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​米米
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​ARTES
LIBRARY
1837
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
PLURIBUS UNUMI
TUEBOR
SI-QUÆRIS PENINSULAM·AMŒNAM.
CIRCUMSPICE
GIFT OF
REGENT LLHUBBARD
•
¡
1
!
Hubbard
Imag. Voy.
DS
489
K74
At the Court of Committees for the Eaft-India
Company the 10th of Auguft, 1681.
7E Efteem Captain Knox a Man of Truth
and Integrity, and that his Relations
and Accounts of the Iſland of Ceylon (which
fome of us have lately Peruſed in Manuſcripts)
are worthy of Credit, and therefore encouraged
him to make the fame Publick.
Robert Blackbourne, Secretary.
By Order of the faid Court.
Mr. Chifwell,
Auguſt 8. 1681.
[ Peruſed Capt. Knox's Deſcription of the Iſle of
Ceylon, which feems to be Written with great
Truth and Integrity; and the Subject being new,
containing an Account of a People and Countrey
little known to us; I conceive it may give great
Satisfaction to the Curious, and may be well worth
your Publishing.
Chr. Wren.
1
1
AN
Hiftorical Relation
Of the Illand
CEYLON
IN THE
EAST-INDIES:
TOGETHER,
With an ACCOUNT of the Detaining
in Captivity the AUTHOR and divers other
Englishmen now Living there, and of the
AUTHOR'S Miraculous ESCAPE.
Illuftrated with Figures, and a Map of the ISLAND.
By ROBERT KNOX, a Captive there
near Twenty Years.
LONDON
Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the
ROYAL SOCIETY, at the Rofe and Crown in
St. Paul's Church-yard, 1681.
Res.
Regent L. L. Hubbard
2-20-1925-
1
1
IDEET
FORTITUDINE.
The Right Hon. Algernon Capell,
Earl of Essex, Viscount Maldon, and
Baron Capell of Hadham: 17.01.
TO THE
Right Worſhipful
The GOVERNOR, the DEPUTY GOVERNOR, and
Four and Twenty Committees of the Hono-
rable the EAST-INDIA Company, Viz.
Sir Jofiah Child Baronet, Governor.
Thomas Papilion Efq; Deputy.
The Right Honorable George
Earl of Berkley,
Sir Joseph Ashe Baronet,
Sir Samuel Barnardifton Baro-
net,
Mr. Chriftopher Boone,
Mr. Thomas Canham,
Colonel John Clerke,
Mr. John Cudworth,
John Dubois Esquire,
Sir James Edwards Knight,
and Alderman,
Richard Hutchinfon Esquire,
Mr. Jofeph Herne,
Mr. William Hedges.
Right Worſhipful,
WH
Sir John Lawrence Knight,and
Alderman,
Mr. Nathaniel Letton,
Sir John Moore Knight, and
Alderman,
Samuel Moyer Eſquire,
Mr. John Morden,
Mr. John Paige,
Edward Rudge Efquire,
Mr. Jeremy Sambrooke,
Mr. William Sedgwick,
Robert Thomſon Eſquire,
Samuel Thomſon Eſquire.
James Ward Efquire.
7 Hat I formerly Prefented you in Writing,
having in purſuance of your Commands now
Somewhat drefsd by the help of the Printer and
Graver, I a fecond time bumbly tender to you. Tis
I confess at best too mean a Return for your great
Kindness to me. Tet 1 hope you will not deny it
(a)
The Epiftle Dedicatory.
a favourable Acceptance, fince 'tis the whole
Return I made from the Indies after Twenty
years stay there; having brought home nothing
elle but
(who is alſo wholly at your
London ft. of August, 1681.
Service and Command)
ROBERT KNOX.
THE
THE
PREFACE
Ow much of the preſent Knowledge of the Parts
of the World is owing to late Diſcoveries, may
be judged by comparing the Modern with the
Ancient's Accounts thereof; though poffibly many fuch
Hiftories may have been written in former Ages, yet
few have ſcaped the Injury of Time, fo as to be handed
fafe to us. 'Twas many Ages poffibly before Writing was
known, then known to a few, and made uſe of by fewer,
and feweft employ'd it to this purpoſe. Add to this,
that ſuch as were written, remain'd for the moſt part Im-
priſon'd in the Cells of fome Library or Study, acceffi-
ble to a ſmall number of Mankind, and regarded by a
leſs, which after periſhed with the Place or the Decay of
their own Subftance. This we may judge from the lofs
of thoſe many Writings mention'd by Pliny, and other
of the Ancients. And we had yet found fewer, if the
Art of Printing, first Invented about 240 years fince, had
not fecured moſt that lafted to that time. Since which,
that Loſs has been repaired by a vaft number of new
Acceffions, which befides the Satisfaction they have gi
ven to Curious and Inquifitive Men by increafing their
Knowledge, have excited many more to the like At-
tempts, not only of Making but of Publiſhing alſo their
Diſcoveries. But I am not ignorant ftill, that as Difco
veries have been this way preferved, fo many others have
been loft, to the great Detriment of the Publick. It
were very deſirable therefore that the Cauſes of theſe
and other Defects being known, fome Remedies might
be found to prevent the like Loffes for the future.
The principal Cauſes I conceive may be theſe;
Firſt, The want of fufficient Inftructions (to Seamen
and Travellers,) to fhew them what is pertinent and
confiderable, to be obſerv'd in their Voyages and Abodes,
and how to make their Obfervations and keep Regifters or
Accounts of them.
(a) 2
Next,
1
The PREFACE.
Next, The want of fome Publick Incouragement for
fuch as fhall perform fuch Inftructions.
Thirdly, The want of fit Perfons both to Promote
and Difperfe fuch Inftructions to Perfons fitted to en
gage, and careful to Collect Returns; and Compoſe
them into Hiftories; by examining the Perfons more
at large upon thoſe and other Particulars. And by
feparating what is pertinent from what is not fo,
and to be Rejected; who ſhould have alſo where
with to gratifie every one according to his Perfor-
mances.
Fourthly, The want of ſome eafie Way to have all fuch
Printed Firft fingly, and afterwards divers of them
together. It having been found that many ſmall Tracts
are loft after Printing, as well as many that are never
Printed; upon which account we are much oblig'd to
Mr. Haclute and Mr. Purchas, for preferving many fuch
in their Works.
Fifthly, The want of taking care to Collect all fuch
Relations of Voyages and Accounts of Countries as have
been Publiſhed in other Languages, and Tranflating them
either into English, or (which will be of more general
ufe) into Latin, the learned Language of Europe. There
being many ſuch in other Countries hardly ever heard
of in England.
The Difficulties of removing which Defects is not fo
great but that it might eafily fall even within the com-
paſs of a private Ability to remove, if at leaſt Publick Au-
thority would but Countenance the Defign, how much
lefs then would it be if the fame would afford alſo fome
moderate Encouragement and Reward?
The Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Know
ledge, has not been wanting in preparing and dif-
perfing Inftructions to this end, and is ready ftill to pro-
mote it, if the Publick would allow a Recompence to
the Undertakers. The defirableneſs and facility of this
Undertaking may, I hope, in a fhort time produce the
Expedients alfo. In the Interim all means fhould be uſed,
to try what may be obtain'd from the Generofity of
fuch as have had the Opportunities of knowing Foreign
Countries.
There
The PREFACE.
There are but few who, though they know much, can
yet be perfuaded they know any thing worth Commu-
nicating, and becauſe the things are common and well
known to thern, are apt to think them fo to the reft
of Mankind; This Prejudice has done much miſchief
in this particular as well as in many other, and muſt be
firft remov'd. There are others that are confcious e-
nough of their own Knowledge, and yet either for want
of Ability to write well, or of ufe to Compofe, or of
time to Study and Digeft, or out of Modefty and fear
to be in Print, or becauſe they think they know not
enough to make a Volume, or for not being prompted to,
or earnestly folicited for it, neglect to do it; others de-
lay to do it fo long till they have forgotten what they
intended. Such as theſe Importunity would prevail upon
to diſcloſe their knowledge, if fitting Perſons were found
to Diſcourſe and ask them Queſtions, and to Compile the
Anſwers into a Hiftory. Of this kind was lately pro
duc'd in High Dutch a Hiftory of Greenland, by Dr. Foge=
lius of Hamborough, from the Information of Frederick Mar-
tin, who had made ſeveral Voyages to that Place, in the
doing of which, he made ufe of the Inftruction given by
the Royal Society.
'Tis much to be wondred that we ſhould to this Day
want a good Hiftory of moft of our VVeft-Indian Planta-
tions. Ligon has done well for the Barbadoes, and ſome-
what has been done for the Summer Iſlands, Virginia, &c.
But how far are all theſe fhort even of the knowledge of
theſe and other Places of the VVest-Indies, which may be
obtain❜d from divers knowing Planters now Reſiding in
London? And how eafie were it to obtain what is Defe-
tive from fome Ingenious Perfons now Refident upon
the Places, if ſome way were found to gratifie them for
their Performances? However till fuch be found, 'tis to
be hoped that the kind Acceptance only the Publick fhall
give to this preſent Work, may excité feveral other Inge-
nuous, and knowing Men to follow this Generous Exam-
ple of Captain Knox, who though he could bring away
nothing almoſt upon his Back or in his Purfe, did yet
Tranſport the whole Kingdom of Cande Uda in his Head,
and by Writing and Publiſhing this his Knowledge, has
freely given it to his Countrey, and to You Reader in
particular.
'Twas
سا
The PREFACE.
'Twas not. I confefs without the earneſt Solicitations
and Endeavours of my ſelf, and ſome others of his Friends
obtain❜d from him, but this uneaſineſs of parting with it
was not for want of Generofity and Freedom enough in
Communicating whatever he knew or had obferved, but
from that uſual Prejudice of Modefty, and too mean an
Opinion of his own Knowledge and Abilities of doing
any thing fhould be worthy the view of the Publick.
And had he found leifure to Compoſe it, he could have
filled a much greater Volume with uſeful and pertinent,
as well as unuſual and ſtrange Obfervations. He could
have inrich❜t it with a more particular Defcription of many
of their curious Plants, Fruits, Birds, Fiſhes, Infects, Mi-
nerals, Stones; and told you many more of the Medici-
nal and other uſes of them in Trades and Manufa=
ctures. He could have given you a compleat Dictio-
nary of their Language, underſtanding and ſpeaking it
as well as his Mother Tongue. But his Occafions would
not permit him to do more at prefent. Yet the Civil
Uſage this his Firſt-born meets with among his Coun-
treymen, may 'tis hoped oblige him to gratifie them
with further Diſcoveries and Obfervations in his future
Travels.
To conclude, He has in this Hiftory given you a taft
of his Obfervations. In which moft Readers, though of
very differing Gufts, may find ſomewhat very pleaſant
to their Pallat. The Stateſman, Divine, Phyfitian, Law-
yet, Merchant, Mechanick, Husbandman, may ſelect
fomething for their Entertainment. The Philofopher and
Hiftorian much more. I believe at leaft all that love
Truth will be pleas'd; for from that little Converſation
I had with him I conceive him to be no ways prejudiced
or byaffed by Intereſt, affection, or hatred, fear or hopes,
or the vain-glory of telling Strange Things, fo as to make
him fwarve from the truth of Matter of Fact: And for his
opportunity of being informed, any one may ſatisfie him-
felf when he understands his almost 20 years Abode and
Converſe among them. His Skill in the Language and
Cuſtoms of the People, his way of Employment in Tra-
velling and Trading over all Parts of the Kingdom; add
to this his Breeding till 19 years of Age under his Father
a Captain for the Eaft-India Company, and his own Natu-
ral
1
The PREFACE.
•
ral and acquired parts; but above all his good Reputa-
tion, which may be judged from the Employment
That Worshipful Company have now freely beftowed up-
on him, having made him Commander of the Tarquin
Merchant, and intrufted him to undertake a Voyage to
Tarquin.
Read therefore the Book it felf, and you will
find your ſelf taken Captive indeed, but uſed more
kindly by the Author, than he himſelf was by the Na-
tives.
After a general view of the Sea Coafts, he will lead
you into the Country by the Watches, through the Thor
ney Gates, then Conduct you round upon the Mountains
that Encompass and Fortifie the whole Kingdom, and
by the way carry you to the top of Hommalet or
Adam's Peak, from thoſe he will defcend with you, and
fhew you their chief Cities and Towns, and paſs through
them into the Countrey, and there acquaint you with
their Husbandry, then entertain you with the Fruits,
Flowers, Herbs, Roots, Plants and Trees, and by the way
fhelter you from Sun and Rain, with a Fan made of the
Talipat-Leaf. Then fhew you their Beaſts, Birds, Fiſh,
Serpents, Infects; and laft of all, their Commodities.
From hence he will carry you to Court, and fhew you the
King in the ſeveral Eſtates of his Life; and acquaint you
with his way of Governing, Revenues, Treafures, Offi-
cers, Governors, Military Strength,. Wars and by the
way entertain you with an account of the late Rebellion
againſt him. After which he will bring you acquainted
with the Inhabitants themſelves, whence you may know
their different Humours, Ranks and Qualities. Then
you may visit their Temples fuch as they are, and fee
the Foppery of their Priests Religious Opinions and Pra-
tices both in their Worſhip and Feftivals, and afterwards
go home to their Houfes and be acquainted with their
Converſation and Entertainment, ſee their Houſewifery,
Furniture, Finery, and underſtand how they Breed and
Difpofe of their Children in Marriage; and in what Em-
Diſpoſe
ployments and Recreations they paſs their time. Then you
may acquaint your felf with their Language, Learning,
Laws,and if you pleaſe with their Magick & Jugling. And
laft of all with their Diſeaſes, Sickneſs, Death, and man-
ner
}
The PREFACE.
ner of Burial. After which he will give you a full ac-
count of the Reafon of his own Going to, and Detain-
ment in the Iſland of Ceylon, and Kingdom of Conde
Uda. And of all his various Conditions, and the Acci
dents that befel him there during Nineteen years and
an halfs abode among them. And by what ways and
means at laſt he made his Eſcape and Returned fafe into
England in September laſt, 1680.
Aug. 1. 1681.
Robert Hooke.
ΤΟ
}
To the Right Worthipful Sir William Thomfon
Knight, Governor, Thomas Papillon Efquire,
Deputy, and the 24 Committees of the Ho
norable EA S T-INDIA Company hereunder
Specified, Viz.
The Right Honorable George Earl
of Berkley,
The Right Honorable James Lord
Chandois.
Sir Matthew Andrews Knight,
Sir John Bancks Baronet,
Sir Samuel Barnardiston Baronet,
Mr. Christopher Boone,
John Bathurst Efquire,
Sir Fofia Child Baronet,
Mr. Thomas Canham,
Collonel John Clerk,
Sir James Edwards Knight,
Right Worſhipful,
S
Mr. Jofeph Herne,
Richard Hutchinson Efquire,
James Hublon Efquire,
Sir John Lethieullier Knight,
Mr. Nathaniel Petton,
Sir John Moor Knight,
Samuel Moyer Efquire,
Mr. John Morden,
Mr. John Paige,
Edward Rudge Eſquire,
Daniel Sheldon Efquire,
Mr. Jeremy Sambrook,
Robert Thomſon Efquire.
Ince my return home to my Native Countrey of England,
after a long and Difconfolate Captivity, my Friends and
Acquaintance in our Converse together have been Inquifitive
into the State of that Land in which I was Captivated; whofe
Curiofity I indeavour to fatisfie. But my Relations and Accounts
of Things in thofe Parts were fo ftrange and uncouth, and fo
different from thoſe in theſe Weſtern Nations, and withal my
Difcourfes feeming fo Delightful and Acceptable unto them, they
very frequently called upon me to write what I knew of that
Iland of Ceilon, and to digeft it into a Difcourfe, and make
it more Publick; unto which motion I was not much unwilling,
partly that I might comply with the Defires and Councels of my
Friends, and chiefly that I might Publifh and Declare the great
Mercy of God to me, and Commemorate before all Men my fingu-
lar Deliverance out of that Strange and Pagan Land, which as
often as I think of or mention, I cannot but admire and adore
the goodness of God towards me, there being in it fo many no-
table Footsteps of his fignal Providence.
I had then by me feveral Papers, which during my Voyage
homeward from Bantam at leifure times I writ concerning the
King and the Countrey, and concerning the English there, and
(b)
of
The Epiſtle Dedicatory.
of my Escape; which Papers I forthwith fet my ſelf to Perufe
and draw into a Method, and to add what more might occur to
my Thoughts of thofe Matters, which at length I have finished,
contriving what I had to relate under four Heads. The firft con-
cerning the Countrey and Products of it. The fecond concerning
the King and his Government. The third concerning the Inhabi-
tants, and their Religion and Customs, and the last concerning our
Surprize, Detainment and Eſcape; In all which I take leave to
Declare, That I have writ nothing but either what I am affured
of by my own perfonal Knowledge to be true, and wherein I have
born a great and a fad fhare, or what I have received from
the Inhabitants themselves of fuch things as are commonly known
to be true among them. The Book being thus perfected, it re-
quired no long Meditation unto whom to prefent it, it could be
to none but your felves (my Honoured Mafters) by whofe Wisdom
and Success the Eaft-Indian Parts of the World are now near
as well known, as the Countries next adjacent to us.
So that by
your means, not only the Wealth, but the Knowledge of thofe Indies
is brought home to us. Unto your Favour and Patronage there-
fore (Right Worshipful) I humbly prefume to recommend thefe
Papers and the Author of them, who rejoyceth at this opportunity
to acknowledge the Favours you have already conferred on him, and
to profefs that next unto God, on you depend his Future Hopes
and Expectations; being
(
Lond. 18th.
March, 16.
Right Worshipful,
:
Your moſt obliged and moft humble
and devoted Servant to be Commanded,
Robert Knox.
:.
1
The
The CONTENTS.
PART I.
CHAP. I.
A General Deſcription of the Iſland.
T
HE Inland Parts of it hitherto un-
known. The chief Places on the Sea-
Coafts. The Names of the Provinces
and Counties of the Inland Country. Which
are divided from each other by Woods.
The Countrey Hilly, but inriched with
Rivers. The great River Mavelagonga de-
ſcribed. Woody. Where moſt Populous and
Healthful. The nature of the Vallies. The
great Hill, Adams Peak, deſcribed. The
natural Strength of this Kingdom. The dif-
ference of the Seaſons in this Country.
1
What Parts have moſt Rain.
CHAP. II.
Concerning the chief Cities and Towns
of this Ifland.
HE moft Eminent Cities are Five.
Viz. Cande, Nellemby, Alloutneur. The
Country of Bintan defcribed. Badoula.
The Province of Ouvah. Digligy, the place
of the King's Reſidence. Gauluda. Many
ruines of Cities. Anarodgburro. The na-
ture of the Northern Parts. The Port of
Portaloon Affords Salt. Leawava Affords
Salt in abundance, Defcribed. Their Towns
how built. Many ly in ruins and forfaken,
and upon what occafion.
CHAP III.
Of their Corn, with their manner
of Husbandry.
THE Products and Commodities of the
Country. Corn of divers forts. Rice.
Growes in water. Their ingenuity in wa-
tering their Corn-lands. Why they do not
always fow the beſt kind of Rice? They
fow at different times, but reap together.
Their artificial Pooles, Alligators harbor in
them. They fow Corn on the mud. A fort
of Rice that growes without water. The
Seafons of Seed-time and Harveft. A parti-
cular deſcription of their Husbandry. Their
Plow. The convenience of theſe Plowes.
Their First plowing. Their Banks, and uſe
of them. Their Second plowing. How they
prepare their Seed-Corn: And their Land af
ter it is plowed. Their manner of Sowing.
How they manure & order Young Corn. Their
manner of reaping. They tread out their
Corn with Cattel. The Ceremonies they uſe
when the Corn is to be trodden. How they
unbusk their Rice. Other forts of Corn
among them. Coracan, Tanna, Moung,Omb.
CHAP. IV.
Of their Fruits and Trees.
Great Variety of Fruits and delicious. The
beſt Fruits where ever they grow re-
ferved for the Kings ufe. Betel-Nuts, The
Trees, The Fruit, The Leaves, The Skins,
and their uſe. The Wood. The Profit the
Fruit yields. Jacks, another choyce Fruit.
Jombo another. Other Fruits found in the
Woods. Fruits common with other Parts
of India. The Tallipot; the rare ufe of the
Leaf. The Pith good to eat. The Kettule.
Yields a delicious juice. The Skin bears
ſtrings as ſtrong as Wyer. The Wood; its
Nature and Ufe. The Cinnamon Tree. The
Bark, The Wood, The Leaf, The Fruit.
The Orula. The Fruit good for Phyfic and
Dying. Water made of it will brighten ruſty
Iron, and ferve inftead of Ink. The Doune-
kaia. The Capita. Rattans. Their Fruit.
Canes. The Betel tree. The Bo-gaubah or
God-Tree.
CHAP. V.
Of their Roots, Plants, Herbs,
Flowers.
Roots for Food, The manner of their
growing. Boyling Herbs, Fruits for
Sawce. European Herbs and Plants among
them. Herbs for Medicine. Their Flowers.
A Flower that ferves inſtead of a Dyal, cal-
led Sindric-mal; Picha-mals, Hop-mals.
CHAP
The Contents.
}
'
CHAP. VI.
Of their Beafts Tame and VVild.
Infects.
W
Hat Beafts the Country produceth.
Deer no bigger than Hares. Other
Creatures rare in their kind. The way how
a wild Deer was catched for the King. Of
their Elephants. The way of catching Ele-
phants. Their understanding. Their Nature.
The dammage they do. Serve the King for
executing his Malefactors. Their Diſeaſe.
The Sport they make. Ants of divers forts.
How one fort of them, called Coddias, came
to fting fo terribly. Thefe Ants very mif-
chievous. The curious Buildings of the
Vaeos, another kind of them. The manner
of their death. Bees of feveral kinds. Some
build on Trees like Birds. The people cat
the Bees, as well as their Honey. Leaches,
that ly in the grafs, and creep on Travaylers
Legs. The Remedies they uſe againſt them.
Apes and Monkeys of divers kinds. How
they catch Wild Beafts. How they take the
Wild Boar.
CHAP. VII.
Of their Birds, Fish, Serpents, and
Commodities.
Their Birds. Such as will be taught to
fpeak. Such as are beautiful for Colour.
A ſtrange Bird. Water-Fowls refembling
Ducks and Swans. Peacocks. The King keeps
Fowl. Their Fish, How they catch them in
Ponds, And how in Rivers. Fifh kept and
fed for the King's Pleafure. Serpents. The
Pimberah of a prodigious bignefs. The Po-
longa. The Noya. The Fable of the Noya
and Polonga. The Carowala. Gerendo
Hickanella. Democulo, a great Spider. Kob-
bera-gufon, a Creature like an Aligator. Tol-
la-guion. The people eat Rats. Precoius
Stones, Minerals, and other Commodities.
The People difcouraged from Induſtry by
the Tyranny they are under.
PART II.
CHAP. I.
Of the prefent King of Cande.
HE Government of this Iland. The
King's Lineage. His Perfon, Meen and
Habit. His Queen and Children. His
Palace, Situation and Defcription of it:
Strong Guards about his Court. Negro's
Watch next his Perfon. Spies fent out a
Nights. His Attendants. Handfome Wo-
men belong to his Kitchin. His Women.
And the Privileges of the Towns, where
they live. His State, when he walks in his
Palace, or goes abroad. His reception of
Ambaffadors. His delight in them.
CHAP. II
Concerning the Kings Manners,Vices,
Recreation, Religion.
S
Pare in his Diet. After what manner he
eats. Chast himſelf, and requires his
Attendants to be fo. He committed
Incest, but fuch as was allowable. His
Pride. How the People addrefs to the King.
They give him Divine Worship. Pleaſed with
high Titles. An inftance or two of the
King's haughty Stomach. He flights the de-
fection of one of his beft Generals. He fcorns
to receive his own Revenues. The Dutch
ferve their ends upon his Pride by flattering
him. The People give the way to the Kings
foul Cloths. His natural Abilities, and de-
ceitful temper. His wife faying concerning
Run-awayes. He is naturally Cruel. The
Dogs follow Prifoners to Execution. The
Kings Prifoners; their Mifery. He punish-
eth whole Generations for the fake of one.
The fad condition of young Gentlemen that
wait on his Perfon. His Pleaſure-houſes.
Pastimes abroad. His Diverfions at home.
His Religion. He ftands affected to the
Chriftian Religion.
CHAP. III.
Of the King's Tyrannical Reign.
HIS Government Tyrannical. His Policy.
He farms out his Countrey for Service.
His Policy to fecure himſelf againſt Affaffi-
nations and Rebellions. Another Point of his
Policy
The Contents.
Policy. Another which is to find his People
work to do. A Vaft work undertaken and
finiſhed by the King, viz. Bringing Water
divers Miles thro Rocks, Mountains and
Valleys unto his Palace. The turning this
Water did great injury to the People. But
he little regards his Peoples Good. By craft
at once both pleafeth and punisheth his Peo-
ple. In what Labours he employs his Peo-
ple. He Poifons his only Son. The ex-
traordinary Lamentation at the Death of
his Sifter. His Craft and Cruelty fhewn
at once.
CHAP. IV.
Of his Revenues and Treafure.
The King's Rents brought three times in
a year. The firſt is accompanied with
a great Festival. How the Nobles bring
their Gifts, or Duties. Inferior Perfons
prefent their New-years Gifts. What Taxes
and Rents the People pay. The accidental
incoms of the Crown. The Profits that ac-
crue to the King from Corn-Lands. Custom
of Goods Imported formerly paid. His
Treafuries. He has many Elephants. Great
Treafures thrown into the River formerly.
The Treaſure he moſt valueth.
CHAP. V.
Of the King's great Officers, and
the Governors of the Provinces.
TH
He two Greatest Officers in the Land.
The next Great Officers. None can put
to Death but the King. Thefo Diffanvas
are Durante bene placito. Whom the King
makes Diffauvas. And their Profits and
Honours. Other benefits belonging to
other Officers. They muſt always refide at
Court. The Officers under them, viz. The
Cour-lividani. The Cong-conna. The Courli-
atchila. The Liannah. The Undia. The
Monannah. Sonie Towns exempt from the
Diffauvas Officers. Other Officers yet.
Thefe Places obtained by Bribes. But re-
main only during pleaſure. Country Courts.
They may appeal. Appeals to the King.
How the Great Officers Travel upon Public
Bufinefs. Their Titles and figns of State.
The mifery that fucceeds their Honour.
The foolish ambition of the Men and Women
of this Country.
CHAP. VI.
Of the King's Strength and wars.
THe King's Military affairs. The natural
Strength of his Countrey. Watches and
Thorn-gates. None to pafs from the King's
City without Pafports. His Soldiery. All
men of Arms wait at Court. The Soldiers
have Lands allotted them inited of Pay. To
prevent the Soldiers from Plotting. The
manner of fending them out on Expeditions.
Requires all the Captains fingly to fund him
intelligence of their affairs. When the War
is finiſhed they may not return without or-
der. The condition of the Common Soldiers.
He conceals his purpoſe when he finds out
his Army, Great Exploits done, and but lit-
tle Courage. They work chi fly by Strata-
gems. They underſtand the manner of
Chriftian Armies. Seldom hazard a Battel.
If they prove unfuccefsful, how he puniſhes
them.
CHAP. VII.
A Relation of the Rebellion made
against the King.
A Comet ulhereth in the Rebellion. The
Intent of the Confpirators. How the
Rebellion began. The King flyes. They
purſue him faintly. They go to the Prince
and Proclaim him King. The carriage of
the Prince. Upon the Prince's flight, the
Rebels fcatter and run. A great Man declares
for the King. For the ſpace of eight or ten
days nothing but Killing one another to
approve thenf.lves good Subjects. The King
Poyfons his Son to prevent a Rebellion hereaf-
ter. His ingratitude. Another Comet, but
without any bad Effects following it.
PART III.
CHAP. I.
Concerning the Inhabitants of this
Iland.
"He feveral Inhabitants of the Iſland. The
Original of the Chingulays. Wild Men.
Who pay an acknowledgement to the King.
How they befpeak Arrows to be made them.
They rob the Carriers. Hourly wild_Men
Trade with the People. Once made to
(c)
Serve
The Contents.
ferve the King in his War. Their Habit
and Religion. A skirmish about their Bounds.
Curious in their Arrows. How they pre-
Serve their Flefh. How they take Elephants.
The Dowries they give. Their difpofition.
The Inhabitants of the Mountains differ from
thofe of the Low-Lands. Their good opi-
nion of Virtue, tho they practice it not.
Superftitions. How they Travel. A brief
character of them. The Women, their ka-
bit and nature.
CHAP. II.
Concerning their different Honours,
Ranks, and Qualities.
How they distinguish themfelves accord-
pofed, thefe Prieſts fent for in
great Cere
mony. None ever ufed violence towards
them before this prefent King. The fecond
Order of Priefts. The third Order. How
they dedicate a Red Cock to the Devil, Their
Oracle.
CHAP. IV.
Concerning their Worship and
TH
Festivals.
'HE chief dayes of Worſhip. How they
know what God or Devil hath made
them fick. The Gods of their Fortunes, viz.
the Planets. What Worſhip they give De-
vils. Who eat the Sacrifices. Their Gods
are local. The Subjection of this People to
the Devil. Sometimes the Devil poffeffeth
them. The Devils voice often heard. Their
Sacrifice to the chief Devil. Their Feſtivals.
Festivals to the honour of the Gods that
govern this World. The Great Festival in
Fune,with the manner of the Solemnity. The
Feast in November. The Festival in honour
of the God of the Soul. The high honour
they have for this God.
ing to their Qualities. They never
Marry beneath their rank. In cafe a Man
yes with a Woman of inferior rank. Their
Noble men. How diftinguished from others.
The diſtinction by Caps. Of the Hondrews
or Noble men two forts. An Honour like
unto Knighthood. Goldsmiths, Blackſmiths,
Carpenters, and Painters. The Privilege and
State of the Smiths. Craftfnien. Barbers.
Potters. Washers. Faggory-makers. The
Poddah, Weavors. Basket-makers.
makers. The lower ranks may not affume
the habit or names of the higher. Slaves.
Beggers. The reafon the Beggers became fo
bafe and mean a People. They live well.
Their Contest with the Weavors about dead
Coms. Incest common among them. A PAS
nishment, to deliver Noble women to theſe
Beggers. Some of thefe Beggars keep Cattel
and fhoot Deer. Refufe Meat dreſſed in a
Barbar's houfe; and why.
CHAP. III
Mat-
Of their Religion, Gods, Temples,
Priests.
THeir Religion is Idolatry. They wor-
fhip Gods and Devils. And the God,
that faves Souls. The Sun and Moon they
feem to repute Deities. Some of their Tem-
ples of exquifite work. The form of their
Temples. The shape of their Idols. They
worship not the Idol, but whom it repre-
fents. The Revennes of the Temples, and
the Honours thereof. They are dedicated
to Gods. Private Chappels. The Priests. The
first Order of them. The habit of theſe
Priefts. Their Privileges. What they are
Prohibited. When any are religiouſly dif-
CHAP. V.
Concerning their Religious Doctrines,
Opinions and Practices.
to their Religion they are very indiffe-
rent. If their Gods anfwer not their
Defires, they curse them. They undervalue
and revile their Gods. A Fellow gives out
himſelf for a Prophet. His Succefs. The
King fends for one of his Priefts. Flyes to
Columbo. Pretends himſelf to be a former
Kings Son. Flyes from the Dutch. The
King catches and quarters him. The Peo-
ples high opinion ſtill of this new God. Their
Doctrines and Opinion. The higheſt points
of their Devotion. Their Charity. The
Privilege of the Moorish Beggars. Refpect
Chriftians, and why.
CHAP. VI.
Concerning their Houfes, Diet, Houſe
wifery, Salutation, Apparel.
THeir Houfes mean. No Chimneys. The
Houſes of the better fort. Their Furni-
ture. How they eat. How the great Men
eat. Difcouraged from nourishing Cattel.
Cleanly
The Contents.
Cleanly in dreffing their meat. Their man-
ner of drinking and eating. Their manner
of washing before and after meals. None
muft fpeak while the Rice is put into the
Pot. Sawce made of Lemmon juice. Their
Sweet meats. A kind of Puddings. The Wo-
mens Houſewifry. How they entertain Stran-
gers, And Kindred. When they Yifit. Their
manner of Salutation. The Nobles in their
best Apparel. The faſhion of their hair. The
Women dreſſed in their Bravery. How they
drefs their heads. They commonly borrow
their fine Cloths.
CHAP. VII.
Of their Lodging, Bedding, Whore-
dome, Marriages, Children.
THeir Bed, and how they fleep a Nights.
·
They rife often in the Night. Children
taught to ſing at going to bed. Young People
ly at one anothers Houfes. Nothing fo
common as Whoredome. They are guilty of
the thing, but love not the Name. The man
may kill whom he finds in bed with his Wife.
The Womens craft to compafs and conceal
their Debauchery. They do treat their Friends
with the uſe of their Wives or Daughters.
The Mother for a fmall reward prostitutes
her Daughter. Marriages. No Wooing. The
Bridegroom goes to the Brides houfe. How
the Bridegroom carries home his Bride. A
Ceremony of Marriage. Man and Wife may
Tricks and Feats of Ativity. At leifure
times they meet and difcourfe of Newes.
Drunkenneſs abhorred. Their eating Betel-
Leaves. How they make Lime.
CHAP. IX.
Of their Lawes and Language.
THeir Lawes, Lands defcend. In cafe
Corn receives dammage by a Neigh-
bours Cattel. The lofs of letting out Land
to Till. The great Confideration for Corn
borrowed. A Debt becomes double in two
years. If the Debtor pay not his Debt, he is
Iyable to be a Slave for it. Divers other
Lawes and Customes. For deciding Contro-
verfies. Swearing in the Temples. The man-
ner of fwearing in hot Oyl. How they exact.
Fines. Of their Language. Titles given to
Women according to their qualities. Titles
given to Men. No difference between a
Country-man and a Courtier for Language.
Their Speech and manner of Address is court-
ly and becoming. Their Language in their
Addreſs to the King. Words of form and Ci-
vility. Full of Words and Complement. By
whom they fwear. Their way of railing and
fcurrility. Proverbs. Something of their
Grammar. A Specimen of their Words.
Their Numbering.
CHAP. X.
part at pleaſure. Men and Women change Concerning their Learning, Aftronomiy
till they can pleaſe themſelves. Women
fometimes have two Husbands. Women un-
clean. Privileges of Men above Women.
Privileges of Women. They often deſtroy
New-born Infants, But feldom a First-born.
Their Names. They are ambitions of high
Titles:
CHAP. VIII.
Of their Employments and Re-
creations.
THeir Trade. Work not difcreditable to
the beſt Gentleman. How they geld their
Cattle. How they make Glew. Their Manu-
factures. How they make Iron. How they
make Butter. Shops in the City. Prices of
Commodities. Of their Meaſures. Their
Weights. Meafures bigger than the Statute
puniſhable; but lefs, not: And why. Of
their Coin: Of their Play. A Play or a Sa-
crifice: For the filthiness of it forbid by the
King. A cunning Stratagem of an Officer.
and Art Magick.
OF their Learning. Their Books and Arts.
How they learn to write. How they
make and write a Book The Priefts write
Books of Bonna. The Kings Warrants how
wrapped up. They write upon two ſorts of
Leaves. Their Skill in Astronomy. Their
Almanacks. They pretend to know future
things by the Stars. Their Era. Their
Years, Months, Weeks, Days, Hours. How
they meaſure their Time. Their Magic. The
Plenty of a Country deſtroyed by Magic.
Their Charm to find out a Thief. The way
to diffolve this Charm. Infcriptions upon
Rocks.
CHAP. XI.
Of their Sickness, Death and Burial.
THE Difeafes this Countrey is fubject
to. Every one a Phyfitian to himſelf.
To Purge: To Vemit. To heal Sores. To
heal
The Contents.
heal an Impostume. For an hurt in the Eye.
To cure the Itch. The Caudle for Lying-in
Women. Goraca, a Fruit. Excellent at the
Cure of Payfon. They cafily heal the biting
of Serpents by Herbs, And Charms. But not
good at healing inward Distempers. They
both bury and burn their Dead. They fend
for a Prieft to pray for the Soul of the De-
parted. How they mourn for the Dead. The
nature of the Women. How they bury.How
they burn. How they bury thofe that dy of
the Small Pox.
PART IV.
CHAP. I.
Of the reason of our going to Cey-
lon, and Detainment there.
THE fubject of this Fourth Part. The
occafion of their coming to Ceylon. They
were not jealous of the People being very
Courteous. A Meffage pretended to the Cap-
tain from the King. The beginning of their
Sufpition. The Captain ſeized and feven
more. The Long boat men feized. The
General's craft to get the Ship as well as the
Men. The Captains Order to them on
board the Ship. The Captains fecond Mef-
fage to his Ship. The Ships Company refufe
to bring up the Ship. The Captain orders
the Ship to depart. The Lading of Cloath
remained untouched. The probable reafon
of our Surprize. The number of thofe that
were left on the Island. The Diffauva
departs.
CHAP. II.
How we were carried up in the Coun=
try, and difpofed of there, and of
the Sickness, Sorrow and Death.
of the Captain.
THey intend to attempt an Eſcape, but are
prevented. Thcir Condition commife-
rated by the People. They are diſtributed
into divers Towns. An Order comes from
the King to bring them up into the Coun-
try. How they were treated on the way in
the Woods. And in the Towns among the In-
habitants. They are brought near Cande,
and there feparated. The Captain and his
Son and two more quartered together.
Parted How they fared: The Captain
and his Son placed in Coos-fwát. Monies
ſcarce with them. But they had good Pro-
vifions without it. The Town where they
were fickly How they paffed their time.
Both fall Sick. Deep grief feizes the Cap-
tain. Their Sickness continues. Their Boys
Lifobedience adds to their trouble. His
exceffive Sorrow. His Difcourfe and Charge
to his Son before his Death. His Death, and
Burial. The Place where he lies. Upon the
Captain's Death a Meflage fent from Court
to his Son.
CHAP. III.
How I lived after my Father's Death.
And of the Condition of the rest of
the English and how it fared
with them. And of our Inter-
view.
His chief Imployment is Reading: Hc loofeth
his Ague: How he met with an Engliſh
Bible in that Country: Struck into a great
Paffion at the firſt fight of the Book: He
caits with himſelf how to get it: Where
the reft of the English were beftowed: Kept
from one another a good while, but after
permitted to fee each other: No manner of
Work laid upon them: They begin to pluck
up their hearts: What courfe they took for
Cloths: Their Fare: What Employment they
afterwards followed: How the English do-
mineered What Satisfaction one of them
received from a Potter. A fcuffle between
the English and Natives. The Author after a
year fees his Countreymen. Their Conference
and Entertainment. He confults with his
Countreymen concerning a future livelihood.
The difficulty he met with in having his
Rice brought him undreffed. He reafons
with the People about his Allowance. Builds
him an Houfe. Follows Bufinefs and thrives.
Some attempted running away, and were
catched. Little encouragement for thoſe
that bring back Run-awayes..
CHAP. IV.
Concerning fome other Engliſhmen de-
tained in that Countrey.
THe Perfia Merchant-men Captives before
them. Plundred by the Natives. Brought
up to the King. They hoped to have their
liberty, but were miſtaken. A ridiculous a-
Etion of thefe Men. They had a mind to
Beef, and how they got it. A paffage of
their
1
?
The Contents.
their Courage. Two of this Company taken
into Court. The One out of favour. His
End. The other out of Favour. And his
Lamentable Death.. The King fends fpecial
Order concerning their good Ufage. Mr.
Vaffal's prudence upon his Receit of Letters.
The King bids him read his Letters. The
King pleaſed to hear of Englands Victory
over Holland. Private difcourfe between
the King and Vaffal.
CHAP. V.
Concerning the means that were uſed
for our Deliverance. And what
happened to us in the Rebellion.
And how we were fetled after-
wards.
Means made to the King for their Liberty,
Upon which they all meet at the City.
Word fent them from the Court, that they
had their Liberty. All ingeneral refuſe the
Kings Service. Commanded ftill to wait
at the Palace. During which a Rebellion
breaks out. They are in the midſt of it, and
in great danger. The Rebels take the Eng-
lish with them, defigning to engage them on
their fide: But they refolve neither to med-
dle nor make. The day being turned, they
fear the King, but he juftifies them. They
are driven to beg in the High-wayes. Sent
into New Quarters, and their Penfions fet-
tled again. Fall to Trading and have more
freedom than before.
CHAP. VI.
"
A Continuation of the Author's parti
cular Condition after the Re=
bellion.
AT his new Quarters builds him another
Houfe. The People counſel him to
Marry, which he feems to liften to. Here
he lived two years. A Eort built near him
by the Dutch, but afterwards taken by the
King. He and three more removed out of
that Countrey and fettled in a diſmal place.
A Comfortable Meffage brought hither from
the King concerning them. Placed there
to punish the People for a Crime. Weary of
this Place, By a piece of craft he gets down
to his old Quarters. Began the world anew
the third time. Plots to remove himſelf.
Is encouraged to buy a piece of Land. The
Situation and condition of it. Buys it. Builds
an Houſe on it. Leaves Laggendenny. Set-
tled at his new Purchaſe with three more
living with him. Their freedom and Trade.
His Family reduced to two.
CHAP. VII.
A Return to the rest of the Engliſh,
with some further accounts of them,
And fome further Difcourfe of the
Authors courfe of Life.
THey confer together about the lawful-
nefs of marrying with the Native women.
He refolves upon a fingle life. What Employ-
ments they follow. The refpect and credit
they live in. A Chingulay puniſhed for beat-
ing an Engliſh man. An English man prefer-
red at Court. Some English farve the King
in his Wars. Who now live miferably. He
returns to ſpeak of himſelf. Plots and con-
fults about an Eſcape. A defcription of his
Houfe. He takes up a new Trade and thrives
on it. His Allowance paid him out of the
Kings Store-Houſes.
CHAP. VIII.
How the Author had like to have been
received into the Kings Service,
and what Means he used to avoid
it. He meditates and attempts an
Eſcape,but is often prevented.
H
E voluntarily forgoes his Penfion. Sum-
moned before the King. Infornied that
he is to be preferred at Court: But is
refolved to refufe it. The anſwer he makes
to the Great Man: Who fends him to an-
other Great Officer: Stayes in that City ex- .
pecting his Doom. Goes home, but is fent
for again. Having efcaped the Court-Ser-
vice, falls to his former courfe of life: His
Pedling forwarded his Efcape. The moſt
probable courſe to take was Northwards. He
and his Companion get three days Journey
Northwards; But return back again: Often
attempt to fly this way, but ftill hindred.
In thofe Parts is bad water, but they had
an Antidote against it. They ftill improve
in the knowledg of the Way. He meets
with his Black Boy in thefe Parts; Who
was to guide him to the Dutch: But dif-
appointed. An extraordinary drought for
three or four years together.
(d)
CHAP.
The Contents.
CHAP. IX.
How the Author began his Eſcape,
and got onward on his about
an hundred miles.
way
Heir Last and Successful attempt. The
THeir
Way they went. They defign for Ana-
rodgburro: Turn out of the way to avoyd
the King's Officers: Forced to paſs thro a
Governours Yard. The Method they uſed to
prevent his Sufpition of them. Their danger
by reaſon of the Wayes they were to paſs.
They ſtill remain at the Governors to pre-
vent fufpition. An Accident that now crea-
ted them great fear: But got fairly rid of
it. Get away plaufibly from the Governor.
In their way, they meet with a River, which
they found for their purpofe. They come
fafely to Anarodgburro: This Place defcri-
bed.
The People ſtand amazed at them.
They are examined by the Governor of the
Place. Provide things neceffary for their
Flight. They find it not fafe to proceed fur-
ther this way. Refolve to go back to the Ri-
ver they lately paſſed.
CHAP. X.
The Authors Progrefs in his Flight
from Anarodgburro into the
Woods, unto their arrival in the
Malabars Country.
They depart back again towards the River,
but firſt take their leave of the Gover-
nor here. They begin their Flight; Come
to the River along which they refolve to go;
Which they Travel along by till it grew
dark. Now they fit themſelves for their
Journey. Meeting with an Elephant they
took up for the fecond Night. The next
morning they fall in among Towns before
they are aware. The fright they are in
left they ſhould be feen. Hide themfelves
in a hollow Tree. They get fafely over this
danger. In that Evening they Dreſs Meat
and lay them down to fleep. The next
morning they fear wild Men, which theſe
Woods abound with. And they meet with
many of their Tents. Very near once fall-
ing upon theſe People. What kind of Tra-
velling they had. Some account of this
River. Rains. The Woods hereabouts.
How they ſecured themfelves anights a-
gainſt wild Beafts. They pafs the River,
that divides the King's Countrey from the
Malabars. After four or five days Travel,
they come among Inhabitants. But do what
they can to avoid them. As yet undif
covered.
CHAP. XI.
Being in the Malabar Territories
how they encountred two Men, and
what paffed between them. And
of their getting fafe unto the
Dutch Fort. And their Reception
there; and at the Island Ma-
naar, until their Embarking for
Columbo.
THey meet with two Malabars. To whom
they relate their Condition. Who are
courteous to them. But loath to Conduct
them to the Hollander. In danger of Ele-
phants. They overtake another Man, who
tells them they were in the Dutch Domini-
ons. They arrive at Arrepa Fort. The
Author Travelled a Nights in theſe Woods
without fear,and flept fecurely. Entertained
very kindly by the Dutch. Sent to Manaar,
Received there by the Captain of the Castle,
Who intended they fhould Sail the next
day to Jafnipatan to the Governor. They
meet here with a Scotch and Irish Man. The
People Flock to fee them. They are or-
dered a longer ſtay. They Embark for
Columbo.
CHAP XII.
Their Arrival at Columbo; and
Entertainment there. Their De-
parture thence to Batavia. And
from thence to Bantam; Whence
they fet Sail for England.
THey are wondered at at Columbo;ordered
to appear before the Governor. Treat-
ed by English there. They come into the
Governor's prefence. His State. Matters
the Governor enquired of: Who defires him
to go with him to Batavia. Cloths them,
And fends them Money, and a Chirurgen.
The Author writes a Letter hence to the
English he left behind him. The former
Demands and Answers penned down in Por
tugneze by the Governor's Order. They Em-
bark
The Contents.
bark for Batavia. Their friendly Reception
by the Governor there; Who furniſhes them
with Cloths and Money; And offers them
paffage in their Ships home. Come home
from Bantam in the Cafar.
CHAP. XIII.
The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Pre-
fent. The number of Dutch therc. They
follow their Vice of Drinking. The Chingu
lays prejudiced againſt the Dutch,and why.
CHAP. XIV.
Concerning fome other Nations, and Concerning the French. With fome
chiefly Europeans, that now live
in this land; Portugueze,
Dutch.
M
Alabars that Inhabit here. Their Ter-
ritories. Their Prince. That People
how governed. Their Commodities and
Trade. Portugueze: Their Power and In-
tereft in this Ifland formerly. The great
Wars between the King and them forced
him to fend in for the Hollander. The King
invites the Portugueze to live in his Coun-
trey. Their Privileges. Their Generals.
Conftantine Sa. Who loſes a Victory and
Stabs himſelf. Lewis Tiffera ferved as he
intended to ſerve the King. Simon Careé, of
a cruel Mind. Gafpar Figazi. Splits Men
in the middle. His Policy. Gives the King
a great Overthrow, lofeth Columbo, and
→ taken Priſoner. The Dutch. The occafion
of their coming in. The King their im-
placable Enemy, and why. The Damage the
King does them. The means they uſe to
obtain Peace with him. How he took Bib-
ligom Fort from them. Several of their Em-
baſſadors detained by the King. The first
Embaſſador there detained fince the Author's
Remembrance. His Preferment, and Death.
The next Ambaſſador dying there, his Body
is fent down to Columbo in great State. The
third Ambaſſador. Gets away by his Refolu-
tion. The fourth was of a milder Nature.
Enquiries what should make the
King detain white men, as he does.
And how the Chriftian Religon is
maintained among the Chriftians
there.
The French come hither with a Flees.
To whom the King ſends Provifions,
and helps them to build a Fort. The French
Ambaffador offends the King. He refuſeth
to wait longer for Audience. Which more
difpleaſeth him. Clapt in Chains. The
reft of the French refufe to dwell with the
Ambaffador. The King ufeth means to re-
concile them to their Ambaffador. The An-
thor acquaints the French Ambassador in
London, with the Condition of theſe men.
An Inquiry into the reafon of this King's
detaining Europeans. The Kings gentle-
nefs towards his White Soldiers. They
watch at his Magazine. How craftily the
King corrected their negligence, The
Kings inclinations are towards White men.
The Colour of White honoured in this
Land. Their privilege above the Natives.
The King loves to fend for and talk with
them. How they maintain Chriftianity a
mong them. In fome things they comply
with the worſhip of the Heather. An old
Roman Catholick Priest uſed to eat of their
Sacrifices, The King permitted the Porta-
gueze to build a Church.
}
ERRA-
ERRATA.
Befides divers Mifpointings, and other Literal Miſtakes of faller moment,
theſe are to be amended.
Para,
L
31.
Age 1. Line 16. after Parts, ftrike out the comma, p. 3. 1. 25. for Oudi pallet read Oudi pollat, P. 7.
after they dele that, P. 12. 1. 43. for Ponudecarfo read Ponudecars, P. 13. after rowling dele it, p. 22. 1.38.
for Out-yards read Ortyards, p. 25. 1.6. for tarrish read tartish, p. 27. 1. 10. for fometimes read fome, p. 29.
1. 33. for Rodgerati read Rodgerah, p. 33. 1. 15, 25, 29. for Radga in thofe three lines,read Raja, P. 35. 1. 12.
for a read at, Ibid. 1. 51. for being none read none being, p. 39. l. 1. dele 4, p. 47. 1. 36. for Ourpungi read Oul-
pangi, Ibid. 1. 43. for Dackini read Dackim, p. 50. 16. for Raterauts read Roter auls, Ibid. 1. 17. after thefe read
are, Ibid. 1. 24. after them read to, P. 51. 1. 2. after them a Semicolon, Ibid. Marg. 1. 3. for others read thefe,
Ibid. 1. 18. for their read theirs, Ibid. 1. 19. dele and, Ibid. 1. 49. for Courti-Atchila read Courliyatchila, p.58.
1. 30. after were read or were,p.62. Marg. 1. 1. for By read Pay, Ibid., 18., after shopting add him Ibid. Marg. 1.14.
for one read once, p. 69. 1. 28. after Lace dele the Comma, Ibid. 1. 30. for Kirinerahs read Kinnerabs, p. 71.1.3.
after places add and, p. 73. 14. dele they fay, Ibid. 1. 42. for mard read reward, p. 74. 1. 5.. dele he Semi-
colon after Vehar, and place it after alfa, Ibid. L. 27. for hands read beads, p. 76. 1. 23. for God read Gods,
Ibid. 1. 36. after know a Period, p. 89.1. 3. for him read them, p. 87. . 27. after Hens a Semicolon, p. 88.1.35.
for stream read steam, p. 89. 1. 7. for a read the, p.101. 1. 28. for Husband read Husbandman, p. 102. 1 23.after
confiderable a Comma, p. 103. Marg. l. 4. for benefit read manner, p. 105. 1. 26. for ſo read To, p. 109. l. 1. read
Henwoy com-coraund, Ta fight, as much as to fay, To act the Soldier, p. 110. 1. 29. after go add their Journey,
P. III. L. 9. for Friday read Iridah, P. 112. 1. 52. after temple add in, p. 118.1. 41. after and add his, p.128.
1.51. dele no, p. 132. 1. 38. dele the Comma after Holstein, P.134. I. 47. For crock read crook, P. 138. 1. 37.
for ny read any, Ibid. 1. 47. after they read had, p. 148. 1.52. for go read got, p. 151. 1. 6. for here read bau,
P. 154. 1. 27. for favors read feavors, p.155.1.4. dele the firft [it] Ibid. 1. 18. for he read we, p. 161. 1. 43
for Diabac read Diabat. p. 168. 1. 4. after before add us, Ibid. 1. 7. after comparing add it, p. 176. 1. 22.
the read great, P. 179. 1. 21. for be read beg, Ibid. 1. 34. dele what they keep'; And instead of Cande uda thro-
out the Book,read Conde uda.
•
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ΑΝ
Hiſtorical Relation
OF
ZEILON,
(Aliàs Ceylon,)
AN
Iſland in the EAST-INDIES.
אע
PART I.
CHAP. I.
A general Deſcription of the Iſland.
t
Chap. I.
Ow this Iſland lyes with reſpect unto the Neighbour-
ing Countries, I fhall not ſpeak at all, that being to
be ſeen in our ordinary Sea-Cards, which defcribe
thoſe Parts; and but little concerning the Maritime
parts of it, now under the Jurifdiction of the Dutch:
my deſign being to relate fuch things onely that
are new and unknown unto theſe European Nations.
It is the Inland Countrey therefore I chiefly intend to write of, which
is yet an hidden Land even to the Dutch themſelves that inha-
bit
upon the Ifland. For I have feen among them a fair large Map of
this Place, the beſt I believe extant, yet very faulty: the ordinary
Maps in ufe among us are much more fo. I have procured a new one
to be drawn, with as much truth and exactnefs as I could, and his
Judgment will not be deemed altogether inconfiderable, who had for
Twenty Years Travelled about the Iland, and knew almoſt every ſtep
of thofe Parts, eſpecially, that moft want defcribing.
I begin with the Sea-Coafts. Of all which the Hollander is Mafter.
On the North end the chief places are Jafnipatan, and the Iland of Ma-
Kaur: On the Eaft fide Trenkimalay, and Batticalow. To the South
is the City of Point de Galle. On the Weft the City of Columbo, ſo
called from a Tree the Natives call Ambo, (which bears the Mango-fruit)
growing in that place; but this never bare fruit, but onely leaves,
which in their Language is Cola, and thence they called the Tree Cola-
B
ambo:
2
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part. I. ambo: which the Chriftians in honour of Columbus turned to Columbo.
It is the chief City on the Sea-coafts, where the chief Governour hath
his refidence. On this fide alfo is Negumba, and Colpentine. All theſe
already mentioned are ſtrong fortified places: There are befides many
other fmaller Forts and Fortifications. All which, with confiderable
Territories, to wit, all round bordering upon the Sea-coaſts, belong to
the Dutch Nation.
A general di-
vifion of the
Inland Coun-
trey.
Each County
I proceed to the Inland-Country, being that that is now under the
King of Cande. It is convenient that we first understand, that this
land is divided into greater or leſs fhares or parts. The greater divi-
fions give me leave to call Provircés, and the lefs Counties, as refem-
bling ours in England, tho not altogether fo big. On the North parts
lyes the Province of Nourecalava, confiſting of five leffer Diviſions or
Counties; the Province alfo of Hotcourly (fignifying feven Counties:)
it contains feven Counties. On the Eastward is Mautaly, containing
three Counties. There are alfo lying on that fide Tammanquod, Bin-
tana, Vellas, Paunoa, theſe are fingle Counties. Ouvah alfo containing
three Counties. In this Province are Two and thirty of the Kings
Captains dwelling with their Soldiers. In the Midland within thofe
already mentioned lye Wallaponahoy (it fignifies Fifty holes or vales
which defcribe the nature of it, being nothing but Hills and Valleys,)
Poncipot, (fignifying five hundred Souldiers.)Goddaponahoy,(fignifying
fifty pieces of dry Land;) Hevoihattay (fignifying fixty Souldiers,)
Cote-mul, Horfepot (four hundred Souldiers.) Tunponaboy (three fifties.)
Oudanour (it fignifies the Upper City,)where I lived laft and had Land.
Tattancur (the Lower City) in which ftandsthe Royal and chief City,
Cande. These two Counties I last named, have the pre-eminence of
all the reſt in the Land. They are moft populous, and fruitful. The
Inhabitants thereof are the chief and principal men: infomuch that it
is a ufual faying among them, that if they want a King, they may
take any man, of either of these two Counties, from the Plow, and wash
the dirt off him, and he by reason of his quality and defcent is fit to be a
King. And they have this peculiar Priviledge, That none may be
their Governour, but one born in their own Country. Thefe ly to the
Weftward that follow, Oudipollat, Dolusbaug, Hotteracourly, contain-
ing four Counties; Portaloon, Tuncourly, containing three Counties;
Cuttiar. Which laft, together with Batticalaw, and a part of Tuncourly,
the Hollander took from the King during my being there. There are
about ten or twelve more un-named, next bordering on the Coaſts,
which are under the Hollander. All theſe Provinces and Counties,
excepting fix, Tammanquod, Vellas, Paunoa, Hotter acourly, Hotcourly,
and Neurecalava, ly upon Hills fruitful and dwell watered: and there-
fore they are called in one word Conde Uda, which fignifies, On top
of the Hills, and the King is ftyled, the King of Conde Vda.
All theſe Counties are divided each from other by great Woods.
di-ided by Which none may fell, being preferved for Fortifications. In moſt of
them there are Watches kept conftantly, but in troubleſome times in
all.
Woods.
The Country
Hilly, but en-
riched with
Rivers.
The Land is full of Hills, but exceedingly well watered, there being
many pure and clear Rivers running through them. Which falling
down
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
3
River, Mave-
down about their Lands is a very great benefit for the Countrey in Chap. 1.
refpect of their Rice, their chief Suitenance. Thefe Rivers are gene-
rally very rocky, and fo un-navigable. In them are great quantities
of Fiſh, and the greater for want of Skill in the People to catch them.
The main River of all is called Mavelagonga; Which proceeds out of The great
the Mountain called Adams Peak (of which afterwards :) it runs thro lagonga de-
the whole Land Northward, and falls into the Sea at Trenkimalay. fcribed.
It may be an Arrows flight over in bredth, but not Navigable by rea-
fon of the many Rocks and great falls in it: Towards the Sea it is full
of Aligators, but on the Mountains none at all.
It is fo deep, that unleſs it be mighty dry weather, a man cannot
wade over it, unleſs towards the head of it. They ufe little Canoues
to paſs over it: but there are no Bridges built over it, being ſo broad,
and the Stream in time of Rains (which in this Countrey are very
great) runs fo high, that they cannot make them, neither if they
could, would it be permitted; for the King careth not to make his
Countrey eaſie to travel, but defires to keep it intricate. This River
runs within a mile or lefs of the City of Cande. In fome places of it,
full of Rocks, in others clear for three or four miles.
There is another good large River running through Cotemul, and
falls into that before mentioned. There are divers others brave Ri-
vers that water the Countrey, tho none Navigable for the cauſe
abovefaid.
The Land is generally covered with Woods, excepting the King- Woody,
dome of Ovuah, and the Counties of Oudipallet, and Dolusbaug, which
are naturally fomewhat clear of them.
moft
popu
It is most populous about the middle, leaſt near about by the Sea; where
how it is with thoſe Parts under the Hollander, I know not. The lous and
Northern parts are fomewhat fickly by reafon of bad water, the rest healthful.
very healthful.
The Valleys between their Hills are many of them quagmires, and The nature of
moſt of them full of brave Springs of pure water: Which watery Val. the Valleys.
leys are the beſt fort of Land for their Corn, as requiring much moi-
ſture, as ſhall be told in its place.
defcribed.
On the South fide of Conde Uda is an Hill, fuppofed to be the higheſt Thegreat, Hill
on this Ifland, called in the Chingulay Language, Hamalell; but by the Adams Peak,
Portuguez and the European Nations, Adams Peak. It is fharp like a
Sugar-loaf, and on the Top a flat Stone with the print of a foot like a
mans on it, but far bigger, being about two foot long. The people of
this Land count it meritorious to go and worſhip this impreffion; and
generally about their New Year, which is in March, they, Men, Wo-
men and Children,go up this vaft and high Mountain to worship. The
manner of which I fhall write hereafter, when I come to defcribe their
Religion. Out of this Mountain arife many fine Rivers, which run
thro the Land, fome to the Weftward, fome to the Southward, and
the main River, viz. Mavelagonga before mentioned, to the North-
ward.
This Kingdom of Conde Uda is ſtrongly fortified by Nature. For The natural
which way foever you enter into it, you muſt afcend vaft and high Strength of
this Kingdom.
mountains, and defcend little or nothing. The wayes are many, but
very narrow, fo that but one can go abreaft. The Hills are covered
with Wood and great Rocks, fo that 'tis fcarce poffible to get up any
B 2
where,
4
An Hiftorical Relation of Zeilon,
Part I.
The difference
of the Seafons
in this Coun-
try.
What Parts
have moft
Rain.
where, but onely in the paths, in all which there are gates made of
Thorns, the one at the bottom, the other at the top of the Hills, and
two or three men always fet to watch, who are to examine all that
come and go, and fee what they carry, that Letters may not be con-
veyed, nor Priſoners or other Slaves run away. Thefe Watches, in
caſe of oppofition, are to call out to the Towns near,who are to affiſt.
them. They oftentimes have no Arms, for they are the people of the
next Towns: but their Weapons to ftop people are to charge them in
the Kings Name; which difobeyed, is fo feverely punished, that none
dare refift. Thefe Watches are but as Sentinels to give notice; for in
cafe of War and Danger the King fends Commanders and Souldiers to
ly here. But of this enough. Theſe things being more proper to be re-
lated, when we come to difcourfe of the Policy and Strength of the
Kingdom.
The one part of this Ifland differs very much from the other, both in
refpect of the Seafons and the Soyl. For when the Weftwardly Winds
blow, then it rains on the Weft fide of the Ifland: and that is the fea-
fon for them to till their grounds. And at the fame time on the Eaſt
fide is very fair and dry weather, and the time of their Harveft. On
the contrary, when the Eaft Winds blow, it is Tilling time for thofe
that inhabit the Eaft Parts, and Harveft to thofe on the Weft. So that
Harveſt is here in one part or other all the Year long. Thefe Rains
and this dry weather do part themſelves about the middle of the Land;
as oftentimes I have feen, being on the one fide of a Mountain called
Cauragas hing, rainy and wet weather, and as foon as I came on the
other, dry, and fo exceeding hot, that I could fcarcely walk on the
ground, being, as the manner there is, barefoot.
It rains far more in the High-Lands of Conde Uda, then in the Low-
Lands beneath the Hills. The North End of this Ifland is much ſub-
ject to dry weather. I have known it for five or fix Years together
fo dry, (having no Rains, and there is no other means of water but
that, being but three Springs of running water, that I know, or ever
heard of) that they could not plow nor fow, and fcarcely could dig
Wells deep enough to get water to drink, and when they got it, its
taft was brackish. At which time in other Parts there wanted not
Rain; Whither the Northern People were forced to come to buy food.
Let thus much fuffice to have ſpoken of the Countreys, Soyl and Na.
ture of this Iſland in general.. I will proceed to fpeak of the Cities
and Towns of it, together with ſome other Remarkable Matters there-
unto belonging.
The moſt
Eminent Ci-
ties are Five.
I
CHAP. II.
Concerning the Chief Cities and Towns of this Iſland.
N this Ifland are feveral Places, where, they fay, formerly ſtood
Cities; and ſtill retain the Name, tho little or nothing of Build-
ing be now to be feen. But yet there are Five Cities now ftand-
ing, which are the moft Eminent, and where the King hath Palaces
and Goods; yet even thefe, all of them, except that wherein his Perfon
is, are ruined and fallen to decay.
The
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
5
The Firſt is the City of Candy, fo generally called by the Chriftians, Chap. 2.
probably from Conde, which in the Chingulays Language fignifies Hills,
for among them it is fituated, but by the Inhabitants called Hingoda- Candy,
gul-neure, as much as to ſay, the City of the Chingulay people, and Mau-
neur, fignifying the Chief or Royal City. This is the Chief or Metro-
political City of the whole Ifland. It is placed in the midſt of the Iſland
in Tattanour, bravely fituate for all conveniences, excellently well
watered. The Kings Palace ſtands on the Eaft corner of the City, as
is cuſtomary in this Land for the Kings Palaces to ftand. This City is
three-ſquare like a Triangle: but no artificial ſtrength about it, unleſs
on the South fide, which is the cafieft and openeſt way to it,they have
long fince caft up a Bank of Earth croſs the Valley from one Hill to the
other; which nevertheleſs is not fo fteep but that a man may eafily
go over it any where. It may be ſome twenty foot in height. In
every Way to come to this City about two or three miles off from it
are Thorn-Gates and Watches to examine all that go and come: It is
environed round with Hills. The great River coming down from
Adam's Peak runs within less than a mile of it on the Weft fide. It has
oftentimes been burnt by the Portuguez in their former Invaſions of
this Iſland, together with the Kings Palace and the Temples. Info-
much that the King has been fain to pay them a Tribute of three Ele-
phants per annum. The King left this City about Twenty Years ago,
and never fince has come at it. So that it is now quite gone to de-
cay.
A fecond City is Nellemby-neur, lying in Oudipollat, South of Cande, Nellemiji
fome Twelve miles diftance. Unto this the King retired, and here
kept his Court, when he forfook Candy.
Thirdly, TheCity Allout-neur on the North Eaft of Cande. Here this Allout-neur.
King was born, here alfo he keeps great ſtore of Corn and Salt, &c. a-
gainſt time of War or Trouble. This is Situate in the Countrey of The Country
Bintan, which Land, I have never been at, but have taken a view of of Bintan
defcribed.
from the top of a Mountain,it ſeems to be ſmooth Land,and not much
hilly; the great River runneth through the midſt of it. It is all over
covered with mighty Woods and abundance of Deer. But much fub-
ject to dry Weather and Sickneſs. In thefe Woods is a fort of Wild
People Inhabiting, whom we ſhall ſpeak of in their place.
Fourthly, Badoula Eaſtward from Cande fome two dayes Journey, Badoulai
The fecond City in this Land. The Portugals in time of War burnt it
down to the ground. The Palace here is quite ruined; the Pagodas
onely remain in good repair.
This City ftands in the Kingdom or Province of Ouvah, which is a The Province
Countrey well watered, the Land not ſmooth, neither the Hills very of Okva.
high, wood very ſcarce, but what they plant about their Houſes. But
great plenty of Cattle, their Land void of wood being the more apt for
grazing. If thefe Cattle be carried to any other Parts in this Inland
they will commonly dye, the reaſon whereof no man can tell, onely
they conjecture it is occafioned by a kind of fmall Tree or Shrub, that
grows in all Countreys but in Ouvah, the Touch or Scent of which
may be Poyſon to the Ouvah Cattel; though it is not fo to other.
The Tree hath a pretty Phyfical ſmell like an Apothecaries Shop,
but no fort of Cattle will eat it. In this Cuontry grows the beſt Tobacco
that is on this Land. Rice is more plenty here then moſt other things.
The
6
An Hiftorical Relation of Zeilon,
1
Part I.
Digligy, the
Refidence.
The fifth City isDigligy-neur towards the Eaft of Cande, lying in
the Country of Hevahatt. Where the King ever fince he was routed
place of the from Nellemby in the Rebellion Anno 1664. hath held his Court.
Kings conftant The fcituation of this place is very Rocky and Mountainous, the Lands
Barren; So that hardly a worfe place could be found out in the whole
Inland. Yet the King chofe it, partly becauſe it lyes about the mid-
dle of his Kingdom, but chiefly for his fafety; having the great
Mountain Gauluda behind his Palace, unto which he fled for.Safety in
the Rebellion, being not only high, but on the top of it lye three
Towns, and Corn Fields, whence he may have neceffary fupplies: and
it is fo fenced with ſteep Cliffs, Rocks and Woods, that a few men
here will be able to defend themſelves againſt a great Army.
Gauluda.
4
Many Ruins
of Cities.
Anurodgburro.
There are befides thefe already mentioned, feveral other ruinous
places that do ftill retain the name of Cities, where Kings have Reign-
ed, tho now little Foot-fteps remaining of them. At the North end
of this Kings Dominions is one of thefe Ruinous Cities, called Anurodg-
burro where they fay Ninety Kings have Reigned, the Spirits of whom
they hold now to be Saints in Glory, having merited it by making Pa-
goda's and Stone Pillars and Images to the honour of their Gods,
whereof there are many yet remaining: which the Chingulayes count
very meritorious to worship, and the next way to Heaven. Near by
is a River, by which we came when we made our eſcape: all along
which is abundance of hewed ftones, fome long for Pillars, fome broad
for paving. Over this River there have been three Stone Bridges
built upon Stone Pillars, but now are fallen down; and the Countrey
all defolate without Inhabitants. At this City of Anurodgbarro is a
Watch kept, beyond which are no more people that yield obedience
to the King of Candy. This place is above Ninety miles to the North-
The nature of ward of the City of Candy. In thefe Northern Parts there are no
the Northern Hills, nor but two or three Springs of running water, ſo that their Corn
ripeneth with the help of Rain.
Parts.
The Port of
Portaloon :
It affords Salt.
fords Salt in
abundance.
There is a Port in the Countrey of Portaloon lying on the Weft fide
of this Iſland, whence part of the Kings Countrey is fupplyed with
Salt and Fish: where they have fome fmall Trade with the Dutch,who
have a Fort upon the Point, to prevent Boats from coming: But the
Eaſtern Parts being too far, and Hilly,to drive Cattel thither for Salt,
Gods Providence hath provided them a place on the Eaft fide nearer
Leawava af them, which in their Language they call Leawava. Where the Eaff
wardly Winds blowing, the Sea beats in, and in Weftwardly Winds
(being then fair weather there) it becomes Salt, and that in fuch abun
dance, that they have as much as they pleaſe to fetch. This Place of
Deſcribed, Leawava is fo contrived by the Providence of the Almighty Creator,
that neither the Portuguez nor Dutch in all the time of their Wars
could ever prevent this People from having the benefit of this Salt,
which is the principal thing that they eſteem in time of Trouble or
War; and most of them do keep by them a ftore of Salt againſt fuch
times. It is, as I have heard, environed with Hills on the Land fide,
and by Sea hot convenient for Ships to ride; and very ſickly, which
they do impute to the power of a great God, who dwelleth near by in
a Town they call Cotteragom, ftanding in the Road, to whom all that
go to fetch Salt both ſmall and great muſt give an Offering. The
Name and Power of this God ſtriketh fuch terror into the Chingulayes,
that
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
7
that thoſe who otherwife are Enemies to this King, and have ſerved Chap. 3.
both Portuguez and Dutch againſt him, yet would never aſſiſt either v
to make Invafions this way.
how Built.
Having faid thus much concerning the Cities and other Eminent Their Towns
places of this Kingdom, I will now add a little concerning their Towns.
The beſt are thote that do belong to their Idols, wherein ftand their
Dewals or Temples. They do not care to make Streets by building
their Houſes together in rowes, but each man lives by himſelf in his
own Plantation, having an hedg it may be and a ditch round about
him to keep out Cattel. Their Towns are always placed ſome diſtance
from the High-ways, for they care not that their Towns ſhould be a
thorough-fair for all people, but onely for thoſe that have buſineſs with
them. They are not very big, in fome may be Forty, in fome Fifty
houſes, and in fome above an Hundred and in ſome again not above
eight or ten.
fion.
And as I faid before of their Cities, ſo I muſt of their Towns, Many lye in
Ruins,and fors
That there are many of them here and there lie defolate, occafioned faken; and up-
by their voluntary forfaking them, which they often do, in cafe many on what occa
of them fall fick, and two or three die foon after one another: For this
they conclude to happen from the hand of the Devil. Whereupon
they all leave their Town and go to another, thinking thereby to avoid
him: Thus relinquishing both their Houſes and Lands too. Yet af-
terwards, when they think the Devil hath departed the place, fome will
fometimes come back and re-affume their Lands again.
H
CHAP. III.
Of their Corn, with their manner of Husbandry.
dities of the
Countrey.
Aving diſcourſed hitherto of the Countrey, method will require
require The Produc
that I proceed now to the Products of it; Viz. their Fruits, and Commo
Plants, Beaſts, Birds, and other Creatures, Minerals, Commodi-
ties,&c. whereof I muft declare once for all, That I do not pretend to
write an Exact and Perfect Treatife, my time and leiſure not permit-
ting me fo to do; but only to give a Relation of ſome of the chief of
theſe things, and as it were a taft of them, according as they that
occur to my Memory while I am writing. I fhall firſt begin with their
Corn, as being the Staff of their Countrey.
They have divers forts of Corn, tho all different from ours. And Corn of divers
here I shall firſt ſpeak of their Rice, the Choice and Flower of all their forts.
Corn, and then concerning the other inferior kinds among them.
Of Rice they have feveral forts, and called by feveral names accord-
ing to the different times of their ripening: However in taſt little dif-
agreeing from one another. Some will require feven Months before
it come to maturity, called Mauvi; fome fix, Hauteal; others will
ripen in five, Honorowal; others in four, Henit; and others in three,
Aulfancol: The price of all theſe is one and the fame. That which
is fooneft-ripe, is moft favoury to the taft; but yieldeth the leaſt in-
creafe. It may be asked then, why any other fort of Rice is fown,
:
but
Rice,
1
8
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
f
ter.
Lands.
Part I. but that which is longest a Ripening, teeing it brings in moft Profit ?
In anſwer to this, you muſt know, That all theſe forts of Rice do ab-
Grows in Wa- folutely require Water to grow in, all the while they ftand; fo that
Their Ingenu- the Inhabitants take great pains in procuring and faving water for their
lty in water Grounds, and in making Conveyances of Water from their Rivers
ing their Corn
and Ponds into their Lands,which they are very ingenious in;alſo in le-
velling their Corn Lands, which muſt be as fmooth as a Bowling-Green,
that the Water may cover all over. Neither are their fteep and Hilly
Lands uncapable of being thus overflown with Water. For the doing of
which they uſe this Art. They level thefe Hills into narrow Allies,fome
three, fome eight foot wide one beneath another,according to the ſteep-
nefs of the Hills, working and digging them in that faſhion that they lye
ſmooth and flat,like fo many Stairs up the Hills one above another. The
Waters at the top of the Hills falling downwards are let into theſe Allies,
and fo fucceffively by running out of one into another, water all
firſt
the higher Lands, and then the lower. The higheſt Allies having fucha
quantity of Water as may fuffice to cover them, the reft runs over un-
to the next, and that having its proportion, unto the next, and ſo by
degrees it falls into all theſe hanging parcels of Ground. Thefe Waters
lait fometimes a longer, and fometimes a fhorter Seafon. Now the
Rice they fow is according as they foreſee their ſtock of Water will
laft. It will fometimes laft them two or three, or four or five Months,
more or lefs; the Rice therefore they chufe to caft into the Ground,
is of that fort that may anfwer the duration of the Water. For all
their Crop would be fpoilt if the Water fhould fail them before their
Corn grew ripe. If they foreſee their Water will hold out long, then
they fow the beſt and moſt profitable Rice, viz. that which is longeft
a ripening; but if it will not, they muſt be content to fow of the
worfer forts; that is, thofe that are fooner ripe. Again, they are
forced fometimes to fow this younger Rice, for the preventing the
damage it might otherwiſe meet with, if it ſhould ſtand longer. For
their Fields are all in common, which after they have fown, they en-
cloſe till Harveſt; But as foon as the Corn firſt fown becomes ripe,
when the Owner has reaped it, it is lawful for him to break down his
Fences, and let in his Cattle for grazing; which would prove a great
miſchief to that Corn that required to ſtand a Month or two longer.
Therefore if they are conftrained to fow later than the reſt, either
through want or floth, or ſome other Impediment, yet they make
uſe of that kind of Rice that will become ripe, equal with that firſt
fown. And ſo they all obferve one time of reaping to prevent their
Corn being trampled down or eaten up by the Cattle. Thus they
time their Corn to their Harveft; fome fowing fooner, fome la-
ter, but all reaping together, unless they be Fields that are encloſed
by themſelves; and peculiar to one Man.
Why they do
not alwayes
kind of Rice.
ſow the beſt
They fow at
different
times, but
reap together.
Their Artifi-
cial Pools.
Where there are no Springs or Rivers to furnish them with Water,
as it is in the Northern Parts,where there are but two or three Springs,
they ſupply this defect by faving of rain Water; which they do, by
cafting up great Banks in convenient places to ftop and contain the
Rains that fall, and fo fave it till they have occafion to let it out into
their Fields: They are made rounding like a C or Half-Moon, every
Town has one of theſe Ponds, which if they can but get filled with
Water, they count their Corn is as good as in the Barn. It was no
fmall
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
?
J
ſmall work to the ancient Inhabitants to make all thefe Banks, of Chap. 3.
which there is a great number, being fome two, fome three, Fathoms
in height, and in length fome above a Mile, fome lefs, not all of a fize.
They are now grown over with great Trees, and fo feem natural Hills.
When they would ufe the Water,they cut agap in one end of the Bank,
and fo draw the Water by little and little, as they have occafion for
the watering their Corn. Thefe Ponds in dry weather dry up quite.
If they should dig theſe Ponds deep, it would not be fo convenient
for them. It would indeed contain the Water well, but would not ſo
well nor in fuch Plenty empty out it felf into their Grounds. In theſe
Ponds are Aligators, which when the Water is dried up depart into Aligators har-
the Woods, and down to the Rivers; and in the time of Rains come bor in them.
up again into the Ponds. They are but ſmall, nor do uſe to catch Pec-
ple, nevertheleſs they ftand in fome fear of them. The Corn they
fow in theſe Parts is of that fort that is fooneft ripe, fearing left their
Waters ſhould fail. As the Water dries out of thefe Ponds, they make
uſe of them for Fields, treading the Mud with Buffeloes, and then They fow
fowing Rice thereon, and frequently cafting up Water with Scoops Mud
on it. I have hitherto fpoken of thofe Rices that require to grow
in Water.
Corn on the
that grows
There is yet another fort of Rice, which will ripen tho' it ſtand not A fort of Rice
alway in Water: and this fort of Corn ferves for thofe places, where without Wa
they cannot bring their Waters to overflow; this will grow with ter.
the Rains that fall; but is not eſteemed equal with the others,
and differs both in fcent and taſte from that which groweth in the
watery Fields.
of Seed-time
The ordinary Seaſon of feed time, is in the Months of July and Au- The Seafons
gust, and their Harveſt in or about February; but for Land that is and Harveft.
well watered, they regard no Seafon; the Seafon is all the year long.
