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MANILA DE Atal
Madera Ille
Fonsyal
Marasyla
St Cruz
Saluages
Porto Sancto
To be placed at the beginning of the Book
A MAP.
of the
CANARY ISLANDS.
MARMURAAGDAT
33
་་ ་་་་་་་་་་་་
kal kambalamuk
30
131
10
20
30 40
50 60
7º
English Miles.
80 90
20
100 80
120
The sha
TARIKAN UDE
steni
Tassa Coro 0
Maso
St Joseph
I.Palma
Pide Barleven St Andrew
Pt Corda
Tas Tanas
Los Saufes
Tunta Vana
Point Nago
I.Tenerife
Bartholome
La Coronte
La Ramble
Cratav
Pt Ten los Silos
I.Ferro Valle Ermost
Amurri
El Golfo
I. Gomera
#Prak
los Silos Tonery
Seradero
Adecha
Villa for
Ciudad de la Laguna
sta Criz
Candelaria Convento
Guimar
Ohva
Lobos
I. Fuertaventura
Toston
Cala de Fustes
la Villa
I.Canaria
Arico
small Islands
A Rect of Rocks
Tunche
Las Galletas
Punta Prieta
La Gate
Arecusa Galdar
PtHand
Cape Negro
tas Playas
Tarahala
Morro Gable
Tirachana
Tudad de las Palmas
Telde
Aquimes
Maspaloma
ando
AĻevd Coast which
AFRICA
la Punta Blanca
Roca del Ouest
1.St Clara
Gratiosa
I. Lancerota
Lancerotz
Alegranza
Roca del Este
Porto de Naos
acassable by reason of a heavy. Surf which breaks on it Continuall
28
DR., malal
OF
PART
? \ !וו זיין יין
29
fkantoor alter, a
hf. „kadkah
14"
16.25 Longit.of Tenerife Weft from Lond
32
THE
H IS T ORY
OF THE
34276
DISCOVERY and CONQUEST
CANARY
OF THE
ISLANDS:
Tranflated from a SPANISH MANUSCRIPT, lately found
in the Iſland of PALMA.
WITH AN
ENQUIRY into the ORIGIN of the ANCIENT INHABITANTS.
To which is added,
A Deſcription of the CANARY ISLANDS,
INCLUDING
The MODERN HISTORY of the INHABITANTS,
And an Account of their MANNERS, CUSTOMS, TRADE, &c.
By
GEORGE GLAS.
LONDON,
Printed for R, and J. DODSLEY, in Pall-mall; and T. DURHAM, in the Strand
MDCCLXIV.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
Page i
Hiftory of the Diſcovery and Conqueft of the Canary Iſlands.
BOOK I.
Chap. I. In what manner the Canary Iſlands came first to be known
to the Europeans.
I
Chap. II. Of the Manners and Cuſtoms of the ancient Inhabitants of
Lancerota and Fuertaventura.
6
Chap. III. John de Betancour's fecond Expedition to the Canary
Ilands, and what followed thereupon.
I I
Chap. IV. Contains an Account of the Expedition to Fuertaveutura.
14
Chap. V. John de Betancour's Voyage to Gran Canaria, and what
happened there.
17
Chap. VI. John de Betancour's Expedition to the Island of Gomera.
IS
Chap. VII. Treats of the Manners and Customs of the ancient Go-
merans.
21
Chap. VIII. Treats of John de Betancour's Voyage to the Iſland of
Hierro, and what befel him there; and of the Manners and
Customs of the Inhabitants.
23
29
Chap. IX. What happened at Hierro after John de Betancour went
to Fuertaventura; and of his Attempt on Canaria.
Chap. X. Pedro Barba de Campos goes to the Canary Iflands; and
what followed thereupon.
33
Chap. XI. In what manner Diego de Herrera made himself master
of the Ifland of Canaria.
A 2
40
Chap.
1
?
CONTENT S.
43
Chap. XII. Diego de Sylva arrives at the Canary Iſlands.
Chap. XIII. By what means Diego de Sylva and his Troops were
relieved out of Diftrefs and Confinement at Galdar.
Chap. XIV. Herrera makes another Expedition to Canaria, and
builds a Fort at Gando.
46
50
Chap. XV. A Quarrel happens between the Canartans and Pedro
Chemida: what followed thereupon.
52
Chap. XVI. Diego de Herrera goes to Spain, to answer the Com-
plaints made againſt him by his own People.
55.
