THE º Z/ Germany or to pay º Maximilian ºpen - - ----- --> º --- - - - º -> - - THE GERMANY OF T0-DAY By MAXIMILIAN HARDEN office of publication: Rooms 2128-29-30-31, Park Row Building THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY." GERMAN POLITICS. The most striking phenomenon of the Germany of to-day is the progress of industrial development. In opposition to English prosperity, which, although still immense, is stag- nant, or even declining, -German activity has increased, and is now in full swing. Germany lays claim, for the near fut- ure, to industrial and commercial superiority. The development of the navy, or, as our Socialists say, “Marinism,” has become the engrossing thought of the em- peror. Germany is being dragged into the world’s politics, toward which Bismarck never would have guided her. It is quite true that in Bismarck's time such a policy would have been premature. It was Bismarck’s first thought not to in- crease the difficulties in foreign relations, and to avoid all The editor of “Die Zukunft,” of Berlin, Maximilian Harden, has for several years played a considerable part in German politics. A controversial writer, well informed about official personages and Berlin society; liberal in the same degree that Bismarck was after his fall; free from party ties; wielding a sharp and spirited pen with peculiar adroitness, it may safely be said that this man has done more than any one else to discredit the govern- ment officials of his country. He is a man of about thirty-eight, with a clean- shaven, homely, impenetrable face, bright eyes, close-set lips, and straight hair like a black fez. He was sentenced to six months' imprisonment in the fortress at Weichselmünde, near Dantzic, for high treason. It was doubtless to recuperate from this experience that he went to Paris for two or three days, at the end of last January, where he was interviewed by a representative of the “Revue Blanche.” The words of Mr. Harden are given here in the form of a monologue, but, if the reader wishes, he can imagine them broken by the inquiries of his interlocutor, which have no place here. 3 4. THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY possibility of friction between Germany and Russia, a country naturally tending towards expansion in Asia. He thought that, unless irresistibly forced into it, his country should not interfere, in the struggle which will certainly break out, some day or other, between England and Russia. According to his idea, Germany should remain strictly neutral, though main- taining friendly relations with Russia. German industry was not as powerful then as now. Never- theless, it was Bismarck who said: “ There are three colonial powers: first, England, which has colonies and colonists; second, France, which has colonies, but lacks colonists; and, third, Germany, which has colonists, but no colonies.” And he too had the desire to give colonies to our colonists, but only to crown the efforts of commercial pioneers, not after the manner of the colonial policy of France, which sends its troops and government into distant lands, and then leaves the trouble and care of their development to its merchants. To sum up: Bismarck thought, first of all, of the European situa- tion of the young empire, and of all the complications that could arise in following the English policy of expansion; whereas nowadays the opinion is held that a nation of fifty- five million inhabitants (with a rapidly-increasing population and a well-developed export trade) ought to have the privi- lege of a word in the great disputes of the globe, and be able to provide markets for so unexpected activity. In Germany, it is commonly said: We must export either men, products, or merchandise, because the time is coming when we shall not be able to support this multitude within our own borders, and we had better keep the men and export the merchandise. This current of thought is not confined to manufacturers; the majority of thinking men insist on a policy of expansion,- peaceful of course, and on bases of naval supplies to protect Commerce. THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY 5 In the present schemes of the emperor the degree of ex- cellence of the army does not receive first consideration. What is necessary is a powerful and modern navy. The great middle class of the west is quite in accord with the emperor concerning the navy; for them it is solely a question of business, not of loyalty. A citizen of Westphalia can at- tend to his business and take a personal share in the affairs of State, whatever the form of government. But it is in the west that the centres of wealth are being formed, -there, where the water-ways and railroads literally cover the earth. The great canal, connecting the Elbe with the Rhine, will also be of material advantage to this region, where there is manifested, in the manufacturing towns, a dazzling mass of wealth. The Social Democrats, of whom there are about sixty, and the Agrarians, form the opposition in the reichstag to the propositions concerning the navy and the canal. Just now the Democratic party, strictly speaking, has not much weight. The majority of the Democrats of other days have entered the ranks of the National-Liberal