When they Till their Grounds, or Reap their Corn, they do it by
whole Towns generally, all helping each other for Attoms, as they
call it; that is, that they may help them as much, or as many days
again in their Fields, which accordingly they will do. They
Plough only with a crooked piece of Wood, fomething like an
Elbow, which roots up the Ground, as uneven as if it were done by
Hogs, and then they overflow it with water.
dry.
But if any be fo curious as to know more particularly how they or- A particular
der and prepare their Lands, and fow their Corn, take this account of defcription of
it. But before we go to work, it will be convenient first to defcribe their Husban-
the Tools. To begin therefore with their Plough. I faid before it was Their Ploughi
a crooked piece of Wood; it is but little bigger than a Man's Arm,
one end whereof is to hold by, and the other to root up the Ground.
In the hollow of this Plough is a piece of Wood faftned fome three or
four Inches thick, equal with the bredth of the Plough; and at the
end of the Plough, is fixt an Iron Plate to keep the VVood from
wearing. There is a Beam let in to that part of it that the Plough-
man holds in his hand, to which they make their Buffaloes faft to
drag it.
ence of theſe
Theſe Ploughs are proper for this Countrey,becauſe they are lighter, The conveni-
and fo may be the more eafie for turning, the Fields being fhort, fo that
Ploughs.
they could not turn with longer, and if heavier, they would fink and
be unruly in the mud. Thele Ploughs bury not the grafs as ours do,
C
and
10
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
}
Part I. and there is no need they thould. For their endeavour is only to root
up the Ground, and fo they overflow it with VVater, and this rots
the Graſs.
Their firſt
Ploughing.
Their Banks,
and uſe of
them.
Their fecond
Ploughing.
How they pre-
pare their
Seed-Corn,
And their
Land after it
They Plough twice before they fow. But before they begin the
firſt time, they let in VVater upon their Land, to make it more foft
and pliable for the Plough. After it is once Ploughed, they make up
their Banks. For if otherwiſe they ſhould let it alone till after the
fecond Ploughing, it would be mere Mud, and not hard enough to
uſe for Banking. Now thefe Banks are greatly neceſſary, not only for
Paths for the People to go upon through the Fields, who otherwiſe
muſt go in the Mud, it may be knee deep; but chiefly to keep in and
contain their VVater, which by the help of thefe Banks they overflow
their Grounds with. Theſe Banks they make as fmooth with the
backfide of their Houghs, as a Bricklayer can ſmooth a VVall with his
Trowel. For in this they are very neat. Theſe Banks are uſually not
above a Foot over.
After the Land is thus Ploughed and the Banks finiſhed, it is laid
under water again for fome time, till they go to Ploughing the ſecond
time. Now it is exceeding muddy, fo that the trampling of the
Cattel that draws the Plough, does as much good as the Plough; for
the more muddy the better. Sometimes they ufe no Plough this
fecond time, but only drive their Cattel over to make the Ground
the muddier.
Their Lands being thus ordered, they ftill keep them overflowed
with Water, that the Weeds and Grafs may rot. Then they take
their Corn and lay it a foak in Water a whole night, and the next day
take it out, and lay it in a heap, and cover it with green leaves, and
fo let it lye fome five or fix days to make it grow. Then they take
and wet it again, and lay it in a heap covered over with leaves as be-
fore, and fo it grows and fhoots out with Blades and Roots. In the
is Ploughed. mean time while this is thus a growing, they prepare their Ground
for fowing; which is thus: They have a Board about four foot long,
which they drag over their Land by a yoke of Buffaloes, not flat ways,
upon the edge of it. The ufe of which is, that it jumbles the
Earth and Weeds together, and alſo levels and makes the Grounds
ſmooth and even, that fo the Water (for the ground is all this while
under water) may ftand equal in all places. And wherefoever there
is any little hummock ſtanding out of the Water, which they may
eaſily ſee by their eye, with the help of this Board they break and lay
even. And ſo it ftands overflown while their Seed is growing, and
become fit to fow, which ufually is eight days after they lay it
in foak.
but
When the Seed is ready to fow, they drain out all the Water, and
with little Boards of about a foot and a half long, faftned upon long
Poles, they trim the Land over again, laying it very fmooth, making
ſmall Furrows all along, that in cafe Rain or other Waters fhould come
in, it might drain away; for more Water now would endanger rot-
Their manner ting the Corn. And then they fow their Corn, which they do with
very exact evennefs, ftrewing it with their hands, juft as we ftrew Salt
How they Ma- upon Meat.
of fowing.
nure and or-
der their
young Corn.
be
And thus it ſtands without any Water, till fuch time as the Corn
fome three or four Inches above the Ground. There were
grown
certain
1
#
1
P. 10.
$
The Manner of their Ploughing.
كم
The Manner of Smoothing their Feilds
The
pag
The Manner of treading out their Rice
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
I I
certain gaps made in the Banks to let out the water, theſe are now
ſtopped to keep it in. Which is not only to nouriſh the Corn, but to
kill the weeds. For they keep their Fields as clean as a Garden without
a weed. Then when the Corn is grown about a ſpan high, the Wo-
men come and weed it, and pull it up where it grew too thick, and
tranfplant it where it wants. And ſo it ſtands overflown till the Corn
be ripe, when they let out the water again to make it dry for reaping.
They never ufe any dung, but their manner of plowing and foaking
of their Ground ferves inítead thereof.
At reaping they are excellent good, juft after the English manner. Their manner
of Reaping.
The whole Town, as I faid before, as they joyn together in Tilling, fo
in their Harveſt alſo; For all fall in together in reaping one man's
Field, and ſo to the next, until every mans Corn be down. And the
Cuſtome is, that every man, during the reaping of his Corn, finds all
the reſt with Victuals. The womens work is to gather up the Corn
after the Reapers, and carry it all together.
1
out their Corn
They uſe not Threshing,but tread out their Corn with Cattel,which They tread
is a far quicker and eaſier way. They may tread out in a day forty with Cattel.
or fifty Bufhels at leaſt with the help of half a dozen Cattel.
when the
When they are to tread their Corn they chooſe a convenient adjoyn- The Ceremo-
ing place. Here they lay out a round piece Ground fome twenty or hies they uſe
five and twenty foot over. From which they cut away the upper corn is to be
Turf. Then certain Ceremonies are uſed. First, they adorn this place trodden.
with afhes made into flowers and branches, and round circles. Then
they take divers ſtrange ſhells, and pieces of Iron, and fome forts of
Wood, and a bunch of betel Nuts, (which are referved for fuch pur-
poſes) and lay all thefe in the very middle of the Pit, and a large ftone
upon them. Then the women, whofe proper work it is, bring each
their burthen of reaped Corn upon their heads, and go round in the
Pit three times, and then fling it down. And after this without any
more ado, bring in the reft of the Corn as faſt as they can. For this
Labour, and that of weeding, the Women have a Fee due to them,
which they call Warapol, that is as much Corn, as fhall cover the Stone
and the other Conjuration-Inftruments at the bottom of the Pit.
They will frequently carry away their new reaped Corn into the
Pit, and tread it out prefently as foon as they have cut it down, to
ſecure it from the Rains, which in ſome Parts are very great and of-
ten; and Barns they have none big enough, But in other places not
fo much given to Rains, they will fometimes fet it up in a Cock, and
let it ftand fome months.
Rice.
They unfhale their Rice from its outward husk by beating it in a How they un-
Mortar, or on the Ground more often; but fome of theſe forts of Rice husk their
muſt firſt be boyled in the husk, otherwiſe in beating it will break
to powder. The which Rice, as it is accounted, fo I by experience
have found, to be the wholfomeft; This they beat again the fecond
time to take off a Bran from it; and after that it becomes white. And
thus much concerning Rice-Corn.
them.
Befides this, tho far inferior to it, there are divers other forts of Other forts of
Corn, which ferve the People for food in the abſence of Rice, which Corn among
will ſcarcely hold out with many of them above half the Year. There
is Coracan, which is a ſmall feed like Mustard-feed, This they grind to COYACATI
meal or beat in a Mortar, and fo make Cakes of it, baking it upon the
Coals
C 2
12
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
ما
Part I.
Tanna.
Moung.
Omb.
•
Coals in a potfheard, or dreſs it otherwife. If they which are not uſed
to it, eat it, it will gripe their Bellies; When they are minded to grind
it, they have for their Mill two round ftones, which they turn with
their hands by the help of a ftick: There are feveral forts of this Corn.
Some will ripen in three months, and fome require four. If the
Ground be good, it yields a great encreafe; and grows both on the
Hills and in the Plains. There is another Corn called Tanna; It is
much eaten in the Northern Parts, in Conde Vda but little fown. It
is as fmall as the former, but yieldeth a far greater encreaſe. From one
grain may ſpring up two, three, four or five ftalks, according as the
ground is, on each talk one ear, that contains thouſands of grains. I
think it gives the greateſt encreaſe of any one feed in the World. Each
Husbandman fowes not above a Pottle at a Seeds-time. It growes up
two foot, or two foot and an half from the ground. The
way of
ga-
thering it when ripe, is, that the Women (whofe office it is) go and
crop off the ears with their hands, and bring them home in baskets.
They onely take off the ears of Coracan alſo, but they being tough, are
cut off with knives. This Tanna muſt be parched in a Pan, and then
is beaten in a Mortar to unhusk it. It will boyl like Rice, but ſwell
far more; the taft not bad but very dry, and accounted wholfome;
the faſhion flattifh, the colour yellow and very lovely to the Eye. It
ripens in four months, fome forts of it in three. There are alſo divers-
other forts, which grow on dry Land (as the former) and ripen with
the Rain. As Moung, a Corn fomewhat like Vetches, growing in a Cod.
Omb, a ſmall feed, boyled and eaten as Rice. It has an operation pretty
ftrange, which is, that when it is new it will make them that eat it
like drunk, fick and fpue; and this only when it is fown in fome
Grounds, for in all it will not have this effect: and being old, none
will have it. Minere, a fmall fecd. Boumas, we call them Garavan-
ces. Tolla, a feed uſed to make Oyl, with which they anoint them-
ſelves; and ſometimes they will parch it and eat it with Jaggory,
a kind of brown Sugar. And thus much of their Corn.
Great variety
of Fruits, and
delicious.
The beſt
Fruits, where.
ever they
grow, refer-
ved for the
King.
Ο
CHAP. IV.
Of their Fruits, and Trees.
F Fruits here are great plenty and variety, and far more might
be if they did efteem or nourish them. Pleaſant Fruits to eat
ripe they care not at all to do, They look only after thoſe that
may fill the Belly, and fatisfie their hunger when their Corn is fpent,
or to make it go the further. Theſe onely they plant, the other Fruits
of Pleaſure plant themſelves, the feeds of the ripe Fruits ſhedding and
falling on the ground naturally fpring up again. They have all Fruits
that grow in India. Moft forts of thefe delicious Fruits they gather
before they be ripe, and boyl them to make Carrees, to uſe the Por-
tuguez word, that is ſomewhat to eat with and reliſh their Rice. But
wherefoever there is any Fruit better than ordinary, the Ponudecarfo,
or Officers of the Countrey, will tie a ftring about the Tree in the
Kings Name with three knots on the end thereof, and then no man,
not
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
13
!
1
not the Owner himſelf, dares prefume under pain of fome great pu- Chap. 4.
nishment, if not death, to touch them. And when they are ripe, they
are wrapped in white cloth, and carried to him who is Governour of
that Countrey wherein they grow: and if they be without any defect
or blemiſh, then being wrapped up again in white cloth, he preſents
them to the King. But the owner in whofe Ground they grow is paid
nothing at all for them: it is well if he be not compelled to carry
them himself into the bargain unto the King, be it never ſo far. Theſe
are Reaſons why the People regard not to plant more than juſt to keep
them alive.
But to ſpecifie fome of the chief of the Fruits in requeſt among them. Betel-Nuts,
I begin with their Betel-Nuts, the Trees that bear them grow only on
the South and Weft fides of this Ifland. They do not grow wild, they
are only in their Towns, and there like unto Woods, without any in-
cloſures to diſtinguiſh one mans Trees from anothers; but by marks
The Leaves,
of great Trees, Hummacks or Rocks each man knows his own. They
plant them not, but the Nuts being ripe fall down in the grafs and fo
grow up to Trees. They are very ftreight and tall, few bigger than The Trees,
the calf of a mans Leg. The Nuts grow in bunches at the top, and The Fruft.
being ripe look red and very lovely like a pleaſing Fruit. When they
gather them, they lay them in heaps until the fhell be ſomewhat rotted,
and then dry them in the Sun, and afterwards fhell them with a fharp
ſtick one and one at a time. Theſe Trees will yield fome 500, fome
a 1000, fome 1500 Nuts, and fome but three or four hundred. They
bear but once in the Year generally, but commonly there are green
Nuts enough to eat all the Year long. The leaves of it are fomewhat
like thofe of a Coker-Nut Tree, they are five or fix foot long, and have
other leffer leaves growing out of the fides of them, like the feathers
on each fide of a quill. The Chingulays call the large leaves the boughs,
and the leaves on the fides, the leaves. They fall off every Year, and
the skin upon which they grow, with them. Thefe skins grow upon The Skins,and
the body of the Tree, and the leaves grow out on them. They alfo their ufe.
clap about the buds or bloffoms which bear the Nuts, and as the buds
fwell, fo this skin-cover gives way to them, till at length it falls quite
off with the great leaf on it. It is fomewhat like unto Leather, and
of great ufe unto the Countrey People. It ferves them inftead of
Baſons to eat their Rice in, and when they go a Journey to tie up their
Provifions: For in thefe skins or leaves they can tie up any liquid fub-
ſtance as Oyl or water, doubling it in the middle, and rowling it in
the two fides, almoft like a purfe. For bignefs they are according to
the Trees, fome bigger, fome lefs, ordinarily they are about two foot
length, and a foot and an half in breadth. In this Countrey are no
Inns to go to, and therefore their manner when they Travel is, to carry
ready dreffed what provifions they can, which they make up in theſe
leaves. The Trees within have onely a kind of pith,and will fplit from
one end to the other, the Wood is hard and very ftrong; they ufe it The VVood
for Laths for their Houſes, and alfo for Rails for their Hedges,which
are only ſtakes ſtruck in the ground, and rails tyed along with rattans,
or other withs growing in the Woods. Money is not very plentiful The profit the
in this Land, but by means of thefe Nuts, which is a great Commodi- Fruit yields.
ty to carry to the Coaſts of Cormandel, they furnish themſelves with
all things they want. The common price of Nuts, when there was
a Trade,
14
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I.
Facks.
gambo.
Other Fruits
Woods.
a Trade, as there was when I came firſt on this Land, is 2ccco for
one Doller; but now they ly and grow, or rot on the ground under
the Trees. Some of thefe Nuts do differ much from cthers in their
operation, having this effect, that they will make people drunk and
giddy-headed, and give them fome ftools, if they eat them green.
There is another Fruit, which we call Jacks; the Inhabitants when
they are young call them Polos, before they be full ripe Cofe; and
when ripe, Warracha or Vellas; But with this difference, the Warra-
cha is hard, but the Vellas as foft as pap, both looking alike to the
eye no difference; but they are diſtinct Trees.
but they are diftinct Trees. Thefe are a great
help to the People, and a great part of their Food. They grow upon
a large Tree, the Fruit is as big as a good Peck loaf, the outfide prickly
like an Hedg-hog, and of a greenish colour; there are in them Seeds
or Kernels, or Eggs as the Chingulayes call them, which lie diſperſed in
the Fruit like Seeds in a Cucumber. They ufually gather them before
they be full ripe, boreing an hole in them, and feeling of the Kernel,
they know if they be ripe enough for their purpofe. Then being cut
in pieces they boil them, and eat to fave Rice and fill their Bellies;
they eat them as we would do Turnips or Cabbage, and taſt and ſmell
much like the latter: one may fuffice fix or feven men. When they
are ripe they are fweet and good to eat raw. The Kernels do very
much reſemble Chefnuts both in colour and taft,and are almoſt as good:
the poor people will boyl them or roaſt them in the embers, there
being uſually a good heap of them lying in a corner by the fire fide;
and when they go a Journey, they will put them in a bag for their
Proviſions by the way. One fack may contain three pints or two quarts
of theſe ſeeds or kernels. When they cut thefe Jacks,there comes running
out a white thick fubftance like tar, and will ſtick juft like Birdlime,
which the Boyes make uſe of to catch Birds, which they call Cola, or
bloud of the Cos. Some will mix this with the flower of Rice,and it will
eat like Eggs.
Another Fruit there is which I never faw in any other Parts of 1½-
dia, they call it fombo. In taft it is like to an Apple, full of Juice, and
pleaſant to the Palate, and not unwholfom to the Body, and to the
Eye no Fruit more amiable, being white, and delicately coloured with
red, as if it were painted.
Alfo in the wild Woods are feveral forts of pretty Fruits, as Murros,
found in the round in ſhape,and as big as a Cherry,and fweet to the taft; Dongs,neareſt
like to a black Cherry.Ambelo's like to Barberries.Carolla cabella,Cabela
pooke, and Polla's, thefe are like to little Plums, and very well tafted.
Paragidde, like to our Pears, and many more fuch like Fruits.
Fruits com-
mon with
other parts of
India.
Here are alſo, of Indian Fruits, Coker-nuts; Plantins alfo and Bana-
na's of divers and fundry forts, which are diftinguiſhed by the taft as
well as by the names; rare fweet Oranges and fower ones, Limes but
no Lemons, fuch as ours are; Pautaurings, in taft all one with a Lemon,
but much bigger than a mans two fiſts, right Citrons, and a fmall fort
of ſweet Oranges. Here are feveral other forts of Lemons, and Oran-
ges, Mangoes of feveral forts, and fome very good and ſweet to eat.
In this fort of Fruit the King much delights, and hath them brought
to him from all Parts of the Ifland. Pine-Apples alfo grow there, Su-
gar Canes, Water-Melons, Pomegranates, Grapes both black and white,
Mirablins, Codjeu's, and ſeveral other.
There
between p. 14 & 141
heltring themfelvs
The
manner of their
of their
from the Raine by the Tolipat leafe.
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
15
There are three other Trees that muſt not liere be omitted; which Chap. 4.
tho they bear no eatable Fruit, yet the Leaves of the one, and the Juice
of the other, and the Bark of the third are very renowned,and of great
benefit.
of the Leaf.
The first is the Tallipot; It is as big and tall as a Ships Maft,and very The Tallipit;
ftreight, bearing only Leaves: which are of great ule and benefit to the rare ufes
this People; one fingle Leaf being fo broad and large, that it will co-
ver fome fifteen or twenty men, and keep them dry when it rains.
The leaf being dryed is very ftrong, and limber and most wonder-
fully made for mens Convenience to carry along with them; for tho
this leaf be thus broad when it is open, yet it will fold cloſe like a La-
dies Fan, and then it is no bigger than a mans arm. It is wonderful
light, they cut them into pieces, and carry them in their hands. The
whole leaf fpread is round almoſt like a Circle, but being cut in pie-
ces for uſe are near like unto a Triangle: They lay them upon their
heads as they travel with the peaked end foremost, which is conve-
nient to make their way thro the Boughs and Thickets. When the Sun
is vehement hot they uſe them to fhade themſelves from the heat.
Souldiers all carry them; for befides the benefit of keeping them
dry in cafe it rain upon the march, theſe leaves make their Tents to
ly under in the Night. A marvelous Mercy which Almighty God hath
beſtowed upon this poor and naked People in this Rainy Country!
one of theſe I brought with me into England, and you have it defcri-
bed in the Figure. Theſe Leaves all grow on the top of the Tree after
the manner of a Coker. It bears no kind of Fruit until the laſt year
of its life, and then it comes out on the top, and ſpreads abroad in
great branches, all full firft of yellow bloffoms, moſt lovely and beau-
tiful to behold, but ſmell very ſtrong, and then it comes to a Fruit
round and very hard, as big as our largeſt Cherries, but good only for
feed to fet: and tho this Tree bears but once, it makes amends, bear-
ing fuch great abundance, that one Tree will yield feed enough for a
Countrey. If theſe Trees ftand near any houſes, the ſmell of the blof-
foms fo much annoyes them, that they regarding not the feed, forth-
with cut them down. This Tree is within a Pith only, which is very The pith good
good to eat if they cut the Tree down before it runs to feed. They to cat.
beat it in Mortars to Flower, and bake Cakes of it; which taft much
like to white bread. It ferves them inſtead of Corn before their Har
veft be ripe.
The next Tree is the Kettule. It groweth ftreight, but not fo tall The Kettile
or big as a Coker-Nut-Tree; the infide nothing but a white Pith, as the yields a deli
former. It yieldeth a fort of Liquor, which they call Tellegie: it is cious juice.
rarely fweet and pleafing to the Pallate, and as wholfom to the Body,
but no ftronger than water. They take it down from the Tree twice,
and from fome good Trees thrice, in a day. An ordinary Tree will
yield fome three, fome four Gallons in a day, fome more and fome
lefs. The which Liquor they boyf and make a kind of brown Sugar,
called Faggory; but if they will ufe their skill, they can make it as
white as the fecond beft Sugar: and for any ufe it is but little inferior
to ordinary Sugar. The manner how they take this Liquor from the
Tree is thus; When the Tree is come to maturity, firft out of the very
top there cometh out a bud, which if they let it grow, will bear a
round fruit, which is the feed it yieldeth, but is only good to fet for
encreaſe.
16
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
JY
}
Part I.
The Skin bears
ftrings as
ftrong as
wyer.
The VVood;
its Nature
and Ufe.
The Cinna-
mon-Tree.
The Bark.
The Leaf,
encreaſe. This bud they cut and prepare, by putting to it ſeveral forts
of things, as Salt, Pepper, Lemons, Garlick, Leaves,&c. which keeps it
at a ftand, and fuffers it not to ripen. So they daily cut off a thin
flice off the end, and the Liquor drops down in a Pot, which they
hang to catch it.
It bears a leaf like to that of a Betel Nut-Tree, which is faftned to
a Skin as the Betel-Nut Leaves were, onely this Skin is hard and ſtub-
born like a piece of Board: the Skin is all full of ftrings as ftrong as
Wyer; they uſe them to make Ropes withal. As long as the Tree is
growing the leaves fhed; but when the Tree is come to its full growth,
they remain many years upon the Tree before they fall; and when
they fall, there are no new ones come again: The top-bud, as it ripens
and withers, other buds come out lower and lower every Year till they
come to the bottom of the Boughs, and then it hath done bearing,and
may ſtand ſeven or ten years, and then dyeth.
fo
The Wood of this Tree is not above three inches thick, mighty
ftrong and hard to cut in two,but very apt to fplit from top to bottom;
a very heavy wood,they make peſtles of it to beat their Rice with; the
colour black, but looks not like natural wood, but as if it were com‐
pofed of divers pieces. The budds of this Tree, as alfo of the Coker,
and Betel Nut-Tree, are excellent in taft, refembling Walnuts or Al-
monds.
I proceed to the third Tree, which is the Cinnamon, in their Lan-
guage Corunda gaubah. It grows wild in the Woods as other Trees, and
by them no more eſteemed; It is moſt on the Weft fide of the great
River Mavela-gonga. It is much as plenty as Hazel in England,in fome
places a great deal, in fome little, and in fome none at all. The Trees
are not very great, but fizable. The Cinnamon is the Bark or Rind,
when it is on the Tree it looks whitish. They fcrape it and pull it off,and
dry it in the Sun : they take it onely from off the fmaller Trees, altho
the Bark of the greater is as fweet to the fmell and as ftrong to the
The VVood. taft. The Wood has no fmell, in colour white,and ſoft like Fir. Which
for any uſe they cut down, favouring them no more than other wild
Trees in the Wood. The Leaf much refembleth the Laurel both in
colour and thickness; the difference is, whereas the Laurel hath but
one ſtrait rib throughout, whereon the green fpreads it felf on each
fides, the Cinnamon hath three by which the Leaf Itretches forth it ſelf.
When the young leaves come out they look purely red like fcarlet:
Break or bruiſe them, and they will ſmell more like Cloves than Cin-
The Fruit. namon. It bears a Fruit, which is ripe in September, much like an
Acorn, but ſmaller, it neither tafts nor ſmells much like the Bark, but
being boyled in water, it will yield an Oyl ſwimming on the top,
which when cold is as hard as tallow and as white; and fielleth ex-
cellently well. They ufe it for Oyntments for Aches and Pains, and
to burn in Lamps to give light in their houfes: but they make no
Candles of it, neither are any Candles uſed by any but the King.
Here are many forts of Trees that bear Berries to make Oyl of, both
in the Woods and Gardens, but not eatable, but ufed only for their
Lamps.
There are other Trees remarkable either for their strangeness, or uſe,
or both. Of theſe I ſhall mention a few.
The
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
17
حت
The Orula,
The Orula, a Tree as big as an Apple-Tree, bears a Berry fomewhat Chap. 4.
like an Olive, but fharper at each end; its Skin is of a reddith green
colour, which covereth an hard ftone. They make uſe of it for Phyfic the Fruit good
in Purges; and alſo to dy black colour: Which they do after this man- for Phyfick,
and Dying.
ner; They take the fruit and beat it to pieces in Mortars, and
put it
thus beaten into water; and after it has been ſoaking a day or two, it
changeth the water, that it looks like Beer. Then they dip their cloth
in it, or what they mean to dy, and dry it in the Sun. And then they
dip it in black mud, and fo let it ly about an hour, then take it and
waſh it in water: and now it will appear of a pale black. Then being
dry, they dip it again into the aforefaid Dy, and it becomes a very
good black.
rufty Iron, and
Another uſe there is of this water. It is this: Let any rufty Iron This water
ly a whole night in it, and it will become bright; and the water look will brighten
black like Ink, infomuch that men may write with it. Thefe Trees ferve instead
grow but in fome Parts of the Land, and nothing near fo plentiful as of Ink,
Cinnamon. The Berries the Drugfters in the City there, do fell in their
Shops.
The Dounekaia gaubah, a fhrub, bears leaves as broad as two fingers, The Doune
and fix or eight foot long, on both fides of them fet full of Thorns,and kaia.
a ſtreak of Thorns runs thro the middle. Theſe leaves they ſplit to
weave Matts withal. The Tree bears a bud above a fpan long, tapering
fomewhat like a Sugar-loaf. Leaves cover this bud folding it about,
like the leaves of a Cabbage. Which leaves ſmell rarely fweet, and look
of a lovely yellow colour like gold. This bud blowes into divers
bunches of Flowers, fpreading it felf open like a Plume of Feathers,
each Flower whitish, but very ſmall. The Roots of this fhrub they
ufe for Ropes, ſplitting them into Thongs, and then making them into
Ropes.
The Capita gaubah, is a ſhrub never bigger than a mans arm. The The capita.
Wood,Rind andLeaves have all a Phyfical fmell;and they do fometimes
make uſe of it for Phyfic. The Leaf is of a bright green, roundiſh,
rough, and as big as the palm of an hand. No fort of Cattel will eat
it, no, not the Goats, that will fometimes brouze upon rank poyfon.
There is abundance of theſe Trees every where, and they grow in
all Countreys, but in Ouvah. And this is fuppofed to be the cauſe,that
the Oavah-Cattle dy, when they are brought thence to any other
Country. They attribute it to the fmell of this Tree, of fuch a veno-
mous nature it is to Beafts. And therefore to deſtroy their Fleas, or
to keep their houfes clear of them,they ſweep them with Brooms made
of this fhrub. 'Tis excellent good for firing, and will burn when it
is green. There are no other coals the Goldsmiths ufe, but what are
made of this wood.
Rattans grow in great abundance upon this Iſland. They run like Rattans.
Honey-fuckles either upon the Ground, or up Trees, as it happens,near
Twenty fathom in length. There is a kind of a fhell or skin grows
over the Rattan, and enclofeth it round. Which ferves for a Cafe to
cover and defend it, when tender. This Skin is fo full of prickles and
thorns, that you cannot touch it. As the Rattan growes longer and
ſtronger, this Cafe growes ripe, and falls off prickles and ſhell and
all.
It bears fruit in cluſters juſt like bunches of Grapes,and as big. Eve. Its Fruit.
D
ry
18
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I
ما
Canes.
The Betel
Tree.
3
The Bo-gau-
hah, or Gcd-
Tree.
ད
ry particular Berry is covered with a husk like a Gooseberry, which
is foft, yellow and fcaly, like the fcales of a Fish, hanfome to look up-
on. This husk being cracked and broken, within grows a Plum of a
whitish colour: within the Plum a ftone, having meat about it. The
people gather and boyl them to make four pottage to quench the
thirſt.
Canes grow juſt like Rattans, and bear a fruit like them. The diffe
rence onely is, that the Canes are larger.
The Tree that bears the Betel-leaf, which is fo much loved and eaten
in theſe parts, growes like Ivy, twining about Trees, or Poles, which
they ſtick in the ground, for it to run up by and as the Betel growes,
the Poles grow alſo. The form of the Leaf is longifh, the end fome-
what ſharp, broadeft next to the ſtalk, of a bright green, very ſmooth,
juft like a Pepper leaf, onely different in the colour, the Pepper leaf
being of a dark green. It bears a fruit just like long Pepper, but not
good for feed, for it falls off and rots upon the ground. But when
they are minded to propagate it, they plant the fpriggs, which will
grow.
I thall mention but one Tree more as famous and highly fet by as any
of the reft, if not more, tho it bear no fruit, the benefit confifting
chiefly in the Holiness of it. This Tree, they call Bo-gabah; we, the
God-Tree. It is very great and fpreading, the Leaves always hake like
an Afp. They have a very great veneration for thefe Trees, worſhipping
them; upon a Tradition, That the Buddou, a great God among them,
when he was upon the Earth, did ufe to fit under this kind of Trees.
There are many of thefe Trees, which they plant all the Land over,and
have more care of, than of any other. They pave round under them
like a Key, fweep often under them to keep them clean; they light
Lamps, and fet up their Images under them: and a ſtone Table is pla-
ced under fome of them to lay their Sacrifices on. They fet them
every where in Towns and High wayes, where any convenient pla-
ces are they ferve alfo for fhade to Travellers. They will alfo fet
them in memorial of perfons deceaſed, to wit, there, where their Bo-
dies were burnt. It is held meritorious to plant them, which, they
fay, he that does,fhall dy within a fhort while after, and go to Heaven:
But the oldeſt men onely that are neareſt death in the courſe of Nature,
do plant them, and none elfe; the younger fort defiring to live a lit-
tle longer in this World before they go to the other.
Roots for
Fcod.
CHAP. V.
Of their Roots, Plants, Herbs, Flowers.
!
A
Ome of theſe are for Food, and fome for Medicine. I begin with
their Roots, which with the Jacks before mentioned, being many,
and generally bearing well, are a great help towards the fufte-
nance of this People. Thefe by the Chingulays by a general name are
called Alloes, by the Portugals and us Inyames. They are of divers and
fundry forts, fome they plant, and fome grow wild; thofe that grow
1
wild
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
19
wild in the Woods are as good, onely they are more fcarce and grow Chap. 5.
deeper, and fo more difficult to be plucked up. It would be to no pur-
poſe to mention their particular names; I fhall onely fpeak a little in
general of them. They ferve both for Food, and for Carrees, that is,
fauce, or for a relifh to their Rice. But they make many a meal of
them alone to lengthen out their Rice, or for want of it: and of thefe
there is no want to thofe, that will take pains but to fet them,and cheap
enough to thoſe that will buy.
There are two forts of thefe Alloes; fome require Trees or Sticks to The manner
run up on; others require neither. Of the former fort, fome will run of their grow
ing.
up to the tops of very large Trees,and fpread out very full of branches,
and bear great bunches of bloffoms, but no ufe made of them; The
Leaves dy every year, but the Roots grow ftill, which fome of them
will do to a prodigious bignefs within a Year or two's time, becoming
as big as a mans waft. The faſhion of them ſomewhat roundiſh, rug
ged and uneven,and in divers odd fhapes,like a log of cleft wood: they
have a very good, favoury mellow taft.
Of thoſe that do not run up on Trees,there are likewife fundry forts;
they bear a long ſtalk and a broad leaf; the faſhion of theſe Roots are
ſomewhat roundish, fome grow out like a mans fingers, which they
call Angul-alloes, as much as to fay Finger-Roots; fome are of a white
colour, fome of a red.
Thoſe that grow in the Woods run deeper into the Earth, they run
up Trees alfo. Some bear bloffoms fomewhat like Hopps, and they
may be as big as a mans Arm.
For Herbs to boyl and eat with Butter they have excellent good Boyling
ones, and ſeveral forts: fome of them are fix months growing to ma- Herbs.
turity, the ſtalk as high as a man can reach, and being boyled almoſt
as good as Afparagus. There are of this fort, fome having leaves and
ſtalks as red as blood, fome green: fome the leaves green, and the ſtalk
very white.
They have ſeveral other forts of Fruits which they drefs and eat Fruits for
with their Rice, and taſt very favoury, called Carowela, Wattacul, Mo- fawce.
rongo,
Cacorehouns,&c. the which I cannot compare to any things that
grow here in England.
Plants among
They have of our English Herbs and Plants, Colworts, Carrots, Ra- European
diſhes, Fennel, Balfam, Spearmint, Mustard. Thefe, excepting the two Herbs and
laft, are not the natural product of the Land, but they are tranfplant- them.
ed hither; By which I perceive all other European Plants would grow
there: They have alfo Fern, Indian Corn. Several forts of Beans as
good as thefe in England: right Cucumbers, Calabaſſes, and ſeveral
1orts of Pumkins,&c. The Dutch on that Iſland in their Gardens have
Lettice, Roſemary, Sage, and all other Herbs and Sallettings that we
have in theſe Countreys.
Nor are they worfe fupplyed with Medicinal Herbs. The Woods Herbs for
are their Apothecaries Shops, where with Herbs, Leaves,and the Rinds Medicine.
of Trees they make all their Phyfic and Plaifters, with which fome-
times they will do notable Cures. I will not here enter into a larger
difcourfe of the Medicinal Vertues of their Plants,&c. of which there
are hundreds: onely as a Specimen thereof, and likewiſe of their Skill
to uſe them; I will relate a Paffage or two. A Neighbour of mine a
Chingalay, would undertake to cure a broken Leg or Arm by
D 2
applica
20
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I. application of fome Herbs that grow in the Woods, and that with that
fpeed, that the broken Bone after it was fet fhould knit by the time
one might boyl a pot of Rice and three carrees, that is about an hour
and an half or two hours; and I knew a man who told me he was thus
cured. They will cure an Imposthume in the Throat with the Rind of
a Tree called Amaranga, (whereof I my felf had the experience;) by
chawing it for a day or two after it is prepared, and ſwallowing the
fpittle. I was well in a day and a Night, tho before I was exceedingly
ill, and could not fwallow my Victuals.
Their Flow-
ers.
Of Flowers they have great varieties, growing wild, for they plant
them not. There are Rofes red and white, fcented like ours: feveral
forts of ſweet ſmelling Flowers, which the young Men and Women
gather and tie in their hairs to perfume them; they tie up their hair
in a bunch behind, and encloſe the Flowers therein.
*There is one Flower deferves to be mentioned for the rarity and uſe
A Flower that of it, they call it a Sindric-mal, there are of them fome of a Murry
ferves inſtead colour, and fome white. Its Nature is, to open about four a clock in
of a Dial.
the Evening, and fo continueth open all Night until the morning,
when it cloíeth up it felf till four a clock again. Some will tranfplant
them out of the Woods into their Gardens to ferve them inſtead of a
Clock, when it is cloudy that they cannot fee the Sun.
There is another white Flower like our Fafmine, well fcented, they
call them Picha-mauls, which the King hath a parcel of brought to
him every morning, wrapt in a white cloth, hanging upon a ſtaff, and
carried by people, whofe peculiar office this is. All people that meet
thefe Flowers, out of refpect to the King, for whoſe uſe they are, muft
turn out of the Way; and fo'they muft for all other things that
go to
the King being wrapt up in white cloth. Thefe Officers hold Land of
the King for this fervice: their Office is, alfo to plant theſe Flowers,
which they uſually do near the Rivers where they moſt delight to
grow: Nay, they have power to plant them in any mans Ground,
and encloſe that ground when they have done it for the fole ufe of
their Flowers to grow in: which Incloſures they will keep up for fe-
veral years, until the Ground becomes fo worn, that the Flowers will
thrive there no longer, and then the Owners reſume their own Lands'
again.
Hop-Mauls, are Flowers growing upon great Trees, which bear
nothing elſe, they are rarely fweet fcented; this is the chief Flower the
young people 'ufe; and is of greateſt value among them.
What Beafts
;
the Country
produceth.
H
CHAP. VI.
Òf their Beaſts, Tame and Wild. Infects.
Aving ſpoken concerning the Trees and Plants of this Iſland,
We will now go on to ſpeak of the Living Creatures on it, viz.
Their Beaſts, Infects, Birds,Fiſh,Serpents,&c. uſeful or noxious.
And we begin firſt with their Beasts. They have Cowes, Buffaloes, Hogs,
Goats, Deer, Hares, Dogs, Facols, Apes, Tygers, Bears, Elephants, and,
other Wild Beaſts. Lions, Wolves, Horſes, Affes, Sheep, they have none.
Deer
1
}
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
2 I
Deer no big,
Deer are in great abundance in the Woods, and of ſeveral forts, from Chap. 6.
the largeneís of a Cow or Buffalo, to the fmalneſs of a Hare. For here is
a Creature in this Land no bigger, but in every part rightly refem-
bleth a Deer, It is called Meminna, of colour gray with white fpots, Hares.
and good meat.
ger than
their kind.
Here are alſo wild Buffalo's; alſo a fort of Beaft they call Gauvera, Other Crea-
fo much reſembling a Bull, that I think it one of that kind. His back tures rare in
flands
up
with a ſharp ridg; all his four feet white up half his Legs. I
never ſaw but one, which was kept among the Kings Creatures. Here
was a Black Tygre catched and brought to the King, and afterwards a
Deer milk white; both which he very much esteemed; there being
no more either before or fince ever heard of in that Land,
was catched.
If any defire to know how this white Deer was caught, it was thus; The way how
This Deer was obferved to come on Evenings with the rest of the Herd a Wild Deer
to a great Pond to drink; the People that were ordered to catch this
Deer, fenced the Pond round and plain about it with high ftakes, lea-
ving onely one wide gap. The men after this done lay in ambuſh,each
with his bundle of Stakes ready cut. In the Evening the Deer came
with the rest of the Herd to drink according to their wont. As foon
as they were entred within the ftakes, the men in ambush fell to their
work, which was to fence in the gap left, which, there being little leſs
than a Thouſand men, they foon did; and fo all the Herd were eaſily
caught; and this among the reſt.
The King hath alſo an Elephant fpotted or fpeckled all the body of their Ele
over, which was lately caught; and tho he hath many and very ſtate. phants.
ly Elephants, and may have as many more as he pleaſes, yet he prefers
this before them all. And fince I am fallen upon diſcourſe of the Ele- The way of
phant, the creature that this Countrey is famed for above any in India, catching Ele
I will detain my felf a little longer upon it.
phants.
I will firit relate the manner of taking them, and afterwards their
Sagacity, with other things that occur to my memory concerning
them. This Beaft, tho he be fo big and wife, yet he is eafily catched.
When the King commands to catch Elephants, after they have found
them they like, that is fuch as have Teeth; for tho there be many
in the Woods, yet but few have Teeth, and they males onely: unto
theſe they drive fome She-Elephants, which they bring with them for
the purpofe; which when once the males have got a fight of, they will
never leave, but follow them wherefoever they go; and the females
are ſo uſed to it, that they will do whatfoever either by a word or a
beck their Keepers bid them; and fo they delude them along thro
Towns and Countreys, thro the Streets of the City, even to the very
Gates of the Kings Palace; Where fometimes they feize upon them
by fnares, and fometimes by driving them into a kind of Pound, they
catch them. After they have brought the Elephant which is not yet
caught together with the She, into the Kings prefence, if it likes him
not, he commands to let him go; if it does, he appoints him fome cer-
tain place near unto the City, where they are to drive him with the
Females; for without them it is not poffible to make him ſtay; and to
keep him in that place until the Kings further order and pleaſure is to
catch him, which. perhaps may not be in two or three or four Years;
All which time there are great men with Souldiers appointed to watch
there about him: and if he fhould chance to ftray a little out of his
bounds
22
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I.
The under-
bounds ſet by the King, immediately they bring him back,fearing the
Kings diſpleaſure, which is no less than death it felf. Here thefe Ele-
phants do, and may do, great dammage to the Country, by eating up
their Corn, and trampling it with their broad feet, and throwing down
their Coker Nut Trees, and oftentimes their Houſes too, and they may
not refift them. It is thought this is done by the King to punish
them that ly under his difpleaſure. And if you ask what becomes of
theſe Elephants at laſt; fometimes after they have thus kept watch
over them two or three Years, and deſtroyed the Countrey in this
manner, the King will fend order to carry them into the Woods, and let
them go free. For he catcheth them not for any uſe or benefit he hath
by them, but onely for his recreation and paſtime.
As he is the greateſt in body, fo in underſtanding alfo. For he will
ftanding of do any thing that his Keeper bids him, which is poffible for a Beaſt not
Elephants.
Their Nature, having hands to do. And as the Chingulayes report, they bear the
greatest love to their young of all irrational Creatures; for the Shees
are alike tender of any ones young ones as of their own: where there
are many She Elephants together, the young ones go and fuck of any,
as well as of their Mothers; and if a young one be in diſtreſs and fhould
cry out, they will all in general run to the help and aid thereof; and if
they be going over a River, as here be ſome ſomewhat broad, and the
ftreams run very ſwift, they will all with their Trunks affift and help
to convey the young ones over. They take great delight to ly and
tumble in the water, and will fwim excellently well. Their Teeth
they never fhed. Neither will they ever breed tame ones with tame
ones; but to eaſe themſelves of the trouble to bring them meat, they
will ty their two fore-feet together, and put them into the Woods,
where meeting with the wild ones,they conceive and go one Year with
young.
The damage
they do.
Serve the King
It is their conftant practice to fhove down with their heads great
Trees, which they love to eat, when they be too high, and they cannot
otherwiſe reach the boughs. Wild ones will run much faſter than a
man, but tame ones not. The People ſtand in fear of them, and often-
times are kill'd by them. They do them alfo great dammage in their
Grounds, by Night coming into their Fields and eating up their Corn
and likewiſe their Coker-nut-Trees,&c. So that in Towns near unto the
Woods, where are plenty of them, the people are forced to watch
their Corn all Night, and alſo their Outyards and Plantations; into
which being once entred with eating and trampling they will do much
harm, before they can get them out. Who oftentimes when by light.
ing of Torches, and hollowing, they will not go out, take their Bowes
and go and ſhoot them, but not without ſome hazard, for fometimes
the Elephant runs upon them and kills them. For fear of which they
will not adventure unleſs there be Trees, about which they may dodg
to defend themſelves. And altho here be both Bears and Tygers in
theſe Woods, yet they are not fo fierce, as commonly to affault peo-
ple; Travellers and Way-faring men go more in fear of Elephants than
of any other Beaſts.
The King makes ufe of them for Executioners; they will run their
for Executing Teeth through the body, and then taer it in pieces, and throw it limb
Malefactors. from limb. They have ſharp Iron with a focket with three edges,
which they put on their Teeth at fuch times; for the Elephants that
are
སྡ
p2,2,
An Execution by an Eliphant.
с
૨
:
"","
1433
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
23
1
are kept have all the ends of their Teeth cut to make them grow the Chap. 6.
better, and they do grow out again.
fes.
At ſome uncertain feaſons the males have an infirmity comes on Their Difea-
them, that they will be ſtark mad, ſo that none can rule them. Many
fimes it fo comes to pass that they with their Keepers on their backs,
run raging until they throw them down and kill them: but com-
monly there is notice of it before,by an Oyl that will run out of their
cheeks, which when that appears, immediately they chain them faft
to great Trees by the Legs. For this infirmity they ufe no Medicine,
neither is he fick: but the females are never ſubject to this.
up
The Keepers of the Kings Elephants fometimes make a fport with The Sport
them after this manner. They will command an Elephant to take they make.
water, which he does, and ſtands with it in his Trunk, till they com-
mand him to ſquirt it out at fome body, which he immediately will
do, it may be a whole paleful together, and with fuch a force, that a
man can hardly stand againſt it.
There are Ants of feveral forts, and fome worthy our remark.
Ants of divers
First of all, there are the Coumbias, a fort of ſmall reddifh Ants like forts.
ours in England.
Secondly, the Tale-Coumbias, as fmall as the former but blackiſh.
Thefe ufually live in hollow Trees or rotten Wood, and will ſting
moſt terribly.
Thirdly, the Dimbios, great red Ants. Theſe make their nefts
upon
the Boughs of great Trees, bringing the Leaves together in cluſters, it
may be as big as a mans head; in which they lay their Eggs and breed.
There will be oftentimes many nefts of thefe upon one Tree, info-
much that the people are afraid to go up to gather the Fruits left they
fhould be ftung by them.
A fourth fort of Ants are thoſe they call Coura-atch. They are great
and black, living in the ground. Their daily practice is to bring up
dirt out of the ground, making great hollow holes in the Earth,fome-
what reſembling Cony-Burrows; onely theſe are leſs, and run ſtrait
downwards for fome way, and then turn away into divers paths un-
der ground. In many places of the Land there are fo many of thefe
holes, that Cattle are ready to break their Legs as they go. Theſe do
not fting.
A fifth is the Coddia. This Ant is of an excellent bright black, and
as large as any of the former. They dwell always in the ground; and
their uſual practice is, to be travelling in great multitudes, but I do
not know where they are going, nor what their bufinefs is; but they
paſs and repaſs ſome forwards and fome backwards in great haft,feem-
ingly as full of employment as People that paſs along the Streets.
Thefe Ants will bite defperately, as bad as if a man were burnt with a
coal of fire. But they are of a noble nature: for they will not be-
gin; and you may ftand by them, if you do not tread upon them nor
diſturb them. The reafon their bite is thus terribly painful is this;
Formerly theſe Ants went to ask a Wife of the Noya, a venomous and
noble kind of Snake; and becauſe they had fuch an high ſpirit to dare coddia's
to offer to be related to fuch a generous creature, they had this vertue
beſtowed upon them, that they should fting after this manner. And
if they had obtained a Wife of the Noya, they fhould have had the
priviledg to have ftung full as bad as.he. This is a currant Fable among
-। .
the
How theſe
come to ſting
fo terribly,
24
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I.
Theſe Ants a
very miſchie-
vous fort.
The curious
the Vatos.
the Chingulays. Tho undoubtedly they chiefly regard the wifedom
that is concealed under this, and the reft of their Fables.
any
There is a fixth fort called Vaeos. Theſe are more numerous than
of the former. All the whole Earth doth fwarm with them. They
are of a middle fize between the greateſt and the leaſt, the hinder part
white, and the head red. They eat and devour all that they can come
at; as befides food, Cloth, Wood, Thatch of Houfes and every thing
excepting Iron and Stone. So that the people cannot fet any thing up-
on the ground within their houſes for them. They creep up the walls
of their houſes, and build an Arch made of dirt over themſelves all the
way as they climb, be it never ſo high. And if this Arch or Vault
chance to be broken, they all, how high foever they were,come back
again to mend up the breach, which being finiſhed they proceed for-
wards again, eating every thing they come at in their way. This
Vermin does exceedingly annoy the Chingulays, infomuch that they
are continually looking upon any thing they value, to fee if any of
theſe Vaeos have been at it. Which they may eafily perceive by this
Cafe of dirt, which they cannot go up any where without building as
they go. And wherefoever this is feen, no doubt the Ants are there.
In places where there are no houſes, and they can eat nothing be-
Buildings of longing to the people, they will raife great Hills like Butts, fome four
or five or fix foot high; which are ſo hard and ſtrong, that it would
be work enough to dig them down with Pick-Axes. The Chingulays
call thefe Humboffes. Within they are full of hollow Vaults and Arches
where they dwell and breed, and their nefts are much like to Honey-
combs, full of eggs and young ones. Theſe Humboffes are built with
a pure refined Clay by the ingenious builders. The people uſe this
Clay to make their Earthen Gods of, becauſe it is fo pure and fine.
The manner
This fort of creatures as they increaſe in multitudes, fo they dy in
of their death. multitudes alfo. For when they come to maturity they have wings,and
in the Evening after the going down of the Sun, (never before) all
thofe that are fledged and ripe, will iffue forth in fuch vaſt numbers,
that they do almoſt darken the Sky, flying to fuch an height, as they
go out of fight, and fo keep flying till they fall down dead at laſt upon
the Earth. The Birds that tarry up late, and are not yet gone to rooſt,
fly among them and make good Suppers of them.
Bees of feve-
ral kinds.
Bees that
The People in this Land never feed their Poultry. But they feed up-
on theſe Ants, which by ſcraping among the leaves and dirt they can
never want; and they delight in them above Rice or any thing elſe.
Beſides all theſe Ants already mentioned,there are divers other diftinct
forts of them.
But we will proceed to a more beneficial Infect, the Bee. Of which
there be three forts. The firſt are the Meemales, which are the right
English Bees. They build in hollow Trees, or hollow holes in the
ground, which the Vaee's have made. Into which holes the men blow
with their mouths, and the Bees preſently fly out. And then they
put in their hands, and pull out the Combs, which they put in Pots or
Veffels, and carry away. They are not afraid of their ſtinging in the
leaſt, nor do they arm themſelves with any cloths againſt them.
The ſecond are the Bamburo's, larger and of a brighter colour than
build on Trees Our English Bees. Their Honey is thin like water comparatively. They
make their Combs upon limbs of Trees, open and viſible to the Eye,
generally
like Birds.
*
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
!
25
generally of a great height. At time of year whole Towns, forty or Chap. 6.
fifty in company together will go out into the Woods, and gather this
honey, and come home laden with it for their uſe.
The third fort they call Connameia, fignifying a blind Bee. They
are ſmall like a Fly, and black. They build in hollow Trees; and their
honey fomewhat tarriſh: and they make fuch fmall quantities of it,that
the people little regard it. The Boyes will fometimes cut a hole and
take it out.
as well as
When they meet with any fwarms of Bees hanging on any Tree, The people
they will hold Torches under to make them drop; and fo catch them at the Bees,
and carry them home. Which they boyl and eat, and eſteem excellent their honey.
food.
رحـ
and creep on
There is a fort of Leaches of the nature of ours, onely differing in Leaches that
colour and bignefs. For they are of a dark reddiſh colour like the skin ly in the grafs,
of Bacon, and as big as a Gooſe quill, in length ſome two or three Travellers
inches. At firſt, when they are young, they are no bigger than a horſe Legs.
hair, ſo that they can ſcarce be ſeen. In dry weather none of them
appear, but immediately upon the fall of Rains, the Grafs and Woods
are full of them. Thele Leaches feize upon the Legs of Travellers;
who going barefoot according to the cuſtom of that Land, have them
hanging upon their Legs in multitudes, which fuck their blood till
their bellies are full, and then drop off. They come in fuch quanti-
ties, that the people cannot pull them off fo faft as they crawl on. The
blood runs pouring down their Legs all the way they go, and 'tis no
little ſmart neither, fo that they would willingly be without them if
they could, eſpecially thofe that have fores on their Legs; for they all
gather to the fore.
:
Some therefore will tie a piece of Lemon and Salt in a rag and faften The remedies
it unto a ſtick, and ever and anon ſtrike it upon their Legs to make they uſe
the Leaches drop off: others will ſcrape them off with a reed cut flat againſt them.
and ſharp in the faſhion of a knife. But this is fo troubleſom,and they
come on again fo faft and fo numerous, that it is not worth their
while and generally they fuffer them to bite and remain their
Legs during their Journey; and they do the more patiently permit
them, becauſe it is fo wholſome for them. When they come to their
Journeys end they rub all their Legs with afhes, and fo clear them-
felves of them at once: but ſtill the blood will remain dropping a
great while after. But they are moft annoyed by them when they go
out to ftool a-Nights, being fmall and of the colour of their bodies, fo
that they can neither fee nor feel to pull them off. And theſe, tho they
be in fuch quantities in fome of theſe Countreys, yet in others there are
none at all, nor ever were known to have been. But befides theſe,
there are Water Leaches the fame with ours.
!
divers kinds.
Monkeys. Of which there are abundance in the Woods, and of divers
Apes and
forts, fome fo large as our English Spaniel Dogs, of a darkish gray co- Monkeys of
lour, and black faces, with great white beards round from ear to ear,
which makes them fhew juft like old men. There is another fort juſt
of the fame bignefs, but differ in colour, being milk white both in
body and face, having great beards like the others; of this fort of
white ones there is not fuch plenty. But both theſe forts do but lit-
tle miſchief, keeping in the Woods, eating onely leaves and buds of
Trees, but when they are catched, they will eat any thing. This fort
E
they
26
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilan,
Part I. they call in their Language, Wanderows. There is yet another ſort of
Apes, of which there is great abundance, who coming with fuch mul-
titudes do a great deal of miſchief to the Corn, that groweth in the
Woods, fo that they are fain all the day long to keep Watch to ſcare
them out: and fo foon as they are gone to fray them away at one end
of the Field; others who wait for fuch an opportunity come skipping
in at the other; and before they can turn, will fill both bellies and
hands full, to carry away with them; and to ftand all round to guard
their Fields is more than they can do. This fort of Monkeys have no
beards, white faces, and long hair on the top of their heads, which part-
eth and hangeth down like a mans. Theſe are fo impudent that they
will come into their Gardens, and eat fuch Fruit as grows there. They
call theſe Rillowes. The flesh of all theſe forts of Apes they account
good to eat. There are feveral forts of Squirrels alſo, which they do
eat when they can catch them.
How they
catch wild
Beafts.
1
Before I make an end of my difcourfe of their Beaſts, it may be
worth while to relate the ways they uſe to catch them. At which they
are very crafty.
For the catching of Deer or other wild Beaſts, they have this inge-
nious device. In dark Moons when there are drifling Rains, they go
about this deſign. They have a basket made with canes fomewhat
like unto a funnel, in which they put a potfheard with fire in it, toge-
ther with a certain wood, which they have growing there, full of fap
like pitch, and that will burn like a pitch-barrel. This being kindled
in the potſheard flames, and gives an exceeding light. They carry it
upon their heads with the flame foremoft; the basket hiding him that
is under it, and thoſe that come behind it. In their hands they carry
three or four ſmall bells, which they tingle as they go, that the noyſe
of their ſteps ſhould not be heard. Behind the man that carries the
light, go men with Bowes and Arrows. And fo they go walking along
the Plains, and by the Pond fides, where they think the Deer will
come out to feed. Which when they ſee the light, ſtand ſtill and ſtare
upon ifeeing onely the light, and hearing nothing but the tingling
of the bulls.
The eyes of the Deer or other Cattle first appear to them gliſtering
like Stars of light or Diamonds: and by their long experience they
will diſtinguiſh one Beaſt from another by their eyes. All Creatures,
as Deer, Hares, Elephants, Bears,&c. excepting onely wild Hogs,will
ſtand ſtill, wondering at this ftrange fight, till the people come as
near as they do defire, and fo let fly their Arrows upon them. And
by this means they feldom go, but they catch fomething. The blades
of their hunting-Arrowes are at leaſt a foot or a foot and an half long,
and the length of the ſtaff of their Arrowes is a Rian, that is about two
cubits.
Again, they will obferve where a Deers haunt is to break over
their Hedges into the Corn Grounds. There they will fet a fharp pole
like a Spear full againſt the Haunt. So that the Deer when the leaps
over thruſts her felf upon the point of it.
If a Tyger chance to come into their Grounds and kill a Cow, they
will take notice of the place thro which he paſſed, and fet a Croſs-bow
there ready charged. The Tyger coming that way again touches fome-
thing that is faftned to the tricker of the Croſs-bow, and fo it difchar-
ges upon him.
The
A Nanderor.
A Rillero.
p
26
}
27
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
How they
The wild Hog is of all other the hardeſt to be caught; and 'tis dan- Chap. 7.
gerous to attempt the catching of him. For the people make valour to La
confift in three things, one is to fight against the Enemy, another to take the Wild
hunt the Elephant, and the third to catch Hoggs. Yet fometimes by Boar.
their art they entrap them. And that they do after this manner. They
dig an hole in the Earth of a convenient depth, and fix divers fharp
ſtakes in the bottom of it. Then they cover it over lightly with Earth
and Leaves, and plant thereupon roots which the Hog loves, as Pota-
toes or fuch like, which will grow there. And the pit remains, it
may be fometimes months or half a year, till at laft an Hog comes,and
while he is rooting his weight betrayes him and in he falls.
Again, fometimes they will fet a falling trap of an exceeding weight,
and under it plant Roots and fuch like things, which the Hog de-
lights in. There are contrivances under the weeds and leaves, which
when he goes to eat by touching or treading upon fomething faftned
to the trap, it falls down upon him. Theſe are made fo artificially, that
people fometimes have been caught and deſtroyed by them. Once
fuch a trap in my remembrance fell upon three women and killed them:
Who having been ſtealing Cotton in a Plantation, and fearing to be
catched went to creep out at a hole, where this Trap ftood.
And thus I have related fome of their ways of taking wild Cattel.
They are good alfo at catching Birds and Vermin; In fine, they are
the cunningeſt people in the World for fuch kind of traps and gins.
And all of them they make onely by the help of their Knives with
green ſticks and withs that grow in the Woods. And ſo much of
their Beaſts.
I
CHAP. VII.
Of their Birds, Fish, Serpents, Commodities:
N the next place I will entertain you with fome relation of the Their Birds,
other living Creatures among them. I begin with their Birds.
In that Land there are Crowes, Sparrowes, Tom-titts, Snipes, juſt
like theſe in England, Wood-Pigeons alfo, but not great flocks of any
forts, as we have, onely of Crowes and Pigeons. I have ſeen there Birds
juſt like Woodcocks and Partridges, but they are ſcarce. A great many
wild Peacocks: fmall green Parrots, but not very good to talk. But
here is another Bird in their Language called Mal-cowda, which with be taught to
teaching will ſpeak excellently well. It is black with yellow gills fpeak.
about the bigness of a Black-Bird: And another fort there is of the
fame bignefs, called Cau-cowda, yellow like gold, very beautiful to the
eye, which alſo might be taught to fpeak.
Such as will
Here are other forts of fmall Birds,not much bigger than a Sparrow, such as are!
very lovely to look on, but I think good for nothing elfe: fome being beautiful for
in colour white like Snow, and their tayl about one foot in length,and colour.
their heads black like jet, with a tuft like a plume of Feathers ftanding
upright thereon. There are others of the fame fort onely differing
in colour, being reddiſh like a ripe Orange, and on the head a Plume
of black Feathers ftanding up. I fuppofe, one may be the Cock, and
the other the Hen.
E 2
Here
•
28
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I.
A ftrange
Bird.
Water-Fowls
reſembling
Ducks and
Swans.
Peacocks.
The King
Here is a fort of Bird they call Carlo, which never lighteth on the
ground, but always fets on very high Trees. He is as big as a Swan,
the colour black, the Legs very fhort, the Head monftrous, his Bill
very long, a little rounding like a Hawks, and white on each fide of
the head, like ears: on the top of the crown groweth out a white
thing, fomewhat like to the coinb of a Cock; commonly they keep
four or five of them together; and always are hopping from bough to
bough; They are feldom filent, but continually make a roaring
noyle, fomewhat like the quacking of a Duck, that they may be heard
at leaſt a mile off; the reafon they thus cry, the Chingulayes fay, is for
Rain, that they may drink. The bodies of theſe Fowls are good to
eat.
Here is a fort of Bird very much reſembling a Duck, but not very
plentiful. And another fort of Fowl as big as a Duck, cole black, which
liveth altogether upon Fifh. It is admirable to fee, how long they
will remain under water, and at what a diftance they will rife again.
Beſides thefe, there are many other kinds of Birds, much larger than
Swans, which keep about the Ponds and Marſhes to catch Fish, but the
people eat them not: Nature hath endowed them with an admirable
underſtanding, that they are not to be catched by the Allegators, tho
there be many of them in thoſe waters.
The Peacocks in rainy weather are fometimes hunted and caught
by Dogs; for their Feathers being wet, they are uncapable of flying
far.
The King hath Geefe, Ducks, Turkeys, Pigeons, which he keeps tame,
keeps Fowl. but none elie may. Turkeys he delights not in, becauſe they change
the colour of their heads: Neither doth he kill any of theſe to eat,
nor any other creature of what fort foever, and he hath many, that he
keeps tame.
Their Fiſh.
How they
catch them
In Ponds.
They have no want of Fiſh, and thoſe good ones too. All little Ri-
vers and Streams running thro the Valleys are full of finall Fiſh, but
the Boyes and others wanting fomewhat to eat with their Rice,do con-
tinually catch them before they come to maturity: nay all their Ponds
are full of them, which in dry weather drying up, the people catch
multitudes of them in this manner. They have a kind of a Basket made
of fmall Sticks, ſo cloſe that Fiſh cannot get thro; it is broad at bot-
tom, and narrow at top, like a funnel, the hole big enough for a man
to thrust his Arm in, wide at the mouth about two or three foot;
theſe baskets they jobb down, and the ends ftick in the mud, which
often happen upon a Fiſh; when they do, they feel it by the Fiſh beat-
ing it felf againſt the fides. Then they put in their hands and take them
out. And rieve a Rattan thro their gills, and fo let them drag after
them. One end of this Rattan is ftuck in the fiſher's girdle, and the
other knotted, that the fiſh ſhould not flip off: which when it is full,
he diſcharges himſelf of them by carrying them afhore. Nay every
ditch and little plaſh of water but anckle deep hath fiſh in it.
The great River, Mavela-gonga, abounds exceedingly with them.'
Some of them as big as Salmons. But the people have little under-
How they ftanding in the way of taking them. In very dry weather,they ftretch
a With over the River, which they hang all full of boughs of Trees to
fcare the Fiſh. This With thus hung they drag down with the ftream,
and to Leeward they place Fish-pots between the Rocks, and ſo drive
catch Fish in
the River.
the
Their
n
manner
་་།
r of Fishing.
C
2,8.
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
29
fcd for the
the Fish into them. Nets or other wayes they have few or none. Chap. 7.
At a Pallage-place near to the City of Candy, the Fish formerly have
been nouriſhed and fed by the Kings order, to keep them there for his Fih kept and
Majefties pleaſure; whither, having uſed to be thus provided for, not Kings plea-
withſtanding Floods and ſtrong Streams, they will ftill refort: and are fure.
fo tame, that I have feen them eat out of mens hands; but death it is
to them that prefume to catch them. The people paffing over here,
will commonly feed them with fome of their Rice, accounting it a
piece of charity fo to do, and pleaſure to fee them eat it.
In many
other places allo there are Fifh thus fed and kept onely for the Kings
Recreation: for he will never let any be catched for his uſe.
cus bigness.
Of Serpents, there are thefe forts. The Pimberah, the body where- Serpents.
of is as big as a mans 'middle, and of a length proportionable. It is The imberan
not ſwift, but by fubtilty will catch his prey; which are Deer or other cf a prodigi-
Cattel; He lyes in the path where the Deer ufe to paſs, and as they
go, he claps hold of them by a kind of peg that growes on his tayl,
with which he ſtrikes them. He will fwallow a Roe Buck whole horns
and all; fo that it happens fometimes the horns run thro his belly,and
kill him. A Stag was caught by one of theſe Pimberahs, which leifed
him by the buttock, and held him fo faft, that he could not get away,
but ran a few ſteps this way and that way. An Indian feeing the Stag
run thus,fuppofed him in a fnare,and having a Gun fhot him; at which
he gave fo ftrong a jerk, that it pulled the Serpents head off, while
his tayl was encompaffing a Tree to hold the Stag the better.
There is another venomous Snake called Polongo, the moſt veno- The Polonga,
mous of all, that kills Cattel. Two forts of them I have feen, the
one green, the other of a reddiſh gray, full of white rings along the
fides, and about five or fix foot long.
Another poyſonous Snake there is called Noya, of a grayish colour, The Noÿa,
about four foot long. This will ſtand with half his body upright two
or three hours together, and spread his head broad open, where there
appears like as it were a pair of fpectacles painted on it. The Indians
call this Noy-Rogerati, that is, a Kings-Snake, that will do no harm.
But if the Polonga and the Noya meet together, they ceaſe not fighting
till one hath kill'd the other.
Polonga.
The reafon and original of this fatal enmity between theſe two Ser The Fable of
pents, is this, according to a Fable among the Chingulays. These two the Noya and
chanced to meet in a dry Seafon, when water was ſcarce. The Polonga
being almoſt famiſhed for thirſt, asked the Noya, where he might go to
find a little water. The Noya a little before had met with a bowl of
water in which a Child lay playing. As it is ufual among this people
to wash their Children in a bowl of water, and there leave them to
tumble and play in it. Here the Noya quenched his thirſt, but as he
was drinking, the Child that lay in the bowl, out of his innocency
and play, hit him on the Head with his hand, which the Noya made
no matter of, but bare patiently, knowing it was not done out of any
malice and having drunk as much as fufficed him, went away with-
out doing the Child any harm.
Being minded to direct the Polonga to this bowl, but defirous withal
to preſerve the Child, he told him, That he knew of water, but that
he was ſuch a furly hafty creature, that he was fearful to let him know
where it was, left he might do fome miſchief; Making him therefore
promiſe
30
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part I.
:
The Carowala:
Gerende.
Hickanella.
A great Spi-
der.
Kobbera-guion,
a Creature
promiſe that he would not, he then told him, that at fuch a place there
was a bowl of water with a Child playing in it, and that probably the
Child might, as he was tumbling give him a pat on the Head, as he
had done to him before, but charged him nevertheleſs not to hurt the
Child, Which the Polonga having promiſed went his way towards
the water, as the Noya had directed him. The Noya knowing his
touchy difpofition, went after him, fearing he might do the Child a
mifchief, and that thereby he himſelf might be deprived of the like
benefit afterwards. It fell out as he feared. For as the Polonga drank,
the Child patted him on the head, and he in his hafty humour bit him
on the hand and killed him. The Noya feeing this, was refolved to
be revenged; and fo reproaching him for his baſeneſs, fought him ſo
long till he killed him, and after that devoured him. Which to this
day they ever do, always fight when they meet, and the Conquerour
eats the the body of the vanquished. Hence the Proverb among the
Chingulayes, when they fee two men irreconcileable, they compare
them to the Polonga and Noya, and fay, Noya Polonga waghe, like a
Noya and Polonga.
There is the Carowala, about two foot in length very poyfonous,
that lurks in the holes and thatch of houſes. The Cats will feize theſe
and kill and eat them.
Other Snakes there are, called Gerende, whereof there are many but
not venomous. Of the former there are but a few in compariſon. Theſe
laft mentioned the greateſt mifchief they do, is to deſtroy young Birds
and Eggs,and young Hares. Rabbets cannot be kept here to run wild,
becauſe of theſe and other Vermin,fuch as Polecats,Ferrets, Weazels,&c.
Hickanella, much like a Lizzard, venomous, but ſeldom bites un
leſs provoked, theſe ly in the thatch of the houſes.
There is a Spider called Democulo, very long black and hairy, fpeck-
led and gliſtering. Its body is as big as a mans fift with feet propor-
tionable. Theſe are very poyfonous; and they keep in hollow Trees
and holes. Men bitten with them will not dy, but the pain will for
fome time put them out of their Sences.
Cattle are often bit by fome of thefe Snakes, and as often found dead
of them, tho not eaten. Treading upon them fleeping, or the like,
may be the cauſe of it. When the people are bitten by any of theſe,
they are cured by Charms and Medicines, if taken and applyed in
time.
There are alſo a fort of Water Snakes they call Duberria ; but harm-
lefs.
Alligators may be reduced hither: there be many of them. Of which
we have faid fomewhat before.
There is a Creature here called Kobbera guion, refembling an Alli-
gator. The biggeſt may be five or fix foot long, fpeckled black and
like an Alle white. He lives moft upon the Land, but will take the water and dive
under it: hath a long blew forked tongue like a fting, which he puts
gator.
forth
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
31
He is
forth and hiffeth and gapeth, but doth not bite nor fting, tho the ap- Chap. 7.
pearance of him would fcare thoſe that knew not what he was.
not afraid of people, but will ly gaping and hiffing at them in the way,
and will ſcarce ſtir out of it. He will come and eat Carrion with the
Dogs and Jackals, and will not be ſcared away by them, but if they
come near to bark or ſnap at him, with his tayl, which is about an Ell
long like a whip, he will fo flaſh them, that they will run away and
howl. This Creature is not eatable.
But there is the Tolla guion very like the former, which is eaten, and Tolla-guion
reckoned excellent meat. The Chingulays fay it is the beſt ſort of fleſh;
and for this reaſon, That if you eat other fleſh at the fame time you eat
of this, and have occafion to vomit, you will never vomit out this tho
you vomit all the other. This creature eats not carrion,but only leaves
and herbs; is lefs of fize than the Kobbera guion, and blackish, lives in
hollow Trees and holes in the Humboffes: And I fuppofe is the fame
with that which in the West Indies they call the Guiana.
This Countrey has its Vermin alſo. They have a fort of Rats, they The People
call Musk-Rats, becauſe they ſmell ftrong of Musk. Theſe the Inha- eat Rats.
bitants do not eat of, but of all other fort of Rats they do.
Before I conclude my diſcourſe of the Growth and Product of this
Countrey, it will not be improper to reduce under this head its Pre-
cious Stones, Minerals, and other Commodities. Of which I ſhall briefly
ſpeak, and fo make an end of this First Part.
Stones,
In this Iſland are feveral forts of Precious Stones, which the King Precious
for his part has enough of, and fo careth not to have more diſcovery
made. For in certain places where they are known to be, are ſharp
Poles ſet up fixed in the ground, fignifying, that none upon pain of
being ftuck and impaled upon thoſe Poles, prefume fo much as to go
that way; Alfo there are certain Rivers, out of which it is generally
reported they do take Rubies and Saphires for the Kings ufe, and Cats
eyes. And I have ſeen ſeveral pretty coloured ftones, fome as big as
Cherry-ftones, fome as Buttons, and tranfparent, but underſtood not
what they were. Rubies and Saphires I my felf have ſeen here.
modities.
Here is Iron and Christal in great plenty. Salt-Petre they can make. Minerals and
Brimstone fome fay, is here, but the King will not have it diſcovered. other Com
Steel they can make of their Iron. Ebony in great abundance, with
choice of tall and large Timber. Cardamums, Faggory, Rack, Oyl, black
Lead, Turmeric, Salt, Rice, Bettel-Nuts, Musk, Wax, Pepper, Which
laſt grows here very well, and might be in great plenty, if it had a
Vend. And the peculiar Commodity of the Ifland, Cinnamon. Wild
Cattel, and wild Honey in great plenty in the Woods; it lyes in holes
or hollow Trees, free for any that will take the pains to get it. Ele-
phants Teeth, and Cotton, of which there is good plenty, growing in
their own Grounds, fufficient to make them good and ſtrong cloth
for their own uſe, and alfo to fell to the People of the Uplands, where
Cotton is not fo plenty. All theſe things the Land affords, and it
might do it in much greater quantity, if the People were but labo
1
rious
32
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
}
diſcouraged
Part I. rious and induſtrious. But that they are not. For the Chingulays are
V Naturally, a people given to floth and lazinefs: if they can but any
ways live,they abhor to work; onely what their neceffities force them
to, they do, that is, to get Food and Rayment. Yet in this I muft
a little vindicate them; For what indeed ſhould they do with more
The People than Food and Rayment, feeing as their Eftates encreaſe, fo do their
from Induſtry Taxes alfo? And altho the People be generally covetous, fpending
by the Ty but little, fcraping together what they can, yet fuch is the Govern-
ment they are under, that they are afraid to be known to have any
thing, leit it be taken away from them. Neither have they any en-
couragement for their induſtry, having no Vend by Traffic and Com-
merce for what they have got.
ranny they
are under.
PART
,
Rajah Singah the King of Ceylon.
е
C
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
33
PART II.
Chap. I.
H
him.
CHAP. I.
Of the prefent King of Cande.
Itherto I have treated of the Countrey, with the Provifions The Govern
and Wealth of it: Our next Difcourfes fhall be of the Po- ment of this
Iſland.
litical Government there exerciſed. And here Order will
lead us to ſpeak firſt of the King and Matters relating to
Antiently this Countrey confifted of Nine Kingdoms, all which
had their feveral Kings; but now by the viciffitude of Times and
Things,they are all reduced under one King, who is an abfolute Tyrant,
and Rules the moſt arbitrarily of any King in the World. We will
firſt ſpeak of him as to his Perfonal Capacity, and next as to his Poli-
tical.
In his Perſonal Capacity, are to be confidered his Birth and Parentage,
his Perfon, his Relations, his State, his Manners, his Pleaſures and Re-
creations, his Religion.
The King's
Radga-Singa is his Name, which fignifies a Lyon-King. He is not
of the right Deſcent of the Royal-Blood. For the former King deceafed Lineage.
leaving his Queen a Widow, and two young Princes, which he had
iffue by her. She was a Chriftian, having been baptized by the Portu-
guez, and named Dona Catharina. Slie afterwards married to the
Chief Priest, whom in their Language they call Tirinanxy. And by
him had this Son, the prefent King. The Tirinanx his Father reigned
and ruled the Land during the minority of the young Princes: but
being aged, he divided the Countrey between the three Princes by Lot,
intending Conde Uda, which is the beſt part of the Land, for his own
Son, Radga-Singa. Which was obtained by this device. The names
of the three Kingdoms being written on three Papers, were put into a
Pot, and one was appointed, who knew the matter to take them out,
and deliver them one to each, beginning with the Eldeſt, craftily de-
livering that which had Conde Uda written in it unto Radga-Singa;
and fo it came to pafs according to the old Kings determination. All,
theſe three in the beginning of their Reigns joyned together againſt
the Portuguez, but foon after fell out among themſelves, and this King
in the end prevailed, and got all the Countrey. Danna Polla Rodgerah
the youngeſt, King of Mautoly, being overthrown, fled down to the
Portuguez to Columba, who fent him to Goa, where he dyed. The other
named Comaure-Singa, King of Owvah, dyed in Cande.
His Perſon,
Habit.
As to the Perfon of the prefent King. He is not tall, but very well
fet, nor of the cleareſt colour of their complexion, but fomewhat of Meen, and
the blackeft; great rowling Eyes, turning them and looking every
way, alwayes moving them: a brisk bold look, a great ſwelling Bel-
ly, and very lively in his actions and behaviour, fomewhat bald, not
having much hair upon his head, and that gray, a large comely Beard,
with great Whiskers; in conclufion, a very comely man. He bears
F
his
34
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilor,
Chap. 11. his years well, being between Seventy and Eighty years of age; and
His Queen,
tho an Old man, yet appears not to be like one, neither in countenance
nor action. His Apparel is very ftrange and wonderful, not after his
own Countrey-faſhion, or any other, being made after his own inven-
tion. On his head he wears a Cap with four corners like a Jefuits
three teer high, and a Feather ſtanding upright before, like that in the
head of a fore-horſe in a Team, a long band hanging down his back
after the Portuguez fashion, his Doublet after fo 1trange a fhape, that
I cannot well defcribe it, the body of one, and the fleeves of another
colour; He wears long Breeches to his Anckles, Shoes and Stockings.
He doth not always keep to one faſhion, but changes as his fancy leads
him but always when he comes abroad, his Sword hangs by his fide
in a belt over his fhoulder: which no Chingulays dare wear,only white
men may: a Gold Hilt, and Scabberd moſt of beaten Gold. Com-
monly he holdeth in his hand a ſmall Cane, painted of divers colours,
and towards the lower end fet round about with ſuch ſtones, as he
hath, and pleaſeth, with a head of Gold.
;
His right and lawful Queen, who was a Malabar, brought from the
and Children. Coaft, is itill living, but hath not been with him, as is known, this
Twenty years, remaining in the City of Cande, where he left her
She wants indeed neither maintenance nor attendance,but never comes
out of the Palace. Several Noble-mens Daughters hold Land for this
Service, viz. to come to her Court in their turns to wait upon her
Majefty. She bare him a Prince, but what became of him, fhall here-
after be fhewn. He had alſo a Daughter by Her, he came alfo in her
Youth to a piteous and unfortunate death, as I fhall relate in its
place.
His Palace,
of it.
He keeps his Court at Digligy neur, whither he fled in a Rebellion
Situation and againſt him. His Palace ſtands adjoyning to a great Hill, which was
Defcription before mentioned; near unto that part of the Hill next abutting upon
his Court none dares prefume to fet his foot: that being for his fafe-
guard to fly unto in time of need. The Palace is walled about with
a Clay Wall, and Thatched, to prevent the Claye's being melted by
the Rains, which are great and violent: Within this Wall it is all full
of houſes; moſt of which are low and thatched; but fome are two
Stories high, and tyled very handſomely, with open Galleries for Air,
rayled about with turned Banifters, one Ebony, and one painted, but
not much Profpect, ftanding between two Hills. And indeed the
King lives there not fo much for pleaſure as fecurity. The Palace it ſelf
hath many large and ſtately Gates two leaved; theſe Gates, with their
Pofts, excellently carved; the Iron-work thereunto belonging,as Bolts
and Locks,all rarely engraven. The Windows inlayd with Silver Plates
and Ebony. On the top of the houſes of his Palace and Treaſury,ſtand
Earthen Pots at each corner; which are for ornament; or which is a
newer faſhion, ſomething made of Earth reſembling Flowers and Bran-
ches. And no Houſes befides, except Temples, may have thefe placed
upon
them. The contrivance of his Palace is, as I may fay, like Wood-
Stock Bower, with many turnings and windings, and doors, he himſelf
having ordered and contrived all theſe Buildings, and the manner of
them. At all the Doors and Paffages ftand Watches: and they who
thus give attendance are not to pafs without fpecial Order from one
place to another, but are to remain in that place or at that Gate,where
Li...
the
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
35
the King hath appointed them. By means of thefe contrivances it is Chap. 7.
not eafie to know in what part or place his Perfon is, neither doth he
care they fhould.
Court.
He has ftrong Watches night and day about his Court. And they Strong Guards
are his Grandee's, who themſelves in perfon watch in certain places, about his
where the King himſelf appoints them: and they dare not be abſent
from thence, without it be to go to cat, or upon fuch like occafions.
