, earl of Derby, son of the earl of Lancaster, greatly distinguished himself;” and the events of this war, in which the French king was taken prisoner, shed an imperishable renown on the military character of England. For the prosecution of the contest large levies were raised in all the counties of the kingdom ; and an order was directed by the king to the sheriff of Lancashire (in 1345), commanding him to make proclamation that all barons, bannerets, knights, and esquires in the county, between the age of sixteen and sixty, should be forthwith prepared, with horses and arms, to attend the king across the Sea, to enable him to put a speedy and successful termination to the war.” Not only the noble, but the ignoble also were embarked in this service, and the sheriff received soon after a writ of military service, commanding him to make public proclamation that all persons in his county who had been found guilty of felonies, homicides, robberies, and other offences, and had been pardoned by the king's clemency, should provide themselves with arms and accoutrements, and march to join the royal army on its embarkation at Portsmouth for France. The Scots, under David Bruce, availing themselves of the opportunity which the absence of the English forces afforded, prepared to invade the northern counties; on which a writ was addressed by the king to the sheriff of Lancashire (1345), announcing the danger of the country, and ordering him to make proclamation that all the men of the county should remove their live stock to the forest of Galtres, in the county of York, where they might be preserved in Safety, and where the flocks and herds would enjoy pasturage free of charge." The king of England being engaged in the French wars, aided by his son the Black Prince, and by the earl of Derby, Queen Philippa assembled a body of soldiers to repel the Scotch invaders. This force, under the command of Lord Percy, met at Neville's Cross (1346) with the determination to revenge the insults which had been offered to the country, and to put an end to the violations which had been committed upon the property of the inhabitants. Animated, in that chivalrous age, to the highest pitch of enthusiasm by the presence of the queen, who rode along their ranks previous to the battle, the English troops, though not numerically amounting to one-fourth of the number of the Scotch, fought like lions. The enemy was broken and driven off the field, and fifteen thousand of them were made to bite the dust, amongst whom was the earl marshal of Scotland. To crown this memorable victory, David Bruce, the Scotch king, was made prisoner, and conveyed to London, along with a number of his captive nobles, in triumph.” The number of prisoners taken in this battle was so large as to fill all the prisons of Lancashire. The inhabitants, in order to relieve themselves from the burden of the support of so many prisoners, liberated a number of them, in the hope that they would return to their own country; but instead of pursuing this course, they began to commit depredations; on which the government instituted a commission, consisting of Thomas de Latham, John de Haryngton the younger, and Nicholas le Botiller, to make inquisition into the alleged liberations, and to announce that the persons guilty of this offence against the public safety would be liable to the forfeiture of life and limbs (1346)." - * , In order to reinstate the English navy in its former strength, after the splendid victory of Sluys, a tax somewhat resembling that attempted to be imposed by Charles I., though unattended by its disastrous conse- quences, was levied in the seaports of Liverpool and Chester, under the authority of an order from the king, by which the collectors of the ship-money were directed to collect the subsidy of two shillings the sack on wool, and sixpence the pound on movables, for sixty large ships of war (grossis navibus de guerra), and to deliver the money so assessed to the admiral of the fleet of those ports. A contribution was also made in Lancashire, in favour of Edmund Baliol, king of Scotland, the nominee of Edward, king of England; and Richard Molineaux and his associates, collectors of the triennial tenths recently granted to the king, were ordered to transmit one hundred and eighty-four pounds, in two instalments, out of the sums collected for the king's exchequer (1349)." At this time a pestilence of the most fatal character raged in the county of Lancaster, and indeed in all the other counties of the kingdom; and so malignant were its effects that one-third of the inhabitants became its victims. According to Stowe, the annalist, fifty thousand persons died of this plague in the city of Norwich, and an equal number were interred in one burial-ground in the city of London (1349). 1 The price of bows is fixed in the government order at one 8 Rot. Franc. 19 Edw. III. p. 2 m. 12, Turr. Lond. shilling each, which sum is also to be allowed for a sheaf of arrows, * Claus. 19 Edw. III. p. 2 m. 10 d. Turr. Lond. except when they are guarded with steel (aceratae), and then the 5 Froissart, liv. i. c. 139. charge is to be one shilling and twopence. 9 Rot. Scot. 20 Edw. III. m. 4 d. Turr. Lond. * See c. iv. p. 36. 7 23 Edw. III. 108 Qſìje #igtorg of 3 antašijire. char. IX. The brilliant career pursued in France by Henry, earl of Lancaster and Derby, determined the king to confer upon him a signal mark of the royal favour, by creating him duke of Lancaster." The origin of this title is thus represented by the heralds:— “The first creation of the title of duke, as distinct from that of earl (for in the elder times they were oft synonymous with us) was in the eleventh year of Edward the Third (1337), when in parliament he conferred upon his eldest son, being then earl of Chester, the title of duke of Čornwall. The investiture of this first duke Was Only by girding him with the Sword, although some learned men, confounding, it seems, the ceremonies of his being afterwards made prince of Wales, with this creation into the title of duke, say he was invested by a ring, a rod, and a coronet, all of which indeed together are mentioned in some patents of the following times, that seem to create the eldest sons dukes of Cornwall, as well as princes of Wales, and earls of Chester. The same investiture also, by the sword only, is mentioned in the creation of Henry, the first duke of Lancaster, about fourteen years after this first creation of the duke of Cornwall. He was created for life in parliament, and the clause of investiture in the charter is only nomen ducis Lancastriae imponimus & ipsum de nomine ducis dicti loci, per cincturam gladii praesentialiter investimus; and the county of Lancaster as a county palatine, with reference to that of Chester, for example of jurisdiction, is given to him as the body of his duchy.” Afterward, in 36, Edw. III. (1862), on the last day of the parliament, Lionel, duke of Clarence, and John, duke of Lancaster, both sons to the king, were honoured with those titles, Lionel being then in Ireland; but the other being present, had investiture by the king's girding him with a sword, and his putting him on a cap of fur, desus in cercle d'or & de peres, as the roll says—that is, under a coronet of gold and stones.” - Soon after the first establishment of the duchy of Lancaster, heavy complaints were made by the inhabi- tants, in consequence of the twofold pressure of taxation; first, for the support of the state, and next, for the maintenance of the institutions of the duchy. To alleviate their burdens, the king addressed a mandate to the duke of Lancaster, or to his lieutenant and chancellor, wherein it was directed, that all general inquisitions concerning felonies and trespasses in every part of the kingdom should cease, so long as the people remained peaceable, and particularly that the people in the duchy of Lancaster, who had been impeded in their business, and reduced to great poverty, by the inquisitions made in the duchy, should no longer be burdened in this way. The duke was therefore ordered to supersede all such proceedings within his duchy, and to administer the law in the same manner as in other parts of the kingdom. The same year the king addressed a proclamation to all admirals, their lieutenants and sheriffs, appointing Roger del Wych, John Syword, John Cruys, and William, son of Adam de Lyverpol, to arrest as many ships in Liverpool and Chester, and other ports, as were necessary to convey Thomas de Rocheby, the king's justiciary of Ireland, into that country. The difficulty of procuring labourers in husbandry after the country had been so much thinned of its population by the plague [of 1349], disinclined the working classes to take the usual rate of wages for their labour, and an act was in consequence passed “to restrain the malice of servants,” who insisted upon extravagant wages (outrageouses lowers). The standard of wages fixed by this act was that which had prevailed voluntarily before the plague broke out, when corn was tenpence a bushel, and wages fifteen pence a week. This law being in opposition to the general principle of trade, which causes the supply and the demand to regulate the price, failed in its object, and the labourers left their usual places of abode, to seek more profitable employment, which they easily found from home. The strong arm of the law was again called in, and it was enacted that no servant should in summer go out of the town or parish where he usually dwelt in winter, if he could obtain employment there; with a proclamation dispensing with the law in favour of the labourers in the counties of Lancaster, Stafford, and Derby, and in the districts of Craven and the marches of Wales, who were allowed to go in the month of August, the season of harvest, to work in other counties; and persons refusing to obey this proclamation were to be put in the stocks by the lords and stewards, or, if that discipline did not prove sufficient, they were to be sent to the next prison, and there confined for three days (1359).” i During the king's absence in France, Henry, duke of Lancaster, was summoned to attend the council, which duty he performed with his usual fidelity. This was amongst the last public acts of that venerable peer: for in the month of March in the following year, 1361, he expired without male-heirs, on which his honours and his princely possessions descended to his two daughters, Maud and Blanche, whose names, however, are not even mentioned in his will. - WILL OF HENRY, DUKE OF LANCASTER. In this will, dated at the Castle of Leicester, 15th March 1360, his titles are set forth as Duke of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, of Lincoln, and of Leicester, Steward of England, Lord of Bruggerak [Brigerac) and of Beſalufort. . After long directions as to his funeral and burial in the Collegiate Church of the Annunciation of our Lady at Leicester, the duke devises all his goods, silver plate, and all other movables, to pay his debts and to “guerdon” his poor servants, each according to merit and estate, and to fulfil his bequests to the Church, etc. He appoints, as his executors, “John [Sinwen or Gynwell], bishop of Lincoln, the honourable home of holy religion, William, abbot of Leicester, our dearest sister the Lady Wak, our dearest cousin of Walkynton, Robert la Mare, John de Bokelande, Sir John de Charnele, Sir Walter Power, Sinkyn Simeon, and John de Neumarche.” He devises all his goods, beyond what suffice to pay his debts and reward his servants, and fulfil his bequests to the Church, to be applied “to the profit of our soul,” by the advice and consent of the executors. The will was proved the 3d of the Kalends of April §. 30] 1361, in the castle of Leicester, before John, bishop of Lincoln ; and again before Sir William de Witleseye, official of the Court of Canterbury, at Iondon, on the 7th of the Ides of May [9th May] 1361.—Regist. Islip, fol. 172 a b, in the Archiepiscopal Registry at Lambeth. The extent and magnitude of the possessions of the first duke of Tancaster, forming as they do the principal part of the duchy, may be in some degree estimated from the following enumeration exhibited in the Inquisitio Post Mortem in the records of the Tower of London, taken in 36 Edw. III. (1362). 1 25 Edw. III, 1351. * See c. iv. p. 37. 8 Claus. 33 Edw. III. Im. 5 d. Turr. Lond. CHAP. IX. Qſìje 3%igturn of 3Lancagüirº. 109 INQUISITION POST MORTEM OF THE POSSESSIONS OF THE FIRST DURE OF LAN CASTER. “In the County of Lancaster.—Lancaster castle & honor—Pleas of the county of Lancaster—West Derbyshire bailiwick— Lonesdale wapentake—Lancaster vill—LOne Water, fishery near Prestwait—Overton manor—Slyne vill—Skerton lands, &c.— Quernemore park—Wiresdale vaccary—Blesdale vaccary—Caldre vaccary—Grisdale vaccary—Amunderness wapentake—Preston— Singleton—Riggeby will with le Wray—Hydil park—Cadilegh—Fulwode wood—Kylaneshalghe-Broughton—Mirestagh park— Wiggehalgh—Baggerburgh—Clyderhoo castle–Blakebornshire wapentake—Ightenhull manor—Colne manor, with members— Woxton—Penhulton vill—Chateburne vill—Acrinton vill—Huncotes—Haselingden vill—Penhull chace—Trogden chace—Rossen- dale chace–Totinton manor & chace—Hoddesden wood—Rachedale manor—Penwortham manor—Widnes manor—Ulleswalton manor—Eccleston vill—Leylond vill—Lyverpoll castle—Westderby manor & Salford manor (as of the honor of Tuttebury)—Horneby castle & manor—Werington manor—Laton manor. “In the County of Leicester.—Leycester castle & honor extended—Frithe wood—Hynkeley manor extended—Schelton manor extended—Derford manor extended—Selby, five views of frank-pledge—Carleton, four views of frank-pledge—Schulton, two views of frank-pledge—Derford, two views of frank-pledge—Hynkeley, two views of frank-pledge. “In the County of Dorset.—Kyngeston Lacy manor—Winterborn Minster—Wimbourne Holt chace—Bradbury hundred— Shapwyk manor—Maiden Neuton hundred. - “In the County of Southampton.—KyngeSomborne manor—Pernholt wood & chace—La Lond wood—Staunden–Earle—Eileden -—Huld—Pernholt—Tymbrebury—Compton Houghton—Sumborne Parva–Upsomborne (land, &c.)—Stockbrigg vill–Langestoke manor—Weston manor, near Odiam—Herteley manor. - “In the County of Warwick.--Kenelworth castle and manor extended–Asthull manor—Wotton rent—Waddesley, Lapworth rent—Mershton Boteler—Brinkelowe (lands and tenements)—Ilmedon, view of frank-pledge. “In the County of Wilts.-Colingborne manor extended—Everlee manor extended—Lavyngton manor extended. “In the County of Berks.--Esgarston manor extended—Poghele—Hungerford–Sandon—& Kentebury (land, &c). “In the County of Derby.—Melborne castle & manor. “In the County of York.-Pontefract castle & honor, with members, vizº—Slaikeborne manor—Bowland manor, with forest— Snaith vill, with Soke—Pykering castle, vill, & honor—Scalby manor—Hoby manor—Esingwald manor—Bradeford manor— Almanby manor—Ledes manor—Berewyke manor—Roundhaye manor—Scoles manor—Hypax manor—Allerton manor—Rothewell manor—Altoftes manor—Warnefield manor—Ackworth manor—Elmesdale manor—Camesale manor—Custon’—Tanshelfe manor— knottingleye manor—Boghall manor, with the free court of Pontefract—Divers lands and tenements, &c., in Maningham Barnboghe— Woodhouse–Potterton—Hillum—Saxton—Roundhaye—Secroft—Thornore—Scole—Muston—Kypax manor—Ledeston—Allerton —Ayer [Ayre] fishery—Rothewell–Flete mill—Wridelesford—Kildre fishery. T)ivers lands and tenements, &c. Warnefeld— Crofton—Akeworth–Elmesle—Kerkeby Mensthrop—Suthelmsale–Coteyerd—Ellerker—Camesale–Balnehoke—Hargincrofte Ber- nesdale—Custon–Holmhirst—Carleton Castleford mill—Hardewike—Knotingley—Beghale—Beghelker—Beghallund. - “All the aforesaid belong to the Honor of Pontefract. “Slaykeborne in Bouland, with the forest—Bremund pasture—Roudon–Ap Aldington—Maukholes—Crombewell—Holme— Baxsterhay–Browesholme—Berkholm—Eghes—Latheringrime Bernardseless—Nicolshey—Wardeslegh—Hogeking—Heighe- Crepingwarde—Benteley Close—Graistanley—Lekherst—Peinleghes–CoSwayne—Chipping Crosdale—Neuton—Hamerton Witton —Grimlington—Salley mill—Bradeford in Bouland—Blakshelfe in Mitton—Withikill—Smithecrofte—Cowyke vill, belonging to the soke of Snaythe-Roucliffe moor—Acre water fishery—Pikering castle, forest, &c., with the fees appertaining, vizº-Middleton— Levesham Finhilwode—Gotherland—Aleintoftes—Thwaite—Lingthwaite–Rumbald–Haretoft—Folketon marsh—Ednesmershe— Brumpton—Scalby—Hobye—Esingwolde—Credeling manor. Divers rents and reprises issue out of the manors aforesaid. “In the County of Northumberland.-Dunstanburgh castle—Staumford barony, with its members—viz. Emeldon—Dunstan— Burton—Warndam—Shipplay—Crauncestre—Fenton—Newton-on-the-Moor & Cartington. “In the County of Huntingdom.—Huntingdon rent—Gomecestre rent. “In the County of Rutland.—Tye, two leets—Casterton Magna, two leets. “In the County of Worthampton.—Higham Ferrers—Raimdes vill—Russheden vill—Irchestre vill—Hegham hundred as of the honor of Tuttebury—Davintre manor—Esthaddon, two leets—Helmingden–Lylleborne—DOdeford, two leets—Wedonbeck, as of the honor of Leycester. “In the County of Surrey.—Erwell, the tenement called Hertegrave. “In the County of Middlesex.-London, the messuage called the Savoye, with shops & rents appertaining. “In the County of Lincoln.—Lincoln county, 14 fees in the same belonging to the castle of Lancaster—Retrecombe court. “In the County of Stafford.—Newcastle-under-Lyne manor, castle, & borough, with members viz. –Clayton will—Wolstanton —Shelton vill—passage of the sea—Stoke, advowson of the church—Cliff wood—Bradenef lands & tenements. “In the County of Hereford and Marches of Wales.—Monemouthe castle, vill, & demesne—Grossemont castle—Skenfrithe lands, &c.—Album castle & demesne—Karakemmyn castle—Oggemore castle—Ebbothe manor—Iskennin commote—Kedwellye demesne—Carnwathlon demesne or lordship. “In the County of Gloucester and Marches of Wales.—Roddell manor—Eccelowe–Minsterworthe manor—Monemuthe castle— Berton lands, &c.—Blakmorles pasture—Kedwelly castle, vill, & demesne. “In the Counties of Gloucester, Hereford, and Marches of Wales.—Carnewathlan lordship—Lamanthir vill—Kaerkennyn castle —Iskennyn commote—Ogemore castle & lordship—Ebbothe manor—Shen castle, with Barton—Album castle, with Barton—Ty- burton manor—Minstreworth manor—Rodleye manor—Monemouthe castle & lordship—Grosmonde castle & lordship—Whitcastell castle & lordship—Kedwelly lordship—Carnwathlan lordship—Ogemore castle—Ebbothe manor. FEES. “In the County of Bucks,—Tappelowe–Chalfhunt St. Peter—Saundesdron—Weston Turvile—Broughton Parva–Penna. “In the County of Bedford.—Suthmulne—Middelton Erneys. “In the County of Cambridge.—Grauncete. “In the County of Worcester.—Bruites Morton. “In the County of Lincoln.—Twelve Knights' Fees each of which renders yearly 10° for the castle-ward of Lancaster. “In the County of Somerset.—Redene—North Overe. “In the County of Dorset.—Shapewike—Swinetolre—Mayden Nyweton—Upsydelinge. “In the County of Kent.—Strode—Godwineston–Clyve Hastinglegh—Braborne–Chelefeld manor—Horton—Caulstoke Hasshe. “In the County of Sussex. —Scheffeld Parva–Kirsed — Kindale—Charlaxton—Flecching—Chiffeld—Hothore—Est Grinstede —Hertefelde—Claverham—Erlington–Raketon—Torrenge—Westdene—Megham—Bethington—Telton–Cheleworth–Chiffield manor in Flecching—Folyngton—Wennoke—Excete—Ratton. “In the County of Oxon. —Churchull—Clapwell—Dene—Chalkeford–Fyffhyde"—Chadlyngton—Broughton—Nywenton– Lyllingeston—Bagerugg–Pyriton—Hasele—Thomele—Brightwell—Shupton upon Charewell—Blechdon—Wighthull—Lynham— &D Childeston & Sewell near Goldmorton. * This word, which occurs in three counties in this document, may not be a local name, but simply denote five hides of land.—H. 110 Qſìje #istorg of £ancašijire. CHAP. IX. “In the County of Berks.--Fyfehide—Kingeston—Southdenchesworth—Loking—Cherleton near Wantynge—Staunden–Han- rethe–Staunford—Westhildesle—Wolhampton—Northstanden chapel—Hungerford chapel of St. John. “In the County of Wilts.-Choldrington, half-a-fee–Chitterne, half-a-fee—Elcomb, half-a-fee—Merevedene, one fee— Wrichford, half-a-fee—Hordenehuuishe, one fee—Checkelowe, one fee—Berewike manor, one fee. “In the County of Southampton.—Chalghton—Katerington—Erleston—Somborne—Fyffhide near Andover—Schalden–Bellum Avenetum—Hertele–Langestoke—Weston—Estden—Semborne. “In the County of Devon.—Hemly—Portheleg—Shillingford–Ferdon–Kerdogis—Ivelegh—Chilton—Coleton Ralegh—Fursan –Whithem—Whiston–Hoddesworth–Maneton-Prank-arswike—Southwyk-Sprayton—Woreslegh—Whitneslegh—Wollegh Wrix-ston—Godelee—Kippingiscote—Uppecote—Witherige—Hole Meleford—Clompton—Clift St. Lawrence—Hordelisworth– Milleford—Deandon—Bourdouliston—Yowe–Hogeland & Heanis. “In the Counties of Gloucester, Hereford, & Marches of Wales.—Landingate—Longehope—Doumameney—Huntelege—Wisham —Walbykney–Parthir—Dile—Cunstone—Dixton—New Castle–Cothitham—Monimouthe-Garthe-Rakenilſ—Holywell Grosemound–Chesterton—Asperton—Mayneston—Lanwarthin—Lanknethin in the lordship of Kedwelly—Penbray—Witewike— Hope Maloisell, Llanelthye church, St. Ismael church, Lanconar church–In the lordship of Ogmore, the underwritten fees—viz. Dourenen—Deynell—Pyncote—Lanforte—Colewinstone—Frogg Castell—Ewerdon—Puttes—Le Wike—Southdone & St. Bridget. “In the County of Lancaster.—Walton in Blakebornshire—Crointon–Apulton—Sutton—Eccleston—Rainhull—Knowselegh— Torbok—Hyton—Maghull–Crosseby Parva–Kirkebye–Kirkedale—Northmeles—Argameles—Ulneswalden–Bretherton–Hoghton —Claiton—Whelton with Heparge—Wytherhull with Bothelesworthe-Hoton—Longeton—Leilond—Enkeston—Chenington— Chernoke—Walshewhithull—Warton in Amoundernesse—Prees—Neuton–Frekelton—Witingham—Etheleswike—Bura in Salford- shire—Middleton with members—Chatherton—Totinton—Mitton Parva—Wiswall—Hapton–Townlay Coldecotes—Snoddeworthe--- Twiselton—Extwisell—Aghton—Merlaye–Lyvesay—Donnom Fobrigge—Merlaye Parva–Rossheton—Billington—Alnethan— Clayton–Harewode—Crofton Horneby—Ulideston—Warton in Lonesdale–Gairstang with members—Thiselton–Prees—Kelgrime- sarghe-Brininge—Merton Magna—Middelton in Lonesdale—Neuton—Makerfeld—Lauton—Keinan—Erbury—Goldeburne–Sefton —Thorneton—Kerdon—Halghton—Burgh—Lee—Fishwicke—Dalton in Furness—Stayninge—Midhope—Chernoke. “The under-written fees are held of the Honor of Tuttebury. —Hagh Parva–Bolton–Brightmet—Compton—Burghton– Childerwell—Barton in Salfordshire—Asphull—Brokholes—Dalton—Perbald—Withington—Lostok—Romworthe-Pilkinton– Worthington—Hoton [Heaton] under Herewiche—Tildeslegh—Sulthithe—Rixton—Asteley—Atherton—Sonky—Penkythe-Ines– Blundell—Barton—Halsale—Windehulle—Lydegate—Egergarthe—Lancaster priory, advowson—St. Michael-on-Wire church— Preston church—Mary Magdalen chapel—Chypin church—Ribcaster church—Whalley, abbey of. “FOR THE DEAN & CHAPTER OF THE CHURCH OF [ST.] MARY OF LEICESTER.—Preston, advowson of the church. “FOR THE ABBOT & CONVENT OF WHALLEY. Romsgreve in the chace of Bouland near Blakeborne lands & tenements—Pen- hulton lands & tenements—Cliderhow the tenement called Standen —Hulcrofte & Grenelache—Standen “faltag’ lands, &c.—Cliderhoo manor, lands, &c., as of the castle of Lancaster.” To this inquisition we are enabled to add a condensed transcription, from the Rolls of the Duchy of Lancaster (not before published), extending through the whole period of the first ducal administration, and which, while it sheds much light upon the early history, as well as upon the landed possessions in the county, serves to illustrate the nature of the jura regalia exercised by the dukes of Lancaster in this “kingdom within a kingdom :”— - - ANNo 1 DUCATUs, 26 EDWARD III. [1851-2].1 (Office Reference A. 1.) Intituled, “Pleas at Preston of three sessions of the Justices of the Lord the duke of Lancaster, in the first year of the Lord the duke that now is.” - This roll contains the essoigns taken at Preston, before Hugh de Berewyk and his associates, justices of our lord the duke of Lancaster, Wednesday next before the feast of St. Margaret the Virgin, in the year of his duchy the 1st (July 13, 1351). It contains pleadings of lands between parties, plaintiffs and defendants, pleadings of assize mortis antecessoris, novel disseisin, pleas of debt, account, and trespass, and other claims to liberties, rights, etc., all as arising in the county palatine of Lancaster, with the judgments thereof given (inter alia as follows):- - “John of Winwick, parson of the church of Wygan, and lord of the borough of Wygan, appears by Robert de Prestcote or John de Lanfield, to plead damage and the prosecution of all liberties of his will and borough of Wygan, according to the form of the charter which the lord the king granted to him thereof.” On the second portion of the roll, and on the first skin of such roll, after reciting the grant by King Edward III., in the 25th year of his reign (1351), to Henry duke of Lancaster, earl of Derby, Lincoln, and Leicester, and steward of England, of his dukedom of Lancaster, as therein set forth, are recorded the letters-patent to Hugh de Berewyk and others, by the said Henry, appointing them justices of assize for his said duchy, and of pleas as well of the crown as others within the said duchy, to hold, hear, and determine, according to the law and custom of the kingdom of England, saving to him amercements, etc. Tested at the Savoy, 7th March, in the first year of his said duchy (1351). In continuation of the roll are recorded a multiplicity of pleadings between various parties, to the following effect (anglicised from the roll) — . * As the ducal years of Henry, first duke, are neither conterminous with the regnal years of the reigning sovereign, nor with the year of our Lord, the following tables are appended. The regnal years of Edward III. are from 25th Jan. to 24th Jan. The ducal years of Henry, first duke, are from 6th March to the 5th March. About ten months of every ducal year consequently fall in one regnal year, and the last two months of the ducal year fall in the next regnal year.—H. DUCAL YEARS OF HENRY FIRST DUKE OF LANCASTER, REGNAL YEARS OF EDWARD III. IN THE SAME PERIOD, 1st, 6th March 1351 to 5th March 1352 25th. 6th March 1351 to 24th Jan. 1352 2d. 25 1352 23 1353 26th. 25th Jan. 1352 25 1353 3d. 35 1353 . 35 1354 27th. 55 1353 93 1354 4th. 25 1354 25 1355 28th. 35 1354 2, 1355 5th. 52 1355 25 1356 - 29th. 32 1355 52 1356 6th. 25 1356 22 1357 30th. 23 1356 23 1357 7th. 23 1357 25 1358 31st, 53 1357 92 I 358 8th. 32 1358 25 1359 32d. 52 1358 22 1359 9th. 22 1359 22 1360 33d. 52 I 359 53 I360 10th. 22 1360 35 1361 34th. 22 | 360 32 136]. 11th. 25 1361 to 23d March 1361 35th. 92 1361 to 23d March 1361 when the duke died. when the duke died. CHAP. IX. (Tijt #istory of 3Lancashire. 111 “John Molyneux against John Blundell of Crosseby, touching the lands upon marriage. “John Knody of Cliderow against William de Horneby, parson of the church of Ribchester, touching lands in Cliderowe, “John Blounte of Hazlewood, Robert Legh, and Thos. Strangeways, came on their recognizance, at the suit of John Radclif, touching a tenement and lands in Salford. John Blounte answering that the premises were of the manor of Ordesale, and that Henry, late earl of Lancaster, father of Henry the duke, was seised of the lands, and granted the same by charter to the said John Blounte, as of the manor of Ordesale.” - And thus the pleadings are continued throughout the entire roll; and, as evidences of that early period, they are applicable to the most considerable part of the places and manors in the county palatine of Lancaster, and the early possessors' rights and pre- mises there. There is a second roll distinguished A. 1. a, and containing the essoigns taken at Preston before William de Fynche, or Fyncheden, and his associates, justices of the said duke's bench, in the tenth year of his dukedom (1360-61), and in its nature similar to the preceding roll. - ANNo 2 ET 3 DUCATUs [1352-1354]. A. 2. contains pleadings and essoigns, taken at Preston before Hugh de Berewyk and others, in the second year of the said duke, and of the same nature and effect as those of the preceding rolls, and is very copious, the proceedings in many cases being fully set out. A. 2. a, contains pleadings and essoigns of the like nature, as taken both at Lancaster and Preston in the fourth year of thesame duke. A. 2, b, is properly considered as a roll offines, letters close and patent, and as containing charters of the fourth year of Henry, duke of Lancaster, being the twenty-eighth year of the reign of King Edward III. ; and the following outline comprises the general matters, or subjects, with several of the names of persons and places applicable thereto — Nº. Principal Matters. Persons. |Places. 1. Proceedings before the Justices at Preston | Richard Aghton v. Roger Bondesson and John Stelle, | Merton Meer, Le Wyck, as to right of Fishing. the Defendants justifying in right of William de Northmeles. Heskayth, Thomas de Litherland, the Prior of Burscogh, the Abbot of Cockersand, and Richard de Aghton. 2. Account of Fines paid to the Duke as Lord | John de Haconshou º * te e e - Hamelton. for Writs of Assize Richard Bradshagh º o e e e - Perbald. William Jerard and Wife e º o g º º - Asheton in Makerfield. Peter Jerard and Wife . º e º e & º gº - & e o * | | | Wyndhull Manor. Raynhull Manor. (Torbok Manor. | Walshwittell Manor. William Careles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Dalton Manor. Wrightynton. Cophull. Thorneton. Taton Magna. * - - - Laton Parva. William Lawrence . g • * - © º º & - e º o w e Ribleton Manor. Asheton, near Preston U Manor, Henry de Ditton º º e -> º º º º º º º º º • Ditton. William de Excestre, Parson of Crofton º º e g º . º e g o North Meyles. Church . e w © & John Culpeper . & © e & o tº tº e - º o o e . | Mamcestre. 3. Grants by - The Duke to William de Heghfield, in perpetuity, 28 Acres of Land in Salford Waste, at 14s. Rent, } Salford Waste. and Tenants to do suit at the Lord's Mill. Several other grants were made to persons specified, but cancelled, as the premises became leased by the duke's charter to John de Radeclif. 4. A fine of 3s. 4d. to the duke as lord for a Writ of Pone, concerning an agreement—Cecilia Orulshagh and Hugh de Ines. 5. The duke to Richard de Walton, the duke's approver in the parts of Blackburnshire. “Grant of a messuage and lands in Colne and Merclesden, held by the custom of the manor and castle of Clithero, and other premises in Trowden, Mithum and Trowden Chace. Fines to the Lord for Writs. 6. “John de Radeclif, parson of the church of Bury, to the duke—Half-a-mark [6s. 8d.] for lands in Asheton-under-Lime. “Robert de Legh and Matilda his wife to the Duke—13s. 4d. [a mark] for the moiety of the manor of Flixton. “Clarissa de Bolton to the Duke—Half-a-mark for tenements in Newton in Makerfield and Walton in the Dale. “Robert de Legh and Matilda his wife to the Duke—13s. 4d. for the manor of Ordeshale.” This course is pursued through thirteen other instances of fines of the like nature, paid by various persons in different places in the county palatine. DE ANNO 4to DUCATUS (IN DORSO)—[1354-55]. Recognisances of Debts. Otho de Halsale and John de Radeclif Richard de Rixton John de Asheton and Ors 100 marks (£66 : 13:4). John, son of Adam de Claxton Sir Adam de Hoghton, Knt. 17 marks (£1.1 : 6:8). Otho de Halsale The Duke 100 marks. Grants, &c. - - The Duke to Geoffrey de Langholt and Robert de Gikellswyk of Tadecastre, for the Abbot and Convent of Sallay.—License to Alien in Mortmain Lands in Bradeford in Bouland, held in Socage by fealty and Service, and as by inquisition taken by the Duke's command. 112 (Iije Đígtorg ºf 3Lancašijire. CHAP. IX. The Duke to Adam de Hoghton.—Acquittance of serving on juries, &c. The Duke to John de Haverington of Farleton.—Lease of the Manor of Horneby and its demesnes, the Castle, Deer and Chace of Rebrundale (Advowsons, &c. excepted). The Duke to Matthew de Southeworth. –Pardon of a debt owing to the Duke's Father, Henry Earl of Lancaster. The Duke to John de Dyneley and Heirs. —Grant of Dunham Manor by Homage and Fealty, and £12: 6 : 7 per Ann. with 2s. for the Ward of Lancaster Castle. The above are all tested at Preston. The Duke to the King–Precept to John Cokayn and others to levy in the Duchy the remainder of Aid, granted by Parliament to King Edward III., to knight his eldest son, according to the King's Mandate, and also a Mandate of the Sheriff of Lan- caster to assist therein. As tested at Lancaster. William de Stoklegh and Avisia de Bretargh.-Inrolment of a deed of the manor of Hyton. Tested at Preston. Pleadings at Lancaster of a similar nature to A. 2. Other Grants, from the 4th to the 11th Henry, Duke of Lancaster, comprising 29th Edward III. 1356, and 36th Edward III. 1363. The Duke to William de Heghfeld and his Heirs.-Grant of 23 [? 28] Acres of Waste in Salford, at a Rent of I1s 6d reserved, and remainder to Thomas Strangwas. Tested by Henry de Walton, Archdeacon of Richmond, Lieutenant of the Duchy of Lancaster. The Duke to Richard de Dynesargh, of Liverpool, and his Heirs.-Grant of a Messuage and Appurtenances in Castle Street, Liverpool, which formerly belonged to Benedict le Stedeman, late Constable of Liverpool Castle, at 45 Rent p, ann., and by Services, as the other Tenants of that Town did for their Messuages. The Duke to Henry le Norreys.-Grant of Free Warren in Speek. The Duke to John del Monkes.—Grant of the Wardship and Lands of Henry de Croft. Divers Fines to the Lord for Writs of Assize.—For Lands and Tenements in Hopton, Tildesley, Ditton near Torbok, and in Chorlegh. The fºre to John de Perburn–Letters of Protection while abroad with the Duke in the King's Service, and similar Letters of Protection to various other Persons. - Among numerous other entries on the Roll are various instruments by license, warrant, writ, grant, or appointment—viz. For holding pleas and complaints; for keeping the statute of weights and measures; the statutes of servants, artificers, etc., and the record of various fines for writs of assize, etc., and therein the Writ de Conspiratione. - A Writ, diem clausit extremum, of the Lands of John de Rigmayden, in the Duchy of Lancaster. - An Exemplification of the Proceedings between Thomas de Abnay of the High Peake, and Thurstan de Holand of Salfordshire, returned in the Duke's Chancery, concerning the Manor of Denton under Downeshagh. . A Mandate to John Haverington and others, to equip the Men-at-Arms in the Duchy, with 300 Archers and others, to be dis- patched to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, to march with the King against the Scotch. Another Mandate on behalf of the King, as to the Alienations and Possessions of Lancaster Priory, taken with other Alien Priories, by reason of the War with France. Appointments to the Office of Escheator, inquiries of the conduct of Bailiffs of the Wapentakes, appointment of Justices to hear and determine Trespasses within the Duchy, and Mandates to the Sheriff to assist in all such Premises. A Lease of the Herbage of Musbury Park. Grant of the Hospital of St. Leonard's at Lancaster, to be annexed to the Priory of Seton, if the Burgesses of Lancaster consent. The Appointments of Keeperships of Forests. Pardon of a Suit by the Duke for an Assault committed. Grant and Confirmation of the Advowson of Wygan Church, and Letters of Protection to various Persons, while staying with the Duke in the King's Service in the Parts of Brittany. ANNo 7° DUCATUs [1357-58]. Divers Fines for Writs of Assize of Lands and Tenements in Longtre, Hepay, and Dokesbury, Great Penhulton, Great Merley, Bury, Middleton, and Penhulton, in Salfordshire. - Grant of Land and Turbary in Salford, and divers Fines for Premises in Westlegh, Flixton, Whitton, Weryngton, Sonckey, Penketh, Burtonwood and Laton, Great Merton, Bispham, Pynington, Bold, Lydiat, Thorneton near Sefton, Culcheth, Tildesley, Glasebrook, Bedeford, Halsale, Wyndhull, Ines near Crosby, and Ines Blundell, including the Writs Post Dissesin, forma Dona- tiones, Dedimus Potestatem, and the Writ de Ingressu. A Mandate by the Duke for the King, to William de Horneby and Richard de Townley, to Collect and levy the tenths and fifteenths within the Duchy of Lancaster. - A Pardon by the Duke of the Suit of Peace against Hugh le Machon of Abingham, indicted for Housebreaking at Chorley. ANNo 8° DUCATUs [1358-59]. - The Duke's Mandate to Justices assigned to try certain Malefactors, against whom the Parson of the Church of Wygan, and the Lord of the Town, had complained regarding the hindrance of his Bailiffs in the performance of their Duties, and his Mandate to the Sheriff of the Duchy to assist therein. Divers Fines for Writs de Conventione, etc., concerning Lands in Culcheth, Mamcestre Manor, and the Advowsons of the Churches of Mamcestre and Assheton ; Lands in Chippyn, Eggeworth Manor ; Lands in Liverpool, Penhulton in Salfordshire, Cul- chith and Hyndelegh Manors, Croxteth Park, Flixton Manor, Kenyan, and the Manor of Huyton. A Grant of the Herbage of the Foss of Lancaster Castle, and of the place called Bernyard in Lancaster. An Acquittance of serving the Office of Juror, Escheator, Coroner, or Bailiff. A Release of Rent for Lands held by John Baret in Derby, Liverpool, Everton, and elsewhere within the Duchy. A Pardon by the Duke to John de Etheleston, indicted for extorting money and other offences, and a Pardon to William de Twys, of Transgressions. - - A Lease of the Fishery in the River Ribble at Penwortham, with the Meadows there. Tested by the Duke at Preston. ANNo 9° DUCATUs [1359-60]. Appointment of Justices in Eyre for Pleas of the Forests. Precepts to the Sheriff to make a Proclamation for holding Sessions at Preston, and to summon Persons to attend before the Justices there. - * , Pardons for Trespasses of Wert and Venison in Duchy Forests, and other Trespasses. Grant of Free Warren in Halsal and Rynecres. Lease of the Herbage called Veden and Mufden. Grant of a Yearly Rent of 20° to William de Liverpool, out of the Manor of West Derby. License to take Gorse from Toxteth Park. - Pardons for Trespasses in the Duchy Forests, and in Toxteth Park. CHAP. IX. Oſije #istory of Lancashire, | 13. Pardon upon Indictment for Offences against the Statutes of Servants and Labourers. Divers Fines upon Writs for Lands in various places. - The Duke, in behalf of Roger La Warre.—Commissioners appointed to inquire into the said Roger's Petition, showing that he held the Town of Mamcestre as a Boro' and Market Town, and enjoyed certain Liberties there, and in the Manor and Hamlets, and that the Duke's Bailiffs had interfered to levy Amerciaments, etc. t A Licence to Alien in Mortmain Lands in Lancaster. - Grant of Lands in Salford to Thomas del Olers, and others. - Grant of a Messuage in Preston escheated to Henry, earl of Lancaster, by Felony. A Mandate to the Escheator of the Duchy to interfere no further in a Chapel and Lands in Andreton, which had been seized into the Duke's hands by the late Escheator, it being found by Inquisition, that the Church of Standish was endowed therewith. ANNo 10mo Ducatus [1360-61]. - The Duke to Adam de Skilyngcorn.--Licence to take with him a Body Guard within the Duchy of Lancaster, for the Defence and Protection of his Person. Pardon to Agnes del Birches, for producing a forged Charter before the Justices, in an Action as to Tenements in Astelegh. Grant of Lands in Penhulton. Mandate to the Escheator of the Duchy for Livery of Seisin of Lands held by an Outlaw for Felony in Chipyn, the Duke having had his Year, Day, and Waste. Mandate to Collect and Levy within the Duchy the tenth and fifteenth granted by Parliament, to defray the Expenses of War. Appointment of Bailiff of the Manor of Derby for Life, at two pence a-day for his Wages. Appointment of Keeper of Toxteth Park for Life, with the Grant of Skeryorderock within the Sea, to construct a Fishery there. Fel Mandate to the Duchy Escheator to interfere no further as to Land in Kirden [Cuerden], seized into the Duke's hands upon elony. Appointment of Keeper of Quernmore Park. Mandate to the Duchy Escheator to deliver Lands which had been seized into the Duke's hands upon the Marriage of one of the Duke's Maidens, a legal Divorce having subsequently taken place. A Pardon upon Indictment for catching Fish at Heton Norres. Fines for Lands in Humersfeld and Stalmyn. Grant of a Messuage and Lands in Salford, which came to the Duke's hands by the death of Richard de Tetlowe, who was a Bastard, and died without Heir—Remainder to Thomas de Strangwas. Grant of Lands in Ingoll. Grant of an Escheat in Salford. Divers Fines for Writs de Attincta, Writs of Assize, and the Writ de Debito. Grant of 20 Marks [É13: 6:8] yearly, out of the Manor of West Derby. Grant of Wardship and Marriage of William de Warton. Appointment of Justices to try Malefactors for Trespasses in the Chases of Bowland, Penhull, Trowden, Rochdale, Rossendale, and Romesgrene. - - Grant of the Wardship and Marriage of Thomas de Haverington. Grant of Lands and Tenements in GoSenargh escheated by Felony. Lease for 20 Years of the Foreign Wood of Myerscough. Mandate to the Duchy Escheator to interfere no further in Premises at Ribblechester, seized into the Duke's Hands on the Felony of Roger de Allele. An Indenture of Agreement concerning Tenements in Romesgrene and the towns of Penhulton and Cliderowe, between the Duke and the Abbot and Convent of Whalley. Grant of the Bailiwick of Derby Wapentake for Life. Mandate to the Duchy Escheator not to interfere further as to Messuages and Lands in Asteley and Hyndeley, seized into the Duke's Hands by reason of the Felony of Richard de Atherton. On the back and in continuation of this Roll to the following effect. The Duke to Adam Skillingcorn.—A Lease of a Place called Hoddesdone for 12 Years, at £2 : 6:8 per Ann. Henry Le Norres of Speek, and others, for the Duke. Recognisance of Debts and divers other Recognisances of Debts. A Lease by the Duke to William, son of Adam of Lyverpull, and More de Lyverpull, and others de Lyverpull, of the Town, with all the Mills of the same Town, together with the Rents and Services, and the Passage of the Water of Merese, with the Turbary of Toxteth Park and the stallages as therein particularised. . [The Instrument, as enrolled, is very obscure. It is tested, Henry de Walton, Lieutenant of the Duchy, at Lancaster, 24th March, 11th Year of the said Duke.—1361.]" Mandate to John Haverington and others, to raise Soldiers, Men-at-Arms, and Archers, in the Wapentakes of Amounderness, Fourneys, and Lonsdale, within the Duchy, to march against the Scotch. And like Mandates to others for Derbyshire, Salfordshire, Blakeburnshire, and Leylondshire Wapentakes, with a distinct Mandate to the Sheriff to assist. Grant of a yearly Rent of £10 to Henry Ditton out of the Lands of Thomas Ditton. Grant of Wardship and Lands and Marriage of William the son of Robert de Prees. The Duke's Pardon of Suit for Trespass and Hunting at Blakelegh Park. Grant of Holtefeld in Salford. Pardon of Peace to the Vicar of Kirkham Church for mal-administration in his Office of Dean of Amounderness. Mandates to raise 300 Archers, to accompany the Duke to Brittany, from the various Wapentakes. • 4 Grant of a Paviage for Preston, and for Customs on Merchandise in aid thereof. Admissions of Attorneys to plead in the Duchy Courts. . Justices assigned for observing the Statute of Weights and Measures. Permission to inquire of lands in Hornclyve. * Grant of the Wardship of Lands of Adam de Mondesley. Paviage for the Town of Lyverpull for two Years. x Mandate to the Duchy Escheator for Livery of Seisin of Lands in Radeclif, as forfeited by Felony, the Duke having had year, day, and waste. y Confirmation of a Grant of Henry, Earl of Lancaster, to William Norreys, of Lands in Derby. Writ of the Disseisin of Dokesbury [Duxbury] Manor. The like of Lands in Chorley. Mandate to the Escheator for Land in Penwortham, seized for withdrawing of the service of a Boat over the River Ribble. Writ of the Disseisin for Lands in Ellale. - 1 The Duke died the day before this date.-H. Q * 114 Qſìje 3%istory of 3Lancagüire, CHAP. IX. Grant of the Site of Ulneswalton Manor to Richard de Hibernia, the Duke's Physician, with Liberty to be Toll free and Hopper free at the Duke's Mills. Grant of Allowance to the Town of Overton to grind Corn at the Duke's Mill at Lone. Grant of the Custody of St. Mary's Chapel at Syngleton. Pardon for Trespasses in the Duchy Forests. Pardon for Non-Appearance in Court. t Justices assigned to keep the Waters in which Salmons are caught. 3. Justices to inquire of Stoppages in the Duchy Rivers, and chiefly the Ribble, to the injury of Penwortham Fishery. Appointments of Stewardships. - - Pardon of a Fine pro Licentia Concordandi, as to Tenements in Mamcestre. Inquisition and Letters Patent touching the Manor of Mamcestre as a Market Town and Boro' with the Hamlets thereto. The Duke to Thomas de Lathum and Wife. License to hold Knouselegh Park. Agreement touching the Wardship of Lands and the Marriage of Richard de Molyneux of Sefton. Divers Letters of Protection for Persons serving the King abroad. - Confirmation of a Lease of the Manor of Aldeclif to the Prior of Lancaster. Warrant to levy 520 Marks (£346 : 13:4) from the Freeholders of Quernmore Forest and the Natives of Lonsdale, as their portion of £1000 Fine for Trespasses against the Assize of the Forest. Several Mandates to the Escheators concerning various Lands seized. T)ivers pardons for Trespasses and Assaults. Exemplification of Proceedings touching the Intail of the Manor of Bury. The like as to Lands in Harewode, the Water of Hyndeburne, and Clayton on the Mores. [The other Records of the Annals of the Duchy are marked A. 4. and A. 5, and are similar in their contents to A. 1. These Rolls terminate the Records of the first Duke, who died in the year 1361, without male issue.] So rich an inheritance as the dukedom of Lancaster could not remain long in abeyance. The marriage of John of Gaunt, the fourth son of the reigning monarch of England, to Lady Blanch, the youngest daughter of the deceased duke, produced the almost immediate revival of the title; and the subsequent death of lady Maude, without issue, invested Duke John with the whole of those extensive possessions which the first duke had left to his children. The confidence reposed by the king in this, his favourite and most highly-gifted son, conferred upon him everything but sovereign power; and his second marriage with Constance, the eldest daughter of Peter the Cruel, obtained for him the title of King of Castile and Leon. In this character he obtained the right to coin money, and several pieces were struck bearing his superscription. The wars in which he was engaged have already been adverted to, and the history of this munificent duke shortly portrayed. His claim to the throne of Sicily, founded on no just pretension, produced a strong remonstrance on the part of his holiness Pope Urban W., who issued on the occasion one of those Bulls at the bare name of which princes and kings were accustomed to tremble. This Bull is still preserved, though divested of its seal. The inquiry upon what legitimate ground the duke of Lancaster founded his pretensions to the kingdom of Sicily, he was not able to answer to the pope's nuncio, and from that time this claim seems to have been abandoned. - The continental wars in which the English were engaged did not prevent them from embarking on a crusade against Ireland, that unfortunate country, which has for so many centuries been the scene of oppression and misgovernment. In a writ addressed to the sheriff of Lancashire by the king, the Irish people are characterised as “our enemies, and rebels;” and it is announced to the sheriff that Lionel, duke of Clarence, the king's son, is on his way to Ireland to coerce the “rebels” into subjection, and the ports of Liverpool and Chester are required to send ships, properly manned, to support the expedition (1361).” That the object of this armament was not very speedily accomplished, may be inferred from the fact that, two years afterwards, a proclamation was issued by the king for seizing eighty ships, of thirty tons burden and upwards, wherever they could be found, on the western coast between Bristol in Somersetshire, and Purness in Lancashire, which ships were to be sent to Lyverpole, before the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula (Aug. 1), to assist Prince Lionel in carrying on the war against Ireland. At that time the exports of Liverpool were very subject to the restrictions of orders in council; in 1362 the bailiffs of Liverpool, and John, duke of Lancaster, both received orders from the government to prohibit the exportation of provisions of various kinds, as well as of dye wares and other commodities, which prohibition extended to cloths called “worstedes,” and to sea-coal, then recently discovered as an article of fuel ; and similar interdicts, soon after issued, extended the prohibition to horses, linen, woollen yarns, jewels, and the precious metals. Liverpool was at that period rising, though slowly, into importance; and an order was issued by the king to the admiral on the station, as well as to the sheriff of the county, and the mayor and bailiffs of the borough, to rebuild (de novo construere) a bridge over the Mersey within their lordship. The alarm of invasion was again spread with great assiduity, and the royal proclamations of the year 1369 diligently propagated these apprehensions, in order to quicken the transmission of the public supplies. Adam de Hoghton, Roger de Pilkinton, William de Atherton, Richard de Radclyf, and Matthew de Rixton, commissioners of array for the county of Lancaster, were appointed, by royal mandate (1369), to press and enrol four hundred archers in Lancashire, to accompany John, duke of Lancaster, to Aquitaine;” and the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, dukes, marquesses, earls, barons, and castellans, were informed that the king had appointed his son, 1 See chap. iv. * Pat. 35 Edw. III. p. 2. m. 24. Turr. Lond. * Rot. Vascon. 