party, a political organization representing the richest citizens and the great industries, in a word, a very conservative party, though not to the same de- gree as the nobles of old Prussia. Many rich merchants would gladly support this conservative party, if it were not for its more or less accentuated profession of anti-Semitic feeling; its antipathy toward modern methods of commerce (such as the stock exchange, department stores, etc.); and its attachment to old traditions. Even in the reichstag our conservative party is almost exclusively Prussian. The Agrarians represent the property-owners of the east. They have great difficulty in withstanding the competition of countries where production is more favored, as Russia, America, the Argentine Republic, 6 THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY the Balkan Peninsula, Hungary, etc. They believe that they suffer from the results of the commercial treaties concluded by Von Caprivi, whose memory is cursed in the eastern towns. They also feel themselves in danger from the construction of the canal between the Elbe and the Rhine; nor are the Ham- burgers any more in favor of the canal, as they fear that it will be of greater advantage to Dutch and Belgian seaports. The Agrarians would like to make the home market firmer, and secure good prices for the farmer; the people in the west wish to export, to have cheap food for their workmen, and they need commercial treaties; a decrease in agricultural prof- its is favorable to export. The large land-owners stand in mute opposition to the gov- ernment. I say mute, because, according to their traditions, they always avoid any course which would deal too great a blow at national union. They give themselves the title of “ pillars of the throne.” And, as a matter of fact, their provinces are the root and sinew of the country. Truly, these agricultural provinces of the east, Pomerania, Posen, and the Prussian provinces, are colonies dearer to us than ter- ritories in Africa, where England has taken care to secure the biggest share. But Germans have gone mad over cheap manufactures and colonial expansion. From the standpoint of neo-Darwinism people take delight in thinking these phenomena much to the credit of the country where they occur. But, for myself, I can- not readily see how at the same time people can be so enraged with the English, and yet be so anxious to follow their exam- ple. Besides, such a course is not without pitfalls. Eng- land has no monopoly of men like Cecil Rhodes. Similar con- ditions could make such a person spring up in German affairs, and that means perpetual colonial warfare. At such a time THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY 7 those who do not love Germany too well would have a good chance to play us a trick. After many evasions the reichstag will vote the funds for the navy, for which the government has asked. For the sake of appearances they will cut the total somewhat, and the op- position will be lost in pride over these cuts; but in the end the funds will be appropriated—according to the desire of the large manufacturers and merchants. The crash which will be the price of too rapid prosperity will be avoided by the consequent orders by the government, or if, at any rate, the crash must come, they will greatly alleviate the conse- quences. - You see, there are great interests at stake; the disinter- ested themselves say that it is no small matter for even a rich and powerful empire to spend annually several millions, more or less, for ships; does a merchant fool with such an amount in extravagant illumination and in additions to a well-man- aged shop, the patronage of which is already secured? Besides, the movement which is carrying Germany on towards colonization is not a national current. There is much sugges- tiveness in the fact that our colonies have not yet taken a well- defined position in the feelings of the masses. And, last of all, capital, which is so abundant when there is a question of starting an industry on German soil, or of founding in Ger- many, Russia, or Asia Minor one of those banking-houses the success of which is often magical, revealing very daring and well-informed financiers, this capital will not go to the colo- nies. Colonies owe their present favor in Germany to the popular belief according to which Germans are destined to supplant the English, all over the world. Victory for the South African republics is ardently desired. As for myself, I think that in the long run they will be defeated; it is a 8 THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY vital question for England; success is indispensable to her; she will persevere, and, persevering, she will be victorious, for capital is behind her. ALSACE-LORRAINE. The Anglophobia which has attacked my compatriots is evidently favorable to closer relations between France and Germany. Germany has a sincere desire to be reconciled with her neighbor. Besides this, we think in Germany that the question of Alsace-Lorraine does not enter into the matter. We do not believe that France has already become resigned, but we do believe she will soon become so, if we can wait with dignity, and not touch the barely-healed wound. And also, if we do not awake in