At Night they all have their fet places within the Court, where they
cannot one come to the fpeech of the other, neither dare they that are
near together, or in fight one of the other, fo much as come and fit
together and talk,to país away the Nights. All theſe great men have
Souldiers under them, and they are alfo to come by turns to watch a
theCourt. But at Night as their Maſters and Commanders watch within
the Walls, fo they must watch without, in outward Courts and
Guards; neither dare any of them be feen within with their Com-
manders. At the end of every Watch there are a multitude of Trum-
pets and Drums to make a noife; which is to keep his People waking,
and for the honour of his Majefty. There are alfo Elephants, which
are appointed all night to ſtand and watch, left there ſhould be any
Tumult; which if there fhould, could preſently trample down a mul-
titude.
He hath alſo a Guard of Cofferies or Negro's, in whom he impofeth Next his own
more confidence, then in his own People. Thefe are to watch at his Perfon Negro's
Chamber door, and next his Perfon.
watch.
At uncertain times he will ſend out a Spy by Night, to ſee what spies fent out
Watch is kept. Who once finding one of the Great Men afleep, took a Nights.
his Cap, his Sword and other Arms, and brought them to the King;
who afterwards reſtored them to the Owner again, reproving him,
and bidding him take more heed for the future. Thefe Spyes alfo are
to hear and ſee what paffes: neither is there any thing faid or done but
he has notice of it. Formerly he uſed in the Nights to diſguiſe himſelf
and walk abroad in the Streets to fee all paffages, but now he will not
adventure fo to do.
Moft of his Attendants are Boyes, and Young Men, that are well fa- His atten-
voured, and of good Parentage. For the ſupplying himſelf with theſe, dants.
he gives order to his Diffava's or Governors of the Countreys to pick
and chooſe out Boyes, that are comely and of good Defcent, and fend
them to the Court. Thefe Boyes go bare-headed with long hair
hanging down their backs. Not that he is guilty of Sodomy, nor did I
ever hear the Sin fo much as mentioned among them.
;
He hath many Women belonging to his Kitchin, choofing to have Handſom wo-
his Meat dreſſed by them. Several times he hath fent into the Coun- men belong
to his Kitchin
treys a Command to gather handſome young Women of the Chingulayes
to recruit his Kitchin, with no exceptions whether married or unmar-
ried:and thoſe that are chofen for that Service never return back again.
Once fince my being on the Land, all the Portuguez Women that were
young and white were fent for to the Court, no matter whether Maids
or Wives; where fome remained until now, and fome that were not
amiable in his fight were fent home; and fome having purchaſed his
difpleaſure were caft into a River, which is his manner of executing
Women. And fome fent Priſoners in the Countrey, being none admit-
ted to fpeech or fight of them.
F 2
Concubines
36
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part. II.
His Women,
ledg of the
!
Concubines he keepeth not many. Some are within his Palace.
W And thoſe whofe Office is about his Kitchin are reported to be
and the Privi- fo; which is not improbable, feeing he admits none but them
that are young and very handfom to the imployment. Other
Towns where of his women dwell in Towns near to the City. Into which
no Stranger is permitted to go, nay it is dangerous to approach
near. Theſe Towns have this Priviledg, that if any Slave flee
from his Maſter and come hither, he is fafe and free from his
Maſters ſervice,but ftill remains a Slave there to them.
they live.
His State when
he walks in
his Palace; or
goes abroad.
Sometimes he walketh about his Palace, where there are cer-
tain Pedestalls of Stone whitened with Lime and laid in Oyl, fo
that they look purely white, made and fet up in divers places,
here he ftands when he comes forth, that he might be above
the reft of the People, and fee about him. But when he is
minded to go abroad, though it be never fo little a way, and
he feldom or never goes far, Order is given fome time before,
for all Soldiers of his Guards which are a great many, it may
be Thouſands, together with a Dutch and Portugal Captain with
their Flags and Soldiers, Drummers, Trumpeters, Pipers, Singers,
and all belonging, as Elephants, Horfes, Falkeners with their
Faulkons, and many others, to ftand at the Gate in a readineſs
to attend his pleaſure. And tho he means not to come forth,
yet they muſt wait in this manner, until he give order, that
they may depart to their houſes. Commonly all this affembly
are gathered together at the Palace three or four times before
he comes out once. And oftentimes he comes out when none
there are aware of it, with only thofe that attend on his per-
for within his Palace. And then when it is heard, that his Ma-
jefty is come forth, they all run ready to break their necks, and
place themſelves at a diftance to Guard his Perfon and wait his
pleaſure. Sometimes, but very feldom, He comes forth riding
upon an Horſe or Elephant. But ufually he is brought out in a
Pallenkine; which is nothing fo well made as in other parts of
India. The ends of the Bambou it is carried by, are largely tipped
with Silver, and curioufly wrought and engraven: for he hath
very good workmen of that profeffion.
The place where he goeth when he comes thus abroad, is to
a Bankqueting-houſe built by a Pond fide, which he has made.
It is not above a Mufquet hot from his Palace. Where he goeth
for his diverfion. Which I fhall by and by more particularly
relate.
Another inftance of his State and Grandure will appear in
His reception his reception of Ambassadors. Who are received with great ho-
of Emballa nour and Show. Firft he fends feveral of his great men to meet
dors.
them with great Trains of Soldiers, the ways all cut broad,and
the graſs pared away for many miles: Drums and Trumpets, and
Pipes, and Flags going before them, Victuals and all forts
of varieties are daily brought to them, and continue to be fo
all the time they are in the Land, and all at free-coft. For the
Cuſtom here is, Embaſſadors, ſtay they never fo long, are maintain-
ed at the Kings Coft and Charges. And being in the City, have
their Victuals brought them out from the Kings Palace, ready
dreſſed,
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
37
1
them.
dreffed. Preſents, Goods or whatſoever they pleaſe to bring with Chap. II.
them, the King prepareth men to carry. And when they are
come to the Houfe that is prepared for them, which is hung
top and fides with white Callico, they are kept under a Guard,
and great Commanders with Soldiers appointed to watch at their
Gates, which is accounted for a great honour. But thefe Guards
dare not permit any to come to the Speech of them, for the
King careth not that any ſhould talk with Ambaſſadors, but him- His delight in
felf, with whom he taketh great delight to have conference, and
to ſee them brought before him in fine Apparrel, their Swords
by their fides with great State and Honour, and that the Ambaſſa-
dors may fee and take notice of the greatness of his Majesty.
And after they have been there fome times, he gives them both
Men and handſom young Maids for their Servants, to attend and
alfo to accompany them: often caufing them to be brought into
his preſence to ſee his Sports and Paftimes, and not caring to
fend them away; but in a very familiar manner entertaining
diſcourſe with them.
CHAP. II.
Concerning the King's Manners, Vices, Recreation, Religion.
u
Nder the Confideration of his Manners, will fall his Tem-
pérance, his Ambition and Pride, his Policy and Diffi-
mulation, his cruel and bloody Difpofition.
his Dyet.
He is temperate both in his Diet and his Luft. Of the for- Sparing in
mer, I am informed by thofe that have attended on his Perfon
in his Palace, that though he hath all forts of Varieties the
Land affords brought to his Table, yet his chief fare is Herbs,
and ripe pleaſant Fruits: and this but once a day. Whatfoever
is brought for him to eat or drink is covered with a white
cloath, and whoever brings it, hath a Mufler tyed about his
mouth, left he fhould breath upon the Kings Food. The Kings After what
manner of eating is thus. He fits
He fits upon a Stool before a fmall manner he
Table covered with a white cloath, all alone. He eats on a
green Plantane-Leaf laid in a Gold Bafon. There are twenty or
thirty Diſhes prepared for him, which are brought into his Dining-
Room. And which of theſe Diſhes the King pleaſes to call for,
a Nobleman appointed for that fervice, takes a Portion of and
reaches in a Ladle to the Kings Bafon. This perfon alfo waits
with a mufler about his mouth,
Eats.
and requires
And as he is abftemious in his eating, fo in the uſe of women. Chaſt himſelf,
If he uſeth them 'tis unknown and with great fecrecy. He hath his Atten-
not had the Company of his Queen this twenty years, to wit, dants no be
fince he went from Candy, where he left her. He allowes not fo.
in his Court Whoredom or Adultery; and many times when he
hears of the misdemeanors of fome of his Nobles in regard of
women, He not only Executes them, but feverely punisheth the
women
38
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Chap. II.
ما
He committed
as was allow-
able.
women, if known: and he hath fo many Spyes, that there is but
little done, which he knows not of. And often he gives Com-
mand to expel all the women out of the City, not one to remain.
But by little and little when they think his wrath is appeas'd,
they do creep in again. But no women of any Quality dare
prefume, and if they would, they cannot, the Watches having
charge given them not to let them pafs. Some have been ta
ken concealed under mans Apparel, and what became of them all
may judg, for they never went home again. Rebellion does not
more difpleaſe this King, then for his Nobles to have to do
with women. Therefore when any are admitted to his Court to
wait upon him, they are not permitted to enjoy the Company
of their Wives, no more then any other women. Neither hath he
fuffered any for near this twenty years to have their Wives in
the City, except Slaves or inferior fervants.
Indeed he was once guilty of an Act, that feemed to argue
Incest, but ſuch him a man of moſt unbridled Luft. For he had a Daughter
that was with Child by himſelf: but in Childbed both dyed.
But this manner of Inceft is allowable in Kings, if it be only to
beget a right Royal Iffue, which can only be gotten that way.
But in all other 'tis held abominable, and feverely punished. And
here they have a common and ufual Proverb, None can reproach
the King nor the Beggar. The one being fo high, that none dare;
the other fo low, that nothing can fhame or reproach them.
His Pride.
the King.
His Pride and affectation of honour is unmeaſurable. Which ap-
How the peo- pears in his Peoples manner of Addrefs to him, which he er
ple Address to ther Commands or allows of. When they come before him they
fall flat down on their Faces to the Ground at three feveral times,
and then they fit with their legs under them upon their Knees
all the time they are in his prefence: And when he bids them to
abfent, they go backwards, untill they are out of his fight, or a
great diſtance from him. But of Chriftian People indeed he re-
quires no more then to kneel with their Hats off before him.
They give
him divine
worſhip.
high Titles.
Nay, He takes on him all the Ceremonies and Solemnities of
Honour, which they fhew unto their Gods; making his account
that as he is now their King, fo hereafter he fhall be one of their
Gods. And the People did call him God. Formerly fince my be-
ing on that Land, he uſed not to come out of his Palace into the
fight of the People but very feldom out of State and Haughtineſs
of Spirit; but now of later times he comes forth daily. And altho
Pleafed with he be near fourfcore years of age, yet his greateſt delight is in Ho-
nour and Majeſty, being moſt pleaſed with high and windy Titles
given him. Such as Maukawaul, a Phraſe importing Greatness,
but not expreffible in our Language. Hondrewné Boudouind,Let your
Majefty be a God. When the King fpeaks to them, they answer
him at every period, Oiboa, many Lives. Baula Gaut, the limb of a
Dog, fpeaking to the King of themſelves: yet now of late times fince
here happened a Rebellion againſt him, he fears to aſſume to him-
felf the Title of God; having vifibly ſeen and almoſt felt, that there
is a greater power then His ruling on Earth, which fet the hearts
of the People againſt Him: and fo hath given command to pro-
phane that great Name no more, by afcribing it to him.
In
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
39
or two of the
beſt Generals.
In Anno 1675, one of the Kings greateſt and moſt Valiant Gene- Part II.
rals, and that had been notably fucceſsful againſt the Dutch, had
done many pieces of good ſervice for the King, expelled the Hollan- An inftance
ders out of feveral Forts, taking and killing many of them, this King's haughty
man the King was jealous of, and did refolve to take away his Head ftomach.
as a reward of his Valour; which he had fome private Intelligence He flights the
of, and fo Fled, being then in Camp against the Dutch, and got to defection of
Columba with his wife and goods. By which the King had an inva- one of his
luable Lofs. Yet the King out of the height of his Stomach, feemed
not in the leaſt to be vexed thereat, neither did he regard it, as ifit
were beneath the quality of fuch a Monarch to be moved with fuch
a Trifle. But fent down another General in his place; And as for
the houſe and eftate of him that Fled, and whatſoever he left be-
hind him, he let it lye and rot, fcorning to eſteem or regard it.
To give you an Inftance or two more of this Princes Spirit. At the He fcorns to
time of New-year, all his Subjects,high and low,do bring him certain receive his
Preſents, or rather Taxes, each one a certain rate; which former-
ly he uſed conſtantly to take, but of late years, He ſo abounds
with all things, continually putting into his Treaſury, and but
feldom taking out, and that but little, that he thinks ſcorn to re-
ceive theſe his due revenues, leaft his people ſhould think it were
out of neceffity and want. Nevertheleſs the Great Men ftill at the
New-year, bring their Prefents day after day before the King at his
coming forth, hoping it will pleaſe him to accept them, but now
of many years she receives them not. His mind is ſo haughty, that
he ſcorns to ſeem to value any thing in the world. When tydings
are fometimes brought him, that the Dutch have made an Inva-
fion into his Countrey, although he be well able to expel them,
he will not fo much as regard it.
Revenues.
ſerve their
The Dutch knowing his Proud Spirit make their advantage of it, The Dutch
by Flattering him with their Ambaſſadors, telling him that they are ends upon his
his Majefties humble Subjects and Servants; and that it is out of their Pride by flat-
Loyalty to him, that they build Forts, and keep Watches round about his tering him.
Countrey, to prevent Forraign Nations and Enemies from coming.
And that as they are thus imployed in his Majefties fervice, ſo it is for
Sustenance, which they want, that occafioned their coming up into his
Majefti es Countrey. And thus by Flattering him,and afcribing to him
High and Honourable Titles, which are things he greatly delights
in, fome times they prevail to have the Countrey (they have in-
vaded,) and he to have the Honour. Yet at other times, upon
better Confideration, he will not be Flattered, but falls upon
them at unawares, and does them great damage.
the King's foul
Such a Veneration does he expect from the People,that what foever The people
things are carrying to him which are known by the white Cloath give way to
they are wrapt up in, all perfons meeting them turn out of the cloths
way: not excepting the Kings foul Cloaths. For when they are
carried to washing (which is daily) all even the greateſt rife up,
as they come by, which is known by being carried on an hand
heaved upwards, covered with a Painted cloth.
His natural
He is crafty, cautious, a great diffembler, nor doth he want wiſdom. abilities, and
He is not paffionate in his anger. For with whomſoever he be
angry,
he will not fhew it: neither is he rafh or over-hafty in any matters,
deceitful tem
, per
but
39
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
1
་
J
Part II.
His wife fay-
ing concern-;
ing Runna-
wayes.
Naturally
cruel,
but doth all things with deliberation, tho but with a little adviſe:
asking Counſel of no body but himſelf. He accounts it Wit and Po-
licy to lie and diffemble, that his intents and purpoſes may the bet-
ter be concealed; but he abhorreth and punisheth thofe that lie to him.
Dutch Runnawayes, whereof there are feveral come to him, he faith
are Rogues that either have robbed or killed, or else would never run away
from their own Nation. And tho he receiveth them,yet eſteemeth them
not.
He ſeems to be naturally difpofed to Cruelty: For he ſheds a great
deal of blood, and gives no reaſon for it. His Cruelty appears both
in the Tortures and Painful deaths he inflicts, and in the extent of his
puniſhments, viz, upon whole Families for the miſcarriage of one in
them. For when the King is diſpleaſed with any, he does not alwayes
command to kill them outright, but first to torment them, which is
done by cutting and pulling away their fleſh by Pincers, burning them
with hot Irons clapped to them to make them confeſs of their Confede-
rates;and this they do,to rid themſelves of their Torments,confeffing far
more than ever they faw or knew. After their Confeffion, fometimes
he commands to hang their two Hands about their Necks,and to make
them eat their own flesh, and their own Mothers to eat of their own
Children; and fo to lead them thro the City in public view to terrifie
The Dogs fol- all, unto the place of Execution, the Dogs following to eat them. For
low Prifoners they are fo accuſtomed to it, that they feeing a Prifoner led away,
to execution. follow after. At the place of Execution, there are alwayes ſome ſtick-
ing upon Poles, others hanging up in quarters upon Trees; befides,
what Îyes killed by Elephants on the ground, or by other ways. This
place is alwayes in the greateſt High-way, that all may ſee and ſtand
in awe. For which end this is his conſtant practice.
The Kings
Priſoners,'
1
Moreover, he hath a great many Priſoners, whom he keepeth in
Chains, fome in the common Gaol, fome committed to the cuftody
of Great Men; and for what or for how long time none dare enquire.
their Mifery. Commonly they ly thus two, four or fix years; and fome have Vi-
ctuals given them, and fome not having it, muſt ask leave to go out
and beg with a Keeper. It is according as the King appoints, when
they are committed. Or fome of them being driven to want do get
food by work, fuch as, fewing, making Caps, Doublets, Purſes. This
coming once to the Kings Ears, he faid, I put them there to torment and
punish them, not to work and be well maintained; and fo commanded to
take away their Sizzars and Needles from them. Yet this lafted not
long, for afterwards they fell to their work again. Thoſe that have
been long there are permitted to build little Shops on the Street fide
againſt the Priſon, and to come out in the day time, and fell their
work as they make it; but in the Night time are fhut up again.
He punishes
whole gene
When the Streets are to be fwept about the Palace, they make the
Prifoners come out in their Chains, and do it.
And after all their Impriſonment, without any examination, they
are carried forth and executed: and theſe not only the common fort,
but even the greateſt and moſt nobly deſcended in the Land: For
with whom he is diſpleaſed, he maketh no difference.
4
Nor is his wrath appeafed by the Execution of the Malefactor, but
rations for the oftentimes he punifheth all his Generation; it may be kills them allto-
fake of one. gether, or gives them all away for Slaves.
Thus
f
}
ह
懷
​P- 39.
One Impaled
or
on a Stake.
:
!
1
+
ļ
1
:
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
41
The fad condi-
that wait on
Thus he often deals with thofe, whofe Children are his Attendants. Chap 2.
I mentioned before, that young Men of the beſt Families in the Land,
are fought out to wait upon the King in his Court. Theſe after they tion of young
have ferved here fome fmall time, and have as it were but feen the Gentlemen
Court, and known his Cuítoms and Manners, he requiteth them by his Perfon.
cutting off their Heads, and putting them into their Bellies: other
faults none do know. Heretofore, as it is reported, he was not fo
Cruel, but now none eſcapes, that ferves in his Palace. Then he
recruits his Slain out of the Countries, by giving Orders to his Diſſa-
vasor Governors to fend him others to Court. Whither they go like
an Ox to the Slaughter, but with far more heavy hearts. For both
they and their Parents full well know what end the King's honorable
Service will bring them to. Howbeit there is no remedy. Being
thus by Order fent unto the Court, their own Parents muſt provide
for and maintain them, until the King is pleaſed to call them to his
Ufe, which it may be will not be in fome years. Sometimes it hap-
pens, that the Boys thus brought, before the King makes uſe of them
about his Perfon, are grown too big, and fo eſcape. But thoſe that
are employed in the Palace, enjoy this favour, That all fuch Taxes,
Cuſtoms, or other Duties belonging to the King, which their Fathers
were wont to pay, are releaſed, until fuch time as they are diſcharged
from the King's Employment; which is always either by Execution,
or by being given to fomebody for perpetual Bondmen. During the
time of the King's favour, he is never admitted to go home to Vifit
his Parents and Friends. The Malekind may come to ſee him, but no
Women are admitted, be it his Mother that bare him. And after he
is killed, tho' for what no man knows, he is accounted a Rebel and
Traitor againſt the King: and then his Father's Houſe, Land and
Eftate is feized on for the King. Which after fome time by giving of
Fees and Gifts to the great ones, they do redeem again: And fome-
times the whole Family and Generation perifh, as I faid before. So
that after a Lad is taken into the King's Palace, his Kindred are afraid
to acknowledge Alliance to him. But theſe matters may more pro-
perly be related, when we come to ſpeak of his Tyranny.
Houſes.
Sometimes for his Pleafure, he will ride or be carried to his Ban- His Pleaſure
quetting Houſe, which is about a Mufquet-ſhot from his Palace. It
ftands on a little Hill; where with abundance of pains and many
Months labour, they have made a little Plain, in length not much
above an Arrows flight, in breadth lefs. Where at the head of a ſmall
Valley, he hath made a Bank croſs to ſtop the Water running down.
It is now become a fine Pond, and exceeding full of Fiſh. At this
Place the King hath ſeveral Houſes built according to his own appoint-
ment very handſom, born up with carved Pillars and Painted, and
round about Rails and Baniſters turned, one Painted and one Ebony,
like Balconie. Some ſtanding high upon a Wall, being for him to fit
in, and fee Sport with his Elephants, and other Beafts, as alſo for a
Profpect abroad. Others ftanding over this Pond, where he himſelf
fits and feedeth his Fiſh with boiled Rice, Fruits and Sweet-meats.
They are fo tame that they will come and eat in his hand; but never
doth he fuffer any to be catch'd. This Pond is uſeful for his Elephants
to waſh in. The Plain was made for his Horfes to run upon. For often-
times he commands his Grooms to get up and ride in his Prefence; and
fome-
4
42
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part II.
His Paftimes
abroad.
His Diverfion
at hnme.
fometimes for that good Service, gives the Rider five or ten Shillings,
and it may be a piece of Cloath. Always when he comes forth, his
Horſes are brought out ready faddled before him; but he himſelf
mounts them very feldom. All of which he had from the Dutch,
ſome ſent to him for Prefents, and fome he hath taken in War. He
hath in all fome twelve or fourteen: fome of which are Perfian
Horfes.
Other Paftimes and Recreations he hath (for this is all he minds or
regards.) As to make them bring wild Elephants out of the Woods,
and catch them in his Prefence. The manner how they get them unë
to the City, I have mentioned already. Alfo when he comes out of
his Court, he Delights to look upon his Hawks, altho' he never uſe
them for his Game; fometimes on his Dogs, and tame Deer, and Ty-
gers, and ftrange kind of Birds and Beaſts; of both which he hath a
great many. Alfo he will try his Guns, and ſhoot at Marks, which
are excellently true, and rarely inlay'd with Silver, Gold, and Ivory.
For the Smiths that make them dare not prefent them to his hand, not
having fufficiently proved them. He hath Eight or Nine fmall Iron
Cannon, lately taken from the Dutch, which he hath mounted in Field-
Carriages, all rarely carved, and inlay'd with Silver and Braſs, and
coloured Stones, fet in convenient places, and painted with Images
and Flowers. But the Guns difgrace the Carriages. He keeps them
in an Houſe on the Plain. Upon fome Feſtival times he uſeth them.
I think, they are fet there chiefly for a Memorial of his late Victories:
For he hath many, and far better Guns of Braſs that are not ſo re-
garded.
In his Palace he paſſeth his time with looking upon certain Toyes
and Fancies that he hath, and upon his Arms and Guns, calling infome
or other of his great Men to ſee the fame, asking them if they have a
Gun will fhoot further than that: and how much Steel fuch a Knife
as he will ſhew them, needs to have in it. He takes great delight in
Swimming, in which he is very expert. And the Cuſtom is, when
The goes into the Water, that all his Attendance that can Swim muft
in likewiſe.
go
Hk Religion.⠀⠀⠀ And now laſtly for his Religion, you cannot expect much from
hin. Of the Religion of his Countrey he makes but a fmall Profef-
fion; as perceiving that there is a greater God, than thoſe that they
thro long cuſtom, have and do Worſhip. And therefore when an
Impoftor, a Baſtard Moor by Nation born in that Land; came and
publickly fet up a new nameless God,as he ftyled him; and that he was
fent to deſtroy the Temples of their Gods, the King-oppofed it not
for a good while, as waiting to fee which of theſe Gods would pre-
vail, until he faw that he aimed to make himſelf King, then he allowed
of him no longer: as I fhall fhew more at large hereafter: when I
come to ſpeak of the Religion of the Countrey.
ligion.
How he ftands The Chriftian Religion, he doth not in the leaft perfecute, or diſlike,
affected to the but rather as it feems to me, eſteems and honours it. As a fign of
Chriftian Re- which take this paffage. When his Sifter died, for whom he had a ve-
ry dear Affection, there was a very grievous Mourning and Lamen-
tation made for her throughout the whole Nation: all Mirth and
Feafting laid afide, and all poffible figns of forrow expreſt and in all
probability, it was as much as their lives were worth, who fhould at
this
1
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
43
this time do any thing, that might look like joy. This was about Chap. 3.
Christmas. The Dutch did notwithſtanding adventure to keep their
Christmas by Feafting. The News of this was brought to the King.
And every body reckoned it would go hard with the Dutch for doing
this. But becauſe it was done at a Festival of their Religion, the King
paſt it by, and took no notice of it. The Value alfo that he has for
the Chriftian Religion, will appear from the reſpect he gives the Pro-
feffors of it; as will be feen afterwards.
•
W
CHAP. III.
Of the King's Tyrannical Reign.
EE have all this while confidered this King, with reſpect unto
his Perfon, Temper, and Inclinations, now we will fpeak of
him with more immediate reſpect unto his Office, and Government, as
he is a King. And here we will diſcourſe of the manner of his Govern-
ment, of his Treaſure and Revenues, of his Great Officers, and lastly, of
his Strength and Wars.
nical.
As to the manner of his Government, it is Tyrannical and Arbitrary His Govern-
in the higheſt degree: For he ruleth Abfolute, and after his own Will ment Tyran-
and Pleaſure his own Head being his only Counſellor. The Land all
at his Diſpoſal, and all the People from the higheſt to the loweſt Slaves,
or very like Slaves: both in Body and Goods wholly at his Command.
Neither wants He thoſe three Virtues ofa Tyrant, Jealoufie, Diſſimu-
lation, and Cruelty.
But becauſe Policy is a neceffary endowment of a Prince, I will firſt His Policy.
fhew in an inſtance or two, that he is not devoid of it.
The Countrey being wholly His, the King Farms out his Land, not He Farms out
for Money, but Service. And the People enjoy Portions of Land his Countrey
from the King, and inftead of Rent, they have their feveral appoint- for Service.
ments, fome are to ferve the King in his Wars, fome in their Trades,
ſome ſerve him for Labourers, and others are as Farmers to furniſh his
Houſe with the Fruits of the Ground; and fo all things are done with-
out Coſt,and every man paid for his pains:that is,they have Lands for it;
yet all have not watered Land enough for their needs,that is,fuch Land
as good Rice requires to grow in; fo that fuch are fain to fow on dry
Land, and Till other mens Fields for a fubfiftence. Theſe Perſons are
free from payment of Taxes; only fometimes upon extraordinary oc-
cafions, they muſt give an Hen or Mat or fuch like, to the King's uſe:
for as much as they uſe the Wood and Water that is in his Countrey.
But if any find the Duty to be heavy, or too much for them, they may
leaving their Houſe and Land, be free from the King's Service, as
there is a Multitude do.And in my judgment they live far more at eaſe,
after they have relinquished the King's Land, than when they had it.
Many Towns are in the King's hand, the Inhabitants whereof are
to Till and Manure a quantity of the Land according to their Ability,
and lay up the Corn for the King's uſe. Theſe Towns the King often
beſtows upon fome of his Nobles for their Encouragement and Main-
tenance, with all the fruits and benefits that before came to the King
G 2
from
}
;
44
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part II. from them. In each of theſe Towns there is a Smith to make and mend
the Tools of them to whom the King hath granted them, and a Pot-
ter to fit them with Earthen Ware, and a Washer to wash their
Cloaths, and other men to fupply what there is need of. And each
one of theſe hath a piece of Land for this their Service, whether it be
to the King or the Lord; but what they do for the other People they
are paid for. Thus all that have any Place or Employment under the
King, are paid without any Charge to the King.
His Policy to
from Affaffia-
His great
Endeavour is to Secure himſelf from Plots and Confpira-
fecure himſelf cies of his People, who are forely weary of his tyrannical Government
tion or Rebel- over them, and do often Plot to make away with him; but by his
lion. fubtilty and good fortune together, he prevents them. And for this
purpoſe he is very Vigilant in the Night: the noife of Trumpets and
Drums, which he appoints at every Watch, hinders both himſelf and
all others from fleeping. In the Night alfo he commonly does moſt
of his Buſineſs, calling Embaſſadors before him, and reading the Let-
ters; alfo difplacing fome of his Courtiers, and promoting others, and
giving Sentence to execute thoſe whom he would have to live no
longer; and many times Commands to lay hold on and carry away
great and Noble men, who until that inftant knew not that they were
out of his favour.
Another point His Policy is to make his Countrey as intricate and difficult to
of his Policy. Travel as may be, and therefore forbids the Woods to be felled, efpe-
cially thofe that divide Province from Province, and permits no
Bridges to be made over his Rivers: nor the Paths to be made
wider.
Another,
which is to
find Peo-
and his peo
ple work to
do
A vaſt work
undertaken
and finiſhed
He often employs his People in vaft works, and that will require
years to finifh, that he may inure them to Slavery, and prevent them
from Plotting against him, as haply they might do if they were at
better leifure. Therefore he approves not that his People fhould be
idle; but always finds one thing or other to be done, tho the work be
to little or no purpofe. According to the quantity of the work, fo
he will appoint the People of one County or of two to come in: and
the Governor of the faid County or Counties to be Overſeer of the Work.
At fuch times the Soldiers muſt lay by their Swords, and work among
the People. Theſe works are either digging down Hills, and carry-
ing the Earth to fill up Valleys; thus to enlarge his Court, which
ſtandeth between two Hills, (a more uneven and unhandfom fpot
of ground, he could not well have found in all his Kingdom); or elfe
making ways for the Water to run into the Pond, and elſewhere
for his ufe in his Palace. Where he hath it running thro in many
places unto little Ponds made with Lime and Stone, and full of Fiſh.
To bring this Water to his Palace, was no fmall deal of labour.
For not having a more convenient way, they were forced to ſplit
by the King. a great Mountain in twain to bring the Water thro, and after
that to make a Bank cross a Valley far above a Cables length, and in
height above four Fathom, with thickuefs proportionable to main-
tain it, for the Water to run over the top. Which at firft being only
Earth, the Water would often break down; but now both bottom
and fides are paved and wrought up with Stone.
After all this, yet
it was at least four or five Miles to bring this Water in a Ditch; and
the ground all Hills and Valleys, fo that they were forced to turn and
wind,
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
45
wind, as the Water would run. Alfo when they met with Rocks Chap. 3.
which they could not move, as this Ground is full of them, they made
great Fires with Wood upon it, until it was foundly hot; and hereby
it became fo foft, that they could eaſily break it with Mawls.
This Water was that which nouriſhed that Countrey, from whence The turning
this water did
it was taken. The People of which ever fince have ſcarce been able great injury to
to Till their Land. Which extremity did compel the People of thofe the People,
Parts to use a means to acquaint the King how the Countrey was de-
ftroyed thereby, and difabled from performing thofe Duties and Ser-
vices, which they owed unto the King; and that there was Water
fufficient both for His Majeftie's Service, and alfo to relieve their Ne-
ceffities. Which the King took very ill from them, as if they would
feem to grudge him a little Water. And fure I am, woe be to him,
that should mention that matter again.
regards his
So far is he from regarding the good of his Countrey, that he ra. But he little
ther endeavours the Deſtruction thereof. For iffue he hath none alive, Peoples good.
and e're long, being of a great Age Nature tells him, he muſt leave it.
Howbeit no love loft between the King and his People. Yet he daily
contriveth and buildeth in his Palace like Nebuchadnezzar, wet and
dry, day and night, not ſhowing the leaſt ſign of Favour to his Peo-
ple. Who oftentimes by fuch needleís Imployments, are Letted from
the feaſonable times of Ploughing and Harveſt, to their great prejudice,
and fometimes utter undoing.
1
After the Rebellion, when the People that lived at a further diſtance, The King by
faw that the King intended to fettle himfelf near the Mountain to which craft at once
both pleaſed
he fled, Viz. Digligy, and not to come into the old City again, it be and puniſhed
ing very troubleſom and tedious to bring their Rents and Taxes thi- his People.
ther, they all jointly met together, being a great number, and fent
an Addrefs to intimate their Defires to him; which was with great
Submiffion, That His Majefty would not leave them deftitute of his Pre-
fence, which was to them as the Sun, that he would not absent himſelf
from them to dwell in a Mountain in a defolate Countrey; but ſeeing there
was no further danger, and all the Rebels destroyed, that he would return
to his old Palace again, vowing all Fidelity to him. The King did not
like this Meffage, and was fomewhat afraid there being fuch a tumul-
tuous Company met together, and fo thought not fit to drive them
away, or publickly to declare his difpleaſure at them; but went to
work like a Polititian. Which was to tell them that he thanked them
for their love and affection towards him; and that he was defirous to dwell
among them in fuch a part of their Countrey as he named: and fo bad
them all go to work to build him a Palace there. The People departed
with fome Satisfaction, and fell to work might and main: and conti-
nued at it for near two years together, felling Timber, and fetching
it out of the Woods, laying Foundations, hewing Stone, till they were
almoſt killed with labour. And being wrought quite tyred, they be
gan to accufe and grumble at one another for having been the occafion
of all this toil. After they had laboured thus a long while, and were
all difcouraged, and the People quiet, the King fent word to them to
leave off. And now it lies unfinished, all the Timber brought in,
rôts upon the place, and the building runs to ruin.
what la-
bours he em-
And this is the manner how he employs his People; pulling down In
and building up, again, equalling unequal grounds, making finks un- ploys his Pee-
der plc.
46
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part II.
He Poyfons his
only Son.
The extraor
tation at the
death of his
Sifter.
der ground for the paffage of water thro' his Palace, dragging of
great Trees out of the Wood to make Pounds to catch Elephants
in his Prefence; altho' they could catch them with far lefs labour, and
making houſes to keep them in, after they are taken.
He ftands not upon any Villainy to eſtabliſh himſelf, or ſtrike
terror into his People. This made him cut off his only Son, a young
man of about Fifteen years. After the Rebellion the Kingdom being
fetled in the King's hands again, and knowing that the hearts of the
People difaffecting him, ftood ftrongly bent towards the Prince, and
fearing his own fafety as the Prince grew to riper years, to prevent
all,he poiſoned him. For about a year after the Rebellion,his Son was
Sick, the King takes this Opportunity to diſpatch him by pretending
to fend Phyfic to him to Cure him. The People hearing of the Death of
the Prince, according to the Cuftom of the Land when any of the
Royal Blood is deceaſed, came all in general towards the City
where he was, with black or elſe very dirty Cloaths, which is their
Mourning, the Men all bare-headed, the Women with their hair loofe
and hanging about their Shoulders, to mourn and lament for the
Death of their young Prince. Which the King hearing of, fent this
word unto them, That fince it was not his fortune to live, to fit on
his Throne after him and Reign over the Land, it would be but in
vain to mourn; and a great trouble and lett unto the Countrey: and
their voluntary good will was taken in as good part as the mourning
it felf, and fo difmift the Affembly; and burned the Princes dead
Body without Ceremonies or Solemnities.
>
J
•
Yet the Death of an old Sifter which he had, caufed no fmall La-
dinary lamen- mentation. It was fhe that carried the Prince away in the Rebellion.
Which I fhall relate by and by. Countrey after Countrey came up
to mourn, giving all figns of extraordinary ſadneſs, both in Habit
and Countenance; the King himſelf was feen to weep bitterly. The
White men alſo came, which the King took well. Infomuch that
the Hollanders fuppofing the King himſelf to be dead, came up to
take Poffeffion of the Countrey; but hearing the contrary and under-
ſtanding their miſtake returned back again. The King and all his
Countrey for more than a years time went in mourning.
her Body was burnt with all the Honour and State that could be.
Yet notwithſtanding all the love and refpect he bare unto her, he did
not once Viſit her in all the time of her Sickneſs. And it is
now for certain reported that there is not one of his Genera-
tion left.
His craft and
at once.
And
Once to try the hearts of his Attendants, and to fee what they
cruelty fhewn would do; being in the Water a ſwimming, he feigned himſelf to
be in extremity, and near Drowning, and cryed out for help; upon
which two young Men more venturous and forward than the reft
immediately made way and came to his help: who taking hold of his
Body brought him fafe to Land. At which he ſeemed to be very glad.
Putting on his Cloaths he went to his Palace: then he demanded to
know who and which they were that had holpen him out of the Water.
They, fuppofing by his Speech it was to give them a reward for
the good Service they had fo lately done him, anſwered, We were
they. Whereupon he Commands to call fuch a great Man. (For it is
they whom he appoints always to fee Execution done by their Sol-
diers.)
*
1
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
47
diers.) To whom he gave Command, faying, Take both thefe, and Chap. 4.
lead them to fuch a place,and cut off their Heads, who dared to prefume to
lay their hands on my Perfon, and did not proftrate themselves rather that
I might lay my hand on them for my relief and fafety. And accordingly
they were Executed.
·
CHAP. IV.
Of his Revenues and Treaſure.
their
Rents brought
Three in
Hree times in the year they uſually carry their Rents unto the The King's
King. The one is at the New-year called Ourida cotamaul. The three times in
other is for the Firſt fruits, Alleufal cotamaul. And the laſt is at a the year.
certain Sacrifice in the Month of November to their God, called Ilmoy
cotamaul. But befides theſe, whatſoever is wanting in the King's
Houſe at any other time, and they have it, they muſt upon the King's
Order bring it. Theſe Rents are but little Money, but chiefly Corn,
Rice, or what grows out of the Ground.
companied
a
To fpeak a little of the first time, Viz. at the beginning of the The firſt is ac-
New year, when the King's Duties are brought him.. Their New year with a great
is always either the 27th, or the 28th, or the 29th of March: At this Feftival.
time upon a fpecial and good day (for which the Aftrologers are con-
fulted) the King waſhes his head, which is a very great Solemnity
among them. The Palace is all adorned with Tor-nes, a fort of Trium-
phal Arches, that make a very fine fhew. They are high Poles ſtand-
ing in rows before all the Gates of the Palace, cither nine or ſeven in
a row, the middlemoft being the higheſt, and ſo they fall lower and
lower on each fide. Thro the middle of them there is an arched paf-
fage which ſerves for a Door. On the top of the Poles are Flags flying,
and all about hung full of painted Cloth with Images, and Figures
of Men, and Beaſts, and Birds, and Flowers: Fruits alfo are hanged up
in great order and exactnefs. On each fide of the entrance of the
Arch ftånd Plantane Trees, with bunches of Plantanes on them as if
they were growing.
There are alfo in fome places fingle Poles of an exceeding height
ſtanding by, with long Penons of divers colours flying, and a Bell at
the end of each, as in the Figure B. And now they fay, The Palace is
adorned beyond Heaven.
1
All the Army is fummoned in to ſtand and wait at the Palace, for
the greater State. In the mean time he goes to his Waſhing-houſes,
houfes built on purpoſe for him to waſh in, called Oulpungi, here are
Baths, and Streams and Conveyances of Water, and many Servants,
whofe Office it is to wait upon the buſineſs of theſe houſes. Here he
waſhes his head. Which when he has done, he comes forth into Pub-
lic view, where all his Militia ſtand in their Arms. Then the great
Guns are fired. Now all the great Men; the Nobles and the Gover- How the No-
nors of the Countrey make their appearance before him with their bles bring
Dackini, their New-years Gifts, which are due and accuftomed Pre- Duties.
fents, for Perfons in their Places and Offices to give. There is a certain
Rate for it. Their manner of bringing thefe Gifts or rather Duties is
thus,
their Gifts, or
48
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Part II. thus, Their Servants bring them wrapt up in white Cloth to the
Court, and then they take them at their hands, put them upon their
heads, and fo come in humble manner, and lay them at the King's
feet. Theſe Prefents are Gold, Jewels, Plate, Arms, Knives, Cloth,
each one by a rate according to the Place he is in, and the Countrey
he hath under him: And moſt of them are to prefent a Sum of Mc-
ney befides.
And if they can procure any, precious Stone, or Rarity,
or any other thing, which they think the King will accept, that allo
they bring, and glad they are to be honoured with the favour of his
acceptance. Thefe New-years Gifts for theſe many years he thinks
fcorn to receive, and bids them carry them away again till another
time. Thus they come with them time after time prefenting them,
which he as often refufing; at laſt they bring them no more.
Inferior Per-
All forts of Tradefmen alfo, and fuch as by their Skill can any ways
fons prefent get Money, at the New year are to pay into the Treaſury each one a
Which now adayes he accepts not, though formerly he
their New-
years Gifts.
}
What Taxes
certain rate.
always did.
At this and the other times the things which the People carry as
and Rents the their Rents and Taxes, are Wine, Oyl, Corn, Honey, Wax, Cloth,
People pay.
Iron, Elephants Teeth, Tobacco, Money. They bring them them-
ſelves, and wait at Court with them commonly divers Months, before
they be received. The great Officers tell the King, the People have
brought their Rents. The King faith, 'Tis well. But if he give
no order withal to receive the things brought (as he feldom
does) there is no remedy, but there they muſt wait with them.
And this he doth out of State. The Rents and Duties brought at the
two other times are after the fame manner; the great Men do only
bring theirs once at the New year.
The acciden-
the Crown.
There are other Revenues the King hath, which are accidental ; but
tal Incomes of bring in great wealth; That whenfoever any man dies, that hath a
stock of Cattel, immediately out thence muſt be paid a Bull and a Cow
with a Calf, and a Male and Female Buffalo, which tax they call Mar-
ral. And there are Officers appointed, whofe place it is, to come and
carry them away.
away. Alfo at Harveſt yearly there is a certain rate of
Corn to be paid by every man according to the Land they hold and
enjoy. Heretofore the King granted, that upon Payment of a Sum of
Money, they ſhould be clear from this yearly Tax of Corn ſo long, till
the preſent Poffeffor died, and the Land defcended to his Son or fome
body elfe. And then the Eſtate became liable again to the foremen-
tioned Duties. But now of late there is no mention of any diſcharge
The Profits by Money. So that in time all Houſes and Families in the Kingdom
that accrue to will be liable to the Payment of this Tax of Corn; which will bring in
no fmall quantity of Provifion to the King. Only Soldiers that are
flain in the Wars, their Lands are free from the Payment of this Tax;
but if they die naturally they are not. The Farmers all in general,
beſides their meaſures of Corn, pay a certain Duty in Money, with
their Rents.
the King from
Corn-Lands.
If they Sell or Alienate their Inheritances, the Kings accuftomed
Duties muſt not be diminished, whofoever buyeth or enjoyeth them.
Neither is here any Land which doth not either pay, or do fome Duty
to the King. Only one cafe excepted, and that is, if they give or de-
dicate Land to a Prieſt, as an Alms or Deed of Charity in God's Name.
On
*
1
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies:
39
1
7
On that there is never any more Tax or Duty to be impofed, as being Chap. 5.
facrilegious to take ought from one that belongs to the Temple. For-
merly the King had the Benefit of the trade oftwo Ports Cotiar and Por-Cuftom of
talone, unto each of which uſed to come yearly fome twenty or thirty goods import
ed formerly
paid.
Sail of ſmall Veffel, which brought confiderable Cultoms in. But now
the Hollander has deprived him of both, fuffering no Veffels to come.
The King hath ſeveral Treaſure-houfes,and in feveral places, in Cities
and Towns, where always are Guards of Soldiers to watch them both
day and night. I cannot certainly declare all that is contained in His Treaſuries.
them. There are Precious Stones fuch as his Land affords, mony, but
not very much, Cloth, and what he hath got by Shipwrack, Prefents,
that have been ſent him from other Nations, Elephants-teeth, Wax,
good ſtore of Arms, as Guns, Bowes and Arrows, Pikes, Halberds,
Swords, Ammunition, ſtore of Knives, Iron, Tallipat-Leaves, where
of one will cover a large Tent, Bedsteads, Tables, Boxes, Mats of all
forts. I will not adventure to declare further the Contents of his
Treaſuries, left I may be guilty of a mistake. But fure I am he hath
plenty of all fuch things, as his Land affords. For he is very Provi-
dent, and Careful to be well furniſhed with all things. And what he
does abound with, he had rather it ſhould lye and rot, then be imbe-
zelled and waſted, that is, diſtributed among his Servants, or Slaves;
of which he hath great ſtore.
He hath fome hundreds of Elephants, which he keepeth tame, and He has many
could have as many more as he pleaſeth; but altho not catched, yet Elephants.
they are all his, and at his Command when he pleaſeth.
Great Treaſure
thrown into
It is frequently reported and I fuppofe is true, that both he and
his Predeceffors, by the diftrefs they have been driven to by the Por- the River for
tuguezes, have caft fome ftore of Riches into the great River, Mavela- merly.
gonga, running by the City, in deep holes among Rocks, which is
irrecoverable, and into a made Pond by the Palace in the City of Can-
de, or Hingodegul-neur. Wherein are kept to this day two Alliga-
tors, fo that none dare go into the water for fear of being devoured by
them. And often times they do deftroy Cows, that go to drink
there. But this Pond by cutting the Bank might eaſily be drain-
ed.
eth,
To conclude, the Land that is under his jurisdiction, is all his, The Treaſure
with the People, their Eſtates, and whatfoever it affords, or is there he moft valu
in. But that which he doth chiefly value and efteem, are Toys
and Novelties, as Hawks, Horſes, Dogs, ftrange Birds, and Beafts,
and particularly a fpotted Elephant, and good Arms, of which he hath
no want.
༢
CHAP. V.
Of the Kings great Officers, and the Governours of the Provinces:
TH
greateſt
Officers in
Here are two, who are the greateſt and higheſt Officers in the
Land. They are called Adigars, I may term them Chief Judg Tours afte
es; under who is the Government of the Cities, and the Countries Land.
H
allo
40
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part. II. alfo in the Vacancy of other Governours. All People have liberty in
default of Juſtice to appeal to thefe Adigars, or if their cauſes and diffe-
rences be not decided by their Governours according to their minds.
The next great
To theſe there are many Officers and Sergeants belonging. All which,
to be known, carry ftaves in their hands like to Bandyes, the crooked
end uppermoſt, which none but they dare carry. The fight of which
ftaves, upon what meffage foever they be fent, fignifies as much as the
Adigars Hand and Seal. If the Adigar be ignorant in what belongs
to his place and office, theſe men do inftruct him what and how to do.
The like is in all other places which the King beſtows: if they know
not what belongs to their places, there are Inferiour Officers under
them, that do teach and direct them how to Act.
Next under the Adigars, are the Diffauva's, who are Governours
Officers. over Provinces and Counties of the Land. Each Province and Coun
ty has its Governour; but all Governours are not Dißauva's,nor other
great Officers known by other names or Titles,asRoterauts andVidanies.
But all theſe Generals or Chief Commanders, who have a certain number
of Soldiers under them. Theſe great men are to provide, that good
orders be kept in the Countries over which they are placed, and that
the Kings accuſtomed dutie be brought in due feafon to the Court. They
have Power alſo to decide controverfies between the People of their
Jurifdiction, and to puniſh contentious and diforderly perfons, which
they do chiefly by amercing a Fine from them, which is for their Pro-
fit, for it is there own: and alfo by committing them Priſon. Into
which when they are once fallen, no means without móny can get
them out again. But be the fact never fo hainous (Murther it felf)
they can put none to death. The fentence of death being pronoun-
ced only by the King. They alfo are fent upon expeditions in War
with their Soldiers, and give Attendance, and watch at Court in their
appointed Stations.
None can put
to death but
the King,
Thefe Diffan
Da's are du-
•
!done
Thefe Diffauva's are alſo to ſee that the Soldiers in their Coun
tries do come in due ſeaſon and order for that purpoſe.
:
:
They are appointed by the King himſelf, not for life, but during
his good pleaſure. And when they are dead or removed, oftentimes
rante bene pla their places lay void, fomtimes for months, fomtimes perhaps for
years; during which time the Adigar, rules and governs thofe Coun
tries; and for his labour receiveth all fuch Incoms and Profits as are ac-
cuftomed and of right do belong to the Governour.
cito.
Whom the
King makes
Diffauva's.
And their Pro-
fits and Ho-
mours.
The King when he advances any to be Diffauva's, or to any other
great Office regards not their ability or fufficiency to perform the fame,
only they muſt be perfons of good rank, and gentile extraction: and
they are all naturally diſcreet and very folid, and fo the fitter for the
Kings employment. When he firſt promotes them, he fhews them
great teftimonies of his Love and Favour, (eſpecially to thoſe that are
Chriftians, in whoſe ſervice he impofeth greater confidence than in his
own people, concluding that they will make more conſcience of their
ways, and be more faithful in their Office) and gives them a Sword,
the hilt all carved and inlaid with Silver and Brafs very handfomly,
the Scabberd alſo covered with Silver, a Knife and Halberd; and laſtly
a Town or Towns for their maintenance. The benefit of which is
thatall the Profits which before the King received from thofe Towns
now accrues unto the Kings Officer. Thefe Towns are compofed of all
forts
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
51
forts of Trades and People that are neceffary for his fervice to whom Chap. 5.
the King hath given them a Potter, a Smith, a Washer, And there is a
piece of Land according to the ability of the Town, which the Towns-
men are to Till and manure, and to lay up the Corn for his ufe. Which
matters I mentioned before in the third Chapter. And befides the
Cuſtoms or Taxes that all other free Towns pay to the King, there is
a due, but ſmaller, to be paid to the Governour out of them. But
thefe are not all his advantages.
Other Benefits
When there is a new Governour made over any Countrey, it is
the Cuſtom that that whole Countrey comes up to appear before him belonging to
at the Court, for there his Refidence is. Neither may they come emp- other Officers.
ty handed, but each one muſt bring his Gift or Preſent with him.
Theſe alſo are expected at other times to be brought unto him by the
people, tho they have no bufinefs with him, no fuits or cauſes to be
decided even private Soldiers at their firft coming tho to their due
watch, muſt perfonally appear before their Commander, and if he
have nothing elſe, he muſt Preſent him with forty leaves of green Be-
tle, which he with his own hand receiveth, and they with both their
and delivers into his, which is taken for an honour he vouchfafes them.
Theſe Governours, nor any other admitted to Court into the Kings
ſervice, are never after to return home, altho they are not employed at They muſt al-
preſent, and might be fpared, neither are they permitted to enjoy their ways refide at
wives: and they are day and night to ſtand guard in certain ftations,
where the King appoints them.
Things thus ftanding with them, they cannot go in Perſon to vifit
Court,
and overſee their feveral Charges themſelves. They have therefore The Officers
feveral Officers under them to do it. The chief of whom is the Cour- under them.
lividani. This perfon befide his entertainment in the Countrey unto courlividani.
which he is fent to Govern under the Diffauva, hath a due revenue,
but ſmaller then that of the Governour. His chief buſineſs is to 'wrack
and hale all that may be for his Maſter, and to fee good Government,
and if there be any difference or quarrel between one or other, he
takes a Fine from both, and carrieth to the Governour, not regarding
equity but the profit of himſelf and him that imploys him. But he
hears their cafe and determines it. And if they like not his fentence,
they may remove their buſineſs unto the Governour himſelf, whoſe
defire is not ſo much to find out the right of the caufe, as that that
may be moſt for his own intereft and profit. And theſe carriages can-
not reconcile them much love among the people; but the more they
are hated by the people for their rigorous government, the better they
pleaſe the King. For he cares not that the Countrey ſhould affect the
Great men.
The Diffauva's by theſe Courlividani their Officers do oppreſs and
fqueez the people, by laying Mulets upon them for fome Crimes or
Mifdemeanors, that they will find and lay to their Charge. In Fine
this Officer is the Diffauva's chief Subſtitute, who orders and manages
all affairs incumbent upon his Maſter.
Congconxa.
Next to him is Congconna, An Overfeer. Who is to overſee all
things under the Courlividani. But befides him, there is a Courti-A-
chila like our Cunſtable, who is to put that in execution that the Go- court-atchila.
vernour orders, to diſpatch any thing away that the Land affords for
the Kings ufe, and to fend perfons to Court, that are fummoned.
H 2
And
52
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part II.
The Liannah.
The undia.
The Monnan-
#ah.
Some Towns
exempt from
the Diẞauva's.
Officers.
Other Officers
yet,
Theſe Places
And in the diſcharge of this his Office, he may call in the aſſiſtance
of
any man.
The next Officer under the Governor is the Liannah, The Writer.
Who reads Letters brought, and takes accounts of all Bufinefs, and of
what is fent away to the Court: He is alfo to keep Registers, and to
write Letters, and to take notice of things happening.
Next to him is the Undia. A word that fignifieth a lump. He is a
Perſon that gathers the King's Money: and is fo ftyled becauſe he ga-
thereth the King's Monies together into a lump.
After him is the Monnannah, The Meafurer. His Place is to go and
meaſure the Corn that grows upon the King's Land. Or what other
Corn belongeth to him.
The Power of thefe Officers extends not all a whole Coun-
ty or Province over, but to a convenient part or divifion of it. To wit,
fo much as they may well manage themſelves. And there are ſeveral
fets of the like Officers appointed over other Portions of the Countrey.
As with us there are divers Hundreds or Divifions in a County. To
each of which are diſtinct Officers belonging.
Thefe Officers can exerciſe their Authority, throughout the whole
Divifion over which they are conftituted, excepting fome certain
Towns, that are of exempt jurifdiction. And they are of two forts,
Firſt, ſuch Towns as belong to the Idol-Temples, and the Priests, hav-
ing been given and beſtowed on them long ago by former Kings.
And ſecondly, The Towns, which the King allots to his Noblemen and
Servants. Över thefe Towns thus given away, neither the fore-
mentioned Officers, nor the chief Magiftrate himſelf hath any Power.
But thoſe to whom they are given and do belong to, do put in their
own Officers, who ſerve to the fame purpoſes as the aboveſaid do.
But theſe are not all the Officers; there are others, whoſe place it
is, upon the Death of any Head of a Family to fetch away the King's
Marrals, Harriots as I may call them; Viz. a Bull and a Cow, a Male
and Female Buffalo, out of his Stock. Which is accuftomably due to
the King, as I have mentioned before. And others, who in Harveſt
time carry away certain meaſures of Corn out of every Man's Crop
according to the rate of their Land.
Theſe Inferior Officers commonly get their Places by Bribery;
obtained by Their Children do pretend a right to them after their Father's Death,
and will be preferred before others, greazing the Magiftrate.
Bribes.
But remain
pleaſure.
None of theſe have their Places for life; and no longer than the
only during Governor pleaſeth. And he pretty often removes them or threatens to
do fo upon pretence of fome neglects, to get Money from them.
And the People have this privilege, that upon Complaint made of any.
of theſe Officers, and requeſt that they may be changed and others
made, They muſt be difplaced, and others put in; but not at
their Choice, but at the Choice of the Chief Magiftrate, or Owner
of the Town.
Countrey-
Courts.
For the hearing Complaints and doing Juftice among Neigh-
bours, here are Countrey-Courts of Judicature, confifting of thefe
Officers, together with the Head-Men of the Places and Towns, where
They may ap- the Courts are kept: and theſe are called Gom fabbi, as much as to fay,
Town-Confultations. But if any do not like, and is loath to ſtand by
what they have determined, and think themſelves wronged, they
J
peal.
1
1
may
!
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
53
1
may appeal to their Head Governor, that dwells at Court; but it is Chap. 5.
chargeable, for he muſt have a Fee. They may appeal alfo from him
to the Adigars, or the Chief Justices of the Kingdom. But whofo
gives the greateſt Bribe, he fhall overcome. For it is a common ſay-
ing in this Land, That he that has Money to fee the Judge, needs not fear
nor care, whether his cauſe be right or not. The greateſt Puniſhment
that thefe Judges can inflict upon the greateſt Malefactors, is but Im-
priſonment. From which Money will releaſe them.
the King.
Some have adventured to Appeal to the King fometimes; falling Appeals to
down on the ground before him at his coming forth, which is the
manner of their obeifance to him, to complain of Injustice. Some-
times he will give order to the great ones to do them right, and ſome-
times bid them wait, until he is pleaſed to hear the Cauſe, which is
not fuddenly: for he is very flow in all his Buſineſs: neither dare they
then depart from the Court, having been bidden to ſtay. Where they
ſtay till they are weary, being at Expence, ſo that the Remedy is
worſe than the Diſeaſe. And fometimes again when they thus fall
before him, he commands to beat them and put them in Chains for
troubling of him; and perhaps in that Condition they may lay for
fome years.
The King's great Officers when they go abroad into the Countries How theſe
about the King's Bufinefs, they go attended with a number of Sol- great Officers
Travel upon
diers armed both before and behind them; their Sword if not by their publick Bu
fide, a Boy carrieth after them, neither do they carry their Swords finefs.
for their fafety or fecurity. For in travelling here is little or no dan-
ger at all. But it is out of State, and to fhew their greatneſs. The
Cuſtom is that all their journey Victuals be prepared for them ready
dreſſed; and if their Buſineſs requires haft, then it is brought on a
Pole on a Man's ſhoulder, the Pots that hold it hanging on each end
ſo that nothing can be fpilt out into the road; and this is got ready
against the great Man's coming. So that they are at no charge for
Diet: It is brought in at the charge of the Countrey. But however
this is not for all his Soldiers that attend him (they must bring their
own Provifions with them) but only for himſelf, and fome of his
Captains.
State.
The greateſt Title that is allowed in the City to be given to the Their Titles
greateſt Man is Ouffary, which fignifieth Worshipful. But when they and Signs of
are abroad from the King, men call them Sihattu and Difhondrew, im-
plying, Honour and Excellency. Theſe Grandees whenfoever they walk
abroad, their manner is in State to lean upon the arm of fome Man or
Boy. And the Adigar befides this piece of State, whereſoever he
goes, there is one with a great Whip like a Coach-whip goes before
him flaſhing it, that all People may have notice that the Adigar is
coming.
that fucceeds
But there is fomething comes after, that makes all the Honour The mifery
and Wealth of theſe great Courtiers not at all defirable: and that is, their Honour.
that they are ſo obnoxious to the King's difpleaſure. Which is a thing
fo cuſtomary, that it is no difgrace for a Nobleman to have been in
Chains, nay and in the Common Goal too. And the great Men are
as ready when the King Commands, to lay hold on one another, as
he to command them: and glad to have the Honour to be the King's
Executioners, hoping to have the Place and Office of the Executed.
{
When
亨
​54
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
F
Part II.
The foolish
ambition of
the Men and
Women of
this Countrey,
When any of theſe are thus difpatched, commonly he cuts off or im-
prifoneth all the Male kind, that are near of Kin, as Sons or Brothers,
fearing they ſhould plot revenge, and feizes on all the Eſtate. And
as for the Family, after Examination with Puniſhment to make them
confefs where the Eftate lyes, they have Monthly Allowance out of
the fame. But the Wife or Women-Kindred are now nothing at all
in eſteem for Honorable Ladies as they were before. Yet fometimes
he will fend for the Sons or Brothers of theſe whom he hath cut off
for Traitors, and remand them out of the Prifons where he had
committed them, and prefer them in honorable Employment.
It is generally reported, and I have ſeen it fo, that thoſe whom he
prefers unto the greateſt and weightieft Imployments are thoſe whom
he intends foon to cut off, and contrariwiſe thoſe whom he doth affect,
and intends to have longer Service of, fhall not be fo laden with
Places and Honours. Howbeit altho they know and fee this before
their eyes daily, yet their hearts are fo haughty and ambitious, that
their defires and endeavours are to afcend unto the higheſt degrees of
honour: tho that be but one remove from Death and utter Deftru-
tion. And the Women's ambition is ſo great alſo, that they will
put
their Husbands on to feek for Preferment, urging how difhonorable
it is for them to fit at home like Women, that fo they may have re-
ſpect, and be reputed for great Ladies.
D
The King's
Military Af-
fairs.
The natural
Countrèy.
IT
CHAP. VI.
Of the King's Strength and Wars.
T remains now that I fpeak a little of the King's Military Affairs.
His Power confifts, in the natural Strength of his Countrey, in his
watches, and in the Craft, more than the Courage, of his Soldiers.
He hath no Artificial Forts or Castles, but Nature hath fupplied the
ftrength of his want of them. For his whole Countrey of Cande Vda, ftanding upon
fuch high Hills, and thofe fo difficult to pafs, is all an Impregnable
Fort and fo is more efpecially Digligy-neur his prefent Palace. Theſe
Places have been already defcribed at large; and therefore I omit ſpeak-
ing any further of them here.
Watches and
There are conftant Watches fet in convenient places in all parts of the
Thorn-gates. Countrey, and Thorn-gates: but in time of danger, befides the ordi-
nary Watches, in all Towns, and in all places and in every cross Road,
exceeding thick, that 'tis not poffible for any to pafs unobferved.
Theſe Thorn-gates which I here mention and have done before, are
made of a fort of Thorn bush or Thorn-tree; each ſtick or branch where-
ofthrufts out on all fides round about, ſharp prickles, like Iron Nails,
of three or four inches long: one of thefe very Thorns I have lately
feen in the Repofitory at Grefham College: Thefe ſticks or branches be-
ing as big as a good Cane, are platted one very cloſe to another, and
fo being faftned and tyed to three or four upright ſpars, are made in
the fashion of a Door. This is hung upon a Door-cafe fome ten or
twelve foot high, (fo that they may, and do ride thro upon Elephants)
made
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
45
:
made of three pieces of Timber like a Gallows, after this manner П
the Thorn door hanging upon the tranfverfe piece like a Shop win-
dow; and fo they lift it up, or clap it down, as there is occaſion: and
tye it with a Rope to a crois Bar.
Chap. 6.
But eſpecially in all Roads and Paffages from the City where the None to país
King now Inhabits, are very ſtrict Watches fet: which will fuffer from the Kings
City without
none to paſs not having a Passport; which is the print of a Seal in clay : Pafports.
It is given at the Court to them that have Licence to go thrô the Wat-
ches. The Seals are different, according to the Profeffion of the Party:
as to a Soldier the print of a man with a Pike on his Shoulder: to a
Labourer, a Man with two Bags hanging on each end of a Pole upon
his Shoulder, which is the manner they commonly carry their Loads.
And to a white man, the Passport is the print of a Man with a Sword
by his fide, and a Hat on his head. And fo many Men as there are
in the Company, fo many prints there muſt be in the Clay. There
is not half the examination for thoſe that come into the City, as
for thoſe that go out, whom they uſually ſearch to ſee what they
carry with them.
ry.
To ſpeak now of their Soldiery, their Expeditions and manner of Their Soldie
Fight. Befides the Diſſauvas, fpoken of before, who are great Gene-
rals, there are other great Captains. As thoſe they call Mote-Ralls;
as much as to ſay, Scribes. Becauſe they keep the Rolls or Registers
of certain Companies of Soldiers, each containing 970 Men, who are
under their Command. Of theſe Mote-Ralls,there are four principal.
But befides thefe, there are fmaller Commanders over Soldiers; who
have their Places from the King, and are not under the Command of
the former great ones.
have Landsal-
All theſe both Commanders and common Soldiers muſt wait at All Men of
the Court. But with this difference. The great Men muſt do it con- Arms wait at
tinually: each one having his particular Watch appointed by the King. Court,
But the private Soldiers take their turns of Watching. And when they
go, they do carry all their Proviſions for the time of their ſtay with
them upon their Backs. Theſe Soldiers are not lifted, (lifting Sol-
diers being only upon extraordinary occafions) but are by Succeffion
the Son after the Father. For which Service they injoy certain Lands The Soldiers
and Inheritances, which is inſtead of Wages or Pay. This duty if they lotted them in-
omit or neglect, they loofe or forfeit their Inheritance. Or if they ftead of Pay.
pleaſe to be releaſed or difcharged, they may, parting with their
Land. And then their Commander placeth another in their room;
but fo long as the Land lies void, he converts the Profits to his own
proper ufe. And he that after takes it, gives a Bribe to the Comman-
der, who yet notwithstanding will not permit him to hold it above
two or three years, unleſs he renew his Bribes.
from Plotting.
The Soldiers of the High-Land's called Cande Uda, are difperfed all To prevent
over the Land; fo that one fcarcely knows the other, the King not the Soldiers
fuffering many Neighbours and Townfmen to be in one Company;
which hath always heretofore been fo ordered for fear of Con-
fpiracies.
>
them out on
When the King fends any of thefe Commanders with their Armies The manner
abroad to War or otherwiſe, ſometimes they fee not his face, but he of fending
fends out their Orders to them by a Meffenger; fometimes admits Expeditions.
them into his Prefence, and gives them their Orders with his own
mouth,
1
46
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part II. mouth, but nothing in Writing. And when ſeveral of them are ſent
together upon any Deſign, there is not any one appointed to be Chief
Commander or General over the whole Army; but each one as being
Chief over his own Men, difpofeth and ordereth them according to
his pleaſure; the others do the like. Which fometimes begets difagree-
ment among themſelves, and by that means their Defigns are fruftra-
ted. Neither doth he like or approve, that the great Commanders of
his Soldiers fhould be very intimate or good Friends, left they ſhould
confpire againſt him, nor will he allow them to difagree in fuch a de-
gree that it be publickly known and obferved.
The King re-
quires all the
Captains fin
gly to fend
him intelli-
gence of their
Affairs.
When theWar
And when there is any tidings to fend the King, they do not fend
in general together by conſent, but each one fends particularly by him-
felf. And their common cuftom and practice is to inform what they
can one againſt another,thinking thereby to obtain the moſt favour and
good will from the King. By this means there can nothing be done
or faid, but he hath notice thereof.
Being in this manner fent forth, they dare not return, altho they
is finiſhed they have performed and finiſhed the Buſineſs they were fent
until he fend a ſpecial Order and Command to recall them.
may not re-
turn without
order.
of the com-
upon,
When the Armies are fent abroad, as he doth fend them very often
The Condition against the Dutch, it goeth very hard with the Soldiers; who muſt
mon Soldiers, carry their Victuals and Pots to dreſs it in upon their Backs, befides
their Arms, which are Swords, Pikes, Bows and Arrows, and good
Guns. As for Tents, for their Armies alwayes ly in the Fields, they
carry Tallipat leaves, which are very light and convenient, along with
them. With theſe they make their Tents: Fixing fticks into the
ground, and laying other pieces of Wood overthwart, after the man-
ner of the roof of an Houfe, and fo lay their leaves over all, to fhoot
the Rains off. Making theſe Tents ftronger or flighter, according to
the time of their tarriance. And having spent what Provifions they
carried out with them, they go home to fetch more. So that after a
Month or two a great part of the Army is always abſent.
He conceals
his purpoſe,
out his Army,
when he fends
VVhenfoever the King fends his Armies abroad upon any Expedition,
the Watches beyond them are all fecured immediately, to prevent any
from paffing to carry Intelligence to the Enemy. The Soldiers them-
felves do not know the Defign they are fent upon, until they come
there. None can know his intentions or meaning by his actions.
For fometimes he fends Commanders with their Soldiers to ly in
certain places in the Woods until farther order, or until he ſend Am-
munition to them. And perhaps when they have laid there long
enough, he fends for them back again. And after this manner often-
times he catches the Hollanders before they be aware, to their great
prejudice and dammage. He cares not that his great Men fhould be
free-fpirited or Valiant; if there be any better than the reft, them
to be fure fuddenly he cuts off, left they might do him any miſchief.
Great exploits
In their War there is but little valour uſed, altho they do accom-
done, and but pliſh many notable Exploits. For all they do is by crafty Stratagems.
little Courage. They will never meet their Enemies in the Field,to give them a repulſe
They work by Battel, and force of Arms: neither is the Enemy like to meet
· chiefly by
with any oppofition at their firſt goings out to invade the King's
Stratagems.
Coafts, the King's Soldiers knowing the adverfe Forces are at firft
wary and vigilant, as alfo well provided with all Neceffaries. But
their
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
57
their uſual practice is to way-lay them, and ſtop up the wayes before Chap. 6,
them there being convenient places in all the Roads, which they have
contrived for fuch purpoſes. And at theſe places the Woods are not
fuffered to be felled, but kept to ſhelter them from the fight of their
enemies. Here they lye lurking, and plant their Guns between the
Rocks and Trees, with which they do great damage to their Enemies
before they are aware. Nor can they then fuddenly ruſh in upon
them, being fo well guarded with Buſhes and Rocks before them,
thro which before their Enemies can get, they flee carrying their great
Guns upon their Shoulders and are gone into the Woods, where it is
impoffible to find them, until they come them felves to meet them
after the former manner.
Likewiſe they prepare againſt the enemies coming great buſhy
Trees, having them ready cut hanging only by withs which grow in
the Wood; theſe as they march along they let fall among them with
many fhot and Arrows.
Being fent upon any defign they are very circumfpect to keep it
hidden from the Enemies knowledg; by fuffering only thoſe to paſs,
who may make for their Benefit and advantage; their great endeavour
being to take their Enemies unprovided and at unawares.
ner of Chri-
By the long wars firſt between them and the Portugueze, and fince They under-
with the Hollander, they have had fuch ample experience, as hath ftand the man
much improved them in the art of War above what they were formerly. ftian Armies,
And many of the chief Commanders and Leaders of their Armies are
men which formerly ferved the Portugueze againſt them. By which
they come to know the difpofition and diſcipline of Chriftian Armies.
Infomuch as they have given the Dutch ſeveral overthrows, and taken
Forts from them, which they had up in the Countrey.
hazzard a
Heretofore for bringing the head of an Enemy, the King uſed to
to gratify them with fome reward, but now the faſhion is almoſt out They feldom
ofufe. The ordering of their battel is with great fecurity, there be- battel.
ing very few loſt in Fight. For if they be not almoſt ſure to win the
battel, they had rather not fight, than run any hazzard of looſing
it.
If they prove
Ifhis men do not fucceſsfully accompliſh the deſign he fends them
upon, to be ſure they fhall have a lufty piece of work given them, to unſuccessful,
take revenge on them; for not uſing their weapons well he will exer- how he puni
cife them with other tools houghs and pickaxes, about his Palace. And thes them.
during the time they ſtay to work, they must bring their Victuals
with them not having monies there to buy: They cannot carry for
above one month, and when their Provifions are all ſpent, if they
will have any more, they must go home and fetch them. But that
is not permitted them without giving a Fee to the Governour or his
Overfeer. Neither can they go without his leave,for befides the puniſh-
ment, the Watches which are in every Road from the Kings City
will ſtop and ſeize them.
I
CHAP.
58
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Chap. 7.
1
A Comet ufh-
ered in the
Rebellion.
The intent
rators.
F
CHAP. VII.
A Relation of the Rebellion made againſt the King.
Or the Conclufion of this Part, it will not be improper to relate
here a dangerous rifing of the People againſt the King. It
happened in the year 1664. About which time appeared a fearful
Blazing-Star. Juſt at the Inftant of the Rebellion, the Star was right
over our heads. And one thing I very much wondred, at,which was
that whereas before this Rebellion, the Tail ftood away toward the
Westward from which fide the Rebellion fprung, the very night after
(for I very well obferved it) the Tail was turned and flood away to-
ward the Eastward. And by degrees it diminiſhed quite away.
At this time, Ifay, the people of this land, having been long and
of the Confpi- fore oppreffed by this Kings unreafonable and cruel Government, had
contrived a Plot againft him. Which was to affault the Kings Court
in the night, and to flay him, and to make the Prince his Son, King.
He being then fome twelve or fifteen years of age, who was then
with his Mother the Queen in the City of Cande. At this time the
King held his Court in a City called Nillemby. The Situation of
which is far inferior to that of Cande, and as far beyond that of Digligy
where he now is. Nillemby lyeth ſome fourteen miles fouthward of
the City of Cande. In the place where this City ftands it is reported
by Tradition an Hare gave chafe after a Dog, upon which it was con-
cluded that place was fortunate, and fo indeed it proved to the King.
It is invironed with Hills and Woods.
The time appointed to put their deſign in action was the one and
How the Re- twentieth of December 1664. about Twelve in the night. And having
bellion began, gotten a felect company of men, how many well I know not, but as
is fuppofed, not above two hundred, neither needed they many here,
having fo many Confederates in the Court; in the dead of the night
they came marching into the City. The Watch was thought to be of
their confedracy: but if he were not, it was not in his power to refift
them. Howbeit afterwards, whether he were not, he was execu-
ed for it. The faid men, being thus in the City, haftened and
came down to the Court; and fell upon the great men, which then
laid without the Palace upon Watch: fince which by the Kings order
they lye allways within the Palace. For they were well
informed before who were for them and who not. Many
who before were not intruſted to know of their defign, were killed
and wounded, and thofe that could, feeing the flaughter of others,
got in unto the King. Who was walled about with a Clay-wall
thatched: that was all his ftrength. Yet thefe people feared to affault
him, laying ſtill until the morning. At which time the King made
way to flee, fearing to ſtay in his Palace, endeavouring to get unto
the mountains,and had not with him above fifty perfons. There were
horſes went with him, but the wayes were fo bad, that he could not
ride. They were fain to drive an Elephant before him, to break
the way through the Woods, that the King with his followers might
paſs.
The King
Flyes.
As
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
59
As he fled they purſued him, but at a great diſtance, fearing to
approach within ſhot of him. For he wanted not for excellent good
Fowling pieces, which are made there. So he got fafe upon a Moun-
tain, called Gauluda, fome fifteen miles diftant, where many of the In-
habitants, that were near, reforted to him. Howbeit had the people
of the Rebel-party been refolute, who were the major part (almoſt
all the Land; this Hill could not have ſecured him, but they might
have driven him from thence; there being many ways by which they
might have aſcended. There is not far from thence a high and peak-
ed hill called Mondamounour, where there is but one way to get up, and
that very ſteep, at the top are great ftones hanging in chains to let
fall when need requireth. Had he fled hither, there had been no way
to come at him. But he never will adventure to go, where he may
be ſtopped in.
Part II.
They purſue
him faintly,
the Prince and
The People having thus driven away the old King, marched away They go to
to the City of Cande, and proclaimed the Prince, King: giving out to Proclaim him
us English who were there, that what they had done they had not done King
rafhly, but upon good Confideration, and with good advice; the
King by his evil Government having occafioned it, who went a-
bout to deſtroy both them and their Countrey: As in keeping Am-
baffadours, difanulling of Trade, detaining of all people that come
upon his Land, and killing of his Subjects and their Children, and not
fuffering them to enjoy nor to ſee their Wives. And all this was con-
trary to reaſon, and as, they were informed, to the Government of c-
ther Countries.
The Prince being young and tender, and having never been out
The carriage
of the Palace,nor ever ſeen any but thoſe that attended on his perfon,as of the Prince.
it ſeemed afterwards, was fcared to fee fo many coming and bowing
down to him, and telling him that he was King, and his Father was
fled into the mountains. Neither did he fay or act any thing,as not
owning the buſineſs,or elſe not knowing what to ſay or do.This much
difcouraged the Rebells, to fee they had no more thanks for their pains.
And ſo all things ſtood until the five and twentieth of December, at
which time they intended to march and fall upon the old King.
ſcatter and
But in the Interim,the Kings Sifter Flyes away with the Prince from
Upon the
the Court into the Countrey near unto the King; which fo amazed Princes Flight,
the Rebells, that the mony and cloth and plunder which they had ta- the Rebells
ken, and were going to diftribute to the Strangers to gain their good run.
will and affiſtance, they ſcattered about and fled. Others of their
Company ſeeing the Bufinefs was overthrown,to make amends for their
former fact, turned and fell upon their Conforts, killing and taking
Priſoners all they could. The people were now all up in arms one
againſt another, killing whom they pleas'd, only faying they were
Rebells and taking their goods.
declares for
By this time a great man had drawn out his men, and ſtood in the A
Field, and there turned and publickly declared for the old King: and a great man
ſo went to catch the Rebells that were ſcattered abroad. Who when the King.
he underſtood that they were all fled, and no whole party or body left
to refift him, marched into the City killing all that he could catch.
And ſo all revolted, and came back to the King again: whilft he For eight or
only lay ſtill upon his mountain. The King needed not to take care ten days no-
to catch or execute the Rebells, for they themſelves out of their zeal thing but kil
ling one ano-
I 2
to
#
1
1
60
Chap. 8.
ther to ap-
prove them-
Subje&s.
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
to him, and to make amends for what was paft, impriſoned and kil-
led all they met; the Plunder being their own. This continued for
ſome eight or ten days. Which the King hearing of, commanded to
Telves good kill no more, but that whom they took they fhould imprifon, until
examination paſsed; which was not fo much to fave innocent perfons
from violence, as that he might have the Rebells to torment them,
and make them confeſs of their Confederates. For he fpared none
that ſeemed guilty: fome to this day lye chained in Prifon,being feque-
ſtred of all their Eftates,and beg for their living. One of the moſt no-
ted Rebells, called Ambom Wellaraul, he fent to Columba to the Dutch
to execute, fuppofing they would invent new Tortures for him, be-
yond what he knew of. But they instead of executing him, cut off
his chains,and kindly entertained him,and there he ſtill is in theCity of
Columba, referving him for fome deſigns they may hereafter have a-
gainit the Countrey.
fons his Son
to prevent a
Rebellion
hereafter.
The King could but not be fenfible, that it was his rigorous govern-
The King poy- ment that had occafioned thisRebellion, yet amended it not in the leaft;
but on the contrary like to Rehoboam, added yet more to the Peoples
yoak. And being thus fafely re-inftated in his Kingdom again, and
obferving that the life of his Son gave encouragement to the Rebelli-
on, reſolved to prevent it for the future by taking him away. Which
upon the next opportunity he did by Poyfoning him, which I have
related before.
His ingrati-
tude.
辈
​Another Co-
met, but with
effects follow.
out any bad
ing it.
But one thing there is, that argues him guilty of imprudence and
horrible ingratitude,that moſt of thoſe that went along with him when
he fled, of whofe Loyalty he had fuch ample experience,he hath fince cut
off; and that with extreme cruelty too.
In the year 1666 in the month of February, there appeared in this
Countrey another Comet or ftream in the Weft, the head end under
the Horizon, much refembling that which was feen in England in the
year 1680 in December. The fight of this did much daunt both King
and People, having but a year or two before felt the fad event of a
Blazing-Star in this Rebellion which I have now related. The King
fent men upon the higheſt mountains in the Land to look if they could
perceive the head of it, which they could not, being ſtill under the
Horizon. This continued vifible about the ſpace of one month, and
by that time it was fo diminiſhed, that it could not be ſeen. But there
were no remarkable paffages that enfued upon it.