43 Edw. III. m. 5. Turt. Lond. CHAP. IX. Ǻr £istorm of £amcasijire. 115 the duke of Lancaster, his captain and lieutenant in “Guynes and Caleys.” In the following month the sheriff of Lancaster was commanded to array, by himself or his deputies, all men in the county capable of bearing arms between the ages of sixteen and sixty years, and to cause them to be in readiness, and properly equipped, to resist the French, who threatened to invade England, to obstruct the passage of merchants and merchandise, and to abolish the English language ' By a subsequent proclamation it was ordained that the men-at-arms, hobelers, and archers in the county of Lancaster should be in complete readiness by Palm Sunday (April 7, 1370), and William de Risseby, John Blake, clerk, Matthew de Rixton, and Richard ap Llewellyn Waughan, had confided to them the power to arrest all ships, from twelve to forty tons burthen, in the ports of Lyverpull, and all other places from thence to Chester, that port included, and to send them to the ports of Southampton and Plymouth by Sunday next before the feast of Pentecost (Sunday, May 26), with a sufficient equipment of sailors for the passage, to embark in the expedition of John, duke of Lancaster, and others in his company, going to Gascony.” To prosecute all these hostile operations the king, this year, by the authority of parliament, levied upon the parishes of England a tax of fifty thousand pounds, each parish being required to pay five pounds fifteen shillings, the greater to help the less. From this return it appears that there were then eight thousand six hundred and thirty-two parishes in England, and that the contribution of * - ** Lancashire, for its 58 parishes, was * e g 4% e p © g tº . 3336 8 0 Westmorland 32 2 3 ë ſe tº g ſº g º * gº § ſº 185 12 0 Cumberland 96 2 3 tº * º g g tº º $ e * 556 16 0 Middlesex, exclusive of London, 63 parishes & . . . o e & * * 365 8 0 London, 110 parishes . tº e tº º t • * * g º tº 638 () () Yorkshire 540 , , . e º * & * * * * g * . 3132 () () By an indenture, made in the following year, between the king and his son John, duke of Lancaster, king of Castile and Leon, the duke grants to his father the county, castle, town, and honor of Richmond, in exchange for the castle, manor, and honor of Tykhill, castle and manor of High Peak, with knights' fees, together with the advowson of the churches of Steyndrop and Brannspath, the free chapels of Tykhill and High Peak, the church and free chapel of Marsfeld, the free chapel of Pevenese, the priory of Wylmyngdon, the priory of Whitiham, and the house of St. Robert of Knaresborough, with the castle, manor, and honor of Knaresborough, the hundred or wapentake of Stayncliff, in Yorkshire, and the manor of Gryngeley and Whetebury.” At the same time an order was issued by the king to the freemen, and all other tenants on the exchanged possessions, ordering them to obey John, duke of Lancaster; and similar orders were given by the duke “to the venerable fathers, all and singular his archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of churches, and to his earls, viscounts, barons, and others holding of the castle, honor, and county of Richmond,” announcing that he had granted to his royal father and lord the county of Richmond, and commanding that all vassals and feudatories should perform homage, fealty, and all other Services and duties to the king." The prerogatives of jura regalia conferred upon John of Gaunt in his duchy and county palatine of Lancaster were greatly enlarged by the royal bounty, by which he was appointed the king's especial lieutenant and captain-general of “our kingdom of France,” and in Aquitaine and the parts beyond the sea.” This authority was still further enlarged by the memorable charter granted to the duke in the early part of the reign of his royal nephew (June 1379), of which charter it may be said in a few words that it gave the largest powers possible to a subject to John of Gaunt, both upon the sea and in France, Aquitaine, and “elsewhere in all parts beyond the Sea.” The persons embarked with the duke in his foreign expeditions were privileged by royal authority, and letters of protection were granted by the king, directing that all noblemen and others attached to the expedition should cross the sea without delay, so that none of them should be found in this country after the approaching feast of St. John the Baptist (June 24, 1379). Amongst others engaged in this expedition, and to whom letters of protection were addressed, we find the names of Robert, Son of William de Clyfton; William de Barton of Ridale ; Adam del Darn ; Henry Fitzhenry, Son of Thomas de Alkeryngton ; John de Ribelton of Preston, in Amondernesse ; Hugh de Tyldesley; John Redeman ; and Adam, son of Adam de Lancaster. Ireland was still treated as a conquered country, and each successive lord-lieutenant, instead of sailing for that island in the character of a messenger of peace, was armed with a strong naval and military force, as if embarking against a hostile state. Accordingly we find an order from the king to the sheriffs (1373), announcing that he had appointed Simon Charwelton, clerk, and Walton de Eure, to arrest ships of from twenty to two hundred tons burthen in Bristol and the other western ports as far as Lyverpole, at which latter place they were to rendezvous, for the passage of William de Wyndesore, “governor and warden of the land of Ireland.” 3. In these early days, amongst all the restrictions on commerce, we find no laws against the importation 1 Rot. Vascon. 43 Edw. III. m. 3. Turr. Tuond. * Ex. origin. in Turr. Lond. - 2 Rot. Franc. 44 Edw. III. m. 25. Turr. Lond. 5 Rot. Franc. 47 Edw. III. m. 19. Turr. Lond. 3 Rot. Pat. 1 Rich. II. p. 1. m. 11 per inspex, Turr. Lond. * Pat. 47 Edw. III. p. 2. m. 24. Turr. Lond. 116 Qſìje #istory of 3Lantagjire. CHAP. IX. of grain, but there are frequent interdicts against the exportation of that article; and hence we have, in the year 1375, a precept to the sheriff of the county of Lancaster, directing him not to allow the exportation of wheat, barley, or other grain, from this county. The reign of Edward III., though a period of war and military renown, terminated in peace. For the restoration of this blessing the country was indebted to John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, who, in virtue of the powers with which he was invested, concluded a treaty of peace with Flanders, and also a truce with France, which, after having been prorogued from time to time, terminated finally in an adjustment of the differences between the two nations. In the last year of this king's reign (1377) a grant, as we have already seen, of chancery in the county palatine of Lancaster was made to the duke of Lancaster;" and the reign concluded, as it had begun, with favours and privileges to the ducal house, which had long held the first station amongst the peers of the realm, and was speedily to be advanced to sovereign power. * See chap. iv. CHAP, X. Qſìje #istorm ºf £antagjire. 117 CHAPTER X. Power of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster—The Duke's Expedition to Spain—Larger Measure in Lancashire than any other part of the Kingdom—Accession of the House of Lancaster to the Throne—Grant of the Isle of Man, first to Henry, Earl of Northumberland, and afterwards to Sir John Stanley, Knight—Annals of the Duchy Charters of the Duchy—Will of Henry IV—Henry W. ascends the Throne—Union of the County of Hereford to the Duchy of Lancaster—Battle of Agincourt—Death of Henry W.-His bequest of the Duchy of Lancaster.— A.D. 1377 to 1422. º ºf OHN of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, had now attained his meridian power, and the reign of • Zºº Richard II. may not inaptly be called the regency and vice-royalty of the duke. Though the § king swayed the sceptre, his noble uncle guided the arm that wielded it ; and all the prin- * cipal measures of his reign were supposed by the people, and not without cause, to emanate ...ſº §§§. § {{ §§ 3 *ś @@º º from the palace of the Savoy, or the castle of Lancaster. No subject of the realm had by %| º, any means equal power in this kingdom; and, as the representative of the king in foreign countries, he exercised prerogatives seldom confided to a subject. The wealth of the duke was immense, but the splendour and state which he maintained absorbed, and even anticipated, his princely income. The arts were then slowly emerging from the night of the middle ages; the dogmas of the schools and the supersti- tion of the monasteries were shaken by the rising spirit of inquiry; poetry, hitherto almost unknown in this island, except in the effusions of the Welsh bards and of Caedmon, began to be cultivated; and “ time- honoured Lancaster” was amongst the most munificent patrons of genius in his age and nation. In the “process and ceremony of the coronation” of Richard II. (1377), who was now but eleven years of age, we find the names of John duke of Lancaster, Roger le Strange de Knokyn, John la Warre, Henry de Grey de Wilton, and Archibald de Grelly, all names connected with the county of Lancaster, and attached, for the purposes of this ceremony at least, to the king's court. This “process” John, king of Castile and Teon, duke of Lancaster, and high steward of England, delivered with his own hand into the king's court of chancery." The high reputation of the duke pointed him out as the mediator of differences, whether of a national or a domestic kind; and after having settled the quarrel with France and with Belgium, we find him appointed a commissioner to compose the ancient differences between the gallant earls of Northumberland and Douglas.” In 1378 the prerogatives of jura regalia were renewed in favour of “ King John,” duke of Lancaster, as he was called, on going abroad, and rendered as extensive as they were in the time of King Edward III. The privilege of coining money in the city of Bayonne, and other places, was at the same time renewed.” The following year, plenary power was given to the duke in the marches of Scotland. While clothed with these powers, the duke concluded a peace with Scotland, which was confirmed by the king, his nephew, at Northampton, and proclaimed in this county, under the designation of the “Great Truce,” by the sheriff of Lancaster, at the end of the year 1380. The insurrection of Wat Tyler and his confederates, in which the house of the duke of Lancaster, situated in the Savoy in London, was destroyed, interrupted the proceedings of the court of justice at Westminster; on which occasion a proclamation was issued by the king to the duke of Lancaster, ordaining, that on account of the unheard-of and horrible commotions and insurrec- tions of the people in the kingdom of England, and for averting the dangers arising from the incursions of foreign enemies, as well as for other reasons, all the pleadings in the court of king's bench stood adjourned ; and all writs and mandates delivered to the duke, to his chancellors, justiciaries, sheriffs, or other ministers, within the county of Lancaster, should be returned on the octaves of St. Michael (Oct. 7, 1380), instead of at the usual period.” The seditions which originated in the neighbourhood of London spread into the provinces; and rumours were very extensively circulated, that these disturbances were fomented by the duke of Lancaster and other peers, in order to procure the deposition of the king, that they might usurp the royal authority. To these rumours it was judged proper to give the most positive and solemn contradiction; in consequence of which, a proclamation was issued by the king to all archbishops, prelates, and others, wherein it was announced, that a hateful rumour, which wounded and grieved the royal heart beyond measure, had been diffused throughout divers parts of the kingdom, representing that the detestable disturbance in certain 1 I Richard II. claus. 1. m. 44. of Savoy and Richmond, on whose death it escheated to the crown; 2 Scot. 1 Richard II. m. 7. and Henry III. conferred it on his son, Edmund Crouchback, through 3 2 Richard II., Vasc. 3. R. whom it became a possession of the earls of Lancaster. 4 See chap. iv. p. 40. The Savoy palace was built by Peter, earl * Claus. 4 Richard II. m. 1. 118 Çür #istorm of £ancashire. char. K. counties of England, against their allegiance to the king, and the public peace, had been instigated by John, duke of Lancaster, and certain others, prelates and faithful subjects; which rumours the proclamation denounced as wicked inventions, and declared, that the duke had always been faithful and zealous for the honour and safety of the country (1381)." These sinister rumours, notwithstanding, at length became so prevalent as to endanger the personal safety of the duke; and a proclamation was in consequence issued to Henry de Percy, earl of Northumberland, and to John, lord de Nevyll, appointing them to raise a body- guard for the duke, with all possible despatch, both men-at-arms and archers, to protect him against the violence of his enemies. The duke was at the same time appointed the king's justiciary, to inquire, on oath, within the counties in his duchy, and the county palatine of Lancaster, into depredations, robberies, homicides, burnings, and rapes, with power to punish the offenders. That these crimes had attained to a frightful magnitude in Lancashire, may be inferred from a species of royal proclamation issued by the “king and duke” (king of Castile and duke of Lancaster) to the sheriff of the county of Lancaster, preserved in the archives of the duchy, in which, after ordaining that the “holy Anglican Mother Church” shall have all its liberties whole and unimpaired, and fully enjoy and use the same, and that the great charter and forest charter shall, according to the statute 6 Rich. II. cap. 6 (1382), be firmly observed, proceeds to say that so licentious had become the public manners, that the female character was treated with the greatest disrespect, and “ladies and other noble maids and women,” were frequently violated by force, and that the resentment of the persons subject to these outrages was so slight, that numbers of them married their ravishers; for remedy of which it was ordained, that if after such outrage the parties contracted marriage, they should both of them be disabled, ipso facto, from maintaining any inheritance, dowry, or conjoint feoffment, or from receiving any bequest from their ancestors, and that the inheritance should descend to the next in blood.” For the purpose of interposing a barrier against the progress of the Scots in their future attempts to invade the northern counties of England, a treaty was entered into and ratified between John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and Henry de Percy, earl of Northumberland (1383), in which it was stipulated that the freemen of the counties of Lancaster and Durham should be charged by the lord to assemble, and come with all their power, whenever proclamation was made by the earl of Northumberland that the Scots had laid siege to any castle in the allegiance of the king.” The stipulations of this treaty were soon brought into active operation. The Scots, aided by a body of French cavalry, renewed their incursions into Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lancashire, where they committed the most extensive outrages; on which the king of England, having assembled an army of 60,000 men, issued an order to the duke of Lancaster to meet him with horse and arms at Newcastle, on the 14th of July (1384). With this army the young king penetrated into Scotland, and, after having burnt the capital and laid waste all the towns and villages through which he had to pass, advanced as 'far as Dundee. This signal act of retributive justice put an end to the invasions of the Scots, and restored peace to the two countries. A charge of high treason, in compassing the death of the king, and usurping his throne, was this year made, as we have already seen, by John Latimer, B.D., an Irish friar of the Franciscan order, against the duke of Lancaster, which charge the duke positively denied, and required to be confronted with his accuser; but on the eve of the trial, according to Kennett,” “Lord John Holland and Sir Henry Green, two of the duke's friends, entered the friar's lodgings, and cruelly put him to death with their own hands, by hanging him up by the neck and privy members, and laying a great stone upon his breast, which broke his neck; and, as if they had perpetrated this enormity by public authority, they drew his dead body through the streets the next day, as being deservedly punished as a traitor. This cruel action brought upon the duke much dishonour, and, though it ridded him of a false accuser, as was thought till the friar was so illegally put to death, yet it rendered his innocence more suspicious than before ; and many believed him really guilty who before thought him falsely accused.” This, to be sure, was a monstrous infraction of law and justice, and might well subject the duke to suspicion, if the fact could have been established that he was a party to the murder, in which light the punishment of the friar must be viewed; but we do not find in the records of the day any evidence of this fact. The war with Scotland being ended, and the duke of Lancaster feeling that his possessions in the duchy and county palatine were secure, he prepared to enforce his claim, in right of his wife, to his inheritance in Spain," leaving his son Henry, earl of Derby, as his locum tenens in his absence. In this expedition, the most splendid of the age, he was accompanied by his chancellor, William de Ashton, Esq., Thomas de Ashton, Esq., John de Eccleston of Lyverpole, Esq., and Thomas Holcroft, Esq., all of the county of Lancaster, to whom letters of protection were given by the king. Previous to his departure, the duke entered into an engagement with the king his nephew, that he would not make any treaty with the crown of Spain, unless upon the condition that the king of Spain should pay to the king of England 20,000 gold doubloons; and the duke further engaged that he would repay to the king 20,000 marks (£13,333 : 6:8), which he had borrowed to defray the expenses incident to the fitting out of this expedition. Of this mission the following account is * Pat. 5 Richard II. p. 1. m. 32. 3 Scot. 7. Richard II. m. 1. 5 Vol. i. p. 252. * Roll A 6, m. 16. * Claus. 8. Richard II. m. 3. d. * See chap. iv. CHAP. X. - Çür #istory of 3Lancagüirº. - 119 given in an ancient manuscript chronicle in the Harleian collection, in the British Museum. [We have modernised the spelling.] “And in the eleventh year of the reign of King Richard II. (1387), Sir John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, went over the sea into Spain to challenge his right that he hath by his wife's title to the crown of Spain, with a great host of people, of lords, and knights, and squires, men-of-arms and archers; and had the duchess his wife and his three daughters over the sea with him in Spain. And there they were a great while, till at last the king of Spain began [to] treat with the duke of Lancaster; and as they were accorded together, through their sooth counsels, that the king of Spain should wed the duke's daughter of Lancaster that was heir to Spain, and the king of Spain gave to the duke of Lancaster of gold and silver that were cast into great ingots, as much as eight chariots might carry, and many other rich jewels and gifts; and every year after, during the life of the duke of Lancaster and of the duchess his wife, 10,000 marks of gold,” and that by her [their] own adventure, costs and charges, they of Spain should bring these 10,000 marks every year, yearly, into Bayonne, to the duke's assigns, by Surety made. And the duke of Lancaster wedded another daughter of his unto the king of Portingale, well and worthily, and left there his two daughters with their lords their husbands, and came him home again into England with the good lady his wife, duchess of Lancaster.” During the duke's absence in Spain, “a submission of award” was entered into between the honourable “Prince, King, and Duke,” as he is designated in this document, on the one part, and William Pargrave and Igden Slingsby, Esq., on the other part, relating to the manors of Scotton, Breareton, and Thonge, in the county of York, to determine how far the latter parties, in right of their wives, the daughters of William de Westfield, were entitled to certain privileges in these manors; the award to be made by twenty knights and esquires, the most sufficient that could be found near to the manors in litigation. In the year 1388, the alarm of Scotch invasion was again very prevalent in this country, on which the Ring issued a proclamation to the duke of Lancaster, or his chancellor, announcing that the Scots and their adherents had assembled a great army, and had hastily invaded the kingdom of England, burning, destroying, and horribly slaying men, women, and children, and had almost advanced to the gates of York. To repel this cruel invasion, the duke was required to make proclamation in all cities, boroughs, and market-towns, and other places in the county and duchy of Lancaster, that all lords, knights, esquires, and others competent to bear arms should repair with all speed to join the king's army." Before the return of the duke from Spain, in 1389, the Scots were driven into their own country, but the public mind still continued agitated in the extreme by the intrigues of the duke of Gloucester and his adherents, who sought to usurp the royal preroga- tives, and to use them for their own aggrandisement. The presence of the duke of Lancaster served to check the turbulent and ambitious spirit of his brother of Gloucester, and to restore tranquillity to the state. Although by Magna Charta it was declared that uniform weights and measures should be used throughout the whole kingdom, to guard against those impositions to which the people were exposed from the arts of fraudulent dealers, the provisions of the charter had hitherto not been enforced; it was now ordained by the authority of the king, on petition of the commons, that a standard measure and weight should be established for the whole kingdom ; and that any person convicted of using any other should not only make satisfaction to the aggrieved parties, but should also be imprisoned for six months without bail. The county of Lancaster was, however, exempt from this enactment, “ because,” as the king says in his answer to the commons, “there has always been a larger measure used in Lancashire than in any other part of the kingdom.” The earliest enactments in the statutes of the realm for regulating the salmon-fisheries of this kingdom are those of the statute of Westminster 2, of which the confirmations relate to the Lancashire rivers of the Lume, the Wyre, the Mersey, and the Ribble: and by a statute, 13 Richard II. c. 19 (1389–90), it is enacted, “That no young salmon be taken or destroyed by nets, at mill-dams or other places, from the middle of April till the Nativity of St. John Baptist;” and “it is ordained and assented, that the waters of Lon, Wyre, Mersee, Ribbyl, and all other waters in the county of Lancaster, be put in defence, as to the taking of Salmons, from Michaelmas Day to the Purification of our Lady (Feb. 2), and in no other time of the year, because that salmons be not seasonable in the said waters in the time aforesaid ; and in the parts where such rivers be, there shall be assigned and sworn good and sufficient conservators of this statute.” This act was amended by the 17 Richard II. c. 9 (1393-4), which enacts, “that the justices of the peace shall be conservators of the recited statute, with under-conservators appointed by them, and that the said justices shall inquire into the due execution of the law at their sessions;” and further amended by I Eliz. c. 17 (1559), which, amongst other things, provides that the meshes of the nets used in taking salmon shall be two inches and a half broad, and that the fish shall not be taken by any other means." “In 1393, John, duke of Lancaster, son of the king of England, duke of Guienne, earl of Derby, Lincoln, and Leicester, and steward of England,” as he is styled in the parliamentary records, and Thomas, duke of Gloucester, constable of England, “complained to the king that sir Thomas Talbot, knight, with others his adherents, conspired the deaths of the said dukes in divers parts of Cheshire, 1 Harl. MSS. Cod. 266 fo. 98 b. 3 Harl. MSS. Cod. 266, fo. 50. * Claus. 12 Rich. II. m. 42. * 10,000 marks, in the ordinary money of account, equals 5 - - - #6666 : 13:4. But the “mark of gold” (the expression used in Rot. Parl. vol. iii. p. 270. & e the MS.) was equal to 20 marks of silver ; so that if the term be ° The subsequent statutes for the regulation of these fisheries are taken literally, that sum must be increased twenty-fold. It is more 4 and 5 of Anne, c. 21 (1706); 1 George I. stat. ii. c. 18 (1714); probable that it means 10,000 ordinary marks, paid in gold,—H. 28 George II. c. 26 (1749-50); 48 George III. c. 61 (18028). | 20 (The #istory of 3Lancašijire. CHAP. X. as the same was confessed and well known ; and the dukes prayed that parliament might judge of the fault. Whereupon the king and the lords in parliament adjudged the said Thomas Talbot guilty of high treason, and awarded two writs, the one to the sheriffs of York, and the other to the sheriffs of Derby, to take the body of the said Sir Thomas, returnable in the King's Bench, in the month of Easter then ensuing ; and open proclamation was made in Westminster Hall, that upon the sheriffs' return at the next coming in of the said sir Thomas, he should be convicted of treason, and incur the loss and penalty of the same.” + Notwithstanding all these court intrigues, the honours and privileges of the duke of Lancaster continued to accumulate ; and by an act of royal favour he was allowed to hold Aquitaine in liege homage of the king; and all prelates, earls, viscounts, and others were commanded to pay homage to the duke. The viceroyalty of Picardy was soon after conferred upon him, at which time the privilege was conceded to him of importing sixty casks of wine, duty-free, for the use of his household.” The scandal raised at court by the marriage of John of Gaunt, the king's uncle, to his mistress Catherine Swinford,” was somewhat abated by the king's patent, which legitimised her four children by the duke. These children were surnamed Beauford, from the place of their birth; the patent of legitimation bearing date on the 10th of February 1397." In the following year (1398), the quarrel between Henry of Bolingbroke, duke of Hereford, and Thomas Mowbray, first duke of Norfolk, which terminated in the banishment of both these knights, took place.” The death of the illustrious and venerable duke of Lancaster was precipitated by this event;" and the deposi- tion of Richard II., “unking'd by Bolingbroke,” speedily followed' On the death of his father, the duke of Hereford returned to England, Ostensibly to claim his paternal inheritance of the duchy of Lancaster, but really, through the public power, and his own daring, to assume the still higher possession of the throne. Amongst the most powerful of the adherents of the duke of Lancaster were Henry de Percy, earl of Northum- berland, and his son Henry Hotspur, to whose services he was essentially indebted for his elevation; and one of the first acts of the new king's reign was to present the Earl with a grant of the Isle of Man, to be held by the feudal service of bearing the curtana, called the “LANCASTER SWORD,” on the day of the coronation,” at the left shoulder of the king and his heirs, which sword had been borne by John of Gaunt at the coronation of Richard II. This grant is represented, in the document by which it is made, as the inadequate reward of the earl's magnificent and faithful services to the state. The island, castle, peel, and lordship of Man, the possession of William le Scroop, earl of Wiltshire, had been seized by the king, on the execution of the earl for misgoverning the kingdom in the time of Richard II. ; and the whole of these possessions, together with the regalia, royal jurisdictions, franchises, liberties, and the patronage of the bishoprick, as well as the goods and chattels of the unfortunate earl, were conferred upon the earl of Northumberland in perpetuity. The restless spirit of Northumberland, who thought himself inadequately rewarded by the Isle of Man, while he had secured for his sovereign the kingdom of England, urged him on to acts of rebellion against King Henry, as he had before rebelled against his predecessor. Less fortunate in his second than in his first revolt, the reward of his perfidy to Richard overtook him, and he lost, in the sequel, his son young Hotspur, his possessions, and his life. By the attainder of the earl of Northumberland, the Isle of Man, after six years, again fell into the possession of the crown, and was seized for the king's use by Sir William and Sir John Stanley;” on which the king, by letters-patent (dated 4th Oct. 1405), of his especial grace and favour, granted to Sir John Stanley the island, castle, peel, and lordship of the Isle of Man, and all the islands and lordships thereto belonging, together with regalia, regalities, franchises, and liberties, and all other profits and commodities annexed thereto, to have and to hold for the term of his life." - On the 6th of April 1406, the king so far extended his bounty as to grant the Isle of Man to Sir John Stanley in perpetuity, in as full and ample a manner as it had been held by any former lord of the crown of England, per homagium legium, but altering the tenure, which was now, instead of bearing the Lancaster Sword at the coronation, to pay to the king a cast of falcons at the coronation, after homage made in lieu of all demands and customs. The annals of the duchy, during the whole period of the life of John of Gaunt, will at all times rank amongst the most interesting records in the early history of the county palatine of Lancaster; but though they are all before us, they are much too voluminous to be inserted in detail, and can only be given in summary, with such references as may enable those who wish to consult particular documents to find them with facility. These annals being resumed from the period of the death of the first duke of Lancaster, and brought down to the demise of the last subject duke, comprehend the whole period of the history of the duchy, from its creation to the time when it merged in the crown, not indeed by absolute union, for the duchy of Lancaster has always been considered a separate inheritance, but by actual possession—the kings of England and the dukes of Lancaster having been the same persons ever since the time when Henry of Bolingbroke ascended the throne, to the present day. 1 See chap v. - * See chap. v. p. 43. * The duty on wine at this time was 3s. per cask, with an ad 6 P. 43. 7 P. 44. valorem duty of 5 per cent upon its introduction into the port of 8 Pat. 1 Hen. IV. p. 5 m. 35. - London. : 9 Writs dated Pountfreyt Castle, 3d July, 6 Hen. IV. 8 See chap. iv. p. 41. * Rot. Parl, vol. iii. p. 343. 10 Claus, 7 Henry IV. m. 42. * |§ CEIAP. X. The pistory Of lantasite. 12] EXTRACT FROM CLOSE ROLL, A. 6. JoHN DUKE OF LANCASTER—viz. 1377 (51 Edw. III.) to 1389 (12 Rich. II.) (From the Duchy Records in the Office of the Duchy of Lancaster.) PERSONS. &m-m-º-º-º-º-º- MATTERS. The two introductory instruments are as follow :— 51 Edw. III. John the Duke to Thomas de Thelwall. Also, the Duke to the Sheriff of the County . John Hodelleston and Wife to the Duke . Nicholas de Syngleton to the Duke g g e The King and Duke for Robert, son of Sir John de Harryngton, knt. . The King and Duke for Henry de Ferrarijs . The King and Duke for Walter Pedwardyne and others . . The King and Duke for William de Brottrieux, Ellalle, Scotforde, Assheton, and others . The King and Duke for the Duke : Adam de Hoghton, Keeper of Quernemore Forest . The King and Duke for the Duke . Various Fines paid for Writs. . The King and Duke for the Duke 10. The King and Duke for John Boteler and Nicholas de Haveryngton . 11. The King and Duke for King Richard ; 12. The King and Duke for the Prior and Convent of St. Mary's, Leicester *Appointment of Chancellor of the Duchy and County Palatine, and delivery of the Great Seal of the Royalty. Proclamation of Pleadings of Assize, etc. Fine for Writ of Assize de Nov. Dis. 20s, paid to the Hanaper. Fine of 10s. for a Writ de Conventione. Mandate to Roger de Brokholes, the Duke's Escheator, for delivery of Lands formerly held in Capite. Mandate to the Escheator to deliver Lands formerly held in Capite. Like Mandate for Advowsons of Churches, etc. Conyngshead Priory and Wharton Church. The like for delivery of a Moiety of Knight's Fee and Appurten- ances in Right of Thomas de Thweng. e Warrant to cut Timber for Repairs of Lancaster Castle. Precept to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Lancaster and other Persons, to proclaim prohibition against Persons congregating with an armed power to impede the Sessions at Lancaster. Writ to the Escheator to seize the Lands of Nicholas de Prest- wyche. Precept to the Sheriff for paying them £26 : 8s. as Knights elect for the Commonalty of the Duchy, for Expenses in coming to the King's Parliament. Precept for Proclamation that all Foreign Mendicant Friars within the Duchy quit the Realm, according to the King's Mandate. Precept to the Escheator not to interfere in the Manors and Possessions of the Abbey of St. Mary de Pratis, during the avoidance of the Abbot's death. Here ends the first Year of the Royalty (1377), on the first side of the Roll.” 13. John, King of Castile, etc. for the Abbot of Furnes Precept to the Sheriff, commanding the Executors of John Raton to pay £55 to the Abbot. 14. Fines paid to the Duke for various Writs, and attested by the Custos Regalitatis, William Wetherley, Vicar of Blakeburn Church. 15. The King and Duke for the Abbot of Evesham 16. The same for the King and Duke 17. The same for the Duke and other Magnates of his Retinue going abroad in the King's service. 18. The same for the Duke 19. The same for Richard de Townelay, Sheriff 20. The same for John Boteler and Ralph de Ypre Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer concerning the Fishery of Hoghwyk in the River Ribble, claimed by the Abbot, and Seized by the Deputy-Steward of the Manor of Penwortham. Mandate to the Sheriff to Levy Aid, according to the Statute, to make his eldest Son a Knight. Letters to the Abbots of Furneys, Whalley, Cockersand, and other Abbots, Priors, Archdeacons, and Proctors, to offer prayers and sacrifices to God for the success of the Expedition. Mandate to the Duke's Escheator to seize the Lands, etc., of Otho de Halsale. : Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer to pay his Account of Charges for Parchment, etc. Precept to the Sheriff to pay the Knights elected for the Com- monalty of the Duchy £16 for their Expenses in coming to Parliament at Gloucester. This ends the second Year of the Royalty (1378). 21. 2 Rich. II. (1378-9). The King and Duke for Alan Wilkeson and Wife 22. Various Fines paid to the Duke for Writs. Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer to inquire of a Messuage and Lands seized into the Duke's Hands, for the Felony of John de Leyland at Kirkeby, in Derbyshire. 1 This appointment is dated at Westminster, 17th April 51 Edw. III. (1377), and states that John, king of Castile and Leon and duke of Lancaster, in the presence of Robert de Wylington and Thomas de Hungerford, knights, and others of the king's household, in the chapel within the palace, appointed Thomas de Thelwall, clerk, his chancellor within the duchy and county of Lancaster, who took his oath to the same king, and his great seal for the administration of the regalities of the county palatine of the same, with his own hand to the said Thomas delivered, etc. Afterwards, the chancellor having received the seal, the said king, on the 20th April in the first year of . his regality (1377), by writ directed to the Sheriff of Lancashire, assigned William de Skipwyth, Roger de Fulthorp, and William de Nessefeld to be his judges for all pleas, etc., in the county, ordered that the said justices should hold their sessions at Lancaster on the Monday after Ascension day, and that due proclamation should be made in full court and in various market-places of the suits or pleas to be prosecuted before the same justices, taking then and there twenty-four of the discreet, lawworthy, and honest men, from every wapentake or hundred in the said county, for the further fulfilling of the mandale. The sheriff to return the names of the twenty- four men and this writ. * The first year of the royalty or regality of John of Gaunt was the 17th year of his dukedom.—H. 122 QThe #istory of £ancashire. CHAP, X. PERSONS. MATTERS. 23. 24. 25. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. The King and Duke for the Duke e * e Mandate to the Justices to adjourn Sessions. The same for the Abbot of Whalley e tº g Mandate to the Barons to inquire of Tithes seized by the Escheator, as belonging to William Talbot, an Outlaw, touch- ing the Tithes of the Church of All Saints of Whalley, at Alvetham. The same for the King . º ſº g º Precept to the Sheriff to proclaim within the Duchy the Ordinance made as to the Goldsmith's mark. . The same for Nicholas de Haryngton and Robert de Wiswyk Precept to the Sheriff to pay the Knights of the Commonalty 27. 28. their Expenses to Parliament at Westminster. The same for the Duke . º g g § Precept to the Sheriff to elect a Coroner in the room of Thomas de Fasakereley. The same for the Duke . & * * & Precept to elect Werderors for Derbyshire, Amounderness, and Lonsdale. The King and Duke for John de Eccleston e g Precept to the Sheriff to give Seisin of a Messuage and Lands taken by the Duke for the Felony of Robert de Raynhull. The same for the Abbot of Evesham Monastery . e Mandate to the Escheator to deliver Temporalities to Roger de - Yatton, Abbot-elect. The same, for the same . * * † ſº Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer to surcease demands upon the Abbot, and to answer for the Issues according to the Award of the Great Council. The same for the Duke . tº * g * Mandate to the Escheator to seize the Lands, etc., of Sir Thomas Bannastre, Knt. The end of the 3d Year of the Royalty (1379). 3 Rich. II. (1379-80). The King and Duke for the Duke Precept to the Sheriff for election of a Coroner. The same, for John de Boteler and Thomas de Southworth Precept to the Sheriff to pay them as knights for the Common- alty, £24, for Expenses in coming to Parliament at West- minster. Anno Quarto Regalitatis John Duke of Lancaster (1380). 3 Ric. II. (1379-80). Fines paid to the Lord for Writs. - The King and Duke for John de Haydock t * Precept to the Escheator to give seisin of the Lands of Willm. Botiller in Laton Magna, Laton Parva, Bispham, Warthebrek, and Great Merton ; and Rents in Atherton, Westlegh, Pymyngton, Bolde, Lydegate, Thornton, Culcheth, Egergarth, Tildeslegh, Glassebroke, Bedford, Halsall, Ives, and Wynd- - hull; Great Sonkey Manor and Werington Manor. The same for John Botiller tº g fe tº Precept to give seisin of Lands and Mill in Burtonwood, and the Manor of Weryngton, with Advowson of the Church. The same for the Duke . ſº g g i. Precept to seize the Lands of William Botiller. The like of John Byron. The like of Richard Radclif. The same for Gilbert de Gorfordsyche . & g Writ of Re-disseisin as to the Turbary in Scaresbrek. The like for the Tenants of Worston Township . e Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer, relating to the Tenants of Worston, and Pasturage of Common and the Inclosure by - - William Nowel. The same for John Botiller and Thomas de Southworth . Precept to the Sheriffs to pay Knights for the Commonalty of the Duchy, £19:12s., their Expenses in coming to Parliamt. at Northampton. The King and Duke for the Duke tº g g Mandate to the Escheator to seize the Lands and Tenements of Peter Gerard. The like of Ellen de Birewayth. The like of Wm. de Bradshagh of Hagh. . " The like of Richd. de Caterall. The like of Gilbert de Kyghley. The like of Isabella de Eton. The same, for John Radecliffe . ſº * e Mandate to give Seisin of the Manor of Urdesale [Ordsall], 3 parts of Moiety of the Town of Flixton, Tenements in Le Hope, Shoresworth, Le Holynhed, in Tokholes, Salford, the Bailiwick of Rochdale, and # of moiety of the Town of Flixton. The same, for Isabella Bradeshagh e & e Mandate to assign Dower of Lands seized into the Duke's Hands by reason of the minority of Thomas Bradeshagh. Writs of Diem Clausit Extremum. The King and Duke for the Duke * . º e Mandate to the Escheator to take the Lands of John de Skerton. g * * * * And the like Mandate for several others upon deaths. The same, for Sir Roger Pilkington, Knt. * & Writ of Post Disseisin to the Sheriff for a Tenement in Rediche. The King and Duke for the Abbot of Cokersand . e Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer to enquire of Rent of Fº in Mellyng, held by Henry Chaderton, as seized for ebt. . Fines paid for various Writs to the Duke, as acknowledged by William Horneby, Clerk of the Hanaper. The King and Duke for the King * ga g Precept to the Sheriff to take William Grenhil, an Outlaw in the King's Court within the Duchy, according to the King's Mandate therein recited. The same for same * ſº * * g Precept to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Liverpool to proclaim the King's Mandate prohibiting Exportation of Corn. CHAP. X. Ǻr £istory of £antagüirº. |23 PERSONS. MATTERS. Anno Seacto Regalitatis (1382). 51. The King and Duke for John de Warren Mandate to the Escheator to give Seisin of Wood Plumpton * as in Fee, by Sir John Davenport, Knt. to Robert de ton. 52. The same for William de Atherton and Robert de Urcewyk Precept to the Sheriff to pay the Knights of the Commonalty of the Duchy for their expenses to Parliament at Westminster. 53. The King and Duke for the King Precept to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Liverpool to proclaim the King's Mandate touching the Exportation of Corn. 54. The King and Duke for the King of Scotland Precept to the Sheriff to distrain Persons in Liverpool possessing several Casks of Wine taken in the Port of Inchgalle by some Persons in the County of Chester, contrary to the Truce with Scotland, and to pay 10 Marks (£6 : 13:4) for each Cask. 55. The same for the King of England Precept to the Sheriff to publish the King's Proclamation within the Duchy relative to Charters of Pardon by the King's Sub- jects (except certain Persons named, and the Men of the City of Canterbury, of the Towns of Cambridge, Bridgwater, St. Edmund's, Beverley, and Scarboro'). 56. The same for Sir Roger de Pilkington, Knt., and Robert de Precept to pay the Knights elected for the Duchy Commonalty Clifton £10 for their Expenses to Parliament at Westminster. 57. Fines to the King and Duke for Writs. .58. The King and Duke for the King of England Precept to Liverpool as to Exportation of Corn. Writs of Diem Clausit Extremum. 59. The King and Duke for the Duke Mandate to the Escheator to take the Lands of Edward Lawrence and the Land of Thomas Lathum. 60. The King and Duke for the King of England Precept to Liverpool as before. 61. The same, for the Poor Fishermen in the Duchy . Precept to the Sheriff to publish the King's Prohibition against preventing the Fishermen from setting their Nets in the Sea, and catching Fish for their Livelihood. 62. The same, for Matilda Waryng Wii,of Re-disseisin to the Sheriff of a Messuage and Lands in ppyT1. 63. The same, for Thomas de Knoll Mandate to the Barons of the Exchequer to inquire of Lands in Chippendale, seized into the Duke's hands on the Felony of John de Knoll, as purchased after the King's Charter of Pardon. 64. The King of England for the King Writ addressed to the King of Castile and Duke of Lancaster, to cause to be elected and to come to Parliament 2 Knights for the Commonalty of the Duchy, and of every City 2 Citizens, and of every Boro' two Burgesses. Witness the King at Westminster, 7th January, 6 Ric. II. (1383). - 65. The King and Duke for the King Precept to the Sheriff to make Proclamation of the Statutes and Ordinances made in the Parliamt of the 6th Year of King Richard (1383), as recited in the King's Mandate addressed to the Duke of Lancaster, or his Lieutenant. Witness the King at Lancaster, 8th Febry. (1383.) 66. The King and Duke for Margery Bannastre Wºº Post Disseisin as to Dower of Lands in Walton in le Dale. 67. The same for the Owners of the Ship called Carrak, wrecked Precept to the Sheriff to make Proclamation that all the Duke's on the Duchy coast Officers, Ministers, and Tenants of the Duchy, abstain from taking the Goods of the said Ship, the Crew having escaped alive. Anno Septimo Regalitatis (1383). 68. The King and Duke for the Duke Writ of Diem Clausit Extremum upon the death of John de Rirkby, Chivaler. 69. The same for same The like, upon death of David de Irland. 70. The same for same Precept to the Sheriff to elect a Werderor for Amounderness, instead of Adam Bradkirk. 71. The like The like for Derbyshire, vice Richard de Aynscough. 72. The like . & * - Do. to elect a Coroner for the County, vice Adam de Skylicorne. 73. The same for the Abbot of Cockersand Do. to give Seisin of Lands in Billynge, seized by King Edward for the Felony of William de Falyngge. 74. Fines to the King and Duke for Writs. e - - e 75. The King and Duke for Richard de Bareweford and Agnes, Writ of Re-disseisin concerning Lands at Chorlegh. |his Wife 76. Fines to the King and Duke for Writs. e e 77. The King and Duke for the Duke Writ of Diem Clausit, etc., directed to Robert de Ursewyk on the death of Hugh de Bradshagh. 