France, by an appearance of too great haste, the feeling that we cannot live without her, and that we would be inclined to reconsider the account of 1870– 71, with a view to better conditions. That is utterly impos- sible; it would mean the end of the empire! But every one desires a reconciliation. Just for this reason public opinion would be unfavorable to the emperor's visiting Paris. In France the minority often tyrannizes over the maiority. We must wait patiently for the opportune moment, the psychologi- cal moment, as one would proceed with the conquest of a pretty and capricious woman. And, I think, that, contrary to the opinion most prevalent in Germany, the emperor is seriously considering a visit to Paris; it is one of his fondest dreams. Let us hope that the moment he becomes informed of the hidden dangers he will renounce the realization of a desire which would place the French government in a very awkward position. As to the German merchants, they have prepared for the Exposition with the utmost care. THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY 9 ANTI-SEMITISM. In Germany anti-Semitism is rather anti-capitalism. While I have never shown the anti-Semitic feeling (for, as far as that is concerned, I am of Jewish descent), I have felt I could, and must, criticise some social phenomena nurtured by Jewish influence. In regard to the Dreyfus case I have formed these opinions: first, it is a question for France alone, and we should refrain from mixing in it, all the more because our interest would arouse suspicion; second, it is a legal question, and, if there has been a mistake made, we would do well to use our energy in correcting our own legal errors; third, it is a case concerning espionage, and, if the methods of procedure brought out here are unpleasant, the methods used in these cases are never of the strictest morality. And I have im- plored my compatriots to remain neutral and calm. At the bottom of the matter was a conflict between democracy and the remnant of feudal customs and feudal spirit in a modern army. Was Dreyfus guilty? That I know nothing about, and I have never expressed an opinion. But the presumption of our newspapers was shocking, and I made fun of the too-evident partisanship of their correspondents. Naturally, the case was discussed in Germany with almost as much passion as in France, and they treated me as an opponent of Dreyfus and supporter of Esterhazy, etc. It does not matter. I could have helped to make my reputation, and increased the circu- lation of my paper, in declaring for Dreyfus; but I can say only what I think, and I think that it was absolutely necessary for Germany to remain neutral. That, too, is what Bis- marck thought. 10 THE GERMANY OF To-DAY ART, LITERATURE, PHILosophy, AND Music. In matters of art, and in spite of other influences (those of Boecklin, as well as of Wagner, whose influence is not confined to music), we are dependent on France—except, perhaps, in decorative art. The Anglo-Belgian style is much liked, and the very latest style is to strut about among pieces of furni- ture in the style of Henry van der Velde. In France there is but one example of each work of art, while in Germany it is easily enough copied for sale, and there is always capital available for such a purpose. Sculpture is our weak point, though, of course, the emperor believes that no city in the world conceals so many talented sculptors as Berlin. Talent is a debatable question. Be- sides, our sovereign shows very little sympathy for truly mod- ern art. An example? At the instigation of the best-known painters of the modern school,-Max Liebermann, Leistikow, Ludwig von Hoffman, Eckmann, and others, Herr von Tschudi, the broad-minded director of the National Gallery, purchased for the museum pictures by Manet, Sisley, Camille Pissarro, Cezanne, etc., and had them placed in the most effective way. By imperial order they have been consigned to out-of-the-way places, where they escape the attention of the hurried visitor. And they have given the best places to patriotic works,—battle-scenes, sea-pieces, etc. It is very distressing. For the emperor the arts are, in the first place, a means of strengthening the growth of patriotism, royalism, and loyalism. He uses them as tools of the government, and this in an age which has coined the phrase “art for art’s sake.” I spoke of Herr von Tschudi; I should also mention Herr Alfred Lichtwark, the director of the Hamburg Gallery, a well-informed critic with a modern spirit. THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY 11 Some of the French painters recognize the fascination of a beautiful subject, and that a painting can have merit, grateful to the senses, on the face of it, and quite distinct from de- scription of an event. Ours have but a slight idea of such a thing. Ten years ago impressionism occupied them largely; it was not infrequent that an official exposition was duplicated -- by a “ secession,” where the light, hazy canvases gathered in force. Impressionistic canvases are growing rarer. The fashion has passed. One is forced to believe that Lieber- mann has given the formula of that impressionism which the German temperament can assimilate, and his impressionism confines itself, in