Part
p.
61.
1
A Vadda or Wild Man
D
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
61
PART III
CHAP. I.
Concerning the Inhabitants of this Iſland.
EE fhall in this Part ſpeak of the Inhabitants of this
Countrey, with their Religion, and Customs, and o-
ther things belonging to them.
W
The feveral
Beſides the Dutch who poffefs, as I judg, about one
fourth of the Iſland,there are Malabars,that are free Denizons,and pay Inhabitants of
duty to the King for the Land they enjoy, as the Kings natural Sub- this Ifland,
jects do; there are alfo Moors, who are like Strangers, and hold no
Land, but live by carrying goods to the Sea-Ports, which now are
in the Hollanders hands. The Sea-Ports are inhabited by a mixt peo-
ple, Malabars and Moors, and fome that are black, who profefs them-
felves Roman Catholicks, and wear Crofses, and ufe Beads. Some of
thefe are under the Hollander; and pay toll and tribute to them.
But I am to ſpeak only of the natural proper People of the Iſland,
which they call Chingulays.
Pɔriu-
of Chinguluys.
I have asked them, whence they derive themſelves, but they could
not tell. They fay their Land was firft inhabited by Devils, of which The Original
they have a long Fable. I have heard a tradition from fame Portu-
gueze here,which was; That an antient King of China had a Son, who
during his Fathers Reign, proved fo very harsh and cruel unto the peo-
ple, that they being afraid he might prove a Tyrant if he came to the
• Crown, defired the. King to baniſh him, and that he might never
fucceed. This that King, to pleaſe the people, granted. And fo put
him with certain Attendants into a fhip, and turned them forth unto
the Winds to ſeek their fortune. The firft fhore they were caſt upon,
was this Iſland. Which they feated themſelves on, and peopled it.
But to me nothing is more improbable than this Story. Becauſe this
people and the Chineſes have no agreement nor fimilitude in their fea-
tures nor language nor diet. It is more probable,they came from the
Malabars, their Countrey lying next, tho they do reſemble them lit-
tle or nothing. I know no nation in the world do fo exactly refem-
ble the Chingulays as the people of Europe.
Of theſe Natives there be two forts, Wild and Tame. I will begin
with the former. For as in thefe Woods there are Wild Beafts, fo wild-men.
Wild Men alfo. The Land of Bintan is all covered with mighty
Woods, filled with abundance of Deer. In this Land are many of
theſe wild-men;they call them Vaddabs,dwelling near no other Inhabi-
tants. They ſpeak the Chingulayes Language. They kill Deer,and dry the
Fleſh over the fire, and the people of the Countrey come and buy it
of them. They never Till any ground for Corn, their Food be
ing only Fleſh. They are very expert with their Bows. They have
a little Ax,which they ſtick in by their fides, to cut hony out of hollow
Trees. Some few, which are near Inhabitants, have commerce with
other people. They have no Towns nor Houfes,only live by the waters
under
!
1
62
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Chap. 1.
By an acknow.
ledgment to
the King.
How they be-
ſpeak Arrows
to be made
them.
They violent-
ly took away
Carriers goods.
7
under a Tree, with fome boughs cut and laid round about them, to
give notice when any wild Beaits come near, which they may hear by
their ruſtling and trampling upon them. Many of theſe habitations
we ſaw when we fled through the Woods, but God be praiſed the
Vaddabs were gone.
Some ofthe tamer fort of theſe men are in a kind of Subjection to
the King. For if they can be found, tho it must be with a great ſearch
in the Woods, they will acknowledg his Officers, and will bring to
them Elephants-Teeth, and Honey,and Wax, and Deers Flesh : but the o-
thers in lieu thereof do give them near as much,in Arrows, Cloth &c.
fearing left they ſhould otherwiſe appear no more.
It hath been reported to me by many people, that the wilder fort
of them, when they want Arrows, will carry their load of Fleſh in
the night, and hang it up in a Smith's Shop, alfo a Leaf cut in the form
they will have their Arrows made, and hang by it. Which if the
Smith do make according to their Pattern they will requite, and bring
him more Fleſh: but if he make them not, they will do him a mif-
chief one time or another by fhooting in the night. If the Smith
make the Arrows, he leaves them in the fame place, where the Vad-
dahs hung the Fleſh.
Formerly, in this Kings Reign theſe wild men uſed to lye in wait,
to catch Carriers people, that went down with Oxen to trade at the
Sea-Ports, carrying down Betelnuts, and bringing up Cloth, and
would make them to give them fuch things as they required, or elſe
threatning to fhoot them. They fearing their lives, and not being
able to refift,were fain to give them what they asked; or elſe moſt cer-
tainly they would have had both life and goods too. At which this
King fent many Commanders with their Soldiers to catch them, which
at length they did: But had not fome of themſelves proved falſe to
them, being incouraged by large promiſes, they could never have
taken them. The chief being brought before the King, promifing a-
mendment, were pardoned: but fent into other Woods with a Command
not to return thither any more, neitheir to uſe their former courſes.
But foon after their departure, they forfook thofe Woods they were
put into, and came to their old haunt again, falling to their former
courfe of Life. This the King hearing of, and how they had abuſed
his Pardon, gave command either to bring them dead or alive. Theſe
Vaddahs knowing now there could be no hope of Pardon, would not be
taken alive,but were fhot by the Treachery of their own men. The heads
of two of the chiefeſt were hanged on Trees by the City. And ever
fince they have not prefumed to diſturb the Countrey, nor the King
them he only defiring their quiet, and not to be againſt him.
About Hourly the remoteft of the Kings Dominions there are many
Hourly Vadahs
trade with the of them, that are pretty tame, and come and buy and fell among the
people.
people. The King once having occafion of an hafty Expedition againſt
the Dutch, the Governour fummoned them all in to go with him,
which they did. And with their Bows and Arrows did as good fer-
vice as any of the reft but afterwards when they returned home again,
they removed farther in the Woods, and would be ſeen no more, for
fear of being afterwards preft again to ſerve the King.
One made to
ferve the
King.
Their habit.
They never cut their hair but tye it up on their Crowns in a bunch.
and Religion. The cloth they uſe, is not broad nor large, fcarcely enough to cover
?
售
​their
1
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
63
their Buttocks. The wilder and tamer fort of them do both obferve a Part. III.
a Religion. They have a God peculiar to themſelves. The tamer
do build Temples, the wild only bring their facrifice under Trees,
and while it is offering,dance round it, both men and women.
A Skirmish
They have their bounds in the Woods among themſelves, and one
company of them is not to fhoot nor gather hony or fruit beyond thofe about their
bounds. Neer the borders ftood a Jack-Tree; one Vaddah being bounds.
gathering fome fruit from this Tree, another Vaddah of the next divi-
fion faw him, and told him he had nothing to do to gather Jacks from
that Tree, for that belonged to them. They fell to words and from
words to blows, and one of them fhot the other. At which more of
them niet and fell to skirmiſhing fo briskly with their Bows and
Arrows, that twenty or thirty were left dead upon the fpot.
They are ſo curious of their Arrows that no Smith can pleaſe them: Curious in
The King once to gratifie them for a great Preſent they brought him, their Arrows.
gave all of them of his beſt made Arrow-blades: which nevertheleſs
would not pleaſe their humour. For they went all of them to a Rock
by a River and ground them into another form. The Arrows they
uſe are of a different faſhion from all other, and the Chingulays will not
ufe them.
How they pre
They have a peculiar way by themſelves of preferving Flefh. They
cut a hollow Tree and put honey in it, and then fill it up with flesh, ferve their
and ſtop it up with clay. Which lyes for a reſerve to eat in time of fleſh.
want.
Elephants.
It has uſually been told me that their way of catching Elephants is, How they take
that when the Elephant lyes afleep they ſtrike their ax into the fole of
his foot, and fo laming him he is in their power to take him. But
I take this for a fable, becauſe I know the fole of the Elephants foot is
fo hard, that no ax can pierce it at a blow; and he is fo wakeful that
they can have no opportunity to do it.
་
Their diſpo
For portions with their Daughters in marriage they give hunting
Dogs. They are reported to be courteous. Some of the Chingulays The dowries
in difcontent will leave their houfes and friends, and go and live a- they give.
mong them, where they are civilly entertained. The tamer fort of fition.
them, as hath been faid, will fometimes 'appear, and hold fome kind
of trade with the tame Inabitants, but the wilder called Ramba-Vad-
dahs never fhew themfelves.
But to come to the civilized Inhabitants,whom I am chiefly to treat A defcription
of. They are a people proper and very well favoured, beyond all of a chingulzy.
people that I have feen in India, wearing a cloth about their Loyns,
and a doublet after the Engliſh fafhion, with little skirts buttoned at
the wrifts, and gathered at the fhoulders like a ſhirt, on their heads
à red Tannis Cap, or if they have none, another Cap with flaps
of the fafhion of their Countrey, defcribed in the next Chapter, with
a handfom ſhort hanger by their fide, and a knife ſticking in their
bofom on the right fide.
They are very active and nimble in their Limbs; and very ingeni- Their difpofi
ous: for, except Iron-work, all other things they have need of, tion.
they make and do themſelves: infomuch that they all build their own
houſes. They are crafty and treacherous, not to be truſted upon any
proteftations: for their manner of fpeaking is very fmooth and cour-
teous, infomuch that they who are unacquainted with their difpofiti-
I
ong
64
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. III. ons and manners, may eaſily be deceived by them. For they make
no account nor confcience of lying, neither is it any fhame or difgrace
to them,if they be catched in telling lyes: it is fo cuftomary. They
are very vigilant and wakeful, fufficed with very little fleep: very
hardy both for diet and weather, very proud and ſelf conceited. They
take ſomething after the Bramines, with whom they fcruple not
both to marry and eat. In both which otherwiſe they are exceeding
ſhy and cautious. For there being many Ranks or Cafts among them,
they will not match with any Inferiour to themſelves; nor eat meat
dreffed in any houſe, but in thoſe only that are of as good a Cast or
Race as themſelves: and that which any one hath left, none but thoſe
that are near of kin will eat.
The Inhabi-
tants of the
fer from thoſe
of the Low-
They are not very malitious one towards another; and their anger
doth not last long; feldom or never any blood fhed among them in
their quarrels. It is not cuftomary to ftrike; and it is very rare that
they give a blow fo much as to their Slaves; who may very familiar-
ly talk and difcourfe with their Maſters. They are very near and co-
vetous,and will pinch their own bellies for profit;very few fpend-thrifts
or bad husbands are to be met with here.
The Natures of the Inhabitants of the Mountains and Low-lands are
very different. They of the Low lands are kind, pittiful, helpful,
Mountains dif- honeft and plain, compaffionating Strangers, which we found by
our own experience among them. They of the Up-lands are ill-natu-
red, falfe, unkind, though outwardly fair and feemingly courteous,
and more of complaifant carriage,fpeech and better behaviour, than the
Low-landers.
lands.
It not.
Of all Vices they are leaſt addicted to stealing, the which they do
Their good
opinion of exceedingly hate and abhor; fo that there are but few Robberies com-
Virtue,though mitted among them. They do much extol and commend Chaſtity,
they practice Temperance, and Truth in words and actions; and confefs that it is
out of weakneſs and infirmity, that they cannot practice the fame,
acknowledging that the contrary Vices are to be abhorred, being abo-
mination both in the fight of God and Man. They do love and de
light in thoſe Men that are moſt Devout and Precife in their Matters.
As for bearing Witnefs for Confirmation in any matters of doubt, a
Christians word will be believed and credited far beyond their own:
becauſe, they think, they make more Confcience of their words.
Superftitious.
How they tra
vail.
They are very fuperftitious in making Obfervations of any little
Accidents, as Omens portending good to them or evil. Sneezing they
reckon to import evil. So that if any chance to freeze when he is go-
ing about his Buſineſs, he will ſtop, accounting he fhall have ill fuccefs
if he proceeds. And none may Sneeze, Cough, nor Spit in the King's
Preſence, either becauſe of the ill boding of thofe actions, or the rude-
neſs of them or both. There is a little Creature much like a Lizzard,
which they look upon altogether as a Prophet, whatſoever work or
buſineſs they are going about; if he crys, they will ceafe for a fpace,
reckoning that he tells them there is a bad Planet rules at that inftant.
They take great notice in a Morning at their firſt going out, who firſt
appears in their fight: and if they fee a White Man, or a big-bellied
Woman, they hold it fortunate: and to fee any decrepit or deformed
People, as unfortunate.
When they travel together a great many of them, the Roads are fo
narrow,
:
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
65
narrow, that but one can go abreaſt, and if there be Twenty of them, Chap. 1.
there is but one Argument or Matter difcourfed of among them
all from the firft to the laft. And fo they go talking along all
together, and every one carrieth his Provifions on his back for his
whole Journey.
"
racter of them
In fhort, in Carriage and Behaviour they are very grave and ſtately A brief Cha-
like unto the Portugals, in underſtanding quick and apprehenfive, in
deſign fubtil and crafty, in difcourfe courteous but full of Flatteries
naturally inclined to temperance both in meat and drink, but not to
Chaſtity, near and Provident in their Families, commending good
Husbandry. In their difpofitions not paffionate, neither hard to be
reconciled again when angry. In their Promiſes very unfaithful, ap-
proving lying in themſelves, but mifliking it in others; delight-
ing in floath, deferring labour till urgent neceffity conſtrain them,
neat in apparel, nice in eating; and not given to much fleep.
and Nature,
As for the Women, their Habit is a Waltcoat of white Callico cover- The Women
ing their Bodies, wrought into flouriſhes with Blew and Red; their their Habit
Cloath hanging longer or fhorter below their Knees, according to their
quality; a piece of Silk flung over their heads; Jewels in their Ears,
Örnaments about their Necks, and Arms, and Middles. They are
in their gate and behaviour very high, ſtately in their carriage after
the Portugal manner, of whom I think they have learned: yet they
hold it no fcorn to admit the meaneft to come to fpeech of them.
They are very thrifty, and it is a difgrace to them to be prodigal, and
their Pride & Glory to be accounted near & faving. And to praiſe them-
felves they will fometimes fay, That ſcraps and parings will ferve them
but that the best is for their Husbands. The Men are not jealous of
their Wives, for the greateſt Ladies in the Land will frequently talk
and diſcourſe with any Men they pleafe, altho their Husbands be in
prefence. And altho they be ſo ſtately, they will lay their hand to
fuch work as is neceffary to be done in the Houſe, notwithſtanding
they have Slaves and Servants enough to do it. Let this fuffice con-
cerning the Nature and Manners of the People in general: The en-
fuing Chapters will be ſpent in more particular accounts of them.
And becauſe they ftand much upon their Birth and Gentility, and
much of what is afterwards to be related hath reference unto
it: I fhall firſt ſpeak of the various ranks and degrees of Men
among tliem
1
K
CHAP.
66
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part III.
:
How they di-
ſtinguiſh
themſelves ac-
cording to
CHAP. H.
Concerning their different Honours, Ranks, and Qualities:
Mong this People there are divers and fundry Cafts or degrees of
Quality, which is not according to their Riches or Places of
Honour the King promotes them to, but according to their Deſcent
their qualities. and Blood. And whatfoever this Honour is, be it higher or lower, it
remains Hereditary from Generation to Generation. They abhor to
eat or drink,or intermarry with any of Inferior Quality to themſelves.
The figns of higher or meaner Ranks, are wearing of Doublets, or go-
ing bare-backed without them: the length of their Cloth below their
knees; their fitting on Stools, or on Blocks or Mats fpread on the
Ground: and in their Caps.
They never
their rank.
They are eſpecially careful in their Marriages, not to match with
murry beneath any interior Caft, but always each within their own rank: Riches can-
not prevail with them in the leaſt to marry with thoſe by whom they
muft eclipſe and ſtain the Honour of their Family: on which they fet
an higher price than on their lives. And if any of the Females fhould
be fo deluded, as to commit folly with one beneath her ſelf, if ever
The fhould appear to the fight of her Friends, they would certainly kill
her, there being no other way to wipe off the diſhonour the hath done
the Family, but by her own Blood.
In cafe a Man
lies with a
ferior rank.
Yet for the Men it is fomething different; it is not accounted any
fhame or fault for a Man of the higheſt fort to lay with a Woman
Woman of in- far inferior to himſelf, nay of the very loweft degree; provided he
neither eats nor drinks with her, nor takes her home to his Houfe,
as a Wife. But if he fhould, which I never knew done, he is puniſhed
by the Magiſtrate, either by Fine or Impriſonment, or both, and alfo
he is utterly ecluded from his Family, and accounted thenceforward of
the fame rank and quality, that the Woman is of, whom he hath taken.
If the Woman be married already, with whom the Man of better
rank lies, and the Husband come and catch them together; how low
foever the one be and high the other, he may kill him, and her too,
if he pleaſe.
Their Noble-
men.
How diftin.
And thus by Marrying conftantly each rank within it felf, the De-
ſcent and Dignity thereof is preferved for ever; and whether the Fa-
mily be high or low it never alters. But to proceed to the particular
ranks and degrees of Men among them.
The higheſt, are their Noblemen, called Hondrews. Which I fup-
pofe comes from the word Homdrewné, a Title given to the King, fig-
nifying Majefty: thefe being honourable People. "Tis out of this fort
alone, that the King chooſeth his great Officers and whom he imploys
in his Court, and appoints for Governors over his Countrey. Riches
are not here valued, nor make any the more Honourable. For many
of the lower forts do far exceed thefe Hondrews in Eftates. But it is
the Birth and Parentage that inobleth.
Theſe are diſtinguished from others by their names, and the wear-
guiſhed from ing of their cloth, which the Men wear down half their Legs, and the
Women to their Heels: one end of which Cloth the Women fling
over their Shoulders, and with the very end careleſly cover their
others.
Breafts:
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
67
Breaſts; whereas the other fort of Women muſt go naked from the Chap. 2.
wait upwards, and their Cloaths not hang down much below their C
Knees: except it be for cold; for then either Women or Men
may
throw their Cloth over their Backs. But then they do excuſe it
to the Hondrews, when they meet them, faying, Excuse me, it is
for warmth.
Яion by Caps.
They are diftinguiſhed alfo by their own Countrey Caps, which The diftin.
are of the faſhion of Mitres: there are two flaps tied up over the top
of the Crown. If they be Hondrews, their Caps are all of one Colour,
either White or Blew if of inferior quality, than the Cap and the
flaps on each fide be of different Colours, whereof the Flaps are al-
ways Red.
:
drews two
Of theſe Hondrews there be two forts, the one fomewhat In- of the Hon
ferior to the other as touching Marriage; but not in other things. forts,
The greateſt part of the Inhabitants of the Land are of the degree
of Hondrews:
All Christians either White or Black are accounted equal with the
Hondrews. The Whites are generally Honourable, only it is an abate-
ment of their Honour that they eat Beef, and waſh not after they
have been at Stool; which things are reckoned with this People an
Abomination.
}
Knighthood.
Among the Noblemen may be mentioned an Honour, that the An Honour
King confers, like unto Knighthood; it ceaſeth in the Perfon's death, like unto
and is not Hereditary. The King confers it by putting about their
Heads a piece of Silk or Ribbond embroidered with Gold and Silver,
and beſtowing a Title upon them. They are ſtiled Mundianna. There
are not above two or three of them now in the Realm living.
Next after the degree of Hondrews may be placed Goldſmiths, Black- Goldsmiths,
Blacksmiths,
Smiths, Carpenters and Painters. Who are all of one degree and quali-
Carpenters, &c.
ty. But the Hondrews will not eat with them however in Apparel
there is no difference; and they are alfo privileged to fit on Stools,
which none of the Inferior ranks of People hereafter mentioned, may
do. Heretofore they were accounted almoſt equal to the Inferior fort
of Hondrewes, and they would eat in theſe Artificers Houſes, but after-
wards they were degraded upon this occafion. It chanced fome Hon-
drews came to a Smith's Shop to have their Tools mended, when it
came to be Dinner time, the Smith leaves work, and goes in to his
Houſe to dine, leaving the Hondrewes in his Shop: who had waited
there a great while to have their work done. Now whether the Smith
fearing left their hunger might move them to be fo impudent or de-
ſperate as to partake with him of his Dinner, clapt to his Door after
him: Which was taken fo hainoufly by thofe hungry People in his
Shop, that immediately they all went and declared abroad what an af-
front the Smith had put upon them. Whereupon it was decreed and
confirmed, that for ever after all the People of that rank fhould
be depofed, and deprived of the Honour of having the Hondrewes
to eat in their Houſes. VVhich Decree hath ftood in force ever
fince:
and ftate of
Nevertheleſs theſe Smiths take much upon them, efpecially thofe The Privilege
who are the King's Smiths; that is, fuch who live in the King's Towns, the Smiths
and do his work. Theſe have this Privilege, that each has a parcel of
Towns belonging to them,whom none but they are to work for. The
ordinary
K 2
售
​68
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Part III. ordinary work they do for them is mending their Tools, for which
every Man
pays to his Smith a certain Rate of Corn in Harveſt time
according to ancient Cuſtom. But if any hath work extraordinary,
as making new Tools or the like, befides the aforefaid Rate of Corn,
he muſt pay him for it. In order to this, they come in an humble
manner to the Smith with a Preſent, being Rice, Hens, and other
forts of Proviſion, or a Bottle of Rack, defiring him to appoint his
time, when they ſhall come to have their work done. VVhich when
he hath appointed them, they come at the fet time, and bring both
Coals and Iron with them. The Smith fits very gravely upon his
Stool, his Anvil before him, with his left hand towards the Forge, and
a little Hammer in his Right. They themselves who come with their
work muſt blow the Bellows, and when the Iron is to be beaten with
the great Maul, he holds it, ftill fitting upon his Stool, and they muſt
hammer it themſelves, he only with his little Hammer knocking it
ſometimes into faſhion. And if it be any thing to be filed, he makes
them go
themſelves and grind it upon a Stone, that his labour of file-
ing may be the lefs; and when they have done it as well as they can,he
goes over it again with his file and finisheth it. That which makes
theſe Smiths thus ftately is, becauſe the Towns People are compelled
to go to their own Smith, and none elſe. And if they fhould, that
Smith is liable to pay Dammages that ſhould do work for any in ano
ther Smith's Jurifdiction.
Craftforen.
BAYDAY'S
Petters.
Washers.
All that are of any Craft or Profeffion are accounted of an inferior
degree, as Elephant Catchers, and Keepers, who are reckoned equal
with the Smiths, &c. abovefaid, tho they neither cat nor marry toge-
ther; and theſe may wear Apparel as do the Hondrews,and fit on Stools,
but the Hondrews eat not with them.
No Artificers ever change their Trade from Generation to Genera-
tion; but the Son is the fame as was his Father, and the Daughter
marries only to thoſe of the fame Craft: and her Portion is fuch Tools
as are of uſe, and do belong unto the Trade: tho the Father may give
over and above what he pleaſeth.
Next are are Barbars; both the Women and Men may wear Doub
lets, but not fit on Stools, neither will any eat with them.
Potters yet more Inferior, may not wear any Doublets, nor their
Cloth much below the Knee, nor fit on Stools, neither will any eat
with them. But they have this Privilege, becauſe they make the
Pots, that when they are athirſt being at a Hondrew's Houſe, they
may take his Pot, which hath a Pipe to it, and pour the Water into
their mouths themſelves: which none other of theſe inferior degrees
may be admitted to do: but they muſt hold their hands to their
mouths and gape, and the Hondrews themſelves will pour the Water
in. The Potters were at firſt denied this Honour, upon which they
joyntly agreed to make Pots with Pipes only for themſelves,and would
fell none to the Hondrews that wanted; whereat being conſtrained,
they condefcended to grant them the Honour above other inferior Peo-
ple, that they fhould have the favour to drink out of theſe Pots with
ſpouts at their Houſes.
The next are the Ruddaughs, Wafhers. Of theſe there are great
Numbers. They waſh Cloths for all People to the degree of a Potter
but for none below that degree. Their uſual Poſture is to carry a
Cloth
:
1
}
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
69
Cloth on their Shoulder, both Men and Women: They ufe Lye in Chap. 2.
their waſhing, ſetting a Pot over the Fire holding ſeven or eight Gal-
lons of Water, and lay the foul Cloths on the top; and the ſteam of
the water goes into the Cloths and fcalds them. Then they take them
and carry them to a River fide, and inſtead of rubbing them with
their hands, flap them againſt the Rock, and they become very clean;
hor doth this tear the Cloths at all, as they order it.
kerso
Another rank after theſe are the Hungrams, or Faggory-Makers. Jaggory-Ma-
Tho none will eat with them, yet it is lawful to buy and eat the
Faggory they make, (which is a kind of Sugar) but nothing elſe.
Another fort among them is the Poddah. Thefe are of no Trade The Peddaby
or Craft, but are Husbandmen and Soldiers, yet are inferior to all that
have been named hitherto. For what reafon neither I, nor, I think,
themſelves can tell: only thus it falls to them by Succeſſion from their
Predeceffors, and fo will ever remain.
After theſe are the Weavers. Who befide their Trade, which is weavers,
Weaving Cloth, are Aftrologers, and tell the People good Days and
good Seaſons and at the Birth of a Child write for them an account
of the day, time and Planet, it was born in and under. Theſe accounts
they keep with great Care all their Life-time: by which they know
their Age, and what fucceſs or evil ſhall befall them.
Thefe People alſo beat Drums, and play on Pipes, and dance in the
Temples of their Gods, and at their Sacrifices; they eat and carry away
all fuch Victuals as are offered to their Idols. Both which to do and
take, is accounted to belong to People of a very low degree and qua-
lity. Theſe alſo will eat dead Cows.
Next to the Weavers are the Kiddeas or Basket-Makers. Who Basket-Makers
make Fans to fan Corn, and Baskets of Canes, and Lace, Bedſteds
and Stools.
Then follow the Kirinerahs. Whofe Trade is to make fine Matts. Mat-Makers,
Theſe Men may not wear any thing on their Heads. The VVomen
of none of thefe forts ever do. Of theſe two laft there are
but few.
affume the Ha
All below the Couratto or Elephant-Men, may not fit on Stools, The lower
nor wear Doublets, except the Barbar, nor wear the Cloth low down ranks may not
their Legs. Neither may any of theſe ranks of People, either Man or bit or Names
Woman, except the Potter and the Wafher, wear the end of their Cloth of the higher.
to cover their Bodies, unleſs they be fick or cold. Neither may they
preſume to be called by the Names that the Hondrews are called by;
nor may they, where they are not known, change themſelves by pre-
tending or feeming to be higher than Nature hath made them: and I
think they never do, but own themſelves in the rank and quality
wherein they were born, and demean themſelves accordingly.
All Outlandish People are eſteemed above the inferior ranks. The
Names of the Hondrews always end in oppow, of others below the de-
gree of the Elephant People in adgah,
The Slaves may make another rank. For whofe maintenance, their Staves
Maſters allow them Land and Cattle. Which many of them do fo
improve; that except in Dignity they are not far behind their Maſters,
only they are not permitted to have Slaves. Their Maſters will not
diminiſh or, take away ought, that by their Diligence and Induſtry
they have procured, but approve of it, as being Perfons capable to re-
pofe
70
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
T
Part III. pofe truſt in. And when they do buy or otherways get a new Slave,
they prefently provide him a Wife, and ſo put him forward to keep
Houfe, and fettle, that he may not think of running away. Slaves that
are born of Hondrew Parents, retain the Honour of their degree.
Biggarš.
The Reafon
fo baſe and
mean a Peo-
ple.
There is one fort of People more, and they are the Beggars: who for
their Tranfgreffion, as hereafter fhall be fhewn, have by former Kings
been made to low and bafe, that they can be no lower or bafer. And
they muſt and do give fuch titles and refpects to all other People, as
are due from other People to Kings and Princes.
*
The Predeceffors of thefe People, from whom they ſprang, were
they became Dodda Vaddaks, which fignifies Hunters: to whom it did belong to
catch and bring Venifon for the King's Table. But inftead of Venifon
they brought Man's flesh; unknown; which the King liking fo well
commanded to bring him more of the fame fort of Venifon. The
King's Barbar chanced to know what fleſh it was, and diſcovered it
to him. At which the King was fo inraged, that he accounted death
too good for them; and to puniſh only thoſe Perſons that had ſo of-
fended, not a fufficient recompence for fo great an Affront and Injury
as he had fuſtained by them. Forthwith therefore he eſtabliſhed a De-
cree, that all both great and ſmall, that were of that Rank or Tribe,
fhould be expelled from dwelling among the Inhabitants of the Land,
and not be admitted to ufe or enjoy the benefit of any means, or ways,
or callings whatfoever, to provide themſelves fuftinence; but that they
fhould beg from Generation to Generation, from Door to Door, thro
the Kingdom; and to be looked upon and efteemed by all People to be
fo baſe and odious, as not poffibly to be more.
}
And they are to this day fo deteftable to the People, that they are
not permitted to fetch water out of their Wells; but do take their wa-
ter out of Holes or Rivers. Neither will any touch them, left they
fhould be defiled.
And thus they go a begging in whole Troops, both Men, Women,
and Children, carrying both Pots and Pans, Hens and Chickens, and
whatſoever they have, in Baskets hanging on a Pole, at each end one,
upon their Shoulders. The Women never carry any thing, but when
they come to any Houfe to beg, they Dance and fhew Tricks, while
the Men beat Drums. They will turn Brass Baſons on one of their fin-
gers, twirling it round very fwift, and wonderfully strange. And
they will tofs up Balls into the Air one after another to the number of
Nine, and catch them as they fall, and as fast as they do catch them,
ftill they toss them up again; fo that there are always Seven up in the
Air. Alſo they will take Beads of feveral Colours, and of one fize, and
put them in their mouths, and then take them one by one out of their
mouths again each Colours by themſelves. And with this Behaviour,
and the high and honourable Titles which they give, as to Men, Tour
Honour, and Tour Majefty; and to Women, Queens, Counteffes; and to
white Men, White of the Royal Blood, &c. They do beg for their liv-
ing; and that with fomuch importunity, as if they had a Patent for
it from the King, and will not be denied; pretending that it was fo
ordered and decreed, that by this very means they should be main
tained, and unless they mean to perifh with hunger they cannot ac-
cept of a denyal. The People on the other hand cannot without hor
rible ſhame, lift up their hand againſt them to ftrike or thruſt them
away ;
A
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
71
away; fo rather than to be troubled with their importunity, they Chap. 2.
will relieve them.
with the Wea
And thus they live, building ſmall Hovels in remote Places, High- They live well;
ways, under Trees. And all the Land being, as it were of Neceffity,
Contributers towards their maintenance, theſe Beggars live without
labour, as well or better, than the other forts of People; being free
from all forts of Service and Duties, which all other are compelled to
perform for the King. Of them it is only required to make Ropes of Their Conteft
fuch Cow-hides, as die of themſelves, to catch and tie Elephants vers about
with: By which they have another Privilege, to claim the fleſh there dead Cows
of for themſelves, from the Weavers. Who when they meet with any
dead Cows, ufe to cut them up and eat them. But if any of thefe
Roudeabs, Beggars, fee them, they will run to them and drive them
away, offering to beat them with the Poles, whereon they carry
their Baskets, faying to them, How can we perform the King's Service
to make Ropes of the Hide, if the Weavers hack and Spoil it? telling
them alſo, That it is beneath fuch honourable People as they, to eat fuch
Unclean and Polluted flesh. By theſe words, and the fear the Wea-
vers are in to be touched by that baſe People, than which nothing
could be more infamous, they are glad to get them away as faſt as
they can.
Theſe Men being ſo low that nothing they can do, can make them Inceſt com-
lower, it is not unuſual with them to lay with their Daughters, or mon among
for the Son to lay with his Mother, as if there were no Confanguini
ty among them.
them.
ble Women to
Many times when the King cuts off Great and Noble Men, againſt A Puniſhment
whom he is highly incenfed, he will deliver their Daughters and to deliver No
Wives unto this fort of People, reckoning it, as they alfo account it, thefe Bagger,
to be far worſe Puniſhment than any kind of Death. This kind of Pu-
niſhment being accounted fuch horrible Cruelty, the King doth uſually
of his Clemency fhew them fome kind of Mercy, and pittying their
Diſtreſs, Commands to carry them to a River fide, and there to deli-
ver them into the hands of thoſe, who are far worse than the Executio-
ners of Death: from whom, if theſe Ladies pleaſe to free themſelves,
they are permitted to leap into the River and be drowned; the
which fome fometimes will chooſe to do, rather than to confort
with them.
Some of theſe
Beggars keep
There are fome of this fort of People which dwell in remote Parts,
diſtant from any Towns, and keep Cattle, and fell them to the Chingu- Cattle and
layes, alfo fhoot Deer and fell them where they fall in the Woods; for hoot Deer,
if they ſhould but touch them, none would buy them.
dreſſed in a
The Barbar's Information having been the occafion of all this mifery Refufe Meat
upon this People, they in revenge thereof abhor to eat what is dreffed Barbar's houfe
in the Barbar's Houfe even to this day.
CHAP.
J
1
1
1
72
Part III.
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
CHAP. III.
Of their Religion, Gods, Temples, Prieſts.
O take a more particular view of the ftate of this Countrey, we
T ſhall first give ſome account of their Religion, as it juſtly res
quires the firſt place, and then of their other fecular concerns.
Under their Religion will come to be confidered, Their Gods, their
Temples, their Priests, their Festivals, Sacrifices, and Worship, and
their Doctrines and Opinions; and whatſoever other matters occur, that
may concern this Subject.
Their Religi-
The Religion of the Countrey is Idolatry. There are many both
on, their gods. Gods and Devils, which they worship, known by particular Names,
which they call them by. They do acknowledge one to be the Su-
preme, whom they call Offa polla maupt Dio, which fignifieth the Cre-
ator of Heaven and Earth; and it is he alſo, who ftill ruleth and gover-
neth the fame. This great Supreme God, they hold, fends forth other
Deities to fee his Will and Pleaſure executed in the World; and theſe
are the petty and inferior gods. Theſe they fay are the Souls of good
men, who formerly lived upon the Earth. There are Devils alfo, who
are the Inflicters of Sickneſs and Mifery upon them. And theſe they
hold to be the Souls of evil men.
1
1
They worſhip
There is another great God, whom they call Buddou, unto whom
the God that the Salvation of Souls belongs. Him they believe once to have come
upon
the Earth. And when he w here, that he did ufually fit un-
der a large fhady Tree, called Bogahah. Which Trees ever fince are
accounted Holy, and under which with great Solemnities they do to
this day celebrate the Ceremonies of his Worship. He departed from
the Earth from the top of the higheſt Mountain on the Iland, called
Pico Adam: where there is an Impreffion like a foot, which, they ſay,
is his, as hath been mentioned before.
The Sun and
pute Deities.
î
The Sun and Moon they feem to have an Opinion to be gods from the
Moon they re- Names they fometimes call them by. The Sun in their Language is
Irri, and the Moon Handa. To which they will fometimes add the
Title Haumi, which is a name they give to Perfons of the greateſt
Honour; and Did, that fignifies God: faying Irrihaumi, Irridio :
Handahaumi, banda Dio. But to the Stars they give not thefe Titles.
Some of
Work.
...
¿
The Pagoda's or Temples of their Gods are fo many that I cannot
their Temples number them. Many of them are of Rare and Exquifite work, built
of exquifite of Hewn Stone, engraven with Images and Figures; but by whom
and when I could not attain to know, the Inhabitants themſelves being
ignorant therein. But fure I am they were built by far more Ingeni-
ous Artificers, than the Chingulayes that now are on the Land. For the
Portugueze in their Invafions have defaced fome of them, which there
is none found that hath Skill enough to repair to this day.
The form of
The faſhion of thefe Pagoda's are different; fome, to wit thofe that
their Temples. were anciently built, are of better Workmanſhip, as was faid before;
but thoſe lately erected are far Inferior; made only with Clay
and Sticks, and no Windows. Some, viz. Thofe belonging to the
Buddou, are in the form of a Pigeon-Houfe, fourfquare, one Story high,
#
=
and
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
73
•
and fome two; the Room above has its Idols as well as that below. Chap. 3.
Some of them are Tiled, and fome Thatched.
In them are Idols and Images moſt monftrous to behold, fome of
filver, ſome of braſs and other metals and alſo painted ſticks, and
Targets, and moſt ſtrange kind of Arms, as Bills, Arrows, Spears
and Swords. But theſe Arms are not in the Buddou's Temples, he be-
ing for Peace: therefore there are in his Temples only Images of men
cross-legged with yellow coats on like the Gonni-Priefts,their hair fri-
fled, and their hands before them like women. And theſe they ſay are
the ſpirits of holy men departed.Their Temples are adorned with ſuch
things as the peoples ability and poverty can afford; accounting it
the higheſt point of Devotion, bountifully to dedicate fuch things un-
to their Gods, which in their eſtimation are moſt precious.
As for theſe Images they fay,they fay they do not own them to be
Gods themselves but only Figures,repreſenting their Gods to their me-
mories; and as fuch, they give to them honour and worſhip.
The ſhape of
their Idols.
They worship
not the Idol,
but whom it
reprefents.
Women having their natural infirmities upon them many not, nei- The revenues
ther dare they prefume to come near the Temples or houſes of their of the Temples
Gods. Nor the men, if they come out of houſes where fuch women nours thereof.
are.
and the ho-
Gods,
Unto each of theſe Pagodas, there are great Revenues of Land be- They are de
longing which have been allotted to them by former Kings, accor- dicated to
ding to the State of the Kingdom: but they have much impaired the
Revenues of the Crown,there being rather more Towns belonging to
the Church, than unto the King. Theſe eſtates of the Temples are
to fupply a daily charge they are at; which is to prepare victuals
or facrifices to fet before the Idols. They have Elephants alfo as the
King has,which ferve them for State. Their Temples have all ſorts of
Officers belonging to them, as the Palace hath.
Moſt of theſe Pagodas are dedicated to the name and honour of
thoſe, whom they call Dio or Gods: to whom, they fay, belong the
Government on earth, and of all things appertaining to this life.
Beſides theſe Publick Temples, many people do build in their yards Private Chap?
private Chappels, which are little houſes, like to Cloſets, fometimes pels,
fo fmall, that they are not above two foot in bignefs, but built upon
a Pillar three or four foot from the ground wherein they do place
certainImage of the Buddou, that they may have him near them, and
to teſtifie their love and fervice to him. Which they do by lighting up
candles and lamps in his houſe, and laying flowers every morning
before him.And at fome times they boyl victuals and lay it before him.
And the more they perform fuch ceremonious ferviceto him here,
the more fhall be their ward hereafter.
All bleffings and good fuccefs, they fay, come from the hand of
God, but fickneſs and diſeaſes proceed from the Devil; not that of
himſelf he hath fuch abfolute power, but as fervants have power, li-
cence and authority from their Maſters, ſo they from God.
But the Gods will require fome to wait at their Altars; and the
The Priefts
Temples, men to officiate in them: their Priests therefore fall under
the next confideration. Of theſe there are three forts according to the
three differences of Gods among them. And their Temples are alſo
called by three different names.
L
The
1
?
74
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part III.
of them.
1
The firſt and higheſt order of Priests are the Tirinanxes. Whỏ arc
the Prieſts of the Buddou God. Their Temples are ftyled Vebars.
The first order There is a religious houfe in the City of Digligy, where they dwell
and affemble and confult together about their affairs, which being the
meeting place of fuch holy men, they call it a Vihar; alfo they admit
none to come into their order but perfons of the moſt noble birth, and
that have learning and be well bred; of fuch they admit many. But
they do not preſently upon their admiffion arrive unto the high de-
gree
of a Tirinanx. For of theſe there are but three or four: and they
are choſe out of all the rest of the order unto this degree. Thefe Tirinan-
xes only live in the Vihar, and enjoy great Revenues, and are as it
were the Superiors of all the Priefts, and are made by the King.
The habit of
Many of the Vebars are endowed and have Farms belonging to
them. And theſe Tirinanxes are the Landlords, unto whom the
Tenants come at a certain time and pay in their Rents. Thefe Farmers
live the eafieft of any people in the Land, for they have nothing
to do but at thoſe fet times to bring in their dues and fo depart, and to
keep in repair certain little Vebars in the Countrey. So that the reft
of the Chingulais envy them and fay of them, Though they live eaſy in
this world, they cannot escape unpunished in the life to come for enjoying
the Buddou's land and doing him fo little fervice for it..
All the rest of the order are called Gonni. The habit is the fame to the
thefe Priefte. whole order, both Tirinanxes and Gonni. It is a yellow coat gathered
together about their waft, and comes over their left fhoulder, girt a-
bout with a belt of fine pack-thread. Their heads are ſhaved, and they
go bare-headed and carry in their hands a round fan with a wooden
handle, which is to keep the fun off ther hands.
They have great benefit and honour.. They enjoy their own lands
Their Privi- without paying Scot or lot or any Taxes to the King. They are honoured
ledges.
in fuch a meaſure, that the people, where ever they go, bow down to
them as they do to their Gods, but themſelves bow to none. They
have the honour of carrying the Tallipot with the broad end over their
heads foremoft; which none but the King does: Wherefoever they
come, they have a mat and a white cloth laid over upon a ftool for
them to fit upon; which is alfo an honour uſed only to the King.
What they
are prohibit
ed.
When any is
religioufly dif-
poſed, theſe
Prieſts fent
for in great
ceremony.
They are debarred from laying their hands to any manner of
work; and may not marry nor touch women, nor eat but one
meal a day, unless it be fruit and rice and water, that they may
eat morning and evening: nor muft they drink wine. They will eat
any lawful fleſh that is dreffed for them, but they will have no hand
in the death of it; as to give order or confent to the killing of it.
They may lay down their order, if they pleafe; which fome do,
that they may marry. This is done by pulling off their coat,and fling-
ing it into a River, and washing themfelves head and body,and then
they become like other lay-men.
any
man
There is a benefit that accrueth to them, which is, when
is minded to provide for his foul, they bring one of theſe Priefts under
a cloth held up by four men, unto his houfe, with drums and Pipes
and great folemnity which only can be done unto the King befides.
Then they give him great entertainment and beſtows gifts on him ac-
cording as they are able: which, after he hath tarried a day or more,
they carry for him, and conduct him home with the like folemnities as
he
1
A Firinanxy or Cheif Preiſt
74.
}
}
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
75
}
he came. But the night that he tarries with them he muſt fing Bonna,
that is matter concerning their Religion out of a Book made of the
leaves of Tallipot: and then he tells them the meaning of what he
fings, it being in an eloquent ftyle which the Vulgar people do not un-
derítand.
Chap. 6.
fed violence
Some of theſe Priefts, against whom the King took difpleaſure, None ever u
were beheaded, afterwards caft into the River. Which thing caufed towards them
amazement in all the people, how the King durft prefume to do it to
wards ſuch holy and reverend perfons.
before the
preſent King,
Priefts.
And none heretofore by any former Kings have ever been ſo ſerved:
being reputed and called Sons of Boddou. But the rcafon the King flew
them was becauſe they confpired in the Rebellion. They threw afide
their Habits, and got their fwords by their fides.
The fecond order of Prieſts are thofe called Koppuhs. Who are The fecond or
the Prieſts that belong to the Temples of the other Gods. Their der of their
Temples are called Dewals. Theſe are not diftinguiſhed by any ha-
bit from the reſt ofthe People, no, nor when they are at their worship;
only they wear clean cloths, and wash themſelves before they go to
their fervice. Theſe are taken out from among the Hondrews. They
enjoy a piece of Land that belongs to the Dewal where they officiate,
and that is all their benefit,unleſs they ſteal ſomewhat that is dedicated
to the Gods. They follow their Husbandry and employments as other
men do, but only when the times of worthip are, which ufually is eve-
ry morning and evening, oftner or feldomer according as the Revenue
will hold out, that belongs to that Temple, whereof each is Prieſt.
The ſervice is, that when the boyled rice and other victuals are brought
to the Temple door by others, he takes it and preſents it before the
Idol. Whence, after it hath ſtood a while,he brings it out again,and
then the drummers,pipers,and other ſervants that belong to the Temple,
eat it. Theſe Gods have never any fleſh brought in facrifice to them,
but any thing elſe.
The third order of Prieſts are the faddefes, Prieſts of the Spirits, The third
which they call Dayautaus. Their Temples are called Covels, which order.
are inferior to the other Temples, and have no revenues belonging to
them. A man piouſly diſpoſed, builds a ſmall houſe at his own
charge, which is the Temple, and himſelf becomes Prieſt thereof.
Therein are Bills, and Swords, and Arrows, and Shields, and Images,
painted upon the walls like fierce men. This houſe is ſeldom called
Gods houfe, but moſt uſually Jacco, the Devils. Upon ſome extradi-
nary feſtival to the Facco, the faddefe fhaves off all his beard.
Cock to the
When they are fick, they dedicate a red Cock to the Devil. Which
they do after this manner. They fend for the faddefe to their houſe, How they de
and give him a red Cock chicken, which he takes up in his hand and dicate a red
holds an Arrow with it, and dedicates it to the God, by telling Devil.
him that if he reſtore the party to his health, that Cock is given to
him; and ſhall be dreffed and facrificed to him in his Covel. They
then let the Cock go among the reſt of the Poultry, and keep it after-
wards, it may be, a year or two: and then they carry it to
the Temple, or the Prieſt comes for it. For fometimes he will go
round about, and fetch a great many Cocks together, that have been
dedicated, telling the owners that he muſt make a facrifice to the God;
though it may be when he hath them, he will go to fome other place.
L 2
and
76
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
}
Part. III. and convert them into mony for his own uſe, as I my felf can witneſs.
We could buy three of them for four pence half peny.
When the people are minded to enquire any thing of their Gods,
the Prieſts take up fome of the Arms and Inftruments of the Gods,
that are in the Temples, upon his fhoulder; and then he either fains
himſelf to be mad, or really is fo: which the people call Piffowetitch;
and then the spirit of the Gods is in him, and whatſoever he pronoun-
ceth, is looked upon as fpoken by God himſelf, and the people will
ſpeak to him, as if it were the very perſon of God.
The chief
days of wor-
ſhip.
How they
know what
God or Devil
hath made
them fick.
The Gods of
W
CHAP. IV.
Concerning their Worship, and Festivals.
Edneſdays and Saturdays' are the days, when people, who
have any buſineſs with the Gods, come and addreſs them-
felves; that is either to pray to their God for health, or for their help
in fome weighty matters, as in War &c. or to fwear concerning any
matter in controverſy, which is done before the Idols.
But one of their great and frequent buſineſses with their Gods is for
the Recovery of health. And that God or Devil that hath made them
fick, in his power only it is to reſtore them. Therefore when they
feel themſelves fick or fore, firſt, they uſe means to know which God
or Devil hath been the cauſe or author thereof. Which to find they
uſe theſe means. With any little ſtick they make a bow, and on
the ſtring thereof they hang a thing they have to cut Betel nuts, fome-
what like a pair of Sizzars; then holding the ſtick or Bow by both
ends, they repeat the names of all both God and Devils: and when
they come to him who hath afflicted them, then the Iron on the bow-
ftring will fwing. They fay by that fign they know their ilneſs pro-
ceeds from the power of that God laſt named; but I think this hap-
pens by the power of the Hands that hold it. The God being thus
found, to him chiefly they offer their oblations and facrifices.
There are nine Deities, which they call Gerehah, which are the
their fortunes. Planets (reckoning in probably the Dragons head and Tail.) From
whom proceed their Fortunes. Theſe they reckon fo powerful, that if
they be ill affected towards any party, neither God nor Devil can re-
voke it.
What wor-
the Planets.
When they are diſpoſed to worship thefe Gerebah, they make Ima-
fhip they give ges of Clay according to the number that ſtand difaffected, towards
them, which by certain Magick Tricks they know thefe Images,which
are made by the Weavers, they paint of divers colours, of horrible and
monftrous ſhapes; fome with long tusks like a Boar, fome with
hornes like a Bull, all in a moſt deformed manner, but fomething re-
fembling the fhape of a man. Before them they proftrate Victuals,
the fick party fitting all the while before them. Theſe ceremonies
are always celebrated in the night with Drums and Pipes and dancing
until almoſt day, and then they take thefe Images and caft them out
into the high ways to be trampled under foot: and the Victuals taken
away and eaten by the attendants, and deſpicable people that wait
there on purpoſe.
When
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
77
What worfD
they give De-
When they worship thoſe whom they call Devils, many of whom Chap. 4.
they hold to be the Spirits of fome that died heretofore, they make
no Images for them, as they did for the Planets; but only build a new
houſe in their yard, like a Barn very flight, covered only with leaves, vils.
and adorn it with Branches and Flowers. Into this Houfe they bring
fome of the Weapons or Inftruments, which are in the Pagods or Tem-
ples, and place them on Stools at one end of the houſe, which is hanged
with Cloth for that purpoſe, and before them on other Stools they
lay Victuals: and all that time of the Sacrifice there is Drumming,
Piping, Singing, and Dancing. Which being ended, they take the Who eat the
Victuals away, and give it to thoſe which Drum and Pipe, with
other Beggars and Vagabonds; for only fuch do eat of their
Sacrifices; not that they do account fuch things hallowed, and
fo dare not prefume to eat them but contrariwise they are
now looked upon as polluted meat. And if they ſhould attempt
to eat thereof, it would be a reproach to them and their Gene-
rations.
Sacrifices.
Theſe Spirits or Gods are local. For thofe which they worship in Their Gods
one County or part of the Land, are not known or owned to have are local.
power over the People in other parts. But each Countrey hath feve
ral Spirits or Devils, that are peculiar to thofe places, and do domi-
neer over them, and are known by feveral names they call them by:
under whofe fubjection the People do acknowledge themſelves to be:
and, as I well perceive, do ftand in a greater awe of them, than they
do of them, whom they call and own to be their Gods.
And indeed it is fad to confider, how this poor People are fubjected
to the Devil, and they themſelves acknowledge it their mifery, fay-
ing their Countrey is fo full of Devils, and evil Spirits, that unleſs in
this manner they fhould adore them, they would be deſtroyed by
them. Chriftians they do acknowledge have a Prerogative above
themſelves, and not to be under the Power of theſe infernal Spirits.
The ſubjection
of this People
to the Devil.
them,
I have many times feen Men and Women of this People ftrangely Sometimes the
poffeft, infomuch that I could judge it nothing elſe but the effect of Devil poffeffes
the Devil's power upon them: and they themſelves do acknowledge
as much. In the like condition to which I never faw any that did
profefs to be a worshipper of the Holy Name of JESUS. They
that are thus poffeft, fome of them will run mad into the Woods,
ſcreeching and roaring, but do miſchief to none; fome will be taken
fo as to be ſpeechlefs, fhaking, and quaking, and dancing, and will
tread upon the fire and not be hurt; they will alfo talk idle, like
diſtracted folk.
This may laſt ſometimes two or three Months, fometimes two or
three dayes. Now their Friends reckoning it to proceed from the De-
vil, do go to him and promiſe him a reward if he will cure them.
Sometimes they are cured, and ſometimes die. The People do impute
this madneſs to fome breach of promiſe that the Party affected had
made to the Devil, or elfe for eating fome fruit or Betel-leaves dedi-
cated to him: For they do dedicate fome fruit-trees to the Devil;
and this they do, to prevent People from ftealing them (which few
will dare to do after fucha Dedication) and alfo to excufe themſelves
in not beſtowing their fruit upon any that might ask or defire it. But
before this dedicated fruit is lawful for them to uſe, they muſt carry
fome of it to the Temple.
This
78
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part III.
The Devil's
heard.
This for certain I can affirm, That oftentimes the Devil doth cry
with an audible Voice in the Night; 'tis very fhrill almoſt like the bark-
Voice often ing of a Dog. This I have often heard my felf; but never heard that
he did any body any harm. Only this obfervation the Inhabitants
of the Land have made of this Voice, and I have made it alſo, that
either just before or very fuddenly after this Voice, the King always
cuts off People. To believe that this is the Voice of the Devil theſe
reaſons urge, becauſe there is no Creature known to the Inhabitants,
that cry like it, and becauſe it will on a fudden depart from one place,
and make a noiſe in another, quicker than any fowl could fly: and be-
cauſe the very Dogs will tremble and ſhake when they hear it; and
'tis fo accounted by all the People.
Their Sacrifice
Devil.
}
gone,
This Voice is heard only in Cande Uda, and never in the Low
Lands. When the Voice is near to a Chingulaye's houſe, he will curfe
the Devil, calling him Geremoi goulammah, Beef-eating Slave be
be damned, cut his Nofe off, beat him a pieces. And fuch like words of
Railery, and this they will ſpeak aloud with noiſe, and paſſion, and
threatning. This Language I have heard them beſtow upon the Voice;
and the Voice upon this always ceaſeth for a while, and feems to de-
part, being heard at a greater diftance.
When ſmaller Devils do fail them, they repair unto the great one.
to the chief Which they do after this manner. They prepare an Offering of Vi-
&tuals ready dreffed; one difh whereof is always a red Cock. Which
they do as frequently offer to the Devil, as Papists do Wax Candles to
Saints. This Offering they carry out into a remote place in the Woods,
and proftrate it to the honour and ſervice of the Grand Devil, before
which there are men in an horrible difguife like Devils, with Bells
about their Legs and Doublets of a ſtrange faſhion, dancing and fing-
ing, to call, if it were poffible, the Devil himself to come and eat
of the Sacrifices they have brought; the fick Party is all the while
prefent.
Their Fefti-
vals.
Feſtivals to
govern this
I have hitherto ſpoke of their ordinary and daily Worſhip, and their
private and occafional Devotions; beſides theſe they have their folemn
and annual Festivals. Now of theſe there are two forts, fome belong-
ing to their Gods that govern the Earth, and all things referring to
this life; and fome belonging to the Buddou, whofe Province is to take
care of the Soul and future well-being of Men.
I fhall first mention the Festivals of the former fort. They are two
the honour of or three. That they may therefore honour theſe Gods, and procure
the Gods that their aid and aſſiſtance, they do yearly in the Month of June or July, at
World. a New Moon, obferve a folemn Feaſt and general Meeting, called Pera-
The great Fe-
har;
tival in June.
but none are compelled, and fome go to one Pagoda, and fome
to another. The greateſt Solemnity is performed in the City of Cande;
but at the fame time the like Feſtival or Perahar is obſerved in divers
other Cities and Towns of the Land. The Perahar at Cande is ordered
after this manner.
The Prieſt bringeth forth a painted (tick, about which ſtrings of
Flowers are hanged, and fo it is wrapped in branched Silk, fome part
covered, and fome not; before which the People bow down and wor-
fhip; each one preſenting him with an Offering according to his free
will. Thefe free-will Offerings being received from the People, the
Prieſt takes his painted ſtick on his Shoulder,having a Cloth tied about
his
¡
1
A
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
A
79
his mouth to keep his breath from defiling this pure piece of Wood, Chap. 4.
and gets up upon an Elephant all covered with white Cloth, upon
which he rides with all the Triumph that King and Kingdom can af
ford, thro all the Streets of the City. But before him go, firſt ſome
Forty or Fifty Elephants, with braſs Bells hanging on each ſide of
them, which tingle as they go.
Next, follow men dreffed up like Gyants, which go dancing along
agreeable to a Tradition they have, that anciently there were huge
men, that could carry vaft Burthens, and pull up Trees by the Roots.
&c. After them go a great multitude of Drummers, and Trumpetters,
and Pipers, which make fuch a great and loud noiſe, that nothing elſe
befides them can be heard. Then followeth a Company of Men dan-
cing along, and after theſe Women of ſuch Cafts or Trades as are necef
fary for the fervice of the Pagoda, as Potters and Wafher women, each
caft goeth in Companies by themſelves, three and three in a row,
holding one another by the hand; and between each. Company go
Drummers, Pipers and Dancers.
After theſe comes an Elephant with two Priefts on his back: one
whereof is the Prieſt before ſpoken of, carrying the painted ſtick on
his Shoulder, who reprefents Allout neur Dio, that is, the God and Ma-
ker of Heaven and Earth. The other fits behind him, holding a round
thing, like an Umbrello, over his head, to keep off Sun or Rain.
Then within a yard after him on each hand of him follow two other
Elephants mounted with two other Prieſts, with a Prieſt fitting be-
hind each, holding Umbrello's as the former, one of them reprefents
Cotteragom Dio, and the other Potting Dio. Theſe three Gods that
ride here in Company are accounted of all other the greateſt and
chiefeft, each one having his refidence in a feveral Pagoda.
Behind go their Cook-women, with things like whisks in their hands
to ſcare away flies from them; but very fine as they can make them-
felves.
Next after the Gods and their Attendance, go fome Thouſands of
Ladies and Gentlewomen, fuch as are of the beſt fort of the Inhabi-
tants of the Land, arrayed in the braveft manner that their Ability
can afford, and ſo go hand in hand three in a row: At which time
all the Beauties on Želone in their Bravery do go to attend upon their
Gods in their Progrefs about the City. Now are the Streets alfo all
made clean, and on both fides all along the Streets Poles ſtuck
up with
Flags and Pennons hanging at the tops of them, and adorned with
boughs and branches of Coker Nut-Trees hanging like Fringes, and
lighted Lamps all along on both fides of the Streets, both by day
and night.
Laft of all, go the Commanders fent from the King to ſee theſe
Ceremonies decently performed, with their Soldiers after them. And
in this manner they ride all round about the City once by day
and once by night. This Feſtival lafts from the New Moon until
the Full Moon.
Formerly the King himſelf in Perfon uſed to ride on Horſeback
with all his Train before him in this Solemnity, but now he des
lights not in theſe Shows.
Always before the Gods fet out to take their Progreſs, they are
fet in the Pagoda-Door, a good while, that the People may come to
worship
80
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part III. worſhip and bring their Offerings unto them; during which time
there are Dancers, playing and fhewing many pretty Tricks of Acti-
vity before him. To fee the which, and alfo to thew themſelves in
their Bravery, occafions more People to refort hither, than otherwiſe
their Zeal and Devotion would prompt them to do.
The Feaft in
November.
The Feſtival
Two or thee days before the Full Moon, each of theſe Gods hath a
Pallenkine carried after them to add unto their honour. In the which
there are ſeveral pieces of their fuperstitious relicts, and a Silver Pot.
Which juft,at the hour of Full Moon they ride out unto a River, and
dip full of water, which is carried back with them into the Temple,
where it is kept till the year after and then flung away. And fo the
Ceremony is ended for that year.
This Feſtival of the Gods taking their Progreſs thro the City,
in the year 1664. the King would not permit to be performed; and
that fame year the Rebellion happened, but never fince hath he hin-
dred it,
At this time they have a Superftition, which laſteth fix or ſeven
days, too fooliſh to write; it confifts in Dancing, Singing, and Jug-
ling. The reaſon of which is, left the eyes of the People, or the Power
of the Jacco's, or Infernal Spirits, might any ways prove prejudicial
or noiſom to the aforefaid Gods in their Progreſs abroad. During the
Celebration of this great Feſtival, there are no Drums allowed to be
beaten to any particular Gods at any private Sacrifice.
In the Month of November the Night when the Moon is at the Full,
there is another great folemn Feaft, called in their Language Cawtha
Poujah. Which is celebrated only by lighting of Lamps round about
the Pogada. At which time they ſtick up the longeſt Poles they can
get in the Woods, at the Doors of the Pagods and of the King's Palace.
Upon which they make contrivances to fet Lamps in rows one above
the other,even unto the very tops of the Poles, which they call Tor-nes.
To maintain the charge hereof, all the Countrey in general do con-
tribute, and bring in Oil. In this Poujah or Sacrifice the King feems to
take delight. The reafon of which may be, becauſe he participates
far more of the Honour, than the Gods do, in whoſe name it is cele-
brated; his Palace being far more decked and adorned with high Poles
and Lights, than the Temples are. This Ceremony lafteth but for
one Night.
And theſe are their Anniverſary Feafts to the honour of thofe Gods,
in honour of whofe power extends to help them in this Life;now follows the man-
ner of their Service to the Buddou, who it is, they fay, that muſt ſave
their Souls, and the Festival in honour of him.
the God of the
Soul.
To repreſent the memorial of him to their eye, they do make ſmall
Images of Silver, Brafs, and Clay, and Stone, which they do honour
with Sacrifices and Worſhip, fhewing all the figns of outward reve-
rence which poffibly they can. In moſt places where there are hollow
Rocks and Caves, they do ſet up Images in memorial of this God. Unto
which they that are devoutly bent, at New and Full Moons do carry
Victuals, and worſhip.
His great Festival is in the Month of March at their New-years Tide,
The Places where he is commemorated are two, not Temples, but the
one a Mountain and the other a Tree; either to the one or the other,
they at this time go with Wives and Children, for Dignity and Merit
one being eſteemed equal with the other.
The
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
81
The Mountain is at the South end of the Countrey, called Hamma- Chap. 4.
lella, but by Chriftian People, Adam's Peak, the higheſt in the whole
Iſland; where, as has been faid before, is the Print of the Buddou's
foot, which he left on the top of that Mountain in a Rock, from whence
he aſcended to Heaven. Unto this footstep they give worſhip, light
up Lamps, and offer Sacrifices, laying them upon it, as upon an Altar.
The benefit of the Sacrifices that are offered here do belong unto the
Moors Pilgrims, who come over from the other Coaſt to beg, this
having been given them heretofore by a former King. So that at that
feaſon there are great numbers of them always waiting there to re-
ceive their accuſtomed Fees.
The Tree is at the North end of the King's Dominions at Annarodg-
burro. This Tree, they fay, came flying over from the other Coaft,
and there planted it ſelf, as it now ftands, under which the Buddou-God
at his being on earth uſed, as they fay, often to fit. This is now be-
come a place of folemn worship, The due performance whereof they
reckon not to be a little meritorious : infomuch that, as they report,
Ninety Kings have fince reigned there fucceffively, where by the ruins
that ſtill remain, it appears they fpared not for pains and labour to
build Temples and high Monuments to the honour of this God, as if
they had been born only to hew Rocks,and great Stones,and lay them
up in heaps. Theſe Kings are now happy Spirits, having merited it
by theſe their labours.
Thoſe whoſe Ability or Neceffity ferve them not to go to theſe
Places, may go to fome private Vibars nearer.
nour they
for
For this God above all other, they feem to have an high refpect and The high hoë
Devotion; as will appear by this that follows. Ladies and Gentle-have for this
women of good Quality, will fometimes in a Fit of Devotion to the God.
Buddou, go a begging for him. The greateſt Ladies of all do not in-
deed go themſelves, but fend their Maids dreffed up finely in their
ftead. Theſe Women taking the Image along with them, carry it
upon the palms of their hand covered with a piece of white Cloth;
and fo go to mens houſes, and will fay, We come a begging of
your Charity for the Buddou towards his Sacrifice. And the People
are very liberal. They give only of three things to him, either Öyl
for his Lamps, or Rice for his Sacrifice, or Money or Cotton Tarn for
his ufe.
Poor men will often go about begging Suftenance for themſelves by
this means: They will get a Book of Religion, or a Buddou's Image
in a Cafe, wrapping both in a white Cloth, which they carry with
great reverence. And then they beg in the name of the Book or the
God. And the People bow down to them, and give their Charity,
either Corn, or Money, or Cotton yarn. Sometimes they will tell
the Beggar, What have I to give? And he will reply, as the Saying is,
as much as you can take up between your two fingers is Charity. After he
has received a gift from any, he pronounceth a great deal of bleffing
upon him, Let the blessing of the Gods and the Buddou go along
with you;
let your Corn ripen, let your Cattle increaſe, let
your Life
be long, &c.
Some being devoutly difpofed, will make the Image of this God at
their own charge. For the making whereof they muſt bountifully
reward the Founder. Before the Eyes are made, it is.not accounted a
M
God,
!
;
82
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
!
:
Part. III. God, but a lump of ordinary Metal, and thrown about the Shop
with no more regard than any thing elſe. But when the Eyes are to
be made, the Artificer is to have a good gratification, befides the firſt
agreed upon reward. The Eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a
God. And then, being brought with honour from the Workman's
Shop, it is dedicated by Solemnities and Sacrifices, and carried with
great ftate into its fhrine or little houſe, which is before built and
prepared for it.
Sometimes a man will order the Smith to make this Idol, and ther
after it is made will go about with it to well-difpofed People to contri-
bute toward the Wages the Smith is to have for making it. And men
will freely give towards the charge. And this is looked
the man that appointed the Image to be made, as a notable piece of
Devotion.
upon in
I have mentioned the Bogahah Tree before, which in memory of
this God they hold Sacred, and perform Sacrifices, and celebrate Re-
ligious Meetings under. Under this Tree at fome convenient diſtance
about ten or twelve foot at the outmoft edge of the Platform, they ufu-
ally build Booths or Tents; fome are made flight only with leaves.
for the preſent uſe, but fome are built ſubſtantial with hewn Timber
and Clay Walls, which ſtand many years. Theſe Buildings are di-
vided into fmall Tenements for each particular Family. The whole
Town joyns, and each man builds his own Appartment: ſo that the
Building goes quite round like a circle, only one gap is left, which
is to paſs thro to the Bogahah Tree: and this gap is built over with
a kind of Portal. The uſe of theſe Buildings is for the entertainment
of the Women. Who take great delight to come and fee thefe Ce-
remonies, clad in their beſt and richeft Apparel. They employ them-
felves in ſeeing the Dancers, and the Juglers do their Tricks: who
afterwards by their importunity will get Money of them, or a
Ring off their Fingers, or fome fuch matters. Here alſo they
ſpend their time in eating Betel, and in talking with their Con-
forts, and fhewing their fine Cloths. Theſe Solemnities are always
in the Night, the Booths all fet round with Lamps; nor are they ended
in one Night, but laſt three or four, until the Full Moon, which al-
ways puts a Period to them.
CHAP.
'
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
83
T
CHAP. V.
Concerning their Religions Doctrines, Opinions, and Practices.
Chap. 5.
Here are few or none zealous in their worſhip, or have any great As to their
matter of eſteem for their Gods. And they feldom bufie them- Religion they
are very ins
feives in the matters of their Religion, until they come to be fick or different,
very aged. They debar none that will come to fee the Ceremonies of
their worship; and if a ſtranger ſhould diſlike their way, reprove or
mock at them for their Ignorance and Folly, they would acknowledge
the fame, and laugh at the fuperftitions of their own Devotion, but
withall tell you that they are conſtrained to do what they do,
to keep themſelves ſafe from the malice and miſchiefs that the evil
Spirits would otherwiſe do them, with which, they ſay, their Coun-
try Swarm.
their defires
Sometimes in their Sickness they go to the Houſe of their Gods If their Gods
with an Offering, with which they prefent him, intreating his favour answer not
and aid to reſtore them to health. Upon the recovery whereof they they Curfe
promiſe him not to fail but to give unto His Majefty (for fo they enti- them.
tle him) far greater Gifts or Rewards, and what they are, they do
particularly mention; it may be, Land, a Slave, Cattle, Money,Cloth,&c.
and fo they will difcourfe, argue and expoftulate with him, as if
he were there prefent in Perfon before them. If after this, he
fails on his part, and cannot reſtore them to their health, then
the fore promiſed things are to remain where they were: and in-
ftead of which perhaps he gets a Curfe, faying, He doth but cheat and
deceive them.
It is a uſual ſaying, and very frequent among them (if their Gera- They underá
hah, which is their fortune, be bad) What can God do against it: Nay, value and re
I have often heard them fay, Give him no Sacrifice, but ſhit in his Mouth, vile their
what a God is He? So flight an eftimation have they of their Idol-Gods;
and the King far lefs efteems them. For he doth not in the leaſt give
any countenance either to the Worshipper, or to the manner of wor-
Thip. And God's name be magnified, that hath not fuffered him to di-
fturb or moleft the Christians in the leaſt in their Religion, or ever at-
tempt to force them to comply with the Countreys Idolatry. But on
the contrary, both King and People do generally like the Christian
Religion better than their own: and refpect and honour the Chriftians
as Chriftians; and do believe there is a greater God than any they
adore. And in all probability they would be very eaſily drawn to the
Christian or any other Religion : as will appear by this ſtoryfollowing.
There was lately one among them that pretended himſelf a Prophet A fellow gives
fent to them from a new God, that as yet was nameleſs. At which the out himself
for a Prophet
People were amufed, eſpecially becauſe he pretended to heal the Sick,
and do Miracles and prefently he was had in high veneration. He
gave out it was the command of the new nameless God to ſpoil and pull
down the Dewals, that is, the Temples of the former Gods. This he
made a good progrefs in, with no let or impediment from King or Peo-
ple. The King all this while inclined neither to one or other, as not
regarding fuch matters, until he might fee which of thefe Gods would
prevail, the old or the new. For this People ſtand in fear of all that
t
M 2
are
এ
X
84
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
His Success.
>
Part. III. are called Gods; and this eſpecially furprized them, becauſe without
a Name; fo contrary to all their old ones who have Names:
This new-found God therefore went on boldly and fucceſsfully with-
out controul: the People all in general began to admire him thus
come among them. And great troops of People daily affembled thi
ther with Sacrifices, and to worship him. Whereby feeing their in-
clination fo ſtrong towards him, he began to perceive it was not only
poffible, but alſo eafie and probable to change his Priesthood for a
Kingdom.
The King
of his Priefts.
At which time, whether the King began to fufpect or not, I can-
fends for one not fay; but he fent for one of his Priefts to be brought up to the
Court. For this God' had his refidence in the Countrey at Vealbow in
Hotcourly, fomewhat remote from the King. This Prieft having re-
mained at the City fome days, the King took a Ring from off his
Finger, and put it in an Ivory Box, and fent it by three of his
great Men to him, bidding him to enquire of his nameless God
what it was that was therein; which amazed this Prieft; but he re-
turned this fubtil anfwer, that he was not fent to divine, but to heal.
the Diſeaſes and help the Infirmities of the People. Upon which the
King gave Command to take him and put him in the Stocks under a
Tree, there to be wet with the Rain, and dry again with the Sun.
Which was executed upon him accordingly.
Flies to Colum-
himſelf to be a
Son.
The Chief Prieft, who was the first Inventor of this new God,hearing
ba, pretends what the King had done, and fearing what might follow,fuddenly dif
former King's patched, and carried all what he had plundered out of the Pagods with
him to Columba,and ftole one of the King's Elephants to carry it upon.
Where being arrived, he declares himself to be Son of the King of Mau-
toly; who was elder Brother to this King that now is, and for fear of
whom he fled to Columba; being at that time when the Portugals had
it, who fent him to Goa, where he died.
Flies from the
Dutch.
The King
quarters him.
This being noifed abroad that he was a Prince, made the People flock
fafter to him than before! Which changed both his heart and beha-
viour from a Prieft to a King Infomuch that the Dutch-began to be in
doubt what this might grow to. Who to prevent the worst, fet a watch
over him: which he not liking of, took the advantage of the night, and
fled with all his Followers and Attendance up to the King again, and
came to the fame place where he lay before.
No fooner had the King notice of his arrival, but immediately he
catches and difpatched five of his greatest Commanders with their Soldiers to
catch him, and to bring him up to him. Which they did, laying
both him and all his followers in Chains. The King commanded to keep
him in a certain Pagoda of the Chingulayes, until the matter were exa
mined,the People in general much lamenting him,tho not able to help.
The chief of their Church-men, viz. their Gönni nancies, were all com-
manded to make their Perfonal appearance at Court.Which all thought
was to fee the Prince or Prieft, fhould have a legal Trial. But in the
mean time, the King commanded to cut him in four quarters,and hang
them in places, which he appointed. Which was done.
The Peoples
opinion ftill
of this new
Cod.
Nevertheless the Vulgar People to this day dohonour and adore the
name & memorial of the nameless God.With which if he could have beeri
content,and not have gone about to ufurp the Crown, the King fo little
regarding Religion, he might have lived to dye a natural death.
Thefe
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
85
Chap. 5.
Theſe people do firmly believe a refurrection of the body, and the
Immortality of Souls, and a future State. Upon which account they
will worship their Ancestors. They do beleive that thoſe they call Their Doctrins
Gods are the fpirits of men that formerly have lived upon the earth. and Opinions.
They hold that in the other world, thofe that are good men tho they
be poor and mean in this world, yet there they fhall become high and
eminent; and that wicked men fhall be turned into beafts. There is a
Spider among them, that breeds an Egg, which fhe carries under her
belly, 'tis as wide as a great, and bigger then the body of the Spider.
This egg is full of young Spiders that breed there: it hangs under her
belly wherefoever fhe goes: and as their young ones grow to big-
nefs they eat up the old one. Now the Chingulayes fay, that difobe-
dient children fhall become Spiders in the other world, and their
young ones fhall eat them up.
They hold that every mans good or bad Fortune was predetermin-
ed by God, before he was born, according to an ufual Proverb they
have, Ollua cottaula tiana, It is written in the head.
votion.
They reckon the chief poynts of goodness to confift in giving to the The higheft
Prieſts, in making Pudgiahs, facrifices to their Gods, in forbearing points of De
fhedding the blood of any creature: which to do they call Pau boi, a
great fin: and in abſtaining from eating any fleſh at all, becauſe they
would not have any hand, or any thing to do in killing any living
thing. They reckon Herbs and Plants more innocent food. It is re-
ligion alſo to ſweep under the Bogaha or God-Tree, and keep it clean.
It is accounted religion to be juſt and ſober and chast and true, and to
be endowed with other vertues, as we do account it.
They give to the poor out of a Principle of Charity, which they ex-
tend to forraigners, as well as to their own Country-men. But of eve-
ry meaſure of rice they boyl in their houſes for their families they will
take out an handful, as much as they can gripe, and put into a bag, and
keep it by it felf, which they call Mitta-haul. And this they give
and diſtribute to fuch poor as they pleaſe, or as come to their doors.
Their Charity
Beggars.
Nor are they charitable only to the poor of their own Nation, but The Priviledg
as I faid to others: and particularly to the Moorish beggars, who are of the Moorish
Mahometans by religion. Thefe have a Temple in Cande._ A certain
former king gave this. Temple this Priviledg, that every Free holder
fhould contribute a Ponnam to it. And thefe Moors go to every houſe
in the land to receive it. And if the houſe be ſhut, they have power
to break it open, and to take out of goods to the value of it. They
come very confidently when they beg, and they fay they come to fulfill
the peoples charity. And the people do liberrally releive them for charity
fake.
There is only one County in the Land, viz. Dolusbaug, that pays
not the aforefaid duty to the Moors Temple. And the reafon is, that
when they came first thither to demand it, the Inhabitants beat them
away. For which act they are free from the payment of that Ponnami,
and have alſo another priviledg granted them for the fame, That they
pay no Marral, or Harriots,to the King as other Countreys do.
Thefe Moors Pilgrims have many pieces of Land given them by
well difpofed perfons out of charity, where they build houſes and live.
And this land becomes theirs from generation to generation for
ever.
They
}
·
86
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
!
i
Part III.
and why.
They lay Flowers, out of religion, before their Images every morn
ing and evening, for which Images they build little Chappels in their
They reſpect yards as we faid before. They carry beads in their hands on ftrings,
and fay fo many prayers as they go. Which cuſtom in all probability
they borrowed of the Portuguese. They love a man that makes con-
fcience of his ways. Which makes them refpect Chriſtians more than
any others, becauſe they think they are just and will not lye. And
thus we have finiſhed our diſcourſe of their Religion.
"
Their houſes.
CHAP. V I.
Concerning their Houſes, Diet, Houſewifry, Salutation, Apparel:
H
Aving already treated of their Religion, we now come to their
Secular concerns. And firſt we will lead you into their houſes,
and thew you how they live.
Their Houſes are ſmall, low, thatched Cottages, built with ſticks,
daubed with clay, the walls made very fmooth. For they are not
permitted to build their houſes above one ſtory high, neither may
they cover with tiles, nor whiten their walls with lime, but there is a
Clay which is as white, and that they uſe fometimes. They employ
no Carpenters, or houfe-builders, unleſs fome few noble-men, but
each one buildeth his own dwelling. In building whereof there is
not ſo much as a nail uſed; but instead of them every thing which
might be nailed, is tyed with rattans and other ſtrings, which grow
in the woods in abundance; whence the builder hath his Timber for
cutting. The Country being warm, many of them will not take
pains to clay their walls, but make them of boughs and leaves of Trees.
The poorest fort have not above one room in their houſes, few above
two, unless they be great men. Neither doth the King allow them
to build better.
•
They are not nice nor curious in their houſes. They have no
No Chimneys. Chimneys in them, but make their fires in one corner, ſo that the
roof is all blacked with the ſmoak.
The houfes of The great people have handſom and commodious houſes. They
the better fort. have commonly two buildings one oppofit to the other, joined toge
ther on each fide with a wall, which makes a fquare Court-yard in the
middle. Round about againſt the walls of their houſes are banks of
clay to fit on; which they often daub over with foft Cow-dung, to
keep them fmooth and clean. Their Slaves and Servants dwell round
about without in other houſes with their wives and children.
Nature
r Furni
J
4
•
{
Their Furniture is but ſmall. A few earthen pots which hang up
in flings made of Canes in the middle of their houſes, having no
fhelves; one or two brafs Bafons to eat in, aftool or two without
backs. For none but the King may fit upon a ftool with a back.
*There are alſo ſome baskets to put corn in, fome mats to spread upon
the ground to fleep on: which is the bedding both for themſelves and
friends when they come to their houſes. Alſo fome Ebeny peftels a
bout four foot long to beat rice out of the husk, and a wooden Mor-
ter
P.87.
ес
The Talipat.
Free
The manner of
their Eating and Drinking
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
87
شا
ter to beat it in afterwards to make it white, a Hir imony or Grater Chap. 6.
to grate their Coker-nuts with, a flat ftone upon which they grind
their Pepper and Turmeric,&c. With another ftone which they hold in
their hands at the fame time. They have alfo in their houſes Axes,
Bills,Houghs, Atches,Chiffels,and other Tools for their ufe. Tables they
have none, but fit and eat on the ground.
And now we are mentioning eating, let us take a view of this peo- How they eat.
ple at their meals. Their Dyet and ordinary fare is but very mean,
as to our account. If they have but Rice and Salt in their houſe, they
reckon they want for nothing. For with a few green Leaves and the
juice of a Lemmon with Pepper and Salt, they will make a hearty meal.