78. The King and Duke for John Pilkington and Wife wº #: *: * directed to the Escheator, for Margaret € 1.5 ſa,CIS118,9. Iſle 79. The same for same Writ of †. Clausit Extremum upon the death of Hugh de' Dacre. Do. On the death of Thomas de Rigmayden. D0 of Thomas de Lathum. Do. of Richard de Balderston. 80. Fines paid to the Duke for Writs. - 124 Qſìje 39tgtorg ºf £antaghirt. CHAP. X. IPERSONS. MATTERS. Anno Octavo Regalitatis (1384). 81. The King and Duke, for the Duke Precept to the Sheriff for Proclamation, that all the Men of the 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. The same for Adam de Prestall of Salfordshire The same, for Johanna Rigmayden The King and Duke for the Duke Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs. The King and Duke for the Duke The same for John Daunport Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs. The King and Duke for the King of England The same for the Abbot of Cockersand The King and Duke for Isabella Lathum Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs. The King and Duke for Roger de Fazackrelegh and Wife The same for Johanna Kekewyk The same for the Duke g Duke's retinue meet him at Newcastle upon Tyne, to march into Scotland. Precept to the Sheriff not to put the said Adam on Juries, &c., he being deaf. Writ de Dote Assignanda, addressed to the Escheator. Writ of Diem Clausit Extremum, on the death of Matthew de Twisilton. — of John Kekwyk, of Derby. — of William Barton. Mandamus to the Escheator, upon the death of Thomas de Rigmayden. — of Thomas Banaster. – of Edward Banastre. Mandate to William de Horneby, Receiver of the County of Lancaster, to pay the secondary Justice in the Duchy 20 Marks, for his Fee of 20s, for his Clerk for two last Sessions. Precept to the Sheriff to get ready the Men at Arms and Bowmen within the Duchy, to march agst the Scotch, according to the Ring's Mandate. Precept to give Seisin of Lands in Billynge, as seized into King Edward's Hands for the Felony of William de Falyng. Writ de Dote Assignanda, out of Lathum Manor. Writ de Procedendo in an Assize of Novel Disseisin before the Justices, as to Tenements in Knowslegh, Childwall, Roby, and Anlasargh. Writ de Dote Assignanda. Mandamus to the Escheator, upon the death of Thomas de Lathum. Hic incipit Annus Nonus Regalitatis (1385). The King and Duke for the King and Duke The same for the Duke Fines paid to the Lord for Writs § The King and Duke, for John de Pilkyngton, Parson of the Church of Bury The King and Duke for the King The same for the Duke . * Fines paid to the Lord for Writs. The King and Duke, for Isabella Lathum Fines paid to the Lord for Writs. John de Radclif to the Duke . The King and Duke, for Margaret de Ines The same, for Jas. Botiller, Earl of Ormond The same, for Roger Fazackerlegh Writ of Diem Clausit, &c. on the death of Henry de Dyneley. — Geoffrey Workesley. Adam de Hoghton. Precept to elect a Coroner for the County of Lancaster, vice John Skilicorn, deceased. Writ of Re-Disseisin as to the Manors of Le Lee, Grymsargh, Hoghton, Quylton, Ravenemeles, and Whytyngham, and Messuages and Lands in Lee, GOOSnargh, Assheton, Gryme- Sargh, Quytyngham, Frekilton, Caterall, Hoghton, Quilton, Withenhall, Hephay, Lynesey, Plesyngton, Wrightyngton, Ravenmeles, Goldburn, Preston, Sourby, Whittill in the Wodes, Walshwhittill, Eccleston, Chernock Richard, and Ribchester; and Moieties of Chernok Richard Manor and Whittill in the Wodes; two parts of Asheton and Gosemargh Manors, and the 4th part of Caterall and Wrightynton Manors. Mandate to the Justices to adjourn Sessions. Mandate to the Escheator to seize into the Hands of the King and Duke the Lands of Thomas Banastre in Ethelswyk, Freculton, Claughton in Amounds. Billesburgh, Halghton, Syngleton Parvā, Thornton le Holmes, Sowerby, Hamylton, Stalmyn, Crofton, Farryngton, Thorpe, and Brethirton. Like Mandate for the Lands of Edmond Banastre in Dilworth, Broghton, Preston in Amounderness, Wodeplumpton, with the More Hall and Gosemargh. Precept to the Sheriff to give Seisin of Tenements in Lathum Manor, vizt. Horskarre, Demedowe near Rughford, Robynfeld de Horskarre, Calverhay, Watton, Ryding, and 8 Marks (£5:6:8) Rent of Freeholds in Newburgh. Recognisance for Rent of Lands in Oldham, Chatherton, and Wytton, near Plesyngton. Writ of Assignment of Dower to Margaret Bradeshagh, of a Water Millin Westlegh, in the Duke's Hands by Minority of the Heir. Precept to the Escheator for Seisin of Rent of the Manor of Wetherton, notwithstanding no Process as to proof of Age, nor his being called on the Inquisition taken. Mandate to the Justices of the Bench, to proceed on Novel Disseisin as to Tenements of Sir Thomas Lathum, Knt. in Rinowslegh, Childwall, Roby, and Anhlesargh, and on no Accot to give Judgmt withot the Duke's advice. CHAP. X. (Liſt #istorg ºf £ancashire. 125 PERSONS. MATTERS. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. I20. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. Anno Decimo Regalitatis (1386). Fines paid to the King and Duke. The King and Duke for Margaret de Radclif . g Precept to the Receiver of the Duchy to pay a yearly Rent for Lands in Oldom, Chatherton, and Witton, near Plesington. The same for Robert de Barton . e jº & Writ of Re-disseisin for Messuages and Lands in Lathum. Fines paid to the King and Duke. - The King and Duke for the Duke ſº tº * Precept to the Sheriff to Levy £20 of the Lands of John de Radclif in Oldom, Chatherton, and Wytton, for Arrears. Witnessed by Henry, Earl of Derby, Custos of the Duchy. Anno Undecimo Regalitatis (1387). Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs. - The King and Duke for William Ward . * te Writ to Walter de Urswyk, Keeper of Lancaster Forest, to accept Bail for the said William, detained in Lancaster Castle, for a Trespass on the Forest. The King and Duke for the Duke g e g Writ of Diem Clausit Extremum upon the deaths of Jno. de Wareyn, Thomas Strangways, Thomas Sotheworth, Richard Torbock, Thomas Holand, William Tunstall, Petronilla Banastre, Thomas Molyneux, and William Aghton. The same for same . tº & e e * Precept to the Sheriff to elect a Coroner, vice Edward Frere. Do, vice Hugh de Ines, they being both incompetent to their g Offices. The same for same . p © & g º Precept to the Sheriff to elect a Verduror for Quernmore and Wyresdale, vice John Croft, made Steward of Lonsdale. The like, vice Robt. Cauncefeld, he being in Spain with the Duke. Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs. Ralph de Radclif, Sheriff of Lancaster, for the King and Recognisance of Debt for the Sheriff to pay £80 for his office for Duke one Year. The same for same. fº º & * * Like Recognisance for a faithful. Account of his profits. . The King and Duke, for John de Ines . & p Precept to the Escheator to supersede the demand of £34:14:4 of Lands, &c., in Wythyngton and Harewode, and other Moneys, till the next Sessions. Anno Duodecimo Regalitatis (1388). Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs. The King and Duke for the Duke Mandate to the Justices to adjourn Sessions. The same for same ſº t * g g Writs of Diem Clausit Extremum upon the deaths of Jno. de Haydok, of Alice de Legh, and John de Nevill. The same, for Milicent de Aghton * º e Writ to the Escheator for Assignment of Dower. Fines paid to the King and Duke for Writs The King and Duke for Ralph de Nevill . e g Precept to the Escheator for Livery of seisin of the Advowson of Prescote Church, and for Payment of Relief and for Respite of Homage, till the Duke's return to England. DUCHY OF TANCASTER, } CONTINUATION OF ABSTRACT OF THE CLOSE ROLL A. 6, 1st TO 12th YEAR OF THE ROYALTY OF JOHN OF GAUNT, DUKE OF LANCASTER. (The Interior Part of the Roll having been already Abstracted, the following are from the same Roll in Tergo.) First Year (1377). Grantors and others. Grantees and others. Matters and Premises. No. 2. dors. . 1. | Edmund, son of Alan de | Edmund Lorence, son of John Law- | Enrolment of the Deed of Release and Quit OTS, Folifayt. rence, of Asshdon. Claim of all Right to the Manor of Folifayt, near Tadcaster, 50 Ed. III. (1376). The like of Lands which Elizabeth Folifayt, widow, held in dower, 51 Ed. III. (1377). Other Deeds relative to the Manor. {j ohn de Assheton-under-Lime. John de Kirkeby * * * . . Recognisance of the Receipt of £40 in part payment of a Debt of 140 Marks (£93 : 6:8), 1 Ric. II. (1377-8). Other Deeds relating ... " thereto. *::: ! Thomas Lathum . gº . Robert de Breton, Vicar of the Church Enrolment of Deed by Release and Quit Claim & of Huyton, and Thomas de Ryding, at Crossehalle, in Lathum, and all other Chaplain. Lands granted in Lancashire, 49 Ed. III. (1375). 126 (ſhe #istory of £ancashire. CHAP. X. Grantors and others. Grantees and others. Matters and Premises. Annus Secundus (1378), In, Tergo. No. 4.) Robert de Washington and For William de Horneby, Parson of | Recognisance of Debt of £8, . dors. others. the Church of St. Michael-upon- A9:200 Regalitatis. - Wyre. No. 5. Thomas de Lamplogh and For Edmund Lorence Recognisance of Debt, £40. dors. others. .. | Adam of Lancaster For Thomas Mirreson of Lancaster Recognisance of Debt, É10. No. 7. William de Heton Ralph de Ipre and Peter de Bolrun Enrolment of Grant of Lands in Heton, dors. Broune, Molebek, Urwike, and Lancaster. 51 Edw. III. (1377). No. 8. | Richard de Massy, Knt. . For John de la Pole, Justice of Chester. Recognisance of Debt of £5.—Witness, Henry, dors. - Earl of Derby, Custos of the Royalty. And various other Recognizances of Debts. Annus Tertius (1379). In Tergo. No. 9. | John de Pleyngton Hugh de Dacre, Knt. Lord of Gilles- Enrolment of Grant of the Manors of Halton dors. land. in Lonesdale, and Eccleston in Leylandshire, - in Coñ Lanc. with all their Members and Appurtenances. 2 Rich. II. (1378-9.) Release and Quit Claim by Feoffees. Annus Quartus (1380). In Tergo. Nº. | Various Recognisances of Debt Annus Quintus (1381). In Tergo. Nº. }J ohn Botiller, Knt. Henry de Bispham and Richard de Enrolment of the Grant of the Manors of Great No. 12. Henry de Bispham and Rich- dors, ſº ard de Carleton. Annus Sextus (1382). No. 13. dors, No. 14. dors. | Recognisances of Debts. | Robert de Wasshyngton. No. 15. | Roger de Fasacreley Carleton, Chaplains. John Botiller, Knt. and Alice his wife. In Tergo. For William de Hornby, Parson of St. Michael-upon-Wyre, and William le Ducton. Edward de Lathum, Henry de Scares- dors. breck, and others. No. 16. Adam de Hoghton, Chivr, For the King and Duke dors. , Nicholas de Haryngton, Chivº, And Richard, son of Adam de Houghton. Annus Octavus (1384). In Tergo. *: 17. | Richard de Hoghton For William de Horneby, Parson of St. OTS. Michael-upon-Wire. Nº. The King and Duke For John Nowell Tº ! The King and Duke William de Rigmayden Nº. 19. | The King and Duke For Hugh, son of John de Partyngton, OTS. of Irwelham. No. 20 ! The ki d Duk Nº. dors. | e KIng and Duke For Adam de Hoghton and others Nº. | The King and Duke For Thomas Smith, Nayler, of Cholle Laton, Little Laton, Bispham, and Warde- brek, Lands in Great Merton, and the whole Lordship of Merton Town. 4 Rich. II. (1381). Enrolment of Grant of the above Manors, Lands, and Lordship, in Fee Tail special. 4 Ric. II. (1880-1). Enrolment of Grant of Lands, &c. in Carleton in Amounderness, for a Rose Rent per Ann. 8 Years, and increased Rent £20 per Ann. 5 Ric. II. (1881-2) Memorandum of Agreement as to Dower of Tenements in Wrightinton. Recognisance of Debt of 200 Marks, upon a seizure into the Duke's hands, on the death of James Botiller, Earl of Ormond. Enrolment of Grant of the Wardship of Lands of Henry de Kighley, Knt. in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and the Marriage of his Son. 7 Rich. II. (1383-4). Precept to the Sheriff to supersede taking the Body of John Nowell, to answer before the Justices of the Duchy for the death of John de Holden, upon Appeal of Murder. Precept to the Sheriff to supersede the Out- lawry for Trespasses in the Duchy Chases. Precept to the Sheriff to supersede an Out- tº: King Richard II. having granted him pardon. Similar Writs for William Crist and John de Leylond, Souter, of Wigan. Precept to the Escheator to supersede Levy of Rent of 100 Marks (£66 : 13:4) out of WethetOn Manor. Precept to the Sheriff to supersede Outlawry, Defendant having found Bail to appear at Sessions. CHAP. X. 127 whe #istorg of antasite. Grantors and others. Grantees and others. Matters and Premises. No. 22. dors. Annus Nonus (1385). In Tergo. Various Recognisances of Debts and Writs de Supersedendo, addressed to the Sheriff. John de Walton . Annus Decimus (1386). In Tergo. Recognisances of Debts, &c. Robert de Saureby and John de Birke- heved, Chaplains. Enrolment of Grant of Lands, &c. in Lancas- ter, Bare, and Kertmell. 9 Ric. II. (1385-6.) No. 23. Robert de Saureby and John J ohn de Walton and Rosa his Wife Grant of the above Lands, &c. in Fee Tail, dors. de Birkeheved, Chaplains. special. No. 24. Agnes Banastre For William de Horneby, Parson of the Recognisance of Debt of 500 Marks (£333. 6s. dors. 8 - Church of St. Michael-upon-Wyre. 8d.) for Infeoffment of Lands, seized into the Duke's hands by the minority of Constance Banastre. Annus Undecimus (1387). In Tergo. Recognisances of Debts and writs de Supersedendo as to Debts. Nº. | William de Dutton For William Molen, Robert Dyryng, Enrolment of Grant of Lands, &c., of William & - John De Cornay, and others, Chap- de Dutton in Ribchester, Bispham, Northe- lains. 'brok, and all his Burgages and Lands and Tenements in Preston, in Amounderness. 11 Rich. II. (1387-8). Annus Duodecimus (1388). In Tergo. No. 26. Gilbert de Halsall and For the King and Duke Recognisance of Debt of £700 for payment to dors, others. William de Hornby, Receiver, of £237. 14s, 0}d. for his Account of the Time he was Sheriff. Witness, Henry, Earl of Derby, Custos of the Duchy. 12 Rich. II. (1388-9). No. 27. Robert de Standyssh and For the King and Duke Recognisance of Debt of £200 for the said dors. others. Robert, to render Account of his Office of Sheriff. “From the 7th year of King Richard II. (1383-4) there are no Books nor Rolls extant to the 1st of Henry IV. (1399).”—E Libro Great Ayloffe, 1692; page 159, in John of Gaunt's Chancery of the Duchy. In the “Originalia Memoranda,” on the Lord Treasurer's side of the Exchequer, we find the following Records relating to the county and duchy of Lancaster, from the period when the ducal house first rose into distinction, to the time when the third duke of Lancaster ascended the throne, with the letters-patent of Henry IV. and Henry V. LANCASTER.—The duke of Lancaster's charter, enrolled in Memoranda 9 Edw. I. (1281); and Records of St. Hilary, 19 Edw. II. (1325-6). Chart. of * E. of Lanc., enrolled, Recds. St. Hil. 6 Edw. III. (1327)—Roll. D. of Lanc.’s liberty of replevying to the Morrow of Easter Term, in Co. York. Recs. St. Mich, 26 Edw. III. (1352)—Roll. Unjust claim of Henry, late E. of Lanc., duke of Lanc., in Co. Derby. Recs. St. Hil. 26 Edw. III. (1352)—Roll. Charter of Duke of Lanc. respecting divers liberties granted to him in the city of London. Recs. Hil. 27 Edw. III. (1353)—Roll. Charter of the D. of Lanc. for receiving £40 under the Honor of the Earl of Derby and Lincoln, in equal parts, in Co. Leicester. Mich. Records 23 Edw. III. (1354)—Roll. Duke of Lancaster's claim in Co. Leicester. Easter Recs. 28 Edw. III. (1354)—Roll 1. Charter of D. of Lanc. in Co. Leicester, enrolled Mich. Recs. 29 Edw. III. (1355)—Roll. Cognisance of Rich. Michel, sheriff of Not, and Derby, for the D. of Lanc. in Co. Derby. Hil. Recs. 32 Edw. III. (1358)—Roll. D. of Lanc.'s claim in Co. Linc. for working fines. Mich. Recs. 33 Edw. III. (1359)—Roll. Charter of John, D. of Lanc. Mich. Recs. 38 Edw. III. (1364)—Roll 24. Charter of John, Duke of Lancaster. Mich. Recs. 38 Edw. III. (1364), 21. Record sent to the King's chancellor in the county of Lancaster. Mich. Recs. 38 Edw. III. (1364)—Roll. Charter of J., D. of L. for liberties granted to him. Hil. Recs. 39 Edw. III. (1365)—Roll 16. D. of Lanc.’s claim of divers sums. Mich. Recs. 42 Edw. III. (1368)—Roll 20. D. of Lanc's Charter, 47 Edw. III. (1373)—Roll. - Charters of John, Kg of Cast. and Leon, D. of Lanc., enrolled Mich. Recs. 1 Ric. II. (1377-8)—Roll 2. Charter of John, D. of Aquitaine and Lanc. of liberties granted to him by the king. Mich. Recs. 21 Ric. II. (1397-8)—Roll 13. The Duke of Lancaster's claim of divers sums charged upon the sheriffs of the Counties of Somerset, Dorset, Lincoln, and York. Mich. Recs. 21 Ric. II. (1397-8)—Roll 20. John, Duke of Lancaster's claim of divers sums charged upon the sheriff of the County of Linc. Mich. Recs. 22 Ric. II. 1398-9)—Roll 34. ( i. claim of John, D. of L. for divers sums. Mich. Recs. 21 Ric. II. (1397-8)—Roll 21. The claim of John, D. of Lanc. for divers sums upon the sheriff of Lincoln's accountant. Mich. 23 Rich II. (1399)—Roll 34. The King's Letters Patent touching the Duchy of Lane. enrolled Mich. Recs. 1 Hen. IV. (1899-1400)—Roll 14. Two Letters Patent made to John Leventhorp, under the Seal of the Duchy of Lancaster, enrolled Mich. Recs, 1 Henry IV. (1399-1400)—Roll 15. Divers sums claimed by our Lord the King's Attorney-Gen. of his Duchy of Lanc., to be placed to the same King as for his Duchy of Lanc. in Co. Derby and elsewhere. Trinity Records, 5 Henry IV. (1403-4)—Roll 16. * * +& * The King's Letters under his privy seal of the Duchy of Lanc. enrolled Mich. Recs, 6 Hen. W. (1418-19)—Roll 19, 128 QThe #istory of £antagjire. CHAP, X. Of the illustrious John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, it has been observed that he was the son of a king, the father of a king, and the uncle of a king, and could have said as much as Charles of Valois had he been the brother of a king. His children were as follows:– |By BLANCH, HIS FIRST WIFE— HENRY of Lancaster, surnamed Bolingbroke, afterwards Henry IV. of England. The first king of the Lancasterian line. --- - - PHILIPPA of Lancaster, queen of Portugal. ELIZABETH of Lancaster, duchess of Exeter. BY CONSTANCE, HIS SECOND WIFE— RATHERINE of Lancaster, queen of Castile and Teon. By CATHARINE SWINFORD, AFTERWARDS THIRD WIFE— JOHN BEAUFORT, earl of Somerset. HENRY BEAUFORT, cardinal of St. Eusebius, and bishop of Winchester. THOMAS BEAUFORT, duke of Exeter and earl of Dorset. JOAN BEAUFORT, countess of Westmorland. The reign of Henry IV. son of John of Gaunt, was short and agitated. The insurrection of the earls of Rutland, Kent, and Huntingdon, was followed by an insurrection in Wales; and a royal proclamation, addressed to the “Chancellor of the King's County Palatine of Lancaster,” announced that Owyn Glendourdy, and other rebels, had lately risen against the king in great numbers, to resist whom, the chancellor was required to proclaim within his jurisdiction that all knights and esquires able to bear arms in person, and archers who received annual fees from the king, should repair to Worcester by the 1st of October, to join the other levies raised to put down this insurrection (1400-1401)." A long and sanguinary civil war ensued, in which Henry had by turns to fight against his English subjects, under the earl of Northumberland, who, from being his friend, had become his deadly enemy; the Welsh under their native princes, and the Scotch under Robert III. of that kingdom ; but by his courage, skill, and prudence, he overcame his enemies, and established that throne by the power of the sword, which appeared at first to have been erected upon the affections of his people. The writ to raise troops in the county of Lancaster was followed by another addressed to the chancellor of the duchy, commanding him to proclaim that William Adherton and Edmund de Dacre were appointed to collect the reasonable aid of twenty shillings for the marriage-portion of Blanche of Lancaster, the king's eldest daughter, to the duke of Bavaria (1402)”. The wounds inflicted upon the pride of France by the conquests made in that country by the Black Prince, and the earl of Derby, son of Henry earl of Lancaster, formed a never-ending source of hostility between the French and English nations; and the duke of Orleans did not fail to avail himself of the diffi- culties by which Henry IV. was surrounded. His attacks were directed against the English castles and fortresses, both in the South and north of France, at Bordeaux and at Calais. To prevent these possessions from falling into the hands of the French, the king issued a proclamation to the chancellor of the duchy, and of the county palatine of Lancaster, as well as to the sheriffs of other counties, commanding him to proclaim in all proper places within his jurisdiction, that all knights, esquires, valets, and other persons competent for defence, having any fees or annuities, lands, tenements, gifts or grants, or other donations, held by gift of the king or his progenitors, should personally appear in the king's presence at London, within fifteen days from the date of the proclamation (1407).” These demonstrations were of themselves sufficient to preserve the English possessions without striking a blow ; and the contest between the duke of Burgundy and the duke of Orleans, in which the king of England, in a proclamation to the chancellor of the county palatine of Lan- caster, inhibited the people of England from taking any part, so much engaged the French armies, that they would not prosecute their hostility against the English cities of France." That the commerce of this county, in its infant state, was at this period greatly injured and impeded by the depredations of the hostile powers by which England was assailed, may be inferred from a petition to the commons house of parliament, from the inhabitants of Lancashire, Cheshire, and Cumberland, in which they allege, that several robberies and depredations have been committed on their coast by their enemies of France and Scotland, and by the rebels of Wales, who have seized and taken their vessels, owing, as they allege, to no admiral or keeper of the seas being upon this station, to the great destruction, ruin, and oppression, of the said counties; for remedy whereof, they pray that protection may be afforded to them. To which petition the king replied, that an admiral should be appointed for the safeguard of the seas of the north-western coast (1410)." The contest for the papacy, which at this time agitated all Christendom, was felt so strongly in 1 Claus. 2 Henry IV. p. 2, m. 1. d. 2 Fin, 3 Henry IV. m. 16. * Claus, 8 Henry IV. m. 17, d. * Claus. 13 Henry IV. m. 22, d. 5 Rot. Parl. 11 Henry IV. item, 52, vol. iii. p. 639. CHAP. X. The history of Lancashire. I 29 England, that a proclamation was issued by the king to the sheriff of the county of Lancaster, and to other counties, wherein it was announced, that Peter de Luna, alias Benedict XIII., and Angelo Corario, alias Gregory XII., were rashly contending for the papal chair, and both of them being pronounced and declared notorious heretics and schismatics by the definitive sentence of the holy and universal synod canonically congregated at Pisa, the most reverend father in Christ, the lord Petro de Candias, on account of his merits, was elected by the same authority to the pontificate, by the title of Alexander W., and the sheriff was com- manded to make proclamation in all places within his jurisdiction that the said Alexander W. was the true Roman pontifex (1410)." The life of King Henry IV., though only in the meridian of his years, was now drawing fast to a termi- nation. The scenes through which he had passed in his way to the throne, and the disquietude with which he was assailed from so many quarters, while in the possession of that giddy eminence, preyed upon his constitution and shortened his days. Had it been his fate to remain in the sufficiently elevated, but more humble station of duke of Lancaster, it is highly probable that his life would have been more happy and his death less early. By his will (dated Jan. 21, 1408), which breathes a spirit of remorse characteristic of the state of the royal mind, he bequeathed the duchy of Lancaster as an endowment to his consort the queen, in these words:–“I will that the Queen be endowed of the duchy of Lancaster.” The reign of Henry W. the second British king of the Lancastrian line, presents one of the most splendid periods in the military annals of England. During this short but eventful reign, France was once more laid prostrate at the feet of her ancient rival; and the capital of that kingdom, as well as the power of its govern- ment, was held by the British monarch with a tenacity which was not relaxed even in the hour of death. At home all was tranquillity; the cabals of the court, which had embittered the last days of Henry IV., were hushed by the frank and fascinating character of his once profligate son, and the scenes of domestic discon- tent were confined altogether to the contests between the early reformers and the church of Rome. - The first English martyr in the cause of the Lollards was William Sautré, rector of Osythes, in London, who was consigned to the flames in 1401, at the instance of the church, in virtue of a writ issued by Henry IV., whose father, John of Gaunt, had been the early patron and firm friend of John Wickliffe, the founder of the obnoxious sect in England, Henry V., more influenced probably by a wish to preserve the peace and harmony of his kingdom, than by any strong predilections, espoused the cause of the church of Rome; and it would appear from a royal proclamation, issued in the first year of his reign to the sheriff of the county palatine of Lancaster, that the new Schismatics had spread into this county. In this proclamation the king announced that certain preachers, not privileged by law, or licensed by the diocesan of the place, or permitted by the church, of the new sect of Lollards, preach in public places, contrary to the ordinances of the church, and, under colour of preaching the word of God, forment and disseminate discord among the people, and the pestiferous seed of evil doctrine. For remedy of which, and to protect the catholic faith, the sheriff is commanded to make proclamation that no chaplain shall hold, dogmatise, preach, or defend this heresy and error, under pain of imprisonment and forfeiture of goods; and if any persons shall be found publicly or privately infringing these Orders, by holding conventicles, or congregations, or receiving the preachers of the obnoxious doctrines, or shall be really and vehemently suspected of so doing, they shall be committed to prison without delay, to remain there until they shall obey the mandates of the diocesan in whose diocese they have preached, to be certified by the diocesan himself (1413).” The demand for reformation in the doctrine and the discipline of the church was far too loud and too widely extended to be silenced by pro- clamations; and hence we find from another royal mandate addressed to the chancellor of the county palatine of Lancaster in the following year (1414), that divers of the liege subjects of the king, on the incitement and instigation “ of a most cunning and subtle enemy,” Sir John Oldcastle (Lord Cobham), holding and teaching various opinions manifestly contrary and obnoxious to the catholic faith, and to sound doctrine, stood charged with wickedly imagining and conspiring the king's death, because he and his counsellors would not assent to these doctrines. The accused parties, too conscientious to plead not guilty of an offence which they had actually committed, or under some other influence which it is now difficult to discover, confessed their guilt ; and the king of his special grace pardoned all the offenders, except Lord Cobham, Sir Thomas Talbot, knight, and ten other persons of inferior station. This pardon the chancellor was required to proclaim through the whole of his jurisdiction; and the reformers, with the above exceptions, some of whom had tâken refuge in the places of sanctuary–Manchester and Lancaster being of that number—were allowed to plead the royal pardon before the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist (June 24) next ensuing.” A number of the Lollards forfeited their lives to the dictates of their consciences; for it is impossible to impute to the great mass of them any sinister motive ; and Lord Cobham, the most zealous and distinguished of their number, was hung up by the middle upon a gallows erected in St. George's Fields, where he was consumed alive in the fire, praising God with his last breath. These terrible examples checked for a time the spread of Lollardism; but the fires only Smouldered ; and, in the reign of Henry VIII., under sanction of the king, 1 Claus. 11 Henry IV. m. 31. dors. * Claus. 1 Hen. V. 3 Claus. 2 Henry V. m. 24. S 130 ſhe jºigturn of 3Lantaghire. CHAP. X. they burst forth with a force so irresistible, as to destroy the whole power of the “holy Anglican mother church.” - At this period a large accession of wealth and power was made to the duchy of Lancaster, by the union of the rights and possessions of the county of Hereford to the duchy, under the sanction of the following royal ordinance (2 Hen. W. 1414):— * “The king, by the assent of parliament, declares, grants, and Ordains, that all the honors, castles, hundreds, manors, lands, tenements, reversions, rents, services, fees, advowsons, possessions, and lordships, as well within the kingdom of England as in parts of Wales and other places, within the king's lordships, which have descended, or shall descend inheritably to the king, after the death of lame Maria, one of the daughters and heirs of Humphrey de Bohun, formerly Earl of Hereford, Essex, and Northamp- ton, and Constable of England, as to the son and heir of that Dame Mary; also, that all the rights, liberties, franchises, and frank customs, to the same inheritance appertaining or regarding, be severed from the crown of England, and adjoined, annexed, united, and incorporated, to and with the said king's duchy of Lancaster, perpetually to remain to the same king, as being so adjoined, united, annexed, and incorporated; and further, that all the honors, Castles, hundreds, wapentakes, manors, lands, tenements, and reversions aforesaid, and all other things to the said inheritance regarding, and the vassals and tenants to it appertaining, be also entirely enfranchised, and by the officers treated, guarded, and governed, in all respects, as possessions to the said duchy appertain- ing, and the vassals and tenants to the same duchy regarding, are enfranchised, treated, guarded, and governed, for ever ; and this, according to the form, force, and effect of the words contained in a schedule passed in this parliament ; and by the king, with the assent of the Lords aforesaid, and the authority aforesaid, fully affirmed. [Then follows an enumeration of the possessions at great length."] Scarcely had the chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster proclaimed, by royal command, the truce between England and Castile and Leon, when the king of England embarked for France with an army of six thousand cavalry, and twenty-four thousand foot, principally archers. After carrying the garrison of Harfleur, and leaving a number of his troops to defend that fortress, Henry, at the head of his troops, marched for Calais, but on his way he was interrupted by a hostile army of fourteen thousand cavalry and forty thousand infantry, under the command of the constable of France, and obliged to come to battle on the plains of Agincourt. Here the glories of Cressy and Poictiers were renewed, and the cry of “A Derby’’ or “An Edward,” was not more piercing in the ears of the discomfited French army on those fields of English glory, than was the cry of “A Henry” on the field of Agincourt. The loss of the English in this memorable battle (fought Oct. 25, 1415), which destroyed the military power of France, was incredibly small; some of the contemporary authorities say not exceeding forty men, amongst whom were Edward duke of York and the earl of Suffolk. That this number is much underrated cannot be doubted, and if the nature of the engage- ment did not establish that fact, it might be inferred from the proclamation to the chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, issued by the king soon afterwards, for the purpose of recruiting his army, by which all knights, esquires, and valets, holding fees or annuities of the king for term of years, or for life, were required, under forfeiture of the same, to appear in their own persons at Southampton, to cross the seas to France arrayed and furnished with supplies for three months (1416).” Before the departure of the king for France, he instituted commissions of array in this and the other counties of England, to take a review of all the freemen able to bear arms, and to divide them into companies, that they might be kept in readiness to resist an enemy. “This,” says Mr. Hume, “was the first commission of array which we meet with in English history.” How a writer of so much research should have fallen into the error of supposing that there had existed in England no commission of array till the time of Henry V, it is not easy to imagine : commissions of this nature had been instituted two centuries before, and the number of them in operation in the reigns of the Edwards, in the county of Lancaster alone, it is difficult to estimate. The necessities of the state had plunged the king into great pecuniary difficulties; and although the county of Hereford, with its land revenues, had recently been added to his hereditary possessions, he was obliged, before he could embark his troops for France, to raise supplies by pledging the crown jewels. The loans obtained in this way had been contracted for with so much precipitation, and the regalia had been so widely dispersed, that a proclamation was issued by the king to the chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, wherein it was announced that certain royal jewels, of no little value, had been committed and pledged, for the greater expedition of the king's voyage lately made to France, to certain of his liege subjects retained in the expedition, for the payment of their wages, which jewels it was now proper should be restored; the chan- cellor was therefore commanded to proclaim, that all persons within his jurisdiction, who had received such pledged jewels, should present them in person at the public treasury, in order that they might be redeemed ; in default whereof, the offending parties were rendered liable to forfeit all their goods (1416).” The career of King Henry W. was as short as it was brilliant ; a mortal malady seized him at the age of thirty-four years, and consigned the conqueror of France to the tomb in August 1422. His principal care in his last illness was to provide for the secure possession of his French conquest to his infant son Henry VI, * Rot. Parl. vol. iv. p. 46. While speaking of this act, Sir ratified, and continued by authority of parliament, necessary to be Edward Coke says—“For the great roialties, liberties, privileges, known by such as have any of these possessions.”—Fourth Insti- immunities, quitances, and freedoms, which the duke of Lancaster tute, p. 210. had for him and his men and tenants, see Rot. Parl. die Lunae post * Claus. 4 Henry V. m. 21. d. octav. Sancti Martini an. 2 Henry V., all which are established, * Claus. 4 Henry V. m. 11. dors. CHAP, X. (The #istory ºf £antagbirt. 13| then but nine months old,—little suspecting that this unfortunate child would not, in his mature years, be able to maintain even his English possessions, and that, in his person, the Lancaster line would be pushed from the throne of his fathers. The will of Henry V. bears date (in 1417) three years before his marriage to the Princess Catharine, and four years before the birth of his only son. By that will, the royal testator bequeaths his duchy of Lancaster to his two brothers, John duke of Bedford, and Humphrey duke of Gloucester, in these terms:– “I will and pray the aforesaid feoffee, &c., in the castles and manors of Halton and Clitheroe, and in all other lordships, manors, lands, tenements, rents, Services, and other possessions, &c., do depart, as evenly as ye may, in two parts equal, the same castles, lordships, manors, &c. . And inasmuch as you may goodly, ye do assign in the t'one of the said two parts, castles, lordships, &c., in the south coasts, and in the t'other, do assign castles, &c., in the north coasts of England; [in the latter to] enfeoff my brother John Duke of Bedford, and his heirs-male ; [in the south to] enfeoff my brother Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, to him and his heirs- male, &c.”! * This was the last will of Henry V., but the subsequent birth of a son abrogated its principal bequests, and the whole duchy of Lan- caster descended to Henry VI. 1:32 Qſìjt #t3torm of 3Lantaghirt. CHAP. XI. CHAPTER XI. Scarcity of Records for History during the Wars of the Roses—Marriage of Henry VI.-Claims of the Rival Houses of York and Lancaster to the Throne—Wars of the Roses—Henry VI. dethroned by Edward IV.--Henry seeks an Asylum in Lancashire—Taken by Sir John Talbot—Sir John's Grant for this Service—Catastrophe of the Lancastrian Family—Edward W. murdered in the Tower–Coronation of Richard III. His Warrant for seizing a Rebel’s Land in Lancashire—The King's Jealousy towards the Duke of Richmond, Son-in-law of Lord Stanley, extends to his Lordship—Attainder of Lady Stanley, Countess of Richmond—Landing of the Duke of Rich- mond in England—Battle of Bosworth Field—Confiscation of Lancashire Estates—Union of the Houses of York and Lancaster—Sweating Sickness—Lambert Simnell and Perkin Warbeck, Pretenders to the Throne—Fatal Consequences of the Civil Wars to the Duke of York's Family (note)—Sir William Stanley accused of High Treason : Condemned and Executed—Henry VII’s Royal Progress to Lancashire—Execution of Edward, Earl of Warwick, the last Male of the Plantagenet Line—Death of Henry VII-A.D. 1472 to 1509. ; Richard III., during which time the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster raged § with so much fury; and that of the reign of Henry VII, when these intestine broils were sº happily composed by the union of the rival houses in the persons of Henry VII. and his É. queen ; yet there is no time, from the reign of King Stephen, so destitute as this of authentic The Savage and murderous contests of the court and of the people, appear so to have disorganised society, that the usual communications between the authorities in the provinces and the government were neglected ; or, if proclamations and edicts were issued in the several counties, they perished with many of those to whom they were addressed, the usual depositories being found almost entirely destitute of these docu- ments. This paucity of official information is the more extraordinary, seeing that the art of printing, that great engine of multiplication, was introduced into England by William Caxton in 1471, during the Wars of the Roses. - Many of the conquests made in France by Henry V. were lost during the regency appointed for the government of England, in the nonage of his successor, who, in his twenty-third year, contracted marriage with Margaret of Anjou, daughter of Regnier, titular king of Sicily, Naples, and Jerusalem. The command- ing and masculine talents of his royal consort would, it was conceived, compensate for the weakness and effeminacy of the king; and though she brought no possessions, the French province of the Maine, then a part of the English territory, was, by a secret treaty, ceded to Charles, her uncle, on the consummation of the royal marriage. By a singular coincidence, the king had, seven years before this event, changed the title of “Anjou king of arms,” in the English heralds' college, to that of “Lancaster king of arms;” and in a list of new-year's gifts presented by King Henry VI., in 1436, to the Lancaster herald, as well as to a person who was then created a pursuivant of arms, by the title of Collar, there is a silver bell each, but for what purpose it is difficult to comprehend." No sooner had the queen arrived in the English court, than she entered into all the intrigues by which it was agitated. The duke of Gloucester, uncle to the king, having become obnoxious to the predominant party, at the head of which stood Cardinal Winchester and the dukes of Buckingham, Somerset, and Suffolk, he was marked out as their victim. The duchess of Gloucester, Eleanor, the daughter of Lord Cobham, a lady of haughty carriage and ambitious mind, being attached to the prevailing superstitions of the day, was accused of the crime of witchcraft; and it was alleged against her and her associate, Sir Roger Bolingbroke, a priest, and Margery Jourdain, the witch of Eye, that they had in their possession a wax figure of the king, which they melted by a magical device before a slow fire, with the intention of wasting away his force and vigour by insensible degrees. This story partakes of the nature of the kindred superstition which prevailed a century and a half afterwards, and of which Ferdinando, earl of Derby, was the subject, if not the victim : and we find that the wax figure in witchcraft takes its date at a period antecedent to the wars of the houses of York and Lancaster. The imbecile mind of Henry was sensibly affected by this wicked invention; and the duchess, on being brought to trial, and found guilty of the design to destroy the king and his ministers by the agency of witchcraft, was sentenced to do public penance, and to suffer perpetual imprisonment, while her confederates were condemned to death, and executed. After enduring the ignominy of her public penance, rendered * Cotton. MSS. Cleop. F. iv. fo. 103 (Orig.) CHAP. XI. Qſìje history ºf 3Lancashire, 133 peculiarly severe by the exalted station from which she had fallen, the duchess was banished to the Isle of |Man, where she was placed under the ward of Sir Thomas Stanley. On her way to the place of exile, she was confined for some time, first in Leeds castle, and afterwards in the castle of Liverpool. Events so con- genial with the imagination of our great dramatic poet could scarcely fail to find their way into his historical plays; and hence we find, in the second part of his Henry VI, a small stream of historical fact running through an ample meadow of poetic fiction, in which the duchess is exhibited and detected in the midst of these works of darkness.” After remaining in the Isle of Man some years, it would appear that this unfor- tunate lady was transferred to Calais, under the ward of Sir John Steward, or, as he describes himself, “Johannes Seneschallus, miles, filius Johannis Seneschalli, aliter dicti Scot Angli.” From the will of this knight, it appears that he was a resident, and had an important command in Calais, in the mother church of which town he desires to be buried. He names John Roos as his confessor; bequeaths to his eldest son, Thomas, all his harness of war, and his ship, the Grace de Dieu, which his master, the duke of Bedford, had given him, together with his lands in the marches of Calais. To Sir Thomas Criell he leaves “a ring with a diamond, which Eleanor Cobham, duchess of Gloucester, gave me while she lived with me as my prisoner.” The duke of Gloucester, if possible more unfortunate than his lady, was accused of high treason, in aspiring to the throne, and summoned to take his trial before the high court of parliament at Bury St. Edmund's ; but, on the eve of the investigation, he was found dead in his bed, without marks of violence, though by no means without strong suspicion that he had fallen a victim to the cruel devices of his relentless persecutors. About this time two Lancashire knights at the head of the principal families in the county were actively engaged in the delusive science of alchymy, and transmutation of metals—that ignis fatuus which has con- ducted so many ingenious men to their ruin. The king had on a former occasion (1458) commissioned three philosophers to make the precious metals, without receiving any return from them in gold and silver: his credulity, however, like that of many wiser men, was unshaken by disappointment, and he issued a pompous grant in favour of three other alchymists, who boasted that they could not only transmute the inferior metals into gold and silver, but that they could also impart to man perpetual youth, with unimpaired powers of mind and body, by means of a specific, called—“The Mother and Queen of Medicines—The inestimable Glory—The Quintessence, or The Elixir of Life.” In favour of these three “lovers of truth and haters of deception,” as they modestly styled themselves, Henry dispensed with the law passed by his royal grand- father,”—a very unnecessary law, against the undue multiplication of gold and silver; and empowered, not enabled, them to transmute the inferior into precious metals. This extraordinary commission had the sanction of parliament, and two out of the three commissioners were Sir Thomas Ashton of Ashton-under- Lyne, and Sir Edmund Trafford of Trafford; the latter of whom had assisted at the coronation of the king, and received the honour of Knight of the Bath on that occasion. These sages, imposing probably upon themselves as well as upon others, kept the king's expectations wound up to the highest pitch, and he actually informed his people that the hour was approaching, when, by the means of the stone, he should be enabled to pay off all his debts It is scarcely necessary to add, that this philosopher's stone never gave forth its expected virtues; and the king's debts must have remained unpaid, had not his Majesty pawned the revenue of the duchy of Lancaster, to satisfy the demands of his clamorous creditors. A patent for transmuting the inferior metals into gold and silver was granted by the king to these two Lancashire alchymists in the 24th year of his reign (7th April 1446), in which they were encouraged to prosecute their experiments, and by which all the king's servants and subjects were interdicted from giving them any molestation." The madness of party rage rendered the government of England indifferent to the retention of foreign possessions; and the whole province of Bayonne, which had been obtained three centuries before, at the price of so much blood and treasure, was ceded to France, with as little ceremony as in modern times a gold snuff-box would be presented to a plenipotentiary. The indifference of the court was not shared by the people. They beheld this curtailment of their ancient possessions with that disgust which it was so well calculated to excite. The embers of discontent were easily blown into a flame by the duke of York and his adherents. And the duke of Suffolk, the favourite of the king, and the reputed paramour of the queen, after having been impeached on a charge of ceding the province of the Maine to Charles of Anjou without authority, and surrendering the province of Bayonne without a struggle, was banished the kingdom. To prevent the duke, whose friends were numerous and powerful, from ever again resuming the helm of state, he was seized by a band of pirates, employed by his enemies, on his voyage to the continent, and his head struck off and thrown into the sea. The popular insurrection of Jack Cade was a part of the same system of hostility towards the house of Lancaster; and the duke of York at length openly advanced his claims to that sceptre which the feeble representative of the house of Lancaster was unable to wield. The seeds of this contest, though apparently sown in the time of King Edward III., may, in fact, be traced back to the time of Henry III., who died a century before, leaving two sons, Edward I., and Edmund 1 Wilhelmi Wyrcestrii Annales Rerum Anglicarum, pp. 460, 461. * Shakespeare, Henry VI. part ii. act i. scene 4. 