Chap. XVII. Diego de Herrera and his Son-in-law, Pedro Hernan-
dez Sayavedra, go over to Barbary, to fuccour the Castle of Mar
Pequeno.
57
BOOK II.
Chap. I. Of the Etymology of the Word Canaria..
62
Chap. II. Treats of the ancient Inhabitants of Canaria, their Man-
ners and Customs.
64
>
Chap. III. Of their Marriages, Manner of educating their Chil-
dren, of their Worship, their Oaths, and their Habits.
68
$
!
1
Chap. IV. Of their Punishments, Employments, and Manner of
living.
71
Chap. V. Of the Government of Gran Canaria, and of the famous
Princes who ruled in that Iſland.
74
Chap. VI. Certain Inhabitants of the Iſland of Majorca vifit Gran
Canarià fome time before the Arrival of John de Betancour. 79
Chap. VII. Of the Expedition of Don Juan Rejon to Gran Canaria.
Chap. VIII. The Battle of Guiniguada.
82
པ
84.
Chap. IX. The Arrival of feventeen Portugueze Carvels at Gran
Canaria.
88
Chap. X. A Jealousy and Contention arife between Juan Rejon and
the Dean, Juan Bermudas..
9.1.
Chap..
1
CONTENT S.
Chap. XI. Pedro de Algava comes to Canaria.
Chap. XII. Juan Rejon returns to Gran Canaria.
93
95
Chap. XIII. Juan Rejon returns a fecond time to Canaria, and what
happened thereupon.
98
Chap. XIV. A Deſign of the Canarians to destroy eighty Euro-
peans. Pedro de Vera arrives at Gran Canaria.
ΙΟΙ
Chap. XV. Pedro de Vera makes an Inroad; the Death of Do-
ramas, &c.
Chap. XVI. The Spaniards build a Fort at Gaete.
104
107
Chap. XVII. Juan Rejon comes the fourth time to the Canary Iſlands,
IIO
113
Chap. XVIII. The Guanarteme of Galdar taken Prifoner.
Chap. XIX. The Holy Brotherhood of Andalufia ſend Troops to Ca-
naria.
Chap. XX. The Sequel of the Conqueft:
116
121
Chap. XXI. Confequences of the Surrender of Anfite.
123
Chap. XXII. Of the Death of Diego de Herrera.
125
Chap. XXIII. Pedro de Vera goes to the Iſland of Gomera
128
BOOK III.
Chap. I. Of the Island of Palma, and of the ancient Iuhabitants
thereof; their Manners, Cuſtoms, Worship, &c.
137
Chap. II. Of the Invafion of Palma by Hernand Peraza and his
Vafals.
140
Chap. III. Of the Iſland of Thenerife or Tenerife.
Chap. IV. Of the miraculous Image of our Lady of Candelaria;
of the ftealing away and reſtoring it, with the Confequences thereof.
146
153
156
159
Chap. V. Alonzo de Lugo lands in Tenerife.
Chap. VI. The Sequel of the Conquest.
Chap. VII. Cruelties of Donna Beatriz Bobadilla. She marries
Alonzo de Lugo. Her Death. Alonzo de Lugo divefted of the
Government of Hierro and Gomera, and banished thoſe Iſlands. 162
An
CONTENT S.
An Enquiry concerning the Origin of the Natives of the Canary
Iſlands.
166.
A Collection of all the Words extant in the Languages of the an-
cient Inhabitants of the Canary Islands, gathered from the Hiftory
of the Diſcovery and Conqueft, together with the Words of the
fame meaning in the Shillha or Libyan Tongue that reſemble them.
174
A Deſcription of the Canary Iflands, &c.
Chap. I. A Deſcription of Lancerota and the adjacent uninhabited
Iflands.
183
Chap. II. Deſcription of the Island of Fuertaventura.
Chap. III. Of the Climate, Weather, Soil, and Produce of the Islands
of Lancerota and Fuertaventura.
188
194
Chap. IV. Of the Inhabitants of Lancerota and Fuertaventura,
their Method of Living, Manners, and Cuſtoms, &c.
Chap. V. Of the Government and Trade of Lancerota aud Fuerta-
ventura, &c.
200
218
Chap. VI. Of the Island of Gran Canaria.
224
Chap. VII. Of the Climate of Canaria, its Weather, Produce, &c.
229
Chap. VIII. Defcription of the Island of Tenerife.
234
Chap. IX. Of the Pike of Tenerife.
252
Chap. X. Of the Weather in Tenerife; and its Produce.
259
Chap. XI. Defcription of the Iſland of Palma.