Beef here may not be eaten; it is abominable: Flesh and Fish is ſome-
what ſcarce. And that little of it they have, they had rather fell to
get mony to keep, then eat it themſelves: neither is there any but
outlandish men, that will buy any of them. It is they indeed do eat
the fat and beſt of the Land. Nor is it counted any ſhame or difgrace,
to be a niggard and fparing in dyet ; but rather a credit even to the great-
eſt of them, that they can fare hard and ſuffer hunger, which they fay,
Soldiers ought to be able to endure.
The great ones have always five or fix forts of food at one meal,and of How the great
them not above one or two at moft of Flesh or Fiſh, and of them more men eat.
pottage than meat, after the Portugal fafhion. The reſt is only what
groweth out of the ground. The main fubftance with which they fill
their bellies is Rice, the other things are but to give it a reliſh.
If theſe people were not difcouraged from rearing and nouriſhing Difcouraged
of Cattle and Poultry, proviſions might be far more plentiful. For from nouriſh-
here are many Jackalls, which catch their Hens and fome Tigres, that ing Cartel.
deſtroy their Cattle: but the greateſt of all is the King; whoſe endea-
vour is to keep them poor and in want. For from them that have
Hens his Officers take them for the Kings ufe giving little or nothing
for them; the like they do by Hogs. Goats none are ſuffered to keep,
befides the King, except ſtrangers.
In dreſſing of their victuals they are not to be diſcommended: for ge- Chanly in
nerally they are cleanly and very handy about the fame. And after dreffing their
one is uſed to that kind of fare, as they drefs it, it is very favoury and meet,
good. They fit upon a mat on the ground, and eat. But he, whom
they do honour and reſpect, fits on a ſtool and his victuals on another
before him.
Their common drink is only water: and if they drink Rack, it is Their drink
before they eat, that it may have the more operation upon their bodies, and manner of
When they drink they touch not the Pot with their mouths, but hold
eating.
it at a diftance, and pour it in. They eat their Rice out of China di-
fhes, or Brass Bafons, and they that have not them, on leaves. The
Carrees, or other forts of Food which they eat with their Rice,is kept in
the Pans it is dreffed in,and their wives ferve them with it, when they
call for it. For it is their duties to wait and ferve their Husbands while
they eat, and when they have done, then to take and eat that which
they have left upon their Trenchers. During their eating they nei-
ther uſe nor delight to talk to one another.
Their manner
of waſhing be
They always wafh their hands and mouths both before and after
they have eaten; but for others to pour the water on their hands is
looked upon as an affront. For fo they do to them, whom they ac- fore and after
count meals.
}
88
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part III.
None muft
•
count not worthy to handle their Water pot. But when they waſh,
with one hand they pour it themſelves upon the other. They are very
cleanly both in their bodies and heads, which they do very often wash,
and alſo when they have been at ftool they make uſe of water.
But to give you a little of their Cookery. If People be in the room
speak while talking together, the woman being ready to put the Rice into the
Pot, bids them all be filent till fhe has put it in, and then they may
procede with their diſcourſe. For if they fhould talk while the Rice
is putting in, it would not fwell.
the Rice is
put into the
Pot.
Sawce made of
Lemmon juyce.
Their fweet
meats.
A kind of
Pud aings.
Houfwifry.
:
At the time of the year that there is moft plenty of Lemmons, they
take them and ſqueez the juyce into an earthen Pot, and fet over the
fire, and boil it fo long, till it becomes thick and black like Tar. This
they ſet by for their ute, and it will keep as long as they pleaſe. A
very ſmall quantity of it will fuffice for fawce. They call it Annego.
They have ſeveral forts of ſweet-meats. One they call Caown. It
is like to a Fritter made of Rice-flower, and Jaggory. They make
thèm up in little lumps, and lay them upon a Leaf, and then prefs
them with their thumbs, and put them into a Frying-Pan, and fry
them in Coker nut Oyl or Butter. When the Dutch came firſt to Co-
lumba, the King ordered thefe Caown to be made and ſent to them as a
royal Treat. And they fay,the Dutch did fo admire them, that they ask-
ed if they grew not upon Trees, fuppofing it paſt the Art of manto
make fuch dainties.
Oggulas another ſort of ſweet-meats, made of parched Rice, Jaggory,
Pepper, Cardamum, and a little Cinnamons. They rowl them
up in
Balls, which will grow hard. Theſe they tie up in bags and carry
them with them when they travail to eat in afternoons when they are
hungry.
Alloways, made much after the former manner, only they are flat
in the faſhion of a Lozenge; which are good for faintings and thirſty
fouls to reliſh their water, and to eat of in afternoons when they are
at home. We carried fome of theſe along with us in our travayl.
Tacpetties, made of Rice-flower, and the meat of the Coker-nut and
Jaggory. They are made up into fmall lumps, and fo put in a Leaf,
and laid on a cloth over a Pot of boyling water. The ſtream of which
heats that which is laid upon it: and fo they are fodden like a Pudding.
They taft like white bread, Almonds and Sugar.
Pitu. Which is made thus. They take flower of Coracan, 'and
ſprinkle a little water into it, being both put into a large Pot for the
purpoſe. Then they ftir and rowl it in the Pot with their hands: by
which means it crumbles into corns like Gun-Powder. Then they
have a Pot of boyling water with a cloth tyed over it; and upon this
cloth they lay fo much of this corn flower as they can conveniently
cover with another Pot. And fo the ſteam coming through the cloth
boils it, that it will be much like unto a Pudding. And this they uſe
to eat as they do Rice.
The womens Houſewifry is to beat the Rice out of the husk; which
The Womens they do with an Ebeny Peftle before mentioned. They lay the Rice
on the ground, and then beat it, one blow with one hand, and then
toffing the Peftle into the other, to ftrike with that. And at the fame
time they keep ſtroke with their feet (as if they were dancing) to keep
up the Corn together in one heap. This being done, they beat it a
gain
1.
A Noble Man.
p.
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
89
This work
alfo to fetch
their heads,
gain in a wooden Morter to whiten it, as was faid before.
tho it be very hard, belongeth only to the women: as
both wood and water. The wood they bring upon
the water in an earthen Pot, placing it upon their hip. To the wo-
men alſo belongs a fmall bill to cut Herbs, Pumkins &c. Which fhe
is to drefs. Which bill fhe lays upon the ground, the edg upwards,
and fets her ſelf upon a Staff or handle to hold it faft, and what the
meaneth to cut,ſhe lays it upon the edge,and fhov eth it on it.
Chap. 6.
·
tertain ftran-
gers,
When one comes to anothers houſe, being fet down the Entertain-
ment is, green Leaves, they call Bullat, which they eat raw with How they en-
Lime and Betel-nut, and Tobacco. And being fet a while,the man of
the houſe will ask the Stranger what he comes for, which if he does
not ſuddenly,the Stranger will take exceptions at it, as thinking he is
not welcom to him. Neither do they ever go one to vifit the other,
unleſs it be for their own ends, either to beg or borrow.
And if Kindred, that are very nearly related come together, they And K inred:
have no loving or private conference one with the other, but fit like
ſtrangers very folid and grave. And if they ſtay above one night,
which is the common cuftom, then they do help and affiit the man of
the houſe in any work or fervice he hath to do.
When any friends go to anothers houfe to vifit, they never go when they
empty handed, but carry provifions and fweat meats with them to vifit.
their friend. And then he makes them a Feast according to his abili-
ty, but they never eat of thofe things, which themſelves brought.
But there is but little feafting among them unleſs at a Wedding.
We have been long enough in the houſe, let us walk abroad, and
fhow you how the People demean themſelves without doors.
When they meet one another, their manner of Salutation or obei- Their manner
fance is, to hold forth their two hands, the Palms upwards, and bow of Salutations.
their Bodies: but the fuperior to the inferior holds forth but one hand,
and if the other be much beneath,him he only ncds his head. The wo-
men falute by holding up both their hands edgways to their Fore-
heads. The general complement one to another at first meeting is to
fay Ay; it fignifies how do you: and the other anfwers, Handoi, that
is, well.
The Nobles in
The Habit of the men when they appear abroad is after this fort.
The Nobles wear Doublets of white or blew Callico, and about their their beft Ap
middle a cloth, a white one next their skin,and a blew one or of fome parcl.
other colour or painted, over the white: a blew or red bafb girt about
their loyns, and a Knife with a carved handle wrought or inlaid with
Silver iticking in their bofom; and a compleat fhort Hanger carved
and inlaid with Brafs and Silver by their fides, the Scabbard moſt
part
covered with Silver, bravely ingraven; a painted Cane and fome-
times a Tuck in it in their hands, and a boy always bare-headed with
long hair hanging down his back waiting upon him, ever holding a
fmall bag in his hand, which is inſtead of a Pocket, wherein is Betel-
leaves and nuts. Which they conftantly keep chewing in their mouths
with Lime kept in a Silver Box rarely engraven, which commonly
they hold in their hands, in fhape like a Silver Watch.
The great ones alfo generally, and fpruce young men, do wear the fashion of
their hair long hanging down behind: but when they do any work their hair.
or travail hard, it annoying them, they tie it up behind. Hereto-
N
fore
2
90
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part III. fore generally they boreholes in their ears,and hung weights in them
to make them grow long, like the Malabars, but this King not boring
his, that fashion is almoſt left off. The men for ornament do wear
Braſs, Copper, Silver Rings on their Fingers, and ſome of the great-
eft Gold. But none may wear any Silk.
The Women
bravery.
But the women in their Apparel do far furpaſs the men, neither
are they fo curious in clothing themſelves as in making their wives
fine. The mens Pride confifts in their Attendance, having men bear-
ing Arms before and behind them.
In their houfes the women regard not much what drefs they go in,
dreft in their but fo put on their cloths as is moft convenient for them to do their
work. But when they go abroad, and make themſelves fine, They
wear a fhort Frock with fleeves to cover their bodies of fine white Cal-
lico wrought with blew and red Thread in flowers and branches: on
their Arms Silver Bracelets, and their fingers and toes full of Silver
Rings, about their necks, Necklaces of Beads or Silver, curiouſly
wrought and engraven, guilded with Gold, hanging down fo low
as their breſts. In their ears hang ornaments made of Silver fet with
Stones, neatly engraven and guilded. Their ears they bore when
they are young, and rowl up Čoker-nut leaves and put into the holes
to ftretch them out, by which means they grow fo wide that they
ſtand like round Circles on each fide of their faces, which they account
a great ornament, but in my Judgment a great deformity, they be
ing well featured women.
How they
dress their
heads.
They common-
ly borrow
their fine
cloths.
Their other ornaments and Apparel fhow very comely on them
Their Hair they oyl, with Coker-nut oyl to make it ſmooth, and comb
it all behind. Their hair grows not longer than their wafts, but
becauſe it is a great ornament to have a great bunch of hair, they have
a lock of other hair faſtened in a Plate of engraved Silver and guilded,
to tie up with their own, in a knot hanging down half their Backs.
Their hands are bare, but they carry a ſcarf of ſtriped or branched Silk
or fuch as they can get,cafting it carelefly on their head and fhoulders.
About their Wafts they have one or two Silver girdles made with Wire
and Silver Plate handfomly engraven,hanging down on each fide, one
croffing the other behind. And as they walk they chew Betel. But
notwithſtanding all their bravery neither man nor woman wears
fhoos or ſtockings, that being a Royal dreſs, and only for the King
himſelf.
It is in general a common cuſtom with all forts of People, to bor-
row Apparel or Jewels to wear when they go abroad, which being fo
cuſtomary is no ſhame nor difgrace to them, neither do they go about
to conceal it. For among their friends or ſtrangers where they go,
they will be talking faying, This I borrowed of fuch an one, and this of
another body. Their Poverty is fo great, that their ability will not
reach to buy ſuch Apparel as they do defire to wear; which never-
theleſs is but very mean and ordinary at the beſt.
CHAP
p.
20.
A Gentlewoman
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
91
Chap. 7.
CHAP. VII.
Of their Lodging, Bedding, Whoredom, Marriages, and Children.
H
Aving been thus entertained with the fine Ladies abroad, it is
time now to return home to our Lodging. And the night
coming on, we will lead you to their Bed-Chambers, and fhew you
how they fleep. About which they are not very curious. If their
houſe be but one room (as it often is) then the men fleep together at
one end and the women at the other.
1
They have Bedsteads laced with Canes or Rattans, but no Teftars to Their Bed,
them, nor Curtains; that the King allows not of; neither have they and how they
nor care they for more than one Bedstead, which is only for the fleep a nights.
Maſter of the houſe to fit or fleep on. To this Bedstead belongs two
mats and a ſtraw Pillow. The Woman with the Children always lyes
on the ground on mats by the fire-fide. For a Pillow fhe lays a block
or fach like thing under her mat, but the Children have no Pillows
at all. And for covering and other bedding they uſe the cloth they
wear by day. But always at their feet they will have a fire burning
all night. Which makes more work for the Women; who muſt fetch
it all upon her head. For it is accounted a difgrace for the man to
meddle or make with thofe affairs, that properly do belong unto the
Woman.
the night.
The younger fort of Children, fuch as go naked by day, creep in
under a corner of their mothers cloths. And if they feel themſelves They rike in
cold in the night, they rife and blow the fire with their mouths, ha-
ving no Bellows in that Countrey, and fo fit and warm themſelves
thereby.
They are fo little given to fleep, that they do rife many times in the
night to eat Beatel and to take Tobacco. Which done they lay them
down, and fing fongs until they fall a ſleep again.
Children
Bed.
Young People
their hou
lie at one ano-
houſes.
At their firft going to bed, it is very feldom that they do pray to taught to fing
God,neither do they ever teach their Children fo to do. But fometimes at going to
will fay Anh Dio, which is God help or keep me. But they do inſtead
of that,teach and bid their Children to fing fongs when they go to bed.
Where their houſes confift but of one room, the Children that are
of any years always go and fleep in other houſes among their neigh
bours. Which pleaſe them better than their own. For fo they come
to meet with bedfellows, nor doth it diſpleaſe the Parents, ifyoung
men of as good quality as themſelves become acquainted with their
daughters, but rather like well of it; knowing that their daughters
by this means can command the young men to help and af
fift them in any work or bufinefs that they may have occafion' to uſe
them in. And they look upon it fo far diftant from a diſgrace, that.
they will among their conforts brag of it, that they have the young
men thus at their command.
common as
So that youth are bred up to Whoredom. Indeed here are no Pub-
lick Whores allowed by Authority. In the City fome that have fol-"Nothing fo
lowed that Trade, have oftentimes by the King's order been ſeverely whoredom,
puniſhed by Whipping, and having their Ears and Hair cut off. But
N 2
In
1
$
!
1
92
Part III.
They are guil-
ty of the
thing, but love
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
in private few or none can exempt themfelves. And for the matter of
being with Child, which many of them do not defire, they very ex-
quifitely can prevent the fame..
Indeed the Publick Trade would be bad, and hardly maintain them
that exerciſed it, the private one being fo great. And tho I think
not the name, they be all Whores, yet they abhor the Name of Vefou, which is
Whore. Neither do they in their anger reproach one another with it,
unless they ſhould lay with a Man of an inferior quality to themselves.
And the Woman reckons her felf as much obliged to the Man for his
Company, as he does to her for hers. In thefe affairs the Women are
very expert (it being their continual practice) to keep their defign
from the Husbands knowledge: tho by his own Experience he cannot
be ignorant of Womens devices. And unleſs lie catch them in the act
he doth not much trouble himſelf to prove himſelf a Cuckold; Cuckolds
being fo common, that it is not here regarded.
The Man may
finds in Bed
It is a Law here, that if a Man catch another in Bed with his Wife,
kill whom he he may, be it whofoever, kill him and her, if he pleaſe. It hath fo
with his wife, happened that the Man hath come to the Door, when another hath
been within with his Wife, there being no way to eſcape, the Woman
has took a pan of hot afhes, and as fhe opened the Door, her Husband
being entring, caft them in his Eyes, and fo fhe and her Bedfellow
made an eſcape.
The Womens
To fetch wood out of the Woods to burn, and to fetch home the
craft to com- Cattle is the Woman's work. If they cannot have their opportuni-
país and con-
ceal their De- ties at home, now they appoint their meetings, while the Husband
bauchery. ſtays at home holding the Child. In the Evenings it is common for
them with whom the Women be acquainted, to come and wait behind
the Houſe when it is dark to attend their coming forth to them. To
which end they give them notice either by breaking of a ſtick, or by
putting fome Betel over the Wall to fall in fuch places as they have ap
pointed, where fhe will look to find it. And when ſhe has fuch notice,
the cannot want an excufe to go forth to meet him.
They do treat
with the uſe of
They bear fuch love to their Bedfellows, that I have known this
done, The Husband hath befet the Houſe, and the Womans Friend in
it, when he hath holpen him to make a hole thro the Thatch to get
out at, which he hath done and made his Eſcape, and the remain behind
to fuffer all the blame her felf. When other opportunities are wanting
to enjoy the Company of their Paramours whole Nights together, they
ufually take occafion to be difcontented and fall out with their Hus
bands, and fo go home to their Friends houfes, to get longer enjoy-
ments. Who to fhew their Friendſhip will not hinder but further them
in what they delight in.
In fome Cafes the Men will permit their Wives and Daughters to
their Friends lye with other Men. And that is, when intimate Friends or great
their Wives or Men chance to Lodge at their houſes, they commonly will fend their
Daughters. Wives or Daughters to bear them company in their Chamber. Neither
do they reckon their Wives to be Whores for lying with them that are
as good or better than themſelves.
The Mother
for a ſmall re-
ward profti-
tutes her
Daughter.
+
They do not matter or regard whether their Wives at the firſt Mar-
riage be Maids or not. And for a ſmall reward the Mother will bring
her Daughter being a Maiden unto thofe that do defire her. But it is
fo much abhorred for Women of the high Caft or Deſcent to admit Men
of
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
93
·
of the low Caft to have any thing to do with them, that I think they Chap. 7.
never do it.
No wooing.
But enough of this Ribaldry, let us turn away to more honeft Pra- Marriages.
Etices. To peak of their Marriages, which make the Bed lawful. There
are not many Ceremonies uſed in or about the fame. Here is no woo-
ing for a Wife. The Parents commonly make the Match, and in their
choice regard more the Quality and Defcent than the Beauty. If they
are agreed, all is done. The Match being thus made, the Man carri-
eth or fends to the Woman her Wedding Clothis; which is a Cloth
containing fix or feven yards in length, and a Linnen Waft-coat
wrought with Blew and Red. If the Man be fo poor that he cannot
buy a Cloth, it is the Cuſtom to borrow one. In caſe the Man with
his Friends goes and carries it himſelf, that Night they both fleep
together to beget acquaintance one with the other. And then they
appoint a day when he is to come and fetch her home; which is the
Marriage Day.
the Brides
The day being come, he attended with his Friends goes to her The Bride-
houfe, which is always in the Evening, and brings Provifions and groom goes to
Sweet-meats with him according to his Ability, towards the Charges Houſe.
of the Wedding. Which is never more than two Meals. Whereof Sup-
per is the firft. Then the Bride and Bridegroom both eat together in
one Difh, which is to intimate that they are both of one rank and qua-
lity, and fometimes they tye their Thumbs together,but not always:
and that Night go to fleep together.
Bridegroom
The next day having dined he taketh his Bride, and departeth home How the
with her, putting her before him, and he following her, with ſome carrieth homa
of her Friends to Conduct her. For it is the conſtant Cuſtom and his Bride.
Faſhion in this Land for the Husband to follow his Wife. The reaſon
whereof is a Tradition among them, that a Man once going foremoſt,
it happened that his Wife was ftoln away, and he not aware of it. Be-
ing come home the Bridegroom makes a Feaſt as he is able.
Some few days after, her Friends ufually come to fee her bringing a A Ceremony
prefent of Provifion with them. And fometimes they uſe this Cere- of Marriage.
mony, the Man is to ftand with one end of the Woman's Cloth about
his Loins, and the with the other, and then they pour water on both
their Heads, wetting all their Bodies: which being done, they are
firmly Married to live together, fo long as they can agree.
The Elder forts of People ufually woe and conclude their Marriages
as they are in Bed together. For when they have loſt their Maiden-
heads, they fear not much what Man comes to fleep with them, pró-
vided he be of as good quality as they, having nothing more to lofe.
And at the day appointed the Man gives the Woman her Cloths, and
fo takes her home.
But their Marriages are but of little force or validity. For if they Man and Wife
diſagree and miſlike one the other; they part without difgrace. Yet may part at
pleaſure.
it ftands firmer for the Man than for the Woman; howbeit they do
leave one the other at their pleaſure. They do give according to their
Ability a Portion of Cattle, Slaves and Money with their Daughters;
but if they chance to miſlike one another and part afunder, this Por-
tion muſt be returned again, and then ſhe is fit for another Man, being
as they account never the worfe for wearing.
Both
94
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. III.
Men and Wo-
men change
till they can
pleaſe them
felves.
Women have
Both Women and Men do commonly wed four or five times before
they can fettle themſelves to their contentation. And if they have
Children when they part, the Common Law is, the Males for the
Man, and the Females for the Woman. But many of the Women are
free from this controverfie, being Childless:
In this Countrey each Man, even the greateft, hath but one Wife;
two Husbands. but a Woman often has two Husbands. For it is lawful and common
with them for two Brothers to keep houfe together with one Wife, and
the Children do acknowledge and call both Fathers.
Women un-
clean.
So long as the Women have their Infirmities or Flowers upon them,
they are accounted very unclean, infomuch that the very houfe is polé
luted in that degree that none will approach near it. And even the her
felf cares not to conceal it, but calls out to them that come near, that
they may avoid her houſe. But after the hath waſhed her Head and
Privileges of Body all is purified again. It is lawful for no Woman, altho they be
great Men's Wives, to fit on a Stool in the prefence of a Man. It is
cuſtomary for Men upon any frivolous account to charge one another in
the King's Name to do or not to do, according as they would have it.
This the Women upon Penalty of having their Tongues cut out, dare
not prefume to do.
Men above
Women.
J
Privileges of
Women.
They often
deſtroy new
born Infants.
But feldom a
Firſt-born,
As it is ufual to punifh Men for faults committed by Impriſonment
and Chains, or by making them ſtand with a weight on their Backs,
until they do pay fuch a Sum of Money as is demanded: which for or-
dinary faults may be five or ten Shillings. So the Puniſhment which
is inflicted upon Women, is to make them ftand with a Basket of Sand
upon their Heads, fo long as they shall think fitting, who appoint the
Puniſhment. Puniſhment by ftripes is never uſed either to Men or
Women, but only to thofe on whom the King Commands them to
be laid.
Lands of Inheritance which belong to Women are exempted from
paying Harriots to the King. Women pay no Cuftom for things they
carry to the Sea-Ports. Neither is any Cuſtom paid for what is carried
upon any Female Cattel, Cow or Buffalo.
They have no Midwives, but the neighbouring good Women come
in and do that Office. As foon as the Child is born, the Father or fome
Friend apply themſelves to an Aftrologer to enquire, whether the
Child be born in a profperous Planet, and a good hour or in an evil. If
it be found to be in an evil they prefently deftroy it, either by ſtarving
it, letting it lye and die, or by drowning it, putting its head into a
Veffel of water, or by burying it alive, or elfe by giving it to fome
body of the fame degree with themſelves; who often will take fuch
Children, and bring them up by hand with Rice and Milk ;* for they
fay, the Child will be unhappy to the Parents, but to none elſe. We
have asked them why they will deal fo with their poor Infants, that
come out of their Bowels. They will indeed have a kind of regret and
trouble at it. But they will fay withal, Why should I bring up a Devil
in my House? For they believe, a Child born in an ill hour, will
prove a plague and vexation to his Parents by his diſobedience and un-
towardlinels.
•
But it is very rare that a First-born is ferved fo. Him they love and
make much of. But when they come to have many, then uſual it is,
by the pretence of the Childs being born under an unlucky Planet, to
kill
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
95
kill him. And this is reputed no fault, and no Law of the Land takes Chap. 8.
cognizance of it.
In their Infancy they have Names, whereby one may be called and Their Names.
diftinguiſhed from the other. But when they come to years it is an
affront and fhame to them either Men or Women, to be called by
thoſe Names. Which they fay is to be like unto Dogs. Then they
change their Names into Titles according to the Town wherein they
were born or do dwell. Alſo they have other Names, which may be
compared to Coats of Arms, properly and only belonging to that Family:
by which likewiſe they are called.
bitious of high
This People are very Ambitious of their Titles, having but little They are am-
elfe that they can boaft in and of Names and Titles of refpect s
they have great plenty in their Language; inftances whereof fhall be
given afterwards.
CHAP. VIII.
Of their Employments and Recreations.
Tis full time now, that we relate what courſe of life the People take,
and what means they uſe for a livelihood. This has been in part
aiready related.
As for Commerce and Merchandize with Foreign Nations, there is Their Trade-
little or nothing of that now exercifed. Indeed in the times when the
Portugueze were on this Iſland, and Peace between them and the King,
he permitted his People to go and Trade with them. The which he
would never permit them to do with the Hollander, tho they have
much fought for it. They have a fmall Traffic among themfelves, oc-
cafioned from the Nature of the Iſland. For that which
For that which one part of the
Countrey affords, will not grow in the other. But in one part or
other of this Land they have enough to ſuſtain themſelves, I think,
without the help of Commodities brought from any other Countrey:
exchanging one Commodity for another; and carrying what they
have to other parts to fupply themſelves with what they want.
tleman.
But Husbandry is the great Employment of the Countrey, which work not dif-
is fpoken of at large before. In this the beſt men labour. Nor is it creditable to
held any diſgrace for Men of the greateſt Quality to do any work either the best Gen-
at home or in the Field, if it be for themfelves; but to work for hire
with them is reckoned for a great fhame: and very few are here to be
found that will work fo: But he that goes under the Notion of a Gen-
tleman may difpence with all works, except carrying; that he muſt get
a man to do when there is occafion. For carrying is accounted the
moſt Slave-like work of all.
•
their Cattel,
Under their Husbandry, it may not be amifs to relate how they How they geld
geld their Cattel. They let them be two or three years old before
they go about this work; then cafting them and tying their Legs to-
gether; they bruiſe their Cods with two fticks tied together at one
end, nipping them with the other, and beating them with Mallets all
to pieces: Then they rub over their Cods with freſh Butter and Soot,
and fo turn them loofe, but not fuffer them to lye down all that
day:
་
1
96
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part III. day. By this way they are fecured from breeding Maggots. And I
never knew any die upon this.
How they
make Glew.
Their Manufa
Яures.
How they
make Iron.
Whenfoever they have occafion to uſe Glew, they make it after this
faſhion. They take the Curd of milk, and ſtrain the water from it
through a cloth. Then tying it up in a cloth like a Pudding, they
put it into boyling water, and let it boyl a good while. Which done
it will be hard like Cheefe-curd, then mixing it with Lime, uſe it.
If it be not for prefent ufe, they will roul up thefe Curds into a Ball
which becomes hard, and as they have occafion will fcrape fome of it
off with a Knife, and fo temper it with Lime. This Lime with them
is as foft as Butter.
Their Manufactures are few: fome Callicoes, not fo fine as good
ftrong Cloth for their own ufe: all manner of Iron Tools for Smiths,
and Carpenters, and Husbandmen; all forts of earthen ware to boil,ftew,
fry and fetch water in, Goldsmith's work,Painter's work, carved work,
making Steel, and good Guns, and the like.
But their Art in ordering the Iron-Stone and making Iron, may de-
ſerve to be a little infifted on. For the Countrey affords plenty of Iron,
which they make of Stones, that are in feveral places of the Land
they lay not very deep in the ground, it may be, about four or five or
fix foot deep.
;
;.
Firſt, They take thefe Stones, and lay them in an heap, and burn
them with wood, which makes them more foft and fitter for the Fur-
nace. fo
When they have ſo done they have a kind of Furnace, made
with a white fort of Clay, wherein they put a quantity of Charcoal,
and then theſe Stones on them,and on the top more Charcoal. There is
a back to the Furnace, like as there is to a Smith's Forge, behind which
the man ſtands that blows, the uſe of which back is to keep the heat of
the fire from him. Behind the Furnace they have two logs of Wood
placed faſt in the ground, hollow at the top, like two pots. Upon the
mouths of theſe two pieces of hollow wood they tie a piece of a Deers
Skin, on each pot a piece, with a ſmall hole as big as a man's finger in
each skin. In the middle of each skin a little befide the holes are two
ſtrings tied faft to as niany fticks ftuck in the ground, like a Spring,
bending like a bów. This pulls the skin upwards. The man that blows
ſtand with his feet, one on each pot, covering each hole with the foles
of his feet. And as he treads on one pot, and preffeth the skin down,
he takes his foot off the other, which preſently by the help of the
Spring rifeth; and the doing ſo alternately conveys a great quantity
of wind thro the Pipes into the Furnace. For there are alfo two
Pipes made of hollow reed let in to the fides of the Pots, that
are to conduct the wind, like the nofe of a Bellows, into the
Furnace.
For the eaſe of the Blower, there is a ftrap, that is faſtned to two
poſts, and comes round behind him, on which he leans his back: and
he has a flick laid croſs-ways before him, on which he lays both his
hands, and fo he blows with greater eaſe. As the Stones are thus burn-
ing, the droſs that is in them melts and runs out at the bottom, where
there is a flanting hole made for the purpoſe fo big as the lump of Iron
may paſs thro: out of this hole, I fay, runs out the drofs like ſtreams
of fire, and the Iron remains behind. Which when it is purified, as
they think, enough, fo that there comes no more drofs away, they
drive
?
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
98
1
drive this lump of Iron thro the fame floping hole. Then they give Chap. 8.
it a chop with an Ax half thro, and fo fling it into the water. They fo
chop it, that it may be feen that it is good, Iron for the Satisfaction of
thofe that are minded to buy.
make Butter:
For a farewel of their labours, let it not be unacceptable to relate How they
here a piece of their Houſewifry; and tell you how they make But-
ter. Firſt, They boil the Milk, then they turn it into a Curd; the
next morning they skim off the Cream, and drill it in an earthen Vef-
fel with a ſtick having a croſs at the bottom of it, fomewhat like a Cho-
colate ſtick. When the Butter is come, they put it in a pan, and fry it,
to get all the water dry out of it,and fo put it into an earthen potfor uſe.
There are no Markets on the Ifland. Some few Shops they have in
the Cities, which fell Cloth, Rice, Salt, Tobacco, Limes, Druggs,Fruits, Shops in the
City.
Swords, Steel, Braſs, Copper, &c.
Commodities:
As to the Prices of Commodities,they are fold after this rate. Rice
in the City, where it is deareft, is after fix quarts for fourpence half- Prizes of
peny English, or a ſmall Tango, or half a Tango; fix Hens as much;
a fat Pig the fame: a fat Hog, three fhillings and fix pence or four
fhilling: but there are none fo big as ours. A fat Goat, two and fix
pence. Betle-nuts 4000 nine pence Currant price, when a Trad.
And now we are difcourfing of their Traffick, we will ſpeak a little
of their Meaſures, Weights, and Coin.
Firſt for Meaſures. A Rian is a Cubit, which is with them from the of their Mex
bone on the inſide of the Elbow to the tip of the fourth Finger. A fures:
Waddo rian is the Carpenters Rule. It is as much as will reach from one
Elbow to the other, the Thumbs touching one the other at the tops,
and ſo ſtretching out both Elbows.
For their Corn-meaſures, the leaſt is a Potta, which is to contain as
much Grain as a man can hold heaped up in his whole hand palm and
fingers and all. Four Pottas make a lawful or Statute-meaſure, called
Bonder Nellia, fignifying the King's meaſure. Which is the King's
ordinary allowance to a man, that is as much as he can eat in a day. But
we Englishmen were allowed two. Four of thefe Bonder Nellias make a
Courney. In fashion it is an handſom turned meaſure, ſome of them
are made with Canes like a Basket. Ten of thefe Courneys make a Pale,
that is forty meaſures, which is the uſual quantity that they fell for
a Laree, or fifth part of a Piece of eight, the uſual price in Cande Vda.
But in time of Harveſt two Pales for a Laree. Four of theſe Pales
make an Ommouna. In which they keep the account of their Corn,
reckoning by Ommounas.
For their Weights, their ſmalleſt is a Collonda, fix make juſt a Piece Their
of eight. They have half Collondas, and quarter Collondas. When they
Weights
are to weigh things fmaller than a Collonda, they weigh them with
a kind of red Berries, which grow in the Woods, and are just like Beads.
The Goldsmiths uſe them, Twenty of thefe Beads make a Collonda, and
Twenty Collondas make a Pallum.
Here is no Punishment for thoſe that make less weights and mea-
fures. They are more circumfpect that their meaſures be not too big
than too little. For Money being ſcarce, Corn paffeth inftead of Mo-
ney, and
every man mets by his own meaſure. Which therefore he
makes as large as he can or dares, that fo when he receives his Debt of
Corn, he may get as much as he can. Which upon this account would
be
Meaſures big
ger than the
Statute punish
able, but lefs
not:and why ?
:
97
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part III. -be a great injury to the poorer fort of People, who commonly are the
Debtors. Therefore the Adigars Officers will go about the Towns
to examine the meaſures by a Statute-Measure; and where they
find great ones they cut them in pieces, and hang them up in the
Streets to terrifie others, and fometimes will amerce a Fine upon
them that have them.
Of their Coin.
Of their Play,
1
A Play or a
Sacrafice.
For the filthi-
nefs of it for-
bid by the
King.
A cunning
Stratagem of
an Officer.
Of Money they have but three forts that paffeth for Coin in the
King's Dominions. The one was Coined by the Portugals, the King's
Arms on one fide, and the Image of a Frier on the other, and by the
Chingulayes called Tangom maffa. The value of one is nine pence Eng-
lifh, Poddi Tangom, or the fmall Tangom is half as much. There is ano-
ther fort, which all People by the King's Permiffion may and do make.
The fhape is like a fish-hook, they ſtamp what mark or impreſſion on
it they pleaſe. The Silver is purely fine beyond pieces of Eight. For
if any fufpect the goodneſs of the Plate, it is the Cuſtom to burn the
Money in the fire red hot, and fo put it in water and if it be not
then purely white, it is not Currant Money.
The third fort of Money is the King's proper Coin. For none upon
pain of Death may Coin it. It is called a Ponnam. It is as fmall as a
Spangle: Seventy five make a piece of Eight, or a Spanish Dollars
But all forts of Money is here very fcarce: And they frequently buy
and fell by exchanging Commodities.
Paſs we now from their Bufinefs to their Paftimes and Diverfions.
They have but few Sports, neither do they delight in Play. Only at
their New year, they will ſport and be merry one with another. Their
chief Play is to bowl Coker-nuts one againſt the other, to try which is
the hardest. At this time none will work, until their Aftrologers tell
them, it is a good hour to handle their Tools. And then both Men
and Women do begin their proper works; the Man with his Ax, Bill,
and Hough, and the Woman with her Broom, Peſtle, and Fan to clean
her Corn.
There is another Sport, which generally all People uſed with much
delight, being, as they called it, a Sacrifice to one of their Gods; to
wit Potting Dio. And the benefit of it is, that it frees the Countrey
from grief and Diſeaſes. For the beaftliness of the Exerciſe they never
celebrated it near any Town, nor in fight of Women, but in a remote
place. The manner of the Game is thus. They have two crooked
ſticks like Elbows, one hooked into the other, and fo with contrivan-
ces they pull with Ropes, until the one break the other; fome fiding
with one ſtick, and fome with the other; but never is Money laid on
either fide. Upon the breaking of the ſtick, that Party that hath won
doth not a little rejoyce.. Which rejoycing is expreft by Dancing and
Singing, and uttering fuch fordid beaftly Expreffions, together with
Poftures of their Bodies, as I omit to write them, as being their fhame
in acting, and would be mine in rehearfing. For he is at that time
moſt renowned that behaves himſelf moft fhamelefly and beaft-like.
This filthy Solemnity was formerly much in uſe among them; and
even the King himſelf hath ſpent time in it, but now lately he hath
abfolutely forbidden it under penalty of a forfeiture of Money. So
that now the practice hereof is quite left off.
But tho it is thus gone into dif-ufe, yet out of the great delight the
People had in it, they of Gompala would revive it again; and did.
Which
i
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
99
Which coming to the King's ear, he fent one of his Noblemen to take Chap. 8.
a Fine from them for it. The Nobleman knew the People would not u
come to pay a Fine, and therefore was fain to go to work by a Strata-
gem. Pitching therefore his Tents by a Pond, he gave order to call
all the People to his affiftance to catch Fiſh for the King's uſe. Which
they were very ready to do, hoping to have the refufe Fiſh for them-
felves. And when they were all thus affembled together with their
Tools, and neceffary Inftruments for that purpoſe, the Nobleman char-
ged them all in the King's Name according to the Countries faſhion,
which was by pulling off his Cap, and falling down upon the ground
three times, that not a man of them ſhould budge till they had paid
fuch a Sum of Money, which was fo much a piece, for reviving that
Play that the King had forbid. Which they were forced to do before
they departed from the Pond fide. And the Money was carried into
the King's Exchequer.
feats of A&i-
vity.
When they would be merry, and particularly at their great Feftival Tricks and
in the New Moon of June or July (before mentioned;) they have Peo-
ple that fhew pretty tricks and feats of Activity before them. A man
fets a Pole of feven or eight foot long upon his Breaft; a Boy gets to
the top of this Pole, and leans with his Belly upon the end of it; and
thus the man danceth with the Pole on his Breaſt, and the Boy on it,
and but little holding the Pole. A man takes four Arrows with blades
about a foot long, they are tied one croſs another, and fo laid upon
the end of a Pole, which refts upon the man's Breaft. On a fudden
he fquatts down upon the ground, and the four Arrows all fall on the
four fides of him, fticking in the ground. Two Cross-bows ſtand bent
one oppofite to the other, charged with Arrows drawn up to the
heads: they are placed juſt fo high, as they may fly over a man's back
when he lyes flat upou the ground. A man danceth between them
and flows Tricks, and when he is pleaſed, he touches a ſtring made
faſt to both their trickers, at which they both inſtantly Diſcharge,
and he falls flat down between them, and the Arrows fly over his back,
which if they hit him, undoubtedly fly thro his Body. A Woman
takes two naked Swords under each Arm one, and another ſhe holds in
her mouth,then fetcheth a run and turns clear over, and never touches
the ground till the lights on her feet again, holding all her Swords
faft. There are divers other Diverfions of this nature too large to
mention.
one
At their leifure when their affairs will permit, they commonly meet At leifure
at places built for ftrangers and way-faring men to lodge in, in their times they
Language called Amblomb, where they fit chewing Betel, and looking courfe of
meet, and dif
upon the other very gravely and folidly, difcourfing concerning News.
the Affairs at Court, between the King and the great Men; and what
Employment the People of the City are bufied about. For as it is the
chief of their bufinefs to ferve the King, fo the chief of their difcourfe
is concerning fuch matters. Alfo they talk of their own affairs, about
Cattel and Husbandry. And when they meet with Outlandish-men
they enquire about the Laws and Government of their Countrey, and
if it be like theirs and what Taxes and Duties we are bound to pay,
and perform to our King, &c.
And this manner of paffing their leisure time they account the Drunkenne£ '
greateſt Recreation. Drunkenneß they do greatly abhor, neither are abhorred.
.
0 2
there
1
100
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part III. there many that do give themfelves to it. Tobacco likewife they ac
count a Vice, but yet is ufed both by Men and Women; but more eater
than drunk in Pipes.
Their great
delight in
Betel.
The Manner
Betel leaves.
But above all things Betel leaves they are moft fond of, and greatly
delighted in: when they are going to Bed, they firft fill their mouths
with it, and keep it there until they wake, and then rife and fpit it
out, and take in more. So that their mouths are no longer clear
of it, than they are eating their Victuals. This is the general practice
both of Men and Women, infomuch that they had rather want Victu
als or Cloths than be without it; and my long practice in eating it
brought me to the fame condition. And the Reaſons why they thus
eat it are, Firft, Becauſe it is wholfom. Secondly, To keep their
mouths perfumed: for being chewed it cafts a brave fcent. And
Thirdly, To make their Teeth black. For they abhor white Teeth,
faying, That is like a Dog.
The better fort of Women, as Gentlewomen or Ladies, have no
other Paftime but to fit and chew Betel, fwallowing the fpittle, and
fpitting out the reft. And when Friends come to fee and viſit one the
other, they have as good Society thus to fit and chew Betel, as we have
to drink Wine together.
But to defcribe the particular manner of their eating thefe Leaves.
of their cating They carry about with them a fmall Box filled with wet Lime: and
as often as they are minded to eat Betel, they take fome of this Lime,
as much as they judge convenient, and ſpread it thin upon their leaf;
then they take fome flices of the Betel-nat, and wrap them up in the
leaf, and ſo eat it, rubbing their Teeth therewith ever and anon to
make them black. Thus they eat it generally: but fometimes they
eat it otherwiſe, according as they pleaſe; neither fpreading the Lime
on the leaf, nor rolling up flices of the Nut into it: But they will
take a little of the Lime out of their Box between their Fingers, and
put it in their mouths,and eat of the Nut and the Leaf by themſelves.
But whenfoever they eat of the Betel leaf, the Lime and the Nut
always accompany it.
How they
make Lime.
They have a pretty fhift of making their Lime, when they chance
to need it as they are travailing. They take certain Shells, almoft re-
fembling Snails Shells,which they pick up in fresh water Rivers,waſhed
a fhore with the water beating upon the Rocks. Theſe Shells,mixed
with Charcoal and, fire they wrap up in a wifp of Rice-ſtraw, and bind
them together in a round bundle of a convenient bignefs, tying all up
with green Withs, that they may not fall in pieces. By a With fome
four foot long they hold it in their hands, fwinging it round over
their heads. Which motion blows the Coals and makes them burn.
And as they are weary with fwinging it in one hand, they fhift and
take it in the other and fo keep fwinging it for half an hour or there-
abouts. By which time it will be burnt to very good Lime, and moſt
part of the ftraw confumed: but it is ftill kept together by the green
Withs. Then they take it and wet it in water, and put it into their
Pots or Boxes for their ufe. The Lime made of white ftone burnt
in a Kiln they do indifferently uſe to eat with their Leaves, as well as
this made of Shells now deſcribed.
£
CHAP
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
101
!
Chap: 9.
T
CHAP. IX.
Oftheir Laws and Langüage.
Here are three things,that ingenious men may poffibly be inqui.
fitive after, which have not yet been profeffedly handled, their
Laws, their Language, and their Learning.
Concerning the first, here are no Laws, but the Will of the King, Their Laws,
and whatſoever proceeds out of his mouth is an immutable Law. Ne-
vertheleſs they have certain antient ufages and Cuſtomes that do
pre-
vail and are obferved as Laws; and Pleading them in their Courts and
before their Governors will go a great way.
To hint fome of them, their Lands are hereditary, and do def- Lands deſcendi
cend from Parents to their Children. But the eldeft fon by Priviledg
of Birth-right does not poffefs and enjoy all the Land, but if the
Father pleaſe he can divide it among his Children. Yet in cafe the
eldeft fon does enjoy the Land, then without difpute he is to main-
tain his Mother and her Children until they come to years of ability to
provide for themſelves.
They have a cuftom in the Land of Ouvah, which is a great breeder In cafe Corn
of Cattle, and hath but, very little Wood fo that they have not where receives dam
with to make hedges; It is that when they fow their Lands, they mage by a
drive their Cattle thence,, and watch them all day that they break Castle.
Neighbours
not into the Corn; and at night they tie their Cattle to fecure them
from ftraying into the Corn-Lands: otherwife if one Neighbours
Cattle eats another neighbours Corn, he must pay the dammage.
Thoſe that are lazy and loath to Plow, or that are Poor and want
Corn to fow, the Custom is, to let out their ground to others to Till
at Ande, that is at halves; but fees and accuftomable dues taken,
out by the Husbandman that tills it, the Owner of the Land receives
not much above a third part.
The lofs of
For the Husband hath divers confiderable payments befides his half
fhare of the Corn. As namely, firſt he hath Cotoumaun, that is, fo leting out land
much Corn as they fcratch off from the whole heap of trodden Corn to Till.
by drawing a bundle of Thorns over it. Secondly, Waracool, that
is a confideration for the expences they are at in Tilling and Sowing:
for which there is a Rate according to the bignels of the field. Thirdly,
Warrapoll, that is the Corn they leave at the bottom of the heap af
ter they have done fanning. Which is the Womans fee for their
páins in weeding the Corn, and in pulling it it up where it is too
thick, and planting it where it is thin, &c. Fourthly, Bolerud which
is the Chaff and weepings of the Pit. This fometimes comes to a con
fiderable value according to the quantity of Corn that is trodden
Fiftly, Peldorah, which is a piece of Corn they leave ſtanding before
the watch houfe, which is fet up in their Corn grounds to watch their
Corn from the wild beafts. And this left ftanding is the fee for watch-
ing. There is yet another due Ockyaul which belongs to their Gods,
and is an offering fometimes carried away by the Prieft; and fome-
times they beltow it upon the beggars, and fometimes they will take
it and hang it up in their houfes, and at convenient time facrifice it
themſelves:
G.
102
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. III. themfelves.
Peck.
The great con-
cd.
borrow-
It is one of their meaſures, which is about half a
And in the mean time until this Corn is ripe, the Owner is fain to
fideration for go a borrowing Corn to fuftain himſelf and Family. Which he
pays confideration for: which is, when his own Corn is ripe, a
bufhel and an half for a buſhel that is, at the rate of Fifty per Cent
Which manner of lending Corn is a means that doth maintain many
ſtrangers and others. For they who have got a ſmall ſtock of Corn
by that Profit may competently live upon it. Which was the means
that Almighty God prepared for my relief and maintenance.
The debt be-
Corn thus lent is fomewhat difficult to receive again. For the
Debtor being Poor, all the Creditors will come into the field, when
the Corn is a fhareing, that being the place of payment: and as foon
as it is divided each one will ſcramble to get what he can. And ha-
ving taken poffeffion of it, from thence the Creditor muft carry it
home himſelf,be it far or near.
If the Debt remains in the Debtors hands two years, it becomes
comes double doubled: and from thence forward be it never fo long, no more ufe
in two years. is to be paid by the Law of the Land, which Act was eftablished by
the King in favour of the Poor,there having been fome whole Families
made Slaves for a bufhel of Corn.
If the debtor
pay not his
debt he is lya-
able to be
a slave for it.
Divers other
other Laws
and Cuftomes.
controverfies.
But yet it is lawful for the Creditor, miffing Corn, to lay hands
on any of his goods: or if the fum be fomewhat confiderable on his
Cattle or Children, firſt taking out a Licenſe from the Magiftrate fo
to do, or if he have none, on himſelf or His wife, if the came with
him to fetch the debt, if not, the is clear from this violence; but his
Children are not.
}
If a woman' goes away from her Husband without his confent, no
Man may marry her, until he first be married. In lending of mony
by the uſe of it in one years time, it becomes double. And if the Cre-
ditor receive not his mony at the expiration of the year, but lets it
lie in the Debtors hands never fo long after, no more than double is
is to be paid, the encreaſe, never runs up higher as it is in lending
Corn. If a Bond-woman has Children by a Free-man, the Children
all are Slaves to Her Mafter: but if a Bond man has Children by a
Free-woman, the Children are free: For the Children are always as
the Mother, whether Bond or Free. No man may cut down a Coker-
nut-Tree. If any man to a bargain or promife gives a ftone in the
Kings name, it is as firm as hand and feal. And if any after this go
back of his word, it will bear an Action. Ifany man be taken ſteal-
ing, he muſt reſtore feven, for one, or elfe be made a Slave, if he be
not able to pay it.
It is lawful and cuſtomary for a man in neceffity to fell or pawn his
Children, or Himſelf. No man building an houfe either in his own
or another mans ground, if he be afterwards minded to leave his Land,
where his houfe ftood, may pull it down again: But muft let it ſtand
for the benefit of whofoever comes after him.
For the deciding of matters in controverfie eſpecially of more ab-
For deciding ftrufe cognizance, the paaties do both fwear before their Gods, fome-
times in their Temples, and fometimes upon more extraordinary occa-
frons in hot Oyl.
Sometimes
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
103
t
Sometimes in their Temples. To explain which, take this following Chap. 9.
relation. A Slave was accuſed by a Merchant to have robbed his
Swearing
houſe. Whereupon to clear himſelf, the Slave defired he might ver
in the Tem
fwear. So the Merchant and Slave went both to the Temple to ples,
fwear. The Merchant fwore pofitively that the Slave had robbed
his houfe; and the Slave fwore as poynt blank that he had not robbed
his houſe and neither of them having any witneffes, God who
knew all things was defired to fhew a Judgment upon him that was
forfworn. They both departed to their houſes, waiting to ſee upon
whom the Judgment would fall. In the mean time the Slave privatly
fets the Merchants.houfe on fire, and his houſe was burnt down to
the ground. Then it was clear by this fuppofed divine Judgment,the
Merchant was forfworn. The Slave prefently demands fatisfaction
for laying Theft fafly to his charge. The Merchart could not tell what
to fay to it, but would give him none. The Slave was now to take
his own fatisfaction,as he had opportunity. And his Maſter bids him
feize upon the Merchants Perfon or any other relating to him, and
bring them to his houſe, and there detain them. Within a fhort
time after, the Slave ſeeing a Kinſman of the Merchants paffing by,
offers to feize him. But he, rather than be taken,draws his Knife and
Stabs the Slave on the fhoulder, and fo efcapes. In Fine, the
Merchant was fain to bribe the Great Men to fave himſelf from fur-
ther dammage, and fit down contented with the lofs of his goods
and houſe. Though the Slave was a perfon of a very bad reputation,
and had done divers Thefts; and ſome of his ſtolen goods he hath
brought to me to fell.
The benefit
Sometimes they do decide their debates by ſwearing in hot Oyl.
Which becauſe it is remarkable, I will relate at large. They are per of fwearing it
mitted thus to ſwear in matters of great importance only, as when hot Oyl.
Law Suits happen about their Lands, or when their is no witneſs.
When they are to fweare,ach party hath a Licence from the Governor
for it,written with his hand to it. Then they go and wash their heads
and bodies, which is a religious ceremony. And that night they are
both confinedPriſoners in an houſe with a guard upon them,and a cloth
tyed over each of their right hands and lealed, leaſt they might uſe
any charm to harden their fingers.
The next morning they are brought out; they then put on clean
cloths, and purifie themſelves, reckoning they come into the pre-
fence of God. Then they tie to their wrifts the Leaf wherein the
Governors Licence is, and repair under fome Bogahah, God-Tree;
and all the Officers of the County affemble with a vaft number of peo-
ple befides. Coker-nuts are brought, and Oyl is there extracted
from them in the fight of the people, that all may fee their is no de-
ceit. Alſo they have a Pan of Cow-dung and water boyling cloſe by:
The Oyl and Cow-dung being both boyling and throughly hot, they
take a young leaf of a Coker-nut Tree and dip that into the Oyl, that
all may fee it is hot. For it finges, and frizzels up,and roars as if you
poured water into hot boyling Öyl. And fo they do likewife to the
Cow-dung. When all are fatisfied the Oyl is hot, the two men come
and ſtand on each fide of this boyling Oyl; and ſay, The God of Hea-
ven and Earth is witness, that I did not do this that I am accuſed of;Or,
The four forts of Gods be witness, That this Land in controverfe is
mine:
:
104
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
}
Part III.
How they ex-
a& Fines.
Of their Lan-
guage.
mine. And then the other fwears quite contrary. But firft the Accu-
fer alwayes fwears. The Accufed alfo relates his own innocence, or
his own Right and Title. The cloths that their hands were bound
up in are taken off. And immediatly upon ufing the former words,
he dips his two fingers into the hot Oyl, flinging it out three times.
And then goes to the boyling Cow-dung, and does the fame. And fo
does the other. Then they tie up their hands again with the cloth,
and keep both of them Prifoners till the next day. When their hands
are looked upon, and their fingers-ends rubbed with a cloth, to fee if
the skin come off. And from whofe fingers the skin comes, he is
forfworn. The Penalty of which is a great forfeiture to the King and
great fatisfaction to the Adverfary.
I am able to teftifie, that the fingers of fome of thefe that have thus
fworn have been whole from any icald after this ufe of hot Oyl: but
whether it be their innocence or their Art, that it thus comes to paſs,
I know not. The penalty of the breach of the Laws or Cuftomes of
this Land is at the pleaſure of the Judg, either amercement, or impri-
fonment, or both.
For the taking of Fines from men, on whom they are laid, this is
their Cuftom. The Officers, wherefoever they meet the man, ftop
him in the place. Where they take away his Sword and Knife; and
make him pull off his Cap and Doublet; and there he fits with his
Keepers by him, till he pays the Fine. And if he delays paying it,
they clap a great Stone upon his back; in which condition he muſt
remain till he pays it. And if he doth not pay, they load him with
more Stones, until his compliance prevent further pains. Another
way they have to exact the payment of the Fines laid upon them.
They take fome fprigs of Thorns, and draw them between the mans
naked Legs till he pays. But if he remain obftinate they clap him up
in chains.
They have an odd ufage among them to recover their debts. Which
is this. They will fometimes go to the houſe oftheir debtor with the
leaves of Neringala a certain Plant, which is rank Poyſon, and threa-
ten him, that they will eat that Poyfon and deſtroy themſelves, un-
lefs he will pay him what he ows. The debtor is much afraid of this,
and rather than the other ſhould Poyſon himſelf, will fometimes fell
a Child to pay the debt: Not that the one is tender of the life of the o-
ther, but out of care of himſelf. For if the party dyes of the Poyfon,
the other for whofe fake the man Poyfoned himſelf muſt pay a
ranfome for his life. By this means alfo they will fometimes threat-
en to revenge themſelves of thoſe with whom they have any conteſt,
and do it too. And upon the fame intent they will alfo jump down
fome fteep place or hang or make away with themſelves; that fo
they might bring their Adverfary to great dammage.
To fpeak now a little of their Language. It is a language peculiar
tothat Ifland: and I know not any Indian Nations that fpeak it but
themſelves. There are a few words that are common to the Chingu
lays and the Malabars, which they might borrow of one another,
by Intercourfe and Commerce, but the words are ſo few, that a
Malabar cannot underſtand a Chingulay, nor on the contrary.
Their language is Copious, Smooth, Elegant, Courtly; according
as the People that ſpeak it are. Who are full of words, Titles and
Compléments.
.
1
between pag
༧༔་་་་་་
ار
el
The
manner
of Extorting
their Fine
159.
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
105
Complements. They have no less than twelve or more Titles that
they uſe when they ſpeak to Women according to their ranks and
qualities.
Puddeci.
Kiddekel.
Nanda.
Nandadga.
Nauchere.
Lamhaumi.
Ettani.
Lam-Ettani
Ettanihaumi:
Maugi.
Maugiwanxi.
Hondreunié.
A word for a woman of the lowest condition.
A term of more respect,given to a young wench.
A term for an inferior woman fomething in years,fig-
nifies alfo Ant.
A little higher yet, of the like years.
A Title may be given to an ordinary woman, ſtill,
but yet higher.
A Title higher than any yet,
Higher ftill.
Of more respect.
Higher than that.
Proper only to an old woman,but of good quality.
Better then the Maugi.
Comaurehaumi. A Title due to the greatest Ladies.
Given to the Queen or the King.
Chap. 9.
Titles to wo
men according
to their quali
ties.
So that it is hard to ſpeak to a woman without they know what ſhe
is before, leaſt they might miſtake her Title.
much pleaſed with fome of the better Titles.
And the women are
The men alſo have various Titles, tho not fo many as the women. Titles given
People give to them thefe Titles according to the bufinefs they have to men
with them. If they come for fome favour or kindneſs to be done
them, they beſtow the better fort of Titles upon them.
They have ſeven or eight words for Thou, or Tou, which they ap
ply to perfons according to their quality, or according as they would
honour them. And they are fo, Topi, Umba, Umbela, Tomnai,
Tom, Tomfela, Tomnanxi. All theſe words are gradually one higher
than the other.
j
man and a
Their ordinary Plow men and Husbandmen do fpeak elegantly, and No difference
are full of complement. And there is no difference between the abili- between a
ty and fpeech of a Country-man and a Courtier. When any hath a fa- a Country
vour to beg of a Noble-man, or any buſineſs with him, they do not Courtier for
abruptly ſpeak their defires or errand at firft, but bring it in with a Language.
long harangue of his worth or good difpofition or abilities; and this Their ſpeech
very handſom and taking ftile. They bring up their Children to of Addrefs is
fpeak after this manner, and uſe them to go with errands to great Courtly and
and they are able to tell their tale very well alſo.
in
men
J
In their fpeech the people are bold without ſheepish fhame facedneſs,
and yet no more confidence than is becoming.
and manper
becoming.
addreſs to the
The King they call by a name, that fignifies ſomewhat higher than Their Lan-
a man, and next to God. But before the Wars they ftiled him Dio- guage in their
nanxi, which is a Title higher than God by the addition of Nanxi, King.
This Title the King took before the Rebellion, but fince he forbad it.
When they ſpeak to the King [concerning themſelves, they do not
fpeak in the first perfon, and fay I did fo or fo, but Baulagot the limb of
à Dog did it or will do it. And when they ſpeak of their Children un-
to the King, they call them Puppies. As if he ask them how many
Children they have, they fay fo many Puppy dogs, and fo many Puppy-
P
bitches:
!
106
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
:
1
Part III. bitches. By which by the way, we may conjecture at the height of
the King and the flavery of the People under him.
Words of
upon
They have certain words of Form and Civility, that they uſe
occafion. When they come to another mans houfe, he asks them
Form and Ci- what they come for, which is his civility, and they anfwer Nicamava,
I come for nothing, which is their ordinary reply, tho they do come
for fomething. And upon this they have a Fable.
vility.
ment.
A God came down upon earth one day, and bad all his Creatures.
come before him and demand what they would have and it fhould be
granted them. So all the beaſts and other Creatures came, and one
defired Strength, and another Legs, and another Wings, &c. And
it was beſtowed on them. Then came the White men, the God asked
them, what they came for? And they faid, they defired Beauty and
Valour and Riches. It was granted them. At laft came the Chingu-
lays, the God required of them, what they came for. They anfwer-
ed, Nicamava, I come for nothing. Then replyed he again, do you
come for nothing, then go away with nothing. And fo they for their com
plement fared worſe than all the reft.
When one proffers fomething as a gift to another, altho it be a
thing that he is willing to have, and would be glad to receive, yet he
will fay, Eeppa queinda, No, I thankyou; how can I be fo chargeable
to you?
And in the fame time while the words are in his mouth, he
reacheth forth his hand to receive it.
Neither are they free or forward to requite them, from whom they
Full of words have received a gift or good turn, otherwiſe than with words and
and comple- windy proteftations; the which ſhall not be wanting. But forwards
they are to receive, yet very backward to part with any thing. And
if one neighbour asketh ought of another, or to borrow any thing,
which the other is unwilling either to give or lend, they never will
plainly deny by faying, I cannot or will not; but with diffembling they
will excufe themſelves, faying, They have it not, or is it lent a-
broad already, altho it be with them in the houſe at the ſame time.
Their uſual manner of fwearing in proteſtations, is by their Mother,
By whom they or by their Children, or by their two Eyes, oftner than by their Gods.
But their proteftations be they never fo deep, and ſeem they never fo
ferious, they are not to be regarded, as proceeding more from cuſtom
fwear.
than truth.
Some of their words of Reproach, or Railery are fuch as theſe.
Their Railery. One brother will fay to another, and that in prefence of their Mo-
ther, Tomotowoy, go lye with your Mother, the other replyes go you and
lye with your Mother. And the Mother will fay to the Daughter, Jopi
oppota audewind, go lye with your Father; intimating fhe is good for
nothing. They will commend their Children, when they can uſe their
tongues in their own defence by fcolding and fay, Hærri, oppana,
Well faid, valiantly Spoken. They will fay alfo in reproach, Creep
between my legs, cut your Nofe off. If you have five hundred lives, you
fhall be damned. The worſt railery they can give a woman is to tell
her, he has laid with ten forts of inferior ranks of People, which they
will rather dye than do. If any thing be ftole out of their grounds or
Plantations fruit or the like, they will cry out a loud, This was done by
Some low-caft begotten Rogue, or She was a whore to fome inferior
rank who dreſſed it; and this Language they will continue for half an
hour
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
107
hour together, tho they know not who hath done it. The worft Chap. 9.
word they uſe to Whites and Chriftians, is to call them Beaf-eating
Slaves.
I fhall conclude this Difcourfe of their Language, by giving you a
taft of their Proverbs, fome hints of the ftrain of their Speech.
Miris dílali, ingurah gotta. I have given Pepper, and got Ginger. Proverbs,
Spoken when a man makes a bad exchange. And they ufe it in rete-
rence to the Dutch fucceeding the Portugueze in their Ifland.
Datta horrala Badda perind. Pick your Teeth to fill your Belly. Spo-
ken of itingy niggardly People.
Caula yonawa ruah atti. To eat before you go forth is handſom and
convenient. Which they therefore ever do.
Kiallah tiannah, Degery illand avalı oppala hanguand mordy, As the
Saying is, if I come to beg Butter-milk, why should I hide my Pan. Which
is ordinarily ſpoken to introduce the buſineſs that one man comes to
ſpeak to the other about.
Hingonna wellendam cor cottonwat geah par wardenda netta. A
Begger and a Trader cannot be loft. Becauſe they are never out of their
way.
Atting mitting delah hottarah harracurnowah. To lend to another
makes him become an Enemy. For he will hate you if you ask him
for it again.
Annuna min yain ecka ourowaying younda eppa. Go not with a
Slave in one Boat. It fignifies, to have no dealing or correfpondence
with any ones Slave. For if any dammage fhould happen, it would
fall upon your head, and by their Law you muſt make it good.
Iffara otting bollanowa pos cotting. Firft look in the hand, afterwards
open the mouth. Spoken of a Judge, who firſt muſt have a Bribe be-
fore he will pronounce on their fide.
Take a Ploughman from the Plough, and wash off his dirt, and he is
fit to rule a Kingdom. Spoken of the People of Cande Uda, where
there are fuch eminent Perfons of the Hondrewrank; and becauſe
of the Civility, Underſtanding, and Gravity of the pooreit Men
among them.
No body can reproach the King and the Beggar. Because the former
is above the flander of the People, and nothing can be ſaid bad enough
of the latter:
Like Noia and Polonga. Denoting Irreconcileable Enemies. The
ſtory of which two Serpents hath been related before.
He that hath Money to give to his Judge, needs not fear, be his Caufe
right or wrong. Becauſe of the corruption of the great Men, and their
greediness of Bribes.
If our Gerchal, fortune be bad, what can God do against it? Reckon-
ing that none of their Gods have Power to reverfe the fate of an ill
Planet.
The Ague is nothing, but the Head-ach is all. That Countrey is very
ſubject to Agues, which do efpecially afflict their heads who have them.
I might multiply many more of their Proverbial ſayings, but let
theſe fuffice.
*
I cannot pretend to give an account of the Grammar of this Tongue.
I fhall only give a few inftances of their words, and leave it to the
P 2
1
Learned
}
1
108
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. III. Learned to make their Conjectures. First, I will give you fome of
their Nouns Plural.
ما
Something of Minnia, A Man. Minnis, Men. Gahah, A Tree. Gos, Trees.
their Gram- Cucula, A Cock. Cuculong, Cocks.Auhoun, A Horfe. Aufpio,horfes.
Cole-la, 4 Boy. Colani, Boyes. Polaha, 4 young Jack. Polas, Jacks.
ner.
But uſually when they have occafion to speak of many they exprefs
themſelves by Numerals fet after the Noun ; as Diffawva two,three,&c.
An Egg, Bittera, Eggs, Bittera cattei, word for word, Egg many.
Their Verbs they form after this manner :
Mam conna,
I eat.
Mam conyum,
I will eat.
Caupoudi,
Caum,
Mam cava,
I have eat.
Conda,
Let him eat.
Let us eat.
To eat.
Conowa,
Eating.
Caula,
Mam denyam,
I will give.
Dem,
Eaten.
Let us give.
Mam Doun-na, I gave.
Dennowa,
Dila,
I have given.
Dipon,
Giving.
Give him.
SShall
·Shall Ï give ?
Douna, or
Dendi,
Given
Given.
To give.
Dila tiana,
Mam yonyam,
Mam yonda oni, I will go.
Yong,
Yonowa,
I'le go.
Yonda dipadi, Let him go.
Pollatch,
Gone, ſpoken of an or
dinary perfon.
Let us go.
Going.
Pollad-da,
Gone, fpoken of a per-
Mam oy,
I am,
Mam gia atti,
Eai,
He,or They,or He is Gia dendi.
fon of great quality.
I have been.[Atti]fig
nifieth [have]
Let him, or give him
leave to go.
1
A Specimen of Dio,
God.
Gani,
AWoman. Oppa,
their words, Dio loco,
Jacco,
Heaven. Rodgura, 4 King.
A
Pianannah, Father.
Narra cauda, Hell.
Aucoi,
The Sky.
Taurcoi,
A Star.
The Devil. Haul,
Raw rice. Oppatchi,
Bat, Boyled rice.Omma,
Banglale, A Table. Ommandea, Mother.
Wellau, Time. Puta,
Deure,
Water.
Wauri, Seaſon.
Gindere,
Fire.
Colading, Harveſt. Dua,
Molla, Aflower.Oppuland,To wash cloths.Horraund,
Gauhah, A tree. Naund, To wash the body.Hoppacaund, To bite.
Putandi,
} Son.
Daughter.
Donianna,
To bore.
Courilla, A bird. Pinaund, Tofwim.
Coraund, To do. (done.
Gom, A town. Coppaund,To cut.
Corowaund, To caufe to be
Goumanic,
}
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
109
Goumanic,
A journey. Heuwoya,
Gauman corowaund,To fend, Heuwoynanna,
word for word, to caufe to Heuwoynanoura,
do a journey.
Mihi, To dye.
Mich, Dead.
Mienyum, I will dye.
Miœnowa, Dying.
Eppa,
Do not.
All words Heuwaycom,To fight Chap. 10.
fignifying Coraund, as much
Common
Soldiers,
only they are titles one above
another, and the two laſt are as
much as to ſay Gentlemen Soldie› s. "
Negatind,
To rife.
as as to fay, To act
the Soldier.
Tonnaund, To build.
Tannitch, Built.
Upaudénowa, The Refurrection. Touncheroutwitch, It
Negantind Eppa, Do not rife.
is finished.
Na & Natti,No,or not.
I ſhall only make one Obſervation from theſe words, and that is
concerning the four firft. It is this, that they have no words of their
own Language for God and Heaven, but in all probability borrowed
them from the Portugueze. But for the two next, The Devil and Hell,
words of their own.. They number thus,
Eckhoi
I.
Novihoi
IX.
Deckhoi
II.
Dauhoihoi
X.
Dauhabottoi XVII. Their Num
Dauha ot hoi XVIII.
bering.
Tunboi
III.
Eckolauhoi
XI.
Dauhanovihoi XIX.
Hotterhoi
IV.
Dolahoi
XII.
Viboi
XX.
Paubhoi
V.
Dauhottunhoi XIII.
Tihoi
XXX.
Hoyboi
Hotboi
Ot hoi
VI.
Dauhotterhoi XIV.
Hottalehoi
VII.
Paulohoi.
XV. Ponnahoi
XL.
L.
VIII.
Dauhoffahoi XVI.
CHAP. X.
T
Concerning their Learning, Aftronomy, and Art Magick.
Heir Learning is but ſmall. All they ordinarily learn is to read of their
and to write. But it is no fhame to a man if he can do nei- Learning.
ther. Nor have they any Schools wherein they might be taught and
inſtructed in thefe or any other Arts.
and Arts.
Their Books are only of their Religion and of Phyfick. Their chief Their Books,
Arts are Aftronomy and Magick. They have a Language fomething
differing from the vulgar tongue (like Latin to us) which their Books
are writ in. They learn to write upon Sand, fpreading it upon the How they
ground, and making it ſmooth with the hand, and fo write the let- learn to write,
ters with their fingers to bring their hand in uſe.
They write not on Paper, for of that they have little or none; but
on a Talli-pot leaf with an Iron Bodkin, which makes an impreffion.
This leaf thus written on, is not folded, but rolled up like Ribbond,and
ſomewhat reſembles Parchment.
make and
If they are to write a Book,they do it after this manner. They take How they
the Tallipot leaf, and cut it into divers pieces of an equal fhape and fize, write a Book,
fome a foot, fome eight inches, fome a foot and an half long, and
about three fingers broad. Then having thus prepared the leaves,they
write in them long ways from the left hand to the right, as we do.
When the Book is finiſhed they take two pieces of board, which are
to
110
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
منا
Part. III. to ſerve for the cover of the Book. To thefe boards are faſtened two
ftrings, which do paſs thro every leaf of the Book, and theſe tye it up
faft together. As the Reader hath read each leaf, he lifts it up, and lays
it by ftill hanging upon the ftrings, and fo goes to the next leaf, fome-
thing refembling Bills filed upon Wyre.
The Priests
The Gonnies, who are men of leifure, write many Books of Bonna,
write Books that is of the Ceremonies of their Religion: and will fometimes carry
them to great Men, as a prefent, and do expect a reward.
of Bonna.
The King's
wrapped up.
They write
upon two
The King when he fends any Warrants or Orders to his Officers,
Warrants how hath his Writings wrapped up in a way proper to himſelf, and
none elſe do or may fold up their leaves in that manner but He.
They write upon the Tallipat leaves Records or matters of great
moment, or that are to be kept and preſerved: but for any ordinary
forts of leaves. buſineſs as Letters, &c. they commonly uſe another leaf, called Taul-
cole. The leaves of which will bear a better impreffion than the Talli-
pat, but they are more ſtubborn, and harder than the other, and will
not fold.
Their Skill in
nacks.
But to ſpeak a little of their Aftronomy. They who have under-
Aftronomy. ſtanding in it, and practiſe it, are the Priests of the higheſt Order, of
which the prefent King's Father was. But the common fort of Aftro-
nomers are the Weavers. Thefe men can certainly foretel Eclipfes of
Their Alma- the Sun and Moon. They make Leet, that is Almanacks that laſt for
a Month. They are written upon a Tallipat leaf, a little above a foot
long, and two fingers broad.. In them are told the Age of the Moon,
and the good Seaſons and times to begin to Plough or to Sow, or to go
a Journey, or to take any work in hand. On this precife time they
will be fure to fprinkle their firft Seed, tho they fow all their Field it
may be a Month after. And fo they will begin to ſet forth at the
very moment, tho poffibly they will not go till fome days after.
They pretend
to know fu-
the Stars.
Theſe Aftronomers tell them alfo when the old year ends to the very
minute. At which time they ceafe from all work, except the Kings,
which muſt not be omitted. They acquaint them alſo with the good
hour of the New year, they are to begin to work. At which time
every Man and Woman begins to do fomewhat in their employment
they intend to follow the enfuing year. They have alſo another feafon
directed them by their Aftronomers: that is, when to begin to waſh
their heads, which is affigned to every one according to the time of
their Nativities, which Ceremony they obferve very religiouſly.
Theſe Aſtronomers, or rather Aftrologers, are skilful in the Know-
ture things by ledge of the Stars, and Planets, of which they reckon nine: 'tis fup-
pofed they may add the Dragon's Head and Tail. By which they pre-
tend to foretel all things concerning the health and recovery, of Sick
Perfons; alſo concerning the fate of Cildren born, about which the
Parents do preſently conlult them, and fave their Children or kill them
according to the fortunate or unfortunate hour they tell the Parents
they were born in.
!
VVhen a Perſon is Sick, he carries to theſe men his Nativity, which
they call Hanna hom pot, upon the peruſal of which they tell his deſtiny.
Thefe alfo direct fit times for beginning Journeys, or other underta-
kings. They are likewife confulted concerning Marriages by looking
upon the Man and Womans Nativity.
They
+
}
1
1
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
iii
Their Years,
They reckon their Time from one Saccawarfi an ancient King. Their Chap. 10.
year confifts of 365 days, They begin their year upon our Eight and C
twentieth day of March, and fometimes the Seven and twentieth, and Their Era,
fometimes, but very feldom, on the Nine and twentieth. The reaſon Months,
of which I conceive to be, to keep it equal to the courfe of the Sun, as weeks, Days,
dur Leap year doth. They call the year Ouredah. This they divide in Hours.
to Twelve Months, named, Wafachmaha, Pomaha, Ahalamoha, Miche-
neha, Bochmoha, &c. They divide their Months into Weeks, each con-
fifting of feven days, called Fridah, Sandudah, Onghorudah, Bodadah,
Brafpotindah, Secouradah, Henouradah. The first of which they ac-
count a good and a fortunate day to begin to do or undertake any
thing: and it falls out upon our Sunday. On their Wedneſdays, and
Saturdays they open their Churches, and perform their Ceremonies.
Their day, which they call Daufack, they divide into Thirty Pays,
hours or parts, and beg in their account from the Sun rifing, and their
Night alfo into as many, and begin from Sun-fetting: So that the Fif
teenth Pay is Twelve a Clock at Noon. They have a Flower by which
they judge of the time, which conſtantly blows open feven Pays be-
fore Night.
How they
They have no Clocks, Hour-glaffes, or Sun-Dials, but keep their
time by gueſs. The King indeed hath a kind of Inftrument to meaſure meaſure thei?
time. It is a Copper Difh holding about a Pint, with a very ſmall hole time.
in the bottom. This Dish they fet a fwimming in an Earthen Pot of
water, the water leaking in at the bottom till the Diſh be full,it finks.
And then they take it out, and fet it empty on the water again, and
that makes one Pay. Few or none ufe this but the King, who keeps a
man on purpoſe to watch it continually. The People will uſe it upon
fome occafions, as if they are to fow their Corn at any particular hour,
as being the good lucky Seaſon, then they make uſe of the Copper Pan,
to know the time exactly.
They do practiſe Magick. Whereof take theſe two remarkable in Their Magick,
ftances of many that might be given.
a Countrey
The Countrey of Neurecalava formerly brought forth great plenty
of Corn, occafioned by reafon of its large waterings. A Neighbour The Plenty of
Kingdom, the Kingdom of Cournegal which lyes in Hotcourley, in deftroyed by
thoſe times was brought to a great dearth. At which the King fends Magick.
to the People of Neurecalava, that they would bring a fupply of Corn
to his Countrey, which they did in great ftore upon Beafts in Sacks,
and arrived at the King's City: and there for the more expeditious
ineaſuring out every Houtholder his proportion of Corn, they made
a hole in the Sacks, and let it run out, ftill driving on the Beaſts be-
fore them: and all that was fhed before every man's Houfe, was to be
his fhare. This exceedingly gratified the King.
Afterward the King to requite them, asked what they moſt needed
in their Countrey? They anfwered, They had plenty of all things,
only they wanted Cabah mirris, that is Turmeric and Pepper. The
King to gratifie them fent them fuch a quantity of each as his Country
could afford. As foon as this was brought to the People of Neure-
calava, they went to meaſure it out to every man his Portion, but
finding it of fo ſmall a quantity, they refolved to grind it, as they
do when they uſe it with their Victuals, and put it into the River to
give a feaſoning to the water, and every Man was to take up his Diſh
of
t
112
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
4
Part III. of water thus feafoned. From whence Neurecalava had its deno-
mination, viz. from Neur, fignifying a City, and Cabāk that fignifies
Turmeric, and Lava, as if it were Lalla, put into the River.
Their Charm
Thief.
The King hearing of this Action of theirs was offended, in that they
fo contemned his gift; but concealed his difpleaſure. Sometime after
he took a Journey to them, and being there, defired to know how
their Countrey became fo very fruitful. They told him, it was the
water of the River pent up for their uſe in a very vaft Pond. Out of
which they made Trenches to convey the water down into their Cora
Grounds. This Pond they had made with great Art and Labour
with great Stones and Earth thrown up of a valt length and thickness,
in the faſhion of an half Moon. The King afterwards took his leave of
them and went home; and by the help of his Magicians brake down
this vaft Dam that kept in the water, and fo deftroyed the Ponds
And by this means this fruitful Countrey wanting her water is be-
come as ordinary Land as the reft, having only what falls out of
the Sky.
་
When a Robbery is committed to find the Thief, they Charm a
to find out a Coker-nut, which is done by certain words, and any one can do it, that
can but utter the Charm words. Then they thruft a ftick into it, and
fet it either at the Door or hole the Thief went out at. Then one
holds the ſtick with the Nut at the end of it, and the Nut purfues and
follows in the Tract that the Thief went. All the
All the way it is going
they ſtill continue Charming, and flinging the Bloffoms of the Betel-
nut-Tree upon it. And at laſt it will lead to the houſe or place where the
Thief is, and run upon his Feet. This Nut will fometimes go winding
hither and thither, and fometimes will ſtand ſtill. Then they follow
their Charms, ſtrewing on Bloffoms, and that fets it forward again.
This is not enough to find the Thief guilty; but if they intend to pro-
fecute the Man upon this Difcovery, the Charmer muft ſwear againft
him point blank: which he fometimes will do upon the Confidence of
the Truth of his Charm: And the fuppofed Thief muſt either Swear
or be Condemned.
The way to
Charm.
Oftentimes Men of courage and metal, will get Clubs, and beat
diffolve this away the Charmer, and all his Company, and by this means put all
to an end. If the Thief has the wit to lay his tail by the way, the
Coker-nut when it comes thither will ſtop and run round about it, but
go no further. I doubting the truth hereof, once took the ſtick, and
held it my felf, when they were upon this Buſineſs, but it moved not
forward while I held it in my hand, tho they ftrewed their Flowers,
and uſed their mutterings to provoke it. But afterwards when
another took it, it went forward. I doubted whether they did
not guide it with their hand, but they affured me it guided their
hand,
1
Infcriptions
upon Rocks.
Here are ſome antient writings engraven upon Rocks which poſeth
all that fee them. There are divers great Rocks in divers parts in
Cande Uda, and in the Northern Parts. Thefe Rocks are cut deep
with great Letters for the fpace of fome yards, fo deep that they may
laft to the worlds end. No body can read them or make any thing of
them. I have asked Malabars, Gentufes, as well as Chingulays and
Moors, but none of them underſtood them. You walk over fome of
them. There is an antient Temple Goddiladenni in Tattanour ſtands
by
1
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
113
by one place where there are of thefe Letters. They are probably in Chap. 11.
memorial of fomething, but of what we muſt leave to learned men
to ſpend their conjectures.