a word, to a dazzlement in black and white. But, in a general way, the art in the two French Salons, both subjects and composition, cause an intense repercussion in Germany, as is evinced by Skarbina and a hundred others. In our expositions mythical, mystical, and biblical subjects are breaking out afresh. The young Lesser Ury, of Berlin, who had proved himself an exquisite landscape artist after the style of Corot, exerts himself to give us Adams and Jere- miahs; he is not afraid of the most sublime tragedies of man- kind. The manner in favor just now is a symbolism which combines something of Puvis de Chavannes and Boecklin– and sometimes even of the Indo-Dutchman, Toorop. Still more than Helvete, Boecklin represents German art in its most intense form. Another? Leibl, entirely German, and a descendant of Dürer. You know Lenbach, with his sombre backgrounds and unfathomable eyes. As for me, I adore Lenbach, both the man and his work, and my personal - recollections of him are most precious to me. As to good old Menzel, portrayer of Frederick the Great, and the only painter who has had the title of excellency bestowed on him (!), we owe him so much that we have almost ceased to discuss him. 12 THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY Germany is perfectly content with its literary productions; the public believes it is taking part in a Renaissance. This flattering opinion prevails especially in Berlin. Upon examination, foreign influences are easily discernible. There is really nothing of striking originality. Nevertheless, dramatic literature makes a good showing, with Max Halbe, whose drama, “Youth,” is very charming, and with Gerhart Hauptmann. Him we exalt to the level of the most illustrious, even comparing him with Shakspere . . Just as the great and popular Austrian dramatist, Anzengruber, makes his characters speak in Bavarian, so Hauptmann uses for his characters the dialect of Silesia, his native province. But we seldom hear any longer, even in our large theatres, the pure speech of highest literature. Suder- mann has imagination and dramatic talent, but in vain, for our literary lights do not succeed in taking him seriously; he is better appreciated by the French than by his own compa- triots. Fulda is very clever, but too diffuse, and lacks con- viction. He counted on the fondness of the German theatre- goers for fairy tales in the style of “ Haensel and Gretel” and “The Sunken Bell.” His “ Talisman” (with its sub- ject taken from Andersen) was warmly welcomed, because people were prone to see in it allusions to the emperor. It is very fashionable just now to see allusions in everything, and a recent play, which shows off Thomas Theodor Heine in the best possible manner, benefits by this -- “Simplicissimus, tendency. , What I do not cease to regret is that French dramatic writers are very little appreciated. Since Lessing's day, the French classics have not been tolerated; the hue and cry is raised immediately, should one venture to take Dumas seri- ously. All the same, I am exceedingly fond of Dumas, and THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY 13 we owe him much; Porto-Riche, Curel, Capus, See, Lavedan, and Brieux are all unknown, and their works remain unplayed; now is the triumph of vaudeville. If I were to speak of Austrian dramatists, I should men- tion the two Viennese, Arthur Schnitzler and Hugo von Hoff- mannsthal, both in high favor in Germany, the last-mentioned being an excellent lyric poet. Lyric poetry is now effervescent. Richard Wagner, and, from another side, Baudelaire; and more recent French poets (who were in their turn swayed by our Novalis and Heine) have influenced some of our verse-makers. Lilienkron is very gifted; he is fifty years old, but he has freshness and spirit. Dehmel is already known. Stefan Georg begins to attract a great deal of attention; his rhymes in various metres are be- witching and curious. Our poets seize more rare and flitting emotions than did their German predecessors; their metaphors are bolder. Their art lingers in that half-frenzied state which Nietzsche ridiculed. (For me, the great lyric poet of our age is Friedrich Nietzsche.) - Since his “ Philosophy of the Unknown,” Edward von Hart- mann has not written an important book; he publishes works on sociology permeated with an anti-Socialistic spirit, and this inclination to dabble in these matters is little to the liking of scholars. Nietzsche is beginning to be familiar to Frenchmen. Naturally, his passionate anti-Christian utterances cause con- sternation in official circles. Like those geniuses, Ibsen and Tolstoi, his influence is everywhere noticeable. If Gerhart Hauptmann had lived before him, he would not have written ** The Sunken Bell.’’ The works of Max Stirner have recently acnieved posthu- mous fame in both Germany and France; my compatriots think 14 THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY they see a correlation between him and Nietzsche; I do not see it. The first mentioned is a clear mind, but not free from pedantry; the second is an impetuous genius. At the present day there is no philosophy, in the proper sense of the word, in Germany. The giants of philosophy, the Kants and the Schopenhauers, have been succeeded by the great students of natural sciences. There one must mention Helmholz, and Haeckel with his “ Monism '' and “ Natural History of the Creation.” Wilhelm Wundt, author of “Logic,” which made a great noise, and of “Ethics,” bases his philosophy on natural sciences. What influences have been felt in our novels? That of the Scandinavians (Kielland, Garborg, Jonas Lie, Bjoern- stjerne Bjoernson); that of Tolstoi and of Emile Zola (Zola, heretofore condemned as a degenerate; Zola who, I may say in passing, is in great favor since the Dreyfus case). The most notable novelist of the last few years is Theodore Fon- tane, who died two years ago. Fontane was almost an old man when he undertook to write novels; nevertheless he achieved some masterpieces of modern thought. Shall I name others? Then, the old psychologist, Paul Heise; Omp- teda (author of “Sylvester von Geyer,” the life of a Prus- sian gentleman); Gabriele Reuter (who wrote “Of Good Family,” the story of a young girl, and which had a great success); Otto Julius Bierbaum; and, among the Austrians of the older generation, Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach, who excels in depicting shades of feeling in her aristocratic Austrian characters. There are a quantity of novels with sociological pretensions,—those of Spielhagen, for instance. Music is at rest. They proclaim the ideas of Wagner. But there is no great composer. Richard Strauss, who wrote “Zarathustra,” a symphony, is at present alone in favor THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY 15 among our musicians. Then there is Humperdinck, recently director of the chorus at Baireuth, the author of “ Haensel and Gretel;” Felix Weingartner, the dictatorial conductor, author of an opera which had but slight success, but which the -- critics extol; Baron von Schillings, whose “ Ingwelde’’ could not be played at the opera in Berlin on account of the em- peror's opposition, but which was played—and with great success—on another stage in this same Berlin by the company of the duke of Schwerin. At the interlocutor’s request, Mr. Harden gave a short sketch of his own life. I was born in Berlin, the twentieth of October, 1861. After leaving the high-school, fired with a spirit of indepen- dence,—which, by the way, has never deserted me, -I be- came a comedian. For three years I played the young lover in Berlin, Hamburg, etc. It was not to my taste. I became absorbed in literary studies; a little later I became the critic for the “Gegenwart º and the “Nation,” the Liberal review. Prince Bismarck, who fell into disgrace in March, 1890, had read some articles in which I spoke of him with the re- spect due to genius. He invited me to Friedrichsruhe. I passed many a day in his simple country house. I can assure you that he was charming, combining true politeness of the old school with a force of persuasion that was lyrical, so to speak. Our conversations in the forest are the event of my life. Perhaps I have retained somewhat of their enchantment. Through contact with him, my political interest was awak- ened, and, as I perceived the possibility of writing political articles in a new style, -a style in contrast to the frivolous and pedantic method then in use, and besides which, being anxious to be able to publish them without control, I founded “Die Zukunft 'º' in 1892. This weekly, started without 16 THE GERMANY OF TO-DAY capital, achieved success speedily, and now has a circulation of eleven or twelve thousand—not an inconsiderable figure in a country where serious magazines, and especially those with- out illustrations, have few readers. Sybel, Schweninger, Adolphe Wagner, Schaeffle, Paulsen, Liszt, Lenbach, Licht- wark, Bjoernson, Lamprecht, and others have contributed to it. I write the leading article, some short notes (“My Note Book”), and the dramatic criticism. My articles have been collected and published in book form: “ Apostata, Literature, and the Stage.” I am writing a novel. “Die Zukunft" has had trouble with the government. The sale of it has been forbidden in the railway stations in Prussia. Three times have I been prosecuted for high trea- son. Twice I was acquitted, and the third time I was sen- tenced to six months' imprisonment. However, the court which adjudged me guilty of having overstepped the limits of lawful criticism recognized that I was at any rate a royalist. Bismarck, who never showed me anything but courtesy, gave me up for an “extreme Socialist,” although keeping his good-will towards me; the Socialists, on the contrary, herald me as an unqualified adherent of Bismarck. Perhaps I am a follower of Bismarck, but with qualifications—often restric- tive; and, if I am not a Socialist, perhaps I stand opposed to the narrow-mindedness of the middle classes. It is true I do not like the commercial classes, especially in the Berlin variety. . . Neither do I like the forms and ceremonies of polite society. Hans von Bülow presented me with an old copy of Paul Louis Courier, with the friendly inscription: “He believes all he says, said Mirabeau about Maximilien Robespierre– and that is what is said about Maximilian Harden by H. von -- Bülow. Truly it was in order to be able to say what I believe that I founded “Die Zukunft.”