263
Chap. XII. Of the Island of Gomera.
271
Chap. XIII. Of the Iland of Hierro.
274
Chap. XIV. Of the Natives of Canaria, Tenerife, Palma, Gomera,
and Hierro; their Perfons, Drefs, and Buildings.
Chap. XV. Of the Manners, Customs, and Genius of the Natives
of Canaria, Tenerife, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro.
281
287
Chap.
CONTENT S.
Chap. XVI. Of the Amuſements of the Inhabitants of the Canary
Iflands; and of the State of Learning among them.
297
Chap. XVII. An Account of the Commerce of Canaria, Tenerife,
Palma, Gomera, and Hierro; and the Manufactures in thefe
Ilands.
326
Chap. XVIII. Of the Government and Revenues of the Canary
Ilands.
340
Chap. XIX. Of the Ecclefiaftical Government of the Canary Iſlands.
Chap. XX. Directions for Sailing among the Canary Iſlands. 364
Speedily will be Publiſhed,
By the fame AUTHOR.
A Hiſtory and Deſcription of that Part of AFRICA which is
bounded on the Weft by the Atlantic Ocean, on the Eaft by
Nubia and Abyffinia, on the North by the fouthern Frontiers of
the Kingdoms of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoly, and on
the South by the Rivers Timbuctu and Senegal: with an Ac-
count of the Blacks inhabiting the Banks of thofe Rivers.
ERRATA. Page 19. line 7. for diforderly read fearlefs. P. 37. 1. 1. dele induced.
P. 284. 1. 21. dele of what they can procure. P. 293. 1. 25. for there few read there
are few. P. 305. 1. 15. for fince I firft faw read fince I laft faw. P. 306. 1. 11. for
Valgama read Valgame.
:
INTRODUCTION.
T
HERE is no reafon to doubt that the ancients had fome
knowledge of the Madeira, Canary, and Cape de Verd
Iſlands, with the adjacent coaſt of Africa; but their ac-
counts of theſe places are fo indiftinct and confufed, that one is
at a loſs to know which of them they deſcribe; yet the nature and
fituation of them being known, he muſt be convinced that they
were acquainted with them all, but confounded them together
under the common name of the Fortunate Iflands.
THE iſlands Madeira and Porto Santo ſeem to anſwer to the
deſcription of the Fortunate Iſlands in Plutarch's Life of Sertorius,
which is as follows: "When Sertorius was at the mouth of the
"river Bætis, in Spain, he met with feamen newly arrived from
"two iſlands in the Atlantic, which are divided from one another
only by a narrow channel, and are diſtant from the coaft of
"Africa * ten thouſand furlongs: theſe are called the Fortunate
"Iflands, where the rain falls feldom, and then in moderate
"ſhowers; but, for the moſt part, they have gentle breezes,
bringing along with them foft dews, which render the foil not
<<
.co
only fat and fit to be ploughed and planted, but ſo abundantly
"fruitful, that it produces of its own accord plants and fruits
"for plenty and delicacy fufficient to feed and delight the inha-
"bitants, who may here enjoy all things without trouble or la-
"bour. The ſeaſons of the year are temperate, and the altera-
"tion from quarter to quarter fo moderate, that the air for
"the most part is ferene and refreſhing, and the weather generally
* I ſuppoſe he means from the Streights of Gibraltar.
a
"fair
ii INTRODUCTION.
""
"fair and pleaſant. The rough north and eaſterly winds, which
"blow towards theſe iſlands from the coafts of Europe and Africa,
“are divided and diffipated by reafon of the vaſt diſtance, and ut-
terly loſe their force long before they reach thoſe parts. The
"ſoft weſtern and foutherly winds which breathe upon them,
"do fometimes produce gentle ſprinkling fhowers; but for the
"moſt part they impregnate the earth only with the fruitful
"dews and the nourishing moiſture of the air, which they bring
along with them from the fea; fo that it is believed, even
66 among the barbarous people themſelves, that this is the ſeat of
"the bleffed, and that thefe are the Elyfian Fields highly cele-
"brated by Homer."