Not
CHAP. XI.
Of their Sickness, Death and Burial.
The diſeaſes
Othing now remains, but to carry you to their Sick-beds, and
to tell you what they do with the Bodies of their friends de- this Country
ceaſed, and their Behavior on theſe occafions. They live to a great is fubje&t to
Age very often to fourſcore,and hale at that age the Kings Sifter was
near an hundred. They are healthy and of a found conftitution.TheDif-
eaſes this Land is moſt fubject to,are Agues and Fevours,and fometimes to
Bloody-fluxes. The Small-Pox alfo fometimes happeneth among them.
From which they cannot free themſelves by all their charms and in-
chantments, which are often times fuccefsful to them in other diftem-
pers. Therefore they do confefs like the Magicians in Egypt, that this
is the very finger of Almighty God. They are alfo fubject to Aches
and Pains in their Bodies. For the Remedy whereof they have ex-
cellent oyntments and oyls, which they make and keep to have ready
when they have occafion.
Here are no profeffed Phyfitians nor Chyrurgeons, but all in gene- Every one
ral have fome skill that way, and are Phyfitians and Chyrurgeons to Phyfitian to
themſelves. Their Medicines they make of the leaves that are in the himſelf.
Woods, and the barks of Trees. With which they purge and vomit
themſelves, and will do notable Cures upon green wounds, and alſo
upon fore eyes.
To give a few hints oftheir method of Phyfick and what Ingredi-
ents they make uſe of.
For purging they make ufe of a Tree called Dalluganbah. It bears To Purge.
no leaves, nothing but thorns, and is of a foft fubftance. Being cut
there runs out a white thick milk; in which we foak fome whole
corns of Pepper a whole night. The next day the Pepper is taken
out, and waſhed clean, and then boyled in fair water with a fower
fruit they call Goraca, which we ſhall ſpeak of by and by. This they
drink,and it purgeth very well. This milk is rekoned as rank Poyfon
as any thing can be, and yet the Goats eat of the Tree greedily with-
out harm.
For a Vomit, there is is a leaf of a Plant called Warracole in colour
like a Cabbage leaf, but fmaller; it grows upon a long ſtalk ſome To Vomi
three foot high. This leaf as foon as it is broken from the ftalk is full
of milk, which runs out. In this milk they put a lump of Salt, and
let it lye a whole night, The next day they take the Salt out, which
is not diffolved, and wash it clean: then boyl a little,Rice and Water
together. After tis taken off the fire, they put this falt into it, and
drink it.
There is a ſtrong Purge they make with a berry called Fawpolls,
which is a little long greenish berry. Of it felf it is rank Poyfon.
They
a
114
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
#
Part. III. They boyl it with Goraca, and Pepper in water, and drink a little of
the water.
For drawing and healing of Sores, they have a leaf called Mockina-
To heal Sores. cola; it is a very like our Tunhoof or Ground-ivy, only it is a brighter
green; it runs along upon the ground and fpreads it felf as Tunhoof
doth. They only take the leaf and clap it upon the fore.
To heal an
in
For an Impaftume in the Throat, we take the rind of the Tree Ama-
Impoftume. ranga and bruiſe it and rub it with green Turmeric, and wrap it up
a Plantane leaf, and bury it in hot afhes, and there let it lye an hour
or two till the fire hath well qualified it. Then the Patient takes it,
and keeps chewing it for a day or two fwallowing the fpittle. The
Virtue of this I my felf can teftifie being exceedingly ill with a fore
Throat, and could not fwallow. By the uſe of this I was well within
a day and a night.
For a hurt in
the Eye.
To cure the
Itch.
The Caudle
for Lying in
women.
Goraca.
the cure of
Poyfon.
For a fore or hurt in the eye, they take Oulcande-cole, Goderacole,
two herbs,the juyce ofeach,and womans milk and having mingled them,
drop them into the eye. I had a Thorn of a confiderable length run
into the gray of my eye, and put me to great pain, the Chingulays
adviſed me to uſe this means, affuring me how fuccefsful it was wont
to be; but I was loath to tamper with fo tender a place; and thanks
be to God, after fome days the Thorn fell out of it felf.
It is a ſpeedy Cure of the Itch, to take Coudouro giddi, a fruit of a
Tree in form fomewhat like a Muffel but bigger. This fruit they cut
in flices and fry it in Coker-nut oyl. And with this oyl they anoint
the body.
The ordinary Caudle for Women in Child-bed, is Goraca boyled in
water with Pepper and Ginger. Women in that condition uſe nothing
elíc. This Goraca is a fruit round like an Apple marked with divers
creaſes along the ſides of it. Being ripe it is within and without red like
blood, but fower. they ufe this fruit as we do Lemons and Oranges.
The core is ſweet and pleafant, but They regarding it not fling it a-
way. If you bite this fruit, it fticks to the Teeth like wax or pitch.
But their chief uſe of it, is to boyl it with other things to make them
taft fower. They gather them at the time of year,and break the cloves af
funder by their fingers, for they,if they be pulled,will part at the creases.
And then they lay them in the Sun and dry them, being dryed they
look like mens ears. And fo they keep them for their ufe. Two or
three of theſe will give a pleaſant fower relifh unto a large veffel of
any liquid thing. This Goraca is in great uſe among them.
As there are in this Countrcy very many Poyſonous Plants, and
Excellent at Creatures, fo the People have excellent skill in the healing thereof.
There is one plant among the reſt ſo ſtrong a venom, that no crea-
ture will eat or touch it; and this is the leaf, that the People fome-
times carry with them when they go to demand their debts, and
threaten their debtors, they will poyfon themſelves before them, un-
lefs they will pay them. It is called Neiingala, a fprig that fprings out
of the ground almoſt like an Hony-fuckle, but not fo big: and bears
a curious Flower much like an Hony-fuckle.
They are oftentimes ftung with venomous Serpents, upon which
They eafily
heal the biting
ſudden death follows without fpeedy help: But if the bite be taken
of Serpents, by in time, they can certainly cure themfelves, and make nothing of it.
herbs. Which they perform both by Herbs and Charms. Tho upon the fting
they
་
115
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
they preſently vomit blood. The knowledg of theſe antidotal herbs Chap. 11.
they have learned from the Mounggoutia a kind of Ferret. This crea-
ture when the Noya and he meets always fight. If he chanceth to be
bitten by the Serpent, which is very venomous, he runs away to a
certain herb and eats it and ſo is cured, and then comes back and fights
again. The Chingulays when they ſee theſe two creatures fighting,
do diligently obferve them, and when they fee the Mounggoutia goes
away, they take notice of the herbs he eats, and thereby have learned
what herbs are proper to cure fuch venoms.
They are skilful alſo in the uſe of Charms, to cure the ſtings of Ser- And Charms
pents or to prevent them, the Noyas they can charm to that pafs, that
they will take them up in their hands, and carry them in baskets and
handle them and kiss them without any harm. But the Polonga will
not hear a charm. They charm other wild and venomous creatures
allo; as the Tyger that he fhall not hurt their Cattel.
But to cure inward diſeaſes they are not excellent. But generally Not good at
when they are fick they apply themſelves to their Gods. But their healing in-
chief fupplication they make to the Devil, as being God 's inftrument, ward diftem-
fent to puniſh and afflict whom he pleaſeth; as I have diſcourſed at
large already.
pers.
their dead.
Theſe People are very loath to dye, and as much afraid of the De- They both buri
vil in their fickneſs, whom at fuch times they chiefly invoke. Being ry and burt
dead none will come near the houſe for many days, left they ſhould
be defiled. The better fort burn the dead, becauſe worms and mag.
gots ſhould not eat them. But the poorer fort who regard not fuch
matters bury them making a hole in the Woods, and carrying the body
wrapped up in a mat upon a Pole on their fhoulders with two or three
attending it, and fo laying it in without any ceremony, and cover-
ing it.
a Príeft to pray
Some days after his deceaſe, if his friends wiſh well to his Soul, They fend for
they fend for a Prieft to the houſe, who fpends a whole night in pray for his Soul.
ing and finging for the faving of that Soul. This Prieſt befides very
good entertainment, in the morning muſt have great gifts and re-
wards. And to encourage them therein, he tells them that the like
bounty and liberality as they fhew to him, fhall the Soul of their de-
parted friend receive in the other world. And fo according to their
ability, they freely give unto him, fuch things as they are poffeffors
of. And he out of his wonderful good nature refuſeth not any thing,
be it never ſo mean. And thus with Drums and Pipes founding be-
fore him, they conduct him home to his houſe.
dead.
Their manner of mourning for the dead is, that all the Women How they
that are prefent do loofe their hair, and let it hang down, and with mourn for the
their two hands together behind their heads do make an hideous noiſe,
crying and roaring as loud as they can, much prayfing and extolling
the Virtues of the deceaſed, tho there were none in him: and lament-
ing their own woful condition to live without hini. Thus for three
or four mornings they do rife early, and lament in this manner, alſo
on evenings. Mean while the men ſtand ſtill and figh.
Theſe women are of a very strong couragious fpirit, taking nothing The nature of
very much to heart, mourning more for fashion than affection, ne- the women.
ver overwhelmed neither with grief or love. And when their Hus-
bands are dead, all their care is where to get others, which they can-
not long be without:
Q. 2
It
16
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part III.
How they
Bury.
How they
Burn.
}
How they bu-
It may not be unacceptable to relate how they burn their Dead.
As for Perfons of inferior Quality, they are interred in fome convenient
places in the Woods, there being no fet places for Burial, carried thi-
ther by two or three of their Friends, and Buried without any more
ado. They lay them on their Backs, with their heads to the West and
their feet to the East, as we do. Then thofe People go and waſh; for
they are unclean by handling the Dead.
But Perfons of greater quality are burned, and that with Ceremo
ny. When they are dead they lay them out, and put a Cloth over
their Privy Parts, and then wash the Body, by taking half a dozen
Pitchers of water, and pouring upon it. Then they cover him with
a Linnen cloth, and fo carry him forth to burning. This is when they
burn the Body ſpeedily. But otherwife, they cut down a Tree that
may be proper for their purpoſe, and hollow it, like a Hog-trough, and
put the Body being Embowelled and Embalmed into it, filled up all
about with Pepper. And fo let it lay in the houſe, until it be the
King's Command to carry it out to the burning. For that they dare
not do without the King's order, if the Perfon deceaſed be a Courtier.
Sometimes the King gives no order in a great while, it may be not at
all. Therefore in fuch cafes,that the Body may not take up houſe-room,
or annoy them, they dig an hole in the floar of their houſe, and put
hollowed tree and all in and cover it. If afterwards the King com-
mands to burn the Body, they take it up again in obedience to the
King, otherwiſe there it lyes.
Their order for burning is thus. If the Body be not thus put into a
Trough or hollowed Tree, it is laid upon one of his Bedſteds, which
is a great honour among them. This Bedfted with the Body on it, or
hollowed Tree with the Body in it, is faftned with Poles, and carried
upon Mens Shoulders unto the place of Burning: which is fome emi-
nent place in the Fields or High-ways, or where elſe they pleaſe.
There they lay it upon a Pile of Wood fome two or three foot high.
Then they pile up more Wood upon the Corps, lying thus on the
Bedſted, or in the Trough. Over all they have a kind of Canopy
built, if he be a Perſon of very high Quality covered at top, hung
about with painted Cloth, and bunches of Coker-nuts, and green
Boughs; and fo fire is put to it. After all is burnt to alhes, they
ſweep together the afhes into the manner of a Sugar-loaf: and hedg
the place round from wild Beaſts breaking in, and they will fow
Herbs there. Thus I faw the King's Uncle, the chief Tirinanx, who
was as it were the Primate of all the Nation, burned, upon an high
place, that the blaze might be ſeen a great way. If they be No-
blemen, but not of fo high quality, there is only a Bower erected
over them, adorned with Plantane Trees, and green boughs, and
bunches as before.
But if any dye of the fmall Pox, be his Degree what it
ry thofe that will, he must be Buried upon Thorns, without any further Ce
die of the
Small Pox.
remony.
•
PART
{
--
ཎྞཱ ཀསཛྫཱ
Pub
The
manner
of burning
their Dead.
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
117
1
Chap. 1.
PART IV.
1
CHAP. I.
Of the reafon of our going to Ceilon, and Detainment there.
Part.
this Fourth and laft Part, I purpoſe to ſpeak concerning our The fubject of
Captivity in this Iſland, and during which, in what Condition this fourth
the English have lived there, and the eminent Providence of
God in my eſcape thence, together with other matters relating
to the Dutch, and other European Nations, that dwell and are kept
there. All which will afford fo much variety, and new matters, that
I doubt not but the Readers will be entertained with as much de-
light in perufing theſe things, as in any elfe that have been alrea-
dy related. I begin with the unhappy Occafion of our going to
this Countrey.
of their com
Anno MDCLVII. The Ann Frigat of London, Capt. Robert Knox The occafion
Commander, on the One and twentieth day of January, fet Sail out ing to Ctilens
of the Downs, in the Service of the Honourable the English Eaft-India
Company, bound for Fort S. George, on the Coaft of Cormandel, to
Trade one year from Port to Port in India. Which we having per-
formed, as we were Lading of Goods to return for England, be-
ing in the Road of Matlipatan, on the Nineteenth of November
Anno MDCLIX. happened fuch a mighty Storm, that in it ſeveral
Ships were caft away, and we forced to cut our Main-Maft by the
Board, which fo difabled the Ship, that the could not proceed in her
Voyage. Whereupon Cotiar, in the Ifland of Ceilon, being a very
commodious Bay, fit for our preſent Diftrefs, Thomas Chambers Efq;
(fince Sir Thomas) the Agent at Fort S. George, ordered, That the Ship
fhould take in fome Cloth, and go to Cotiar Bay, there to Trade, while
the lay to fet her Maft. Where being arrived according to the ap-
pointment of thofe Indian Merchants of Porta Nova we carried with
us, to whom thoſe Goods belonged, they were put aſhore, and we
minded our Buſineſs to fet another Main-maft, and repair our other
Dammages we had ſuſtained by the late Storm.
People, being
very courte
At our first coming thither, we were ſhy and jealous of the People They were not
of the Place, by reafon our Nation never had any Commerce or Deal. jealous of the
ing with them. But now having been there fome Twenty days, and
going a Shore and coming on Board at our Pleaſure without any mo- ous.
leftation, the Governor of the Place alfo telling us, that we were wel-
com, as we feemed to our felves to be, we began to lay afide all fufpi-
tious thoughts of the People dwelling thereabouts, who had very kind-
ly entertained us for our Moneys with fuch Provifions and Refreshings
as thofe Parts afforded.
By
}
118
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV.
A pretended
By this time the King of the Countrey had notice of our being there,
and as I fuppofe grew fufpicious of us, not having all that while by
Mellage to the any Meffage made him acquainted with our intent and purpoſe in
Captain from coming. Thereupon he diſpatched down a Diffauva or General with
the King. his Army to us. Who immediately fent a Meffenger on Board to ac
The begin-
ning of their
Sufpition.
The Captain
(even more.
quaint the Captain with his coming, and defired him to come afhore
to him, pretending a Letter to him from the King. We faluted the
Meffage with firing of Guns, and my Father the Captain ordered me
with Mr. John Loveland, Merchant of the Ship, to go on fhore and wait
upon him.
him. When we were come before him, he demanded who we
were, and how long we should stay? We told him, We were English, and
not to ſtay above twenty or thirty days, and defired Permiffion to Trade
in his Majeſtie's Port. His anfwer was, the King was glad to hear that
the English were come to his Countrey, and had commanded him to
affift us as we ſhould defire, and had fent a Letter to be delivered to
none, but to the Captain himſelf.
We were then ſome twelve Miles from the Sea-fide. Our reply was,
That the Captain could not leave his Ship to come fo far, but if he pleafed
to come down to the Sea-fide himself, the Captain would immediately wait
upon him to receive the Letter. Upon which the Diffauva defired
us to ſtay that day, and on the morrow he would go down with us.
Which being a ſmall requeſt, and.we unwilling to diſpleaſe him,
confented to.
The fame day at Evening, the Diffauva fent two of his chief Cap-
tains to the Houſe where we lay to tell us, That he was fending a Pre-
fent to the Captain, and if we pleafed we might fend a Letter to him;
that he would fend the Preſent in the Night, and himſelf with us fol-
low the next Morning. At which we began to fufpect, and accord-
ingly concluded to write and adviſe the Captain not to adventure him-
ſelf, nor any other on fhore till he ſaw us. We having writ a Letter
to this purpoſe they took it and went away, but never deliver-
ed it.
The next Morning the Prefent, which was Cattle, Fruit, &c. was
feized, and brought to the Sea fide, and delivered to the Captain; the Meffengers
telling him withal, that we were upon the way coming down, with
the Diſſauva; who defired his Company on fhore againſt his coming,
having a Letter from the King to deliver into his own hand. Here
upon the Captain miftruſting nothing, came up with his Boat into a
fmall River, and being come afhore, fat down under a Tamarind Tree,
waiting for the Diffauva and us. In which time the Native Soldiers
privately furrounded him and Men, having no Arms with them; and
fo he was feized on and feven men with him, yet without any
violen e or plundering them of any thing: and then they brought
them up unto us, carrying the Captain in a Hammock upon their
Shoulders.
TheLong-boat
feized.
The next day after, the Long-boats Crew, not knowing what had
Men fetzat happened,came afhore to cut a Tree to make Cheeks for the Main-maſt,
and were made Priſoners after the fame manner, tho' with more vio-
lence. For they being rough and making reſiſtance, were bound with
Wyths, and fo were led away till they came where the People got
Ropes. Which when our Men faw brought to them, they were not
a little affrighted. For being already bound, they concluded there
could
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies,
119
1
could be no other ufe for thoſe Ropes but to hang them. But the true
uſe of them was to bind them fafter, fearing left the Wyths might
break, and ſo they were brought up farther into the Countrey; but.
afterwards being become more tame, they were loofed. They would
not adventure to bring them to us, but quartered them in another
Houſe, tho in the fame Town. Where without leave we could not
fee one another. The Houſe wherein they kept the Captain and us, was
all hanged with white Callico, which is the greateſt Honour they can
fhew to any. But the Houfe wherein the other men were, that were
brought up after us, was not. They gave us alfo as good Entertain-
ment as the Countrey afforded.
Chap. 1.
the Ship, as
Having thus taken both our Boats and Eighteen men of us, their The General's
next care was, fearing left the Ship fhould be gone, to ſecure her: Craft to get
Therefore to bring this about, the Diffauva told the Captain that the well as the
reaſon of this their detainment was, that the King intended to fend Men.
Letters and a Prefent to the English Nation by him, and therefore
that the Ship muft not go away, till the King was ready to fend his
Meſſenger and Meffage, and thereupon defired the Captain to fend on
Board to order her ftay; and it being not ſafe for her to ride in the
Bay, left the Dutch might come and fire her, that he ſhould take or^.
der for her bringing up into the River. Which advice of his, the
Captain approved not of. But concealing his diflike of it, replied,
that unleſs he could fend two of his own men on Board with his Let-
ter and Order, thofe in the Ship would not obey him, but fpeedily
would be gone with the Ship. Which he, rather than he would run
the hazzard of the Ships departing, granted; imagining that the
Captain would order the Ship to be brought up into the River, as he
had adviſed, tho the Captain intended to make another uſe of this
Meſſage.
on board the
ſhip.
Upon which the Captain fent two of his men, fome Indians accom- The Captain's
panying them in a Canoo to the Ship, the Captain ordering them when Order to them
they were aboard not to abuſe the Indians, but to entertain them
very kindly, and afterwards that fetting them afhore, they ſhould keep
the Canoo to themſelves, inſtead of our two Boats, which they had
gotten from us, and to fecure the Ship, and wait till further
order.
Ship.
Theſe two men ftayed on Board, and came not back again. This
together with the Ships not coming up difpleaſed the Diſſauva, and
he demanded of the Captain the reaſon thereof. His answer was,
That being detained on Shore, the Men on Board would not obey his
The Captain's
Command. Upon this fome days after the Diffauva bid the Captain fecond Mef-
fend his Son with order to thofe aboard that the Ship might be fage to his
brought into the River,but provided that he would be Security for my
return; which he promiſed he would. His order to me was, to ſee the
top Chains put upon the Cables, and the Guns Shotted, and to tell
Mr. John Burford chief Mate, and all the reft, as they valued their
Lives and Liberties to keep a Watch, and not to ſuffer any Boat to
come near, after it was dark and charged me upon his Bleffing, and
as I ſhould anſwer it at the great Day, not to leave him in this Condi-
tion, but to return to him again. Upon which I folemnly vowed ac-
cording to my Duty to be his Obedient Son.
So
120
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV.
The Ships
Company re-
fufe to bring
up the Ship.
The Captain
orders the
fhip to depart.
So having feen all done according to his appointment, I wrote a
Letter in the Name of the Company to clear my Father and
Father and my ſelf,
to this effect; That they would not obey the Captain, nor any other in
this matter, but were refolved to stand upon their own defence. To which
they all fet their hands. Which done according to my Promiſe and
Duty I returned again, and delivered the Letter to the Diſſauva, who
was thereby anſwered, and afterwards urged the Captain no more in
that matter: but gave him leave at his pleaſure to write for what he
pleaſed to have brought to him from the Ship: ftill pretending the
King's order to releaſe us, was not yet, but would fuddenly come.
And fo we remained expecting it about two Months, being enter-
tained as formerly with the beſt Diet and Accommodation of the
Countrey.
Having continued thus long in fufpence, and the time and ſeaſon of
the year ſpending for the Ship to proceed on her Voyage to fome
other place, and our condition being, as we feared, and afterwards
found to be, the beginning of a ſad Captivity, the Captain ſent order
to Mr. John Burford to take the charge of the Ship upon him, and to fet
Sail for Porto Nova whence we came, and there to follow the A-
gent's order.
The Lading of If any inquire what became of the Cloth of our Lading, which we
Cloth remain- brought thither, they only took an account to fee what it was, and fo
ed untouched. left it where and as it was before, and there it remained until both
Houſe and Goods rotted, as the People of the fame Town informed
me afterwards.
The probable
reafon of our
Surprize.
The number
were left on
the Ifland.
I impute the main reaſon of our Surprize to our Neglect, viz. in not
fending a Letter and Preſent to the King at our first coming. Who
looking upon himſelf as a great Monarch, as he is indeed, requires to
be treated with futable State.
Thus were Sixteen of us left to the mercy of thoſe Barbarians, the
of thofe that Names of which are as follow. The Captain, Mr. Joh. Loveland, Fohn
Gregory, Charles Beard, Roger Gold, Stephen Rutland, Nicolas Mullins,
Francis Crutch, John Berry, Ralph Knight, Peter Winn, William Hub-
bard, Arthur Emery, Richard Varnham, George Smith, and my Self.
Tho our hearts were very heavy, ſeeing our felves betrayed into fo fad
a Condition, to be forced to dwell among thoſe that knew not God nor
his Laws; yet fo great was the mercy of our gracious God, that he
gave us favour in the fight of this People. Infomuch that we lived
far better than we could have expected, being Prifoners or rather Cap-
tives in the hands of the Heathen; from whom we could have looked
for nothing but very ſevere uſage.
The Diſſanva
departs.
The Ship being gone, the King fent to call the Diffauva ſpeedily to
him, who upon this order immediately marched away with his Army.
leaving us where we were. But concerning us was no order at all.
CHAP
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
12-1
4
Chap. 2,
CHAP. II.
1
How we were carried up into the Countrey, and diſpoſed of there, and of
the fickness, forrow and death of the Captain.
He Diffauva with his men being gone, the people of the Town
They intend
TH
were appointed to guard and fecure us until further order. to attempt an,
But they carryed us fome fix miles higher into the Countrey, and Efcape, but arg
would not yet adventure to bring the Long boats-crew unto us, but prevented,
kept them by themſelves in another Town, fearing left we might
make an eſcape, as certainly we would have attempted it, had they
not removed us. There was a ſmall Moors Veffel, which lay in the
River, which they had ſeized on about this time, as we fuppofed they
would have done by our Ship if they could have catched her there. This
Veffel had ſome forty men belonging to her, who were not made
Priſoners as we were, but yet lay in the fame Town: with thoſe we
had concluded, that they thould furnish us with Arms, and in the
night altogether to march down, and get on board of their Veffel,
and ſo make our eſcape. But being prevented in this deſign by our de-
parture, we were fain to lay at their mercy.
tion commife
In our new quarters our entertainment proved as good as formerly.
And indeed there was this to mitigate our mifery, that the People Their condi
For there is a great diffe- rated by the
were courteous to us and feemed to pity us.
rence between the People inhabiting the high-lands, or the mountains People,
of Cande, and thoſe of the low-lands where we now are placed, who
are of a kinder nature by far than the other. For theſe Countreys be-
neath the mountains formerly were in fubjection unto the Portugueze.
Whereby they have been exercifed and acquainted with the cuſtoms
and manners of Chriftian People: Which pleafing them far better
than their own have begot and bred in them a kind of love and affecti-
on towards Strangers, being apt to fhew Pity and Compaffion on
them in their diſtreſs. And you fhall hear them oftentimes upbraiding
the High-landers for their infolent and rude behavior.
divers Towns
It was a very fad Condition whilft we were all together, yet hither- They are di
to each others company leffened our fufferings, and was fome com- ftributed fato
fort that we might condole one another. But now it came to pafs
that we muſt be feparated and placed afunder, one in a Village,
where we could have none to confer withall or look upon,but the hor-
rible black faces of our heathen enemies,and not underſtand one word
of their Language neither,this was a great addition to our grief. Yet
God was fo merciful to us, as not to fuffer them to part my Father
and I.
For it was fome fixteen days after our laft remove, the King was An Order
pleaſed to ſend a Captain with Soldiers to bring us up into the Coun- comes from
try.
Who brought us and the other men taken in the Long boat to
gether: Which was an heavy meeting; Being then, as we well faw,
to be carried Captives into the mountains. That night we ſupped to-
gether, and the next morning changed our condition into real Capti
vity. Howbeit they gave us many comfortable promiſes, which we
believed not; as, that the Kings intent was not to keep us any longer,
R
than
the King to
bring them up
into the Coust
trey,
}
"
122
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV. than till another Ship came to carry
How they
on the way in
the Woods.
Jus
away. Altho we had but very
little to carry, God knows, yet they appointed men to carry the
cloths that belonged to the Captain and Officers.
We ſtill expected they would plunder us of our cloths, having no-
were Treated thing elfe to be plundered of: but the Chingülay Captain told us, that
the King had given order that none ſhould take the value of a thread
from us: Which indeed they did not. As they brought us up they were
very tender of us,as not to tyre us with Travelling, bidding us go nò
faſter than we would our felves. This kindness aid fomewhat com-
fort us. The way was plain and eafie to Travail through great Woods,fo
that we walked as in an Arbour, but defolate of Inhabitants. So that
for four or five nights we lay on the Ground, with Boughs of Trees
only over our heads. And of Victuals twice a Day they gave us as
much as we could eat, that is, of Rice, Salt-fifh, dryed Flefh: And
fometimes they would fhoot Deer and find Hony in the Trees,
good part of which they always brought unto us. And drink we
could not want, there being Rivers and Puddles full of Water as we
Travelled along.
And in the
the Inhabi-
tants.
But when we came out of the Woods among Inhabitants and were
led into their Towns, they brought us Victuals ready dreffed after
Towns among their faſhion, viz. Rice boiled in Water, and three other forts of Food,
whereof one Fleſh, and the other two Herbs or fuch like things that
grow in their Countrey, and all kinds of ripe Fruit, which we liked
very well and fed heartily upon. Our entertainment all along was
at the Charge of the Countrey: So we fed like Soldiers upon free
Quarter. Yet I think we gave them good content for all the Charge
we put them to. Which was to have the fatisfaction of feeing us eat,
fitting on Mats upon the Ground in their yards to the Publick view
of all Beholders. Who greatly admired us, having never ſeen, nor
fcarce heard of, English-men before. It was alfo great entertainment
to them to obferve our manner of eating with Spoons, which fome
of us had, and that we could not take the Rice up in our hands, and
put it to our mouths without fpilling, as they do, nor gaped and
powred the Water into our Mouths out of Pots according to their
Countreys cuftom. Thus at every Town where we came they ufed
both young and old in great Companies to ftare upon us.
They are
brought near
Cande,
I
code and
there fepera-
ted.
The Captain
and his Son
and two more
quartered to-
gether.
Parted.
How they
Fared
Being thus brought up all together fomewhat near to the City of
Cande. Now came an Order from the King to feparate us, and to
place us one in a Town. Which then feemed to us to be very hard,
but it was for the convenience of getting Food,being quartered upon
the Countrey at their Charge.
The Captain Mr. John Loveland, my felf and John Gregory were
parted from the reft, and brought nearer to the City, to be ready
when the King ſhould fend for us. All the Reft were placed one in a
Town according to the aforefaid Order. Special Command alfo was
given from the King, that we all fhould be well entertained, and ac-
cording to the Countrey fare we had no cauſe to complain. We four
were thus kept together fome two Months, faring well all the
while. But the King minding us not, Order came from the great
Men in Court to place us in Towns, as the reſt were; only my Fa-
ther and I were ſtill permitted to be together, and a great Charge gi
ven to uſe us well. And indeed twice a Day we had brought unto us
as
•
123
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
as good fare as the Countrey afforded. All the reft had not their Chap.
Proviſions brought to them, as we had, but went to eat from houſe
te houſe, each houſe taking its turn.
and his Son
2.
On the Sixteenth of September, 1660. My Father and I were pla- The Captai
ced in a Town called Bonder Coos-wat the fituation was very plcaling placed in Coor-
and commodious, lying about Thirty Miles to the Northward of the wat."
City of Cande, in the Countrey called Hotcurly and diftant from the
reft of our People a full days journey. We were removed hither from
another Town nearer to the City where the Nobles at Court fuppo-
fing that the King would call for vs, had placed us to have us ready.
Being thus brought to Bonder Coofwat, the People put it to our choice
which Houſe we would have to refide in. The Countrey being hot
and their Houſes dark and dirty, my Father choſe an open Houſe, ha-
ving only a Roof but no Walls. Wherein they placed a Cot, or Bed-
ſtead only with a Mat upon it for him, which in their Account is an
extraordinary Lodging; and for me a Mat upon the Ground.
with them.
Moneys at that time were very low with us. For although we Moneys ſcarce
wanted not for opportunity to fend for what we would have brought
unto unto us from the Ship, yet fearing we fhould be plundered of it,
fent not for any thing only a Pillow for my Father. For we held it a
point without difpute, that they that made Prifoners of our Bodies
would not ſpare to take our Goods; my Father alfo alledging, that he
had rather his Children at home ſhould enjoy them.
But to make amends for that, we had our Provifions brought us But they had
without money, and that twice a Day, fo much as we could eat, and good Provifi-
as good as their Countrey yielded; to wit, a Pot of good Rice, and cns without it;
three Diſhes of fuch things as with them is accounted good Cheer
one always either Flefh, Fifh or Eggs; but not over much of this
Diſh, the other Diſhes, Herbs, Pumkins or fuch like, one of which
is always made fower.
;
The Town
The first year that we were brought into this Town,this part of the
Land was extraordinary Sickly by Agues and Feavours, whereof ma- where they
ny People dyed; infomuch that many times we were forced to re- were,Sickly.
main an hungry, there being none well enough either to boil or
bring Victuals unto us.
How they paf-
We had with us a Practice of Piety, and Mr. Rogers feven Treatifes,
called the Practice of Christianity. With which companions we did fre- fed their time.
quently difcourfe; and in the cool of the Evening walk abroad in the
Fields for a refreshing, tyred with being all day in our Houſe or
Priſon.
They both fall
This Courſe lafted until God was pleaſed to viſit us both with the
Countrey Sickneſs, Ague and Feavour. The fight of my Fathers Sick.
mifery was far more grievous unto me than the fence of my own, that
I muſt be a Spectator of his Affliction, and not any ways able to help
him. And the fight of me fo far augmented his grief, that he would
often fay, What have I done when I charged you to come afhore to me a-
gain, your dutifulness to me hath brought you to be a Captive. I am
old and cannot long hold out, but you may live to fee many days of Sorrow,
the mercy of God do not prevent it. But my prayers to God for you
fhall not be wanting, that for this cauſe he would vifit you with his
Mercy, and bestow on you a Blefling..
R 2
My
!
124
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV.
Deep Grief
feizes the Cap-
tain.
Their Sick-
My Father's Ague lafted not long,but deep grief daily more and more
increaſed upon him, which fo over-whelmed even his very heart, that
with many a bitter figh he uſed to utter theſe words, Thefe many years
even from my youth have I ufed the Seas, in which time the Lord God
hath delivered me from a multitude of Dangers; rehearfing to me what
great Dangers he had been in, in the Straits by the Turks and by
other Enemies, and alfo in many other places, too large here to infert,
and always how merciful God was to him in delivering him out of
them all, So that he never knew what it was to be in the hand of an Ene-
my; But now in his old Age, when his head was grown grey, to be a
Captive to the Heathen, and to leave his Bones in the Eastern Parts of
the World, when it was his hopes and intention, if God permitted him to
finiſh this Voyage, to ſpend and end the refidue of his days at home with
his Children in his Native Countrey, and to fettle me in the Ship in
his ftead; the thoughts of these things did even break his heart.
Upwards of three Months my Father lay in this manner upon his
ness continues. Bed, having only under him a Mat and the Carpet he fat upon in the
Boat when he came afhore, and a fmall Quilt I had to cover him with-
all. And I had only a Mat upon the Ground and a Pillow to lay on,
and nothing to cover me but the Cloths on my back: but when I was
cold, or that my Ague came upon me, I uſed to make a Fire, Wood
cofting nothing, but the fetching.
Their Boy's
adds to their
trouble.
We had a black Boy my Father brought from Porto Nova to attend
difobedience upon him, who feeing his Maſter to be a Prifoner in the hands of the
People of his own Complexion, would not now obey his Command,
further than what agreed unto his own humour, neither was it then
as we thought in our Power to compel or make him; but it was our
ignorance. As for me, my Ague now came to a fettled courfe;
that is, once in three days, and fo continued for Sixteen Months
time.
His exceffive
forrow.
His Difcourfe
his Son before
There appearing now to us no probability, whereupon to build any.
hopes of Liberty, the fence of it ftruck my Father into fuch an Agony
and ſtrong Paffion of Grief, that once I well remember in Nine days
time nothing came into his mouth, but cold water; neither did he in
three Months together ever rife up out of his Bed, but when the courſe
of Nature required it: always groaning and fighing in a moft piteous
manner which for me to hear and fee come from my dear Father, my
felfalfo in the fame Condition, did almoſt break my heart. But then
I felt that Doctrine moſt true,which I had read out of Mr. Roger's Book,
That God is most sweet, when the world is most bitter.
In this manner my Father lay until the Ninth of February 16%. By
which time he was confumed to an Anatomy, having nothing left but
Skin to cover his Bones; yet he often would fay, That the very found
of Liberty would fo revive him, that it would put ſtrength into his Limbs.
But it was not the will of him, to whom we fay, Thy will be done, to
have it fo.
The evening before his Death, he called me to come near his Bed
and charge to fide, and to fit down by him, at which time alfo I had a ſtrong Fea-
his Death. vor upon me. This done, he told me, That he fenfibly felt his life de-
parting from him, and was affured that this Night God would deliver
him out of this Captivity, and that he never thought in all his Life-
time that Death could be fo eafie and welcom to any Man, as God had
made
7
1
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
125
made it to be to him, and the joyes he now felt in himfelf he wanted Chap. 2.
utterance to express to me. He told me, Thefe were the last words,
that ever he ſhould ſpeak to me, and bid me well regard and be fure,
to remember them, and tell them to my Brother and Sifter, if it pleaſed
God, as he hoped it would, to bring us together in England; where
I ſhould find all things fettled to my contentation, relating to me af-
ter what manner he had fettled his Eftate by Letters which he fent.
from Cotiare
In the first place and above all, He charged me to ferve God, and
with a circumfpect care to walk in his ways, and then, he faid, God
would bless me and profper me. And next, he bad me have a care of
my Brother and Sifter. And lastly, He gave me a fpecial charge to be-
ware of Strong Drink, and lewd Company, which as by Experience ma-
ny had found, would change me into another man, so that I ſhould not
be my felf. It deeply grieved him, he ſaid, to fee me in Captivity in
the prime of my years, and ſo much the more becauſe I had choſen ra-
ther to fuffer Captivity with him than to diſobey his Command. Which
now he was heartily forry for, that he had so commanded me, but bad ·
me not repent of obeying the command of my Father; ſeeing for this
very thing, he faid, God would bless me, and bid me be affured of it,
which he doubted not of, viz. That God Almighty would deliver me;
which at that time I could not tell how to conceive, feeing but little
fign of any fuch Matter. But bleſſed be the Name of
my moſt
gra
cious God, who hath fo bountifully fuftained me ever fince in the
Land of my Captivity, and preferved me alive to fee my Deceaſed
Father's word fulfilled! And truly I was fo far from repenting,
that I had obeyed the Command of my Father, and performed the
Oath and Promiſe I made unto him upon it, that it rather rejoyced me
to ſee that God had given me fo much Grace.
But tho it was a trouble to him, that by his means I was thus made
a Captive; yet it was a great Comfort to him, he faid, to have his own
Son fit by him on his Death-bed, and by his hands to be Buried, where-
as otherwiſe he could expect no other but to be eaten by Dogs or wild
Beats. Then he gave me order concerning his Burial, That having
no winding (beet, I ſhould pull his Shirt over his head, and ſlip his
Breeches over his feet, and fo wrap him up in the Mat he layd upon :
and then ceaſed ſpeaking, and fell into a Slumber. This was about His DéatÌt
Eight or Nine a Clock in the Evening, and about Two or Three in
the Morning he gave up the Ghoft, Feb. the Ninth, 1660. being ve-
ry fenfible unto the very inftant of his Departure.
According to his own appointment with my own hands I wrap- And Burial.
ped him up ready for the Grave; my ſelf being very fick and weak,
and as I thought ready to follow after him. Having none but the
black Boy with me, I bad him ask the People of the Town for help to
carry my Father to the Grave, becaufe I could not underftand their
Language. Who immediately brought forth a great Rope they uſed
to tye their Cattle withal, therewith to drag him by the Neck into
the Woods, faying, They could afford me no other help, unleſs I would
pay for it. This Infolency of the Heathen grieved me much to fee,
neither could I with the Boy alone do what was neceffary for his Bu-
rial, though we had been able to carry the Corps, having not where
withal to dig a Grave, and the ground very dry and hard. Yet it was
fome
:
1
1
1
126
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV. fome comfort to me that I had ſo much Ability as to hire one to help;
which at firſt I would not have ſpared to have done, had I known their
meaning.
The Place
By this means I thank God, in fo decent a manner as our prefent
where he lyes. condition would permit, I laid my Father's Body in the Grave. Moft
of which I digged with my own hands; the place being in a Wood,
on the North-fide of a Corn Field, where heretofore we had uſed of-
ten to walk, going up to Handapoul that Divifion, as I have faid,
being called Bonder Coolwat, becauſe formerly it had belonged to the
Revenues or Jointure of the Queen, Bonder implying fomething rela-
ting to the King. It lyes towards the Northweft of the middle of the
Ifland in the County of Hotcurly.
Court.
:
Thus was I left Defolate, Sick, and in Captivity, having no earthly
Comforter, none but only He who looks down from Heaven to hear
the groaning of the Prifoners, and to fhew himſelf a Father of the Fa-
therlefs, and a prefent help to them that have no helper.
Upon theCap-
The News of my Father's Death being carried to Court, prefently
tain's death, a two Meffengers were fent from thence to fee me, and to know of me,
Meffage fent
his Son from How and in what manner my Father died, and what he had left.
Which was a Gold Ring, a Pagoda, and fome two or three Dollars
and a few old Cloths; God knows but a very little, yet it ſcared me
not a little, fearing they would take it away from me, and my want
being fo great; but they had no fuch order nor intent. But the
chief occafion of their coming was to renew the former order
unto the People of that Town, that they fhould be kind to me
and give me good Victuals, left I might dye alſo as my Father
had done. So for a while I had better entertainment than for-
merly.
*
1
His chief em-
ployment is
Reading,
He lofes his
Ague.
CHAP. III.
How I lived after my Father's Death. And of the Condition of
the rest of the English and how it fared with them. And of
I
our Interview.
Still remained where I was before, having none but the black Boy,
and my Ague to bear me Company. Never found I more pleaſure
in Reading, Meditating and Praying than now. For there was no-
thing elfe could adminifter to me any Comfort, neither had I any
other Buſineſs to be occupied about. I had read my two Books fo
often over, that I had them almoft by heart. For my cuftom was
after Dinner to take a Book and go into the Fields and fit under a
Tree, reading and meditating until Evening; excepting the Day when
my Ague came, for then I could fcarce hold up my head. Often have
I prayed as Elijah under the Juniper Tree, that God would take away
my life, for it was a burthen to nie.
At length it pleaſed God my Ague began to be a little mode-
rate; and fo by degrees it wore away, after it had held me fix-
teen Months.
Provifions
+
{
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
127
Proviſions falling ſhort with me, tho Rice I thank God, I never Chap. 3.
wanted, and Monies alfo growing low; as well to help out a Meal
with an Eng.
as for Recreation, fometimes I went with an Angle to catch fmall Fish How he met
in the Brooks, the aforefaid Boy being with me. It chanced as I was tigh Bible in
Fiſhing, an old Man paffed by, and feeing me, asked of my Boy, If I that Countrey,
could read in a Book. He answered, Tes. The reafon I ask, faid the
old Man, is becauſe I have one I got when the Portugueze loft Columbo,
and if your Mafter pleafe to buy it, I will fell it him. Which, when I
heard of, I bad my Boy go to his Houſe with him, which was not far
off, and bring it to me to fee it, making no great account of the mat-
ter, fuppofing it might be fome Portugueze Book.
The Boy having formerly ferved the English, knew the Book, and
as foon as he had got it in his hand came running with it, calling out
to me, It is a Bible. It ſtartled me to hear him mention the name of
a Bible. For I neither had one, nor fcarcely could ever think to ſee
one. Upon which I flung down my Angle and went to meet him.
The first place the Book opened in after I took it in my hand, was the
Sixteenth Chapter of the Acts, and the first place my eye pitched on,
was the Thirtieth and one and Thirtieth Verſes, where the Jailor asked
S. Paul, What must I do to be saved? And he answered faying,
Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved and
thine house.
great Paffion
The fight of this Book fo rejoiced me, and affrighted me together, Struck into a
that I cannot fay, which Paffion was greater, the joy, for that I had got at the fight of
fight of a Bible, or the fear, that I had not enough to buy it, having the Book.
then but one Pagoda in the World, which I willingly would have
given for it, had it not been for my Boy, who diffuaded me from
giving ſo much, alledging my Neceffity for Money many other ways,
and undertaking to procure the Book for a far meaner price, provided
I would ſeem to flight it in the fight of the old Man. This counſel
after I confidered I approved of, my urgent Neceffities earneſtly crav-
ing, and my Ability being but very fmall to relieve the fame and
however, I thought, I could give my piece of Gold at the laſt caſt, if
other means ſhould fail.
:
I hope the Readers will excufe me, that I hold them fo long upon
this fingle paffage, For it did fo affect me then, that I cannot light-
ly pass it over as often as I think of it, or have occafion to men-
tion it..
The fight indeed of this Bible fo overjoyed me, as if an Angel had
fpoke to me from Heaven. To fee that my moft gracious God had
prepared fuch an extraordinary Bleffing for me; which I did, and ever
fhall look upon as miraculous, to bring unto me a Bible in my own
Native Language,and that in fuch a remote part of the World, where
his Name was not fo much as known, and where any English Man
was never known to have been before. I looked upon it, as fomewhat
of the fame nature with the Ten Commandments he had given the If
raelites out of Heaven; it being the thing for want whereof I had fo
often mourned, nay and hed tears too; and than the enjoyment
whereof there could be no greater joy in the world to me.
himſelf how
Upon the fight of it I left off Fishing, God having brought a Fish He cafts with
to me, that my Soul had longed for; and now how to get it and en-
joy the fame, all the Powers of my Soul were employed. I gave God
to get it.
hearty
128
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
1
!
}
}
Part IV. hearty thanks that he had brought it ſo near me, and moft earneſtly
prayed that he would beftow it on me. Now, it being well towards
Evening, and not having wherewithal to buy it about me, I departed
home,telling the old Man, that in the Morning I would ſend my Boy
to buy it of him.
Where the
reft of the Ex-
gliſh were be
ftowed.
Kept from one
another a
good while,
but after per-
mitted to fee
each other.
No manner of
work laid up-
on them.
hearts.
All that Night I could take no reſt for thinking on it, fearing left
I might be disappointed of it. In the Morning as foon as it was day,
I fent the Boy with a knit Cap he had made for me to buy the Book,
praying in my heart for good fuccefs, which it pleafed God to grant :
For that Cap purchafed it, and the Boy brought it to me to my great
joy, which did not a little comfort me over all my Afflictions.
Having faid all this concerning my Father and my Self, it will be
time now to think of the reft of our poor Countreymen, and to fee
what is become of them. They were carried into the County of
Hotteracourly, Weftward from the City of Cande, and placed fingly
according to the King's Order aforefaid, fome four, fome fix Miles di
ftant one from the other. It was the King's Command concerning
them that the People fhould give them Victuals, and look after
them. So they carried each man from houfe to houſe to eat, as
their turns came to give them Victuals, and where they Supped
there they Lodged that Night. Their Bedding was only a Mat upon
the Ground,
They knew not they were fo near to one another a great while;
till at length Almighty God was pleafed by their grief and heavineſs
to move thofe Heathen to Pity and take Compaffion on them: So
that they did bring fome of them to one another. Which joy was but
Abortive, for no fooner did they begin to feel the Comfort of one
anothers Company, but immediately their Keepers called upon them
to go from whence they came: fearing they might confult and run
away, altho Columbo the neareſt Port they could fly to was above two
days Journey from them. But as it is with wild Beaſts beginning to
grow tame, their Liberty encreaſeth: So it happened to our Men; fo
that at length they might go and fee one another at their pleaſures;
and were leſs and lefs watched and regarded. And feeing they did not
attempt to run away, they made no matter of it, if they stayed two
or three days one with the other.
They all wondered much to fee themfelves in this Condition, to be
kept only to eat, and the People of the Countrey giving it unto them,
daily expecting when they would put them to work, which they ne-
ver did, nor dared to do. For the King's order was to feed them well
only, and to look after them until he pleaſed to fend for them. This
after fome time made them to change their minds, and not to think
themſelves Slaves any more, but the Inhabitants of the Land to be
their Servants, in that they laboured to ſuſtain them.
Which made them to begin to Domineer, and would not be content
unless they had fuch Victuals as pleafed them, and oftentimes ufed to
throw the Pots, Victuals and all at their heads that brought them,
which they patiently would bear.
They begin to And as they lived here longer, they knew better what Privileges
pluck up their they had in belonging unto the King, and being maintained by virtue
of his Command. And their Privileges they made ufe of to no pur-
pofe, as I fhall relate an inftance or two by and by; and ſhewed their
English Metal.
Victuals
1
}
An Island in the Eaſt-Indies.
129
Victuals was the only thing allowed them, but no Cloths. By this Chap. 3.
time the Cloths they had were almoſt worn out. This put them to
a ſtudy what courſe to take to procure more, when thofe on their what courfe
backs were gone. The readieſt way that they could devife was this, Cloths,
that whereas they uſed to take their Victuals brought to them ready
dreffed, they fhould now take them raw; and fo to pinch fomewhat
out of their Bellies, to fave to buy Cloths for their Backs. And ſo ac-
cordingly they concluded to do: and by the favour that God gave
thern in the fight of the People, by alledging the Innocency of their
Cauſe, and the Extremity of their prefent Condition; having not the
leaſt ability to help or relieve themſelves, they confented to give them
two Meaſures of Rice a day each man. One of which is as much as
any man can eat in a day, ſo that the other was to ſerve for advance
towards Cloths. For befides Rice, they gave them to eat with it Salt,
Pepper, Limes, Herbs, Pumpkins, Coker Nuts, Fleſh a little. Theſe
and fuch like things were their conftant fare.
Their fare:
And thus they made a ſhift to live for fome years, until fome of what Em-
them had an infight in knitting Caps, by whom all afterwards learned, fcerwards for
ployment they
and it proved to be the chief means and help we all had to relieve our lowed,
wants. The ordinary price we fold thefe Caps for, was Nine pence a
piece in value English Money, the Thread ftanding us in about three
pence. But at length, we plying hard our new Learned Trade, Caps
began to abound, and Trading grew dead, fo that we could not fell
them at the former price: which brought ſeveral of our Nation to
great. want.
liſh Domi-
neered.
The English began now to pluck up their hearts, and tho they were How the Eng-
entred into a new Condition,they kept their old Spirits, eſpecially con-
fidering they were the King's Men, and quartered by his fpecial order
upon the People. When they had obtained to have their Allowance
raw, if any brought them not their full due, they would go in and
Plunder their Houſes of fuch Goods as they found there, and keep
them until they came and brought them their compleat allowance to
redeem their Goods back again.
Яtion one of
Some of our English men have proceeded further yet. One for ex- What Satisfa
ample went to buy Pots of a Potter. Who becauſe he would not let them received
him have them at his own price fell to quarrel, in which the English from a Potter:
man met with ſome blows. Which he complained of to the Magi-
ftrate, as being a Perfon that belonged unto the King, and therefore
claimed better uſage. And the Magiftrate condemned the Potter as
guilty in lifting up his hand againſt him, and ſent fome of his Soldiers
ro bind him, and then bad the English man go and content himſelf by
paying him in the fame Coin again, as he had ferved our Countrey-
man; which he did until he was fatisfied, and moreover, ordered him
to take the Pots he came to buy and pay nothing. But the Law was
not fo fatisfied neither, for the Soldiers laid on many blows be-
fides.
tween the
Engliſh
Another time at a certain Feaſt, as they were drinking and wanting A fcuffie be
Wine, they fent Money to buy more; but the Seller refufed to give it with and
them for their Money. Which they took fo hainouſly, that they una- Natives.
nimouſly concluded to go and take it by force. Away they went each
man with his Staff in his hand, and entred the Houſe and began to
Drink; which the People not liking of, gathered their Forces toge
S
ther;
130
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV. ther, and by blows began to reſiſt them. But the English men brave.
ly behaved themſelves, and broke ſeveral of their Pates. Who with
the Blood about their Ears went to the City to complain to the great
Men. They demanded of them, If they had ever fold them Wine be-
fore. They answered, Tes. They asked them again, Why then did
they refuſe to ſell them now? And that they were well ferved by
the English for denying them drink for their Money: and ſo fent
them away laughing at them. Our Men got two or three black and
blew Blows, but they came home with their Bellies full of Drink for
their pains.
The Author
after a year
treymen.
But to return unto my felf. It was a full year after my Father
fees his Coun- died, before I had fight of any of my Countreymen and Fellow Pri-
foners. Then John Gregory with much ado obtained leave to come
and fee me: which did exceedingly rejoyce me. For a great Satis-
faction it was, both to ſee a Countreyman, and alſo to hear of the
welfare of the reft. But he could not be permitted to ftay with
me above one day. Until then, I knew not punctually where the
reft of my Countreymen were, but having heard that they were
within a days Journey of me, I never ceaſed importuning the People
of the Town where I dwelt, to let me go and fee them. Which tho
very loath, yet at laſt they granted. Being arrived at the neareſt
English man's Houfe, I was joyfully received, and the next day
he went and called fome of the reft of our Countreymen that
were near. So that there were fome ſeven or eight of us met
together.
Their Confe-
rence and En-
tertainment.
t
He confults
with his Coun.
hood.
We gave God thanks for his great Mercies towards us, being then,
as we did confefs, in a far better Condition than we could have expe-
cted. They were now no more like the Priſoners I left them, but
were become Houſe-keepers, and Knitters of Caps, and had chang-
ed their Habit from Breeches to Clouts like the Chingulays. They
entertained me with very good chear in their Houfes beyond what
I did expect.
My Money at the fame time almoſt gone, and Cloaths in the famé
treymen for a condition, it was high time for me now to take fome courfe in hand
future lively to get more.
Therefore I took fome advice with them about Knit-
ting, my Boy having Skill therein. Likewife they adviſed me to
take my Victuals raw, wherein they found great Profit. For all
this while here being no figns of releafing us, it concerned me now
to bethink my ſelf how I fhould live for the future. For neither had
I, any more than my Countreymen, any allowance for Cloths, but
Victuals only.
The difficulty
he met with
Rice.
Having ſtayed here fome two or three days, we did take leave of
one another, hoping to fee one another oftner, fince now we knew
each others Habitations: and I departed to my Houſe, having a Keeper
with me.
By this time I began to ſpeak the Language of the Countrey.
of having raw Whereby I was inabled the better to ſpeak my mind unto the People
that brought me my Victuals. Which was henceforward not to boil
my Rice, but to bring it raw according to the quantity that the other
English men had. This occafioned a great deal of diſputing and rea-
foning between us. They alledged, That I was not as they, being the
Captain's Son, and they but his Servants, and therefore that it was ordered
by
1
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
131
by the great Men at Court, that
Men at Court, that my Victuals should be daily brought unto Chap. 3.
me, whereas they went always from house to house for theirs: Neither was
it fitting for me, they ſaid, to imploy my felf in fuch an Inferior Office
as to dress my own Meat, being a Man that the King had notice of by
Name, and very fuddenly before I should be aware of it, would fend for
me into his Prefence, where I fhould be highly promoted to fome Place of
Honour. In the mean time, they told me, as pretending to give me
good counfel, That it was more for my credit and repute to have
my Provifions brought unto me ready Dreffed as they were before.
Altho I was yet but a Novice in the Countrey, and knew not much He rea´ons
of the People, yet plain reafon told me, that it was not fo much for with the Peo
ple about his
my good and credit that they pleaded, as for their own benefit. allowance.
Wherefore I returned them this anfwer, That if as they faid I was
greater in quality than the reft, and fo held in their Eftimation, it
would be but reaſon to demand a greater allowance, whereas I defired
no more than the other English men had. And as for the toyl and
trouble in dreſſing of it,that would be none to me, for my Boy had nothing
else to do. And then I alledged feveral inconveniencies in bring ng my
Victuals ready boiled; as firft,that it was not dreffed accordingi to my
Diet; and many times not brought in due Seaſon, ſo that I could not
eat when I was an hungry. And the laſt and chief reaſon of all was,
that I might fave a little to ferve my Neceffity of Clothing: and ra-
ther than want Cloths for my Back, I muſt pinch a little out of my
Belly, and fo both go fhare and ſhare like. And fo at length, thanks
be to God, I obtained, tho with much ado, to get two Meaſures
of Rice per day for my felf, and one for my Boy; alfo Coker-nuts,
Pumpkins, Herbs, Limes, and fuch like enough, befides Pepper
and Salt; and fometimes Hens, Eggs, or Flefh: Rice being the main
thing they ſtand upon, for other things they refufe not to give what
they have.
There
an Houſe.
Now having ſettled all Bufineſs about my allowance, my next con- He builds him
cern was to look after an Houſe more convenient, for my prefent one
was too ſmall to drefs my Victuals in, and to fleep in too.
abouts was a Garden of Coker-nut Trees, belonging unto the King, a
pleaſant ſituation; this place I made choice of to build me a Houfe in.
And diſcovering my defire to the People,they confented,and came and
built it for me but before it was finifhed, their occafions called them
away, but my Boy and I made an end of it, and whitened the Walls
with Lime, according to my own Countrey faſhion. But in doing
this I committed a Capital Offences for none may white their Hou-
fes with Lime, that being peculiar to Royal Houſes and Temples.
But being a Stranger nothing was made of it, becauſe I did it in
ignorance had it been a Native that had fo done, it is moſt
probable it would have coft him his Head, or at the leaſt a
great Fine.
:
finefs and
thrives.
Being ſettled in my new Houſe, I began to keep Hogs and He follows bid
Hens; which by God's Bleffing thrived very well with me, and
were a great help unto me. I had alfo a great benefit by living
in this Garden. For all the Coker-nuts that fell down they gave
me, which afforded me Oyl to burn in the Lamp, and alfo to fry my
meat in. Which Oyl being new is but little inferior to this Countrey
Butter. Now I learned to knit Caps, which Skill I quickly attained
S 2
unto,
132
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
L
Part IV. unto, and by God's Bleſſing upon the fame, I obtained great help and
relief thereby.
Some attempt-
catched.
In this manner we all lived, feeing but very little fign that we
ed running a- might build upon, to look for Liberty. The chief of our hopes of it
way, but were was, that in proceſs of time when we were better acquainted,we might
run away. Which fome of our People attempted to do too foon, be-
fore they knew well which way to go, and were taken by the Inhabi-
tants. For it is the custom of the Chingulays to fufpect all white
People, they meet travailing in the Countrey, to be Runaways; and
to examine them and if they cannot give fatisfactory anſwers,
they will lay hold of them and carry them back unto the City.
Where they will keep them Priſoners under a guard of Soldiers in
an open Houſe like a Barn with a little Victuals fometimes, and fome-
times with none at all. Where they have no other remedy to help
themſelves but Begging. And in this Condition they may lye per-
haps for their Life time, being fo kept for a Spectacle unto the
People.
Little incou-
ragement for
thoſe that
bring back
a
Tho the common way whereby the King gratifies fuch as catch
Runawayes and bring them up, is not over acceptable, For they
are appointed to feed and watch them until he calls for them to be
Runnaways. brought before him. At which time his promife is bountifully to
reward them. But thefe Promiſes I never knew performed. Neither
doth he perhaps ever think of it after. For when the King is made
acquainted with the matter, the men that have brought up the Pri-
foner are in a manner as bad Priſoners themſelves, not daring to go
home to their Houſes without his leave, but there they muſt remain.
After ſome years ſtay, the common manner is, for them to give a
Fee unto the Governor of the Countrey, and he will licence them
to go home, which they muſt be contented with inſtead of the pro-
miled reward.
The Perfia
Merchant's
men Captives
before us.
IN
CHAP. IV.
Concerning fome other English men detained in that Countrey.
N the fame Captivity with our felves on this Ifland, was another
Company of English Men, who were taken about a year and an
half before us, viz. in the year MDCLVIII. They were Thirteen in
number, whofe names were as follow, Viz. Mr. William Vaffal, John
Merginfon, Thomas March, Thomas Kirby, Richard Felf, Gamaliel Gar-
diner, William Day, Thomas Stapleton, Henry Man, Hugh Smart, Da-
niel Holftein, an Hamburger, James Gony, and Henry Bingham.
The occafion of their Seizure was thus. The Ship theſe Men belonged
unto was the Perfia Merchant, Capt. Francis Johnson Commander,
which was loft upon the Maldives Iflands. But they eſcaped in their
Boats, and paffing along by this Land went on fhore to recruit and
buy Provifions, and fo were taken. The Chingulays that took them
Plundred by Plundered them of what they had, except their Cloths. Yet one of
them, John Merginfon by name, having cunningly hid his Money about
the Natives.
•
him,
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
133
;
}
him,ſaved it from the Heathen,but from his own Countrymen he could Chap. 4.
not, fome of whom knowing of it fet upon him and robbed him of it.
But it did them little good, for the King hearing of it ſent and robbed
the Robbers.
Theſe men thus ſeized were carried up before the King. Of whom Brought up
he demanded, whether the English had Wars with the Hollanders, to the King,
They answered, No. Or, if the English could beat them. They an-
fwered, They could and had done it lately. Then he gave order to give
them all fome, Cloths, and to Mr. William Vaffal, being the chief of
them, a double Portion. And out of them made choice of two Lads;
whom afterwards he ſent and took into his Court. Their honours
and their ends we ſhall fee by and by. They were all placed in the
City of Cande, and each of them had a new Mat given them to fleep
on, and their Diet was Victuals dreffed and brought them twice a day
from the King's own Palace. They had Cloths alfo diftributed to them
another time.
So that theſe men had the advantage of us. For we neither had
Mats nor Cloths, nor had the honour of being ever brought into the
King's Prefence.
This civil Reception upon their firſt coming up into the City, put They hoped
theſe Perfia Merchant-men in hope, that the King would give them to obtain Li-
berty, but
their Liberty. There was at that time an old Portugueze Father, Padre were mifta-
Vergonſe by name, living in the City. With him they difcourfed con- ken.
cerning the probability of their Liberty, and that the favours the King
had fhewn them ſeemed to be good figns of it: but he told them the
plain truth, that it was not cultomary there to releaſe white Men. For
faying which, they railed at him, calling him Popish Dog, and Jeſuiti-
cal Rogue, fuppofing he ſpoke as he wiſhed it might be. But afterward
to their grief they found it to be true, as he told them.
Men.
Their entertainment was excellently good according to the poor A ridiculous
condition of the Countrey, but they thought it otherwife, very mean action of theſe
and not according to the King's order. Therefore that the King might
be informed how they were abuſed,each man took the Limb of an Hen
in his hand, and marched rank and file in order thro the Streets with
it in their hands to the Court, as a fign to the great Men, whereby
they might fee, how illy they were ferved; thinking hereby the King
might come to hear of their mifufage, and fo they might have order to
be fed better afterwards. But this proved Sport to the Noblemen who
well knew the fare of the Countrey, laughing at their ignorance, to
complain where they had fo little caufe. And indeed afterwards they
themſelves laughed at this action of theirs, and were half afhamed
of it, when they came to a better underſtanding of the Nature of the
Countreys Diet.
1
mind to Beef,
Yet notwithſtanding being not uſed to fuch fhort Commons of They had a
Fleſh, tho they had Rice in abundance, and having no Money to buy and how they
more, they had a defire to kill fome Cows, that they might eat their got it.
Bellies full of Beef, but made it fomewhat a point of Confcience, whe-
ther it might be lawful or not, to take them without leave. Upon
which they apply themſelves to the old Father aboveſaid, defiring
him to folve this Cafe of Confcience. Who was very ready to give
them a Difpenfation. And told them, That forafmuch as the Chin-
gulayes were their Enemies and had taken their Bodies, it was very law-
ful
134
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IVful for them to fatisfe their Bodies with their Goods. And the better
A Paffage of
the Courage
of the Men.
Two of his
Company ta-
to animate them in this defign, bid them bring him a piece, that he
might partake with them. So being encouraged by the old Fa-
ther, they wen ton boldly in their intended Bufinefs.
Now if you would have an account of the Metal and Manfulneſs
of thefe men,as you have already had a taft of ours,take this paffage.The
Jack Fruit theKings Officers often gather wherefoever it grows,and give
to the Kings Elephants, and they may gather it in any mans grounds
without theOwners leave, being for theKings ufe. Now thefe English men
were appointed to dwell in an houfe, that formerly belonged unto a
Noble man, whom the King had cut off, and feized upon it. In the
ground belonging to this Houfe ftood a Jack Tree full of Fruit. Some
of the Kings men came thither to gather fome of them to feed the Ele-
phants. But altho the English had free liberty to gather what they
could eat or defire, yet they would permit none but themſelves to
meddle with them, but took the Officers by the fhoulders and turned
them out of the Garden, altho there were more a great many than they
could tell what to do with. The Great men were fo Civil, that not-
withſtanding this Affront, they laid no Puniſhment upon them.
But the Event of this was, that a few days after they were removed
from this houſe to another,where was a Garden but no Trees in it.
And becauſe they would not allow the King a few, they loft all them
felves.
I mentioned before two Lads of this Company,whom the King choſe
ken intoCourt. out for his own fervice, their Names were Hugh Smart and Henry
Man. Thefe being taken into his Court, obtained great Favour and
Honour from him, as to be always in his preferice, and very often he
would kindly and familiarly talk with them concerning their Coun
try, what it afforded; and of their King and his Strength for War.
Thus they lived in his Favour for fome time.
The one out
Favour, his
cnd,
1
of
The other out
lamentable
+
Till at length Hugh Smart, having a defire to hear news concern-
ing England, privatly got to the Speech of a Dutch Embaladour. Of
which the King had notice, but would not believe it, fuppofing the
information was given him out of Envy to hisFavorite,but commanded
privately to watch him,and if he went again,to catch him there. Which
he not being aware of, went again, and was catched. At which the
King was very angry. For he allows none to come to the ſpeech of
Ambaffodours, much lefs one that ferved in his prefence, and heard
and faw all that paffed in Court. But yet the King dealt very favour-
ably with him. For had it been a Chingulay, there is nothing more
fure, than that he fhould have dyed for it. But this English mans
Puniſhment was only to be fent away and kept á Priſoner in the Moun-
tains without Chains, and ordered him to be well uſed there. Where
indeed he lived better content than in the Kings Palace. He took a Wife
here and had one Son by her, and afterwards dyed by a miſchance,
which was thus. As he was gathering a Jack from the Tree by a
Crock, it fell down upon his fide,and bruifed him ſo that it killed him.
Henry Man the other, yet remained in Favour, and was promoted
of Favour, and to be Chief over all the Kings Servants that attended on him in
his Palace. It happened one Day, that he broke one of the Kings
China Dishes. Which made him fo fore afraid, that he fled for San-
Atuary into a Vehar, a Temple where the Chief Priefts always dwel,
Death.
•
and
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
135
1
and hold their confultations. This and not a little diſpleaſe the King;
this Act of his fuppofing him to be of Opinion that thoſe Prieſts were
able to ſecure him againit the Kings difpleaſure. However he ſhewing
Reverence to their Order would not violently fetch him from thence;
bnt ſent a kind Meffage to the Engliſh man, bidding him not to be a
fraid for fofmall a matter as a Dish (And it is probable had he not
added this fault he might have eſcaped without Puniſhment)and that he
fhould come and Act in his place as formerly. At which Meffage he
came forth, and immediatly, as the King had given order, they took
hold of him and bound his Arms above the Elbows behind, which is
their faſhion of binding men. In which manner he lay all that Night,
being bound fo hard that his Arms fwelled, and the Ropes cut throw
the Flesh into the Bones. The next day the King Commanded a No-
ble man to looſe the Ropes off his Arms, and put Chains on his Legs,
and keep him in his Houſe, and there feed him and cure him.
Thus he lay fome Six Months, and was cured,but had no Strength
in his Armes, and then was taken into his Office again, and had as
much Favour from the King as before. Who ſeemed much to lament
him for his folly, thus to procure his own ruine.
Not long after he again offended the King. Which as it is reported
was thus. A Portugueze had been fent for to the City to be employed
in the Kings Service; to which Service he had no Stomach at all, and
was greatly afraid of, as he juſtly might be. For the avoiding there-
fore of it he fends a Letter to this English Courtier, whein he entreat-
ed him to uſe his intereſt to excuſe him to the King. The English
man could not read the Letter being writ in the Portugueze Tongue,
but gave it to another to read. Which when he knew the contents
of thought it not fafe for him to meddle in that buſineſs,and ſo con-
cealed the Letter. The perfon to whom the English man had given
it to read, fome time after informed the King thereof. Whereupon
both the Portugueze that fent the Letter, and the English man to
whom it was fent, and the Third Perfon that read it,becauſe he inform-
ed no fooner, were all three at one time and in one place torn in pieces
by Elephants.
Chap. 4.
order con-
After this Execution the King fuppofing that we might be either The King
diſcontented in our felves, or diſcountenanced by the People of the fends fpecial
Land, fent fpecial order to all parts where we dwelt, that we should cerning their
be of good cheer, and not be diſcouraged, neither abufed by the good ulage.
Natives.
Thus jealous is the King of Letters, and allows none to come or go.
We have ſeen how dear it coft poor Henry Man. Mr. William Vaffal,
another of the Perfia-Merchant men,was therefore more wary of ſome
Letters he had, and came off better.
of Letters,
This man had received feveral Letters, and it was known abroad Mr. Vaffals
that he had. Which he fearing left the King ſhould hear of, thought prudence up-
it moſt convenient and fafe to go to the Court and prefentt hem on the receis
himself; that fo he might plead in his own Defence to the King.
Which he did. He acknowledged to him that he had received Let-
ters, and that they came to his hands a pretty while ago but with-
all pretended excufes and reaſons to clear himſelf. As first, that when
be received them, he knew not that it was against the Law and manner
of the Countrey; and when he did know, he took Council of a Portuguese
Priefta
136
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV. Prieft, (who was now dead) being,old and as he thought well experien-
ced in the Countrey. But he advised him to defer a while the carrying
them unto the King until a more convenient feafon. After this he did
attempt, he said, to bring them unto the King, but could not be permit-
ted to have entrance thro the Watches: fo that until now, he could not
have opportunity to prefent them.
The King bids
him read his
Letters.
The King
pleaſed to
hear of Eng
over Holland.
land Victory
Private dif-
courfebetween
Valfal
;
The King at the hearing hereof, ſeemed not to be diſpleaſed in the
leaſt, but bid him read them. Which he did in the English Language,
as they were writ; and the King fat very attentive as if he had under-
ſtood every word. After they were read, the King gave Vaſſal a
Letter he had intercepted, fent to us from Sir Edward Winter, then
Agent at Fort St. George; and asked the News and Contents thereof.
Which Mr, Vaſſal informed him at large of. It was concerning the
Victory we had gained over the Dutch when Obdam Admiral of Hol-
land was flain, and concerning the number of our Ships in that Fight,
being there ſpecified to be an Hundred and Fifty Sail. The King in-
quired much after the number of Guns and Men they carried. The
number of Men he computed to be one Ship with another about Three
Hundred per Ship. At that rate, the King demanded of him, how
many that was in all. Which Mr. Vafal went about to caft up in the
Sand with his finger. But before he had made his Figures, the King
had done it by Head, and bid him defift, faying it was 45000.
This News of the Hollanders overthrow, and the English Victo-
ry much delighted the King: and he inquired into it very particularly.
Then the King pretended he would fend a Letter to the English Na-
tion, and bad Mr. Vaſſal inform him of a Truſty Bearer. Which he
was very forward to do, and named one of the beſt which he had
made trial of. One of the Great men there prefent, objected againſt
him, ſaying, he was infufficient, and asked him, if he knew no other.
At which affal fufpected their Deſign, which was to learn who had
brought thoſe Letters to him; and fo framed his anfwer accordingly,
which was that he knew no other.
There was much other diſcourſe paffed between the King and him
the King and at this time in the Portugueze Tongue. Which what it was I could
never get out of him, the King having commanded him to keep it fe-
cret. And he faith, he hath fworn to himſelf not to divulge it,
till he is out of the Kings hands. At parting, the King told him,
for Secrecy he would fend him home privatly, or otherwiſe he would
have diſmiſt him with Drums and Honour. But after this the King
never fent for him again. And the man, that he named as fit and
able to carry the Kings Letter, was fent away Priſoner to be kept in
Chains in the Countrey. It is fuppofed, that they concluded him to
have been the man that brought Vaffal his Letters. And thus much
of the Captivity and Condition of the Perfia-Merchant men.
CHAP.
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
137
CHAP. V.
Concerning the means that were used for our Deliverance. And what
happened to us in the Rebellion. And how we were fetled afterwards.
A
Chap. 5.
Means made
ty.
Ll of us in this manner remained until the year MDCLXIV.
At which time arrived a Letter on our behalf to the King to the King
rom the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Winter, Governour of Fort for our Liber
St. George, and Agent there. The Dutch Embaffadour alſo at that
time by a Commiflion from the Governour of Columba treated with
the King for us. With Sir Edward's Meffage the King was much plea-
fed, and with the Dutch's mediation fo prevailed with, that he promi-
fed he would ſend us away.
at the City.
Upon this, he commanded us all to be brought to the City. Whither upon which
when we came, we were very joyful not only upon the hopes of our they all met
Liberty, but alſo upon the fight of one another. For ſeveral of us
had not feen the others fince we were firſt parted. Here alſo we
met with the Perfia Merchant men, whom until this time we had not
feen. So that we were nine and twenty English in all.
Court, that
Some few days after our Arrival at the City, we were all called to Word fent
the Court. At which time ftanding all of us in one of the Palace them from the
Court-yards, the Nobles by command from the King came forth and they had their
told us, that it was his Majefties Pleaſure to grant unto us our Liberty, Liberty.
and to fend us home to our Countrey, and that we ſhould not any more look
upon car felves as Prisoners or detained men. At which we bowed
our heads and thanked his Majefty. They told us moreover, that the
King was intended to fend us either with the Dutch Embaſſadour, or by
the Boat which Sir Edward Winter had fent; and that it was his Ma-
jesties good will to grant us our choice. We humbly referred it to his
Majefties pleaſure. They answered, his Majefty could ond would do
bis pleasure, but his will was to know our minds. After a fhort conful-
tation we anfwered, fince it was his Majefties pleaſure to grant us our
choice, with many Thanks and Obeifance we chose to go with the Dutch
Embaſſadour, fearing the Boats infufficiency, the having, as we were
well fenfible, laid there a great while and if we had chofen the
Boat, the danger of going that way might have ferved them for a Put
off to us, and a Plea to detain us ftill, out of care of us. And again,
had we refuſed the Embaſſadours kindneſs at this time, for the future,
if theſe things fucceeded not with us now, we could never have ex-
pected any more aid or friendſhip from that Nation.
In the next place they told us, It was the Kings pleasure to let us All in general
underſtand, that all those that were willing to ftay and ferve his Majesty, refufe the
King's fervices
Should have very great rewards, as Towns, Monies, Slaves and places of
Honour conferred upon them. Which all in general refuſed.
Then we were bidden to abſent, while they returned our anſwers
to the King. By and by there came Order to call us in one at a time,
where the former promiſes were repeated to every one of us of great
Favours, Honours and Rewards from the King to thoſe that were wil-
ling to ftay with him. And after each one had given his anfwer, he
was fent into a corner in the Court, and then another called, and fo
T
all
138m
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
}
1
Part. IV. all round one after another,they inquiring particularly concerning each
mans trade and office; Handycrafts-men and Trumpetters being moft
defired by the King. VVe being thus particularly examined again,
there was not one of us was tempted by the Kings rewards, but all in
general refuſed the Kings honourable employment, chooſing rather
to to go our Native Countrey. By which we purchaſed the Kings Dif
pleaſure,
Commanded
ftill to wait
at the Palace
During which
a Rebellion
breaks out.
it,and in great
danger,
After this they told us, we muſt wait at the Palace gate dayly, it
being the Kings pleaſure, that we ſhould make our perfonal appearance
before him. In this manner we waited many days.At length happen-
ed a thing a thing which he leaft fufpected, viz. a general Rebellion of
his People against him. VVho affaulted his Palace in the Night :
but their hearts failed them, daring not to enter into the Apartment
where his Perſon was. For if they had had courage enough, they
might have taken him there. For he ſtayed in his Palace until the
Morning; and then fled into the Mountains. and eſcaped their
hands, but more thro their cowardlinefs than his valour. This Re-
bellion I have related at large in the Second Part, whither he that de-
fires to know more of it may have recourfe. Only I fhall mention.
here a few things concerning our felves, who were gotten into the
midſt of theſe Broils and Combuſtions, being all of us now waiting
upon the King in the City.
2
It was a great and marvellous mercy of Almighty God to bring us
They are in fafe thro thefe dangers, for it fo happened all along that we were in
the midft of the very midft. Before they gave the Affault on the Kings Palace,
they were confulting to lay hands on us, fearing left we might be pre-
judicial to their Buſineſs, in joyning to the help and affiftance of the
King againſt them. For tho we were but few in compariſon, yet
the Name of White men was fomewhat dreadful to them. Whereupon
at firſt their Counfels were to cut us off. But others among them
adviſed that it would be better to let us alone; For that we being ig-
norant of their Deigns, as indeed we were, and at quiet in our ſeveral
Lodgings, could not be provided to hurt or indanger them. But otherwife
if they should lay hands on us, it would certainly come to the Kings Ears,
and Allarm him, and then all would be frustrated and overthrown. This
fome of their ownParty have related to us fince. ThefeCouſels were not
given out of any fecret good will ny of them bore to us (as I believe)
but proceeded from the over-ruling hand of God, who put thofe things
into their hearts for our fafety and prefervation. The People of the
City whence the King fled, ran away alfo leaving their Houſes and
Goods behind them. Where we found good Prey and Plunder; be-
ing permittted to Ranfack the Houſes of all fuch as were fled away
with the King.
The Rebels
glish with
them,
The Rebels having driven away the King, and marching to the
take the En- City of Cande to the Prince,carried us along with them; the Chief of
their Party telling us that we should now be of good cheer for what they
done upon very good advisement they had done, the Kings illGovernment ha
ving given an occafion to it. Who went about to destroy both them & their
Countrey; and particularly infifted upon fuch things as might be moſt
plaufible to Strangers, fuch as, keeping Embaffadours, difcouraging
Trade, detaining of Forainers that come upon his Land, befides his
cruelties towards themſelves that were his natural People. All which
- they,
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
139
they told us, They had been informed was contrary to the Government of Chap. 5.
other Countries; and now fo foon as their business was fettled, they
affured us, They would detain none that were minded to go to their own
Countreys.
I
Being now at Cande, on Christmas-Day of all the days in the year, They defigne
they fent, to call us to the Court, and gave us fome Money and Cloths to ingage the
English with
firſt, to make us the more willing to take Arms, which they intended them.
then to deliver unto us, and to go with them upon a Deſign to fall
upon the old King in the place whither he was fled. But in the very
interim of time, God being merciful unto us, the Prince with his
Aunt fled. Which foamazed and diſcouraged them, that the Money
and Cloths which they were diftributing to us and other Strangers to
gain us over to them, they ſcattered about the Court and fled them-
1elves. And now followed nothing but cutting one anothers Throats
to make themſelves appear the more Loyal Subjects, and make amends
for their former Rebellion.
make.
We for our parts little thinking in what danger we were, fell in to They reſolvé
ſcramble among the reft to get what we could of the Monies that were neither to
ftrewed about, being then in great neceffity and want.