8 5 Henry IV c. 4. (1404). * Pat. 2, Num. 14, in Turr, Lond. 134 (The 39tgtorg of £antagjire. CHAP. XI. Crouchback, earl of Lancaster, the founder of that house, whose inheritance afterwards, in a fourth descent, fell on Blanch, married to John of Gaunt, the fourth son of Edward III., who, in right of his wife, was duke of Lancaster; and whose son, Henry of Bolingbroke, afterwards Henry IV., dethroned Richard II., pretending, amongst other things, that Edmund Crouchback was the elder son of Henry III., and unjustly set aside from the crown because he was crook-backed. The crown remained, as we have seen, in the house of Lancaster, for three descents, when Richard, duke of York, descended from Edmund Langley, younger brother of John of Gaunt, made claim to the crown, by title of his grandmother, who was heir of Lionell, duke of Clarence, elder brother of John of Gaunt. The pedigrees of these rival claimants have at all times formed matter of discussion in English history; and one of our best historians, Mr. Hume, has fallen into some errors on this subject ; this is the more to be wondered at, as the descents are exhibited with great clearness and perspicuity in the Rolls of Parliament, 1 Edward IV. (1461), No. 8. - Upon this ground the duke of York founded his claim, by succession, to the throne of England, and was supported by a number of the most powerful nobles of the land. Amongst his partisans, the duke had the fortune to number the earl of Warwick, a man of unbounded influence, combined with great decision of character, and whose future achievements in this memorable quarrel obtained for him the name of the “king- maker.” The duke's first demand was for a reform of abuses in the administration of public affairs. An alarming disease by which the king was attacked at this juncture suggested the necessity of a regency; and the duke of York, by the authority of parliament, though in contravention of the wishes of the queen and her party, was appointed regent, under the designation of lieutenant of the kingdom. On the recovery of the king, the duke of York was expelled from the regency, but his thirst for regal power, combined with a consciousness of the legitimacy of his hereditary claims, fixed his wavering purpose. Having levied an army in the north, the duke marched to St. Alban's, where the first battle between the houses of York and Lancaster took place. In this battle, which was fought on the 12th of May 1454, the Lancastrians suffered a severe defeat, and about five thousand of their troops remained dead upon the field, amongst whom were the duke of Somerset, the duke of Buckingham, the earls of Northumberland and Stafford, Lord Clifford, and a number of other persons of distinction. The king himself fell into the hands of the duke of York, who assumed the power of governing the state, but rather in the capacity of regent than of sovereign. The blood spilt in the battle of St. Alban's was the first that flowed in that fatal contest, which was not terminated in less than thirty years—which was signalised by thirteen pitched battles—and in which the nobility of the land suffered more than any other order in the state. The people, divided in their affections or led by their superiors, took different symbols of party; the partisans of the house of Lancaster chose the red rose as their badge, while those of York took the white rose as their mark of distinction ; and the civil wars were known over Europe by the name of the quarrel between the two roses. In addition to the red rose, the house of Lancaster exhibited on state occasions a mound or sphere with the Lancaster arms em- blazoned in the upper part of the circle ; they had also a feather and scroll worn in the hats of the more elevated classes, and broom-pods by those of the inferior orders. The paper manufactured for their use in their communications with each other, and for their public documents, bore a peculiar water-mark, and it was only necessary to look through the sheet on which the Lancastrians wrote, to discover which side of the quarrel the writers had espoused." The affairs of the conflicting parties had not yet proceeded to the last extremity; the nation was kept some time in suspense ; the vigour and spirit of Queen Margaret, supporting her small power, still proved a balance to the great authority of Richard, which was impaired by his ill-defined objects; sometimes aspiring to the immediate and at other times to the reversionary possession of the crown on the death of the present king. The parliament again appointed the duke of York protector, owing to one of those relapses into mental indisposition to which Henry was subject; but the queen soon produced her husband before the house of lords, where he declared his intention to put an end to the protectorate, and to resume the government. The archbishop of Canterbury, in the discharge of his duty as a christian prelate, endeavoured to mediate in the differences between the two houses, and thus to prevent the further effusion of blood ; but though these attempts were received by both parties with an appearance of cordiality, and though the duke of York passed in procession through the streets of London hand in hand with Queen Margaret to the altar of St. Paul's, on which the existing animosities were all to be sacrificed, it soon became evident that the reconciliation was of the most transient kind, and a trifling difference between one of the king's retinue and another of the earl of Warwick's, which brought on a combat between their respective partisans, blew it all into air. The duke of York, having joined his sons at Ludlow Castle, was silently collecting forces to maintain his claims, when the earl of Salisbury, while on his march to join the duke, was overtaken at Bloreheath in the county of Stafford, by Lord Audley, at the head of a superior force of the Lancastrians. The battle, which was fought on the 21st of September (1459), was long and sanguinary, but victory at length declared in favour of the Yorkists, and the Lancastrians left two thousand four hundred men dead on the field, many of * For representations of these badges and emblems see page 135. CHAP. XI. (The #istory of £ancashire. 135 whom were from Lancashire and Cheshire; and amongst the slain was Sir R. Molyneux of Sefton, son-in-law of Sir Thomas Stanley, the king's chamberlain. The duke of York had now openly declared his intention to expel the princes of the Lancastrian line, and this was the first battle avowedly fought for the crown. BADGES OF THE HOUSE OF LANCASTER. The list of proscriptions which followed this battle sufficiently indicates that the men of Lancashire were by no means unanimous in their support of the house of Lancaster. Parliament having assembled in six weeks after the battle was fought, attainders were exhibited against Richard, duke of York, and his adherents, and amongst the persons attainted of high treason for the part they took at Bloreheath, we find the names of Thomas Nevill, John Nevill, Thomas Haryngton, Thomas Parre, and William Stanley, to which list was added the name of Robert Boulde, the brother of Harry Boulde, knight, accused with others of having industriously circulated a report that the king was dead. It further appears that the commons house of par- liament charged Thomas, the first lord Stanley, with certain heavy offences, both of omission and commission, as set forth in a declaration to the following effect:-" That when Lord Stanley was required by the king to join him with such forces as he could collect, he came not ; but his brother Sir William Stanley, with many of the lord's servants and tenants, joined the earl of Salisbury, and were with him at Bloreheath. That when Edward Prince of Wales summoned Lord Stanley to come to him in all haste, his lordship delayed, saying he was not ready, though he had been commanded to hold himself ready with his troops at a day's warning; such delay and absence being a great cause of the loss (of the Lancastrians) at Bloreheath. That Lord Stanley was within six miles of the place, accompanied by 2000 men, and stayed three days after at Newcastle, but six miles from Eccleshall, where the queen and Prince of Wales were. That the morning after the battle he sent a letter of excuse for not going to them, as |. That Lord Stanley after the battle in a letter thanked God for the success of the earl of Salisbury, and trusted that he should be with the earlin another place, to stand him in as good stead as if he had been with him there. That when the prince, in obedience to the king, sent for Lord Stanley's tenants in the hundreds of Wirrall and Macclesfield, Cheshire, they were let *...] by Lord Stanley, so that they could not come. That a cook of Lord Stanley, in Sir William Stanley's troops, being wounded at Bloreheath and left behind at Drayton, declared to divers gentlemen that he was sent to the earl of Salisbury, in the name of Lord Stanley, with more of his fellowship. That various persons wearing the livery of Lord Stanley were taken at the forest of Morff, Shropshire, and before death confessed that they were sent by Lord Stanley to attend on Sir William, to assist the earl of Salisbury. To the prayer of the commons that the king would have Lord Stanley committed to prison, to abide trial, the king returned a refusal in the courtly terms of “Le Roi advisera.” It is remarkable that, although the battles fought between the houses of York and Lancaster for the crown were so numerous, the county of Lancaster was not the scene of any one of these contests, and hence the peaceable inhabitants of this county escaped many of the horrors that intestine wars never fail to inflict in the immediate scene of their operation. The contamination of public morals was, however, felt here, as well as in other parts of the kingdom. According to a solemn declaration of parliament, the complaints upon this subject were loudly made throughout every part of the kingdom, of robberies, ravishments, extortions, 1 Rot. Parl. 38 Hen. VI. (1459), vol. v. p. 369. 136 - QThe 39tgtorg of £antagjire, CHAP. XI. oppressions, riots, unlawful assemblies, and wrongful imprisonments. To aggravate these evils, the offenders were aided and abetted by persons of station in the country, whose badges or liveries they wore, and by whom the administration of justice was continually interrupted. Amongst the most notorious of the offenders five-and-twenty are mentioned by name, and in this list we find “Robertus Pylkyngton, nuper de Bury in Com. Lanc', Armiger” (the only Lancashire name), and other persons of equal respectability. These flagitious outrages originated with the civil wars, the greatest of all national curses, and continued till those wars were at an end, when the laws resumed their dominion. The defection of a large body of veteran troops brought over from Calais by the earl of Warwick, which deserted to the royal standard along with their commander, Sir Andrew Trollop, seemed for a time to extinguish the hopes of the Yorkists; but they speedily recovered, and met the king's forces at Northampton. Here a desperate and sanguinary conflict took place (July 10, 1460), which was decided against the Lancas- trians, owing to the treachery of Lord Grey of Ruthin, who commanded King Henry's van, and who deserted to the enemy. The loss on both sides amounted to ten thousand men, comprehending a large proportion of the nobility and gentry, against whom the earl of Warwick and the earl of March principally directed their hostility. In the session of parliament which followed, a kind of compromise of the conflicting claims was adopted, under the sanction of the legislature, by which Henry, who had been taken prisoner at the battle of North- ampton, was to enjoy the crown of England and the duchy of Lancaster for life, but at his death they were to descend to the duke of York, or to his heirs, in perpetuity. The queen could ill brook an arrangement by which the title of her only son to the crown of England was extinguished. To support this title, she collected a numerous army from the counties of Lancaster and Chester, and took up her station in the neighbourhood of Wakefield, in the county of York. No sooner had the duke of York heard of this formidable array of hostile troops, than he marched to the north, and took possession of Sandal Castle. Conceiving that his courage would be compromised if he refused to meet a woman in battle, he quitted his strong station and advanced into the plain, where the queen, aided by Lord Clifford, had the skill to place his troops between two fires; and though the duke performed prodigies of valour, his army was completely routed, and he himself was numbered amongst the slain. The Queen, proud of such a trophy, ordered the duke's head to be struck off, and placed upon the gates of York, adorned with a paper crown, to indicate the frailty of his claims— & “Off with his head, and set it on York gates; So York may overlook the town of York.” Lord Clifford, still more sanguinary than his royal mistress, plunged his sword, after the battle was over, into the breast of the earl of Rutland, the duke's youngest son, in revenge, as he alleged, for the death of his father, who fell in the battle of St. Alban's, while fighting against the Yorkists. From this time the scabbard was cast aside, and the earl of March, now become duke of York, determined to avenge the death of his father and brother, and to obtain the crown, or to perish in the attempt. The battle of Mortimer's Cross, fought on the second of February 1461, with the loss of four thousand men to the Lancastrians, seemed to open the way to the gratification of young Edward's ambition; but the second battle of St. Alban's, fought thirteen days afterwards (Feb. 15, 1461), in which Margaret, attended by the king, held the command, and in which the earl of Warwick was worsted, changed the aspect of these ever-varying campaigns, though it did not prevent Edward from marching to London and taking possession of the throne. Although Henry VI. was dethroned, and Edward IV. seated in his place, the civil wars were by no means at an end. Margaret, having returned to her favourite county of York, assembled an army of sixty thousand men; and King Edward, with his celebrated general, the earl of Warwick, hastened into that county with forty thousand, to give her battle. The hostile armies met at Towton, near Tadcaster, on Palm Sunday (March 29, 1461). In this memorable battle, while the Yorkists were advancing to the charge, there happened a heavy fall of snow, accompanied by wind, which drove full in the faces of the Lancastrians. Lord Falconberg, who led the van of Edward’s army, improved this event by a stratagem ; he ordered a body of infantry to advance before the line, and, after having sent a volley of flight arrows among the enemy, immediately to retire. The Lancas- trians, imagining that they had got within reach of the opposite army, discharged all their arrows, which fell short of the Yorkists. After their quivers were emptied, Edward advanced his line, and did execution with impunity on the dismayed Lancastrians. The bow was, however, soon laid aside, and the sword decided the combat, which ended in the total overthrow of King Henry's forces. Edward had issued orders, before the battle, to give no quarter, and the routed army was pursued with dreadful slaughter. The flying troops shaped their course to Tadcaster bridge, but, despairing of reaching it, they turned aside to a place where the Cock, a small rivulet, discharges itself into the Wharf. This was done with so much hurry and confusion, that the bed of the river was soon filled with dead bodies, which served as a bridge for the pursuers and the pursued to pass over. The slaughter at this point was tremendous. According to the historians of the period, thirty-six thousand seven hundred men fell in the battle and pursuit, and the waters of the Wharf 1 Rot. Parl. 38 Henry VI. (1459), vol. v. p. 368. CEAP. XI. Çijt fligtúrg of £antasjirt. 137 Were deeply crimsoned with the blood of the victims. The heralds who numbered the dead upon the field state the number of slain at twenty-eight thousand, and, under the sign-manual of King Edward, they give the following LIST OF THE NOBLEMEN AND KNIGHTS SLAIN IN THE BATTLE OF TowTON. NOBLEMEN. Richard Welles, Lord Willoughby. Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland. Sir Ralph Bigot, Knt., Lord de Malley. Thomas Courtney, Earl of Devonshire. William Beaumont, Wiscount Beaumont. IKNIGHTS. John Clifford, Lord Clifford. Sir Ralph Gray. John Neville, Lord Neville. Sir Richard Jeney. Randulf, Lord Dacre. Sir Harry Bellingham. Lord Henry Stafford, of Buckingham. - Sir Andrew Trollop. Lionel Welles, Lord Welles. With twenty-eight thousand numbered by the Anthony Rivers, Lord Scales. º Heralds. The parliament, which met on the 4th of November 1461, employed itself in the usual work of proscrip- tion, and “ Henry of Derbie, otherwise duke of Lancaster, and the heirs of his body coming, were utterly disabled from enjoying any inheritance, estate, or profits, within this realm or dominions of the same for ever.” A number of noblemen and gentlemen were attainted for the vague offence of being present at the death of the duke of York, slain in the battle of Wakefield, amongst whom were Richard Tunstall, Henry Bellingham, and Robert Wittingham, knights. By the same parliament it was enacted that the attainder of Henry VI. should subject him to the forfeiture of all the lands and possessions belonging to the duchy and county palatine of Lancaster; and that King Edward and his queen should enjoy the duchy and liberties to the same belonging, separate from the crown; and that the tenants of the said duchy and county should enjoy all their liberties and franchises unimpaired. The battle of Towton Field seemed decisive of the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster. Henry escaped into Scotland, while his more fortunate rival repaired to London to meet his parliament, by which his title was recognised, and he was declared king by right from the death of his father. Margaret, whose spirit and perseverance remained unsubdued, sailed for France, to supplicate the French monarch to grant her forces for the purpose of reasserting the claims of her house. With this request Louis so far complied as to place at her disposal two thousand troops, with which she embarked for England. Having marched to Hexham, where she was joined by a number of volunteers from Scotland, and from Lancashire and the other northern counties of England, an engagement took place there on the 15th May, between the queen's troops and the Yorkists, now become the royal army, under Montague, which issued in the total defeat of the Lancastrians, and the capture of the duke of Somerset and Lords Roos and Hungerford, who were all three tried by a court-martial, convicted of high treason, and immediately beheaded. “The fate of the unfortunate royal family of the Lancastrian house after this defeat,” says Mr. Hume, “was singular, Margaret, flying with her son into a forest, dwelt some time concealed there, and was at last conducted to the sea-coast, when she made her escape into Flanders. She passed thence into her father's court, where she lived several years in privacy and retirement. Her husband was not so fortunate or so dexterous in finding the means of escape. Some of his friends took him under their protection, and conveyed him into Lancashire, where he remained concealed during a twelvemonth ; but he was at last detected, delivered up to Edward, and thrown into the Tower.” The place of his concealment was Waddington Hall, in the parish of Mitton Magna, in the north-eastern part of the county; and the person by whom he was betrayed was Sir John Talbot, who, as a reward for his perfidy, or, as the grant terms it, “in consideration of his good and faithful service in the capture of our great adversary,” etc., received a grant of twenty marks (£13: 6:8) a-year from Edward IV., confirmed by his successor Richard III. (26th June 1484), and made payable out of the issues and revenues of the county palatine of Lancaster. Considering himself now securely seated on the throne, Edward surrendered himself up to those voluptuous pleasures to which he was naturally so much inclined. His vices did not prevent him from meditating a marriage with Bona, the sister to the queen of France, and Warwick was sent to negotiate the alliance. While the earl was engaged in this mission, Edward became enamoured of the widow of Sir John Gray of Groby, whose husband fell in the second battle of St. Alban's, while engaged on the side of the house of Lancaster. Finding that the only way to the lady's chamber was through the church, he was privately married to her; and hence the remark “that he married his wife because she would not become his mistress, and took the wife of another man (Shore) as his mistress.” Warwick could not brook this insult. He complained loudly of the king's conduct towards him, and associated himself with such malcontents as seemed disposed to question and to overthrow the king's authority. The earl being joined by the duke of Clarence, they collected a number of their adherents, and marched into Lancashire, where they importuned Lord Stanley, who had married Eleonore, the earl of Warwick's sister, to embrace their cause. To this application Lord Stanley returned a peremptory refusal, and the project of rising in arms to displace his royal master was for the present abandoned by the earl of Warwick. The “king-maker” was, however, of a spirit too intrepid to be diverted from his purpose by a disappointment of T 138 - Çift fligforu ºf £antasijire. CHAP. XI. this nature. In the month of September 1470, the attempt was renewed, and the earl and the duke, availing themselves of the zeal of the Lancastrian party, and of the general discontent which Edward’s extravagance and imprudence had excited, raised the standard of revolt in the centre of the kingdom, supported by an army of 60,000 men. Edward hastened to encounter this formidable enemy, and the two armies approached each other near Nottingham. On the eve of the battle, Edward was surprised in the night by the cry of “War 1” when, supposing that all was lost, he fled into Norfolk, by the advice of his chamberlain, and from thence escaped with difficulty to Holland. As a natural consequence of this royal panic and temporary abdication, Henry VI. was taken from the Tower, and again seated on his precarious throne, under the auspices of Clarence and Warwick, who did not fail to vest all the regal power in their own hands as regents. The adherents of the House of York followed the king's example; and his queen, who had just been delivered of Prince Edward, was amongst the fugitives. Queen Margaret, who was still abroad, received the intelligence of the improved prospects of her house with rapture ; but before the winds, inconstant as her own fortune, could waft her to the shores of England, the Sun of the house of Lancaster had set, never more to rise in her family. - * A supply of two thousand troops having been granted by the duke of Burgundy to Edward, he returned to England, and disembarked, as Henry of Bolingbroke, earl of Derby and duke of Lancaster, had done, at Ravenspur, in Yorkshire (on the 16th March 1471), declaring, as that duke had done, that his object was not to challenge the throne, but merely to obtain his paternal inheritance. By one of those unaccountable anomalies, which the absence of records and the vagueness of contemporary history disqualify us from explaining, Edward was allowed by the regents to present himself, without molestation, in considerable force before the gates of London, into which he was admitted without a struggle, and to re-ascend the throne, Henry having very peaceably retired to the Tower. The battle of Barnet, fought April 14, 1471, three days after the entrance of Edward into London, in which he commanded in person, terminated fatally for the house of Lancaster; and Warwick himself, after having performed prodigies of valour as a foot-soldier, when he ought to have been directing the operations of his army as a general, was numbered amongst the slain. Queen Margaret reached the shores of England, accompanied by her son Edward, now eighteen years of age, just in time to hear of the death of Warwick and the defeat of his army. This lion-hearted woman seemed now to bow to her fate, and sought the privilege of Sanctuary ; but being urged by Tudor earl of Pembroke, and others of the adherents of her house, to make another effort for the throne, she marched through Devon, Somerset, and Gloucester, to Tewkesbury, daily accumulating fresh forces on her route ; here she was over- taken by King Edward, and after a sanguinary battle overthrown. The queen and her son fell into the hands of the victors; and to consummate the disasters of the royal house, Edward of Lancaster was murdered in cold blood by Edward of York and his sanguinary brothers Gloucester and Clarence. His father, Henry VI., died suddenly a few days after in the Tower, to which place Margaret was committed as a state prisoner, and after remaining six years in confinement, she was ransomed by Louis, king of France, at the price of fifty thousand crowns. The queen survived her captivity four years, having spent the evening of her life in solitude and exile. The reign of Edward, after the overthrow of the house of Lancaster, presents no subjects connected with the history of this county, with the exception of a fruitless expedition into France to regain the lost conquests of England, in which Lord Stanley and several Lancashire knights were engaged, but which terminated in nothing better than an Ostentatious display of military strength. - A copy of the will of Edward IV., made by Rymer, is deposited in the Rolls chapel," by which document the king directs “that all the revenues, issues, profits, and commodities, commyng and growing of oure countie palatine of Lancastre, and of alle our castelles, lordshippes, manoirs, lands, tenements, rents, and services in the countie palatine and shire of Lancastre, parcell of Oure said duchie of Lancastre, with their membres and appurtenances,” etc. shall be applied “towards the marriages of Our doughtres.” This will is of considerable length, and bears date the 20th June 1475. - In the last year of the reign of Edward IV. (1482) a petition was presented to parliament which had been promoted in the south-eastern part of Lancashire, where the manufacture of hats has prevailed for many ages to a great extent. This document serves to date, with tolerable accuracy, the period when alarms from the consequences of improved machinery first began to manifest themselves in this county. The allegations of the petition are in these terms:— . “PRAYEN youre Highnes the Comons of this present, Parliament assembled. That whereas Huers,” Bonettes, and Cappes, aswele Sengle as double, were wonte truly to be made, wrought, fulled and thikked by the myght and strength of men, that is to say, with hande and fote; and they that have so made, wrought, fulled and thikked such Huers, Bonettes, and Cappes, have well and honestly afore thys goten their lyvying therby, and therupon kept apprentices, servauntes, and good housholdes. It is so, that ther is a subtile mean founde nowe of late, by reason of a Fullyng Mille, whereby mo Cappes may be fulled and thikked in one day, than by the myght and strengthe of four-score men by hand and fote may be fulled and thikked in the same day: The which Huers, Bonettes, and Cappes, so as it is aforesaid by the said Milles fulled and thikked, ben brosed, broken and deceyvably wrought, and may in no wise by the mean of eny Mille be truly made, to the grete hurt of your Seid Highnesse, and of all your subjetts which daily use and occupie the same, and to the utter undoyng of Suche your subjettes, as ben the makers of the same Huers, * Excerpta Historica, p. 366. * Huers or pillions were a head-covering of cloth worn by priests and graduates.—H. CHAP. XI. ght #igtúrg of lancashirt. 139 Bonettes, and Cappes, and wolde and entende to lyve by the true making of the same ; withoute youre most gracious helpe be shewed to theim in this behalf.” The petitioners conclude with a prayer that parliament will interdict, for two years at least, the use of these fulling-mills; to which the reply is—“Le Roy le voet” (The King wills it). i The intrigues of the court which followed on the death of Edward IV. were unbounded. The ancient nobility, with the duke of Gloucester as protector at their head, opposed by every means in their power the relations of the queen, who were considered as aspiring upstarts; and Earl Rivers, her brother, Sir Richard Gray, one of her sons, and Sir Thomas Waughan, an officer in the king's household, were, by the authority of the duke, committed to Pontefract Castle, for “setting variances amongst the states, to subdue and destroy the noble blood of the realm ;” on which vague charge they were executed. Their real offence, however, consisted in standing in the way of the duke's assumption of the crown, and no quantity of blood was thought too large to be shed for the purpose of removing the impediments to his elevation. Tord-chamberlain Hastings shared the same fate, for venturing to doubt whether the protector's arm, which had been withered from his birth, was diseased by the sorceries of his queen-sister and Shore's wife. Lord Stanley escaped with difficulty, but not without a severe contusion, a murderous blow being levelled at his head by the ruffians introduced into the council-chamber, at Gloucester's bidding, to seize Hastings and hurry him away to execution." The duke had evidently fixed his eye upon the throne, and was determined to ascend it at whatever price. To consum- mate his purpose, his two nephews, Edward W. and his brother Richard duke of York, were smothered in the Tower, whilst sleeping in their bed, by three assassins of the name of Dighton, Forest, and Slater, under the direction of Sir James Tyrrel, a creature of the duke's. Having thus removed the obstacles in his way to power, the coronation, which appeared to be preparing for Edward W., was appropriated by the duke of Gloucester to his own purpose and that of his queen. The ceremony was of the most splendid kind, that the gorgeousness of the scene might conceal the blood which contaminated the track to the throne. Lord Stanley, who had just been liberated from the Tower, was placed in the humiliating situation of bearing the mace before the king, and the “Lady of Rychemond” bore the queen's train. The other Lancashire peers present were Lord Grey of Wilton and Lord Morley; and among the knights were Sir William Stanley, Sir Edward Stanley, Sir Charles Pilkington, Sir Rafe Ashton, and Sir William Norris.” Also Sir James and Sir Robert Harrington.” * • - During the short reign of Richard III. a considerable number of letters-patent were granted by the king. These documents, in Latin and in English, are preserved in what is styled “a very valuable book,” belonging to the lord treasurer Burghley, in the Harleian collection of the British Museum ; and the following are their titles, so far as they relate to the county and duchy of Lancaster:— HARL. MSS. Cod. 433. [Temp. Rich. III.] ART. 14 To John Howard, knt.; the Office of Chief Steward of the duchy of Lanc. South of Trent. 21 To Henry Stafford Duke of Buckingham the offices of constable, steward, and receiver of the castle, manor, and town of Monmouth, in S. Wales, and of all the other castles, lordships, manors, towns, etc., which are parcels of the Duchy of Lanc. in S. Wales. The duke is also appointed keeper or head forester of the forest and chace of Hodewake, and of all the other forests and chaces being parcels of the Duchy aforesd in S. Wales. - 43 To Sir Richd Huddlestone the office of receiver of the lordps manors, lands, & tenemts in Cumberld & Lancashe which were formerly Thos Grey's (Marquis of Dorset). - 63 A Writ appointg Guy Fairfax knt, and Milo Metcalf, Chief Justiciaries of Lanc. .* 70 Royal Letters for the advowson of the Parish church of Gayton, parcel of the Duchy of Lanc. : 86 Letters Pat., to Thos Metcalfe the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lanc. and the custody of the seal for the same office. 87 Ditto. 92 To Guy Fairfax knighte th' office of Chieff Juge of Lancastre. 93 To Miles Metcalfe the office of one of the Juges at Lancastre. 94 To Thomas Molineux the office of king's Serjeant and Attorney at Lawe, in all his courtes within the county palatyme of L. 99 To Henry Stafford, D. of Buck., the office of constable, stuarde, and receivour of the castles, mannors, & townes of Moune- mouthe and Kydwelly, of all castles, lordships, townes, etc., in Wales, and the Marches parcels of the Duchie of Lanc. & thoffice of Pananster 24 Forster and Maister of the Game in all the forests and chaces of Wales and Marches of the same, belonging to the said Duchie. - 102 To John Howard D. of Norfolke the office of Chief Steward of the Duchy of Lanc. South of Trent. 103 To Thomas Pylkyngtone knight, the office of Sheriff of the county of Lancr and the county Palatine. 106 To John Dudley Esq. the office of Stewd of the Duchy within the counties of Berks and Southampton. 107 To Sir John le Scrop—chamberlain of the Duchy. 113 To Sir Rica Huddlestone receiver ut suprā. 116 To therle of Surry the Stewardship of the Duchie. 130 To Thomas Kebell thoffice of Generall Attourney of the Duchie of Lanc. in Engld & Wales. 171 To W. Castby thoffice of Steward of Daventre, Higham Ferys, Paverells Fee, &c. 1. According to Sir William Dugdale, quoting from Stow, this 2 Harl. MSS. 2115, f. 152. catastrophe might have been avoided if Lord Hastings had given 8 Hollinshed’s Chron. Vol. iii. p. 398. heed to a dream of Lord Stanley's on the preceding night, in which * This word is thus marked with the () in the Harl, catalogue. his lordship beheld a boar, Gloucester's crest, goring with his tusks There is no doubt of its accuracy, and that it is the name of the Hastings and Stanley till the blood ran about their shoulders. officer who superintended forest-panage. i 140 Çür #istorg ºf £ancashire. - CHAP. XI. $ 177 To Adam Nelsone th office of Messagere of the Duchie, and Ushere of the councelle house ordeyned for the same. 178 To Rica Pottyere the Attorneyshp of the Duchie. 179 To therle of Surry ut supra. - - 276 To John Fitz Herbert the Baillieff of the newe Franchesie of the Duchie of Lanc. in the countie of Derby. 327 “To John Duc of Norfolke thoffice of chieffe Steward,” as above in the Latin patent. 518 To Nicholas Gardyner thexecutor of John Gardyner License to found a chauntrie in our Ladie church of Lanc, & to mortize 12 b. of land there. 519 To Morgan Kidwelly the Stewardship of all the lordshps of the Duchy of Lanc, or otherwise belonging to the king in the co, of Dorset. - 824 To Thoms Ld Stanley Lord Strange many castles lordships manoirs to hold by knights service whereof part of them belonged to Roger Tocot, Henry Stafford Duc of Buckingham, &c. 1628 “Coffission to the Lord Stanley constable of England to sease vnto the kinges use the Manoir of Brightmeed in the counte of Lancaster that late was of Thomas Seint Legere his rebelle. Yeven at London the 16th day of Dec. ano primo.” Several other commissions to the same to seize upon lands belonging to the above Sir Thomas St Leger and Henry Stafford D. of Buckingham, are found here. 2001 Warrant for the Maire &c. of Lanc. to reteigne 20 marks (£13: 6:8) of the fee firme of their towne which the king hath geven unto them. Yeven at Stoney Stratforde ye 6th of Novrao 2do. (1484). 2210 Letter patent from Edw 5 to Thos Kebeele for the attorneyship of the Duchy (1483). 2366 Fees & Wages of officers. 2377 Fees payable to officers in the Rape of Pevensey and parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster. The following is the warrant or commission (numbered 1628) from Richard III. to Lord Stanley to seize the lands of Sir Thomas St. Leger, who had married Anne, the king's eldest sister, but who had revolted against his authority, and suffered the punishment of death in 1483. Commission for Seizing the Lands of a Rebel in Lancashire. [1 Rich III. 1483.] The Lord “Ricardus. To our right trusty & right welbeloued Cousin & Counsellor the Lord Stanley, Constable of Stanley. } England, greting. We wil and charge you and by these presentes yeue you ful auctorite & power to sease into our handes the manoir or Lordship of Brightmede in our Countie of Lancastre that late was of Th. Seintleger our Rebell and thisseues Rentes and Reuenues thereof from Michelmesse last passed to take & perceyue to our Vse & behaves, yeuing straitly in commaunde- ment to the officer and tenauntes of the said maner or lordship and to all others our officer treue liegeaunces and subjettes that wnto you and your assignees in thexecucion of the premisses they be attending aiding fauouring & assisting as it apperteineth. Yeuen at London the xvj day of December Anno primo (1483). [Ten other commissions follow the above; or, rather, ten memoranda of such commissions, addressed to “The Lord Stanley,” to seize lands and manors belonging to Sir Thomas St. Leger and the duke of Buckingham, forfeited by rebellion, and situated in the counties of “Wilts, Warre, Leicestre, Chester, Beds, Hertford, Somers, Rutland, and Oxford.”] A Warrant, or Commission. [2 Rich. III. 1485.] The LOrde “A commission directed to al knightes Squiers gentilmen and al other the kinges subjectes of the Counte of Stanley & Chester. Shewyng that the king hath deputed the lord Stanley, the lord Straunge and Sr Willm. Stanley to have Strange & the Rule and leading of al psones appointed to do the king service when they be warned ageinst the kyng's Rebelles Sr Wm Stanley, ) Charging them therefore to provyde effectual attendaunce. And if any Rebelles arryue in thoose partes than al the power that they can make be ready to assist the Saide lorde and knight, W pon theire faiths and 'legeaunces &c. Yeven at Windesore &c. (Jan. 13, 1485) - The same “A lyke Commission to the knightes Squiers gentilmen and other of the Countie of Lancastre to geve their attend- lorde. aunce vpon the lorde Stanley & Straunge to doo the kinge grace service ageinst his Rebelles in whatsoever place within this Royme thay fortune tarryue, Wipon their feithe & leigeaunces. Yeuen at Westm'r the xiiij day of Januer. Ao ijdo (1485). [Fol. 201, b.] The first article in this volume of the Harl. MSS. Cod. 592, is headed “PRO DUCATU LANCASTRIE,” and consists of a patent, by which the king (supposed to be Edward IV., though it is not so expressed, the style being simply “Bdwardus Dei grafia,” etc.) confirms to himself and heirs, being kings of England, in perpetuity, all the liberties, privileges, customs, etc., of the county palatine and duchy of Lancaster, previously granted by his ancestors, kings of England, by charters, which are here recited. This article is an Inspeximus, tested thus:–“Witness the king at Westminster, November 4.” No date of the dominical or regal year. It consists of twenty-four very large folio pages. In order to reconcile Lord Stanley to Richard’s usurpation, he was constituted steward of his household, and constable of England for life, being at the same time invested with the most noble order of the Garter. All these acts of royal favour failed to extinguish the hatred which that nobleman bore to the tyrant, and to his sanguinary deeds. Of this, the king, whose suspicions never slumbered, was fully aware ; and that he might have the more secure hold on the allegiance of Lord Stanley, and prevent him from exciting an insur- rection in Lancashire and Cheshire, where his power and influence were almost unlimited, Richard insisted that George Lord Strange, the son and heir of the house of Stanley, should remain in his hands as a hostage. These suspicions were increased by the circumstance of Lord Stanley having married for his second wife Margaret, the widow of Edmund earl of Richmond : by whom she had issue, Henry earl of Richmond : the representative of the house of Lancaster. Richard's displeasure was subsequently marked by an act of attainder against the countess of Richmond, in which it is set forth that “Forasmuch as Margaret Countesse of Richmond, Mother to the Kyngs greate Rebelle & Traytour, Herry Erle of Richemond, hath of late conspired, confedered, & committed high Treason agenst Oure Soveraigne Lorde the King Richard the Third, in dyvers & Sundry Wyses, & in especiall in Sendyng messages, writyngs & tokens to the said Henry, desiryng, procuryng, & stirrying hym by the same, to come into this Roialme, & make Werre agenst Oure said Soveraigne LOrde; to the which desyre, procuryng, & stirrynge the said Henry applied hym, as it appereth by experience by hym late shewed in that behalf. Also the said Countesse made CHAP. XI. The history of Lancashire. 141 chevisancez of greate somes of money, as well within the Citee of London, as in other places of this Roialme to be employed to the execution of the said Treason & malicious purpose ; & also the said Countesse conspired, confedered, & imagymed the destruction of oure said Soveraigne Lord, & was assentyng, knowyng, & assistyng Henry, late Duke of Buckyngham. The tyrant, of his grace and favour, as he alleges, but under the influence of his fears, as is more probable, and in consideration of the faithful services done and intended to be done by Thomas, Lord Stanley, husband of the countess, remitted the great punishment of treason—public execution. But at the same time he declared all her property forfeited to the crown, whether in fee-simple, fee-tail, or otherwise; but not to the prejudice of Thomas, Lord Stanley, or any other person or persons, with the exception of the countess of Richmond. It does not appear that the countess was ever removed from Lathom House for trial, though it was ordered that she should be kept in ward by her lord, in private apartments, and not suffered to hold any communication with the king's enemies. One of the first acts of the next reign was to annul this act of attainder, and fully to reinstate the “noble princess Margaret, countess of Richmond, in all her possessions.” Margaret, countess of Richmond, was the only daughter of John first duke of Somerset, the grandson of John of Gaunt and Catharine Swinford. This lady had married Edmund, earl of Richmond, and Henry, the present earl, was the only issue of that marriage. She had afterwards married Sir Henry Stafford, and at his death espoused Thomas, Lord Stanley. The present earl of Richmond had long been a source of disquietude to the reigning family of the house of York, who had spared no pains to obtain possession of his person, for the purpose of administering those murderous remedies for the cure of a disputed title which they so well knew how to apply. But he survived all their machinations, and an alliance, suggested by the marquis of Dorset and the bishop of Ely, between the earl of Richmond and Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Edward IV., promised to effect a union between the Red and the White Roses, for which the nation had long panted with ardent desire. The first attempt to accomplish this object by the agency of the duke of Buckingham failed, and the duke and a number of his friends became the victims of the premature enterprise.” Retarded in the attainment of his object by the failure of the duke of Buckingham's enterprise, but by no means discouraged from pursuing it, the earl of Richmond, “England's hope,” embarked from Normandy with a small army of two thousand men, with which he landed at Milford Haven, where he was joined by Sir Richard Rice ap Thomas, who had been entrusted with a command in Wales by the tyrant Richard. In his march into the interior of the country he was joined by the powerful family of Shrewsbury, as well as by Sir Thomas Bourchier and Sir Walter Hungerford, and a large number of persons of inferior note. Richard, aware of the storm by which he was menaced, had collected a well-appointed army in Nottinghamshire, and towards this point the earl of Richmond directed his course, by way of Tamworth. Richard, knowing that he had forfeited all claim to the confidence of his people, that the enormities he had committed for the attainment of the throne had withdrawn from him the flower of his nobility, and that those who feigned allegiance to his person and government panted for an opportunity to betray and desert him, became more suspicious of his friends than alarmed by his enemies. The persons of whom he entertained the greatest suspicion, and those who had the power more than any others to decide his fate, were Lord Stanley and his brother Sir William Stanley. By a strange infatuation the king commissioned Lord Stanley to raise an army in the counties of Lancaster and Chester. The number of soldiers under the command of the Stanleys was so considerable, that the decision of the approaching battle, on which a kingdom depended, was placed in their hands. The day before the battle commenced, Richard marched to Leicester at the head of his army, and entered that town with a countenance strongly characteristic of the gloomy state of his mind. He took up his quarters for the night at the principal inn,” and concentrated his outposts, in preparation for the approach- ing engagement. 1 Rot. Parl. 1 Henry VII. (1485) vol. vi. page 286. 2 Amongst others, a gentleman of the name of William Coling- bourne, who had been high sheriff of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire, suffered death for having written the following whimsical jew, d'esprit, in allusion to the names of the two royal favourites, Ratcliffe and Catsby, and to the crest of Lovel, which was a dog, and that of Richard, which was a boar:— “The Rat, the Cat, and Lovel the dog, Rule all England under a Hog.” * Richard slept at the Blue Boar Inn, and the bedstead where- on he is supposed to have lain is still preserved, and its history is thus handed down —“In the year 1613, Mrs. Clark, keeper of that inn, was robbed by her servant-maid and seven men, and the relation is thus given by Sir Roger Twisden, who had it from persons of un- doubted credit, who were not only inhabitants of Leicester, but saw the murderers executed : “When King Richard III. marched into Leicestershire against Henry, earl of Richmond, afterwards Henry VII., he lay at the Blue Boar Inn, in the town of Leicester, where was left a large wooden bedstead, gilded in some places, which after his defeat and death in the battle of Bosworth, was left, either through haste, or as a thing of little value (the bedding being all taken from it), to the people of the house : thenceforward, this old bedstead, which was boarded at the bottom (as the manner was in those days), became a piece of standing furniture, and passed from tenant to tenant with the inn. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, this house was kept by one Mr. Clark, who put a bed on this bedstead ; which his wife going to make hastily, and jumbling the bedstead, a piece of gold dropped out. This excited the woman's curiosity ; she narrowly examined this antiquated piece of furniture, and, finding it had a double bottom, took off the uppermost with a chisel, upon which she discovered the space between them filled with gold, part of it coined by Richard III. and the rest of it in earlier times. Mr. Clark (her husband) concealed this piece of good fortune, though by degrees the effects of it made it known, for he became rich from a low condition, and, in the space of a few years, mayor of the town ; and then the story of the bedstead came to be rumoured by the servants. At his death, he left his estate to his wife, who still con- tinued to keep the inn, though she was known to be very rich ; which put some wicked persons upon engaging the maid-servant to assist in robbing her. These folks, to the number of seven, lodged in her house, plundered it, and carried off some horse-loads of valu- able things, and yet left a considerable quantity of valuables scattered about the floor. As for Mrs. Clark herself, who was very fat, she endeavoured to cry out for help, upon which her maid 142 QThe #istory of £antašijire, CHAP. XI. The dawn of the day found the two hostile armies on Bosworth Field; Richard in the command of twelve thousand men, and Richmond with about half that number, Lord Stanley had placed himself near the neighbouring village of Atherstone, six miles from the field of battle, with a force differently estimated by historians, but probably amounting to about five thousand men. Even now the determination which his lordship had taken was not generally known in the conflicting armies, though the commanders, no doubt, had sagacity enough to discover that he had abandoned Richard, and was determined to support his rival to the throne. The sword suspended over the neck of Lord Strange, who was in Richard's camp as a hostage, hung only by a hair; and it was only averted by an opportune intervention. Richard, extending his troops as widely as possible, to intimidate his enemy by an impression of the great strength of the army to which they were opposed, gave the command of the vanguard to the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Surrey; he himself led the centre, which was guarded on the flanks by the horse, and led on by the bowmen. Richmond, having placed his bowmen in front, under the command of the earl of Oxford, gave the command of the right wing to Sir Gilbert Talbot, and of the left to Sir John Savage. The command of the horse he took upon himself, aided by his uncle, the earl of Pembroke. Richmond having, by a successful manoeuvre, possessed himself of a path which intersected a swamp, and thrown the glare of the sun in the face of the enemy, the battle commenced. The first shock of the two armies showed sufficiently. the different spirit by which they were animated. For a while, however, the contest hung in suspense ; but the appearance of Lord Stanley, the arbiter of the battle of Bosworth Field, who declared in favour of his son- in-law, decided the fate of the day. The king's forces fought without spirit, and seemed more anxious to secure their own safety than to obtain victory. In this emergency Richard was advised to quit the field, and a horse was provided for the purpose ; but he had placed his all upon the issue, and he fought like a hero. His only remaining hope was now in the death of Richmond; and, in a desperate onset to accomplish that object, he slew Sir William Brandon, the earl's standard-bearer, with his own hands, and, at the next moment, dismounted Sir John Cheyney. The commanders of the two armies were now on the point of coming in personal collision, an event of which they both seemed ambitious; but at the moment when the combat was about to take place, Sir William Stanley broke into the line with his troops, and surrounded Richard, who still continued to fight with all the courage and desperation of his nature ; but at length, sinking under the superior force by which he was assailed, fell dead on the field, pierced with innumerable wounds, and covered with gore. The numbers of the slain in the battle of Bosworth Field, like the numbers engaged in the contest, are differently estimated; some accounts rate them as low as a thousand, and others as high as four thousand. The loss, however, fell principally upon the Yorkists, as Sir William Talbot, in an account written to his friends immediately after the battle, says that the number of slain on the part of the earl of Richmond did not exceed ten persons ! The duke of Norfolk, Lord Ferrars of Chartley, Sir Robert Ratcliffe, Sir Robert Piercy, and Sir Robert Brackenbury, were all numbered with the dead; and Sir William Catesby, the ready instrument of all Richard's crimes, being taken prisoner, was beheaded with several others at Leicester two days afterwards. After the battle, Sir William Stanley, who, with his brother, had contributed so much to the success of the day, took the crown from the tent of Richard, and, placing it upon the head of the earl of Richmond, crowned him on the field by the title of King Henry VII. A large portion of the spoils of the field fell into the hands of Sir William Stanley, and were allowed by the king's permission to enrich that gallant knight. “Richard's body being stripped naked, all tugged and torn, and not so much as a clout left to cover his shame, was trussed behind a pursuivant-at-arms like a hog or a calf; his head and arms hung on one side the horse, and his legs on the other, all besprinkled with mire and blood, and was so carried to Leicester.” “No king,” says Mr. Hutton, “was ever so degraded a spectacle ; humanity and decency ought not to have suffered it.” Mr. Carte says, “they tied a rope about his neck, more to insult the helpless dead than to fasten him to the horse.” After lying exposed to the inspection and insults of the populace, the tyrant's body, at the end of the second day, was taken to the church of the Grey Friars, and there buried in a stone coffin.” - Thus ended the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, so far as the members of the house of York were concerned, in which from eighty to ninety thousand Englishmen were slain. Three kings, several princes of the blood, sixty-two nobles, one hundred and thirty-nine knights, four hundred and forty-one esquires, and six hundred and thirty-eight of the gentry of the kingdom, fell in these memorable wars. The contest between the rival houses was not, however, an unmixed evil; probably it was more beneficial in its remote consequences than injurious in its immediate effects. Up to that time, the property, as well as the thrust her fingers down her throat, and choked her ; for which fact she was burnt, and the seven men, who were her accomplices, were hanged at Leicester some time in the year 1613.’” - 1 A monument was subsequently erected to his memory, with his “picture,” as Sandford calls it, “in alabaster;” and, ten years afterwards, Henry VII., on his Lancashire progress, paid £10 : 1s. to James Keyley for this erection, which perished with the dis- solution of the monastery in the following reign. - * “In my remembrance,” says Philip de Commines, “eighty princes of the blood royal of England perished in these convulsions. Those that were spared by the Sword renewed their sufferings in foreign lands. I myself saw the duke of Exeter, the king's brother- in-law, walking barefoot after the duke of Burgundy's train, and earning his bread by begging from door to door.” Sir John Fenn, in his preface to “Original Letters,” written during the reign of Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III., says that every individual of two generations of the families of Somerset and Warwick fell on the field, or on the scaffold, as victims of those bloody contests. CHAP. XI. Ciſt ºigturn ºf £ancashire, 143 power of the nation, was chiefly divided amongst the king, the nobility, and the clergy. The great mass of the people of England were slaves, dependent upon the will, and the absolute property of their lords, trans- ferable like cattle, and held in nearly the same estimation. Such was their degradation, that the honour of hazarding their lives to settle a quarrel between the Red and the White Roses was too great for them to enjoy; but as every lord was obliged, by a kind of moral necessity, to take part in this widely-extended contest, either on one side or the other, it became necessary for his own safety to seek the aid of his vassals; and before those vassals could be allowed to take the field, it was necessary that they should be emancipated. In this way, the feudal system, introduced before the Conquest, and consolidated by the Conqueror, was shaken to its centre ; trade and commerce hastened its downfall; villeinage was virtually at an end as early as the reign of Edward VI. ; and in the twelfth year of Charles II. (1660) the name itself was erased from the statute-books. - One of the first acts of King Henry VII. was to reverse the attainders passed against the adherents of the house of Lancaster;" this was followed by an act of confiscation against the property of the adherents of the tyrant Richard, amongst whom were Sir Thomas Pilkington, Sir Robert Harrington, and Sir James Har- rington, all of the county of Lancaster, whose estates were principally awarded to the Stanley family for their services at the battle of Bosworth Field. As a further reward, his lordship was created earl of Derby, elected a member of his majesty's privy council, and appointed a commissioner for exercising the office of lord high steward of England. At the same time an arrangement was concluded between the earl and his wife, Margaret, countess of Richmond and Derby, the king's mother, in recompense of her jointure and dower, and ratified by the sanction of parliament.” A considerable augmentation was made to her possessions six years afterwards, by the grant of the lordships and manors of Ambursbury and Winterbourne, in the county of Wilts, and the manors of Henxstrigge and Charlton Canvile, in the county of Somerset, of which Henry VII. was seised, and which had been granted to Henry Beaufort, then Cardinal Beaufort and bishop of Winchester.” Henry VII., in compliance with the wishes of his people, at length espoused the Princess Elizabeth, and thus was accomplished the union so long wished for by an exhausted nation, between the houses of York and Lancaster. - .*.* . A disease hitherto unknown, which, from its symptoms, was called the “sweating sickness,” prevailed at this time (1485) in Lancashire, and in other parts of the kingdom. Happily the malady, which was most fatal, was of short duration, having made its appearance about the middle of September and run its course before the end of October in the same year. “The complaint was a pestilent fever,” says Lord Verulam, “attended by a malign vapour, which flew to the heart and seized the vital spirits; which stirred nature to strive to send it forth by an extreme sweat. If the patient were kept in an equal temperature, both for clothes, fire, and drink, moderately warm with temperate cordials, whereby nature's work were neither irritated by heat nor turned back by cold, he commonly recovered, and the danger was considered as past in twenty-four hours from the first attack. But infinite numbers of persons died suddenly of it before the manner of the cure and attendants were known. It was conceived not to be an epidemical disease, but to proceed from a malignity in the constitution of the air, gathered by the predisposition of seasons; and the speedy cessation declared as much.” Fifteen years afterwards this county was visited by the plague, which spread extreme alarm through the country, and the king, to escape the danger of contagion, sailed with his family to Calais. This sweating sickness had so completely subsided in London that the ceremony of the coronation, which had been fixed for the 30th of October 1485, took place according to appointment; on which occasion only two elevations and one new creation were made in the peerage; and the parties so honoured were-Jasper earl of Pembroke, the king's uncle, created duke of Bedford; Thomas lord Stanley, created earl of Derby; and Edward Courtney, created earl of Devon. The partiality in favour of the house of York was still felt in the north of England, and particularly in that city which gave its name to the party of the White Rose. The king, to conciliate the affèctions of his subjects, determined to make a progress into the north of England. On his way thither he learned that Viscount Lovel, with Sir Humphrey Stafford and Thomas his brother, had quitted the sanctuary at Colchester, in which they had taken refuge, and were again in the field at the head of a body of insurgents. To meet the impending danger a small force was immediately collected under the duke of Bedford, which Lord Lovel finding himself unable to resist, dispersed his army and fled into Lancashire, where he took up his residence in secret under the roof of Sir Thomas Broughton, of Broughton in Furness. Having remained here for some time, and arranged a Secret correspondence with the knight, he at length embarked for Flanders, the seat of all the intrigues against the existing English dynasty, carried on under the fostering care of the duchess of Burgundy, widow of Charles the Bold. An opinion prevailed, propagated by the malcontents, that one of the sons of Edward IV., said to have been murdered in the Tower by order of his uncle, the duke of Gloucester, still survived; and that his murderers, smitten with remorse when they had despatched one of the children, suffered the other to escape. Richard Simon, a priest living at Oxford, had as his pupil the son of a baker named Lambert Simnel, of the age of about fifteen years, a prepossessing 1 Rot. Parl. 1 Hen. VII. vol. vi. p. 273. * Rot. Parl. 1 Hen. VII. vol. vi. p. 311. 8 Rot. Parl. 7 Hen. VII, vol. vi. p. 446. 144 Oſije Đígtorg ºf £antaghirt. - CHAP. XI. youth of princely presence, whom Simon concluded would fitly personate the young prince." To aid the enterprise this juvenile pretender was sent over to Ireland, where he found many supporters of his claims, and where he was crowned as Edward VI. ; but his principal friend was the duchess of Burgundy, whose hatred to the house of Lancaster was implacable, and who, though possessed of many good qualities, seemed under the restraint of no moral principle when engaged in attempting the subversion of the throne of Henry VII. With the aid of the duchess, by whom Simnel was provided with two thousand troops, under the command of Martin Swart, he embarked for England in suitable vessels, commanded by Captain Thomas Gerardine, and accompanied by a large number of Irish adventurers, who seemed well inclined to forget the danger to which they exposed themselves, when a crown was the prize to be gained by the successful party in the contest. Simnel and his followers landed at the Pile or Peel of Fouldrey, in the bay of Morecambe, in the county of Lancaster ; here he encamped on a common subsequently called Swart Moor, in Furness, where he drew together a number of adherents, charmed with the chivalrous character of the enterprise, and, amongst others, Sir Thomas Broughton, the friend and correspondent of Lord Lovel. On the breaking-up of the camp, the insurgents, under John de la Pole, earl of Lincoln, marched southward through Yorkshire into Nottinghamshire, where they were joined by Lord Lovel, the devoted servant of the fallen tyrant Richard III. The king, with his usual promptitude and decision, hastened to give the insurgents battle ; and having been reinforced by six thousand men, under the earl of Shrewsbury and Lord Strange, accompanied by seventy knights and persons of distinction, the hostile armies met at Stoke Field, near Newark. The battle, which was fought on the 6th June 1487, on the south side of that village, was fierce and obstinate, and continued for three hours, but at length victory declared in favour of the king. All the leaders in the rebel army were killed upon the field, including the earl of Lincoln, Earl Kildare, Francis Lord Lovel, Martin Swart, Sir Thomas Pilkington, and Sir Thomas Broughton. The number of the rebel troops slain amounted to four thousand, and of the king's forces to about half that number. Amongst the prisoners was the pretended Edward Plantagenet, alias Lambert Simnel, and the wily priest Simon, his tutor. The youth, beneath the resentment of Henry, found his level as an assistant-cook in the king's kitchen, more happy, probably, than if he had worn the king's crown ; and as a reward for his merits, he was afterwards promoted to the office of one of his majesty's falconers. As for Simon, he was committed to prison, and doomed to perpetual incarceration. The king rewarded the services of Lord Strange by conferring upon his father, Lord Stanley, the confiscated estates of Sir Thomas Broughton. “With this unhappy gentleman, the family of Broughton, which had flourished for many centuries, and had contracted alliances with most of the principal families in these parts, was extinguished in Furness.” After the battle of Stoke, the king made another journey into the northern counties, but it was rather an itinerant circuit of justice, to try and sentence the rebels, than a royal progress. Strict inquisition was made into the conduct of the offenders, whether they had been principals or abettors in the late rebellion. Many persons were sentenced to death, and executed, but the prevailing punishment was by fine and con- fiscation, which spared life, but raised money—at all times the distinguished characteristic of King Henry's policy. In the reign of Richard III. Sir William Stanley became seised of certain royal demesne lands, “as a fee of the manors of Pykhill, Sessewyke, and Bedewall, the moite of the manors of Istoid, Hewlyngton, Cob- ham, Hem, Wrexham, Burton, Alyngton, Esclusham, Eglosecle, Ruyaban, Abynbury, Dynull, Morton, Fabror', Minere, Osbaston, Sonford, Oseleston; the moite of the castell, lordship, and manor of Dynasbran; castell, lordship, and town of Lyone, otherwise called the Holte ; the moite of the lordship, manors, and lands of Hewelyngton, Bromfeld, Yale, Wrexham, and Almore, with the advowsons of the moite of the churche of Grefford, in Wales, and marche of Wales, unto the countie of Shropshire adjoining.” This grant was made to the gallant knight, partly, no doubt, of the royal bounty, but not wholly so, as other manors and lands, as well as money, were given by him to the crown on the grant being ratified to Sir William. After the change of the dynasty, it became a matter of doubt, whether the grant made by King Richard was of sufficient validity to confer an undisputed title ; and, for the purpose of removing all uncertainty on the subject, an act was passed in the fourth year of the reign of Henry VII. (1488) confirming the royal grant to Sir William Stanley, and to his heirs for ever.” The crime of abduction, rendered somewhat memorable in Lancashire in modern times, prevailed as early as the reign of Henry VII., and, by an act of that monarch, the taking and carrying away of a woman forcibly and against her will (except female wards and bond women) was made a capital offence; parliament conceiving, that the obtaining of a woman by force, whatever assent might afterwards follow, was but a rape drawn forth in length, because the first force drew on all the rest." The failure of the pretensions of Lambert Simnel served only to whet the invention of his noble patroness, the duchess of Burgundy, who, with an assiduity and malignity that belonged to her character, got up a new tragedy,” in which Perkin Warbeck, an adroit youth, the son of a renegade Jew, was to act the * At one time he assumed the title of Edward Plantagenet, earl * West's Furness, synopsis of families, p. 210. of Warwick, son of the late duke of Clarence ; and at another, the * Rot. Parl. 4 Henry VII. vol. vi. p. 417. title of Richard duke of York, second son of Edward IV. . * Lord Verulam's History, p. 65. CHAP. XI. Çift ºigturn of 3Lancasijire. 145 principal part, as the young duke of York, a son of Edward IV. After passing through Portugal he landed in Ireland, where he asserted his claims to the throne of England; and after visiting France he repaired to Flanders, where the duchess declared him to be her nephew, the duke of York, and named him “The White Rose of England.” Attracted by the news of this regal star, which had risen on the continent, Sir Robert Clifford embarked for Flanders, to ascertain the identity of the young prince ; and, after having examined him with great minuteness, he wrote to England to say that he knew Richard duke of York as well as he knew his own Son, and this was unquestionably that prince. The king, though a silent, was by no means an inactive observer of the drama which was acting, and in which he had so deep an interest. His inquiries at home, and his emissaries abroad, convinced him that young Warbeck was an impostor ; and he determined to seize several of the persons in this country, by whose aid the young pretender was partly upheld and sup- ported. Amongst a number of others, both of the laity and clergy, Sir Simon Radcliffe, Lord Fitzwater, Sir Simon Montford, Sir Thomas Thwaites, and William Dawbigney, were all brought to trial; and being found guilty of conspiring to dethrone the king, they were sentenced to death, and beheaded. It was now ascer- tained that Sir Robert Clifford had been induced to embark in the king's service as a state informer. On his return to England from Flanders, he sought an audience of the king in council, and, affecting great con- trition, he fell down at his sovereign's feet, and besought his forgiveness—of which he had already been assured. As a return for the royal clemency, he declared his readiness to communicate all that he knew of the parties who had been in league with Warbeck, and, amongst others, he accused Sir William Stanley, the king's chamberlain, who was at that moment in the royal presence. The king received this information with every semblance of amazement 1 Clifford was requested to reconsider his charge, and warned of the consequences of repeating a false accusation: he persisted, however, in his assertions and offered to justify his accusations, upon his soul and upon his life. The next day Sir William was examined before the lords of the council; when he neither denied, nor attempted to extenuate, his guilt. His reliance for pardon, it is said, rested principally upon his former Services, and upon the inter- cession of his brother, the earl of Derby ; but both these hopes failed him. In about six weeks from the time when the accusation was first preferred by Sir Robert Clifford, Sir William Stanley was arraigned of high treason, and, being found guilty, was condemned to suffer the utmost penalty of the law, and soon after beheaded (15th February 1495). The specific crime charged against Sir William Stanley has never been satisfactorily ascertained; but it is said that, in a conversation with Sir Robert Clifford, he observed, “that if he were sure that Perkin Warbeck was King Edward's son, he would never bear arms against him.” This the judges construed into conditional treason; and the preference that the expression implied for the claims to the crown of the house of York over that of the house of Lancaster stung Henry to the quick. The true cause, however, of the extreme severity towards Sir William Stanley was probably his wealth, as he was one of the richest subjects in England, there having been found in his castle of Holt forty thousand marks (£26,666), exclusive of plate, jewels, and other effects; to which are to be added three thousand pounds a year in land. This was a temptation too alluring for a monarch of the king's disposition to resist ; and the general opinion is, that Sir William Stanley was quite as much the victim of Henry's cupidity as of his own alleged treason. Some disquietude, it is said, lurked in the mind of Sir William, whose ambition had prompted him to aspire to the vacant earldom of Chester, the ancient dignity of Randle, Wiscount Bayeux, the Norman baron. This request having been refused, his allegiance is supposed to have been shaken; and the king, having become suspicious that his love was turned into hate, was glad of an occasion to remove from his court and person one to whom he was under infinite obligation. It is by no means clear that Sir Robert Clifford, the state informer, was not from the beginning an emissary of the king, who maintained a widely-extended system of espionage, and that he did not go over to Flanders with his consent, and by his connivance. This supposition, Bacon (Lord Verulam) rejects, on the ground that Sir Robert never afterwards received that degree of confidence with the king which he enjoyed before he left England; but this is a slender foundation on which to hazard the conjecture, seeing that spies and their employers must, in the nature of things, generally appear to stand in a state of alienation, if not of actual hostility. The parliament, which assembled in the same year (1495), passed an act of attainder against Sir William Stanley, by which all his honours, castles, manors, lordships, and other possessions, were confiscated, and forfeited to the king, and thus swept into the general mass of forfeitures which filled the royal coffers." In the midst of all the cares of state, Henry found sufficient leisure in the summer, after the execution of Sir William Stanley, to visit his mother, for whom he always cherished the most affectionate regard, and his step-father, the earl of Derby, at Knowsley, and at Lathom, in this county. So far was the earl from expressing any hostility towards the king on account of the recent execution of his brother, that he gave all possible effect to the royal progress, and entertained his guest with a sumptuous hospitality, such as has seldom been witnessed in these parts. To promote the king's accommodation, the noble lord built a bridge over the Mersey at Warrington, for the passage of himself and his suite ; which bridge has been found of so much public utility as to afford a perpetual monument of the visit of Henry VII. to Lancashire. The countess - 1 Rot. Parl. 11 Henry VII. vol. vi. p. 503. TJ 146 The history of Lancashire. ÖH.A.P. XI. of Richmond and Derby not only returned her son's affection, but she extended also her love to the queen and her children; and the following letter (spelling modernised), written by her to Thomas Boteler, earl of Ormond, chamberlain to the queen, while he was on a foreign embassy, is strongly characteristic of her maternal affection:— “My LORD CHAMBERLAIN–I thank you heartily that ye list so soon remember me with my gloves, the which were right good, save they were too much [large] for my hand. I think the ladies in that parts [sic] too great ladies all, and according to their great estate they have great personages. As for news here, I am sure ye shall have more surety than I can send you. Blessed be God, the king, the queen, and all our sweet children be in good health. The queen hath been a little crazed ; but now she is well, God be thanked. Her sickness is [? not] so good as I would, but I trust hastily it shall, with God's grace; whom I pray give you good speed in your great matters, and bring you well and soon home.—Written at Sheen, the 28th day of April. “To my lord the Queen's Chamberlain. M. RYCHEMOUND.” The progress of the king on his northern tour to Lancashire commenced on the 20th of June 1495, and terminated on the 3d of October in the same year. In the account of the “privy purse expenses of Henry VII.” the charges incurred on this journey are enumerated with great particularity, and the successive stages of the royal route, both going and coming, are marked with the king's accustomed precision, in the following terms :— “June 21. At Wicombe. 22. At Notley. 25. At Wodestok. 28. For making the King's bonefuyer, 10* July 1. At Cleping-norton. 2. At Evesham. 3. At Tukesbury. . 4. At Wours. 5. To Brom riding to Northamptonshire and Ruteland with five lettres, 10s. 9. To a preste that was the King's scolemaster, É2. To a tumbler opon the rope in rewarde, 3° 4". 10. At Biewdeley. 12. At Ludlow. 15. At Shrewsbury. 16. At Cumbermere Abbey. To an archer of th’ archeduc in rewarde, £4. 17. At Holte, 18. At Chester. To Topliff the Juge of Ireland, £2. - “23. To John Reding for vitailling, waging of four shipps at Fowey and Plymouth, with 470 [men] for six weeks to be opon the sea, £350. 25. 9". For his costs riding theſler with the money, £6. 13° 4* To Sir Geffrey for vitailling, hiring of shippes, hiring of horses, for his olde costs, & for his costs now, in grosse, £42. 17° 4". To the Pygard of Chester hired for a moneth, to carry men into Ireland, £4. 13+ 2* . To a Spanyard for carrying seventy men over into Irelande at one tyme, £10. To William Damport for four tun of bere, with the carriage and empty pipes, £4. 11+ 2* At Waile Roiall Abbey. To one that leped at Chestre, 6s. 8d. For the wags of eleven pety captanes for fourteen days, every of them 9" by day, £5. 15* 6* [Equal to about six shillings per day at the present time.] For their conduyt money, £1.9° 3". To the wags of 149 Fotemen for fourteen days, every of them 6d by day, £101. 10%. 64. To their condyt money, £26.6% 8*. For 142 jackets, at 1%. 6" the pece, £13. 11%. To fifty-five crosset men, every of them 1", £2, 15°. July 18. At Whonwick (Winwick). 20. At Lathom. To Sir Richard Pole for 200 jacquetts, price of every pece lº' 6", £15. [Husband of Margaret Plantagenet, daughter of George duke of Clarence, and afterwards countess of Salisbury.] For the wages of i00 horsemen for fourteen days, every of them 9" by day £52, 10°. For their conduyt for 3 days, every of them 9" by day, £11. 5* For the wages of 100 fotemen for fourteen days, every of them 6* by day, £35. [To swell the King's retinue.] For their conduyt for four days, every of them 6" by day, £10. For shipping, Vitailling, and setting over the see the foresaid 200 men with an 100 horses, £13. 6s. 8d. To the shirif awayting upon Sº Sampson for the Safe conduyt of the forsaid souldeours, £2. Aug. 2. To Picard, a herrald of Fraunee, in rewarde, £6. 13° 4". To the women that songe before the Kinge and the Quene in reward, 6%. 8", [From which it appears that the king was accompanied in this progress by the queen.] 3. At Knowsley. 4. At Warington. 5. At Manchestre. , 6. At Maxfeld. 8. At Newcastell, 10. At Strafford. 11. At Lychefeld. 12. At Burton. 13. At Derby. 28. At Lughburgh. 29. At Leye. During the king's residence at Lathom, Perkin Warbeck, having collected a considerable armament, attempted a landing on the coast of Kent ; but this enterprise, like all the others in which he embarked, utterly failed. He next sailed for Scotland, where he was received with great favour by the Scotch king. Here he told his pathetic story with much effect, representing that “one Henry Tudor, the son of Edmund Tudor, had usurped that throne of which he had been deprived by his uncle, Richard of Gloucester. Henry, not content with displacing him from the throne, had laboured to compass his death and ruin; the justice of his cause, however, was so manifest to his Most Christian Majesty Charles, king of France, and to the lady duchess of Burgundy, his dear aunt, that they not only acknowledged his title to the English crown, but were ready to assist him in obtaining it.” The Scotch king so far supported the claims of his interesting young guest, that he allowed him to take to wife Lady Katherine Gordon, daughter of the earl of Huntly, a lady of great beauty and of high accomplishments. The next step was to penetrate into England by the northern borders, and to erect his standard in Northumberland. Here Perkin issued a “royal proclamation,” inviting all loyal subjects to repair to his standard, and holding out the most alluring promises to those who embraced his cause. This expedition ended in a precipitate retreat, but not till the Scotch had plundered and laid waste the county of Northumberland. His next and final attempt was upon the coast of Cornwall, where a recent insurrection, which terminated in the defeat of the rebels upon Blackheath, seemed to have prepared the people for his reception. The first appearance of Perkin was at Bodmin, where he was joined by about three thousand of the inhabitants of that town and the neighbouring district. Thus encouraged, he marched to the city of Exeter, which he summoned to surrender in the name of “Richard IV., king of England.” The king lost not a moment in despatching the lord chamberlain, Lord Brook, and Sir Rice ap Thomas, with a light force, to Exeter, to relieve the city, charging them to announce that he was on his march in person, at the head of the royal army. All these preparations were rendered unnecessary by the gentry of the county having collected a force sufficient to alarm the invaders, who suddenly raised the siege of Exeter, and marched to Taunton. From this place Perkin Warbeck fled in the night, attended by about sixty horsemen, to Bewley, in the New Forest, where he shut himself up for safety in the sanctuary of that * Sir Robert Cotton’s MSS. - CHAP. XI. Qſìje #istorg of £antagjire. 147 place; alleging that he foresaw the carnage that would ensue, and he could not endure to see the blood of his subjects spilt Lady Katherine Gordon, who had followed the fortunes of her husband, whom she tenderly loved, was captured at St. Michael's, in Cornwall, by the king's troops, and, being taken to court, she was treated by the queen with great kindness, and even affection. Her beauty was the theme of general admiration, and, being extremely fair, the title given to her husband by the duchess of Burgundy was transferred to his lady, who was thenceforth called “The White Rose.” The pretender, Perkin, on a promise of pardon from the king, Surrendered himself into his hands. On being brought to London, he confessed the imposture, and became an object of Scorn rather than of loyal regard. Having formed a conspiracy, as was alleged, with Edward Plantagenet, earl of Warwick, the eldest son of the late duke of Clarence, who had been kept a prisoner in the Tower from his infancy, he was brought to trial for high treason, found guilty, and afterwards executed at Tyburn. The earl of Warwick, his accomplice, was also convicted, and beheaded on Tower Hill, in whom fell the last of the male line of the Plantagenets." - The king, no longer exposed to the danger of losing his throne, Surrendered himself to that passion, which, when inordinately cherished, strengthens with age, and outlives all other vices.” The sums which flowed into the royal coffers from the arbitrary exactions of Empson and Dudley were immense; and the strictness with which the account of the king's privy purse was kept is at once amusing and instructive. In these accounts, from the year 1491 to 1505, amongst an immense number of other items of expenditure, the following appear:— Money given to Sir Wm. Stanley at his execution £10 0 () Paid for Sir William Stanley's buryall at Syon . * tº e g 15 19 0 Paid to Simon Digby in full payment for the buriall of Sir Wm. Stanley . e g & tº 2 0 0 Paid to Robert Suthewell for horses, Sadells, and other necessarys bought for the conveyance of my Lady Kateryn Hunt-leye (The White Rose) . * º & e º g g º e & 7 13 4 Paid to my Lord Strange in reward . tº & 40 0 0 Paid to Sir Edward Stanley in reward 26 13 4 Paid for making of the bonefuyer g g g e º s e 2 0 0 Paid to Sir Gilbert Talbot going on an embassade to Rome, for his costs 5 0 0 Towards the close of his reign, the king displayed great anxiety to bring a “celestial honour,” as it was called, into the house of Lancaster. To accomplish this object, he sent an embassy to Rome, to importune the new pope Julius II. to canonise Henry VI. ; but upon what ground, except that he had, when Henry VII. was a boy, predicted that he should one day fill the throne of England, it is difficult to conjecture. His Holiness referred the matter to certain cardinals, to take the verification of the deceased monarch's holy acts and miracles; but these were not sufficiently obvious to entitle him to the dignity of the calendar, and the negotiation was abandoned in despair. A MS. in the Harleian Collection,” found amongst the papers of Fox the Martyrologist, entitled “De Miraculis Beatissimi Militis Xpi Henrici Vj,” consisting of about 150 folio closely-written pages, contains an account of a vast number of reputed miracles performed by this monarch, of which the following may be taken as specimens. “How Richard Whytby Priest of Mount St. Michaels was long ill of a Fever, & at last miraculously cured by journeying to the Tomb of Henry VI.” [Folio 113 b.] - “How John called Robynson, who had been blind ten years, recovered his sight by visiting Henry's Tomb.” [Folio 97 b.] “How Henry Lancaster, afflicted with Fever, was miraculously cured in three days by the appearance of that blessed Prince Henry VI. in the sky.” [Folio 98.] “How a girl called Joan Knyght, who was nearly killed with a bone sticking in her throat, and considered dead, on the bystanders invoking Henry VI., vomited the bone & was restored to health.” [Folio 119 b.] One of the last acts of the last parliament of Henry VII. was to answer a demand for two “reasonable aids;” the One for making a knight of his eldest son Arthur, now deceased, and the other for the marriage of his eldest daughter (from which marriage sprang the Stuart dynasty in England) to the king of Scotland, and also for the “great and inestimable charges” which he had incurred for the defence of the realm. Parliament having duly considered these demands, and being fully aware of the difficulty and discontent which would arise from the aids being levied according to the ancient tenures of the kingdom, compounded for them by presenting the king with forty thousand pounds, towards which sum the contribution for Lancashire, and the commissioners employed in its collection, were as follow —Thomas Boteler, Knyght ; John Bothe, Knyght ; * Contemporary historians describe this young prince in their strong, but homely terms, as reduced to the most abject state of imbecility by his long confinement, and by his almost entire exclusion from human intercourse : “he was" says Holinshed, “a very innocent.” Hall says, “being kept for fifteen years without company of men, or sight of beasts, he could not discern a goose from a capon.” * Among other modes of raising money, the king had frequently recourse to Sibsidies; a levy of this kind was made in 1496; when the persons appointed to be commissioners for Lancashire, along with the justices of the peace, were Edmundus Trafford Mil', Joties Talbot Mil’, Thomas Lawrence Arm,’ and Thomas Hesketh Arm'. It is due to the king, however, to say, that he did from time to time award allowances from the revenues of the duchy of Lancaster for the relief of the public burdens, as appears by the following items in the acts of the first and eleventh years of his reign :- First, of the General Receivour of the Duchie • T A • Kl of Lancasire (1485) . . . . . . . £2303: 14: 5} |First, of the Generall Receyvour of the Duchie } ‘. . A , 61 of Lancasire (1495) . . . . . . . £2303: 14:6; * Cod. 423. 148 (ſiſt #igtúrg of 3Lancashire. CHAP. XI. Pears Lee, Knyght; Richard Bold, Knyght ; John Sowthworth, Knyght ; Thomas Laurence, Knyght; William Thornborough, Esquyer; and Cutberd Clyfton, Esquyer, £318: 2: 3}. The death of the king put the usual termination to the accumulation of wealth. “He left,” says Lord Verulam, “mostly in secret places, Vnder his owne Key and keeping at Richmond, treasure of store, that amounted (as by Tradition it is reported to have done) vnto the Summe of neare Eighteene hundred thousand pounds Sterling; a huge Masse of Money, even for these times.” - From the time of Henry VII, the distinction of the Roses, as a badge of party, fell entirely into disuse. The origin of this distinction may be traced back to the time of John of Gaunt, whose device was a red rose, and Edmund of Langley, whose device was a white rose. “These two factions,” says Selden, “afterwards, as for cognisance of their descent and inclinations, were by the same flowers distinguished,” till the white rose and the red were united, on the marriage of Henry VII. with the Princess Elizabeth. - CHAP. XII. (The #istorm of £ancashire. . - 149 CHAPTER XII. The Sixteenth Century—Henry VIII. ascends the Throne—Invasion of England by the Scots—Battle of Flodden Field —The King's Letter of Thanks to Sir Edward Stanley, etc.—Lords-Lieutenant first appointed—The Reformation —Religious Persecution—Visitation of the Monasteries—Dissolution of the Lesser Monasteries—Insurrections produced by the Dissolution of the Monasteries—The Pilgrimage of Grace: Dispersion of the Rebel Army; They re-assemble, etc.; Finally dispersed—Renewed Rebellion in the North—Execution of the Abbot of Whalley and Others—Dissolution of the Larger Monasteries—First Publication of the Bible in English—Excom- munication of the King—List of Lancashire Monasteries—Their Revenues administered by the Duchy– Aggregate Value of the Dissolved Monasteries—Bishopric of Chester, etc., erected—List of Chantries in Lanca- shire—Decayed Towns in Lancashire—Privilege of Sanctuary—The King's Death, A. D. 1509 to 1547. $2:4}^{HE sixteenth century, during almost the whole of which period the throne of England was tº occupied by Henry VIII. and his children, affords abundant materials for both the general ** and the local history of the county of Lancaster. The reformation of the established church, by which so many of the religious institutions of the country were dissolved, and the erection of a new bishopric, in which this county was included, could not fail materially to affect our &^ t ecclesiastical institutions; while the persecutions on account of the ever-varying religion of the state created a degree of public excitement that has seldom had a parallel in British history. In the north the impression produced by these memorable changes was deeper than in the south ; and in Lancashire, where the recusants were more numerous than in any other county, both the clergy and the laity awaited the result of the contest of the rival churches of England and Rome with an anxiety fully commensurate with the important interests it involved. Nor were the military and naval events of this period less interesting. The battle of Flodden Field, the wars with France, the almost incessant contests with Ireland, and the menaced invasion of this country by Spain, which terminated in the destruction of the “invincible armada,” filled the whole nation with military ardour; and the ample official correspondence between the lieutenancy in the county of Lancaster and the successive ministers of state," shows that this county took its full share in the great events by which the destiny of the nation was fixed and its independence for ever secured. No prince ever ascended the throne of England under circumstances more auspicious than those which attended the elevation of Henry VIII. At peace with foreign nations, in the enjoyment of an undisputed title to the throne, with a treasury full almost to repletion, and in possession of the affections of his people, he had nothing to wish for, and nothing to dread, except the impetuosity of his own passions. His venerable grandmother, the countess of Richmond and Derby, had survived her son Henry VII., and offered her valuable council and assistance in the formation of the young king's cabinet, at the head of which stood the archbishop of Canterbury. The countess lived to see the hope of her old age married to Catherine of Arragon, the “virgin widow” of his deceased brother Arthur, and died soon after the consummation of that unhappy TIIllOIl. A few years served to engage the king in a war with France, and to awaken the dormant feelings of hostility entertained towards England by the Scottish nation. To prosecute his operations with success, James IV., king of Scotland, passed the English frontier at the head of fifty thousand men, and menaced the adjoining shores with his invading army. To repel this formidable invasion, large levies, principally of the tenantry of the great landed proprietors, were raised in the counties of Lancaster, Chester, York, and West- morland, which were placed, by the direction of the queen regent, under the command of Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey, and which, with the addition of five thousand regular troops, swelled the amount of the English army to twenty-six thousand men. The earl having marched from Pontefract by the route of Bolton Castle, the two armies met on the field of Flodden, near the foot of the Cheviot Hills, on the margin of the vale of Tweed. The earl of Surrey, having divided his forces into two parts, confided the Vanguard to the command of his son, Lord Howard, the lord admiral; and the rear he headed himself. Sir Edmund Howard commanded the right wing, and Sir Edward Stanley the left wing of the English army. On leading his followers to the * See Mr. Harland’s Lancashire Lieutenancy under the Tudors, the army, who had accompanied their friends, to partake of their etc. (vols. 49 and 50 of the Chetham Society's series). expected plunder. - - - - * The king was at that time personally engaged in the wars in * The official account, written by the lord admiral, says eighty France, while Catherine, emulating the example of Queen Philippa thousand; but numbers of these were, no doubt, the hangers-on of (see chap. ix. p. 107), was left to repel the Scotch invaders. 150 Qſìje 3%istory of 3 antagjire. CHAP, XII. field, the earl exclaimed, “Now, good fellows, do like Englishmen this day !” The right wing of the van- guard, under Sir Edmund Howard, overwhelmed by a large body of Scottish spearmen, commanded by Lord Home, narrowly escaped annihilation by the timely arrival of the Bastard Heron, with a numerous body of outlaws, who maintained a dubious contest, till the Lord Dacre, with a reserve of fifteen thousand horse, charged the spearmen, and put them to flight. The English vanguard, under the lord admiral, fought like heroes, and, after slaying the earls of Errol and Crawford, dispersed their forces in every direction. The commanders of the conflicting armies, the earl of Surrey and the Scottish king, with the chosen warriors of their respective armies, were opposed to each other. James fought on foot, surrounded by thousands of his men, cased in armour, which resisted the arrows of the English archers. Marching with a steady step towards the royal standard of England, he conceived this trophy of victory to be almost within his grasp, and was congratulating himself on the glories that awaited him, when Sir Edward Stanley, leading the left wing of the English army, composed principally of the Lancashire, Cheshire, and Yorkshire levies, defeated the earls of Argyle and Lennox, and turned the fortune of the day. The Scottish ranks, harassed by the murderous discharges of the archers, and the tremendous blows of the bill-men, fell into disorder; when Stanley, seizing the moment of panic, chased them over the hill, and, wheeling to the right, led his followers against the rear of the main Scotch army under King James, and thus placed him between two fires. In vain did the gallant monarch endeavour to penetrate the hostile ranks by which he was environed; the moment of his destiny was at hand, and he fell a lifeless corpse upon the field, within a spear's-length of the feet of the earl of Surrey. The battle, which began about five o'clock in the afternoon of the 9th September 1513, terminated at night-fall, and the pursuit was continued for only four miles. On the part of the Scotch, ten thousand warriors were slain; amongst whom were not only the king, but his natural son the archbishop of St. Andrews, with two other bishops, two abbots, twelve earls, thirteen barons, five eldest sons of barons, and fifty other men of distinction." Six thousand horses were taken, with the whole park of the Scotch artillery, and about eight thousand prisoners. The gallantry of the Lancashire men at the memorable battle of Flodden Field has at all times been a subject of exultation on the part of the inhabitants of this county. That their favourite leader, Sir Edward Stanley, should have, by his skill and courage, contributed so essentially to turn the fate of the day, and that those other gallant knights, Sir William Molineux of Sefton, Sir William Norris of Speke, and Sir Richard Ashton of Middleton, should have co-operated so efficiently with their leader, will long be men- tioned with praise by those who cherish the memory of gallant deeds at arms, and combine with them the localities of the respective contingents. The records of the day are full of the achievements of the heroes of Flodden Field, which are celebrated in prose and in rhyme; and an ancient MS. in the Harleian collection in the British Museum,” records these valiant deeds in a strain of high eulogium. The poem is in nine fits, or cantos, occupying sixty-six closely-written quarto pages, and opens with the following argument:— “Heare is the Famous historie or Songe called Floodan Field, and in it shal be declare how whyle King Henrie the Eight was in France, the King of Scoots called James, the Fowerth of that name, Invaided the Realme of England, And how he was Incountred wth all aft a place called Branton, on Floodan Hill, By the Earle of Surry Live Tennant Generall for the Kinge, with his sonne Lord Thomas Haworth, the great Admirall of England with the Helpe of dyvers Lords & Knights in the North Countrie, As the Lord Dakers of the North, the Lord Scrope of Bolton, wth the most Corragious Knight Sr Edward Standley, whoe for his prowis and valliantnes shewed att the said Battell, was made Lord Mount Eagle as the Sequell declareth.” The poet narrates the progress of the battle, and ends with celebrating the victory. After the battle, the victorious army penetrated into Scotland; and Speke Hall, the seat of Sir William Norris, has ever since been enriched with trophies of this memorable campaign, brought from the palace of the Scottish king. The English monarch, who was then in France,” accompanied by Henry, earl of Derby, and engaged in the great expedition in which Tournay was won, in the ardour of his gratitude, on his return to England in November, addressed a congratulatory letter to Sir Edward Stanley. Similar letters, mutatis mutandis, were sent to Sir William Molineux, Sir William Norris, and Sir Richard Ashton, and, as a still further mark of his Majesty's gratitude, Sir Edward Stanley, who...was the fifth son of Thomas, earl of Derby, was created Lord Monteagle, in allusion to the family crest. The earl of Surrey was restored to the family title of duke of Norfolk, while his son, Lord Howard, was honoured with the title of the earl of Surrey. Wolsey, then the king's favourite minister, was created bishop of Lincoln; and Lord Herbert obtained a step in the peerage as earl of Worcester. About this period, the ancient commission of array, for levying and organising troops in the different counties of the kingdom, to guard against foreign invasion and domestic tumult, began to be Superseded by a new local authority, called the lieutenancy, at the head of which, in this county, was placed the duke of Norfolk, who was succeeded in the office by the earl of Shrewsbury, and subsequently by Edward, earl of Derby; and although not a hereditary honour, the office of lord-lieutenant of the county palatine of Lancaster has been filled almost ever since its institution by the head of the Stanley family. The baneful connection formed by Scotland and France served again to embroil our northern neighbours Lord Thomas Howard's official account. * Cod. 3526. king) should win all the crown of France.”