<<
Ir is evident, from the above deſcription, that thoſe iſlands lay
to the fouth-west of Hercules's Pillars, or Streights of Gibraltar;
for he ſays, "the rough northerly and eaſterly winds which blow
"from the coafts of Europe and Africa towards thoſe iſlands ;
confequently they could not be any of the Azores or Weſtern
Iſlands, the fouthermoft of which does not lie farther fouth than
the Streights of Gibraltar. Nor could they be any of the Canary
Iſlands, becauſe from any one of them three or four of the
others may be perceived, excepting the two iſlands Lancerota and
Fuertaventura, which are more diſtant from the reft, lying near
the coaſt of Africa. But they bear no reſemblance to Plutarch's
iflands, becauſe no trees grow in them, for the north-eaſt wind
blows upon
them almoſt conftantly, and with fuch vehemence as
to prevent the growth of almoſt all kind of trees, except the
fig-tree, and fome low fhrubs that happen to be ſheltered by a
wall or rock befides, Lancerota and Fuertaventura are deſtitute
of good water. What the natives drink, is rain-water, preferved
in cifterns; fo that they do not anſwer the defcription of
the Fortunate Iſlands, or Elysian Fields, fo highly celebrated by
Homer.
THE
INTRODUCTION.
iii
•
THE iſland Nivaria, and the others of King Juba, mentioned
by Pliny, are doubtless Tenerife and the other Canary Iſlands ;
for, as he obſerves of Nivaria, the top of the iſland Tenerife is
generally covered with fnow.
BUT the iſlands Pluviala and Capraria * of Statius Sebofus feem
to be fome of the Cape de Verd Iflands; and his Planaria on the
continent oppofite to them, the coaſt of Africa between Cape
Blanco and Cape Verd; which is indeed, as he repreſents it, ex-
tremely level, and full of great trees.
PTOLEMY's deſcription of the Fortunate Iflands is fo confuſed,
that it is impoffible to gueſs what iſlands he means when he men-
tions them; for their latitudes anſwer neither to that of the Ca-
nary, Madeira, Azores, nor Capé de Verd Iſlands.
UPON the decline of the Roman empire, the Goths and Vandals
invaded the coafts of Mauritania with their fleets. At that time,
it
may be ſuppoſed, that fome private ſhips of war, or merchant-
men, of thoſe nations, went, in queft of gain or plunder, as far as
the Canary Iſlands, the account of whofe expeditions is now
buried in oblivion.
AFTER the Arabs had conquered the northern parts of Africa
and ſettled themſelves in Spain, they were obliged to maintain
fleets, in order to cope with thoſe of the northern nations, who
often came and ravaged the coafts of Spain and Barbary. When
they had fuch large navies, they could not be ignorant of the art
of navigation, nor of the fituation of their own coaſts of Fez,
* It is probable that theſe iſlands are St. Iago and Mayo, two of the Cape de
Verds thoſe who named the firft Pluviala, had been there in the time of the
heavy periodical rains, which fall in places fituated between the tropics; and not
being acquainted with that phenomenon, called the iſland Pluviala.
a 2
Morocco,
iv INTRODUCTION.
Morocco, and Suz, with the Madeira and Canary Islands fronting
them.
THAT the Arabs knew Madeira and Porto Santo, is plain from
what the Nubian Geographer fays in the First Part of his Third
Climate, where he mentions two islands, one of which he
calls Sciarraham and the other Sciaram, fronting the port of Azaffi
in Barbary.
In the Firſt Part of his Second Climate he only mentions two
iſlands in the Atlantic, called Masfahan and Lacos, which may
be ſuppoſed to be Lancerota and Fuertaventura; for he ſays they
are of the number of the fix deſcribed by Ptolemy. One of thoſe
two iflands (if not both) viz. Fuertaventura, may be difcerned
from the continent of Africa, in clear weather.
ANY one who reads with attention the First Part of the Nu-
bian Geographer's Third Climate, will be ſtrongly inclined to be-
lieve that the Arabs had even fome knowlege of America, or the
Weſt India iſlands *. If ſo, it muſt have been received by the
return of ſome ſhips to Spain or Africa from thoſe parts of the
world, where they might have been driven by ftorms; even, as
fome fay, Columbus got his intelligence of the new world †.
For
* The Nubian Geographer, ſpeaking of the Atlantic Ocean, fays, "In this fea
"is alfo the ifland Saale, in which is found a kind of men like women, having their
"eye-tooth sticking out, their eyes like lightning, their breath like the fmoak of
"burning wood, and ſpeaking an unintelligible language; they fight fea-beafts,
"and the men are only diftinguifhed from the women by the organs of generation:
"they have no beards, and are cloathed with the leaves of trees." Now though the
foregoing account feems fabulous, yet there is alſo in it ſome appearance of truth ;
for the Indians of America have no beards; and to thoſe who firft faw them fmoak-
ing tobacco, their breath would refemble the fmoak of burning wood.