For the al- meddle of
lowance which formerly we had was in this Difturbance loſt, and ſo
we remained without it for fome three Months, the want of which,
this Money did help to fupply. Having gotten what we could at the
Court, we made way to get out of the hurly burly to our Lodgings;
intending as we were Strangers and Prifoners, neither to meddle nor
make on the one fide or the other, being well fatisfied, if God would
but permit us quietly to fit, and eat ſuch a Chriſtmas Dinner together,
as he had prepared for us.
King.
For our parts we had no other dealings with the Rebels, than to The day be.
defire them to permit us to go to our Native Countrey, which Li- ing turned,
berty they promiſed we ſhould not want long. But being fent for by they fear the
them to the Court, we durft not but go, and they giving us fuch things
as we wanted, we could not refufe to take them. But the day being
turned put us into great fear, doubting how the King would take it at
our hands, from whom we knew this could not be hid.
Which
Into our Houſes we got fafely. But no fooner were we there, But he jufti-
but immediately we were called again by a great Man, who had fies them.
drawn out his Men, and ſtood in the Field. This Man we thought
had been one of the Rebels, who to fecure himſelf upon this change,
had intended to run away down to Columbo to the Dutch.
made us repair to him the more cheerfully, leaving our Meat a roaſting
on the Spit. But it proved otherwiſe. For no fooner had he gotten
us unto him, but he Proclaimed himſelf for the old King, and forth-
with he and his Company taking us with hini marched away to Fight
or feize the Rebels, but meeting none went into the City, and there
difmiffed us, faying, He would acquaint the King, how willing and rea-
dy we were to fight for him, if need had required; altho, God knows, it
was the leaſt of our thoughts and intents, yet God brought it to paſs
for our good. For when the King was informed of what we had re-
ceived of the Rebels, this piece of good Service that we had done, or
rather ſuppoſed to have done, was alſo told unto him. At the hearing
of which himſelf juſtified us to be innocent; faying, Since my ab-
fence,, who was there that would give them Victuals? And, It was mere
T 20
want
140
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part IV. want that made them to take what they did. Thus the words of the
King's own mouth acquitted us. And when the Sword devoured
on every fide, yet by the Providence of God not one hair of our
heads perifhed.
They are dri-
ven to beg in
the High-
ways.
Sent into new
and their Pen-
fions fettled
again.
The Tumults being appeafed, and the Rebellion vanished, the King
was fettled in his Throne again. And all this happened in five days
time. We were now greatly neceffitated for food, and wanted ſome
freſh Orders from the King's mouth for our future fubfiftence. So
that having no other remedy, we were fain to go and lay in the High
way that leads to the City a begging; for the People would not let
us go any nearer towards the King, as we would have done. There
therefore we lay, that the King might come to the knowledge of us,
and give Command for our allowance again. By which means we
obtained our purpoſe. For having laid there fome two Months, the
King was pleaſed to appoint our Quarters in the Countrey as foriner-
ly, not mentioning a word of fending us away, as he had made us
believe before the Rebellion.
Now we were all fent away indeed,but not into our own Countrey,
quarters there, but into new Quarters. Which being God would have to be no bet-
ter, we were glad it was fo well, being fore a weary of laying in this
manner. For for fome three Months time we had no manner of allow-
ance. We were all now placed one in a Town as formerly, together
with the Perfia Merchant men alfo, who hitherto had lived in the City
of Cande, and had their Provifions brought them out of the King's
Palace ready dreffed. Theſe were now fent away with us into the
Countrey. And as ftrict a charge was given for our good enter-
tainment as before.
Fall to Trad-
more free-
dom.
We were thus difperfed about the Towns here one and there ano-
ing, and have ther, for the more convenient receiving our allowance, and for the
greater eaſe of the People. And now we were far better to paſs than
heretofore, having the Language, and being acquainted with the
Manners and Cuſtoms of the People, and had the fame proportion of
Victuals, and the like refpect as formerly. And now they fall into
employments as they pleaſe, either Husbandry or Merchandizing, or
knitting Caps, being altogether free to do what they will themſelves,
and to go where they will; excepting running away and for that
end, we are not permitted to go down to the Sea, but we may tra-
vel all about the Countrey, and no man regards us. For tho the
People fome of the first years of our Captivity, would fcarcely let us
go any whither, and had an eye upon us afterwards, yet in procefs
of time all their Sufpitions of our going away wore off; efpecially
when ſeveral of the English had built them Houſes, and others had ta-
ken them Wives, by whom they had Children, to the number of eigh-
teen living when I came away.
Having faid all this in general of the English People there, I will
now continue a further account of my ſelf.
:
1
СНАР.
An Iſland in I
141
the Eaft-Indies.
CHAP. VI.
Chap. 6.
}
A Continuation of the Author's particular Condition after the Rebellion.
Purchaseth a piece of Land.
M
quarters builds
Y hap was to be quartered in a Countrey called Handapin- The Author
down, lying to the Weftward of the City of Cande. Which at his new
place liked me very well, being much nearer to the Sea than where I him another
dwelt before, which gave me fome probable hopes, that in time I Houſe,
might chance to make an eſcape. But in the mean time to free my ſelf
from the Sufpition of the People; who watched me by Night, and by
Day, had an eye to all my actions, I went to work with the help
of fome of my Neighbors to Build me another Houſe upon the Bank
of a River, and intrenched it round with a Ditch, and Planted an
Hedge and fo began to fettle my felf; and followed my buſineſs in
Knitting and going about the Countries a Trading; ſeeming to be very
well contented in this Condition.
Marry.
Lying fo long at the City without allowance, I had ſpent all to fome The People
Seven thillings, which ferved me for a ſtock to fet up again in thefe counted him to
new Quarters. And by the Bleffing of my moſt gracious God, which
never failed me in all my Undertakings, I foon came to be well fur-
nifhed with what that Countrey afforded: infomuch that my Neigh-
bours and Townfmen no more fufpected my running away; buit ear-
neftly adviſed me to marry, faying, It would be an eafe and help tome,
knowing that I then dreffed my Victuals my felf having turned my
Boy to feek his Fortune when we were at the City: They urged alfo,
That it was not convenient for a young man as I was to live fo folitarily
alone in a houfe: and if it should fo come to pass that the King fhould fend
me hereafter to my Country, their manner of Marriage, they ſaid, was
not like ours, and I might without any Offence diſcharge my Wife, and
go away.
I ſeemed not altogether to flight their counfel, that they might the
leſs fufpect I had any thoughts of mine own Countrey, but told them,
That as yet I was not fufficiently stocked, and alfo, That I would look for
one that I could love tho in my heart I never purpofed any fuch
matter; but on the contrary, did heartily abhor all thoughts tend-
ing that way.
which he
feemed to
liften to.
In this place I lived two years; and all that time could not get one Here he lived
likely occafion of running for it. For I thought it better to forbear two years.
running too great a hazard by being over hafty to efcape, than to de-
prive my ſelf of all hopes for the future, when time and experience
would be a great help to me.
afterward ta-
In the year MDCLXVI. the Hollanders came up and built a Fort A Fort built
juſt below me, there being but a ridge of Mountains between them near him, but
and me.
But tho ſo near, I could not come to them, a Watch being ken by the
kept at every paffage. The King fent down againſt them two great King.
Commanders with their Armies, but being not itrong enough to expel
them, they lay in theſe Watches to stop them from coming up higher.
The name of this Fort was called Arrandery. Which altho they could
not prevent the Dutch from building at that time. Yet fome years af-
ter
142
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part IV. ter when they were not aware,they fell upon it and took it,and brought
all the People of it up to Cande, where thoſe that remained alive of
them were, when I came from thence.
He and three
thence.
In this Countrey of Hotteracourly, where the Dutch had built this
more removed Fort, were four English men placed, whereof I was one. All whom
the King immediately upon the News of the Dutche's Invafion, fent
order to bring up out of the danger of the War into Cande Vda, fearing
that which we were indeed intended to do, viz. to run away.
Settled in a
This Invafion happening fo unexpectedly and our remove fo fudden,
I was forced to leave behind me that little Eſtate which God had gi-
ven me, lying ſcattered abroad in Betel-nuts, the great Commodity of
that Countrey, which I was then parting from: and much ado I had
to get my Cloths brought along with me, the Enemies, as they called
them, but my Friends being ſo near. And thus was I carried out of
this Countrey as poor as I came into it, leaving all the fruits of
my
Labour and Induſtry behind me. Which called to my remembrance
the words of Job. Naked came I into this world, and naked ſhall
I return: God gave
and God hath taken away, bleſſed be the Name of
the Lord.
We all four were brought up together into a Town on the top of a
diſmal place. Mountain called Laggendenny. Where I and my dear Friend and fel-
low Priſoner, and fellow Batchelor Mr. John Loveland lived together
in one Houſe. For by this time not many of our People were as we,
that is, fingle men; but feeing fo little hopes, deſpaired of their Liber-
ty, and had taken Wives or Bedfellows.
A comfortable
the King con-
cerning us.
At our first coming into this Town, we were very much diſmayed,
it being one of the moſt diſmal places that I have feen upon that Land.
It ſtands alone upon the top of a Mountain, and no other Town near
it, and not above four or five Houſes in it. And oftentimes into this
Town did the King ufe to fend fuch Malefactors as he was minded fud-
denly to cut off. Upon theſe accounts our being brought to this
place could not but fcare us, and the more, becauſe it was the King's
fpecial Order and Command to place us in this very Town.
But this our trouble and dejection (thanks be to God) laſted but a
Meſſage from day. For the King feemed to apprehend into what a fit of Fear and
Sorrow this our Remove would caft us, and to be fenfible, how fadly
we muſt needs take it to change a ſweet and pleaſant Countrey, fuch
as Handapondown and the Countrey adjacent was, for this moſt fad and
diſmal Mountain. And therefore the next day came a comfortable
Meffage from the King's own mouth, fent by no lefs Man than he,
who had the chief Power and Command over thofe People who were
appointed to give us our Victuals, where we were. This Meffage,
which as he ſaid himſelf, he was ordered by the King to deliver to the
People in our hearing, was this, That they should not think that we
were Malefactors, that is, fuch who having incurred the King's difplea-
Sure were ſent to be kept Priſoners there, but men whom his Majesty did
highly esteem, and meant to promote to great Honour in his Service, and
that they should refpect us as fuch, and entertain us accordingly. And
if their ability would not reach thereunto, it was the King's Order, he
faid, to bid them fell their Cattel and Goods, and when that was done
their Wives and Children, rather than we should want of our due allow-
ance which he ordered, ſhould be as formerly we uſed to have: and
{
if
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
143
if we had not Houſes thatched, and fufficient for us to dwell in, he Chap. 6.
faid, We should change, and take theirs.
This kind Order from the King coming fo fuddenly, did not a little Placed there
comfort and encourage us. For then we did perceive the King's pur- People for a
to punish the
pofe and intent in placing us in thofe remote Parts, was not to puniſh Crime,
us, but them: that we might be his Inftruments to Plague and take
revenge of that People; who it feems had Plundred the King's Palace
in the time of the late Rebellion, when he left it and fled; for this
Town lies near unto the fame : and their Office lying about the Court
they had the fairer opportunity of Plundering it. For the Service they
are to perform to the King, is to carry his Pallenkine when he pleaſeth
to ride therein, and alfo to bring Milk every Morning to the Court,
being Keepers of the King's Cattel..
In this Town we remained fome three years; by which time we weary of this
were grown quite weary of the place, and the place and People alfo place,
grown weary of us, who were but troubleſom Gueſts to them; for
having fuch great Authority given us over them, we would not loſe
it; and being four of us in call one of another, we would not permit
or fuffer them to domineer over us. Being thus tired with one ano-
thers Company, and the King's Order being of an old Date, we uſed
all means we could to clear our felves of one another: often repairing
unto the Court to ſeek to obtain a Licence that we might be removed
and placed any where elfe. But there was none that durft grant it, be-
cauſe it was the King's peculiar Command, and ſpecial Appointment
that we muſt abide in that very Town.
During the time of our ſtay here, we had our Victuals brought us
in good order and due feafon: the Inhabitants having ſuch a charge
given them by their Governour and he from the King, durft not do
otherwife. So that we had but little to do, only to dreſs and eat, and
fit down to knit.
Craft he gets
I had uſed the utmost of my skill and endeavour to get a Licence By a piece of
to go down to my former Quarters, all things being now pretty well down to his
fettled, hoping that I might recover fome of my old Debts: but by old Quarters,
no means could I obtain it. The denial of fo reaſonable a defire, put
me upon taking leave. I was well acquainted with the way, but yet
I hired a man to go with me, without which I could not get thro the
Watches. For altho I was the Maſter and he the Man, yet when we
came into the Watches, he was the Keeper and I the Priſoner. And by
this means we paffed without being fufpected.
Being come into my old Quarters, by pretending that this man was
fent down from the Magiftrate to fee that my Debts and Demands
might be duely paid and difcharged, I chanced to recover fome of
them, and the reft gave over for loft; for I never more looked after Began the
them. And ſo I began the world anew, and by the Bleffing of God world anew
was again pretty well recruited before I left this Town.
the third time!
move himſelf,
In the time of my refidence here, I chanced to hear of a fmall piece Plots to re-
of Land that was to be fold. About which I made very diligent in-
quiry. For altho I was fore a weary of living in this Town, yet I
could not get out of it, not having other new Quarters appointed me,
unleſs I could provide a place for my felf to remove to: which now
God had put into my hand. As for the King's Command I dreaded it
not much, having found by obfervation, that the King's Orders wear
away
144
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV. away by time, and the neglect of them comes at laft to be unre
garded. However I was refolved to put it to a hazard, come
Is incouraged
to buy a plece
of Land.
1
The Situation
of it.
what will.
Altho I had been now fome feven or eight years in this Land, and
by this time came to know pretty well the Cuftoms and Conftitu-
tions of the Nation, yet I would not truft my own knowledge, but to
prevent the worst, I went to the Governor of that fame Countrey
where the Land lay, to defire his advice, whether or no I might law.
fully buy that ſmall piece of Land. He inquired, Whose and what
Land it was, I informed him, That it had been formerly dedicated to a
Priest, and he at his death had left it to his Grandfon: who for want
was forced to fell it. Understanding this, the Governor approved of
the buſineſs, and encouraged me to buy it: faying, That fuch kind
of Lands only were lawful here to be bought and fold and that this was
not in the leaft litigious.
Having gotten both his confent and advice, I went on chearfully
and condition with my purchaſe. The place alfo liked me wondrous well; it being
a point of Land, ſtanding into a Corn Field, fo that Corn Fields were
on three fides of it, and juſt before my Door a little Corn ground
belonging thereto, and very well watered. In the Ground befides
eight Coker-nut Trees, there were all forts of Fruit Trees the Countrey.
afforded. But it had been ſo long defolate, that it was all overgrown
with Buſhes, and no fign of a Houſe therein.
Buys it.
Builds an
The price of this Land was five and twenty Larees, that is five Dol-
lars, a great Sum of Money in the account of this Countrey; yet
thanks be to God, who had fo far inabled me after my late and great
lofs, that I was ſtrong enough to lay this down. The terms of Pur-
chafe being concluded on between us, a Writing was made upon a leaf
after that Countrey manner, witneſſed by ſeven or eight Men of the
beſt Quality in the Town: which was delivered to me, and I paid the
Money, and then took Poſſeſſion of the Land. It lyes fome ten Miles
to the Southward of the City of Cande in the County of Oudaneur, in
the Town of Elledat.
Now I went about Building an Houfe upon my Land, and was af-
Houfe on it. fifted by three of my Countreymen that dwelt near by, Roger Gold,
Ralph Knight, and Stephen Rutland, and in fhort time we finifhed it.
The Countrey People were all well pleaſed to fee us thus bufie our
felves about buying of Land and Building of Houſes, thinking it would
ty our Minds the faſter to their Countrey, and make us think the leſs
upon our own.
Leaves Laggen-
denny.
my
•
Tho I had built my new Houfe, yet durft I not yet leave
my old
Quarters in Laggendenny, but wait until a more convenient time fell
out for that purpoſe. I went away therefore to my old home, and
left aforefaid three English Neighbours to inhabit in it in my ab-
fence. Not long after I found a fit feafon to be gone to my Eſtate at
Elledat. And upon my going, the reft left the Town alfo, and went
and dwelt elſewhere, each one where he beft liked. But by this
means we all loft a Privilege which we had before: which was that
our Victuals were brought unto us, and now we were forced to go
and fetch them our felves; the People alledging (true enough) that
they were not bound to carry our Provifions about the Country
after us.
Being
·
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
145
with him:
Being ſettled in my new Houſe, I began to plant my ground full of Chap. 6.
all forts of Fruit Trees; and by the Bleffing of God all grew and prof-
pered, and yielded me great Plenty, and good increaſe, fufficient Setled at his
new purchaſe,
both for me, and for thoſe that dwelt with me. For the three English with three
men I left at my Houſe when I departed back to Laggendenny, ftill lived more living
with me.
We were all fingle men ; and we agreed very well together,
and were helpful to one another. And for their help and affiftance of
me, I freely granted them Liberty to ufe and enjoy whatſoever the
ground afforded, as much as my ſelf. And with a joynt confent it was
concluded amongst us, That only fingle Men and Batchellors should dwell
there,and fuch as would not be conformable to this prefent agreement, ſhould
depart and abſent himself from our Society, and alfo forfeit his right and
claim to the forementioned Privilege, that is, to be cut off from all be-
nefit of whatſoever the Trees and Ground afforded.
I thought fit to make fuch a Covenant, to exclude women from co-
ming in among us, to prevent all ftrife and diffention, and to make
all poffible Provifion for the keeping up love and quietneſs among our
felves.
In this manner we four lived together ſome two years very loving-
ly and contentedly, not an ill word paffing between us. We uſed to
take turns in keeping at home, while the reft went forth about their
Buſineſs. For our houſe ſtood alone and no Neighbour near it.
Therefore we always left one within. The reft of the English men
lived round about us, fome four or five miles diftant, fome more.
So that we were, as it were, within reach one of another; which
made us like our preſent Situation the more.
Their free-
Thus we lived upon the Mountains,being round about us beſet with
watches, moſt of our People being now married: fo that now all talk dom and
and fufpition of our running away was laid afide. Neither indeed was Trade.
it ſcarce poffible. The effect of which was, that now we could walk
from one to the other, or where we would upon the Mountains, no
man moleſting or diſturbing us in the leaſt. So that we began to go
about a Pedling, and Trading in the Country farther towards the
Northward, carrying our Caps about to fell.
•
1
By this time two of our Company feeing but little hopes of Liberty, His Family
thought it too hard a task thus to lead a fingle life, and married. Which reduced to
when they had done according to the former agreement departed from two.
us. So that our Company was now reduced to two, viz. my Self and
Stephen Rutland; whofe inclination and reſolution was as ſtedfaſt as
mine againſt Marriage. And we parted not to the laſt, but came
away together.
}
U
CHAP.
146
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV.
Confer toge-
ther about the
lawfulneſs of
tive Women.
CHAP. VIL
A return to the rest of the English, with fome further accounts of them:
And fome further difcourfe of the Authors courfe of life.
L
Et us now make a Vifit to the reſt of our Country-men, and fee
how they do. They reckoning themſelves in for their Lives,
Marrying in order to their future fettlement, were generally diſpoſed to Marry.
with the Na- Concerning which we have had many and fundry difputes among our
felves; as particularly concerning the lawfulneſs of matching with
Heathens and Idolaters, and whether the Chingulays Marriages were
any better than living in Whoredome: there being no Chriſtian Prieſts
to join them together, and it being allowed by their Laws to change
their Wives and take others as often as they pleaſed. But thefe cales
we folved for our own advantage after this manner, That we were but
Flesh and Blood, and that it is Jaid, It is better to Marry than to burn,
and that as far as we could fee, we were cut off from all Marriages any
where else, even for our Life time, and therefore that we must marry with
thefe or with none at all. And when the People in Scripture were forbid
den to take Wives of Strangers, it was then when they might intermarry
with their own People, and so no neceffity lay upon them. And that when
they could not,there are examples in the Old Testament upon Record, that
they took Wives of the Daughters of the Lands, wherein they dwelt.
Theſe reaſons being urged, there was none among us, that could ob-
ject ought againſt them,efpecially if thoſe that were minded to marry
Women here,did take them for their Wives during their lives, as fome
of them fay, they do: and moſt of the Women they marry are ſuch as
do profefs themſelves to be Chriftians.
He refolves
life.
As for mine own part, however lawful thefe Marriages might be,
upon a fingle yet I judged it far more convenient for me to abftain, and that it more
redounded to my good,having always a reviving hope in me, that my
God had not forfaken me, but according to his gracious promife to the
Jews in the xxx Chapter of Deuteronomy, and the beginning, would
turn my Captivity and bring me into the Land of my Fathers. Thefe
and ſuch like meditations, together with my Prayers to God, kept me
from that unequal Yoke of Unbeleivers, which feveral of my Coun
trey men and fellow Prifoners put themſelves under.
What employ-
ments they
follow.
The respect
and credit
they live in.
By this time our People having plyed their Buſineſs hard, had al-
moſt knit themſelves out of work; and now Caps were become a very
dead Commodity, which was the chief ftay they had heretofore to
truſt to. So that now moſt of them betook themfelves to other em-
ployments; fome to Husbandry, Plowing Ground, and fowing
Rice, and keeping Cattle, others ftilled Rack to fell, others went about
the Countrey a Trading. For that which one part of the Land af-
fords is a good Commodity to carry to another that wants it. And
thus with the help of a little allowance, they make a fhift to tofubfift.
Moſt of their Wives fpin Cotton yarn, which is a great help to them
for cloathing, and at fpare times alfo knit,
After this manner by the bleffing of God our Nation hath lived
and ſtill doth, in as good faſhion as any other People or Nation what-
foever,
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
147
1
foever, that are Strangers here, or as any of the Natives themſelves, Chap. 7.
only the Grandees and Courtiers excepted. This I fpeak to the Praiſe
and Glory of our God; who loves the Stranger in giving him Food and
Raiment; and that hath been pleaſed to give us Favour and a good
Repute in the fight of our Enemies. We cannot complain for want
of juſtice in any wrongs we have ſuſtained by the People; or that our
cauſe hath been diſcountenanced; but rather we have been favoured
above the Natives themſelves.
One of our men happened to be beaten by his Neighbour. At Achingulay
which we were all very much concerned, taking it as a reproach to punished for
our Nation, and fearing it might embolden others to do the like by English man,
beating an
the reſt of us. Therefore with joint confent we all concluded to go to
the Court to complain, and to defire fatisfaction from the Adigar.
Which we did. Upon this the man who had beat the English man
was fummoned in to appear before him. Who ſeeing fo many of us
there, and fearing the cauſe will go very hard with him, to make the
Judg his friend, gave him a bribe. He having received it would
have fhifted off the Puniſhment of the Malefactor. But we day after
day followed him from houfe to Court, and from place to place, where-
ever he went, demanding Juftice and Satisfaction for the wrong we
received, fhewing the black and blew blows upon the English mans
ſhoulders to all the reſt of the Noble men at Court. He fearing there-
fore left the King might be made acquainted herewith was forced tho
much againſt his will to clap the Chingulay in Chains. In which con-
dition after he got him, he releaſed him not till befides the former fee he
had given him another.
Lately was Richard Varnham taken into the Kings fervice, and held An Engliſh
as Honourable an employment as ever any Chriſtian had in my time, man prefer-
red at Court,
being Commander of Nine Hundred and Seventy Soldiers, and fet o-
ver all the great Guns, and befides this, ſeveral Towns were under
him. A place of no leſs Profit than Honour. The King gave him an
excellent Silver Sword and Halberd, the like to which the King never
gave to any White man in my time. But he had the good luck to die
a natural Death. For had not that prevented, in all probability he
Thould have followed the two Engliſh men that ſerved him, ſpoken
of before:
Some years fince fome of our Nation took up Arms under the King. The Engliſh
Which happened upon this occafion. The Hollanders had a fmall ferve the
King in his
Fort in the Kings Countrey, called Bibligom Fort. This the King wars.
minded to take and demoliſh,fent his Army to befeige it. But being pret-
ty ſtrong; for there were about Ninety Dutch men in it, befides a good
number of Black Soldiers, and four Guns on each point one, being in
this condition it held out. Some of the great men informed the King
of feveral Dutch runnaways in his Land, that might be trufted, not da-
ring to turn again for fear of the Gallows, who might help to reduce
the Fort. And that alſo there were white men of other Nations that
had Wives and Children, from whom they would not run: and theſe
might do him good ſervice. Unto this advice the King inclined.
Whereupon the King made a Declaration to invite the forrain Na-
tions into his Service againſt Bibligom Forts that he would compel
none, but fuch as were willing of their own free accord, the King
would take it kindly, and they ſhould be well rewarded. Now there
U 2
entred
148 ·
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV. entred into the Kings Service upon this Expedition fome of all Nations;
both Portugueze,Dutch and English, about the number of Thirty. To
all that took Arms he gave to the value of Twenty fhillings in money,
and three pieces of Callico for Cloaths, and commanded them to wear
Breeches, Hats and Doublets, a great honour there. The King in
tended a Dutch-man, who had been an old Servant to him, to be Cap-
tain over them all. But the Portugueze not caring to be under the
Command of a Dutch-man, defired a Captain of their own Nation,
which the King granted, ſtudying to pleaſe them at this time. But the
English being but fix, were too few to have a Captain over them, and
fo were forced fome to ferve under the Dutch, and fome under the Por-
tugueze Captain. There were no more of the English, becauſe being
left at their liberty they thought it fafeft to dwell at home, and cared
not much to take Arms under a Heathen againſt Chriſtians.
Who now live
miferably,
He returns to
fpeak of him-
felf. Plots and
Confults a-
bout an Ef
cape.
-
↓
They were all ready to go,their Arms and Ammunition ready with
Guns prepared to fend down,but before they went, Tydings came that
the Fort yeilded at the Kings Mercy. After this' the Whites thought
they had got an advantage of the King in having theſe gifts for no-
thing, but the King did not intend to part with them fo; but kept
them to watch at his Gate. And now they are reduced to great Po-
verty and Neceffity. For fince the Kings firft Gift they have never
received any Pay or Allowance; tho they have often made their Ad-
dreffes to him to fupply their wants, fignifying their forwardness to
ferve him faithfully. He fpeaks them fair, and tells them he will confi-
der them, but does not in the leaft regard them. Many of them
fince, after three or four years fervice, have been glad to get other
Poor run away Dutch men to ferve in their fteads, giving them as
much mony and cloths as they received of the King before; that fo
they might get free to come home to their Wives and Children.
The Dutch Captain would afterwards have forced the reſt of the
English to have come under him, and called them Traytors becauſe
they would not, and threatned them. But they ſcorned him, and
bid him do his worft, but would never be perfuaded to be Soldiers
under him, faying, that it was not fo much his zeal to the Kings fervice,
as his own Pride to make himself greater by having more men under
him.
I will now turn to the Progrefs of my own Story. It was now a
bout the year M DC LXXII. I related before, that my family was
reduced to two, my felf and one honeft man more, we lived folita-
rily and contentedly being well fetled in a good Houfe of my own.
Now we fell to breeding up Goats: we began with two,but by the blef
fing of God they foon came to a good many; and their Fleſh ſerved
us inſtead of Mutton. We kept Hens and Hogs alfo: And feeing no
· fudden likelihood of Liberty, we went about to make all things hand-
fome and convenient about us: which might be ferviceable to us, while
we lived there, and might farther our Liberty whenfoever we thould
fee an occafion to attempt it: which it did, in taking away all fufpi-
tion from the People concerning us: who not having Wives as the o
thers had, they might well think, lay the readier to take any advan
tage to make an eſcape. Which indeed we two did Plot and Confult
about, between our felves with all imaginable Privacy,long before we
we go away: and therefore we laboured by all means to hide our
defigns; and to free them from fo much as fufpition.
We
1
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
149
A deſcription
of his Houſe.
We had now brought our Houſe and Ground to fuch a perfection Chap. 7.
that few Noble mens Seats in the Land did excel us. On each fide
was a great Thorn Gate for entrance, which is the manner in that
Countrey: the Gates of the City are of the fame. We built alſo ano-
ther Houſe in the Yard all open for Air, for our felves to fit in, or
For feldome ſhould we
any Neighbours that came to talk with us.
be alone, our Neighbours oftner frequenting our Houſe than we de-
fired; out of whom to be fure we could pick no Profit. For their
coming is always either to beg or borrow. For altho we were Stran-
gers and Priſoners in their Land, yet they would confefs that Almighty
God had dealt far more bountifully with us than with them, in that
we had a far greater plenty of all things than they.
He takes up a
new Trade
I now began to fet up a new Trade. For the Trade of Knitting was
grown dead, and Husbandry I could not follow, not having a Wife and Thrives
to help and affift me therein, a great part of Husbandry properly be- on it.
longing to the woman to manage. VVhereupoh I perceived a Trade
in ufe among them, which was to lend out Corn. The benefit of
which is fifty per cent. per annum.
This I faw to be the eaſieſt and
moſt profitable way of Living, whereupon I took in hand to follow
it: and what ſtock I had, I converted into Corn or Rice in the Husk.
And now as cuftomers came for Corn, I let them have it, to receive
their next Harveſt, when their own Corn was ripe, the fame quantity
I lent them, and half as much more. But as the Profit is great, fo is
the trouble of getting it in alfo. For he that ufeth this Trade muft
watch when the Debtors Field is ripe, and claim his due in time, o-
ther wife other Creditors coming before will feize all upon the account
of their Debts, and leave no Corn at all for thoſe that came later.
For theſe that come thus a borrowing, generally carry none of their
Corn home when it is ripe, for their Creditors eaſe them of that La-
bour by coming into their Fields and taking it, and commonly they
have not half enough to pay what they ow.So that they that mifs
get-
ting ther Debts this year muſt ſtay till the next when it will be double,
two meaſures for one: but the Intereft never runs up higher, tho the
Debt lye ſeven years unpaid. By means hereof I was put to a great
deal of trouble, and was forced to watch early and late to get my
Debts, and many times miſs of them after all my Pains. Howbeit
when my Stock did encreaſe that I had dealings with many, I matter-
ed not if I loft in fome places, the profit of the reft was fufficient to
bear that out.
:
And thus by the Bleffing of God my little was encreaſed to a great
deal. For he had bieffed me fo, that I was able to lend to my Ene-
mies, and had no need to borrow of them. So that I might use the
words of Jacob, 'not out of Pride of my ſelf, but thankfulneſs to God,
That he brought me hither with my Staff and bleſſed me ſo here, that I be-
tume two Bands.
of the King's
For fome years together after I removed to my own Houſe from His Allowance
Laggen denny, the People from whence I came continued my allowance paid him out
that, I had when I lived among them. But now in plain Terms they Store-houſes.
told me they could give it me no more, and that I was better able to live
without it than they to give it me. VVhich tho I knew to be true,
yet I thought not fit to looſe that Portion of Allowance, which the
King was pleafed to allot me. Therefore I went to Court and appeal-
ed
150
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilor,
1
Part IV. ed to the Adigar to whom fuch matters did belong. Who upon con-
fideration of the Peoples poor condition, appointed me monthly to
come to him at the Kings Palace for a Ticket to receive my Allow-
ance out of the King's Store-houfes.
3
Hereby I was brought into a great danger, out of which I had
much ado to eſcape, and that with the lofs of my Allowance for ever
after. I ſhall relate the manner of it in the next Chapter.
་་༔
}
He voluntari-
ly forgoes his
penfion.
Summoned
before the
King,
CHAP. VIII
How the Author bad like to have been received into the Kings Service,
and what means he used to avoid it. He meditates and attempts an
eſcape, but is often prevented,
T
His frequent Appearance at the Court, and waiting there for
my Tickets, brought me to be taken notice of by the Great men:
iniomuch that they wondered I had been all this while forgotten, and ne-
ver been brought before the King, being fo fit, as they would ſuppoſe me,
for his uſe and ſervice, faying, That from henceforward I should fare
better than that Allowance amounted to, as foon as the King was made
acquainted with me. Which words of theirs ferved inſtead of a Ticket.
Whereupon fearing I fhould fuddainly be brought in to the King,which
thing I most of all feared, and leaft defired, and hoping that out of
fight might prove out of mind, I refolved to forfake the Court, and ne-
ver more to ask for Tickets, eſpecially feeing God had dealt fo bounti
fully with me as to give me ability to live well enough without them.
As when Ifrael had eaten of the Corn of the Land of Canaan, the Man-
na ceaſed; fo when I was driven to forego my Allowance that had all
this while fuftained me in this wilderneſs, God otherways provided
for me.
From this time forward to the time of my Flight out of the Land,
which was five years. I neither had nor demanded any more Allowance,
and glad I was that I could eſcape fo. But I muſt have more trou-
ble firſt. For fome four or five days after my laſt coming from Court,
there came a Soldier to me, fent from the Adigar, with an Order in
writing under his hand, that upon fight thereof I ſhould immediatly dif-
patch and come to the Court to make my perfonal appearance before the
King, and in cafe of any delay, the Officers of the Countrey, were there-
by Authorized and Commanded to affift the Bearer, and to ſee the ſame
Order Speedily performed.
The chief occafion of this had been a Perſon, not long before my
near Neighbour and Acquaintance, Ona Matteral by name, who knew
my manner of Life, and had often been at my Houfe; but now was
taken in and employed at Court; and he out of friendſhip and good
will to me was one of the chief Actors in this buſineſs, that he might
He Is Inform. bring me to Preferment at Court.
ed that he is
Upon the abovefaid fummons there was no Remedy, but to Court
to be prefer. I must go. Where I firſt applyed my ſelf to my faid old Neighbour,
Qua
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
151
'
Qua Motteral, who was the occafion of fending for me. I fignified to Chap. 8.
him that I was come in obedience to the Warrant, and 1 defired to know
the reaſon why I was fent for? To which he anſwered, Here is good news
for you; you are to appear in the Kings Prefence, where you will find
great Favour, and Honourable entertainment, far more than any of your
Countrey men yet here found. Which the great man thought would be
a ftrong Inducement to perfuade me joyfully to accept of the Kings
Employments. But this was the thing I always moſt dreaded, and en-
deavoured to fhun,knowing that being taken into Court would be a
means to cut of all hopes of Liberty from me, which was the thing
I eſteemed equal unto life it felf.
Seeing my ſelf brought unto this paſs, wherein I had no earthly But refolves!
helper, I recommended my cauſe to God, defiring him in whofe to refufe it
hands are the hearts of Kings and Princes to divert the buſineſs. And
my cauſe being juft and right I was refolved to perſiſt in a denial.
My cafe feemed to me to be like that of the four Lepers at the Gate of
Samaria. No avoiding of Death for me. If out of Ambition and
Honour, I ſhould have embraced the Kings Service, befides the de-
priving my felf of all hopes of Liberty, in the end I muſt be put to
death, as happens to all that ſerve him; and to deny his fervice could
be but Death. And it feemed to me to be the better Death of the
two. For if I ſhould be put to Death only becauſe I refuſed his fer-
vice, I fhould be pitied as one that dyed innocently; but if I ſhould be
executed in his Service, however innocent I was, I fhould be certainly
reckon'd a Rebel and a Traytor, as they all are whom he commands to
be cut off.
he makes to
Upon theſe confiderations having thus fet my refolutions, as God The answer
enabled me, I returned him this anfwer: Firſt, That the English Nation the Great
to whom I belonged had never done any violence or wrong to their King man.
either in word or deed. Secondly, That the causes of my coming on their
Land was not like to that of other Nations, who were either Enemies
taken in War, or fuch as by reason of poverty or diſtreſs, were driven to
fue for relief out of the Kings bountiful liberality, or fuch as fled for the
fear of deſerved punishment; Whereas, as they all well knew, I came not
upon any of theſe cauſes, but upon account of Trade, and came afhore to re-
ceive the Kings Orders, which by notice we understood were come concern-
ing us, and to render an account to the Diffauva of the Reaſons and Occa-
fions of our coming into the Kings Port. And that by the grief and forrow
Thad undergone by being fo long detained from my Native Countrey, (but,
for which I thanked the Kings Majesty, without want of any thing) I
Scarcely enjoyed my felf. For my heart was alwayès abfent from my body.
Hereunto adding my infufficiency and inability for fuch honourable
Employment, being fubject to many Infirmities and Diſeaſes of
Body:
To this he replied, Cannot you read and write English? Servile La-
bour the King requireth not of you. I answered, When I came afhore
I was but young, and that which then I knew, now I had forgot for want
of practice, having had neither ink nor paper ever fince I came afbore. I
urged moreover, That it was contrary to the Custome and Practice of all
Kings and Princes upon the Earth to keep and detain men that came into
their Countreys upon fuch peaceable accounts as we did; much leſs to compel
them to ſerve them beyond their power and ability.
At
+
152
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV.
He is ſent to
another great
Officer.
He stays in
the City ex-
pecting his
Doom.
He
goes home
but is fent for
again.
६
Having eſca-
ped the Court
fervice, falls
to his former
courfe of life.
At my firft coming before him he looked very pleaſingly, and
fpake with a ſmiling countenance to me: but now his fmiles were turn-
ed into frowns, and his pleafing looks into bended brows, and in
rough Language, he bad me be gone and tell my tale to the Adigar.
Which immediatly I did; but he being bufie did not much regard me,
and I was glad of it, that I might abfent the Court. But I durft not
go out of the City. Sore afraid I was that evil would befall me,and
the best I could expect was to be put in Chains. All my refuge was
Prayer to God, whofe hand was not fhortned that it could not fave, and
would make all things work together for good to them that trust in him.
From him only did I expect help and deliverance in this time of
need.
In this manner I lodged in an English mans houſe that dwelt in the
City about ten days, maintaining my felf at my own charge, waiting
with a forrowful heart, and daily expecting to hear my Doom. In
the mean time my Countrey men and Acquaintance, fome of them
blamed me for refuſing ſo fair a Profer; whereby I might not only
have lived well my felf, but alſo have been helpful unto my Poor
Country-men and friends: others of them pittying me, expecting,
as I did, nothing but a wrathful fentence from fo cruel a Tyrant, if
God did not prevent. And Richard Varnham, who was at this time
a great man about the King, was not a little ſcared to ſee me run the
hazard of what might enfue, rather than be Partaker with him in
the felicities of the Court.
ry
It being chargable thus to lye at the City, and hearing nothing
more of my buſineſs, I took leave without asking, and went home to
my Houfe; which was but a Days diſtance,to get fome Victuals to car-
with me and to return again.But foon after I came home I was fent
for again. So I took my load of Victuals with me, and arrived at the
City, but went not to the Court, but to my former Lodging, where
I ftaid as formerly, until I had spent all my Provifions: and by the
good hand of my God upon me, I never heard any more of that mat-
ter. Neither came I any more into the Preſence of the Great-men at
Court, but dwelt in my own Plantation, upon what God provided for
me by my Labour and Induſtry.
For now I returned to my former courſe of life, dreffing my Vi-
&tuals daily with mine own hands, fetching both Wood and Water
upon mine own back. And this, for ought I could fee to the con-
trary, I was like to continue for my life time. This I could do for
the Prefent, but I began to confider how helpleſs I fhould be, if it
fhould pleaſe God I fhould live till I grew old and feeble. So I entred
upon a Confultation with my felf for the providing againſt this.
One way was the getting of me a Wife, but that I was refolved never
to do. Then I began to enquire for fome poor body to live with me,
to dreſs my Victuals for me, that I might live at a little more eaſe,
but could not find any to my mind. Whereupon I confidered, that
there was no better way, than to take one of my poor Country-mens
Children, whom I might bring up to learn both my own Language
and Religion. And this might be not only Charity to the Child,but
a kindneſs to my felf alfo afterwards. And feveral there were that would
be glad fo to be eafed of their charge, having more than they could
well
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
153
well maintain, a Child therefore I took, by whofe aptnefs, ingenui- Chap. 8.
ty and company as I was much delighted at prefent, fo afterwards I
hoped to be ferved.
It was now about the year M DC LXXIII. Altho I had now li-
ved many years in this Land, and God be praiſed, I wanted for no-
thing the Land afforded, yet could I not forget my native Countrey
England, and lamented under the Famine of Gods Word and Sacra-
ments, the want whereof I found greater than all earthly wants:
and my dayly and fervent Prayers to God were,in his good time to re-
ſtore me to the enjoyment of them.
their eſcape.
I and my Companion were ſtill meditating upon our eſcape and the Their pedling
means to compaſs it. Which our pedling about the Countrey did forwarded
greatly forward and promote.For fpeaking well theLanguage and going
with our Commodities from place to place, we uſed often to entertain
diſcourſe with the Countrey people; viz. concerning the ways and
the Countreys, and where there were moft and feweft inha-
bitants, and where and how the Watches laid from one Countrey to
another; and what Commodities were proper to carry from one part
to the other, pretending we would from time to time go from one
place to another, to furniſh our felves with ware that the refpective
places afforded. None doubted but we had made thefe inquiries for
the fake of our Trade, but our felves had other deſigns in them. Nei-
ther was there the leaſt fufpition of us for thefe our queſtions: all fup-
pofing I would never run away and leave ſuch an eſtate as in their ac-
counts and eſteem I had.
The moſt
to
Northwards.
By diligent inquiry I had come to underſtand, that the eaſieſt and probable
moſt probable way to make an eſcape was by travailing to the North- courfe
ward, that part of the Land being leaſt inhabited. Therefore we take, was
furniſhed our felves with fuch wares as were vendible in thoſe parts,
as Tobacco, Pepper, Garlick, Combs, all forts of Iron Ware, &c. and
being laden with theſe things, we two fet forth, bending our courſe
towards the Northern Parts of the Iſland, knowing very little of the
way; and the ways of this Countrey generally are intricate and diffi-
cult: here being no great High-ways that run thro the Land, but a
multitude of little Paths, fome from one Town to another, fome in-
to the Fields, and fome into the Woods where they fow their Corn;
and the whole Countrey covered with Woods, that a man cannot fee
any thing but juſt before him. And that which makes them moſt difficult
of all, is, that the ways fhift and alter, new ways often made and old
ways ſtopped up. For they cut down Woods, and fow the ground,
and having got one Crop off from it, they leave it, and Wood foon
grows over it again: and in cafe a Road went thro thofe Woods, they
ftop it, and contrive another way; neither do they regard tho it
goes
two or three miles about: and to ask and inquire the way for us white
men is very dangerous, it occafioning the People to fufpect us. And
the Chingulays themſelves never Travail in Countreys where they
are not experienced in the ways without a guide, it being fo difficult.
And there was no getting a guide to conduct us down to the Sea.
I
But we made a shift to travail from Cande Uda downwards towards
the North from Town to Town; happening at a place at laſt which
knew before, having been brought up formerly from Coofwat that
way, to defcend the Hill called Bocaul, where there is no Watch, but
X
in
They get
three days
journey North
ward,
1
1
taly
154
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV. in time of great diſturbance. Thus by the Providence of God we paf-
fed all difficulties until we came into the County of Neurecalava,
which are the loweſt parts that belong to this King; and fome three
days Journey from the place whence we came.
But return
back again.
They attemp-
ted often to
fly this way,
but ftill hin-
dred.
In thoſe parts
is bad Water,
:
We were not a little glad that we were gotten fo far onwards in our
way, but yet at this time we could go no farther; for our ware was
all fold, and we could pretend no more excuſes; and alſo we had been
out fo long, that it might caufe our Towns-men to come and look after
us,it being the first time that we had been ſo long abfent from home.
>
In this manner we went into thefe Northern Parts eight or ten
times, and once got as far as Hourly a Town in the extremities of the
Kings Dominions, but yet we could not attain our purpoſe.
For this Northern Countrey being much fubject to dry weather, and
having no ſprings, we were fain to drink of Ponds of Rain water
wherein the Cattel lie and tumble, which would be fo thick and
muddy, that the very filth would hang in our Beards when we drank.
This did not agree with our Bodies, being uſed to drink pure Spring
water only. By which means when we firſt uſed thoſe parts we ufed
often to be Sick of violent Favors and Agues, when we came home.
Which Diſeaſes happened not only to us, but to all other People that
dwelt upon the Mountains, as we did,whenfoever they went down in-
to thoſe places; and commonly the major part of thoſe that fall fick,
dyes. At which the Chingulays are ſo ſcared, that it is very ſeldom
they do adventure their Bodies down thither: neither truly would I
have done it, were it not for thofe future hopes, which God of his
mercy did at length accompliſh. For both of us fmarted fufficiently
by thoſe fevere Favors we got, when we ſhould both lay Sick toge-
ther,and one not able to help the other. Infomuch that our Country-
men and Neighbours uſed to ask us, if we went thither purpofing to
deſtroy our felves,they little thinking,and we not daring to tell them
our intent and defign.
At length we learned an Antidote and Counter-Poyfon againſt the
but they had' filthy venomous water, which fo operated by the bleffing of God,that
an Antidote after the uſe thereof we had no more Sicknefs. It is only adry leaf; they
against it.
call it in Portugueze Banga, beaten to Powder with fome of the Coun-
trey Jaggory: and this we eat Morning and Evening upon an empty
Stomach. It intoxicates the Brain, and makes one giddy, without
any other operation either by Stool or Vomit.
They ftill im-
prove in the
knowledg of
their Way.
Thus every Voyage we gathered more experience, and got lower
down,for this is a large and ipacious Countrey. We travailed to and
fro where the ways led us, according to their own Proverb, The
Beggar and the Merchant is never out of his way; becauſe the one begs
and the other trades wherever they go. Thus we uſed to ramble until
we had fold all our ware, and then went home for more. And by
theſe means we grew acquainted both with the People and the Paths.
In theſe parts I met with my black Boy, whom I had divers years
in theſe parts, before turned away, who had now Wife and Children. He proved
a great help to me in directing me in the ways; for he had lived many
years in theſe parts. Perceiving him to be able,and alfo in a very poor
and fad condition, not able to maintain his Family, 1 adventured once
to ask him if a good reward would not be welcome to him, for guid-
'ing us two down to the Dutch. Which having done he might return
Meets with
his black Boy
who was to
guide him to
the Dutch.
again
I
}
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
155
+
again and no Body the wifer. At which Propofition he ſeemed to be Chap. 8.
very joyful, and promiſed to undertake the fame: only at this time
for reafons he alledged, which to me feemed probable, as that it was
Harveſt time and many People about it,it could not fo fafely and con-
veniently be done now, as it might be fome two Months after.
us.
The Buſineſs was concluded upon, and the time appointed between
But it fo fell out, that at the very precife time, all things being
ready to depart on the morrow, it pleafed God, whofe time was not
yet come, to ſtrike me with a moft grievous pain in the hollow on
my right fide,that for five days together I was not able to ſtir from the
fire fide, but by warming it, and fomenting and chafing it I got a
a little eaſe.
But disapoint
Afterward as foon as I was recovered, and got ſtrength, we went ed.
down and carried one English-man more with us for company, for our
better ſecurity, ſeeing we muſt travail in the Night upon our Flight:
but tho we took him with us, we dared not to tell him of our deſign,
becauſe he had a Wife, intending not to acquaint him with it, till the
Buſineſs was juſt ready to be put into action. But when he came ex-
pecting to meet with our guide, he was gone into another Countrey;
and we knew not where to find him, and we knew not how to run
away
without him. Thus we were difapointed that time.
An extraordi
nary drought
But as formerly, we went to and fro until we had fold our ware;
and ſo returned home again and delivered the man to his wife; but
never told him any thing of our intended defign, fearing left, if he
knew it, he might acquaint her with it, and fo all our purpoſes coming
to be revealed might be overthrown for ever afterwards. For we
were refolved by Gods help ftill to perſevere in our defign.
Some eight or nine years one after another we followed this Trade, for three or
going down into this Countrey on pupofe to feek to get beyond the four years to
Inhabitants, and ſo to run away thro the Woods to the Hollanders.
Three or Four years together the dry weather prevented us; when
the Countrey was almoft ftarved for want of Rain: all which time
they never tilled the Ground. The Wells alfo were almoſt all dry;
fo that in the Towns we could fcarcely get Water to drink, or Victu-
als to eat. Which affrighted us at thoſe times from running into the
Woods, left we might perifh for Thirft. All this while upon the
Mountains, where our dwelling was, there was no want of Rain.
We found it an inconvenience when we came three of us down to-
gether, reckoning it might give occafion to the people to fufpect our
defign, and fo prevent us from going thither again. Some of the
English that followed fuch a Trade as we, had been down that way
with their Commodities, but having felt the fmart of that Countries
Sickneſs, would go there no more, finding as much profit in nearer and
eafier Journeys. But we ftill perfifted in our courfes this way, having
fome greater matter to do here than to fell Wares. viz. to find out
this Northern Discovery; which in Gods good time we did effect.
gether.
X 2
CHAP
156
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV.
Their laſt and
fuccessful at-
tempt.
CHAP. IX.
How the Author began his Efcape, and got onward of his Way
about an Hundred miles.
H
Aving often gone this Way to feek for Liberty, but could not
yet find it; we again fet forth to try what Succefs God Al-
mighty would now give us,in the Year MDCLXXIX, on the
Two and twentieth of September,furniſhed with ſuch Arms as we could
well carry with fafety and fecrecy, which were Knives and ſmall Axes;
we carried alſo ſeveral forts of Ware to fell as formerly: the Moon be-
ing feven and twenty dayes old. Which we had fo contrived, that we
might have a light Moon, to fee the better to run away by: having left
an Old Man at home, whom I had hired to live with me, to look after
Houſe and Goats.
my
The way they
went.
They defign
for Anarodg
buryo.
They turn out
of the way to
avoid the
cers.
We went down at the Hill Bocawl, where there was now no Watch,
and but ſeldom any. From thence down to the Town of Bonder
Coofwat, where my Father dyed
Father dyed; and by the Town of Nicavar, which
is the laſt Town belonging to Hotcurly in that Road. From thence
forward the Towns ftand thin. For it was fixteen miles to the next
Town called Parroah, which lay in the Country of Neure Cawlava;
and all the way thro a Wilderneſs called Parroah Mocolane, full of wild
Elephants, Tigres and Bears.
Now we fet our defign for Anarodgburro, which is the loweſt place
inhabited belonging to the King of Cande: where there is a Watch al-
wayes kept and nearer than twelve or fourteen miles of this Town
as yet we never had been,
When we came into the midſt of this Countrey, we heard that the
Governor thereof had font Officers from the Court to diſpatch away
King's Offi- the Kings Revenues and Duties to the City, and that they were now
come into the Country. Which put us into no fmall fear, left if they
faw us they ſhould ſend us back again. Wherefore we edged away
into the Weſternmoft Parts of Ecpoulpot, being a remote part of that
Countrey wherein we now were. And there we fate to knitting until
we heard they were gone. But this cauſed us to overfhoot our time,
the Moon ſpending fo faſt. But as foon as we heard they were depart-
ed out of the Countrey,we went onwards of our Journey, having kept,
moft of our Ware for a pretence to have an occafion to go further. And
having bought a good parcel of Cotton Tarn to knit Caps withal, the
reft of our Ware we gave out, was to buy dryed fleſh with,which only
in thofe lower Parts is to be fold.
Forced to
pafs thro the
Chief Gover-
nours yard.
Our Way now lay neceffarily thro the chief Governors Yard at Col-
liwilla. Who dwells there purpoſely to fee and examine all that go and
come. This greatly diftreffed us. Firſt, becauſe he was a ſtranger to
us, and one whom we had never ſeen. And ſecondly, becauſe there
was no other way to eſcape him: and plain reaſon would tell him, that
we being priſoners were without our bounds. Whereupon we conclu-
ded, that our beſt way would be to go boldly and refolutely to his
houſe, and not to ſeem daunted in the leaſt, or to look as if we did di-
ſtruſt him to diſallow of our Journey, but to fhew fuch a behaviour,
as if we had authority to travail where we would.
So
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
157
them.
So we went forward, and were forced to enquire and ask the way Chap. 9.
to his houſe, having never been fo far this way before. I brought from The Method
home with me Knives with fine carved handles, and a red Tunis Cap they uſed to
purpoſely to fell or give him, if occafion required, knowing before,that prevent his
we muſt paſs by him. And all along as we went, that we might be the fufpition of
leſs ſuſpected, we fold Caps and other Ware, to be paid for at our return
homewards. There were many croſs Paths to and fro to his houſe,yet
by Gods Providence we happened in the right Road. And having
reached his houſe, according to the Countrey manner we went and
fate down in the open houfe; which kind of Houſes are built on pur-
poſe for the reception of Strangers. Whither not long after the Great
Man himſelf came and fate down by us. To whom we preſented a
fmall parcel of Tobacco, and fome Betel. And before he asked us the
cauſe of our coming, we fhewed him the Ware we brought for him, and
the Cotton Yarn which we had trucked about the Country: telling
him withall how the cafe ftood with us: viz. That we had a Charge
greater than the Kings allowance would maintain; and that becauſe dryed
Flesh was the chief Commodity of that Part, we told him, That milling of
the Lading which we used to carry back, we were glad to come thither to
fee, if we could make it up with dryed Flefb. And therefore if he would
pleafe to fupply us either for fuch Ware as we had brought, or elfe for our
Money, it would be a great favour, the which would oblige us for the fu-
ture to bring him any neceffaries that he should name unto us, when we
fhould come again unto thofe Parts, as we used to do very often: and that
we could furnish him, having dealings and being acquainted with the beſt
Artificers in Cande.
At which he replyed, That he was forry we were come at fuch a dry
time, wherein they could not catch Deer, but if fome Rain fell, he would
Soon dispatch us with our Ladings of Flesh. But however, he bade us go
about the Towns, and fee whether there might be any or no, tko he thought
there was none. This anſwer of his pleaſed us wondrous well, both
becauſe by this we ſaw he fufpected us not, and becauſe he told us there
was no dryed Fleſh to be got. For it was one of our greateſt fears that
we ſhould get our Lading too foon: for then, we could not have had
an excufe to go further. And as yet we could not poffibly fly: having
ftill fix miles further to the Northward to go before we could attempt
it, that is, to Anarodgburro.
From Anarodgburro it is two dayes Journey further thro a defolate
Wilderneſs before there is any more Inhabitants. And theſe Inhabi-
tants are neither under this King nor the Dutch, but are Malabars, and
are under a Prince of their own. This People we were forely afraid
of, left they might ſeize us and ſend us back, there being a correfpon-
dence between this Prince and the King of Cande; wherefore it was
our endeavour by all means to fhun them; left according to the old
Proverb, We might leap out of the Frying pan into the Fire.
Their danger
by reaſon of
the ways they
were to pafs.
But we muſt take care of that as well as we could when we came They fill re-
among them, for as yet our care was to get to Anarodgburro. Where main at the
altho it was our defire to get, yet we would not feem to be too hafty, Governours, to
prevent fufpi-
left it might occafion fufpition: but lay where we were two or three tion.
dayes: and one ftay'd at the Governors Houfe a knitting, whilft the
other went about among the Towns to fee for Fleſh. The Ponds in
the Country being now dry, there was Fifh every where in abun
dance,
158
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV. dance, which they dry like red Herrings over a fire. They offered to
fell us ſtore of them, but they, we told them, would not turn to ſo good
profit as Flefb: The which, we faid, we would have, tho we stayed ten
dayes longer for it. For here we could live as cheap, and earn as much
as if we were at home, by our knitting. So we feemed to them as if we'
were not in any haſt.
An accident
ted them
In the mean time happened an Accident which put us to a great
that now crea- fright. For the King having newly clapped up ſeveral Perfons of Qua-
great fear. lity, whereof my old Neighbour Ova Motteral, that fent for me to
Court,was one, fent down Souldiers to this High Sheriff or Governor,
at whofe houſe we now were, to give him order to fet a ſecure Guard
at the Watches, that no fufpitious perfons might pafs. This he did to
prevent the Relations of thefe imprifoned perfons from making an
Eſcape, who thro fear of the King might attempt it. This always is
the Kings cuſtome to do. But it put us into an exceeding fear, left it
might beget an admiration in theſe Soldiers to fee White men fo low
down: which indeed is not cuſtomary nor allowed of: and fo they
might ſend us up again. Which doubtless they would have done,had
it not been of God by this means and after this manner to deliver us.
Eſpecially confidering that the King's Command came juſt at that
time and ſo exprefly to keep a fecure Guard at the Watches, and that
in that very Way that alwayes we purpoſed to go in: ſo that it ſeemed
fcarcely poffible for us to pafs afterwards, tho we ſhould get off fairly
at preſent with the Soldiers.
But get fairly
rid of it.
They get away
Governour.
Which we did. For they having delivered their Meffage, departed,
fhewing themſelves very kind and civil unto us. And we feemed to
lament for our hard fortune, that we were not ready to go upwards
with them in their good company: for we were Neighbours dwelling
in one and the fame County. However we bid them carry our com-
mendations to our Countrymen the English, with whom they were ac-
quainted at the City, and fo bad them farewel. And glad we were
when they were gone from us. And the next day in the morning
we refolved, God willing, to fet forward. But we thought not fit to
tell our Hoft, the Governor, of it, till the very inftant of our depart-
ing, that he might not have any time to deliberate concerning us.
That Night he being diſpoſed to be merry, fent for people whoſe
trade it is to dance and fhew tricks, to come to his houfe to entertain
him with their Sports. The beholding them ſpent moſt part of the
Night. Which we merrily called our Old Hoft's Civility to us at our
laft parting: as it proved indeed,tho he,honeſt man,then little dreamed
of any fuch thing.
The morning being come, we firſt took care to fill our Bellies;
fairly from the then we packed up thofe things which were neceffary for our Journey
to carry with us, and the reft of our Goods, Cotton Yarn, and Cloth
and other things, that we would not incumber our felves withall, we
bound up in a Bundle, intending to leave them behind us. This be-
ing done, I went to the Governor,and carried him four or five charges
of Gunpowder, a thing fomewhat ſcarce with them, intreating him
rather than we ſhould be diſappointed of Flefh, to make wfe of that
and ſhoot ſome Deer; which he was very willing to accept of, and to
us it could be no wayes profitable, not having a Gun. While we, we
told him, would make a step to Anarodgburro to fee what Flesh we could
procure
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
159
:
1
procure there. In the mean time, according as we had before layd Chap. 9.
the buſineſs, came Stephen with the Bundle of Goods, defiring to leave
them in his houſe, till we came back. Which he was very ready to
grant us leave to do. And feeing us leave fuch a parcel of Goods,tho,
God knowes, but of little account in themſelves, yet of confiderable
value in that Land, he could not fuppofe otherwife but that we were
intended to return again. Thus we took our leaves, and immediately
departed; not giving him time to confider with himſelf,or confult withi
others about us. And he like a good natured man bid us heartily
farewel
Altho we knew not the way to this Town, having never been there
in all our lives, and durft not ask, left it might breed fufpition; yet
we went on confidently thro a defolate Wood: and happened to go
very right, and came out directly at the place.
with a River
But in our way before we arrived hither, we came up with a ſmall In their way
River, which ran thro the Woods, called by the Chingulayes Malwat they meet
oyah: the which we viewed well, and judged it might be a probable which they
guide to carry us down to the Sea, if a better did not prefent. How-found for
their purpoſe.
beit we thought good to try firſt the way we were taking, and to go
onward towards Anarodgburro, that being the ſhorteſt and eaſieſt way
to get to the Coaſt: and this River being as under our Lee, ready to
ferve and affift us, if other means failed.
This Place de
To Anarodgburro therefore we came, called alfo Neur Waug. Which
They come
is not fo much a particular fingle Town, as a Territory. It is a vaft fafely to Ana
great
Plain, the like I never faw in all that Iſland: in the midſt where- rodgburro.
of is a Lake, which may be a mile over, not natural, but made by art, fcribed.
as other Ponds in the Country, to ferve them to water their Corn
Grounds. This Plain is encompaſſed round with Woods, and ſmall
Towns among them on every fide, inhabited by Malabars, à diſtinc
People from the Chingulayes. But theſe Towns we could not fee till
we came in among them. Being come out thro the Woods into this
Plain, we ftood looking and flaring round about us, but knew not
where nor which way to go. At length we heard a Cock crow, which
was a fure fign to us that there was a Town hard by; into which we
were refolved to enter. For ſtanding thus amazed, was the ready way
to be taken up for fufpitious perfons, eſpecially becauſe White men ne-
ver come down folow.
ftand amazed
Being entred into this Town, we fate our felves under a Tree, and The People
proclaimed our Wares, for we feared to rush into their Yards, as we at them.
ufed to do in other places, left we fhould fcare them. The People
ſtood amazed as foon as they faw us, being originally Malabars, tho
Subjects of Cande. Nor could they underſtand the Chingulay Lan-
guage in which we fpake to them. And we ſtood looking one upon
another until there came one that could fpeak the Chingulay Tongue:
Who asked us, from whence we came? We told him, From Cande &da.
But they believed us not, fuppofing that we came up from the Dutch They are exa
the Place,
from Manaar. So they brought us before their Governor. He not mined by the
fpeaking Chingulais, fpake to us by an Interpreter. And to know the Governour of
truth, whether we came from the place we pretended, he inquired
about News at Court; demanded, Who were Governors of fuch and ſuch
Countreys and what was become of fome certain Noble-men, whom the
King had lately cut off? and alfo What the common people were employed
about
}
t
160
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
?
1
Part. IV. about at Court, for it is feldom that they are idle. To all which we
gave fatisfactory anſwers. Then he enquired of us, Who gave us leape
to come down fo low? We told him,That priviledg was given to us by the
King himself full Fifteen Tears fince at his Palace at Nellemby, when
be caused it to be declared unto us, that we were no longer prifoners, and
(which indeed was our own addition) that we were free to enjoy the
benefit of Trade in all his Dominions.
Provide things
neceſſary for
their flight.
They find it
not ſafe to
proceed fur
ther this way.
To prove and confirm the truth of which, we alledged the diſtance
of the Way that we were now come from home, being near an hun-
dred miles, paffing thro feveral Counties, where we met with feveral
Governors and Officers in their refpective Jurifdictions; who had they
not been well fenfible of theſe Priviledges granted us, would not have
allowed us to paſs thro their Countries. All which Officers we de-
ſcribed to him by name; and alſo that now we came from the High
Sheriff's Houſe at Colliwilla, where we had been theſe three dayes, and
there heard of the Order that was come to fecure the Watches; which
was not for fear of the running away of White men, but of the Chingu-
layes. Theſe Reaſons gave him full fatisfaction, that we were innocent
Traders, ſeeing alſo the Commodities that we had brought with us :
this further confirmed his opinion concerning us.
open
The People were very glad of our coming, and gave us an end of an
houſe to ly in: but at prefent they had no dryed Fleſh,but defired
us to ſtay two or three days and we fhould not fail: which we were
very ready to conſent to, hoping by that time to come to the know-
ledg of the way,and to learn where about the watch was placed. To
prevent the leaſt furmife that we were Plotting to run away,
we agreed that Stephen ſhould ſtay in the houfe by the
things, while I with fome few went abroad; pretending to en-
quire for dryed Fleſh to carry back with us to Cande, but
intending to make diſcoveries of the way, and provide neceffaries
for our Flight, as Rice, a Brafs Pot to boil our Rice in, a little dryed
Fleſh to eat, and a Deers-skin to make us Shooes of. And by the Provi-
dence of my gracious God, all theſe things I happened upon and
bought. But as our good hap was, Deers-Flesh we could meet with
none. So that we had time enough to fit our felves; all People think-
ing that we ſtayed only to buy Fleſh.
us.
Here we ſtayed three days; during which we had found the great
Road that runs down towards Jafnapatan, one of the Northern Ports
belonging to the Dutch, which Road we judged led alſo towards Ma-
naar a Dutch Northern Port alſo, which was the Place that we endea-
voured to get to, lying above two or three days Journey diſtant from
But in this Road there was a Watch lay, which muſt be paſſed.
Where this Watch was placed, it was neceffary for us punctually to
know, and to endeavour to get a fight of it. And if we could do this,
our intent was to go unfeen by Night, the people being then afraid to
travayl, and being come up to the Watch, to flip afide into the Woods,
and fo go on untill we were paft it; and then strike into the Road
again. But this Project came to nothing, becauſe I could not without
fufpition and danger go and view this Watch; which layd ſome four or
five miles below this Plain; and fo far I could not frame any buſineſs
to go.
But
An Iland in the Eaft-Indies.
161
But ſeveral inconveniences we faw here, infomuch that we found it Chap. 1o.
would not be ſafe for us to go down in this Road. For if we thould
have flipt away from them by Night, in the Morning we fhould be
miffed, and then moft furely they would go that way to chace us, and
ten to one overtake us, being but one Night before them. Allo we
knew not whether or no, it might lead us into the Countrey of the Ma-
labar Prince, of whom we were much afraid.
Then refolving to let the great Road alone, we thought of going
right down thro the VVoods, and fteer our courfe by the Sun and
Moon: but the Ground being fo dry we feared we ſhould not
meet with VVater. So we declined that Counſel alfo. Thus be-
ing in doubt, we prayed God to direct us, and to put it into our
hearts which way to take. Then after a Confultation between Reſolve to go
our felves, all things confidered, we concluded it the beft courfe back to the
to go
back to Malwat oyah, the River we had well viewed that lately paffed.
lay in our way as we came hither. And back thither we refolved
to repair.
River they
CHAP. X.
The Author's Progrefs in his Flight from Anarodgburro, into the
Woods, unto their arrival in the Malabars Coutrey.
NOV
wards the
Ow God of his Mercy having profpered our Deſign hitherto, They depart
for which we bleffed his Holy Name, our next care was how back again to-
to come off clear from the People of Anarodgburro, that they might River.
not preſently mifs us, and fo purſue after us. Which if they ſhould
do, there would have been no eſcaping them. For from this Town
to Colliwilla, where the Sheriff lived, with whom we left our Goods,
they are as well acquainted in the Woods as in the Paths. And when
we came away we must tell the People, that we were going thither,
becauſe there is no other way but that. Now our fear was, left upon
fome occafion or other any Men might chance to Travel that way foon
after we were gone, and not finding us at Colliwilla, might conclude,
as they could do no otherwiſe, that we were run into the Woods.
Therefore to avoid this Danger, we ſtayed in the Town till it was fo
late, that we knew none durft venture to Travel afterwards for fear of
wild Beaſts. By which means we were fure to gain a Nights Travel
at leaſt, if they ſhould chance to purſue us.
here.
So we took our leaves of the Governor, who kindly gave us a Pot But firft take
of Milk to drink for a farewel; we telling him, We were returning back their leave of
to the Sheriff at Colliwilla, to whom we had given fome Gunpowder when the Governce
we came from him to fhoot us fome Deer, and we doubted not but by that
time we should get to him, he would have provided flesh enough for our
lading home. Thus bidding him and the reft of the Neighbours fare-
wel, we departed, they giving us the Civility of their accustomed
Prayers, Diabac, that is, God bless, or keep you.
It was now the Twelfth day of October on a Sunday, the Moon eigh They begin
teen days old. We were well furniſhed with all things needful, which their flight
Y
We
162
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part IV. we could get, Viz. Ten days Provifion, Rice, Flesh, Fish, Pepper, Salt,
a Bafon to boil our Victuals in, two Calabaffes to fetch Water, two
great Tallipats for Tents, big enough to fleep under if it fhould rain,
Faggory and Sweet-meats, which we brought from home with us, To-
bacco alfo and Betel, Tinder-Boxes two or three for failing, and a Deers
Skin to make us Shooes, to prevent any Thorns running into our feet
as we travelled through the Woods; for our greateſt Truft under God.
was to our feet. Our Weapons were, each man a ſmall Axe faftned to
a long Staff in our hands, and a good Knife by our fides. Which were
fufficient with God's help to defend us from the Affaults of either Ti-
ger or Bear; and as for Elephants there is no ſtanding againſt them,
but the beſt defence is to flee from them.
In this Pofture and Equipage we marched forward. When we
were come within a Mile of this River, it being about Four in the
Evening, we began to fear, left any of the People of Anarodgburro
from whence we came, fhould follow us to Colliwella. Which place
we never intended to come at more: the River along which we in-
tended to go,laying on this fide of it. That we might be fecure there-
fore that no People came after us, we fat down upon a Rock by a hole
that was full of water in the High-way; until it was fo late, that we
were fure no People durft Travel. In cafe any had come after us, and
feen us fitting there and gotten no further, we intended to tell them,
That one of us was taken Sick by the way, and therefore not able to
go. But it was our happy chance there came none. So about Sun-
They come to down we took up our Sacks of Provifions, and marched forward for
long which the River, which under God we had pitched upon to be our guide
they refolved down to the Sea.
the River a-
to go.
Which they Being come at the River, we left the Road, and ſtruck into the
travel along. Woods by the River fide. We were exceeding careful not to tread
by till it was
on the Sand or foft Ground, left our footsteps fhould be feen;and where
dark.
it could not be avoided, we went backwards, ſo that by the print of
our feet, it ſeemed as if we had gone the contrary way. We were
now gotten a good way into the Wood; when it grew dark and began
to Rain, ſo that we thought it beft to pitch our Tents, and get Wood
for Firing before it was all wet, and too dark to find it. Which we
did, and kindled a fire.
Now they fit
Then we began to fit our felves for our Journey againſt the Moon
themſelves for arofe. All our Sale-wares which we had left we calt away, (for we
their Journey.
took care not to fell too much) keeping only Provifions and what was
very neceſſary for our Journey. About our Feet we tied pieces of
Deers-hide to prevent Thorns and Stumps annoying our feet. We al-
ways uſed to Travel bare foot, but now being to travel by Night and
in the Woods, we feared fo to do. For if our feet fhould fail us now,
we were quite undone. And by the time we had well-fitted our felves,
and were refreſhed with a Morfel of Portuguez Sweet-meats, the Moon
began to fhine. So having commended our felves into the hands of
the Almighty, we took up our Provifions upon our fhoulders, and fet
forward, and travelled fome three or four hours, but with a great deal
of difficulty; for the Trees being thick, the Moon gave but little light
thro, but our refolution was to keep going
Meeting with
an Elephant
they took up
for that night.
Now it was our chance to meet with an Elephant in our way juſt
before us: which we tryed, but could not fcare away: fo he forced us
to
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
163
!
to ſtay. We kindled a Fire and fate down, and took a Pipe of Tobacco, Chap. 10.
waiting till Morning. Then we looked round about us, and it appear-
ed all like a Wilderneſs, and no fign that People ever had been there:
which put us in great hopes that we had gained our Paſſage, and were
paſt all the Inhabitants. Whereupon we concluded that we were now
in no danger of being feen, and might Travel in the Day fecurely.
There was only one great Road in our way, which led to Portaloon
from the Towns which by and by we fell into; this Road therefore we
were fhy of, left when we paffed it over, fome Paffengers travelling
in it, might fee us; and this Road we were in expectance about this
time to meet withal, fecure, as I faid before, of all other danger of
People. But the River winding about to the Northward brought us They fall in
into the midſt of a parcel of Towns called Tiffea Wava, before we were among Towns
aware. For the Countrey being all Woods, we could not difcern are aware.
where there were Towns, until we came within the hearing of them.
That which betrayed us into this danger was, that meeting with a
Path, which only led from one Town to another, we concluded it to
be that great Road above mentioned; and fo having paſt it over, we
ſuppoſed the Danger we might encounter in being feen, was alfo paft
over with it; but we were miſtaken; for going further we ftill met
with other Paths, which we croffed over, ftill hoping one or other
of them was that great Road; but at laſt we perceived our Error;
viz. That they were only Paths that went from one Town to ano-
ther.
And ſo while we were avoiding Men and Towns, we ran into the
midft of them. This was a great trouble to us, hearing the Noife of
People round about us, and knew not how to avoid them; into whoſe
hands we knew if we had fallen, they would have carried us up to the
King, befides Beating and Plundring us to boot.
before they
We knew before that theſe Towns were here away, but had we
known that this River turned and run in among them, we ſhould ne-
ver have undertaken the Enterprize. But now to go back, after we
had newly paffed fo many Paths, and Fields and places where People.
did refort, we thought not adviſable, and that the danger in ſo doing
might be greater than in going forward. And had we known fo
much then, as afterwards did appear to us, it had been fafer for us
to have gone on, than to have hid there as we did; which we then
thought was the beſt courſe we could take for the preſent extremity :
viz. To fecure our ſelves in fecret until Night, and then to run thro
in the dark. All that we now wanted was a hole to creep in to lye
cloſe, for the Woods thereabouts were thin, and no fhrubs or buſhes,
under which we might be concealed.
left they
should be feen,
We heard the noife of People on every fide, and expected every Their fright
moment to ſee ſome of them to our great terror. And it is not
And it is not
eafie to ſay in what Danger, and in what apprehenfion of it we
were; it was not fafe for us to ftir backwards or forwards for fear
of running among People, and it was as unfafe to ſtand ſtill where
we were, left fome body might fpy us: and where to find Covert
we could not tell. Looking about us in theſe ſtraits we ſpyed a great
Tree by us, which for the bignefs thereof 'tis probable might be hol- hollow Tree
low. To which we went, and found it fo. It was like a Tub, fome
three foot high. Into it immediately we both crept, and made a ſhift
Y 2
to
Hid them
felves in a
164
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV. to fit there for feveral hours, tho very uneafily, and all in mud and
But however it did greatly comfort us in the fright and amaze-
ment we were in.
They get fafe-
ly over this
Danger.
They drefs
Meat and lay
wet.
So foon as it began to grow dark, we came creeping out of our hol-
low Tree, and put for it as faft as our Legs could carry us. And then
we croffed that great Road, which all the day before we did expect to
come up with, keeping clofe by the River fide, and going fo long till
dark Night ſtopped us. We kept going the longer, becauſe we heard
the Voice of Men hollowing towards Evening: which created us a
freſh difturbance, thinking them to be People that were coming to
chące us. But at length we heard Elephants behind us, between us
and the Voice, which we knew by the noife of cracking the Boughs
and fmall Trees, which they break down and eat. Thefe Elephants
were a very good Guard behind us, and were methought like the
Darkness that came between Ifrael and the Egyptians. For the Peo-
ple we knew would not dare to go forwards hearing Elephants be-
fore them.
&
In this Security we pitched our Tents by the River fide, and boiled
Rice and roafted flefh for our Supper, for we were very hungry, and
down to fleep. fo commending our felves to God's keeping laid down to fleep. The
Voice which we heard ftill continued, which lafting fo long we knew
what it meant; it was nothing but the hollowing of People that lay
to watch the Corn Fields, to fcare away the wild Beaſts out of their
Corn. Thus we paſt Monday.
They fear
wild Men,
which theſe
Woods a-
bound with.
They meet
with many of
their Tents.
}
But nevertheless next Morning fo foon as the Moon fhone out
bright, to prevent the worst we took up our Packs, and were gone:
being paft all the tame Inhabitants with whom we had no more trou-
ble. But the next day we feared we ſhould come among the wild ones;
for thefe Woods are full of them. Of thefe we were as much afraid as
of the other. For they would have carried us back to the King,
where we ſhould be kept Prifoners, but theſe we feared would have
fhot us, not ftanding to hear us plead for our felves.
:
And indeed all along as we went, by the fides of the River till we
came to the Malabar Inhabitants,had been the Tents of wild Men, made
only of Boughs of Trees. But God be praiſed, they were all gone, tho
but very lately before we came: as we perceived by the Bones of Cat-
tle, and ſhells of Fruit, which lay ſcattered about. We ſuppoſed that
want of water had driven them out of the Countrey down to the
River fide, but fince it had rained a fhower or two they were gone
Very near fall- again. Once about Noon fitting down upon a Rock by the River
ing upon the fide to take a Pipe of Tobacco and reſt our felves; we had almoſt been
wild People, diſcovered by the Women of theſe wild People, coming down, as I
fuppofe, to wash themſelves in the River. Who being many of them,
came talking and laughing together. At the first hearing of the noiſe
being a good diſtance, we marvailed what it was: fitting ftill and
liftning, it came nearer a little above where we fat; and at laſt we
could plainly diftinguish it to be the Voices of Women and Chil-
dren. Whereupon we thought it no boot to fit longer, fince we
could eſcape undiſcovered, and fo took up our Bags and fled as fast as
we could.
What kind of
Thus we kept travelling every day from Morning till Night, ftill
travelling they along by the River fide, which turned and winded very crooked.
had,
In
1
4
↑
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
165
In fome places it would be pretty good Travelling, and but few Buſhes Chap. 11.
and Thorns, and in others a great many. So that our Shoulders and
Arms were all of a Gore, being grievouſly torn and fcratched.
For
we had nothing on us but a clout about our Middles, and our Victuals
on our Shoulders, and in our hands a Tallipat and an Ax.
The lower we came down this River, the lefs Water, fo that fome- Some account
times we could go a Mile or two upon the Sand, and in fome places of this River;
three or four Rivers would all meet together. When it happened ſo,
and was Noon, the Sun over our head, and the Water not running
we could not tell which to follow, but were forced to ftay till the Sun
was fallen, thereby to judge of our courfe. We often met with Bears,
Hogs, Deer, and wild Buffaloes, but all ran fo foon as they faw us.
But Elephants we met with no more than that I mentioned before.
The River is exceeding full of Aligators all a long as we went; the
upper part of it nothing but Rocks. Here and there by the fide of
this River is a world of heyvn Stone Pillars, ftanding upright, and Ruins.
other heaps of hevvn Stones, vvhich I fuppofe formerly were Build-
ings. And in three or four places are the ruins of Bridges built of
Stone; fome Remains of them yet ſtanding upon Stone Pillars. In
many places are Points built out into the River like Wharfs, all of
hewn Stone; which I ſuppoſe have been built for Kings to fit upon
for Pleaſure. For I cannot think they ever were employed for Traf
fick by VVater; the River being fo full of Rocks that Boats could ne-
ver come up into it.
The Woods
The VVoods in all theſe Northern Parts are ſhort and fhrubbed,
and fo they are by the River fide, and the lower the worſe; and hereabouts.
the Grounds fo alfo.
felves a nights
In the Evenings we uſed to pitch our Tent, and make a great Fire How they fe
both before and behind us, that the wild Beafts might have notice cured them-
where we lay; and we uſed to hear the Voices of all forts of them, against wild
but, thanks be to God, none ever came near to hurt us. Yet we Beafts,
were the more wary of them, becauſe once a Tiger fhewed us a cheat.