—1 Ellis's Original * The queen, in her letter to the king, announcing the victory of Letters, p. 88. Flodden Field, says—“The victory has more honour than if he (the 4 15 Rymer, 75. CHAP. XII. The #ígtorg ºf £antagüíre. 151 in a fresh war with England, and preparations were made for invading the northern counties. To repel this invasion, a royal mandate was issued to the high sheriff of the county of Lancaster, commanding him to make proclamation in these words:— “Forasmuche as the King's Highnes has learned of an intention to invade England at or before the beginning of September, formed by the Scots at the instigation of the French king; his grace, therefore, by advice of his counsel, charges all and singular his subjects, of whatsoever rank, &c. between the ages of 60 and 16, inhabitants within the county of Lancaster, that from henceforth they, uppon oon Houres Warnyng, be in arredynes defensiblie arrayed with Harnes and Wepyns apte & mete for the Warres, to attend the Earl of Shrewsbury, his Lieutent general of the North against Scotland,” &c." The Scotch, sensible at length of the injustice of being so frequently called upon to sacrifice their own peace and prosperity to foreign interests, expressed their reluctance to advance into England; and Albany, the French general, under whose command the Scottish chiefs were to fight, observing this disinclination, concluded a truce with Lord Dacres, warden of the English marches, which did not, however, prevent Scotland from being entered by the earl of Surrey, at the head of his army, who ravished Merse and Teviotdale, and burnt the town of Jedburgh. From these terrible inflictions the Scotch were glad to escape by an alliance with England instead of France, not without a remote expectation of a contract of marriage between Lady Mary, heir-presumptive to the throne of England, and the young Scotch monarch, at that time in his nonage. The seeds of the Reformation, which had been sown in the time of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, cherished by the Lollards in succeeding ages, and occasionally moistened by their blood, attained to maturity in the time of Henry VIII. Martin Luther, a monk of the order of St. Augustine, and a professor in the university of Wittemberg, had raised the standard of reformation in Saxony, by preaching and writing against the indulgences granted, with so lavish a hand, by the church of Rome; and his works had attracted sufficient notice to induce the king of England to enter the polemical lists against him. Henry sent his answer in reply to Luther to Leo X., and his Holiness was so much gratified by its perusal, either from the strength of the argument or the dignity of the advocate, that he rewarded the royal controversialist with the appellation of “Defender of the Faith.” The fickleness of the king's affections induced him, soon afterwards, to put the friendship of the head of the church to a severe test. Doubts had been suggested by the scrupulous as to the legality of the king's marriage with, Catherine of Arragon, the widow of his brother; and it was held by them that the degree of consanguinity was such as to vitiate the marriage. These scruples, as Henry alleged, began to disturb his own mind; and, to relieve himself from so great a burden, he applied to Rome for a divorce, which Clement VII., who now filled St. Peter's chair, was inclined to grant, had not the fear of offending the emperor Charles W., the nephew of Catherine, and who wished to espouse Mary, the queen's daughter, restrained his inclinations. The impetuosity of Henry's temper could ill brook the delay of episcopal hesitation, and the beauty of Anne Boleyn, a maid of honour to the queen, to whom he had made an offer of his hand, induced him to obtain, from his own complying parliament, a dissolution of the marriage with Catherine. His clergy, not less obedient to the royal wish than the laity, determined, in convocation, that an appeal to Rome was unnecessary. The parliament, when it next assembled, constituted the “De- fender of the Faith ” the supreme head of the church, and thus dissolved the connection between the church of England and the church of Rome. A number of the clergy, and many of the laity, amongst whom there was probably a majority in the county of Lancaster, adhered to the faith of their fathers; but the great body of the nation were disposed to go much further than the king: they acted upon principle ; he was influenced by passion, and remained as much a friend to indulgences, after he had espoused the beautiful maid of honour, as he was when he first married her mistress. Neither the Catholics nor the Protestants satisfied him ; in the plenitude of his power, and to gratify his sanguimary temper, he inflicted the punishment of death upon persons of both persuasions, and he promoted the Reformation only so far as it could be made subservient to the gratification of his voluptuousness, and as it administered to the demands of his prodigality. - Such is the perverting influence of religious persecution, that Sir Thomas More, the mild, equitable, and enlightened chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, on his elevation to the chancellorship of England (in 1534), inflicted the torture upon James Bainham, a member of the Inner Temple, and finally consigned him to the flames in Smithfield for no other offence, but because he followed the example of the court by favouring the doctrines of the Reformation. More himself having, a few years after, refused to acknowledge the king's supremacy—saying that it was a two-edged sword: if he was in favour of that doctrine, it would confound his soul; and if he was against it, it would destroy his body—was, for this offence, brought to trial on a charge of high treason, and, being found guilty, was beheaded on Tower Hill (July 6, 1535). In the twenty-sixth year of the king's reign (1534), a royal commission was issued, to ascertain the value 1 Pat. 14, Hen. VIII. p. 2. m. 8. d. defend one another, and let the faith alone to defend itself.” The * King Henry's jester, finding his royal master transported with copy of Henry's reply to Luther, sent by the king himself to the unusual joy, asked him the cause of his hilarity; to which the king pope, with the royal autograph in the title-page, is preserved in replied that the pope had honoured him with a style more exalted the Library of the Vatican, and exhibited amongst its literary than that of any of his ancestors—the title of “Defender of the curiosities. Faith :” to which the fool replied, “O good Harry, let thou and I 3 State Trials, i. 59. 152 Çiſt ºigtúry of £antagjirt. CHAP. XII. of all the ecclesiastical property, and the amount of all the benefices in the kingdom. The book containing the latter of these returns is called Liber Regis, and is a beautiful manuscript, transcribed, it is said, by a monk of Westminster, for the king's library. The office for the receipt of tenths and first-fruits was instituted upon the visitation of these commissioners, whereby the Decima Decimarum were appointed to be paid to the king of England, instead of being paid, as hitherto, to the pope. The report of the commissioners forms a kind of ecclesiastical Doomsday Book.' - The great visitation of monasteries was commenced in the autumn of 1535, when Cromwell, chancellor of the exchequer and first secretary to the king, filled the office of vicegerent and vicar-general. The visitation of the Lancashire monasteries was made by Dr. Thomas Legh and Dr. Richard Layton, and their original reports are in the Record Office of the Court of Receipt at Westminster, under the custody of the lord treasurer. The resolution to dissolve the monasteries had already been taken. The spirit in which this visitation was made clearly indicated that the reports were meant to form the groundwork for the dissolution of those institutions, and the consequent appropriation of their lands and revenues to the use of the crown. It cannot be denied that the monastic institutions were subject to great abuse; and that, under the specious appearance of devotion to God, some of the first duties to man were neglected or perverted; but it must also be admitted, that the collecting of ea-parte evidence by stipendiary emissaries, and the making of that evidence a ground for plundering the property of the church, was a proceeding full of injustice, and an example that no future age can imitate with impunity. The questions proposed by the royal commissioners on their Lancashire visitation were reduced to the following heads:—1. As to the incontinence of the heads of each monastery; 2. The name of the founder ; 3. The estate of the convents; 4. The Superstitions practised in them; 5. The debts they had incurred; and 6. The names of the votaries who wished to be discharged from their vows.” How far the deplorable picture of monastic life exhibited in this report is faithful, we have not the means of discovering.” So far as the great monasteries are concerned, it is at variance with the declaration of an act of parliament passed in the following year, wherein it is said, “that in divers and great Solemn monasteries of this realm religion is right well kept and observed.” The great monastery of Furness does not appear to have been entitled to this flattering character, if the report of the visitors is to be credited ; and of Whalley the particulars are so few as to convey no information on this head. The returns of the commissioners served as an apology for dissolving the lesser monasteries, to which the king and his minister, the vicar-general, had a strong predisposition. In the following year (1535) a bill was passed through parliament, with very little deliberation, for dissolving all monastic establishments in England whose clear yearly income did not exceed £200 ; in the preamble to which bill it is said, that “Forasmuch as manifest sin, Vitious, carnal, and abominable living, is daily used and committed commonly in such little and Small abbeys, priories, and other religious houses of monks, canons, and nuns, where the congregation of Such religious persons is under the number of twelve,” etc. “ whereupon the lords and commons, by a great deliberation, finally be resolved, that it is and shall be more to the pleasure of Almighty God, and for the honour of this his realm, that the possessions of all such religious houses, not being spent, spoiled, and wasted for increase of maintenance of sin, shall be used and converted to better uses, and the unthrifty religious persons so spending the same be compelled to reform their lives ; be it therefore enacted, that his majesty shall have to himself and to his heirs for ever, all and singular monasteries, the yearly value of which do not amount to £200.” By this act, about three hundred and eighty communities were dissolved, and an addition of thirty-two thousand a-year (of the value in our money of upwards of £160,000) was made to the royal revenue, exclusive of £100,000 in money, plate, and jewels. According to Fuller, “ten thousand persons were, by this dissolution, sent to seek their fortunes in the wide world: some had twenty shillings given them at their ejection, and a new gown, which needed to be of strong cloth, to last till they got another. Most were exposed to want ; and many a young nun proved an old beggar.” * The state of the inferior clergy in the county of Lancaster, as well as in the other parts of the province of York, was at this time most deplorable, whether considered as to their acquirements or their stipends. to Cromwell, “their benefices were so exile, of £4: 5: 6 per annum, that no learned man would take them. Therefore they were fain to take such as were presented, so that they were of honest conversation, and could competently understand what they read, and minister sacraments. In all his diocese, he did not know twelve that could preach.” The Irish clergy at the same time were in a still lower condition; their new archbishop wrote of them to the lord privy seal—“As for their secular orders, they be in a Imanner as ignorant as the people, being not able to say a mass, or to pronounce the words; they not knowing what they themselves say in the Roman tongue.” So in 1530, “A bird may be taught to Speak with as much sense as several of them do in this country.” * The report is in Latin, and its statements as to incontinence, etc., Would not bear translation. It is therefore omitted. The According to Archbishop Lee, in a letter addressed following statements in the report are, however, worth preserving :— Furmess, yearly rent or income, £900—Cartmell, yearly rent, #100 ; here they have a portion of the Holy Cross—Comished, yearly rent, £113; here they have the girdle of the Virgin Mary (as it is thought), to bless the pregnant—CokerSand, yearly rent, É200–Whalley, £541—JAytham, #55—Hornby, £16—Penwortham, #27–Burs- cough, £90— Upholland, £65—Kersal Cell, £9; the house owes 20 marks (£13: 6:8)—Stamlaw, £10—College of Manchester, £200. * It is alleged by the Roman Catholics that young men were employed to corrupt and to defame the nuns. Fuller mentions a story, upon the authority of Sir William Stanley, from which it appears that two young gentlemen, under the pretence of the royal permission to visit a convent, remained there three days and three nights, where they were received with that hospitality and decorum which ought to have inspired in them nothing but gratitude ; but that, in return for these favours, they falsely accused the nuns of licentiousness; and in that way a pretence was obtained for dis- Solving the convents.—Fuller's History of Abbeys, p. 315. CHAP. XII. 153 (Iije 3%istory of £ancashire. A CERTIFICATE or THE ANNUAL VALUE AND OTHER PARTICULARS OF A NUMBER OF THE RELIGIOUS Hous ES IN LANCASHIRE.1 County of LANCASTER.—The Breviate of the brief Certificate, upon the new Survey of the Religious Houses within the County Palatine of Lancaster, given to the King's Highness by Act of Parliament, and within the case of dissolution. ball Lead mal-Wºº, low owing w Reidon, tººl ºf Peligious Houses. First Walue. Second Value. Goods.’ *|worth to be the H ouse. y º º S redemption to Sold. livings. be paid at days. Cokersand . £157 14 0} |#224 7 7% |#343 18 5 40s. £108 9 8 22 17 £3. 3 0 Cartmell 9] 6 3 212 12 10% 274 13 9}, 167. 59 12 8 I0 38 3 4 0 Conishead . 97 0 2 161 5 9 333 6 33 127. 87 17 3} 8 41 3 4 0 Burscough . 80 7 6 122 5 7 418 10 10 257. 86 3 8 5 42 3 4 0 Holland. 53 3 4. 78 12 9 I 32 2 8 40l. 18 18 10 5 26 200 4 0 The following progress of a suffragan, entitled “Progressus Dni Suffraganij,” indicates the order in which the visitation of the Lancashire monasteries, from the centre to the northern part of the county, was made. From the obscurity of the writing, and the manner in which the MS. is bound up with other papers in the Codex, the transcript has been made with considerable difficulty, and probably with some inaccuracy on that account. The report (of which we have modernised the spelling, etc.) is without date, but it appears to have been made about the year 1538, to Cromwell, the vicar-general, by one of the visitors.” IN COUNTY [of] LANCASTER. Whalley.—Item to Whalley in Lancashire, of the Cistercians, out of one diocese, under the Bishop of Chester, the which con- vent was first founded in the county of Chester, at a place called Stanlaw, by Sir John Lascy, knight, and that was A.D. 1172. But after Lord Henry Lascy, the third and last Earl of Lincoln of the name, removed them.* with the bodies of his ancestors John and Roger Lascy, knights, unto Whalley, that was A.D. 1296. Umylysa, prior. Cokersand.—Item to Kokersand, canons of the Premonstratensians, of the foundation of a certain hermit, named Hugh Garthe, in King John's time, 24 miles from the other. Lancaster.—Item to Lancaster, to the friars preachers, of the foundation of Sir Hugh Harrington, knight, 5 miles from the other. Cartmel.—ſtem to Cartmel, canons of St. Austin Order, of the first foundation of Lord William Marchall, the Earl of Pembroke, A.D. 1202, before his death 17 years, 3d King John, 10 miles off the other. Comishead.—Item to Conishead, canons of St. Austin, of the first foundation of Gamel Pennyngton, knight, which founded there a place of three or four canons, which was in strife for a season, by reason that they builded upon the ground of Lord William Lancaster, Baron of Kirby-Kendal and Overstone ; but this first foundation was A.D. 1067, from the other 5 miles. Furness.—Item to Furness, of the Cistercians, of the foundation of Lord Stephen, then the Earl of Boulogne, before he was king of England nine years, and 26th year of the reign of King Henry I. (1125-6), as appeareth by the following:—[This is an imperfect and unintelligible piece of Latin]. Coupland.—Item to Cowdre, of the Cistercians, of the first foundation of Lord Reginald Meschines, then lord of Coupland, that was A.D. 1134 in Henry I.'s time. 19 miles from the foresaid place. St. Bees.—Item to St. Bees, monks of the order of St. Benet, of the foundation of the foresaid Lord Meschines, 5 miles from the other (fol. 106).” [Notes at the end.] “In all these we have been in, beside divers others more, both in Durham bishopric and also Carlisle; with many good towns g † , --, -ºº: g 2 - gºv - y g and villages, as well in my lord's grace's liberty as in others. And thus Jesus preserve your Mastership. [In another hand.] 1592.” (Fol. 108.) The religious feelings, as well as the temporal interests, of a large body of men were deeply involved in the suppression of the lesser monasteries, which measure was considered, with much justice, as the precursor of a still more sweeping appropriation of church property. The families of distinction, whose ancestors had founded monasteries, or whose sons were provided for by spiritual offices, complained of being deprived of their patronage and emoluments; and the poor, for whom there was then no parochial provision in infancy or in old age, and whose wants had been supplied at the doors of the convents, were equally loud in their complaints; while persons under the influence of higher motives felt shocked and outraged by the spoliation and overthrow of the altars of their fathers. The discontents of the people first broke out in acts of open rebellion in Lincolnshire, where Dr. Mackrel, friar of Barlings, assuming the character of a mechanic, collected an army of twenty thousand men, of which he took the lead, under the assumed name of “The Captain Cobbler.” A proclamation of pardon from the king was found of sufficient force to disperse this irregular army; while the doctor himself, and a number of its other leaders, among whom was Lord Hussey, were consigned to public execution. A more formidable insurrection immediately afterwards sprang up in the northern counties, under the designation of the “Pilgrimage of Grace,” and Robert Aske, a gentleman of family, residing upon his patrimonial estate at Aughton, in the East Riding of the county of York, was placed at its head. The insurrectionary spirit spread far and wide, from the Tweed on the north to the Humber and the Ribble on the east and the west. The insurgents rendezvoused in Yorkshire; and, to excite the enthusiasm of their followers, and to induce the people to join their ranks, a body of priests marched at their head with the banner of the cross, on “These notes belong unto me.—THO. LOVELL. 8 That is from Stanlaw. * Coupland, or Copeland, and St. Bees are both in Cumberland. 1 Harl. MSS. in Brit. Mus. cod. 604, fol. 91. 2 Harl. MSS. codex 604. X. 154 (ſiſt £igturn of £ancašijire. CHAP. XII. which was depicted the figure of the Saviour, with the chalice and the host. Each of the soldiers wore on his sleeve, as the emblem of his holy cause, a representation of the five wounds of Christ, with the name “Jesus” marked in the centre. An oath or covenant was enjoined upon the pilgrims, by which they declared, “that they entered into this pilgrimage for the love of God, the preservation of the king's person and issue, the purifying the nobility, and driving away all base-born and ill councillors; and for no particular profit of their own, nor to do displeasure to any, nor to kill any for envy; but to take before them the cross of Christ, his faith, the restitution of the churches, and the suppression of hereticks and their opinions.” Having carried the town of Hull and the city of York, their next operation was directed against the castle of Pontefract, which was in possession of Lee, the archbishop of York, and Lord Darcy, whose slumbering loyalty the king attempted to awaken by a letter written from Northampton, in which he desires Lord Darcy to proclaim as false, certain traitorous, slanderous, and untrue reports. The reports alluded to, and so strongly denounced by the king, were contained in a mandate issued by one of the rebel chiefs, assuming the name of “the Earl of Poverty,” which alleged that the king and his heretical ministers had determined, first, that no infant should be baptized without a tribute to be paid to the king; second, that no man, with an income of less than £20 a-year should either eat bread made of wheat, or capons, or chickens, or goose, or pig, without paying a tribute; and, third, that for every plough-land, the king would have a tribute. The earl of Shrews- bury, then residing at Sheffield Castle, animated by a zeal which outstripped the king's commands, raised a force to resist the progress of the rebellion; and the earl of Derby, and other noblemen, followed his example. On arriving before Pontefract, the rebels summoned the castle; with this summons the archbishop of York and Lord Darcy readily complied, by surrendering the fortress without resistance. On the 2d of October, a herald arrrived at Pontefract with a proclamation from the king. This messenger was received by Aske, seated On a kind of throne, with the archbishop of York on his right and Lord Darcy on his left, attended by Sir Robert Constable, Sir Christopher Danby, and others; but the hopes of the rebel general were then too much elevated to warrant an expectation of that submission which the proclamation required. According to Wilfred Holme, a writer of that age, residing at Huntington, near York, the following lines were often recited by the pilgrims of grace, from the antiquated quiddities of Merlin:— “Foorth shall come a worme, an Aske with one eye, He shall be the chiefe of the mainye ; He shall gather of chivalrie a full faire flock Halfe capon and halfe cocke : The chicken shall the capon slay, And after that shall be no May.” From Pontefract the rebel army marched to Scawsby Lees, near the left bank of the river Don, with the intention of fording the river, and taking the ancient town of Doncaster, then in possession of the duke of Norfolk, the leader of the vanguard in the battle of Flodden Field, on whom the king had conferred the command of the royal army. The ardour of the priests and their devoted followers, in this northern rebellion, was most striking. The abbots of Whalley, Salley, Jervaux, Furness, Fountains, and Rivaulx, with all the persons they could influence, either joined the main army, or made diversions in its favour in their respective districts. In a word, the whole of the north of England was in a state of alarm and agitation. The king, in this emergency, issued Warrants to his devoted followers in Lancashire, importuning them to join the earl of Derby in his endeavours to repress this wide-spreading rebellion. - The originals of two of these documents are preserved in the Harleian Collection, and are expressed in similar terms. Both are dated Windsor Castle, 28th Oct. 28th y' of the reign (1536)—one being addressed to Sir Rodger Bradshawe Knt., and the other to Sir Thos. Langton Knt. In both the king most heartily thanks them for assembling all their forces, and joining them with “our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin the earl of Derby,” for the repress" of the traitors and rebels in those parts; requires them to persist and continue in this faithful towardness, in the company of the said earl, till the traitors shall be utterly subdued; signifying that the king would not only consider their charges therein, but so remember their services that they should have cause to say that they had well employed their labours, pains, and travail in that behalf. The warmth of the king's thanks for the service rendered to the royal cause by Sir Roger Bradshawe and Sir Thomas Langton, and the solicitude expressed by him that they should continue their services, sufficiently indicate the sense he entertained of the danger attending this rebellion, not only to the peace and tranquillity of the county of Lancaster, but also to the stability of his throne. The scene of hostile operations in Lancashire was principally on the eastern boundary, adjoining to the county of York; and the earl of Cumberland, emulating the example of the earls of Shrewsbury and Derby, gallantly repulsed the rebels in an attack made upon Skipton Castle. The main army of the insurgents now prepared to advance to the south ; and, with that view, they proposed to ford the Don at the point where the earl of Shrewsbury was posted by direction of the duke of Norfolk; but a sudden rising of the waters of that river, though proceeding from causes purely natural, served to awaken the susceptible superstition of the followers of Aske, who, viewing this impediment 1 Harl. MSS. cod. 283, fol. 80. 2 MS. cod. 283, foll, 258, 259. CHAP. XII. (Iije Đígtorg of 3Lancagüire. 155 as an evil omen, were prevailed upon to disperse, partly to repair the deficiency in their commissariat depart- ment, and partly to afford time to conduct a negotiation between the government and the insurgent chiefs. The duke of Norfolk was placed in a situation of great difficulty. The impetuosity of the king's temper disinclined him to make any concessions to his subjects in arms; and the demands of the rebels were such as to preclude his compliance with them, without compromising the royal dignity. They claimed that a royal pardon should be granted without exception of persons; that a parliament should be held at York, and courts of justice established there, so that no suitor on the north side of the Trent should be required to go to London upon any suit at law. They further demanded a repeal of several acts of parliament, Specifiying particularly those for the last subsidy, and the statute of uses, with the statute which made words without overt acts misprision of treason; and the statute requiring the clergy to pay their tenths and first-fruits to the king. They further desired that the Princess Mary might be restored to her right of succession, the pope to his wonted jurisdiction, and the monks to their houses again; that the Lutherans might be punished; that Audley the lord chancellor, and Cromwell, the lord privy Seal, might be excluded from the next parliament; and that Doctors Lee and Langton, who had visited the northern monasteries, might be imprisoned for bribery and extortion. After an interval of a month, the “pilgrims of grace” again assembled in greater strength than before, and once more prepared to ford the Don ; but again the waters rose suddenly, and a second time prevented that operation. The negotiations were renewed, under the management of Sir Ralph Ellerker and Sir Robert Bowas, on the side of the insurgents, and of the duke of Norfolk for the king. The duke was empowered to offer pardon to all the rebels, with the exception of ten ; six of them to be named, and four unnamed ; but this offer, from the uncertainty which it involved, was refused. It was next proposed by the duke that a kind of congress should assemble at Doncaster, consisting of three hundred representatives chosen from the men of the different wapentakes, to negotiate with the duke and the lord admiral, who was a Fitzwilliam of Aldwark. For some time, the duke, by the direction of the privy council, insisted on the king exercising the right to except ten persons from the general amnesty; but, finding it impossible to obtain these terms, he at length agreed that the royal clemency should be extended to the whole of the rebel army without exception. On these terms the pilgrimage was dissolved (Dec. 9), but the king, on the dispersion of the insurgents, read them a lecture, in a royal manifesto, of a nature which would, in these days, rather have raised than Suppressed a rebellion. In answer to that part of their petition which related to the removal of his ministers who were charged with a design to subvert the religion of the state, and to enslave the people, the king says “And we, with our whole council, think it right strange that ye, who be but brutes and inexpert folk, do take upon you to appoint us who be meet or not for Our council: we will therefore bear no such meddling at your hands, it being inconsistent with the duty of good subjects to interfere in such matters.” In the interval between the dispersion of the insurgent army of the north and their re-assembling, an attempt was made by the rebels to take the abbeys of Whalley and Salley, which the earl of Derby was preparing to resist, when he received the king's command at Preston to disperse his forces. These orders he obeyed, but finding, on the re-assembling of the rebels, that the danger was imminent, he again collected his troops, and marched to Whalley, where he succeeded in securing the monastery, and in restoring the public tranquillity. The rebel army of the north was dispersed, but the cause of their discontent was in no degree removed. Several of the monks and others, who had repossessed themselves of the religious houses during the time of the insurrection, were again ejected, and a fresh rebellion broke out on the northern extremity of Lancashire under Musgrave and Tilley. The career of the insurgents was short and humiliating; and their only military operation consisted in besieging the city of Carlisle, in which they entirely failed. The duke of Norfolk, having put their army to flight, made prisoners of all their officers, with the exception of Musgrave; seventy of them were brought to trial by martial law, and being found guilty of treason and rebellion, they were all executed on the walls of Carlisle. Similar risings took place at Hull, and in some other places; and the king, in the heat of his indignation, seemed to consider these fresh revolts as a justification for the infraction of the act of amnesty granted by his authority at Doncaster, though many of the accused, who afterwards became sufferers, were not, and could not be, concerned in the latter rebellion. Aske, the leader of the Pilgrimage of Grace, was tried and executed; as were also Sir Robert Constable, Sir John Bulmer, Sir John Percy, Sir Stephen Hamilton, Nicholas Tempest, and William Lumley; many others were thrown into prison, and most of them shared the fate of their leader. The plea of compulsion set up by Lord Darcy for the surrender of Pontefract did not avail him, neither did his advanced age of eighty years, though many of them had been spent in the service of his country." The inexorable monarch, after his condemnation, refused to extend to and to the fickleness of the king's disposition. The accomplished 1 On being led to execution, Lord Darcy accused the duke of Norfolk, the commander-in-chief of the king's forces, of having encouraged the rebellion of the north ; but this charge was disre- garded by the king, and seems to have had no better foundation than the anxiety of the duke to spare the lives of the rebels. Near the close of Henry's reign the duke, and his son the earl of Surrey, fell into disgrace, owing to the intrigues of their enemies at court, and lamented Son perished on the scaffold; and his father was indebted for his life rather to the death of the king than to the Services he had rendered to his country, by his achievements on the Ocean, his gallantry in the battle of Flodden, and his still more distinguished service in dispersing an army of 40,000 men without the effusion of blood. 156 (The #istorg of £antasijire. CHAP. XII. him the royal clemency, and he was executed on Tower Hill. “Being now satisfied with punishing the rebels, the king published anew,” says Lord Herbert, “a general pardon, to which he faithfully adhered; and he created a patent court of justice at York, for deciding on suits in the northern counties; a demand which had been made by the rebels.” It appears, however, that the arm of justice was not yet stayed; for at the spring assizes at Lancaster, in 1537, John Paslew, D.D., abbot of Whalley, was sentenced to death for high treason, on account of the part he had taken in the northern rebellion, and suffered the extreme penalty of the law on a gallows erected in front of the house of his birth, in Whalley; while William Trafford, abbot of Salley, and the prior of the same place, were executed at Lancaster, two days before, along with John Eastegate and William Haydocke, monks of Whalley. Adam Sudbury, abbot of Jervaux, with Ashbeed, a monk of that house, and William Wold, prior of Burlington, also suffered death for the same offence. The part taken by the monks in the rebellion of the north, and the encouragement they had given to their dependants and tenants to join in that insurrection, served as a reason for the dissolution of the larger monasteries, of which it had been declared by parliament that “in divers of them religion was right well kept and observed.” This character, however, did not save them from the rapacious grasp of the spoiler; and the Sagacity which suggested that the dissolution of the smaller monasteries would soon be succeeded by the sequestration of the property of the larger establishments was soon made manifest. A new commission, with the earl of Sussex at its head, was appointed to investigate the conduct of the existing monasteries, and the commissioners spent nearly four years in going from house to house, by turns soliciting and compelling the heads of those houses to surrender them, with their lands and revenues, into the hands of the king. Though these appropriations were so numerous in the reign of Henry VIII., only one original Surrender of any reli- gious house is to be found; and that is the surrender of the abbey of Furness, in the county of Lancaster. This instrument is of the date of the 9th of April (1546), in the last year of the king's reign, from which it appears that the annual value of the monastery was £960, and that thirty monks were attached to that house. The surrender of Furness Abbey will serve as a specimen of the proceedings under this new commission." “All the members of the community, with the tenants and servants, were successively examined in private ; and the result of a protracted inquiry was, that, though two monks were committed to Lancaster Castle, nothing could be discovered to criminate either the abbot or the brotherhood. The commissioners proceeded to Whalley, and a new summons compelled the abbot of Furness to reappear before them. A second investigation was instituted, and the result was the same. In these circumstances, says the earl, in a letter to Henry, which is still extant, ‘devising with myself, if one way would not serve, how and by what means the Said monks might be rid from the said abbey, and consequently how the same might be at your gracious pleasure, I determined to assay him as of myself, whether he would be contented to surrender give and grant unto (you) your heirs and assigns the said monastery; which thing so opened to the abbot fairly, we found him of a very facile and ready mind to follow my advice in that behalf.’ A deed was accordingly offered him to sign, in which, having acknowledged ‘the misorder and evil rule both unto God and the king of the brethren of the said abbey,’ he, in discharge of his conscience, gave and Surrendered to Henry all the title and interest which he possessed in the monastery of Furness, its lands and its revenues. Officers were immediately despatched to take possession in the name of the king; the commissioners followed with the abbot in their company; and in a few days the whole community ratified the deed of its superior. The history of Furness is the history of Whalley, and of the other great abbeys in the north. They were visited under pretext of the late rebellion; and, by one expedient or other, were successively wrested from their possessors, and transferred to the crown.” - As an inducement to their superiors to surrender their monasteries, tempting offers of a permament pro- vision were made to the brotherhood; and to such as withheld their consent, either no allowance whatever was granted, or that allowance so small as to leave them in a state of abject penury.” The progress of the Reformation kept pace with the dissolution of the papal institutions; and in the year 1538, the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament were, for the first time, printed entire in English, under the sanction and authority of the government. Pope Clement, incensed by all these acts of disobedience to the Romish church, was at length induced to issue his celebrated bull of excommunication, by which the king of England was declared an apostate, the whole kingdom was put under an interdict, his subjects were required to rise up in arms against his authority, foreign potentates were charged to make war upon him, and he was expelled from the pale of the Holy Catholic Church. So far were the thunders of the Vatican from arresting the king in his sacrilegious career, that, in the following year, a bill was brought into the English parliament, vesting in the crown all the movable and immovable property of the monastic institutions which either had already been, or should hereafter be, suppressed, abolished, or surrendered. The heads of the twenty-eight mitred abbeys, and the two priors of Coventry and St. John of Jerusalem, having been divested of their revenues, lost the seats which they had hitherto enjoyed in the House of Peers; but the county of Lancaster did not in this way suffer any diminution of parliamentary influence, seeing that none of those highly-privileged houses were situated in this county. The abbots, masters, and priors of the religious orders in Lancashire, however, frequently received writs of summons to parliament; and it appears from the Close Rolls, that from * See original papers in the British Museum, Cleop. E. iv. 111, each as a departure-fee, to provide for his immediate wants. The 244, 246. See also West's Furness, Appendix, x. 4-7. pensions to nuns averaged about £4. “It should, however, be 2 Lingard, iv. 256. * The pensions to the superiors varied from £266 to £6 per annum. The priors of cells received generally £13. A few whose services had merited distinction obtained £20. To the other monks were allotted pensions of six, four, or two pounds, with a small sum observed,” says Dr. Lingard, from whom we quote, “that these sums were not in reality so Small as they appear, as money was, probably, at that period of ten times more value than it is now.” This, however, is an over-estimate, taking the price of wheat as the criterion. CHAP. XII. Oſije #istory of £ancashire. 157 49 Henry III. to 23 Edward IV. (1264 to 1483), the heads of the Premonstratensian abbey of Cockersand alone received upwards of one hundred of these parliamentary writs. From this period (1540) is to be dated the dissolution of all the monastic institutions in the county of Lancaster; and the following is a concise history of their original foundation, the religious orders to which they were attached, and their estimated in- come, according to Dugdale and to Speed, at the time of the visitations, which took place in the interval between 1534 and 1540:— “At BURSCOUGH was a Priory of Austin, or Black Canons, founded by Robert Fitz-Henry, Lord of Lathom, in the reign of Richard I. St. Nicholas was the tutelar saint of this house, which had a prior, and five religious, and forty servants, and was endowed at the dissolution with £80 : 7 : 6 per annum, according to Dugdale; according to a second Valuation, £122 : 5: 7; accord- ing to Mr. Speed, with £129 : 1 : 10. 5 “At CokERHAM there was a Priory. “At CoCKERSAND, a Premonstratensian Abbey.” Here was first a hermitage, and then an hospital for several infirm brethren under the government of a prior, dedicated to St. Mary, and subordinate to the Abbey of Leycestre, founded, or chiefly endowed. by William of Lancastre, in the time of Henry II. ; but about the year 1190 it was changed into an Abbey of Premonstratensian Canons, to which there seems to have been united another abbey of the same order, which Theobald, brother to Hubert Walter archbishop of Canterbury, some years after, built, or designed to build, at Pyling, to the honour of the blessed Virgin. The Abbey of Cockersand consisted, about the time of the dissolution, of twenty-two religious, and fifty-seven servants, and was then found to be worth £157: 14S. per annum, Dugd. ; £228 : 5:4, Speed; £282 : 7:4 according to a second valuation. The site was granted, 35 Henry VIII. (1543), to John Kechin. - 2 “At CoNISHEAD, a Priory of Austin Canons. Gabriel Pennington built, in the time of Henry II., upon the soil, and by the encouragement of William of Lancastre, Baron of Kendal (who was a very great benefactor), an hospital and priory of Black Cañons to the honour of the blessed Virgin Mary ; which priory consisted of a prior, and seven religious, and forty-eight servants and was valued at £124: 2 : 1 per annum, Speed; £97: 0:2 Dudg., which was the first valuation; but, upon a second valuation, #161 : 5 : 9. “At FURNESS, a Cistercian Abbey. The monastery, begun at Tulketh, A.D. 1124, for the monks of Savigny, in France, was after three years—viz, A.D. 1127—removed to this valley, then called Bekangesgill.” Stephen, the earl of Morton and Bologne, (afterward king of England), was the founder of this abbey, which was of the Cistercian order, and commended to the patronage of the blessed Virgin Mary. It was endowed at the dissolution with £805: 16 : 5 per annum, Dugd. ; £766 : 7 : 10, Speed. “At UP HOLAND, a Benedictine Priory. Here was, in the chapel of St. Thomas the Martyr, a college or chantry, consisting of a dean and twelve secular priests, who were changed, A.D., 1319, by Walter, lord bishop of Litchfield, at the petition of Sir Robert Holand, then patron, and, as I conceive, original founder, into a prior and Benedictine monks. Here were, about the time of the suppression, five religious and twenty-six servants. This house was valued at £53 : 3 : 4 per annum, Dugd.; £61 : 3: 4 Speed ; and at £78 : 12s, according to a second valuation. It was granted, 37 Henry VIII. (1545), to John Holcroft. 2 “At HORNBY, a Premonstratensian Cell.” An hospital or cell of a prior and three Premonstratensian canons to the abbey of Croxton, in Leicestershire, of the foundation of the ancestors of Sir Thomas Stanley, Lord Monteagle, to whom the site and domains . of this priory (as parcel of Croxton) were granted, 36 Henry VIII. (1544). It was dedicated to St. Wilfred, and endowed with lands to the value of £26 per annum. “At KERSHALL or KYRKSHAWE, a Cluniac Cell. King Henry II. granted, and King John, anno regni I. (1199), confirmed to the monastery of Nottinghamshire, the hermitage here, which thereupon became a small house of Cluniac monks, and a cell to that priory was granted, 32 Henry VIII. (1540), to Baldwin Willoughby. “At KERTMEL or CARTMELE, a Priory of Austin's Canons. William Mareschall the elder, earl of Pembroke, founded here, A.D. 1188, a priory of regular canons of the order of St. Austin, which was dedicated to the blessed Virgin, and rated, 26 Henry VIII. (1534), at £91 : 6: 3 per annum, Dugd. ; £124:2:1, Speed ; £212 : 11 : 10 second valuation. Herein, about the time of the disso- lution, were reckoned ten religious, and thirty-eight servants. The site of this monastery was granted, 32 Henry VIII. (1540), to Thomas Holcroft. . “At LANCASTER—(1) an Alien Priory. Earl Roger of Poictiers gave, A.D. 1094, the Church of St. Mary, with some other lands here, to the abbey of St. Martin de Sagio, or Sees, in Normandy, whereupon a prior and five Benedictine monks were placed here, who, with three priests, two clerks and servants, made up a small monastery, subordinate to that foreign house, which was endowed with the yearly revenue of about £80 sterling. After the dissolution of the alien priories, this, with the land thereunto belonging, was annexed by King Henry V. or his feoffees to the abbey of Syon, in Middlesex. (2) An hospital for a master chaplain and nine poor persons, whereof three to be lepers, was founded in this town by King John, while he was earl of Morton, which was afterward, by Henry, duke of Lancaster, annexed to the nunnery of Seton, in Cumberland, about 30 Edward III. (1356). It was dedicated to St. Leonard. (3.) A priory for Black Friars. Here was a house of Dominican or Black Friars founded about 44 Henry III (1260) by Sir Hugh Harrington, Knight, which was granted, 32 Henry VIII. (1540), to Thomas Holcroft. (4.) A Friary for Grey Friars. A Franciscan Convent near the bridge. ‘‘Langrigh, now Longridge. An ancient hospital under Longridge hills, of a master and brethren, dedicated to the Virgin Mary and our Holy Saviour. 