+ When Columbus left Spain to go in queft of America, he gave inftructions to
the officers of his little fquadron, that after failing feven hundred leagues beyond the
Canary
INTRODUCTION.
}
!
For it is impoffible but that fome Moorish or Spaniſh veffels, failing
near their own-coafts, muſt at ſundry times have been driven, by
northerly ftorms, in the winter ſeaſon, within the verge of the
conftant north-eaft wind, called by us the trade-wind, which
begins to blow not far to the fouthward of the Streights of
Gibraltar, and actually blows nine months of the year on the
coafts of Morocco. Now if it happened that a fhip, fo driven by
a ftorm into the north-eaft trade-wind, fhould loſe her mafts, fhe
could not poffibly in that caſe regain the coafts of Spain or Bar-
bary, but muſt be driven before the wind and feas towards
the Weſt Indies, if fhe did not chance to light on the Madeira
or Canary Iſlands by.the way *.
I
To ſupport theſe conjectures, it is to be obferved, that Co-
lumbus, on his fecond voyage to the Weſt Indies, touched at the
iſland of Guadalupe, where he found the ftern-poft of a ſhip lying
on the ſhore; which was a certain proof that a ſhip had been in
the new world before him; for that piece of wood could not have
been driven there from any place far diftant from that iſland.
Canary Iſlands and did not find land, they ſhould make no way from midnight until
day. How came Columbus not to uſe this precaution before he failed feven hun-
dred leagues beyond the Canaries, or a little way fhort of the first land which he
diſcovered? The reaſon is obvious to feamen; for thoſe people well know the rifque
they run of loſing their lives by failing in the night on unknown feas, where they
might be wrecked on fome lands or rocks before they could fee them. If Columbus
had not been pretty certain of the diſtance of the land, he would not have uſed this
precaution juſt in the nick of time when he ought to have done it, had he known
where the land was. Seamen at this preſent time, in going to the Weſt Indies from
Europe, ufe the fame precaution, when they deem themfelves fo far from the land as
fifty, nay fometimes an hundred leagues, although the fituation of thefe parts is now
ſo exactly determined.
* A few years ago, a Canary bark, loaded with corn and paſſengers, bound from
the iſland of Lancerota to Tenerife, met with fome difafter at fea in her paffage, by
which ſhe was rendered incapable of getting to any of the Canary Islands, and there-
fore was obliged to run many days before the wind, until fhe came within two days
fail of the coaft of Caraccas in South America, where she met an Engliſh fhip, which
ſupplied the furviving paflengers with water, and directed her to the port of La
Guaira, on that coaſt.
ALTHOUGH
vi INTRODUCTION.
ALTHOUGH the diſcovery of the north-weſt coaſts of Africa,
and its iſlands, is commonly afcribed to the Portugueze, yet we
find, upon enquiry, that there is reaſon to imagine they were only
the revivers of the Norman diſcoveries.
So early as the year 846, we find that the Normans with power-
ful fleets invaded the Spaniards and Moors in Spain. Being repulſed
at Corunna, in Galicia, by the King Don Ramiro, and obliged to
reimbark, they were attacked afterwards by his fleet, which took
and deſtroyed ſeventy of their fhips: nevertheleſs, the remainder
doubled Cape Finiſterre, and arriving in the mouth of the Tagus,
put the Moors of Liſbon in a great confternation. Next year the
Normans came to the coaſt of Spain with a great fleet, and, landing
in Andalufia, laid fiege to the Moorish city of Seville, and ravaged the
country
about Cadiz and Medina Sidonia, carrying away many cap-
tives and much plunder: but hearing that the Mooriſh King Ab-
derraman was coming againſt them with a ſtrong fleet, they fud-
denly embarked, and failed away with their booty. I mention
this expedition of the Normans, to fhew to what a pitch they had
then arrived at, in the art of navigation among theſe people *. La-
bat, in his Hiſtory of the Weſtern Coafts of Africa, informs us that
the Normans traded to the coafts of Africa as far as Sierra Leona
fo early as the year 1364; for proof of which he refers to a deed of
affociation between the merchants of Dieppe and Roan, dated
in 1365. He fays that all their fettlements in Africa fell to
ruin ſoon after, and the trade was utterly loft by the civil wars
**In thoſe days the Engliſh knew more of navigation than they did ſome centuries
after; for John Leo, in his account of Africa, informs us, that about the 314th
year of the Hegira, the Goths of Spain invited them to invade South Barbary, in
order to draw the Moors out of Spain, although at that time the Goths were Chrif-
tians and the Engliſh idolaters. Accordingly they befieged the town of Arzilla, fi-
tuated on the coaft of the Atlantic ocean, with a great army, which they took,
and confumed with fire and ſword in fuch a manner that it lay deſolate for thirty
years after.
in
INTRODUCTION.
vii
in France upon the death of Charles VI. in 1392. However, it
is certain that the Normans were the first in Europe who discovered
the Canary Iſlands, as will appear in the courſe of the following
Hiſtory.