For having bought a Deer, and having nothing to falt it up in, we
packed it up in the Hide thereof falted, and laid it under a Bench
in an open Houſe, on which I lay that Night, and Stephen layd juft
by it on the Ground, and fome three People more lay then in the
fame Houfe; and in the faid Houfe a great Fire, and another in the
Yard. Yet a Tiger came in the Night, and carried Deer and Hide
and all away. But we miffing it, concluded it was a Thief. VVe
called up
the People that lay by us, and told them what had hap-
pened. Who informed us that it was a Tiger, and with a Torch
they went to fee which way he had gone, and prefently found
fome of it, which he let drop by the way. VVhen it was day we
went further, and pickt up more which was fcattered, till we came
to the Hide it felf, which remained uneaten.
River that di
We had now Travelled till Thursday Afternoon, when we crof- They pafs the
fed the River called Coronda oyah, which was then quite dry; vides the
this parts the King's Countrey from the Malabars. VVe faw no King's Coun-
fign of Inhabitants here. The VVoods began to be very full of trey from the
Thorns, and fhrubby Buſhes with Clifts and broken Land; fo that
we could not poffibly go in the VVoods; but now the River grew
better being clear of Rocks, and dry, water only ſtanding in holes.
So
Malabars.
166
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
•
Part IV. So we marched along in the River upon the Sand. Hereabouts are
far more Elephants than higher up: by Day we faw none, but by
Night the River is full of them.
After four or
five days tra-
among to
vel they come
bitants.
But do what
they can to a-
་
Friday about Nine or Ten in the Morning we came among the
Inhabitants. For then we faw the footing of People on the Sand,
and tame Cattel with Bells about their Necks. Yet we kept on our
way right down the River, knowing no other courfe to take to fhun
the People. And as we went ftill forwards we faw Coracan Corn,
fowed in the VVoods, but neither Towns nor People; nor ſo much
as the Voice of Man. But yet we were fomewhat difmayed, know-
ing that we were now in a Countrey inhabited by Malabars. The
Wanniounay or Prince of this People for fear pay Tribute to the Dutch,
but ftands far more affected towards the King of Cande. VVhich
made our care the greater to keep our felves out of his hands; fear-
yoid them, ing left if he did not keep us himself, he might fend us up to our old
Mafter. So that great was our terror again, left meeting with Peo-
ple we might be diſcovered. Yet there was no means now left us how
to avoid the Danger of being feen. The VVoods were fo bad, that
we could not poffibly Travel in them for Thorns: and to Travel by
Night was impoffible, it being a dark Moon, and the River a Nights
fo full of Elephants and other wild Beaſts coming to drink; as we did
both hear and fee laying upon the Banks with a Fire by us. They
came in fuch Numbers becauſe there was VVater for them no where
elfe to be had, the Ponds and holes of VVater, nay the River it felf in
many places being dry.
covered.
As yet undif. There was therefore no other way to be taken but to Travel on in
the River. So down we went into the Sand, and put on as faſt as we
could ſet our Legs to the ground, ſeeing no People (nor I think no bo-
dy us) only Buffaloes in abundance in the Water:
They met
with two M4-
labars. To
relate their
Condition.
CHAP. XI.
Being in the Malabar Territories, how they encountred two Men, and
what paſſed between them. And of their getting Safe unto the Dutch
Fort. And their Reception there, and at the Ifland Manaar, until
their Embarking for Columbo.
T
Hus we went on till about three of the Clock afternoon. At
which time coming about a Point, we came up with two Bra-
whom they mins on a fudden, who were fitting under a Tree boyling Rice. We
were within forty paces of them; when they faw us they were amazed
at us, and as much afraid of us as vve vvere of them. Novv vve.
thought it better Policy to treat vvith them than to flee from them;
fearing they might have Bovvs and Arrovvs, vvhereas vve vvere
armed only vyith Axes in our hands, and Knives by our fides; or
elfe that they might raiſe the Countrey and purſue us. So vve made
a ftand, and in the Chingulay Language asked their leave to come
near to treat vvith them, but they did not underſtand it. But being
rifen up fpake to us in the Malabar Tongue, vvhich vve could not
underſtand.
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
167
underſtand. Then ſtill ſtanding at a diſtance we intimated our minds Chap. 11.
to them by figns, beckoning with our hand: which they anſwered
in the fame Language. Then offering to go towards them, and fee-
ing them to be naked men and no Arms near them, we laid our
Axes upon the ground with our Bags, left we might fcare them,
if we had come up to them with thofe weapons in our hands, and fo
went towards them with only our Knives by our fides: by figns with
our hands fhewing them our bloody Backs we made them underftand
whence we came, and whither we were going. Which when they
perceived they ſeemed to commiferate our condition, and greatly to
admire at ſuch a Miracle which God had brought to pass and as they
talked one to another they lifted up their hands and faces towards
Heaven,often repeating Tombrane which is God in the Malabar Tongue.
And by their figns we underſtood they would have us bring our
Bags and Axes nearer; which we had no fooner done,but they brought They are cour.
the Rice and Herbs which they had boiled for themſelves to us, and teous to them,
bad us eat; which we were not fitted to do, having not long before
eaten a hearty Dinner of better fare; yet could not but thankfully
accept of their compaffion and kindneſs, and eat as much as we could;
and in requital of their courtefie, we gave them fome of our Tobac
Which after much entreating they did receive, and it pleaſed
them exceedingly.
co.
to the Hollan~
After theſe civilities paffed on either fide, we began by figns to de-
fire them to go with us and fhew us the way to the Dutch Fort: Eut loath to
which they were very unwilling to do,faying,as by figns and fome few condu&t ther
words which we could underſtand, that our greateſt danger was paft, der
and that by Night we might get into the Hollanders Dominions.
Yet we beingweary:with our tedious journey, and defirous to have a
guide,fhewed them Money to the value of five Shillings, being all I
had; and offered it them to go with us. Which together with our
great importunity fo prevailed, that one of them took it; and leaving
his fellow to carry their Baggage he went with us about one Mile,
and then began to take his leave of,us,and to return. Which we fup-
fed was to get more from us.Having therefore no more Money,we gave
him a red Tunis Cap and a Knife, for which he went a Mile farther,
and then as before would leave us, fignifying to us, that we were
out of danger, and he could go no further.
Now we had no more left to give him, but began to perceive, that
what we had parted withall to him, was but flung away; and altho
we might have taken all from him again being alone in the Wood, yet
we feared to do it, left thereby we might exafperate him, and fo he
might give notice of us to the People, but bad him farewel, after he
had conducted us about four or five Miles. And we kept on our
journey down the River as before, until it was Night, and lodged upon in danger of
a Bank under a Tree: but were in the way of the Elephants; for in Elephants.
the Night they came and had like to have diſturbed us ſo that for
fo
our preſervation we were forced to fling Fire brands at them to ſcare
them away.
}
The next Morning being Saturday as foon as it was light, having
eaten to ſtrengthen us, as Horfes do Oats before they Travail, we fet
forth going ftill down the River; the Sand was dry and looſe, and fo
very tedious to go upon: by the fide we could not go,being all over-
grown
168
An Historical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV. grown with Bushes. The Land hereabouts was as finooth as a bow-
ling-green, but the Grafs clean burt up for want of Rain.
They overtake
another man,
who tells them
they were in
the Dutch Do-
minions.
They Arrive
at Arrepa Fort.
Having Travailed about two hours, we faw a Man walking in the
River before, whom we would gladly have fhunned, but well could
not, for he walked down the River as we did, but at a very flow rate,
which much hindred us. But we confidering upon the diftance we
had come, fince we left the Bramin, and comparing with what he
told us, we concluded we were in the Hollanders jurifdiction: and fo
amended our pace to overtake the Man before us.
Whom we per-
ceiving to be free from timerouſneſs at the fight of us, concluded he
had used to fee White-men. Whereupon we asked him, to whom he be-
longed. He fpeaking the Chingulay Language anſwered, To the
Dutch; and alſo that all the Country was under their Command, and
that we were out of all danger, and that the Fort of Arrepa was but
fome fix miles off. Which did not a little rejoyce us, we told him,
we were of that Nation, and had made our eſcape from Cande, where
we had been many years kept in Captivity; and having nothing to
give him our felves, we told him, that it was not to be doubted,
but the Chief Commander at the Fort would bountifully reward him,
if he would go with us and direct us thither. But whether he doubted
of that or no, or whether he expected fomething in hand, he excufed
himſelf pretending earnest and urgent occafions that he could not de-
fer: but adviſed us to leave the River, becauſe it winds fo much about,
and turn up without fear to the Towns, where the People would di-
rect us the way to the Fort.
Upon his advice we ſtruck up a Path that came down to the River,
intending to go to a Town, but could find none; and there were fo
many croſs Paths that we could not tell which way to go: and the
Land here ſo exceedingly low and level, that we could fee no other
thing but Trees. For altho I got up a Tree to look if I could fee the
Dutch Fort,or difcern any Houles, yet I could not; and the Sun being
right over our heads neither could that direct us: infomuch that we
wifhed our felves again in our old friend, the River. So after fo
much wandring up and down we fat down under a Tree waiting until
the Sun was fallen, or fome People came by. Which not long after
three or four Malabars did. One of which could ſpeak a little Portu-
gueze. We told theſe Men, vve vvere Hollanders, fuppofing they
vvould be the more vvilling to go vvith us, but they proved of the
fame temper vvith the reft before mentioned. For until I gave one of
them a fmall Knife to cut Betel-nuts, he vvould not go vvith us: but
for the lucre of that he conducted us to a Tovvn. From vvhencê
they fent aMan vvith us to the next,and fo vve were paffed from Tovvn
to Tovvn, until vve arrived at the Fort called Arrepa: it being abour
four of the Clock on Saturday afternoon. October the eighteenth
MDCLXXIX. Which day God grant us grace that vve may never
forget, vvhen he vvas pleaſed to give us fo great a deliverance from
fuch a long Captivity, of nineteen years, and fix Months, and odd
days, being taken Priſoner when I was nineteen years old, and con-
He Travailed tinued upon the Mountains among the Heathen till I attained to
a Nights in the Eight and Thirty.
out fear, and
Woods with- In this my Flight thro the Woods, I cannot but take notice with
flept fecurely. fome wonder and great thankfulneſs, that this Travelling by Night
1
in
An Ifland in the Eaſt-Indies.
169
in a deſolate Wilderneſs was little or nothing dreadful to me, whereas Chap. 1 1.
formerly the very thoughts of it would feem to dread me, and in the
Night when I laid down to reft with wild Beats round me, I flept as
foundly and fecurely, as ever I did at home in my own Houſe.
Which courage and peace I look upon to be the immediate gift of God
to me upon my earneſt Prayers, which at that time he poured into my
heart in great meaſure and fervency. After which I found my ſelf
freed from thoſe frights and fears, which uſually poffeffed my heart at
other times.
In short, I look upon the whole Bufinefs as a miraculous Providence,
and that the hand of God did eminently appear to me, as it did of
old to his People Ifrael in the like circumftances, in leading and condu-
cting me thro this dreadful Wilderneſs, and not to fuffer any evil to
approach nigh unto me.
The Hollanders much wondered at our Arrival, it being fo ſtrange Entertained
that any ſhould efcape from Cande; and entertained us very kindly very kindly.
that Night and the next Morning being Sunday, fent a Corporal
with us to Manaar, and a Black Man to carry our few things.
the Captain of
At Manaar we were brought before the Captain of the Caftle, the Sent to Manaars
Cheif Governor being abfent. Who when we came in was juft rifen Received by
from Dinner; he received us with a great deal of kindneſs and bad the Cafile.
us fet down to eat. It ſeemed not a little ſtrange to us, who had
dwelt fo long in Straw Cottages among the Black Heathen, and uſed
to fit on the Ground and eat our Meat on Leaves, now to fit on
Chairs and eat out of China Diſhes at a Table. Where were great Va-
rieties, and a fair and ſumptuous Houſe inhabited by White and Chriftian
People; we being then in fuch Habit and Guize, our Natural colour
excepted, that we feemed not fit to eat with his Servants, no nor his
Slaves.
the next day
After Dinner the Captain inquired concerning the Affairs of the who intended
King and Countrey, and the condition of their Ambaffadors and them to Sail
People there. To all which we gave them true and fatisfactory Anfwers. to Jafnapatani
Then he told us,That to Morrow there was a Sloop to fail to Jafnapatan,
in which he would fend us to the Commander or Governor, from
whence we might have paſſage to Fort St. George, or any other place
on that Coaſt, according to our defire. After this, he gave us
fome Money, bidding us go to the Caſtle, to drink and be merry with
our Country-men there. For all which kindneſs giving him many
thanks in the Portugueze Language, we took our leaves of him.
meet with a
When vve came to the Court of Guard at the Caſtle, vve ask- Here they
ed the Soldiers if there vvere no English men among them. Im- Scotch and
mediatly there came forth tvvo men to us, the one a Scotchman Iriſh man.
named Andrew Brown; the other anTirfhman vvhoſe name vvas Francis
Hodges. Who after very kind falutes carried us unto their Lodgings in
the Caſtle, and entertained us very nobly, according to their Ability,
vvith Rack and Tobacco.
them.
The Nevvs of our Arrival being ſpread in the Tovvn. the Peo- The People
ple caine flocking to fee us, a ftrange and vvonderful fight! and flock to fee
fome to enquire about their Husbands, Sons, and Relations, which
wereP riſoners in Cande.
In the Evening a Gentleman of the Tovvn fent to invite us to his
Houſe, vvere vve were gallantly entertained both vvith Victuals and
Lodging
Z
The
170
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV.
dered a longer
ſtay.
The next day being Munday; ready to Embark for Jafnapatan,
came Order from the Captain and Council, that we muit ftay until
They are ore, the Commander of Jafnapatan, who was daily expected, came thither.
Which we could not deny to do: and order was given to the Victua
lers of the Soidiers, to provide for us. The Scotch and Iriſh man
were very glad of this Order, that they might have our company
longer; and would not fuffer us to ſpend the Captains benevolence in
their company, but ſpent freely upon us at their own charges. Thanks
be to God we both continued in health all the time of our Efcape: but
within three days after we came to Manaar, my Companion fell very
Sick, that I thought I fhould have loſt him.
They embark
for Columbo.
Thus we remained fome ten days; at which time the expected
Commander arrived, and was received with great ceremonies of State.
The next day we went before him to receive his orders concerning us.
Which were, to be ready to go with him on the morrow to Columbo,
there being a Ship that had long waited in that Road to carry him.
In which we embarked with him for Columbo. At our coming on
board to go to Sea, we could not expect but to be Sea-fick, being
now as Freſh men, having fo long difufed the Sea, but it proved other-
wife, and we were not in the leaſt ſtirred.
CHAP. XII.
They are
wondred at
at Columbo.
Ordered to
the Gover⭑
nour.
Their Arrival at Columbo, and entertainment there.
thence to Batavia. And from thence to Bantam:
Sail for England.
B
Their departure
Whence they fet
Eing arrived ſafely at Columbo, before the Ship carae to an An-
chor, there came a Barge on board to carry the Commander
athore. But being late in the evening, and my Confort fick of an
Ague and Fevor, we thought it better for us to ftay until Morning,
to have a day before us. The next morning we bid the Skipper
farewel, and went afhore in the firſt Boat, going ſtrait to the Court of
Guard: where all the Soldiers came ftaring upon us, wondring to fee
White-men in Chingulay Habit. We asked them if there were no Eng-
lifh-men among them; they told us, There were none, but that in the
City there were feveral. A Trumpetter being hard by, who had
formerly failed in English Ships, hearing of us came and invited us
to his Chamber, and entertained my Confort being fick of his Ague,
in his own Bed..
This ftrange news of our arrival from Cande, was preſently
appear before fpread all about the City, and all the English men that were there im-
mediatly come to bid us welcome out of our long Captivity. With
whom we confulted how to come to fpeech of the Governour.
Upon which one of them went and and acquainted the Captain
of the Guard of our being on fhore. Which the Captain underſtand-
ing went and informed the Governour thereof. Who fent us an-
fwer that to morrow we thould come before him.
After
:
+
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
>
171
After my Confort's Fit was over our Countreymen and their Chap. 12.
Friends invited us abroad, to walk and fee the City. We being bare- Treated by
foot and in the Chingulay Habit, with great long Beards, the People English there,
much wondred at us, and came flocking to fee who and what we
were; fo that we had a great Train of People about us as we walked in
the Streets. After we had walked to and fro, and had ſeen the City,
they carried us to their Land-Ladies Houſe, where we were kindly
treated both with Victuals and Drink; and returned to the Trumpet-
ter's Chamber,as he had defired us, when we went out. In the Evening
came a Eoy from the Governor's Houſe to tell us, that the Governor
invited us to come to Supper at his Houſe. But we having Dined
late with our Countreymen and their Friends, had no room to re-
ceive the Governor's Kindneſs: and fo Lodged that Night at the
Trumpetters.
into the Go
vernor's pre-
The next Morning the Governor, whofe Name was Ricklof Van They come
Gons, Son of Ricklof Van Gons General of Batavia, fent for us to his
Houſe. Whom we found ſtanding in a large and ſtately Room, paved fence. His
with black and white Stones; and only the Commander, who brought ftate.
us from Manaar, ſtanding by him: who was to fucceed him in the
Government of that place. On the further fide of the Room ſtood
three of the chief Captains bare-headed. Firſt, He bid us welcom out
of our long Captivity, and told us, That we were free men, and that he
hould have been glad if he could have been an Inſtrument to redeem
us fooner, having endeavoured as much for us as for his own People.
For all which we thanked him heartily, telling him, We knew it to be
true.
The Governor perceiving I could fpeak the Portugueze Tongue, be- Matters the
gan to inquire concerning the Affairs of the King and Countrey very Governor
particularly, and oftentimes asked about fuch Matters as he himself quired of
knew better than I. To all his Queſtions my too much Experience
inabled me to give a fatisfactory Reply. Some of the moſt remarkable
matters he demanded of me were thefe..
Firſt, They inquired much about the reafon and intent of our com-
ing to Cuttiar. To which I answered them at large. Then they asked,
If the King of Cande had any Ifue? I told them, As report went, he
· bad none.
And, Who were the greatest in the Realm next to him? I an-
fwered. There were none of Renown left, the King had deſtroyed them
all. How the hearts of the People food affected? I anfwered, Much
against their King. He being fo cruel. If we had never been brought
into his prefence? I told them, No, nor had ever had a near fight of
him. What strength he had for War. Ianfwered, Not well able to af-
fault them, by reason the hearts of his People were not true to him. But
that the strength of his Countrey confifted in Mountains and Woods, as
much as in the People.
What Army he could raise upon occafion? I answered, I knew not well,
but as I thought about Thirty Thouſand men.
Why he would not make Peace with them, they fo much fueing for it, and
fending Prefents to pleaſe him? I answered, I was not one of his Council,
and knew not his meaning.
But they demanded of me, What I thought might be the reafon or oc
cafion of it? I answered, Living fecurely in the Mountains he feareth none;
and for Traffick he regardeth it not.
Z 2
Which
en
172
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV.
Which way was best and moſt ſecure to fend Spyes or Intelligence të
Cande? I told them, By the way that goeth to Jafniputtan, and by
Some of that Countrey People, who have great correspondence with the
People of Neurecaulava, one of the King's Countries.
What I thought would become of that Land after this King's De-
ceaſe? I told them, I thought, He having no fue, it might fall intó
their hands.
How many English men had ſerved the King, and what became of them?
which I gave them an account of.
Whether I had any Acquaintance or Difcourfe with the great Men at
Court? I answered, That I was too small to have any Friendſhip or In-
timacy, or hold Difcourfe with them.
How the common People ufed to talk concerning them? I answered,
They used much to commend their Justice and good Government in the
Territories, and over the People belonging unto them.
Whether the King did take Counſel of any, or rule and act only by his
own will and pleaſure? I answered, I was a Stranger at Court, and
how could I know that?
But, they asked further, What was my Opinion? I replied,
He is so great, that there is none great enough to give him counſel.
Concerning the French, If the King knew not of their coming before
they came? I anfvvered, I thought, not, because their coming feemed
Strange and wonderful unto the People.
How they had proceeded in treating with the King? Ianfvvered, as
fhall be related hereafter; vvhen I come to ſpeak of the French detained
in this Land.
If I knew any way or means to be used whereby the Prisoners in Cande
might be fet free? I told them, Means I knew none, unless they could
do it by War.
Alſo they enquired about the manner of Executing thoſe whom the
King commands to be put to Death. They enquired alfo very curi-
ouſly concerning the manner of our Surprizal, and Entertainment or
Ufage among them. And in what parts of the Land we had our Re-
fidence. And particularly, concerning my felf: in what Parts of the
Land, and how long in each I had dwelt, and after what manner
I lived there, and of my Age; and in what Part or Place when
God fends me home, I ſhould take up my abode. To all which I
gave anſwers.
They defired to know alfo, how many English men there were yet
remaining behind. I gave them an account of Sixteen Men, and alſo
of Eighteen Children born there. They much enquired concerning
their Embaffadors detained there, and of their behaviour and man-
her of living; alfo what the King_allowed them for Maintenance;
and concerning feveral Officers of Quality Priſoners there, and in ge-
neral about all the reſt of their Nation. And what Countenance the
King fhewed to thofe Dutch men that came running away to him? I an-
fwered, The Dutch Rannawayes the King looks upon as Rogues. And con-
cerning the Portugueze they enquired alfo. I told them, The Portu-
gueze were about fome fifty or threefcore perfons, and fix or seven of those,
Europe men born.
They asked me moreover, How we had made our Eſcape, and which
way, and by what Towns we paffed, and how long we were in our
Journey To all which I answered at large.
Then
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
173
1
The Governor
Then the Governor asked me,What was my intent and defire? I told Chap. 12.
him, To have Paffage to our own Nation at Fort S. GEORGE. To
which he anſwered, That fuddenly there would be no convenient oppor- defires him to
tunity. But his defire was that we would go with him to Batavia, where go to Batavia.
the General his Father would be very glad to fee us. Which was not in
our power to deny. Then he commanded to call a Dutch Captain,
who was over the Countreys adjacent, fubject to their jurisdiction. To
him he gave Order to take us home to his Houſe, and there well to
entertain us, and alſo to fend for a Tailor to make us Cloths. Upon Cloths them,
which I told him, his Kindnefs fhewn us already was more than we
could have defired; it would be a fufficient favour now to ſupply us
with a little Money upon a Bill to be paid at Fort S. George, that we
might therewith Cloth our felves. To which he anſwered, That he
would not deny me any Sum I ſhould demand, and Cloth us upon
his own account befides. For which we humbly thanked his Lord-
fhip and fo took our leaves of him; and went home with the
aforefaid Captain.
Money.
The Governor preſently fent me Money by his Steward for Ex-Sends them
pences when we walked abroad in the City. We were nobly en-
tertained without lack of any thing all the time we ſtayed at Co-
lumbo. My Confort's Ague increaſed, and grew very bad; but the And a Chirur
chief Chirurgeon by order daily came to fee him, and gave him econ.
fuch Potions of Phyfick, that by God's Bleffing he foon after re-
covered.
During my being here, I writ a Letter to my fellow Priſoners I left The Author
behind me in Cande. Wherein I defcribed at large the way we went, writes a Let-
fo that they might plainly underſtand the fame. Which I finding to liſh at Candi.
ter to the Enga
be fafe and fecure, adviſed them, when God permitted, to fteer the
fame courſe. This Letter I left with the new Governor, and defired
him when opportunity prefented, to fend it to them. Who faid he
would have it Copied out into Dutch for the benefit of their Priſoners
there, and promiſed to fend both together.
The former
Demands and
Anſwers pen-
ned down in
Portugueze by
the Governor's
The Governor ſeemed to be pleaſed with my aforefaid Relations, and
Replies to his Demands, infomuch that he afterwards appointed one
that well underſtood Portugueze to write down all the former particu-
lars. Which being done, for further fatisfaction they brought me
Pen and Paper, defiring me to write the fame that I had related to order.
them in Engliſh, and fign it with my hand, which I was not unwil-
ling to do.
for Batavia,
Upon the Governor's departure there were great and royal Feafts They Embark
made. To which he always fent for me. Here were exceeding great
Varieties of Food, Wine, and fweet Meats, and Mufick. Some two
and twenty days after our Arrival at Columbo, the Governor went on
board ſhip to fail to Batavia, and took us with him. At which time
there were many Scores of Ordnance fired. We Sailed all the way
with Flag and Penant under it, being out both Day and Night, in a
Ship of about Eight hundred Tuns Burthen; and a Soldier ſtanding
armed Sentinel at the Cabin door both Night and Day. He fo far fa-
voured me, that I was in his own Mefs, and eat at his Table.
Where every Meal we had Ten or Twelve Dishes of Meat with
variety of Wine. We fet Sail from Columbo the Four and twen-
tieth of November, and the Fifth of January anchored in Bata-
via Road.
As
174
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV.
As we came to greater Men fo we found greater Kindneſs; for the
General of Batavia's Reception of us, and favours to us exceeded (if
His friendly, poffible) thofe of the Governor his Son. As foon as we came before
Reception at
Batavia with him, ſeeming to be very glad, he took me by the hand and bad us
the Governor. heartily welcom, thanking God on our behalf that had appeared fo mira-
culouſly in our deliverance; telling us withal, That he had omitted no
means for our Redemption, and that if it had layd in his Power, we
fhould long before have had our Liberty. I humbly thanked his Excel-
lency, and faid, That I knew it to be true; and that tho it miſſed of an
effect, yet his good will was not the lefs, neither were our Obligations, be-
ing ever bound to thank and pray for him.
Furnishes
them with
the Cloths
and Money.
:
Offer him paf-
fage in their
Ships.
Come home
In the Cæfar.
Then his own Tailor was ordered to take meaſure of us, and furniſh
us with two Sutes of Apparel. He gave us alſo Moneys for Tobacco
and Betel, and to fpend in the City. All the time we ſtayed there,
our Quarters were in the Captain of the Caſtle's Houſe. And often-
times the General would fend for me to his own Table, at which fat
only himſelf and Lady; who was all befpangled with Diamonds and
Pearls. Sometimes his Sons and Daughters-in-Law, with fome other
Strangers did eat with him; the Trumpet founding all the while. We
finding our ſelves thus kindly entertained, and our Habits changed,
faw, that we were no more Captives in Cande, nor yet Priſoners elfe-
where; therefore cut off our Beards which we had brought with us out
of our Captivity; for until then we cut them not; God having rolled
away the reproach of Cande from us.
1
Here alfo they did examine me again concerning the paffages of
Cande, caufing all to be writ down which I faid, and requiring my
hand to the fame. Which I refuſed, as I had done before, and upon
the fame account, becauſe I underſtood not the Dutch Language,
Whereupon they perfuaded me to write a Certificate upon another Pa
per under my Hand, that what I had informed them of, was true,
Which I did. This Examination was taken by two Secretaries
who were appointed to demand Anſwers of me concerning the
King of Ceilon and his Countrey: which they committed to Wri-
ting from my mouth.
ร
The General's youngeſt Son being to go home Admiral of the
Ships this year, the General kindly offered us paffage upon their
Ships, promifing me Entertainment at his Son's own Table, as the
Governor of Columbo had given me in my Voyage hither. Which
offer he made me, he ſaid, That I might better ſatisfie their Company
in Holland concerning the Affairs of Ceilon, which they would be very
glad to know.
At this time came two English Merchants hither from Bantam, with
from Bantam whom the General was pleaſed to permit us to go. But when we came
to Bantam, the English Agent very kindly entertained us, and being
not willing, that we fhould go to the Dutch for Paffage, fince God had
brought us to our own Nation, ordered our Paffage in the good Ship
Cæfar lying then in the Road, bound for England, the Land of our Na-
tivity, and our long wifhed for Port. Where by the good Providence
of God we arrived fafe in the Month of September.
j
4
CHAP.
An Iſland in the Eaft-Indies.
175
Chap. 13.
CHAP. XIII
Concerning ſome other Nations, and chiefly Europeans, that now live
in this Ifland. Portugueze, Dutch.
H
Aving faid all this concerning the English People, it may not
be unacceptable to give ſome account of other Whites, who ei-
ther voluntarily or by conſtraint Inhabit there. And they are, befides
the English already ſpoken of, Portugueze, Dutch, and French. But
before I enter upon Difcourfe of any of thefe, I fhall detain my Readers
a little with another Nation inhabiting in this Land, I mean, the Ma-
Labars; both becauſe they are Strangers and derive themſelves from
another Countrey, and alſo becauſe I have had occafion to mention
them fometimes in this Book.
inhabit in this
Thefe Malabars then are voluntary Inhabitants in this Ifland, and Concerning
have a Countrey here; tho the Limits of it are but fmall: it lyes to Malabars that
the Northward of the King's Coafts betwixt him and the Hollander. Inland.
Corunda Wy River parts it from the King's Territories. Thro this Their Terri
Countrey we paffed, when we made our Efcape. The Language
they fpeak is peculiar to themſelves, fo that a Chingulays cannot un-
derſtand them, nor they a Chingulays.
tories.
They have a Prince over them, called Coilat wanned, that is inde- Their Prince;
pendent either upon the King of Cande on one hand, or the Dutch on
the other, only that he pays an acknowledgment to the Hollanders.
Who have endeavoured to fubdue him by Wars, but they cannot yet
do it: yet they have brought him to be a Tributary to them, viz. To
pay a certain rate of Elephants per annum. The King and this Prince
maintain a Friendfhip and Correfpondence together. And when the
King lately ſent an Army againſt the Hollanders, this Prince let them
paſs thro his Countrey; and went himſelf in Perfon to direct the King's
People, when they took one or two Forts from them.
ned.
The People are in great fubjection under him: they pay him rather The People
greater Taxes than the Chingulays do to their King. But he is nothing how gover-
fo cruel. He Victualleth his Soldiers during the time they are upon
the Guard, either about the Palace or abroad in the Wars: they are
now fed at his Charge: whereas 'tis contrary in the King's Coun-
trey; for the Chingulay Soldiers bear their own Expences. He hath
a certain rate out of every Land that is fown, which is to main-
tain his Charge.
Trade.
The Commodities of this Countrey are, Elephants, Hony, Butter, Their Com-
Milk, Wax, Cows, wild Cattel: of the three laft great abundance. As modities and
for Corn it is more ſcarce than in the Chingulays Countrey; neither
have they any Cotton. But they come up into Neure Caulava yearly
with great droves of Cattel, and lade both Corn and Cotton. And
to buy theſe they bring up Cloth made of the fame Cotton, which
they can make better than the Chingulays: alfo they bring Salt and
Salt Fiſh, and brafs Bafons, and other Commodities, which they get
of the Hollander: becauſe the King permits not his People to have any
manner of Trade with the Hollander: fo they receive the Dutch Com
modities at the fecond hand.
We
|
1
"
176
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
}
1
Part. IV.
Concerning
the Portugueze•
Their Power
this Ifland
formerly.
We now proceed unto the European Nations. And we begin
with the Portugueze, who deſerve the first place, being the oldeſt
Standers there.
The Sea-Coafts round about the Ifland were formerly under their
and Intereft in Power and Government, and fo held for many years. In which time
many of the Natives became Chriftians, and learned the Portuguèze
Tongue. Which to this day is much ſpoken in that Land: for even
the King himſelf underſtands and ſpeaks it excellently well. The Por
tugueze have often made Invafions throughout the whole Land, even
to Cande the Metropolis of the Ifland. Which they have burnt more
than once, with the Palace and the Temples: and fo formidable have
they been, that the King hath been forced to turn Tributary to them,
paying them three Elephants per Annum. However the middle of
this Ifland, viz. Cand Uda, ftanding upon Mountains, and fo ftrong-
ly fortified by Nature, could never be brought into fubjection by
them, much leſs by any other, but hath always been under the Power
of their own Kings.
The great
the King and
landers.
There were great and long Wars between the King of Ceilon and the
Wars between Portugueze: and many of the brave Portugal Generals are ftill in me-
them, force mory among them: of whom I fhall relate fome paffages prefently.
him to fend in Great vexation they gave the King by their irruptions into his Domi-
for the Hol- nions, and the Miſchiefs they did him, tho oftentimes with great
lofs on their fide. Great Battels have been loft and won between them,
with great deftruction of Men on both parts. But being greatly di-
ftreffed at laft, he fent and called in the Hollander to his aid. By whofe
ſeaſonable aſſiſtance together with his own Arms, the King totally
difpoffeffed the Portugueze, and routed them out of the Land.
Whoſe rooms the Dutch now occupy, paying themſelves for their
pains.
A
in his Coun-
trey.
Their Privi-
leges.
At the Surrender of Columbo, which was the laft place the Portu
The King in-
vites the Por- gueze held, the King made Proclamation, That all Portugueze, which
tugueze to live would come unto him, fhould be well entertained. Which accor-
dingly many did, with their whole Families, Wives, Children, and
Servants, choofing rather to be under him than the Dutch, and divers
of them are alive to this day, living in Cande Uda; and others are
born there. To all whom he alloweth monthly maintenance; yea
alſo, and Provifions for their Slaves and Servants, which they brought
up with them. This People are privileged to Travel the Countreys
above all other Whites, as knowing they will not run away. Al-
fo when there was a Trade at the Sea Ports, they were permit-
ted to go down with Commodities, clear from all Cuſtoms and
Duties. Befides thefe who came voluntarily to live under the
King, there are others whom he took Prifoners. The Portu-
gueze of the beſt Quality the King took into his Service, who are
moſt of them fince cut off according to his kind Cuſtom to-
wards his Courtiers. The rest of them have allowance from that
King, and follow Husbandry, Trading about the Countrey, Stil-
ling Rack, keeping Taverns; the Women few Womens Waftcoats,
the Men few Mens Doublets for Sale.
Their Gene-
rals.
I fhall now mention fome of the laft Portugueze Generals, all within
this preſent King's Reign, with fome paffages concerning them.
Conftantine
t
An Island in the Eaſt-Indies.
177
}
A
Conftantine Sa, General of the Portugals Army in Ceilon, when the Chap. 13.
Portugueze had footing in this Land, was very fucceſsful againſt this
•
prefent King. He run quite thro the Ifland unto the Royal City it Conftantine Sa.
felf, which he fet on Fire with the Temples therein. Infomuch that
the King fent a Meſſage to him fignifying, that he was willing to
become his Tributary. But he proudly fent him word back again,
That that would not ferve his turn; He fhould not only be Tributary,
but Slave to his Mafter the King of Portugal. This the King of Cande
could not brook, being of an high Stomach, and faid, He would fight
ro the last drop of Blood, rather than stoop to that. There were at this
time many Commanders in the Generals Army who were natural
Chingulays; with theſe the King dealt fecretly, affuring them that if
they would turn on his fide, he would gratifie them with very ample
Rewards. The King's Promiſes took effect; and they all revolted
from the General. The King now daring not to truft the Revolted,
to make tryal of their Truth and Fidelity, put them in the forefront
of his Battel, and commanded them to give the firſt Onfet. The
King at that time might have Twenty or Thirty thouſand Men in the
Field. Who taking their opportunity, fet upon the Portúgueze Ar-
my, and gave them fuch a total overthrow, that as they report in
that Countrey not one of them efcaped. The General feeing this
Defeat, and himſelf like to be taken, called his Black Boy to give He lofes a vie
him water to drink, and fnatching the Knife that ftuck by his Boy's &tory and
fide, ſtabbed himſelf with it.
?
ftabs himſelf.
to ferve the
Another General after him was Lewis Tifféra. He fwore he Lewis Tifféra
would make the King eat Coracan Tallipa, that is a kind of hafty ferved as he
Pudding, made of Water and the Coracan Flower; which is reckoned intended to
the worſt fare of that Ifland. The King afterwards took this Lewis King.
Tifféra, and put him in Chains in the Common Goal, and made
him eat of the fame fare. And there is a Ballad of this Man
and this paffage, Sung much among the common People there to
this day.
Their next General was Simon Caree, a Natural Chingulays, but Simon Caree,
Baptized. He is faid to be a great Commander. When he had of a cruel
got Mind.
any Victory over the Chingulays, he did exerciſe great Cruelty. He
would make the Women beat their own Children in their Mortars,
wherein they uſed to beat their Corn.
the middle.
Gafpar Figari, had a Portugueze Father and Chingulays Mother. Gafpar Figari
He was the laſt General they had in this Countrey. And a brave Splits Men in
Soldier but degenerated not from his Predeceffors in Cruelty.
He would hang up the People by the heels, and ſplit them down
the middle. He had his Axe wrapped in a white. Cloth, which he
carried with him into the Field to execute thofe he fufpected to be falfe
to him, or that ran away. Smaller Malefactors he was merciful to,
cutting off only their right hands. Several whom he hath fo ferved,
are yet living, whom I have feen.
This Gafpar came up one day to fight againſt the King, and the His Policy.
King refolved to fight him. The General fixed his Camp at Motaupul
in Hotteracourly. And in order to the King's coming down to meet
the Portugueze, Preparation was made for him at a place called Cota
coppul, which might be Ten or Twelve miles diftant from the Portu-
gueze Army. Gafpar knew of the place by fome Spies; but of the time
A 2
of
+
178
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV. of the Kings coming he was informed, that it was a day fooner than
really it happened. According to this information he refolved pri-
vatly to march thither, and come upon him in the night unawares.
And becauſe he knew the King was a Polititian, and would have his
Spies abroad to watch the Generals motion, the General ſent for all
the Drummers and Pipers to Play and Dance in his Camp, that there-
by the Kings Spies might not fufpect that he was upon the March, but
merry and ſecure in his Camp. In themean time,having fet his Peo-
ple all to their Dancing and Drumming, he left a fmall party there
to fecure the Baggage, and away he goes in the night with his Army,
and arrives to Catta coppul, intending to fall upon the King. But
when he came thither, he found the King was not yet come: but in-
to the Kings Tents he went, and fits him down in the feat appoint-
ed for the King. Here he heard where the King was with his Camp:
King a great which being not far off, he marched thither in the morning and fell
upon him and gave him one of the greateſt Routs that ever he had.
The King himſelf made a narrow eſcape; for had it not been for a
Dutch Company, which the Dutch had fent a little before for his
Guard, who after his own Army fled, turned head and ſtopped the
Portugueze for a while, he had been feized. The Portugueze General
was fo near the King, that he called after him, Houre, that is Brother,
Stay, I would speak with you,but the King being got a top of the Hills;
was fafe. And fo Gafpar retyred to his Quarters.
Gives the
overthrow,
bo, and taken
Priſoner.
:
This Gallant expert Commander, that had fo often vanquished the
Loofes Colum. Chingulays, could not cope with another European Nation. For
when the Hollanders came to befeige Columbo, he was fent againſt
them with his Army. They told him before he went, that now he
muſt look to himſelf, for he was not now to Fight againſt Chingulays,
but againſt Soldiers, that would look him in the Face. But he made
nothing of them, and ſaid, he would ferve them as he had ſerved the
Chingulays. The Hollanders met him, and they fought but had
before contrived a Stratagem, which he was not aware of: they had
placed fome Field-pieces in the Rear of their Army. And after
a fmall skirmish they retreated as if they had been worſted; which
was only to draw the Portugueze nearer upon their Guns. Which
when they had brought them in. fhot of, they opened on a fuddain
to the right and left, and fired upon them, and fo routed them, and
drove them into Columbo. This Gafpar was in the City when it was
taken, and himſelf taken Prifoner. Who was afterwards fent to
Goa, where he died. And fo much of the Portugueze.
1
The Dutch
of their co-
The Dutch fucceeded the Portugueze. The firft occafion of whofe
the occafion coming into this Land was, that the prefent King being wearied and
overmatched with the Portugueze, fent for them into his aid long ago
from Batavia. And they did him good ſervice, but they feathered
their own nefts by the means, and are now poffeffed of all the Sea-
Coaſts, and confiderable Territories thereunto adjoyning.
ming in.
The King
ble enemy,and
why!
The King of the Countrey keeps up an irreconcileable War a-
their inplaca- gainſt them. The occafion of which is faid to be this. Upon the
befeiging of Columbo, which was about the year MDCLV. it was
concluded upon between the King and the Dutch, that their Enemies.
the Portuguese being expelled thence, the City was to be delivered
up
by the Dutch into the Kings hands. Whereupon the King himſelf in
perfon
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
179
.
,
perſon with all his Power went down to this War to affiſt and joyn Chap. 13.
with the Hollanders, without whofe help, as it is generally reported,
the Dutch could not have taken the City. But being furrendred to
them and they gotten into it, the King lay looking, when they
would come according to their former Articles, and put him into
poffeffion of it. Mean while they turned on a fuddain & fell upon him,
contrary to his expectation (whether the King had firſt broke word
with them,) and took Bag and Baggage from him: Which provoked
him in fo high a manner, that he maintains a conftant hoſtility againſt
them, detains their Ambaffadours, and forbids his People upon pain
of Death to hold Commerce with them.
So that the Dutch have enough to do to maintain thofe places which The damelage
they have. Oftentimes the King at unawares falls upon them and the King does
does them great ſpoil, fometimes giving no quarter, but cutting off
the Heads of whomfoever he catches, which are brought up, and
hung upon Trees near the City, many of which I have feen. Some-
times he brings up his Priſoners alive, and keeps them by the High-
way fides, a fpectacle to the People in memory of his Victories over
them: many of theſe are now living there in a moſt miſerable con-
dition, having but a very ſmall Allowance from him; ſo that they
are forced to be, and it is a favour when they can get leave to go
abroad and do it.
obtain Peace
The Dutch therefore not being able to deal with him by the Sword, The means
being unacquainted with the Woods and the Chingulays manner of they ufe to
fighting, do endeavour for Peace with him all they can, difpatching with him.
divers Embaſſadours to him, and ſending great Preſents, by carrying
Letters to him in great State wrapped up in Silks wrought with Gold
and Silver, bearing them all the way upon their Heads in token of
great Honour,honouring him with great and high Titles, fubfcribing
themſelves his Subjects andServants,telling him theForts they build are
out of Loyalty to him,to fecure his Majeſties Country from Forraign
Enemies; and that when they come up into his Countrey, tis to
feek maintenance. And by thefe Flatteries and fubmiffions they fome-
times obtain to keep what they keep what they have gotten from him,
and fometimes nothing will prevail, he neither regarding their Em-
baffadours nor receiving the Prefents, but taking his opportunities on
a fuddain of fetting on them by his Forces.
1
His Craft and Succeſs in taking Bibligom Fort in the County of How he took
Habberagon, may deſerve to be mentioned. The Chingulays had be- Bibligom Foru
feiged the Fort: and knowing the Dutch had no Water there; but
all they had was conveyed thro a Trench wrought under Ground
from a River near by, they befeiged them ſo cloſe, and planted fo
many Guns towards the mouth of this Trench, that they could not
come out to fetch Water. They cut down Wood alſo, and made
bundles of Faggots therewith, which they piled up round about their
Fort at ſome diſtance, and every night removed them nearer and near-
er. So that their works became higher than the Fort. Their main intent
by theſe Faggot-works, was to have brought them juſt under the
Fort, and then to have fet it on Fire, the Walls of the Fort being for
the moſt part of Wood. There was alfo a Bo-gabah Tree growing
juft by the Fort: on which they planted Guns and fhot right down
into them. The houſes in the Fort being Thatched, they fhot alſo
Fire-Arrows
A a 2
180
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
ما
Part. IV. Fire-Arrows among them: So that the befeiged were forced to pull
off the Straw from their Houfes, which proved a great inconvenience
to them being a Rainy Seafon : fo that they lay open to the weather
and cold. The Dutch finding themſelves in this extremity defired
quarter which was granted them at the Kings mercy. They came
out and laid down their Arms, all but the Officers, who ftill wore
theirs. None were plundered of any thing they had about them. The
Fort they demoliſhed to the Ground. and brought up the Four Guns
to the Kings Palace; where they among others ftand mounted in
very brave Carriages before his Gate.
Several Em-
baffadors de-
tained by the
king.
baffador there
remembrance,
The Dutch were brought two or three days journey from the Fort
into the Countrey they call Owuah: and there were placed with a
Guard about them, having but a ſmall allowance appointed them;
infomuch that afterwards having ſpent what they had, they perished
for Hunger. So that of about ninety Hollanders taken Priſoners,
there were not above five and twenty living when I came away.
There are feveral white Embaladours, befides other Chingulay
People, by whom the Dutch have fent Letters and preſents to the
King, whom he keeps from returning back again. They are all be
ftowed in ſeveral houſes with Soldiers to Guard them: And tho
they are not in Chains, yet none is permitted to come to them
or ſpeak with them; it not being the cuſtom of that Land for a-
ny to come to the fpeech of Embaffadours. Their allowance is
brought them ready dreffed out of the Kings Palace, being all forts
of Varieties, that the Land affords. After they have remained in
this condition fome years, the Guards are fomewhat flackned, and
the Soldiers that are to watch them grow remifs in their
Duty; fo that now the Ambaffadours walk about the Streets,
and any body goes to their houſes and talks with them: that is,
after they have been fo long in the Countrey, that all their news
is ftale and grown out of date. But this liberty is only winked at,
not allowed. When they have been there a great while, the King
uſually gives them Slaves, both men and women, the more to ali-
enate their minds from their own Country, and that they may tay
with him with the more willingneſs and content. For his defign is,to
make them, if he can, inclinable to ferve him. As he prevailed
with one of thefe Embaffadours to do for the love of a woman.
The manner of it I fhall relate immediatly.
There are five Embaffadors whom he hath thus detained fince my
coming there; of each of whom I ſhall ſpeak a little,befides two,whom
he fent away voluntarily.
The firſt of theſe was fent up by the Hollanders fome time before
The firft Em- the Rebellion againſt the King; Who had detained him in the City.
detained fince After the Rebellion the King fent for him to him to the Mountain of
the Authors Gauluda whither he had retreated from the Rebels.The King not long
after removed toDigligy,where he now keeps hisCourt,but left theEm-
baffador at Gauluda remaining by himſelf, with a Guard of Soldiers.
In this uncomfortable condition, upon a diſmal Mountain void of all
fociety, he continued many days. During which time a Chingulay
and his Wife falls out, and fhe being difcontented with her Husband
to eſcape from him flies to this Embaffadors houſe for fhelter. The
woman being fomewhat beautiful, he fell greatly in love with her.
And
1
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
181
And to obtain her he fent to the King, and profered him his fervice, Chap. 13
if he would permit him to enjoy her company, Which the King
was very willing and glad to do, having now obtained that which
he had long aimed at, to get him into his ſervice.
Hereupon the King fent him word that he granted his defire,
and withall fent to both of them rich Apparel, and to her many ment, and
His prefer
Jewels and Bracelets of Gold and Silver. Suddainly after there was death,
a great Houſe prepared from them in the City, turniſhed with all
kind of furniture out of the Kings Treaſure and at his proper coft
and charges. Which being finiſhed he was brought away from his
Mountain into it. But from thence forward never faw his Wife more,
according to the cuſtom of Court. And he was entertained in the
Kings Service, and made Courtalbad, which is cheif over all the
Smiths and Carpenters in Cande Vda. Some fhort time after the
King about to fend his Forces againſt a Fort of the Hollanders;
called Arundery built by them in the year MDCLXVI. He tho
in the Kings fervice, yet being a well wifher to his Countrey, had
privatly fent a Letter of advice to the Dutch concerning the Kings
intention and purpoſe, an Anſwer to which was intercepted and
brought to the King, wherein thanks was returned him from the
Dutch for his Loyalty to his own Nation, and nhut they would accor-
dingly prepare for the Kings affault. The King having this Letter,
lent for him, and bad him read it, which he excufed pretending it
was fo written, that he could not. Whereupon immediatly another
Dutchman was fent for, who read it before the King, and told him
the Contents of it. At which it is reported the King fhould fay,
Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, That is, He ferves me for fear,
and them for love; or his fear is here and his love is there; And forth
with commanded to carry him forth to Execution: which was ac-
cordingly done upon him.Tis generally faid,that thisLetter was framed
by fome body on purpoſe to ruine him.
down to Co-
The next Ambaffador after him was Hendrick Draak; a fine Gen. The next Em
tleman, and good friend of the English. This was he who was Com- there his Bo
baſſador dying
miffioned in the year M DCLXIV. to intercede with the King on the dy is fent
behalf of the English, that they might have liberty to go home, and tumbo in greas
with him they were made to beleive they fhould return: which hap- State-
pened at the fame time that Sir Edward Winter fent his Letters to the
King for us. VVhich I have already spoke of in the fifth Chapter of
this Part. This Embaſſador was much in the Kings favour, with
whom he was detained till he died. And then the King ſent his Bo-
dy down to Columbo carried in a Pallenkine with great State and La-
mention, and accompanied with his great Commanders, and many
Soldiers.
+
Gers away
by his refolu
Sometime after the lofs of the Fort of Arrundery which was about The third Em²
the year MDCLXX. the Dutch fent up another Embaffador to fee baffador.
if he could obtain a Peace, which was the first time their Embaffadors
began to bring up Letters upon their heads in token of extraordinary tion
reverence.. This man was much favoured by the King, and was en-
tertained with great Ceremony and Honour, cloathing him in Chin-
gulay Habit, Which I never knew done before nor fince. But being
weary of his long ſtay,and of the delays that were made; having often
made motions to go down, and ftill he was deferred from day to day,
at
182
An Hiſtorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part IV.
The fourth
was of a mil-
der Nature.
The fifth
a Prefent.
at length he made a refolution, that if he had not leave by ſuch a
day, he would go without it; faying that the former Embaſſador
who died there, died like a Woman, but it shoald bo ſeen that he would
die like a man.
At the appointed day, he girt on his Sword, and re-
paired to the Gates of the Kings Palace, pulling off his Hat, and ma-
king his obeyfance as if the King were prefent before him, and thank-
ing him for the Favours and Honours he had done him, and ſo took
his leave. And there being fome Englishmen prefent, he generoufly
gave them fome money to drink his Health; and in this refolute
manner departed, with fome two or three Black-fervants that attend-
ed on him. The upfhot of which was, that the King, not being
willing to prevent his refolution by Violence, fent one of his Noble-
men to conduct him down; and ſo he had the good fortune to get
home fafely to Columbo.
The next Ambaſſador after him was John Baptifta. A Man of a
milder Spirit than the former, endeavouring to pleaſe and fhew com-
pliance with the King. He obtained many Favours of the King, and
feveral Slaves both Men and Women. And living well with Servants
about him, is the more patient in waiting the King's leiſure till he
pleaſeth to fend him home.
The laſt Embaſſador that came up while I was there, brought up a
brings a Lion Lion: which the Dutch thought would be the moſt acceptable Pre-
to the King as fent that they could fend to the King, as indeed did all others. It was
but a Whelp. But the King did never receive it, fuppofing it not fo fa-
mous as he had heard by Report Lions were. This Man with his Lion
was brought up and kept in the County of Oudapollat, near Twenty
Miles from the King's Court. Where he remained about a year, in
which time the Lion died. The Embaffador being weary of living thus
like a Priſoner with a Guard always upon him, often attempted to go
back, ſeeing the King would not permit him Audience. But the
Guards would not let him. Having divers times made diſturbances
in this manner to get away home, the King commanded to bring him.
up into the City to an Houſe that was prepared for him, ſtanding
fome diſtance from the Court. Where having waited many days, and
ſeeing no ſign of Audience, he refolved to make his Appearance be-
fore the King by force, which he attempted to do, when the King
was abroad taking his Pleafure. The Soldiers of his Guard immedi
ately ran, and acquainted the Noblemen at Court of his coming, who
delayed not to acquaint the King thereof. Whereupon the King gave
Order forthwith to meet him, and where they met him, in that fame
place to stop him till further order. And there they kept him, not let-
ting him go either forward or backward. In this manner and place he
remained for three days, till the King fent Order that he might return
to his Houſe whence he came. This the King did to tame him. But
afterwards he was pleaſed to call him before him. And there he
remained when I left the Countrey, maintained with Plenty of Provi
fions at the King's charge.
The number
:
The number of Dutch, now living there may be about Fifty or Sixty.
of Dutch there. Some whereof are Ambaffadors, fome Prifoners of War, fome Runa-
ways, and Malefactors that have efcaped the hand of Justice and got
away from the Dutch Quarters. To all whom are allotted refpective
allowances, but the Runaways have the leaft, the King not loving
fuch, tho giving them entertainment.
The
}
An Ifland.in the Eaft-Indies.
183
The Dutch here love Drink, and practiſe their proper Vice in this Chap. 14.
Countrey. One who was a great Man in the Court, would fometimes
They follow
come into the King's Prefence half diſguiſed with Drink, which the their vice of
King often paſt over; but once asked him, Why do you thus diforder Drinking.
your felf, that when I fend for you about my Business, you are not in a
capacity to ferve me? He boldly replied, That as foon as his Mother
took away her Milk from him, fhe fupplied it with Wine, and ever fince;
faith he, I have used my felf to it. With this anfwer the King ſeemed
to be pleaſed. And indeed the reft of the white Men are generally of the
fame temper: infomuch that the Chingulays have a faying, That Wine
is as natural to white Men, as Milk to Children.
fit
All differences of Ranks and Qualities are difregarded among thofe The chingu-
lays prejudi-
Chingulay People that are under the Dutch. Neither do the Dutch ced against the
make any diftinction between the Hondrews, and the low and Infe- Dutch, and
rier Cafts of Men and permit them to go in the fame Habit, and why.,
upon Stools, as well as the beſt Hondrews; and the lower Ranks
may eat and intermarry with the higher without any Puniſhment,
or any Cognizance taken of it. Which is a matter that the Chin-
gulays in Cand' Oda are much offended with the Dutch for; and
makes them think, that they themſelves are fprung from fome
mean Rank and Extract. And this prejudiceth this People againſt
them, that they have not fuch an Elteem for them. For to a
Chingulay his Rank and Honour is as dear as his life. And thus much
of the Dutch.
1
CHAP. XIV.
Concerning the French: With Some Enquiries what ſhould make the King
detain white Men as he does. And how the Chriftian Religion is
maintained among the Chriſtians there.
A
A
Bout the year MDCLXXIÍ. or LXXIII, there came Fourteen The French
Sail of great Ships from the King of France to ſettle a Trade come hither
here. Monfieur De la Hay Admiral, put in with this Fleet, into the with a Flect;
Port of Cottiar. From whence he fent up Three men by way of
Embaſſy to the King of Cande. Whom he entertained very Nobly,
and gave every one of them a Chain of Gold about their Necks,
and a Sword all inlay'd with Silver, and a Gun. And afterwards
fent one of them down to the Admiral with his Anſwer. Which en-
couraged him to ſend up others: that is, an Ambaſſador and fix more.
Who were to refide there till the return of the Fleet back again, being
about to Sail to the Coast.
King fends
To the Fleet the King fent all manner of Provifion, as much as his To whom the
Ability could afford: and not only permitted but affifted them to Provifions, and
build a Fort in the Bay. Which they manned partly with their own helps them to
People, and partly with Chingulays, whom the King fent and lent the build a Fort
French. But the Admiral finding that the King's Provifions, and
what elſe could be bought in the Iſland would not fuffice for fo great
a Fleet, was forced to depart for the Goaſt of Coromandel; promiſing
the
184
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
Part. IV. the King, by the Ambaffador afore-mentioned, fpeedily to return
again. So leaving fome of his Men with the King's Supplies to keep
the Fort till his return, he weighed Anchor, and fet fail. But never
came back again. Some reported they were deftroyed by a Storm,
others by the Dutch. The Admiral had fent up to the King great
Prefents, but he would not preſently receive them, that it might not
ſeem as if he wanted any thing, or were greedy of things brought
him: but fince the French returned not according to their promife,
he ſcorned ever after to receive them. At firſt he neglected the
Preſent out of State, and ever fince out of Anger and Indignation.
This French Fort at Cotiar was a little after eafily taken by the
The French
Ambaffador
offends the
King
He refuses to
Audience.
Dutch.
But to return to the Embaſſador and his Retinue. He rode up from
Cotiar on Horfeback, which was very Grand in that Countrey: And
being with his Company gotten fomewhat fhort of the City, was ap
pointed there to ſtay, until an Houſe fhould be prepared in the City
for their Entertainment. When it was fignified to him that their
Houſe was ready for their Reception, they were conducted forward
by certain Noblemen fent by the King, carrying with them a Preſent
for his Majefty. The Ambaſſador came riding on Horſe-back into the
City. Which the Noblemen obferving, diffuaded him from, and ad-
vifed him to walk on foot; telling him, It was not allowable, nor
the Cuftom. But he regarding them not, rode by the Palace Gate.
It offended the King, but he took not much notice of it for the
preſent.
The Ambaſſador alighted at his Lodgings. Where he and his
wait longer for Companions were nobly Entertained, Provifions fent them ready
Drefled out of the King's Palace three times a day, great Plenty they
had of all things the Countrey afforded. After fome time the King
fent to him to come to his Audience. In great State he was Con-
ducted to the Court, accompanied with feveral of the Nobles that
were fent to him. Coming thus to the Court in the Night, as it is
the King's uſual manner at that Seafon to fend for foreign Miniſters,
and give them Audience, he waited there fome ſmall time, about two
hours or lefs, the King not yet admitting him. Which he took in
fuch great disdain, and for fuch an affront, that he was made to ſtay
at all, much more fo long, that he would tarry no longer but went
towards his Lodging. Some about the Court obferving this, would
have ſtopped him by Elephants that ſtood in the Court, turning them
before the Gate thro which he was to pass. But he would not fo be
ſtopped, but laid his hand upon his Sword, as if he meant to make his
way by the Elephants; the People feeing his refolution, called away
the Elephants and let him país.
Which more
King.
Clapt in
Chains.
go
As foon as the King heard of it, he was highly diſpleaſed; info-
diſpleaſed the much that he commanded fome of his Officers, that they fhould
and beat them, and clap them in Chains: which was immediately
done to all excepting the two Gentlemen, that were firſt fent up by
the Admiral: for theſe were not touched, the King reckoning they
did not belong unto this Ambaſſador; neither were they now in his
Company; excepting that one of them in the Combuſtion got a few
Blows. They were likewife difarmed, and fo have continued ever
fince. Upon this the Gentlemen, Attendants upon the Embaſſador,
made
An Island in the Eaft-Indies.
185
I
made their Complaints to the Captain of their Guards, excufing Chap. 14.
themſelves, and laying all the blame upon their Ambaffador; urging,
That they were his Attendants, and a Soldier must obey his Commander
and go where he appoints him. Which fayings being told the King, he
approved thereof, and commanded them out of Chains, the Ambaffa-
dor ftill remaining in them, and fo continued for fix Months.
After which he was releaſed of his Chains by means of the Intreaties
his own men made to the great Men in his behalf.
the French re-
fuſe to dwell
The reſt of the French men, feeing how the Embaſſador's impru- The reft of
dent carriage had brought them to this mifery, refuſed any longer to
dwell with him. And each of them by the King's Permiffion dwells with the Am-
by himſelf in the City; being maintained at the King's charge. Three baſſador.
of theſe, whofe Names were Monfieur Du Pleffy, Son to a Gentleman
of note in France, and Jean Bloom, the third whofe Name I cannot
tell, but was the Ambaffador's Boy, the King appointed to look to his
beſt Horſe, kept in the Palace. This Horſe fometime after died, as it
is fuppofed of old Age. Which extremely troubled the King; and ima-
gining they had been inftrumental to his Death by their careleſsnefs,he
commanded two of them,Monfieur Du Pleffy and Jean Bloom to be car-
ried away into the Mountains, and kept Priſoners in Chains, where
they remained when I came thence.
The reſt of them follow Employments; fome whereof Still Rack,
and keep the greateſt Taverns in the City.
concile the
Lately, a little before I came from the Ifland; the King underſtand- The King uſes
ing the diſagreements and differences that were still kept on foot be- means to re-
twixt the Ambaſſador and the reſt of his Company, difliked it and uſed French to their
thefe means to make them Friends. He fent for them all, the Ambaſ. Ambaſſador.
ſador and the reſt, and told them, That it was not feemly for Per-
fons as they were at fuch a distance from their own Countrey, to
quarrel and fall out; and that if they had any love for God, or the
King of France, or himſelf, that they should go home with the Am-
baſſador and agree and live together. They went back together, not
daring to diſobey the King. And as foon as they were at home, the
King fent a Banquet after them of Sweetmeats and Fruits to eat
together. They did eat the King's Banquet, but it would not
make the Reconcilement. For after they had done, each man went
home and dwelt in their own Houfes as they did before. It
was thought that this carriage would offend the King, and that
he would at leaſt take away their Allowance. And it is proba
ble before this time the King hath taken Vengeance on them.
the Ambaffador's carriage is fo imperious, that they would rather
venture whatſoever might follow than be ſubject to him. And in
this cafe I left them.
But
French Am-
Since my return to England, I prefumed by a Letter to inform The Author
the French Ambaffador then in London of the abovefaid Matters, acquaints the
thinking my ſelf bound in Confcience and Chriſtian Charity to do baffador in
my endeavour, that their Friends knowing their Condition, may ufe London, with
means for their Deliverance. The Letter ran thus,
the condition
of thefe Men.
B b
Theſe
186
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
1
Part IV.
of
F
~TH
detaing Euro-
peans.
Hefe may acquaint your Excellency, That having been a Pri-
foner in the Island of Ceilon, under the King of that Countrey
near Twenty years; by means of this my long detainment there, I
became acquainted with the French Ambaſſador, and the other Gen-
tlemen his Retinue; being in all Eight Perfons; who was fent to
Treat with the Said King in the Tear MDCLXXII. by. Monfieur
De la Hay, who came with a Fleet to the Port of Cotiar or Trinke-
malay, from whence he sent thefe Gentlemen. And knowing that
from thence it is scarce poffible to fend any Letters or Notice to other
Parts, for in all the time of my Captivity I could never fend one
word, whereby my Friends here might come to hear of my Condition,
until with one more I made an Escape, leaving Sixteen English men
yet there; The Kindness I have received from thofe French Gentle-
as also my Compaflion for them, being detained in the fame
place with me, hath obliged and constrained me, to prefume to trou-
ble your Lordship with this Paper; not knowing any other means
whereby I might convey Notice to their Friends and Relations, which
is all the Service I am able to perform for them. The Amballador's
Name I know not; there is a Kinfman of his called Monfieur le
Serle, and a yong Gentleman called Monfieur du Pleffey, and ano-
ther named Monfieur la Roche. The rest by Name I know not.
And then an account of them is given according to what I have
mentioned above. I shall not prefume to be farther tedious to your
Honour; craving Pardon for my boldness, which my Affection to thofe
Gentlemen being detained in the fame Land with me hath occafioned.
Concerning whom if your Lordship be pleafed farther to be informed, I
Shall be both willing and ready to be,
men,
me..
Yours, &c.
The Ambaſſador upon the receipt of this, defired to ſpeak with
Upon whom I waited, and he after fome Speech with me
told me he would ſend word into France of it, and gave me Thanks
for this my Kindneſs to his Countreymen.
An inquiry in- It may be worth fome inquiry, what the reafon might be, that
to the reafon the King detains the European People as he does. It cannot be out
detains King's of hope of Profit or Advantage; for they are fo far from bringing
him any, that they are a very great Charge, being all maintained
either by him or his People. Neither is it in the power of Money
to redeem any one, for that he neither needs nor values. Which
makes me conclude, it is not out of Profit, nor Envy or ill will, but
out of Love and Favour, that he keeps them, delighting in their
Company, and to have them ready at his Command. For he is ve-
ry ambitious of the Service of theſe Men, and winks at many of
their failings, more than he uſes to do towards his Natural Subjects.
The King's As may appear from a Company of White Soldiers he hath, who
upon their Watch uſed to be very negligent, one lying Drunk
here and another there. Which remifnefs in his own Soldiers he
would ſcarce have indured, but it would have coft them their
gentleness to
wards his
white Sol-
diers.
•
lives.
An Iſland in the Eaſt-Indies.
187
lives. But with theſe he uſeth more Craft than Severity to make Chap. 14.
them more watchful.
zine.
Thefe Soldiers are under two Captains, the one a Dutch man and They watch
the other a Portugueze. They are appointed to Guard one of the at his Maga-
King's Magazines, where they always keep Sentinel both by Day
and Night. This is a pretty good diftance from the Court, and
here it was the King contrived their Station, that they might fwear
and ſwagger out of his hearing, and that no body might difturb them,
nor they no body. The Dutch Captain lyes at one fide of the Gate,
and the Portugueze at the other.
the King cor-
Once the King to employ theſe his white Soldiers, and to honour How craftily
them by letting them fee what an affurance he repofed in them, rected their
fent one of his Boys thither to be kept Priſoner, which they were Negligence,
very Proud of. They kept him two years, in which time he had
learnt both the Dutch and Portugueze Language. Afterwards the
King retook the Boy into his Service, and within a fhort time
after Executed him. But the King's reaſon in fending this Boy to
be kept by theſe Soldiers was, probably not as they fuppofed,
and as the King himſelf outwardly pretended, viz. To fhew how
much he confided in them, but out of Defign to make them look
the better to their Watch, which their Debauchery made them
very remifs in. For the Priſoners Hands only were in Chains,
and not his Legs; fo that his poffibility of running away, having
his Legs at liberty, concerned them to be circumfpect and wakeful.
And they knew if he had eſcaped it were as much as their lives were
worth. By this crafty and kind way did the King correct the neg-
ligence of his white Soldiers.
clinations are
Indeed his inclinations are much towards the Europeans; making The King's In-
them his great Officers, accounting them more faithful and trufty towards white
than his own People., With theſe he often difcourfes concerning Men.
the Affairs of their Countreys, and promotes them to places far above
their Ability, and fometimes their Degree or Defert. And indeed
all over the Land they do bear as it were a natural reſpect and reve-
rence to White Men, in as much as Black, they hold to be infe- The colour of
rior to White. And they fay, the Gods are White, and that the ed in this
Souls of the Bleffed after the Reſurrection ſhall be White; and there. Land.
fore, that Black is a rejected and accurfed colour.
white honour-
Natives.
And as further figns of the King's favour to them, there are Their Privi-
many Privileges, which White Men have and enjoy, as tolerated lege above the
or allowed them from the King; which I fuppofe may proceed
from the aforefaid Confideration; as, to wear any manner of Ap-
parel, either Gold, Silver, or Silk, Shoes and Stockings, a fhoul-
der Belt and Sword; their Houſes may be whitened with Lime,
and many fuch like things, all which the Chingulayes are not per-
mitted to do.
loves to fend
He will alfo fometimes fend for them into his Prefence, and The King
diſcourſe familiarly with them, and entertain them with great Ci- and talk with
vilities, eſpecially white Ambaffadors. They are greatly chargeable them.
unto his Countrey, but he regards it not in the leaft. So that the
People are more like Slaves unto us than we unto the King. In
as much as they are inforced by his Command to bring us main-
tenance. Whoſe Poverty is fo great oftentimes, that for want of
what
188
An Hiftorical Relation of Ceilon,
•
Part IV. what they fupply us with, themſelves, their Wives, and Children,
are forced to fuffer hunger, this being as a due Tax impoſed upon
them to pay unto us. Neither can they by any Power or Au-
thority refuſe the Payment hereof to us. For in my own hear
ing the People once complaining of their Poverty and Inability to
give us any longer our Allowance, the Magiftrate or Governor re-
plied, It was the King's fpecial Command, and who durft difannul
it. And if otherwife they could not ſupply us with our mainte-
nance, he bad them fell their Wives and Children, rather than we
fhould want of our due. Such is the favour that Almighty
God hath given Chriſtian People in the fight of this Heathen
King; whofe entertainment and uſage of them is thus favourable.
If any enquire into the Religious exerciſe and Worſhip practiſed
among the Chriftians here, I am forry I muſt ſay it, I can give
among them, but a flender account. For they have no Churches nor no Prieſts,
and fo no meetings together on the Lord's Dayes for Divine Wor-
fhip, but each one Reads or Prays at his own Houſe as he is difpo-
fed. They Sanctifie the Day chiefly by refraining work, and
meeting together at Drinking-houfes. They continue the practice
of Baptifm; and there being no Priefts, they Baptize their Chil-
dren themſelves with Water, and ufe the words, In the Name
of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoft; and give
them Chriſtian Names. They have their Friends about them at
ſuch a time, and make a fmall Feaft according to their Ability:
and fome teach their Children to ſay their Prayers, and to Read,
and fome do not.
How they
maintain
Chriſtianity
In fome things
with the wor-
Heathen.
Indeed their Religion at the beſt is but Negative, that is, they
they comply are not Heathen, they do not comply with the Idolatry here pra-
fhip of the Etifed; and they profefs themſelves Chriftians in a general man-
ner, which appears by their Names, and by their Beads and Croffes
that fome of them wear about their Necks. Nor indeed can I
wholly clear them from complyance with the Religion of the
Countrey. For fome of them when they are Sick do uſe the
Ceremonies which the Heathen do in the like cafe, as in making
Idols of clay, and fetting them up in their Houſes, and Offering
Rice to them, and having Weavers to Dance before them. But
they are aſhamed to be known to do this; and I have known
none to do it, but fuch as are Indians born. Yet I never knew
any of them, that do inwardly in Heart and Confcience incline
to the ways of the Heathen, but perfectly abhor them: nor
have there been any, I ever heard of, that came to their Tem-
ples upon any Religious account, but only would ftand by and
An old Prieft look on; without it were one old Prieſt named Padre Vergonce, a
their Sacrifi- Genoez born, and of the Jefuits Order, who would go to the
Temples, and eat with the Weavers and other ordinary People
of the Sacrifices offered to the Idols: but with this Apology for
himſelf, that he eat it as common Meat, and as God's Creature,
and that it was never the worſe for their Superftition that had
paft upon it. But however this
But however this may reflect upon the Father, ano-
ther thing may be related for his Honour. There happened two
Priefts to fall into the hands of the King; on whom he con-
ferred great Honours; for having laid afide their Habits they
kept
uſed to eat of
ces.
}
1
M
f
+
An Ifland in the Eaft-Indies.
189
kept about his Perfon, and were the greateſt Favourites at Court. Chap. 14.
The King one day fent for Vergonfe, and asked him, if it would
not be better for him to lay afide his old Coat and Cap, and to
do as the other two Prieſts had done, and receive Honour from
him. He replied to the King, That he boafted more in that old
habit and in the Name of Jefus, than in all the honour that be
could do him. And fo refuſed the King's Honour. The King va-
lued the Father for this faying. He had a pretty Library about
him, and died in his Bed of old Age: whereas the two other
Priests in the King's Service died miferably, one of a Canker,
and the other was flain. The old Prieft had about Thirty or
Forty Books, which the King, they fay, feized on after his Death,
and keeps.
Thefe Priefts, and more lived there, but all deceaſed, excepting The King per-
mitted the
Vergonſe, before my time. The King allowed them to build a
Portugueze to
Church; which they did, and the Portugueze affembled there, but buil a
they made no better than a Bawdy-houſe of it; for which caufe Church.
the King commanded to pull it down.
Although here be Proteftants and Papists, yet here are no dif-
ferences kept up among them, but they are as good Friends, as
if there were no fuch Parties. And there is no other Diſtinctions
of Religion there, but only Heathens and Chriſtians: and we uſu-
ally fay, We Chriftians.
1
1
FINIS.
Сс
1
S
Books printed for, and fold by Richard Chiſwel.
FOLIO.
PEED's Maps and Geography of
Great Britain and Ireland, and of
Foreign Parts.
Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fa
thers.
Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of An-
cient time.
Wanly's Wonders of the little World, or
Hiſtory of Man.
Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Perfia, &c.
Holyoak's large Dictionary, Latin and Eng-
liſh.
Şir Richard Baker's Chronicle of England.
Caufin's Holy Court.
Wilſon's compleat Chriſtian Dictionary.
Bishop Wilkin's Real Character, or Philo-
fophical Language.
Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum
Londinenfis reformata.
Judge Jone's Reports in Common Law.
Judge Vaughan's Reports in Common Law.
Cave Tabula Ecclefiasticorum Scriptorum.
Hobbe's Leviathan.
Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning.
Sir W. Dugdale's Baronage of England, in
2 Vol.
D
QUARTO.
R. Littleton's Dictionary.
Biſhop Nicholſon on the Church Ca-
techiſm.
The Compleat Clerk.
Hiſtory of the late Wars of New England.
Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis.
Biſhop Taylor's Diflwafive from Popery.
Dr. Gibbs Sermons.
Parkeri Difputationes de Deo.
Hiſtory of the future State of Europe.
Dr. Fowler's Defence of the Defign of Chri-
stianity, againſt John Bunynan.
Dr. Sherlock's Vifitation-Sermon at War-
rington.
Dr. Weft's Affize-Serm.at Dorchester, 1671.
Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjuft Accu-
fation of certain French Gentlemen char-
ged with a Robbery, 1671.
Bishop Wilkin's Natural Religion.
Hard-caftle's Chrift. Geography and A-
rithmetick.
Dr. Ashton's Apology for the Honours and
Revenues of the Clergy.
Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Judicature
of the Houſe of Peers, in the caſe of
Skinner.
-Jurifdiction of the Houfe of Peers in
cafe of Appeals.
-Jurifdiction of the Houfe of Peers in cafe
of Impofitions.
-Letter about the Biſhops Vote in Capi-
tal Cafes.
Dr. Grew's Idea of Phytological Hiſtory
continued on Roots.
The Spaniards Confpiracy againſt the State
of Venice.
Several Tracts of Mr. Hales of Eaton, of
the Sin againſt the Holy Ghoſt, &c.
Biſhop Sander fon's Life.
Dr. Tillotson's Rule of Faith.
Dr. Simpfon's Chymical Anatomy of the
York-fhire Spaws; with a Difcourfe of
the Original of Hot Springs and other
Fountains.
-His Hydrological Effays, with an Ac-
count of the Allum-works at Whitby,
and fome Obfervations about the Jaun-
dies.
Dr. Cox's Difcourfe of the Intereft of the
Patient in reference to Phyfick and Phy-
ficians.
Organon Salutis: Or an Inftrument to
cleanſe the Stomach: with divers New
Experiments of Tobacco and Coffee: with
a Preface of Sir H. Blunt.
Dr. Cave's Primitive Chriſtianity, in three
Parts.
Allen's Diſcourſe of two Covenants, 1672.
Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Ho-
linefs.
Buckler of State and Juftice againſt France's
Deſign of Univerfal Monarchy.
A free Conference touching the Prefent
State of England at home and abroad, in
order to the Deſigns of France.
Biſhop Taylor of Confirmation.
The Magiftrates Authority afferted, in a Myftery of Jefuitifm, third and fourth
Sermon by James Pafton.
OCTAVO.
Lborom's Rationale upon the English
Service-Book.
Dr. Burnet's Vindication of the Ordinati-
on of the Church of England.
Parts.
Dr. Salmon's Difpenfatory.
Dr. Samway's Unreaſonableness of the Ro-
maniſts.
Record of Urines.
Dr. Ashton's Cafes of Scandal and Perfe
cution.
DUO-
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!
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Odder's Arithmetick..
Hodder
and.
Grotius de Veritate Religionis Chrifti-.
Biſhop Hacket's Chriftian Confolations.
VICESIMO QUARTO.
V
Alentine's Devotions.
G
Guide to Heaven.
Books lately printed.
Villim's Difplay of Herauldry, with
large Additions.
Dr. Burnet's Hiftory of the Reformation
of the Church of England, Folio, in two
Volumes.
Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebelli-
on, folio.
Herodoti Hiftoria, Græ. Lat. Fol.
Cole's Latin and English Dictionary, with
large Additions.
William's Sermon before the Lord Mayor,
Octob. 12. 1679.
-Impartial Confideration of the Speech-
es of the Five Jefuits Executed for Trea-
fon, Fol.
Dr. Burnet's Relation of the Maſſacre of
the Proteftants in France, Quarto.
-His Letter written upon the Diſcovery
of the late Plot, Quarto.
Decree made at Rome, March 2. 1679.
condemning fome Opinions of the Je-
fuits and other Cafuifts, Quarto.
Tryals of the Regicides, Octavo.
Mr. James Brome's Two Faft Sermons.
Dr. Jane's Faft Sermon before the Houſe
of Commons, April 11. 1679.
Mr. John James's Vifitation Sermon, A-
pril 9. 1671. Quarto.
Mr. John Cave's Faſt Sermon on Jan. 30.
1679. quarto.
-His Affize Sermon at Leicester, July 31.
1679. quarto.
-His Gofpel preached to the Romans,
Octavo.
Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Ba-
con, in Arguments Civil, Moral, Natu-
ral, &c. with a large Account of all his
Works, by Dr. Tho. Tenifon. Octavo.
Dr. Puller's Difcourfe of the Moderation
of the Church of England, Octavo.
519
Dr. Saywel's Original of all the Plots in
Christendom; with the Danger and Re-
medy of Schifm.
Sir John Munson Baronet, of Supreme Pow-
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Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Difcourfes upon Se-
lect Texts, Octavo.
Mr. Rushworth's Hiftorical Collections:
The Second Part. Fol.
-His large and exact Account of the Trial
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ſtances preliminary to, concomitant
with, and fubfequent upon the fame, to
his Death. Fol.
Remarques relating to the ftate of the
Church of the three firſt Centuries. By
Ab. Seller. Octavo.
Speculum Baxterianum, or Baxter againſt
Baxter. Quarto.
The Countrey-man's Phyſician. For the
ufe of fuch as live far from Cities, or
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Dr. Burnet's Sermon upon the Faſt for the
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Religion, lately Baptized a Chriftian.
quarto.
His Life and Death of the late Earl of
Rocheſter. Octavo.
--His Faft Sermon before the Commons,
Decemb. 22. 1680.
His Sermon on the 30th of Jaz. 168%.
'New England Pfalms. Twelves.
An Apology for a Treatife of Humane
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The Laws of this Realm concerning Je-
fuits, Seminary Priefts, &c. explained
by divers Judgments and Refolutions of
the Judges, with other Obfervations
thereupon, by William Cawley Efq; Fol.
Biſhop Sander fon's Sermons, with his Life.
Fol.
Fowlis his Hiftory of Romish Confpiracies,
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Markham's Perfect Horfeman. Octavo.
Dr. Parker's Demonftration of the Divine
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Dr. Sherlock's practical diſcourſe of Reli-
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A Defence of Dr. Stillingfleet's Unreaſona
blenefs of Separation. Octavo.
Dr. Outram's Sermons. Octavo.
FINIS.
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