5 “At LYTHOM or LETHUM, a Benedictine Cell. Richard Fitz-Roger, in the latter end of the reign of King Richard I., gave lands here to the church of Durham, with intent that a prior and Benedictine monks might be settled here, to the honour of St. Mary and St. Cuthbert. Its annual revenues at the suppression were worth £48 : 19:6, Dugd. ; £53 : 15:10, Speed. The site as parcel of Durham was granted, 2 Mary (1554), to Sir Thomas Holcroft. “At MANCHESTER, a College,4 Thomas de la Ware, clerk, some time rector of the parish church here (having the barony and estate of his brother, John Lord de la Ware, without heirs), obtained leave of the king, 9 Henry V. (1421), to make it collegiate, to consist of a warden and a certain number of priests. It was dedicated to the blessed Virgin, and endowed with revenues to the yearly value of £200, or, as they were returned into the first-fruits office, 26 Henry VIII. (1534), £226 : 12 : 5 in the whole, and £213 : 10: 11 clear. This college was dissolved in 1547, by King Edward VI., but re-founded, first by Queen Mary and afterwards by Queen Elizabeth, A.D. 1578, and again by King Charles I. A.D. 1636, for a warden, four fellows, two chaplains, four singing men, and four choristers; being incorporated, as they were before by Queen Elizabeth, by the name of ‘the Warden and Fellows of Christ Church, in Manchester.’ . “At PENWORTHAM, a Benedictine Priory. Warine Bussel, having given the Church, and tithes of this place, with several other estates in this county, to the abbey of Evesham, in Worcestershire, in the time of William the Conqueror, here was shortly after a priory erected, and several Benedictine monks from Evesham placed in it. This priory was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and rated, 26 Henry VIII. (1534), at £29 : 18 : 7 per annum, as Dugdale in one place, and £99 : 5:3 as he saith in another: and at £114:16:9 per annum, as Speed. The site was granted, 34 Henry VIII. (1542), to John Fleetwood. 5 1. This monastery, by favour of the king, outlived for a short * This cell was resigned before the visitation in 1535. time the general dissolution. * This college escaped the general dissolution, or was speedily * The vale of the deadly nightshade. restored. 158 The pistory of Lancashire. CHAP, XII. “At PRESTON.—(1.) an ancient Hospital, dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen, occurs in the Lincoln taxation, A.D. 1291. The mastership was in the gift of the king. (2.) A Friary, for Grey Friars. The original builder of the Grey Friars' College, on the north-west side of this town, was Edmund earl of Lancaster, son to King Henry III. The site of which was granted, 32 Henry VIII. (1540), to Thomas Holcroft. - “At WARRINGTON, a Friary for Austin Friars. At the bridge-end near this town was a priory of Augustine Friars, founded before A.D. 1370, which, 32 Henry VIII. (1540), was granted to the often-mentioned Thomas Holcroft. “At WHALLEY, an Abbey for Cistercians. Henry Lacy, earl of Lincoln, having given the advowson of the parish to the White Monks of Stanlawe, in Cheshire, they procured the same to be appropriated to them, whereupon, A.D. 1296, they removed their abbey hither, and increased the number of their religious to sixty. There was another removal proposed to a place called Tocstathe, by Thomas earl of Lancaster, A.D. 1316, but it seems not to have taken effect. Whalley was dedicated to the blessed Virgin Mary, and, at the suppression, had revenues to the yearly value of £321:9 : 1, Dugd. ; £551:4: 6, Speed. It was granted to Richard Ashton and John Braddyll, 7 Edward VI. (1553). “At WYERSDALE, a Cistercian Abbey. A colony of Cistercian monks from Furness, for some time fixed here; but about A.D. 1188, they removed over into Ireland, and founded the abbey of Wythney.” The lands and revenues of the monasteries of Furness, Cartmel, Conishead, Burscough, and Up-Holland, were confided by parliament to the officers of the duchy of Lancaster, to be administered for the king's use.” The king also annexed to the duchy of Lancaster property of the yearly value of £769: 4:24, Subject to an annual pension to chantry priests of £126: 2:4. This appropriation was made through the medium of the Court of Augmentation, which court was established in the year 1535, for the purpose of Ordering, Surveying, selling, or letting, all manors, lands, tithes, and other property belonging to the monasteries. The number of monasteries suppressed in England and Wales amounted in the whole to six hundred and forty-five, exclusive of ninety-six colleges, two thousand three hundred and seventy-four chantries and free chapels, and One hundred and ten hospitals;” the value of which property has been variously estimated, but, according to the Liber Regis, it yielded annually £142,914 : 12:9%;" which, taken at twenty years' purchase, would produce #2,858,290; worth in our money £28,582,900. The revenues of the church, before the dissolution of the monasteries, is said to have equalled about one-fourth of the whole landed income of the kingdom." According to the records in the Augmentation Office, the process pursued by the commissioners, on the dissolution of each of the monasteries, was as follows:—1st. The commissioners broke its Seal, and assigned pensions to the members. 2d. The plate and jewels were reserved for the king; the furniture and goods were sold, and the money was paid in to the Augmentation Office. 3d. The abbot's lodgings and the offices were left standing, for the convenience of the next occupant ; the church, cloisters, and apartments for the monks, were stripped of the lead and every other saleable article, and then left to fall to ruins. 4th. The lands were by degrees alienated from the crown by gift, sale, or exchange. A revenue so immense as that yielded by the monasteries might, under judicious application, have extinguished all the public burdens both for the Support of the state and the relief of the poor, and expectations of this kind were held out to the people;' but they were soon undeceived; pauperism became more extensive than ever, and, within one year from the period of the last appropriation, a subsidy of two-tenths, and another of two-fifteenths, were demanded by the king, and granted by parliament, to defray the expenses of reforming the religion of the state.' Henry VIII., like his predecessor, was rapacious—with this difference, however, that the father collected money to save, while the son amassed wealth to supply the demands of a licentious profusion. Much of the church property was disposed of to the king's favourites, by grants or by indulgent sales, one of the conditions of which was, that the new proprietors of the abbey lands should keep up the ancient hospitality ; but as this was in some degree voluntary, the practice soon fell into disuse. A portion of the monastic revenues was appropriated to the advancement of religion, though much less than the king originally intended. His first purpose, as appears from documents under his own hand, was to found eighteen new bishoprics, but the number declined from time to time, till it was at last reduced to six—viz. Westminster, Oxford, Peterborough, Bristol, Gloucester, and Chester, in the last of which were included Lancashire and Richmondshire (in Yorkshire). Anciently there had been a bishop's see at Chester, but it had merged in the diocese of Lichfield. At the same time the king converted fourteen abbeys and priories into cathedral and collegiate churches, attaching to each a dean and a certain number of prebendaries, but none of these were in this county. That the endowments might not be too rich, each chapter had imposed upon its ecclesiastical revenue the obligation of contributing annually to the Support I 32 Henry VIII. (1540) c. 20. * Camden’s Brit. i. exci. * ANNUAL REVENUE OF ALL THE MONASTIC HOUSES CLASSED IN THE ORDERS. - No. of Houses. Orders. Itevenue. No. of Houses. Orders. Revenue. #. S. d. | ... f. S. d. 186 * * * Benedictines tº sº e 65,877 14 0 3 • * * Fontefraud Nuns tº e g 825 8 6; 20 * * * Cluniacs & º º 4,972 9 2; 3 tº a ºn Minoresses tº t tº 548 10 6 9 * * * Carthusians * @ is 2,947 15 43 1 & tº Bridgetimes tº $ g 1731 8 93 101 gº & º Cistercians as º ge 18,691 12 6 2 * * * Bonhommes ſº tº º 859 5 1.1; 173 s sº º Austins is tº gº 33,027 I 11 Rnights Hospitallers ... 5,394 6 5} 32 e tº º Premonstratensians ... 4,807 14 1 Friars tº g tº 809 II 84 25 e tº º Gilbertines tº a º 2,421 13 9 * Lord Herbert, p. 396. * Burnet's Records, i, 151. 7 Henry's enormous expenditure is easily accounted for by the 6 5 * fact that his principal employment was gambling.— Privy Purse Coke's Inst. iv. 44. Eagenses of Henry VIII. p. xxiii. CHAP. XII. (The #istory of £antagüirº. - 159 of the resident poor, and to the repair of the highways." The order of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, including the Knights Templar and the Hospitallers, after having existed for four hundred and thirty-six years, was doomed to suppression by legislative enactment (1540); and the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, happily for learning in future ages, escaped, though narrowly, the same fate. The chantries in the monas- teries and churches of this county were very numerous at the period of the Reformation, as may be inferred from the following List of Chantries, which we find in the records of the office of the duchy of Lancaster:— 1. Warton Church stipend, no date. 19. St. Michael’s-on-Wyre. Chantry. 2. Kirkeby Irelath. Chantry. 20. Manchester College. Tithes of Grain of Bradford, Ardewick, 3. Leverpole Chapel. and Openshaw. 4. Leverpole Chapel. 21. Ballie. Chantry in the Chapel within the Parish of Mitton, 5. Eccleston. Chantry. * Yorkshire. 6. Sefton. Chantry. 22. Chantry in Lancaster. 7. Croston. Chantry. 23. Hollingfare Chapel, in Warrington. 8. Manchester College. Tithes. - 24. Standish Church. Chantry. 9. Manchester. Tithes in Moston, Norton [? Gorton or Newton], 25. Warrington Church. Butler's Chantry. Yirkemanshulme, Cromeshall. 26. Halsall Church. Chantry. 10. Burscoughe Priory, the Manor. - 27. Preston Church, St. Mary's Chapel. 11. Ormskirke. Chantry. 28. Ribchester Church. Chantry. 12. Eccles. Chantry. 52. Pickering Lythe. Parcel of the Manor, in Yorkshire. Win- 13. St. Michael’s-on-Wyre. Chantry. dell Chapel in Prescot. Chantry. 14. Manchester, Beckwith's. Chantry. 53. Beckingshaw Chapel in Croston, and a tenement in Preston, 15. Manchester College. Tithes of Trafford, Stratford, and Choller- parcel of the possession of College of New-warke, Leicester. ton. ‘s 54. Silverdale, Bolton, Hest, parcel of the Monastery of Cartmell. 16. Halsal Church. Chantry. 55. Clitherow Chapel, in Whalley. Chantry. 17. Yerleth. Parcel of the Monastery of Furnes. 56. Manchester Church, Trafford's Chapel. Chantry. 18. Beamonde. Parcel of the Monastery of Furmes. 57. Eccles Church. College of Jesus. The condition of the people appears to have suffered with the suppression of the monastic institutions; no fewer than four separate statutes were passed between the years 1535 and 1544, setting forth lists of decayed cities and towns in different, and in almost all parts of the kingdom, wherein it is declared—“That there hath been in times past many beautiful houses in those places which are now falling into ruin,” and amongst the towns mentioned in the act of 1544, are, “Lancaster, Preston, Lyrepool and Wigan, in Lanca- shire.” - The privilege of Sanctuary was one of the evils of the monastic system, though its date is anterior to the foundation of monasteries. In virtue of this privilege, certain places became cities of refuge—“seats of peace,” as they were called; and the inviolability of these asylums in early times is sufficiently indicated by the answer of Cardinal Bourchier, when importuned by the creatures of the duke of Gloucester to bear away his ill- fated nephew, young Richard of York, from the sanctuary of Westminster — - “God in heaven forbid We should infringe the holy privilege Of blessed Sanctuary / not for all this land Would I be guilty of so deep a sin.” SHAKSPEARE's Rich. III. Act iii. Scene 1. “These sanctuaries were first instituted and designed for an asylum or place of safety to such malefactors as were not guilty of any notorious crimes. . . . . . There were many of them in this kingdom before the Conquest; and they became so numerous after, and so scandalous (divers of them having obtained protection for those that were guilty of high treason, murder, rape, felony, etc.), that, being complained of in parliament, 1540, immediately after the dissolution of the religious houses, the greatest part of them were suppressed, and those few that remained reduced to their first institution.” Manchester was one of the places of Sanctuary in the county of Lancaster; Lancaster was another; and Chester, then called West Chester, a third. When trade began to extend itself, the nuisance of a harbour for thieves and other delinquents became intolerable, and, by an act passed 38 Henry VIII. (1546), Manchester was allowed to forego its privilege, and to transport all the refugees within its jurisdiction to Chester. The king survived the dissolution of the monasteries seven years, but no event occurred, in that period, of public interest in the history of Lancashire. During his last sickness, he revoked his former wills, and ordained that, after his death, his three children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, should succeed him in the sovereign power, the son as male heir, and the daughters in the order of primogeniture. 1 Rymer, xv. 77. • * - 3 Burton’s MSS. | 60 Çür #istory of £antašijire. CHAP. XIII. CHAPTER XIII. Lancashire in the Reign of Edward VI, ; in the Reign of Queen Mary—Lancashire Martyrs: John Rogers, John Brad- ford, George Marsh—Muster of Soldiers in the County of Lancaster in Mary's Reign—Lancashire in the Reign of Elizabeth—General Muster of Soldiers in Lancashire in 1559—Ecclesiastical Commission, consisting of the Earl of Derby, the Bishop of Chester, and others—State of Lancashire on the Appointment of the Commission —Catholic Recusants—Mary Queen of Scots seeks an Asylum in England : placed in Confinement—Puritan Recusants—Rebellion in the North to re-establish the Catholic Religion : Suppressed—Meetings of the Lieu- tenancy—Original Letter of Edward, Earl of Derby, to the Queen—Letter of the Earl of Huntingdon to Secre- tary Cecil, casting Suspicion on the Loyalty of the Earl of Derby ; proved to be ill founded—Part taken by Lancashire Gentlemen to liberate Mary Queen of Scots—Comparative Military Strength of the Kingdom— |Muster of Soldiers in Lancashire in 1574—T)eclaration of the Ancient Tenth and Fifteenth within the County of Lancaster—The Chaderton MSS. relating to the Affairs of the County of Lancaster—Original Papers relating to the Lancashire Recusants—Lancashire Contribution of Oxen to Queen Elizabeth's Table—MS. of the Lanca- shire Lieutenancy—Lancashire Loyal Association against Mary Queen of Scots and her Abettors—Trial and Execution of Mary Queen of Scots—The Spanish Armada : Letter from the Queen to the Earl of Derby thereon ; Preparations in Lancashire to resist ; Destruction of-Thanksgiving for National Deliverance in Lancashire— Memorable and Fatal Feud—Atrocious Abduction—Levies of Troops in Lancashire for Ireland—Suppression of the Rebellion there—Death of Queen Elizabeth—Loyal Address of Lancashire Gentry to her Successor James I. on his Accession to the Throne.—A.D. 1547 to 1603. ºVERY year during the “infant reign" of Edward VI. the Reformation continued to advance Kºś e * - ſº * tº g - * . * * & §º sº with a steady step; but no events of any distinguished public interest occurred within this º: period, connected with the county palatine of Lancaster. In the first year of this reign, Fran- º º cis, earl of Shrewsbury, was constituted lord-lieutenant of the counties of Lancaster, York, º º Chester, Derby, Stafford, Salop, and Nottingham, and in the following year he was made § justice of the forests north of the Trent." Under the inhibition of a proclamation,” issued by the lord-protector, Somerset, in the name of the king, all places of public worship belonging to dissenters, as well Protestant as Catholic, in this and the other counties of England, were closed; and any preacher, of whatsoever persuasion, who took upon himself to preach in an open audience, except such as were licensed by the lord protector, or by the archbishop of York, became obnoxious to the royal displeasure. The avowed object of this intolerant proclamation was “to produce an uniform order throughout the realm, and to put an end to all controversies in religion.” At the same time there was a board of commission formed, for advancing the Reformation, of which Edward, earl of Derby, was a commissioner. This document was founded upon an act of parliament, by which the archbishop of Canterbury, “with other learned and discreet bishops and divines,” was directed to draw up an order of divine worship, called a liturgy, or book of common prayer. This duty having been performed to the satisfaction of the king and his parliament, it was enacted, that from the feast of Whitsunday 1548, all divine offices should be performed according to the prescribed ritual, and that such of the clergy as should refuse to conform, or should continue to officiate in any other manner, should, upon conviction, be imprisoned six months, and forfeit a year's profit of their benefices; for the second offence, forfeit all church preferment, and suffer a year's imprisonment; and for the third offence, suffer imprisonment during life. And all that should write or print anything against this liturgy were to be fined, for the first offence ten pounds, for the second twenty pounds, and for the third forfeit all their property, with imprisonment for life. Against this act, the earl of Derby and eight of the bishops entered their protest on the journals of the Lords. In the same arbitary spirit a law was made against Vagabonds, which was covertly meant to apply to mendicant priests, by which it was enacted, that any persons who should be found, for three days together, loitering without work, or without offering themselves to work, or that should run away from work, and resolve to live idly, should be seized on ; and whosoever should present them to a justice of peace was to have them adjudged to be slaves for two years, and they were to be marked with the letter V imprinted with a hot iron on their breast. Two years afterwards (1550), this cruel statute was repealed, and provisions were made for relieving the sick and the impotent, and for setting such of the poor as were able to work; on which law the celebrated statute of the 43d Elizabeth (1601) was grounded. That the earl of Derby, and several of the bishops, should have protested against the act of uniformity, and its impracticable * Lodge's Illustrations, i. p. xiv. * Dated September 23, 1548. CHAP. XIII. whe #istory of 3Lancašijire. 161 provisions, which act presumptuously assumed “to be drawn up by the aid of the Holy Ghost,” could not be matter of wonder; but why his lordship, and the earls of Rutland and Sussex, the viscount Hereford, and lords Monteagle, Sands, Wharton, and Evers, should enter a protest against an act passed prohibiting all simoniacal pactions for reservation of pensions out of benefices, and the granting of advowsons while the incum- bent was yet alive, it is difficult to discover, unless upon the supposition that his lordship headed an opposi- tion alike hostile to all the measures of the existing administration, whether good or bad. The act for legalising the marriage of the clergy passed in the same year, and was also protested against by the earl of Derby, by the earls of Shrewsbury, Rutland, and Bath, and by the lords Abergavenny, Stourton, Monteagle, Sands, Wharton, and Evers. Edward VI., or rather the regency by which his government was directed, imitating the example of his royal father, instituted a visitation, by which the chantries of Lancashire were inspected by two lay gentlemen appointed for that purpose, and by a civilian, a divine, and a registrar, in order to ascertain the state of the chantries, and to apply their revenues to the king's use, to be expended, as was alleged, in the endowment of schools, the maintenance of the poor, and the erection of colleges. These visitations became general throughout the provinces of Canterbury and York, and the Suppression of chantries followed as a matter of course.” Subsequently, Lord Paget, the chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, was charged with having appropriated large sums out of the revenues of the Suppressed chantries to his own use, and with other acts of malversation; of which charges he was convicted, on vague and unsatisfactory evidence, and fined in the enor- mous sum of six thousand pounds. Nor did the severity of his lordship's sentence end here; he was degraded from his rank as a knight of the order of the Garter, because he was not a gentleman by descent, either from his father or his mother. His real offence, however, consisted in his steady adherence to the fallen protector, the duke of Somerset, by which he became obnoxious to his successful uncle, the duke of Northumberland. “His Majesty's Council in the Northern Parts,” an institution arising out of the demands of the Pilgrims of Grace, for the purpose of facilitating the administration of justice, without subjecting suitors in the north to the trouble and cost of repairing to the metropolis, was organised in this reign, and the earl of Shrewsbury was appointed to the office of lord president of the council. This court, which was in some degree viceregal, consisted of a council, with the president at its head, assisted by Henry earl of Westmorland, Henry earl of Cumberland, Cuthbert bishop of Durham, Lord William Dacres of the north, John Lord Conyers, Thomas Lord Wharton, John Hind, knt., one of his majesty's justices of the common pleas, Edmund Molineux, knt.; sergeant- at-law, Henry Savel, knt., Robert Bowes, knt., Nicholas Fairfax, knt., George Conyers, knt., Leonard Becquith, knt., William Babthorp, knt.; Anthony Nevill, knt., Thomas Gargrave, knt., Robert Mennell, sergeant-at-law, Anthony Bellasis, John Rokeby, doctor of law, Robert Chaloner, Richard Morton, and Thomas Eynis, esqrs. The sum of a thousand pounds a-year was granted to the lord-president for the better entertainment of him- self and his council, with divers revenues to the stipendiary members, who were required to be in continual attendance upon the council, except at such times as a certificate of absence was granted to any of them by the lord president. The council was furnished with powers to decide cases between plaintiffs and defendants in their bill of complaint, without replication, rejoinder, or other plea of delay, with power and authority to punish such persons as in anything should neglect, contemn, or disobey their command, or the process of the council; and all other that should speak seditious words, invent rumours, or commit such-like offences (not being treason), whereof any inconvenience might grow, by pillory, cutting the ears, wearing of papers, imprison- ment, or otherwise, at their discretion; or to assess fines of all persons who might be convicted of any riot; and to assess costs and damages, as well to the plaintiffs as to the defendants. And for the more certain and brief determination of causes, it was ordained that the lord-president and council should keep four general sessions or sittings in a year, each of them to continue by the space of one month—one at York, another at Hull, the third at Newcastle, and the fourth at Durham, within the limits whereof the matters arising there should be ordered and decreed.” In fixing upon these places for holding the periodical sessions of the council, the convenience of the eastern, rather than of the western counties of the north, seems to have been consulted; and it is difficult to say why Lancaster was not fixed upon in making the arrangement, in preference to either Durham or Newcastle. That the suitors might not be oppressed with heavy bills of costs, it was directed, “that no attorney should take, in one sitting or sessions, above twelve pence, nor any counsellor more than twenty pence, for one matter.” A fatal malady soon afterwards seized the young monarch, who, in his last sickness, was entrusted to the charms and medicines of a female empiric. On the 6th of July (1553) he expired, with the reputation of high talents for government, had time suffered them to be fully developed. He was succeeded, after an ineffectual effort in favour of the unfortunate Lady Jane Grey, the victim of the ambition of others, by his sister the Lady Mary, only daughter of Catherine of Arragon. The reign of Queen Mary is known in the history of Lancashire, as it is in the other parts of the king- dom of England, more by the bloody persecution which stained it than by any other circumstance. The reproach of the loss of Calais, the last remaining stronghold of England in France, is almost obliterated by the streams of blood which flowed to satiate an embittered mind, the abode of Superstition and the slave of priestly 1 Journals of the Lords, 1552. the County Palatine of Lancaster (vols. 59 and 60 of the Chetham - . Society’s series).-H. * See the Rev. Canon Raines's History of the Chantries within * Bishop Burnet's Collection of Records, book i. p. ii. No. 56. Y 162 Çift fligtorg of 3Lancashire. CHAP, XIII. domination. A period of nearly three hundred years has scarcely been found sufficient to wash away these sanguinary stains from the religious community to whom they attach ; though they were the crime of the age in which it was the destiny of this unhappy queen to live, and though her father and her sister, both of the reformed religion, shared her guilt in a mitigated degree. One of the first acts of Queen Mary was to re- establish the Roman Catholic religion in this kingdom as the religion of the state; and in furtherance of that measure the abolished chantries were restored. The following list contains the names of the parish churches in Lancashire, whose chantries were restored in the first year of the queen's reign (1553-4), with stipends allowed to the chantry-priests, which were from £1 : 10s. to £6 per annum :—Ashton-under-Lyne, Childwall, Croston (St. John and St. Trinity), Goosnargh, Halsall (St. Nicholas and St. Mary's), Holme, Kirby, Kirkham 2, Lancaster 2, Manchester collegiate church 7, Mawdline, St. Michael-on-Wyre, Ormskirk, Prestwich, Rufford, Blackburn, Tarleton, Standish 2, Tunstal, Thurland Castle, Ulverstone, Walton 2, Warrington 3, Warton, Wigan, and Winwick 2. During the life of her father, Mary had written a penitential letter, expressing her contrition for not having submitted herself to his “most just and virtuous laws,” in the matter of the Reforma- tion, and putting her conscience under his royal and paternal direction. The letter is preserved in the Harleian Collection." The subsequent death of the king, and the possession of the royal power on the part of his daughter, obliterated the remembrance of these solemn protestations, and she became still more fixed than before in her attachment to the ancient faith. Her matrimonial alliance with Philip, king of Spain, strength- ened her previous partialities; and the presence of Cardinal Pole, legate of the pope, one of the most learned of the clergy, and one of the most devoted disciples of the church of Rome, conspired to fix this attachment. An act for reviving the statutes of Richard II. Henry IV. and Henry W. against heretics (the Lollards) was hurried through the parliament, and gave the sanction of law to the executions which speedily followed. The first martyr in this reign was John Rogers, one of the translators of the Bible in the time of Henry VIII. ;” a Lancashire man, educated at Cambridge, and one of the first theological scholars of the age. The offence with which he was charged was that of holding a meeting near Bow Church, in London, where a minister of the name of Ross had administered the communion according to the rites of the English book of service, and had openly prayed that God would either change the heart of the queen or take her out of the world. The tribunal before which he was condemned sat on the 28th of January 1555, and consisted of the bishops of Winchester, London, Durham, Salisbury, Norwich, and Carlisle; and sentence was passed both upon Hooper, the silenced bishop of Gloucester, and Rogers; but the utmost severity of the law was only executed on the latter, the former having at that time been merely degraded from the order of the priesthood. Seven days after the sentence of condemnation was passed (Feb. 4), Rogers was called to make ready for Smithfield, where he was sentenced to be burnt at the stake for heresy. When brought to Bonner's, bishop of London, to be degraded, he asked permission to see his wife, in order that he might, through her, convey his dying blessing to his ten children; but the request was peremptorily refused, with the insulting taunt that he was a priest, and could not possibly have a wife. When fastened to the stake, a pardon was brought, and offered to him, on condition that he would recant ; but, with an intrepidity which nothing but religious principle can inspire, he rejected the proffered clemency, and assumed the crown of martyrdom. The next Lancashire martyr executed in Smithfield was John Bradford, born at Manchester, who had in early life been a man of the world, and filled the office of secretary to Sir John Harrington, the treasurer of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. At a subsequent period he became a divine of exemplary piety,” of mild and diffident manners, but of a character so decided that he did not hesitate to lay down his life for the truth of that religion which he had embraced from strong conviction. To so high a pitch had religious hostility attained, that Bourn, a canon of St. Paul's, and aftewards bishop of Bath, while preaching a sermon in favour of the Catholic faith, had a dagger hurled at him by one of the congregation. From this violence he was happily rescued by Bradford, who assuaged the storm of popular tumult. But this was made a charge against him ; and it was alleged that his power to allay the storm proved that he could direct the elements of which it was composed. Though a prebendary of St Paul's, he preached much in Lancashire, his native county, where his piety and his zeal rendered his ministry peculiarly acceptable. Being sent to the King's Bench prison, he was tried along with Dr. Taylor, for denying the doctrine of transubstantiation, or the corporeal presence of Christ in the sacrament, and asserting that wicked men do not partake of Christ's body in that ordinance. In vain was his fear appealed to ; he would admit of no tenets or practices but such as were contained in the holy scriptures; and being found “incorrigible,” he was deemed a heretic ; first excommunicated, and then con- demned. For some months he was confined in Newgate, in the hope that he would retract his “heretical errors;” but instead of abjuring, he employed himself in promulgating them, particularly amongst his friends in Lancashire; and the earl of Derby, in declaiming against him in the House of Lords, informed their lordships that Bradford had done more hurt by the letters he had written while he was in prison than he could have done by preaching, had he been at large and at liberty to preach.” “With Bradford,” says Bishop 1 Cod. 282. See also Cotton MSS. lib. Otho, C.X. mate friend, “his chains, rings, brockets, and jewels of gold, which * In the dedicatory epistle of that Bible, this divine signs himself before he used to wear, and did bestow the price of this his former Thomas Matthew. vanity in the necessary relief of Christ's poor members. 8 When he became religious, “he sold,” says Simpson, his inti- * These letters breathed the most ardent spirit of piety, com- CHAP. XIII, Qſìje #istorm of £ancashire. 163 Durnet, “one John Lease, an apprentice of nineteen, was led out to be burnt, who was also condemned upon his answers to the articles exhibited to him. When they came to the stake, they both fell down and prayed. Then Bradford took a faggot in his hands, and kissed it ; and so likewise kissed the stake, expressing thereby the joy he had in his sufferings; and cried, “O England, repent, repent, beware of idolatry and false anti- christ l’ But the sheriff hindering him from speaking any more, he embraced his fellow-sufferer, and prayed him to be of good comfort, for they should sup with Christ that night. His last words were, “Strait is the way, and narrow is the gate, that leadeth into eternal life, and few there be that find it.” (July 1555.) George Marsh, a native of the parish of Dean, was the third and last Lancashire martyr who suffered in the reign of Queen Mary. This single-minded man had been brought up as a farmer with his father, who was a Lancashire yeoman, but he afterwards embraced the profession of a divine, and to his duties of a curate added those of an instructor of youth. The obscurity of his station did not preserve him from persecution; he was charged with propagating heresy and sowing the seeds of sedition; and, finding that he had become the object of suspicion, he surrendered himself to the earl of Derby at Lathom House. Here he underwent various examinations," and several attempts were made to prevail upon him to espouse the Catholic faith, but, as they all proved unsuccessful, he was at length committed by his lordship to Lancaster Castle, and confined in irons with common felons. While in this situation, endeavours were made to extract from him information, whereon to found charges against other persons in the county; but no motives of fear or reward could induce him to endanger the lives or liberties of his fellow-christians. After remaining some time in confinement at Lancaster, he was removed to Chester, and placed in the bishop's liberty. The bishop's (Dr. Coates's) endeavours to “reclaim" him having proved ineffectual, he was remanded back to prison, and, in a few days, summoned before the spiritual court, assembled in the cathedral church at Chester, where, in the presence of the mayor, the chancellor, and the principal inhabitants of the city, he was accused of having preached most heretically and blasphemously in the parishes of Dean, Bury, and Eccles, as well as in other parishes in the bishop's diocese, not only against the pope's authority, but against the church of Rome, the holy mass, the sacraments of the altar, and the articles of the Romish faith. To these charges he modestly answered he had preached neither heresy nor blasphemy, and that the doctrines which he believed and had propagated were those sanctioned by royal authority in the reign of Edward VI. On the subject of the power of the pope he did not hesitate to declare that the bishop of Rome ought to exercise no more authority in England than the archbishop of Canterbury ought to exercise in Rome. This answer raised the bishop of Chester's indignation to the highest possible pitch, and the torrents of his indignation flowed out with so much fury, that he stigmatised his prisoner as “a most damnable, irreclaimable, and unpardonable heretic.” After some further endeavour made by the chancellor to reclaim this “irreclaimable heretic,” the bishop proceeded to pass sentence upon him, and he was consigned to the Northgate prison, where he remained till the 4th of April 1555. On this memorable day, he was led to execution amidst a crowd of spectators, agitated by conflicting feelings. The scene of this horrible tragedy was a precinct of Chester called Spital Broughton, within the liberties of the city. After the exhibition of a conditional pardon, as was the prevailing practice, from the queen, by the vice- chancellor, Mr. Vawdrey, and the refusal of the martyr to retract his faith, the people, roused to indignation by the barbarous scene that presented itself, attempted to rescue Marsh from the hands of his sanguinary murderers, and Sheriff Cowper, sharing the public feeling, joined in the attempt ; but he was beaten off by the other sheriff and his retainers. The most composed man in the assembly was the victim about to be sacrificed to his principles; he exhorted the multitude to remain strong in the faith, and the faggots being lighted around him, he surrendered his spirit into the hands of his Redeemer. While these revolting scenes were acting in the north, the powers of persecution raged in the south with undiminished fury, and the distinguished martyr, Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, shared the fate of so many of his order. The effect of these sanguinary persecutions was to spread the doctrines they were meant to destroy ; and it may be fairly doubted whether ever so many converts were made to the Protestant faith in the same time as during those years, when the seeds of the church were thus watered by the blood of the saints. In the early part of this reign, a muster of soldiers was made in the county palatine of Lancaster, from the respective hundreds, of which the following is the abridged record, from a MS. in the possession of Thomas Birch the younger, esquire of Birch, temp. Eliz. Saviour Jesus Christ. Ah good brethren, take in good part these my last words unto every one of you. Pardon me mine offences and negligences in behaviour amongst you. The Lord of mercy bined with an invincible heroism ; and, in one of them, addressed to the inhabitants of “Lancashire and Cheshire,” written from his prison a short time before his martyrdom, he thus expresses him- self —“Turn unto the Lord, yet once more, I heartily beseech thee, thou Manchester, thou Ashton-under-Lyne, thou Bolton, Bury, Wigan, Liverpool, Mottram, Stopport, Winsley [? Worsley], Eccles, Prest- wich, Middleton, Radcliff, and thou city of West-Chester, where I have truly taught and preached the word of God. Turn, I say unto you all, and to all the inhabitants thereabouts; turn unto the Lord our God, and he will turn unto you; he will Say unto his angel, “It is enough, put up the sword.’ And that he do this, I humbly beseech his goodness, for the precious blood sake of his dear Son, our pardon us all our offences, for our Saviour Jesus Christ's sake. Amen.” 1. In the course of one of these examinations, Marsh gave the earl the following well-deserved reproof:-‘‘It is strange that your lordship, being of the honourable council of the late King Edward, consenting and agreeing to acts concerning faith towards God and religion, should so soon after consent to put poor men to a shame- ful death for embracing the same religion.” 164 CHAP. XIII. The pistory ºf lantasite. LANCASHIRE MILITARY MUSTER.—MARY, 1553. “DERBY HUNDRED to raise 430 men ; these were the commanders of them :— “Edward Earl of Derby, Sir Richard Molyneux, Sir Thomas Gerrard, Sir Peers Legh, Sir John Holcroft, Sir John Atherton, Sir William Norris; Thomas Butler of Bewsey, George Ireland of Hale, William Tarbock of Tarbock, Lawrence Ireland of Lydiate, Esquires, “SALFORD HUNDRED—350 men. “Sir Edmuud Trafford, Sir Wm. Ratcliffe, Sir Robert Longley, Sir Thomas Holt, Sir Robert Worseley; Robert Barton, Edward * Holland, Ralph Ashton, Esqs. “LEYLAND HUNDRED–170 men. “Sir Thomas Hesketh ; Edward Standish, John Fleetwood, Roger Bradshaw, John Langtree, Peers Anderton, and John ton, Esqs. “AMOUNDERNESS HUNDRED–300 men. “Sir Thomas Hesketh, Sir Richard Houghton ; George Brown, John Kitchen, Richard Barton, William Weſs]tbie, and Wm. Barton, Esqs. “BLACKBURN HUNDRED–400 men. Wrighting- “Sir Richard Shireburn, Sir Thomas Langton, Sir Thomas Talbot, Sir John Southworth ; John Townley, Thomas Catterall, John Osbolston, John Talbot, Esqs. “LONSDALE HUNDRED—350 men. “The Lord Monteagle, Sir Marmaduke Tunstall; Thomas Carus, George Middleton, Thomas Bradley, Hugh Dicconson, and Oliver Middleton, Esqs. The Parish of Ormskirk The Parish of North Meols . The Parish of Aughton The Parish of Altcar The Parish of Hallsall. The Parishes of Leyland The Parish of Croston Warton Carleton º e Hardhome with Clifton Much Eccleston . Clifton º º Bispham and Norbreke Scalnew and Straynowe Freckleton . - e Thilston Warton e - Newton and Scales Ashton, Inghill, and Cottom Out Rawcliffe Thornton - e Layton and Warbrick . . The Parish of Blackburn The Parish of Whalley Cockeram . Ellall. Wiersdale . Wiremore . Turnham . º Ashton and Stodley Scotford . - Buke and Alkelefe Lancaster . Skerton e e e Taisholme, Pulton, and Bare Teisham Overton Middleton . Hayton and Oxcliffe Halton and Aughton Sline and Heste . Eolton º Nether Kellet Over Kellet, Compyne Wraye . men 28 . 9 . 12 . 9 . 28 . 36 . 36 i ; : I “HUNDRED OF WEST DERBY. The Parish of Sefton . The Parish of Walton The Parish of Wigan . The Parish of Prescot, The Parish of Winwick “THE HUNDRED OF LEYLAND. Brindle Parish, cum villa . Parochia de Chorley et will . “THE HUNDRED OF AMOUNDERNESS. Pulton WetOn Threleye . • Houghton . gº * - Little Eccleston and Larbreke Upper Rawcliffe and Tornecard . Little Singleton and Grange Westbye and Plumbton Rigby and Wraye Elliswicke. e - Relmyne and Brininge Kirkham . g º Wassed Lithum “THE HUNDRED OF BLACKBURN. The Parish of Ribchester . “THE HUNDRED OF LONSDALE. Barwicke . Carnford MartOn Silverdale . Healand Hutton Dalton Gressingham Whittington Newton Docker Tunstall Camffeild . |Barrow Loeke Irebie Thatum Hornbye Claughton. Caton “SALFORD HUNDRED, no particular returns.” I : 20 | The Parish of Leigh The Parish of Warrington The Parish of Childwell The Parish of Huyton Parochia de Eccleston . Penwortham Parish Elston and Huddersall Goosenargh º Much Singleton . Whittington Haighton Elson - Fryswicke . - º Grymsawre and Unkefall Ribbleton . º Lea . º Plumpton . Billesburghe Barton's Newisame Parish of Garstang Pendle Forest, . ROSSendall Forest Jºhūrīvess Bayliwicke of Hawshead Bayliwicke of Milthwaye Ditto of Colton . Ditto of Grisdale Ditto of Smithwick Ditto of Clayfe Dalton in Furness Bardsay . Kirkby Irelith Lanckewicke • g Norland and Egton Ulverston Osmunderly Pennington Torwarbboth Hamlet of Cromston Doversdale Broughton. Much Land men 36 . 25 . 27 . 16 . 19 1. I:4 : 1. 2 Broughton cum Membis, with To wnship of Cartmell Cartmell, Holoar, and Aithwaite is Four years afterwards, when England had become involved in that war which expelled her from the *... . * * ***** *- : . .- &: ; §3. {{#ſ;; ; ; ; CHAP. XIII. Qſìje ??istory of £ancašijire. 165 continent of Europe, a royal proclamation was issued by the king and queen to Nicholas, archbishop of York, chancellor of England, commanding him to cause commissions to be issued under the great seal to the justices of the peace and sheriffs of the counties of Lancaster, Suffolk, and Norfolk, with full powers to array, inspect, and exercise all men-at-arms and men capable of bearing arms, as well archers as horse and foot men, so that from the present time, and in time to come, they might be arrayed in arms ready to serve their country." All this preparation was unavailing; a siege of eight days, under the duke of Guise, rendered the French masters of Calais, a fortress which it had cost the conquerors of Cressy eleven months to acquire, and which, for two hundred years, had been held by this country as the key to the dominions of the French king. Soon after the fall of Calais, the Scots, influenced by French councils, began once more to move on their borders, and to threaten the northern counties of England with invasion. At this juncture, the earl of Derby, as lord-lieutenant of the counties palatine of Lancaster and of Chester, addressed a despatch to the earl of Shrewsbury, lord-president of the north, apprising his lordship of the measures that had been taken to array the levies in Lancashire and in Cheshire against “the Scottish doings,” of the number of the forces, and of the captains by whom they were to be commanded. The despatch is of the date of the 29th of September 1557, and the following are the - “CAPTEYNS IN THE COUNTY OF LANCASTER, “Sir Richard Molynexe, K. [knight], or his son & heire; a feeble man himself . e tº g tº © 200 “Sr Thom's Gerrard, K. 200 “Sr Thom's Talbot, K. e sº • g * * e e g g º º e e g 200 “Sr Richard Hoghton, K. not hable himself, but will furnish an hable Gent, to be Capteyn : Bycause he is not hable to goo himself doth furnish but . ſº gº * g g g g tº tº * 100 “Sº Thom's Hesketh, & others with hym . º ſe sº g º g e wº g sº g e 100 “Sº Thom's Langton, Knt. Sº Will"m Noresse, Knt., neyther of them hable, but will furnishe an hable Captevn . º tº g º e e § g e e * st g * . * & * 100 “Sr wi. *aši; or his son and heire Alex, who is a hansome Gent. & Sº John Atherton joened wº him . 100 “Fraunc's Tunstall, & others . ſº g • tº * º & e g e te g g & I00 “Sº John Holcroft, or his son and heire—Richard Asheton of Myddſelton], & others . & e g e 100 “It"m, The rest appoynted in Lancashier be of my retynnue. “EDWD. DERBy.” Disappointed in all her hopes, Mary's spirits sank under her accumulated disasters, and at the age of forty- two years she descended childless to the grave, leaving the throne to the possession of her sister Elizabeth, whose masculine habits and discriminating mind much better fitted her to wield a sceptre. The death of Queen Mary, on the 17th of November 1558, found the Lady Elizabeth, now become queen of England, at Hatfield; and a summons was immediately sent by the queen's council to the marquis of Winchester, the earl of Shrewsbury, the earl of Derby, and other noblemen, requiring them to repair thither, to conduct the queen to London. Amongst the nobles assembled to perform this first act of loyal duty, were the duke of Norfolk, Lords Audley and Merley, Lord Dacres of the north, Tord Monteagle, Lord Vaux, Lord Wharton, and many others. In parliament, the annunciation of Elizabeth by the archbishop of York was hailed with acclamation, and the general cry of “God save Queen Elizabeth,” not merely from the courtiers, but also from the patriots, gave promise that a new and more happy era had already commenced. The state religion was soon destined to undergo another change; but instead of being rapid and violent, it was condicted with great prudence; and that the feelings of the Catholics might not be outraged by a sudden transition, the queen retained a number of her Catholic ministers, taking care to have a sufficient number of the reformed faith to overrule their deliberations. To further the great work of ecclesiastical reform, the queen set on foot a royal visitation throughout England, and appointed commissioners to visit each diocese, whose business it was to inquire into the late persecutions; to ascertain what wrongs had been done, what blood had been shed, and who were the persecutors. They were further directed to minister the oath of recognition, and to enjoin the new book of service, which was to come into general use on the festival of John the Baptist. Another of their duties was, to examine such as were imprisoned and in bonds for religion, though they had already been condemned, and to liberate them from prison. The commissioners for the north (1559) were, Francis earl of Shrewsbury, president of the council in the north, Edward earl of Derby, Thomas earl of Northumberland, lord warden of the East and Middle Marches, Thomas Lord Evers, Henry Percy, Thomas Gargrave, James Crofts, Henry Gates, knts. ; Edwin Sandys, D.D., Henry Harvey, LL.D., Richard Bowes, George Brown Christopher Escot, and Richard Kingsmel, esqrs. The northern visitation commenced at St. Mary's, Nottingham, on the 22d of August 1559, and was continued throughout the dioceses of Lincoln, York, Chester, and Durham. The commissioners received the complaints of many clergymen, who had been ejected from their livings during the last reign for being married ; and in almost all cases they were restored. Tr. Sandys, one of the visitors for the northern parts, preached against the primacy of the pope; he also endeavoured to prepare the clergy to take the oath of supremacy to the queen, which was required of them, and to which most of them conformed, though in Lanca- shire there were many who declined to take the oath, and who staunchly supported the doctrine of the real presence in the Sacrament. * Pat. 3 and 4. Phil. and Mary (1556-7), p. 5. m. 11 dors. 166 (ſhe #igtúrg ºf £ancašijire. CHAP. XIII. In these times of religious and political excitement, the clergy were naturally prone to mix up secular subjects in their discourses, and to convey to the royal ear, when occasion presented itself, the views of the preachers on the administration of government. This species of preaching a certain great man at court (probably Lord Burghley) writing to Dr. Chaderton, afterwards bishop of Chester, thought proper to rebuke. “The queenes majestie,” saith he, “doeth mislike that those who preach before her should enter into matters properlie appertaining to matter of government:” they were therefore required to abstain from such preaching; not that her majesty wished to close her ears against the advice of those who were moved to desire amendment in things properly belonging to herself, but, on the contrary, was willing to hear any that should, either by speech or writing, impart their sentiments, but she did not wish to be lectured in public, nor to have the affairs of government animadverted upon before the vulgar." It having been enacted that the oath of Supremacy should be taken to the queen, her Majesty issued a proclamation to Sir Ambrose Cave, knt., chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, dated at Westminster, on the 23d of May 1559, directing that this oath should be taken throughout his jurisdiction, both by the clergy and laity.” At the same time she directed that all the chantries should conform themselves to the practice of her own chapel, and in that (though much of popish ceremony was retained) she forbade that the host should be elevated, and commanded that the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the gospels, should be read in the Vulgar tongue. In the following year, a number of new bishops were consecrated, amongst whom were Edward Scrambler, D.D., for Peterborough; and James Pilkington, B.D., for Durham, both Lancashire men, and both firm adherents of the reformed religion. Soon after his inauguration, Dr. Pilkington preached before the queen at Greenwich, on the mission of a fanatic, from the county of Lancaster, of the name of Ellys, calling himself Elias: the bishop of London had, however, so little regard for the northern prophet, and his “warning voice,” that he ordered him three days afterwards to be put in the pillory in Cheapside, from whence he was committed to Bridewell, where he soon after died.” The bishopric of Chester having become vacant, the queen issued her mandate to the chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, announcing that the dean and chapter, with her majesty's license, had elected William Downham to be their bishop and pastor, and commanding the chancellor to cause to be delivered up without delay the temporalities belonging to the episcopal see within his bailiwick, together with the issues and profits thereof, from the feast of St. Michael the Archangel. That the nation might be put in a posture of defence, a muster of troops was ordered in the several counties of the kingdom ; and the following is the GENERAL MUSTER, IN JANUARIE 1559,4 CERTIFIED WITHIN THE COUNTY OF LANCASTER. BLACKEBURNE HUNDRED–407 harnessed men, unharnessed men 406. AMOUNDERNES HUNDRED–213 harnessed, unharnessed 369. LONDESDALL HUNDRED–356 harnessed, unharnessed 114. LEYLONDE HUNDRED–80 harnessed, unharnessed 22. SALEFORDE HUNDRED–394 harnessed, unharnessed 649. WEST DERBY—459 harnessed, unharnessed 413. Sum Total of harnessed men, 1919. Sum Total of unharnessed men, 2073. Hollinworth says, “there was a sore sicknesse” in Lancashire in 1565, which was probably some remains of the plague contracted by the English army at Newhaven, in 1562; at which time, Stowe avers, that 17,404 persons died in London alone in one year. Although the progress of the Reformation was rapid in many parts of the kingdom, in the county of Lancaster it was retrograde. The Catholics multiplied; the mass was usually performed; priests were harboured; the book of common prayer, and the service of the church established by law, were laid aside ; many of the churches were shut up ; and the cures were unsupplied, unless by the ejected Catholic priests. This was thought the more extraordinary, as the queen had instituted an ecclesiastical commission, with the bishop of the diocese at its head, for the promotion of religion. To stimulate the zeal of the prelate, the queen addressed to him in 1567 a letter of remonstrance, couched in her usual tone of decision, reminding him of his duty, and requiring of him its more vigilant performance. “We think it,” says the queen, “not unknown, how, for the good opinion we conceived of your former service, we admitted you to be bishop of the diocese; but now, upon credible reports of disorders and contempts, especially in the county of Lancaster, we find great lack in you. In which matter of late we write to you, and other our commissioners joined with you, to cause certain suspected persons to be apprehended, writing at the same time to our right trusty and well-beloved the earl of Derby, for the aid of you in that behalf. Since which time, and before the delivery of the said letters to the earl of Derby, we be duly informed that the said earl hath, upon small motions made to him, caused such persons as have been required to be apprehended, and hath shown himself therein, according to our assured expectation, very faithful and careful of our service.” In conclusion, the bishop is * Chaderton's MS. fo. 32 a. Peck's Desid. Cur. p. 83. * Pat. 1 Eliz. m. 32, dors. * Strype's Ann. of ye Reformation, i. 506. 4 Harl. MSS. cod. 1926, fo. 4 b. - * Pap. Office, Strype's Ann. i. 544-5. CHAP. XIII. Qſìje ??igturn of 3Lancagüirº. 167 required to make personal visitation, by repairing to the most remote parts of his diocese, and especially into Lancashire, and to see to it that the churches be provided with honest men and learned curates, and that there be no more cause to blame him for his inattention and neglect. At a subsequent period, the lords of the council wrote to the bishop, complaining that many persons in the counties of Lancaster and Chester absented themselves habitually from church, and from places of public prayer, and requesting that the bishop would take measures to enforce their attendance. To this intimation his lordship replied, that he had made diligent inquisition into the matter of complaint, that some of the gentry and others had promised to be more conformable in future, but that others had disregarded his admonitions, and that he had enclosed a list certi- fying the names of those who remained obstinate, and of those who promised to conform." The zeal of the earl of Derby in favour of the reformed faith, so warmly eulogised by the queen, was the zeal of a convert, and therefore perhaps the more lively. In the last reign, his lordship embraced the cause of popery, and the committal of the intrepid George Marsh to that dungeon from which he was liberated only to be conducted to the stake, serves to show that sudden changes in religious faith were not confined to priests, but that they were extended to nobles, and to a certain extent pervaded the whole people. In the county of Lancaster there was more of consistency than in other parts of the kingdom; and this is a principle which excites respect, even though it should be a consistency in error. The queen's admonitions to the bishop, as the head of the ecclesiastical commission, produced an immediate effect. The bishop entered upon his visitation with all convenient despatch ; many of the popish recusants, as they were called, were detected in plots to subvert the established religion, and to substitute their own in its stead; and the county was engaged in a kind of religious warfare, which is described with considerable animation, and probably with as much accuracy as can be expected, by an author having a strong bias towards the Protestant cause:— “And first,” says our author, “to give some account of the Bishop's Visitation. Which proved thus, according to the Relation he made of it himself to the Secretary in a Letter to him, dated Nov. 1, 1568, ‘That he had the last Summer visited his whole Diocess, which was of Length above six score Miles; and had found the People very tractable; and no where more than in the farthest Parts bordering upon Scotland. Where as he said, he had the most gentle Entertainment of the Worshipful to his great Comfort. That his Journey was very painful by reason of the extreme heat; and if he had not received great Courtesy of the Gentlemen, he must have left the most of his Horses by the way; Such Drought was never seen in those Parts.” The Bishop also now sent up, by one of his Servants, a true Copy of all such Orders as he, and the rest of his Associates, in the Queen's Commission Ecclesiastical, had taken with the Gentlemen of Lancashire. Who (one only excepted, whose name was John Westby), with most humble Submissions and like Thanks unto the Queen's Majesty, and to her Honourable Council, received the same ; Promising that from thenceforth they would live in such sort, that they would never hereafter give occasion of Offence in anything concerning their bounden Duty, as well towards Religion, as their Allegiance towards their Prince. But notwithstanding their Promises, the Commissioners bound every of them in Recognizances in the sum of an Hundred Marks for their Appearances from time to time, as appeared in the abovesaid Orders. And certain Punishments inflicted upon some of them had done so much good in the Country, that the Bishop hoped he should never be troubled again with the like. Nowel, Dean of S. Paul’s, London, was a Lancashire man, and was now down in that Country. Who with his continual preaching in divers Places in the County, had brought many obstinate and wilful People unto Conformity and Obedience, and had gotten great Commendation and Praise (as he was most worthy) even of those that had been great Enemies to his Religion. “But now to set down particularly what had been detected and discovered among these Lancashire Papists, and the Negligence, or Lothness of the Bishop to prosecute them. Information was brought into the Bishop by One Mr. Glasier, a Commissioner, and another named Edmund Ashton, that great Confederacies were then in Lancashire. And that Sundry Papists were there lurking, who had stirred divers Gentlemen to their Faction, and sworn them together, not to come to the Church in the Service time, now set forth by the Queen's Authority, nor to receive the Communion, nor to hear Sermons; but to maintain the Mass and Papistry. And after this Information, Glasier advised the Bishop to go to the Earl of Darby, and to execute the Commission in Lancashire; or else it could not be holpen but many Church Doors must be shut up, and the Curates hindered to serve as it was appointed to be used in the Church. And that this Confederacy was so great, that it would growe to a Commotion, or Rebellion. The Bishop hereupon sent for those Offenders by Precept, but declined to go yet to execute the Commission in Lancashire. Again, Sir Edward Fytton informed the Bishop, that Mr. Edmund Trafford spake of these Matters before to him as a Commissioner, for to have redress thereof. Whereupon Mr. Gerrard said, that if the Bishop would not go to Wygan in Lancashire, or such like Place, and sit to execute the Commission, and move the Earl of Darby to be there (who had assured them he would sit and assist), he knew that a Commotion would ensue ; and that he knew their Determination was thereunto. For that his Kinsman and Alliance to his Remembrance (naming Mr. Westby) had told him, He would willingly lose his Blood in these Matters. Also he said further, that from Warrington all along the Sea Coasts in Lancashire, the Gentlemen (except Mr. Butler) were of the Faction, and withdrew themselves from Religion ; as Mr. Ireland, Sir Win Norris, and many others more. So that there was such a Likelihood of a Rebellion or Commotion speedily, that for his Part, if the Bishop would not go to execute the Commission in Lancashire, he would himself within twelve Days inform the Privy Council. And yet he had desired the Bishop to deliver the Commission unto him, and Fytton to execute : but the Bishop refused, saying he would send for the Offenders. But afterward, the Bishop and Gerrard signed Precepts for divers Papistical Priests and some Gentlemen to appear before the Commissioners concerning the Premisses. “Again, one Edmund Holme made this Discovery; That there was a Letter written from Dr. Saunders [Nicolas Saunders] to Sir Richard Molineux and Sir William Norris; the Copy of which Letter was ready to be shewed. The Contents of it, as it seems, were, to exhort them to own the Pope supreme Head of the Church ; and that they should swear his Supremacy, and Obedience to him, before some Priest or Priests appointed by his Authority; who should also absolve them that had taken any Oath to the Queen as supreme, or gone to Church and heard Common Prayer. Hereupon Sir Richard Molineux did make a vow unto one Norrice, otherwise called Butcher, otherwise called Fisher, of Formeby; and unto one Peyle, otherwise called Pyck (who reported that he had the Pope's Authority,) that he would do all things according to the Words of the said Letter. And so did receive Absolution at Pyck's hand; And he did vow to the said Pyck, that he would take the Pope to be the Supreme Head of the Church. And the said Molineux's Daughters, Jane, Alice, and Anne, and his son John, made the like Wow as their Father had done. And then they took a Corporal Oath on a Book. And so did John Mollin of the Wodde, and Robert Blundel of Inse, and Richard Blundel of Christby, and Sir Thomas Williamson, and Sir John Dervoyne, and John Williamson. These were some of those Popish Gentlemen of Lancashire; and these were their Doings. But the Commission Ecclesiastical, roundly managed, had pretty well reduced them, as we heard before. . In what Form the Submission ran, to which these Popish Gentlemen subscribed, before they l Hall. MSS. cod, 286, fo. 28. * Strype's Ann. i. 546-552. 168 Ǻr £istory of 3Lancagüirº. CHAP. XIII. made their Peace, I know not. But I find this Year one Form offered to Sir John Southworth, of these Parts (who had entertained Priests, and absented from the Church), by order of the Privy Council; which was as followeth — “Whereas I, Sir John Southworth, Knt., forgetting my Duty towards God and the Queen's Majesty, in not considering my due “Obedience for the Observation of the Ecclesiastical Laws and Orders of this Realm, had received into my House and Company, and there “relieved, certain Priests, who have not only refused the Ministry, but also in my hearing have spoken against the present State of “Religion, established by her Majesty and the States of her Realm in Parliament, and have also otherwise misbehaved myself in not “resorting to my Parish Church at Common Prayer, nor receiving the Holy Communion so often times as I ought to have done : “I do now, by these Presents, most humbly and unfeignedly submit myself to her Majesty, and am heartily sorry for mine Offence in “this Behalf, both towards God and her Majesty. And do further promise to her Majesty from henceforth, to obey all her Majesty's “Authority in all Matters of Religion and Orders Ecclesiastical ; and to behave myself therein as becometh a good, humble, and obedient “Subject; and shall not impugn any of the said Laws and Ordinances by any open Speech, or by Writing, or Act of mine own; nor “willingly suffer any such in my Company to offend, whom I may reasonably let or disallow : Nor shall assist, maintain, relieve, or “comfort any Person living out of this Realm, being known to be an Offender against the said Laws and Orders now established for godly “Religion, as is aforesaid. And in this doing, I firmly trust to have her Majesty my gracious and good Lady, as hitherto I, and all other “her Subjects, have marvellously tasted of her Mercy and Goodness.” & 6 But this knight refused to subscribe the submission, any further than in that point of maintaining no more those disordered persons.” Mary Queen of Scots, having at this time been expelled from her throne by her subjects, under the authority of the earl of Murray, regent of the kingdom of Scotland, sought an asylum in England, but before she could be admitted to the court, it became necessary that she should justify herself from the charge of having been accessory to the murder of her husband. In this she failed; indeed, her agents refused to pro- ceed with the investigation, when the evidence of her guilt became conclusive ; and, instead of being admitted to the court of Elizabeth, she was ever after kept as her prisoner, first in Bolton Castle, afterwards at the castle of Sheffield, then at Tutbury, and finally at the castle of Fotheringay. Several of Mary's adherents now fled out of England from Lancashire, and other parts of the kingdom, and it was discovered in the course of the year (1568), that sums of money were sent to them from hence, to promote the invasion of England, and to re-establish the ancient religion. The recently-created bishopric of Chester was amongst the lowest of the livings in the English church, not exceeding in value three hundred and fifty pounds a-year; and yet such was the hospitality at this time kept up by the bishops, that Dr. Downham, in his application to the queen for the extension of his commendam, represented that he supported, every day, in virtue of his office, “forty persons, yong and old, besides comers and goers.” The bias of the queen's mind was towards the ancient religion, with all its forms and ceremonies, so far as was consistent with that Supremacy which she claimed as the head of the church; and though the real presence was denied by the reformed church, she openly thanked one of her preachers for a sermon he had preached in favour of that doctrine.” Celibacy in the ministers of religion was always viewed by her with favour; and all the influence of her favourite minister Cecil was necessary to prevent her from interdicting the marriage of the clergy. While this was the disposition of the queen, several of her ministers conceived that the reform in the religion of the state was by no means suffi- ciently radical; and not only Cecil, but Leicester, Knolles, Bedford, and Walsingham, favoured the Puritans, who derived their origin from those exiled ministers that, during the reign of Queen Mary, had imbibed the opinions of Calvin, the reformer of Geneva. Their historian” describes the Puritans as objecting to the assumed supremacy of the bishops, and the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical court ; to the frequent repetition of the Lord's prayer in the liturgy, to the responses of the people, and to the reading of the apocryphal lessons; to the sign of the cross in the administration of baptism ; and to the ring and the terms of the contract in marriage; to the observance of the festivals in the calendar, the chaunt of the psalms, and the use of musical instruments in the cathedral services; and, above all, to the habits, “the very livery of the beast,” enjoined to be worn by the ministers during the celebration of divine services. Dean Nowell, one of the queen's chaplains, so celebrated for his preaching in Lancashire, his native county, was understood to favour the Puri- tanical doctrines, which was probably one of the causes of his popularity in this county; and when, in a sermon preached before his royal mistress, he spoke disparagingly of the sign of the gross, she called aloud to him in the congregation, and ordered him “to quit that ungodly discussion, and to return to his text.” From this period, through a succession of ages, the county of Lancaster continued much divided on subjects of religion and politics; the Catholics assuming the high church and the monarchical principles, and the Puritans the low church and democratic principles, while the established church held the balance between the two, by turns favouring the former or the latter, as best accorded with the objects and views of the existing government ; and not unfrequently restraining and even persecuting both. In no county in the kingdom have the distinctions been so marked as in Lancashire, and in none will this observation be found so unerring an index whereby to account for the local feuds, and for the party animosities. Several of the leading families of the north, anxious to re-establish the Catholic religion, and to place Mary Queen of Scots on the throne of England, entered into a conspiracy for this purpose, at the head of which stood the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland. One of their first objects was to liberate Mary from her confinement in Tutbury Castle, and Sir Thomas and Sir Edward Stanley, sons of the earl of Derby, along with Sir Thomas Gerrard, and other Lancashire gentlemen, favoured the enterprise. In furtherance of this object, the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland put forth the following proclamation— 1 Bishop Downham's Letter to the Secretary of State, 1568. * Heylin, p. 124. * Neal's History of the Puritans, cc. iv. v. CHAP. XIII. (Iſiſt ºigtúrg of £antagijire. | 69 “THE DECLARATION OF THE EARLS AT THE RISING IN THE NORTH. 1 “We, Thomas Earl of Northumberland, and Charles Earl of Westmorland, the Queen's true and faithful subjects, to all that came of the old and Catholic Religion, Know ye that we with many other well-disposed persons, as well of the Nobility as others, have promised our Faith to the Furtherance of this our good meaning, Forasmuch as divers disordered and evil-disposed persons about the Queen's Majesty have by their subtle and crafty dealings to advance themselves, overcome in this Realm the true and Catholic Religion towards God, and by the same abused the Queen, disordered the Realm, and now lastly seek and procure the destruction of the Nobility: We therefore have gathered ourselves together to resist by force, and the rather by the help of God and you good people, to see redress of these things amiss, with the restoring of all ancient customs and liberties to God's Church, and this noble Realm ; lest if we should not do it ourselves, we might be reformed by strangers, to the great hazard of the state of this our country, whereunto we are all bound. - “God save the Queen.” - % The influence of the leaders of the insurrection, and the attachment of the people to the Catholic faith, drew together an army of four thousand foot and six hundred horse. To strengthen their force, the earls of Westmorland and Northumberland addressed a letter to the earl of Derby (Nov. 27, 1569), requesting him to join their standard, and to procure for them such aid and assistance as his lordship could collect, in “all parts of his terrytoryes, to effect their honorable and godly enterprises.” Seven days before the date of this despatch, the earl of Derby had received a commission from the queen, appointing him lord-lieutenant of the county of Lancaster; and, instead of listening to their treasonable invitation, his lordship, without loss of time, inclosed the letter of the rebel earls to the queen, accompanied by the following despatch — “THE EARL OF DERBY TO THE QUEEN’s MAJESTY. “My most humble and obedient duty done. It may please your Majesty to understand, that this Day, being the 29th of this Month, one Walther Passelewe brought to my Howse a Letter from the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorlande, together with a Protestation of their undutiful Meaning and rebellious Attempt (as may appear), which the said Passelewe prayed one of my Ser- vants, might be delivered to me: The which after I had received, perceiving the same to be unsealed, and, upon perusing, finding the matter to swerve so far from the Duty of any good Subjects, thought it my Part to give the same to be understanded of your Majesty, and so have sent them enclosed as I received them. The Bearer, because I could not safely send him without Guard, I have sent to come with more leisure, but with as much speed as conveniently may be used. I found with him the like Letter and Protestation sent to my Lord Mounteagle, which I have also sent enclosed. And resting your Majesty's assured at Commandment, beseeching God long to prosper your Majestie, and make you victorious over your enemies, I humbly take my Leave. “From Lathom, my House, the 29th November 1569.-Your Majesty's most humble and obedient Subject and Servant, ** EDWARD DERBY.” The queen and her council, ever alive to their duty and the public Safety, assembled an army of seven thousand men, at the head of which the earl of Sussex was placed, attended by the earl of Rutland, and the Lords Hunsdon, Evers, and Willoughby. The royal army having overtaken the insurgent force in the bishopric of Durham, the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland retreated to Hexham, where, on hearing that the earl of Warwick and Lord Clinton were advancing against them, they dispersed their forces without striking a blow. This abortive effort of treason was succeeded soon after by another rebellion in the north, raised by Leonard Dacres, which was suppressed by Lord Hunsdon, at the head of the garrison of Berwick, without any other assistance. Great severity was exercised against such as had taken part in these rash enterprises. Sixty-six constables were hanged” for neglect of duty, and no fewer than eight hundred persons are said to have suffered by the hands of the public executioner. Fifty-seven noblemen and gentlemen of the counties of Northumber- land, York, Durham, etc., implicated in this rebellion, were attainted by parliament in the following year; but the list of proscriptions does not contain any Lancashire names." To guard against the recurrence of rebellion, and speedily to suppress any attempt to disturb the public tranquillity, the levies of troops, armour, and money were very abundant this year in the county of Lancaster; and, amongst the original certificates preserved in these returns, the following autographs appear:— . “Edward Derby, F. Stanley, Thomas Butler, Thos. Gerrard; Hundred of West Derby.—Thomas Hoghton, Cuthbert Clifton ; Hundred of Amounderness.--Thomas Hesketh, Edwarde Standysshe ; Hundred of Layland.—Rich. Shyrburn, Sir Rychard Assheton, John Braddyll; Hundred of Blackburn.—Wyllum Mountegle; Hundred of Lonsdale.—Robert Worseley, Edmund Trafford, John Radclyff, Robt. Barton, Edward Holand, Raffe Assheton, Francis Holt ; Hundred of Salford.” In the course of the same year a memorable search had been instituted in the county of Lancaster, by order of the lords of the council, which was simultaneously made in the other parts of the kingdom, for vagrants, beggars, gamesters, rogues, or gipsies, which was commenced at nine o'clock at night, on Sunday the 10th of July 1570, and continued till four o'clock in the afternoon of the following day, and which resulted in the apprehension of the almost incredible number of thirteen thousand “masterless men,” many of whom had no visible mode of living, “except that which was derived from unlawful games, especially of bowling, and maintenance of archery, and who were all passed to their own counties, under the direction of the magistrates.” The effect of this vigorous measure of police, which was continued monthly till the November following, was to diminish the numbers that would otherwise, in these unsettled times, have swelled the insurgent force, and endangered the stability of the government. The earl of Derby, in the discharge of his duty as the head of the lieutenancy in the counties of Lancaster and Chester, assembled the justices of the peace in the palatine counties, in their respective divisions, for the 1 Harl. MSS. cod. 787, fo. 10 b. * Burghley's State Papers, i. 564. * Camden, p. 423. 4 Harl. MSS. cod. 309, fol. 201 b. * Strype's Ann. vol. i. p. 572. Z 170 - The #istory of Lancashire. CHAP. XIII. purpose of arranging their forces, and for adjusting the assessments to which they should respectively be liable. These arrangements being completed, they were transmitted to the lords in council, accompanied by the following despatch — ORIGINAL LETTER OF THE EARL OF DERBY. “Right honorable my very good Lords accordinge to the Queen her mates pleasure unto me and others signified by yor letter and articles, I have caused the Sheriffs, commissioners of the musters, and Justices of the peace of the Counties of Lancaster and Chester (where I am her majesty's lieutenant), to assemble in their accustomed divisions sundry times for the execution of the same: Who have made inquisition as well touching such sums of money as have been assessed or taxed since the date of her mates last commission for musters, for provision of armour, weapons, shot, and such like. As also for taxations, collections, and assessments of money for the furniture of Soldiers for her mate service with other things in the said letters and articles contained, and have sent unto yor L. herewth all the said certificates of both Shires, whereof the last came to my hands so latelye as upon Friday last, Woh was the cause of so long tract of time of both certificates. Thus wih my very hearty Commendations unto yor good L I take my leave of you. From Lathom my howse the 7th of September 1570–Yor good L. very loving Friend assured EDWARD DERBY.” [Indorsed] “To my very good Lords of the Queen - her mate honorable privy Council give these.” [In another Hand] 1570 7° 7'bris. “The Earl of Derby to the Council with certificates out of the counties of Lancaster and Chester touching money collected for provision of Armour and Weapons.” [Harl. MSS. cod. 309, fo. 104.] Devoted as the earl of Derby had shown himself to the service of the queen, yet suspicion was entertained, and that in high quarters, that his loyalty was of a dubious kind, and that it would scarcely withstand the temptations to which it was exposed, from the wicked counsellors by whom he was surrounded. Under the influence of these suspicions, it is probable that Margaret, countess of Derby, the widow of Edward, the late earl, had been apprehended, and placed in confinement; for, from a letter addressed by her ladyship to Mr. Secretary Walsingham, in the course of the present year, it appears that she was a state prisoner, labouring under the accumulated pressure of bodily affliction and pecuniary embarrassments. The suspicions against the earl of Derby were communicated to the queen's secretary of state by the earl of Huntingdon, in a letter, intended to have been consigned to the flames as soon as it was read, but which has outlived its original destiny. A number of suspicious circumstances were accumulated against the earl of Derby, and, amongst others, he was strongly suspected of keeping a conjuror in his house ! The letter was in these terms:– Si THE EARL OF HUNTYNGDON TO SECRETARY CECIL.1 IT, “I am bolder to write to you of weighty matters, than I dare be to some others; the Cause I leave to your Consideration, and so to you only I am bold to impart that I hear. The Matter in short is this : Amongst the Papists of Lancashire, Cheshire, and the Cousins, great Hope and Expectation there is, that Derby will play as fonde a Part this year, as the two Earls did the last Year. I hope better of him for my Part, and for many Respects, both general and particular, I wish him to do better. I know he hath hitherto been loyal, and even the last Year, as you know, gave good Testimony of his Fidelity, and of his own Disposition; I think will do so still ; but he may be drawn by evil Counsel, God knoweth to what. I fear he hath even at this Time many wicked Councillors, and some too near him. There is one Browne a Conjuror in his House, kept secretly. There is also one Uphalle, who was a Pirate and had lately his Pardon, that could tell somewhat, as I hear, if you could get him : He that carried my Lord Morley over was also there within this Se’nnight kept secretly. He with his whole Family never raged so much against Religion as they do now ; he never came to common Prayer for this Quarter of this year, as I hear, neither doth any of the Family except five or six Persons. I dare not write what more I hear, because I cannot justify and prove it; but this may suffice for you in Time to look to it. And Surely, in my simple opinion, if you send some faithful and wise Spy that would dissemble to come from D’Alva, and dissemble popery, you might understand all; for if all be true that is said, there is a very fond Company in the House at this Present. I doubt not but you can and will use this Matter, better than I can advise you. Yet let me wish you to take heed to which of your Companions (though you be now but five together) you utter this Matter, me forté it be in Latham sooner than you would have it, for some of you have Men about you and Friends attendinge on you, etc., that deal not always well. I pray God save Our Elizabeth, and confound all her Enemies; and thus I take my leave, committing you to God his Tuition. * “From Ashby the 24th of August 1570. - Your assured poor Friend, - “H. Hu NTYNGDON.” “P.S.—Because none there should know of my Letter, I would not send it by my Servant, but have desired Mr. Ad to deliver it to you in Secret : When you have read it I pray you to burn it, and forget the name of the Writer. I pray God I may not hear any more of your coming to 3 y The earl of Derby's loyalty remained unshaken through another ordeal. A new conspiracy was formed by the duke of Norfolk, in concurrence with Mary Queen of Scots, whom the duke proposed to marry, in which he was aided by the duke of Alva, the Spanish general, and the court of Rome, the object of which was, to deprive Elizabeth of the throne, and to elevate Mary to that distinction. The vigilance and Sagacity of Secretary Cecil, now become Lord Burghley, discovered the treasonable confederacy, and the duke was brought to trial before a commission of twenty-six peers, amongst whom were “Arthure Grey, Lord Wylton,” and “William West, Lord de Laware.” - An unanimous sentence of death passed against the duke, which was carried into execution in the middle of the following year (1572); and the earl of Northumberland, for the part he had taken in the northern rebellion, shared the same fate. Against the Queen of Scots, though her prisoner, Elizabeth did not venture yet to proceed to the utmost extremity, but she sent Lord Delaware, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Thomas Bromley, and Dr. Wilson, to expostulate with her on her intended clandestine marriage with the duke of Norfolk, on her concurrence in the northern rebellion, on the encouragement she had given to Spain to invade England, and 1 Lord Burghley's State Papers, i. 603. 2 Harl. MSS. cod. 542, fo. 77. CHAP. XIII. Çür #istory of 3|amtāšijire. | 7 | on the part she had taken in procuring the pope's bull of excommunication against Elizabeth, and particularly upon allowing her friends abroad to give to her the title of “Mary Queen of England.” These charges Mary denied, and justified herself either by repelling the allegations, or by casting the blame on others over whom she had no control.' The queen was by no means satisfied with these apologies; and the temper of parliament, as expressed in the application for the immediate trial and execution of Mary, showed that a storm was gathering, by which that unfortunate princess was speedily to be overwhelmed. The evidence of the bishop of Ross, exhibited in the Burghley State Papers, shows that Mary was, as early as the year 1571, in negotia- tion with the ambassadors of both France and Spain, for her escape from Sheffield Castle to the continent, and that she was aided in her design by several Lancashire gentlemen. The bishop says the queen wrote a letter by a little priest of Rolleston's, that Sir Thomas Stanley, Sir Thomas Gerrard, and Rolleston, desired a “cypher for her, and that they offered to convey her away, and willed this examinate to do the Duke (of Norfolk)'s opinion herein.” He further says, that Hall told him, that if the queen would get two men landed in Lancashire, Sir Thomas Stanley and Sir Edward Stanley, along with Sir Thomas Gerrard and Rolleston, would assist her escape to France or Flanders, and that the whole country would rise in her favour. The death of Edward, the munificent earl of Derby, with whom, says Camden, “the glory of hospitality hath in a manner been laid asleep,” took place at Lathom House, on the 24th of February in the year 1573; and he was succeeded in his title and estates by Lord Strange, a nobleman honoured with the special favour of Queen Elizabeth, and for whose family she entertained the highest regard." - The progress of public improvement in the county of Lancaster appears to have been slow up to the time of Elizabeth, as may be collected from an expression contained in a petition from Dean Nowel, the founder of the free-school of Middleton, for the better encouragement of learning and true Christianity, who, in speaking of the people, designates them as “the inhabitants of the rude country of Lancashire.” During this reign, the military strength of the kingdom was taken with great accuracy; and from the muster or order of government in 1574 it appears that Lancashire then ranked amongst the first counties of the kingdom in military strength, furnishing 6000 able men, 3600 armed men, 600 artificers and pioneers, 12 demi-lances and 90 light horse, and that in number of able-bodied men it was only exceeded by Cornwall, Devonshire, Sussex, Somerset, Norfolk, Oxford, Dorset, Kent, Yorkshire, and probably Middlesex, of which the return is only partially given. The population of Yorkshire, when compared with Lancashire, was then in the proportion of nearly seven to one, though now the population of Lancashire is larger than that of Yorkshire. Of the other counties, Lancashire exceeds the highest of them, except the metropolitan county of Middlesex.” MUSTER OF SOLDIERS IN THE COUNTY OF LANCASTER IN 1574. [Harl. MSS. Cod. 1926, foll. 5-19a.] “The numbers of demy-lances, horses, geldings for light horsemen, armor, munition and weapons put in Readiness within the County of Lancaster, as well by force of the statute as granted of good Will, by persuasion of the Commissioners of the general musters. And of the particular names and surnames of them weh do furnish, have and keep the same for her Matieff’sºice weh were Certified into her Hon. Privy Council, conjoined with the general musters by force of the First and Second Commissions of the said musters the month of August 16th Eliz. Reging.” w; wº # § * £- # ź ad à § # ‘s tr; à ad to --> ta C tº tº 2– dº -Hº • P-4 --> *-4 P. & F | – 24 r–4 *—t HUNDRED OF DERBY. # # 3 ää P+ 5 # - gº 3 | # ſº º P H º: 5 H a These are to furnish :— -*-s ºne -º-e i =====s *º-º-º &m-ºsmº = -s. *-*-* r *m-ºsmºs I am-º-m-mº Henry, Earl of Derby (3 lances to be horsemen) 6 10 | 40 | 40 | 40 || 30 30 30 20 | 20 20 Sir Tho. Stanley, Knt. g º e tº gº tº 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 Sir Tho. Gerard, Knt. I 2 || 10 10 || 10 8 8 ... 3 3 Bichard Bold, Esq. I 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 Tho. Butler, Esq. sº e tº e 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 Sir John Holcroft, Knt. * , ºr I | 2 2 2 2 2 I 1. Geo. Ireland, Esq. * * g sº * e e * † tº 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 1 I Henry Halsall, Esq. . * & tº de & e º 1 || 2 || 3 | ... 3 || 3 || 3 || 3 || 2 || 2 Roger Bradshaw, Esq. tº º ſº i. 2 2 2 2 2 2 | 1. Edward Tyldesley, Esq. 1. 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 Edward Scarisbrick, Esq. 1 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 || 2 I 1. Wm. Gerard, Esq. I 2 2 2 2 2 2 I l Edw. Norrys, Esq. I 2 2 2 2 2 2 || 1 I Richd. Massye, Esq. 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 Peter Stanley, Esq. I 2 2 2 2 2 2 1. 1. Henry Ecclesby, Esq. l 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 I * Camden, p. 442. * Burghley's State Papers, ii. 184. * Vol. ii. pp. 20 and 112. * By the population-returns of 1861 the numbers stand thus:– * Sir Thomas Stanley, Sir Thomas Gerrard, and Rolleston, were Inhabitants of Yorkshire......... .... ......... 2,033,610. apprehended, and committed to the Tower as state prisoners.-- Middlesex ...................... 2,206,485. Lord Burghley's Papers, ii. 771. - Lancashire. ..................... 2,429,440. 72 (The #igturn of £antaghirt. CHAP. XIII. F. F- ++ go 24 U2 * - HUNDRED OF DERBY—Continued. P | H ... 3 H GQ John Byron, Esq. I 2 2 2 2 2 2 I I John Moore, Esq. & & 1 | 1 1 1 Richd. Blundell, Esq. º s 1 1 ... 1 ... . . . ... . ... l John Kylshawe [? Culcheth], Esq. 1. 1 ... 1 / ... . . . . . . . . . ... I Barnaby Kitchen, Esq. & * 1 1 || 1 1 || 1 || 1 || 1 John Bold, Esq. • ... . ... | 1 || 1 || 1 || 1 || 1 || 1 || 1 Bartholomew Hesketh s & e i s º º 1 1. I I 1 I 1. |Mr. Langton, de Lee . 1 | 1 1 1 Adam Hawarden 1. Richard Urmston - 1 Edmund Hulme (of Male) I Thos. Ashton . - º º e e - - º 1 1 1 I l 1 1 J. Molyneux (of Melling), Geoff. Holcroft, Rob. Blundell (Ince), Tho. Lancaster, John Rysley—same as Tho. Ashton. Hamlet Ditchfield * º e gº * º 1 I 1 1 ! ... 1 I Humphrey Winstanley - * g º - - º l 1 1 | ... | 1 1 John Bretherton, Tho. Molineux, John Ashton, Tho. Abrahams, Fras. Bold, Rd. Eltonhead, Rob. Fazackerley, Wm. Ashehurst, Lambert Tildesley, John Crosse, and Ellis Kigheley, the same as Humphrey Winstanley. Nicholas FleetCroft to furnish † © * * º I 1. 1 I I Richd. Holland, Wm. Naylor, Jas. Lea, Wm. Molineux, Adam Bolton, Rd. Bould, Rd. Hawarde, Ralph Sekerston, Rob. Corbett, and Rd. Mosse, the same as Nicholas Fleetcroft. - - I - I - I - a --- * = I -am-m- -** * *-s Summary for the Hundred of [West] Derby. 9 || 39 || 85 118 111 || 106 || 106 || 90 54 || 71 || 45 HUNDRED OF LEYLAND. Sir Tho. Hesketh, Knt., to furnish (and 2 Harquebuts) . I 2 || 3 || 3 3 || 3 || 3 || 3 | ... 2 Edwd. Standish, Esq. . g g º g º s 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 I 1 Wm. Farington, Esq. (for goods) to furnish I I I 1 harquebut Tho. Standish, Esq. (for lands) 53 1. 1 | 1 1 ditto Rd. Lathom, Esq. & º w ſº e - -> • 1 Tho. Ashall, Rob. Charnock, Rd. Ashton, same as Rd. Lathom. Henry Banister, Esq. e * º * tº e te 1 I I I 1 harquebut John Adlington, Esq. . t e * º º g e I 1 1 | 1 I ditto Peter Farington, wife of Jno. Charnock, Wm. Chorley, John Wrightington, Gilbt. Langtree, Edw. Worthington, Lawrence Worthington, same as Jno. Adlington. Wm. Stopford I 1 1 1 John Butler © e e º • -> 1 I l l [The following 47 persons, each same as J. Butler] Thomas Stanynawght, George Norres, Richard Todde, Richard Jevum, Rich. Hoghe, John Clayton, Tho. Solome, Wm. Tarleton, John Stones, John Stewerson, John Lightfoote, Wm. Forshawe, Edmunde Parker, Willm. Tayler, Henry Farington, Rich. Foreste, Robert Cowdrye, Henry Sherdley, ~ Rawffe Caterall, Thomas Sharrocke, Thomas Gellibronde, Alexander Brerde, Roberte Farington, Wm. Cowper, Oliver Garstange, John Cuerdon, Robert Mollyneux, Edward Hodg- son, Richard Withrill, Laur. Garstange, Gilberte Howghton, an James Browne, Thomas Dickonson, Laur. Finche, Vx. Thur- B ston Hesketh, John Wakefielde, Seth Forester, James Tomp- º son, Thomas Chisnall, Laur. Nightgall, Vx Roberte Charnocke, # Richard Nelson, James Prescote, Rich. Tompson, Robert 3 Forster, John Lawe, Roger Brodhurste. •==- sºsºm- H - I - I - I - I = –-- I —- I -— Summary for the Hundred of Leyland. 1 | 11 || 5 14 || 14 70 || 70 || 70 | 10 || 10 || 49 || 4 HUNDRED OF BLACKBURN. Sir Rd. Sherburne, Knt., to furnish 1. 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 John Towneley, Esq. . e º 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 T I Sir John Southworth, Knt. . 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 I 1 John Osbaldeston, Esq. 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 l Tho. Caterall, Esq. I l I I 1 harq. Tho. Nowell, Esq. 1 | ... . . . . . ... | 1 || 1 || 1 | ... . ... 1 ditto Rd. Ashton, Esq. I 2 2 2 2 2 2. I 1 Jno. Talbot, Esq. I 2 2 2 2 2 1 | 1 Nicholas Banester, Esq. 1. John Rishworth, Esq. I Rd. Grymeshaw, Esq. o º º & - . º 1 1 I I 1 1. Tho. Walmysley, Esq., Jno. Braddyll, Esq., Hy. Towneley, - Tho. Aynsworth, Nich. Parker, Same as Richd. Grymeshaw. Alex. Houghton, gent. o e e p. • - º I I 1. 1 | . 1 1. 1. 1 CHAP. XIII. iº, . … I The pistory of Lancashire. HUNDRED OF BLACKBURN–Continued. Roger Nowell, Esq. . t & sº & º g º Wm. Barecroft, Hy. Banester, Tho. Watson, Ilvan Heydock, JEdw. Starkie, Rob. Moreton, Olin Birtwisle, Jno. Greenacre, Nicholas Hancock,-same as Roger Nowell. Tho. Astley, to furnish g * tº º º wº Tho. Whittacre, Geo. Shuttleworth, Francis Gartside,-same as Tho. Astley. Rob. Smith gº º & te t e g [The following 70 persons to furnish same as Rob. Smith.] John Ashowe, Nicholas Robinson, George Seller, Nicholas Halstidd, Wm. Langton, Bryan Parker, Laurence Whitacre, John Ormrode, Rawffe Haworth, Richard Cunlyffe, Rich. Parker, Wm. Barker, Adam Bolton, George Talbot, Thomas Lassell, Thomas Isherwoode, Richard Haberiame, Wm. Starkye, Bich. Harrison, Rich. Crounlowe, Tho. Honghim, Rich. Shawe, Rich. Bawden, Alexander Lyvesaye, William Churchlowe, Rawffe Talbotte, Edwarde Carter, Rich. Woodde, Tho. Holli- day, Roger Nowell, Hughe Shuttleworth, Hughe Halsted, Henry Speake, Tho. Enot, Henrie Shawe, Peter Armerode, Thomas Walmysley, Thomas Dewhurst, Olin Ormerode, John Nuttall, Gilberte Rishton, Nicholas Cunliff, Henrie Barecrofte, Laur. Blakey, John Hargreve, James Fieldes, James Hartley, Thomas Ellys, Thurston Baron, Roberte Caruen, George Elston, Barnarde Townley, Oliver Halsted, John Seller, John Pastlowe, John Whittacre, John Aspinall, Roberte Cunliff, Richard Charneley, Geffrey Ryshton, Roberte Seede, Thurstone Tompson, Richard Bawden, Tho. Osbaldeston, John Holden, Gyles Whitacre, Richard Tattersall, Roberte Smithe, Nicholas Duckesburie, William Merser. Summary for the Hundred of Blackburn HUNDRED OF AMOUNDERNESS. John Rigmaiden, Esq., to furnish. Cuthbert Clifton, Esq. tº g tº ge º * ſº John Westby, Tho. Barton, Wm. Skillicorne,—same as Cuthbert Clifton. Richd. Traves • . g g * Jas. Massey, Geo. Alane,—-same as Rd. Travers. Rob. Mageall Thos. RicSon Wm. Hodgkinson * & & tº º * g Wm. Banester, Tho. Breres, Roger Hodgkinson, Laurence Walles, same as Wm. Hodgkinson. Wm. Hesketh to furnish of good will . * g $ * Rob. Plesington, Tho. Whyttingham, Wm. Singleton, John Weale, Evan Heydock, Wm. Burrell,—same as Wm. Hesketh. Henry Kyghley . g * & º 4-8 tº Summary for the Hundred of Amounderness HUNDRED OF LONSDALE. Wm. Lord Monteagle— * One to be a horse Rob. Dalton, Esq. g * Fras. Tunstall, Esq. . e & se sº g & ſº Geo. Middleton, Esq., Roger Kirbie, Esq.-same as Fras. Tunstall. Wm. Fleming Tho. Carus. g Rob. Byndlowes . g * e Tho. Curwen—a light horse furnished Wm. Thornborowe, do. do. Gabriel Croft & Nicholas Brudsey tº George Southworth . tº º * g * g º Jas. Ambrose, Wm. Redman, Marmaduke Blackburne, Anthony Rnipe, Tho. Stanfilde,-same as Geo. Southworth. John Preston, Esq. . º g tº tº e Fras. Tunstall t g g * & g g Nicholas Hudleston, Rd. Curwen, Rd. Redman,—same as Fras. Tunstall. Edward North [or Corthe] . . O j | # à | # ſº | H 2 || 13 1 I I 5 2* | 3 I I 2 I T I I I I — *-m-mº sº # | 3: | 3 3 || >< || ||