ALTHOUGH of old the Europeans were ignorant of the uſe
of the loadſtone, yet it is certain that in feas where the conſtant
trade-wind prevails, feamen may eaſily make ſhift without it, as
the weather is there generally ferene, and the fun and ſtars com-
monly feen; and if the heavens happen at any time to be overcaſt,
they can eaſily ſteer their courſe by obſerving the direction of the
waves, which in thofe feas run in a regular and certain courſe,
as well as the wind by which they are impelled.
AFTER failing four hundred and fifty miles towards the fouth-
weft from the mouth of the Streights of Gibraltar, along by the
coaſts of Fez, Morocco, and Suz, on the Atlantic Ocean, we ar-
rive at the fouth-weft extremity of Mount Atlas, in the latitude
of twenty-nine degrees twenty-five minutes north: then leaving
that land, and failing into the ocean directly weft, one hundred
and fixty miles, we come to the ifland of Lancerota, the firft of the
Canary Iſlands in that courfe: the reft of theſe iſlands lie all to
the weſt and fouth of Lancerota. The Canaries are ſeven in
number, viz. Lancerota, Fuertaventura, Canaria, Tenerife, Go-
mera, Hierro or Ferro, and Palma: they lie from the eaſt to the
weft in the fame order as they are here named. The laft-
mentioned is about fixty-five leagues diſtant from the firſt.
As I do not intend to give a particular defcription of them in
this place, I refer the reader to the fecond part of this work, in which
he will find each iſland diſtinctly deſcribed; and ſhall now pro-
ceed to the Hiſtory of their Diſcovery and Conqueft, which is al-
5
moft
viii
INTRODUCTION.
moſt entirely a tranflation from a Spaniſh Manuſcript, written in
the year 1632, in the iſland of Palma, by Juan de Abreu de Ga-
lineo, a Franciſcan Friar, a native of the province of Andaluſia in
Spain.
THIS manuſcript lay a long time in obſcurity in a convent in
the iſland of Palma. About three years ago it was fent from
thence to Canaria, as a prefent to the Biſhop of the Iſlands. I
heard of this Manuſcript when I was at Tenerife, and immedi-
ately wrote to a gentleman in Canaria to procure me a copy,
which he did, and fent it to me. Upon reading the manufcript
I had the fatisfaction to find that it contained a genuine account
of the conqueſt of the iſlands and the ancient inhabitants, and per-
fectly agreed with thoſe I had before often received. It was
complete, and prepared for the preſs; what prevented its publica-
tion in the author's life-time, I know not: probably the author
had intended to carry it to Spain (as there was no printing-preſs in
Palma) and have publiſhed it there, but was prevented by death
from executing his defign.
THE candid reader is requested not to cenfure this perform-
ance on account of the inelegance of the ftyle: the editor pre-
ferring faithfulneſs in tranſlation, and accuracy in deſcription, to
the pompous flow of language: and though he may fome-
times dwell on circumſtances which may appear trifling to many
readers; yet he flatters himſelf that they will be found uſeful and
intereſting to thoſe whoſe buſineſs or curiofity require a more par-
ticular knowledge of thefe iflands.
THE
HIS
THE
TORY
ÓF THE
DISCOVERY and CONQUEST
OF THE
CANARY ISLANDS.
BOOK FIRST.
CHA P.
I.
In what manner the Canary Islands came first to be known to the
T
Europeans.
HE first account we had of the Canary Iſlands being pub-
lickly known in Europe, after the decline of the Roman
empire, was ſome time between the years 1326 and 1334,
by means of a French ſhip that was driven among them by a ſtorm.
UPON this diſcovery, a Spaniſh nobleman, Count of Claramonte,
named Don Luis, fon of Don Alonzo de la Cerda, furnamed
the Difinherited *, procured a grant† of thoſe iſlands, with the
* He was right heir to the crown of Caftille, but was deprived of it by his uncle
Sancho IV. From Donna Iſabella, daughter to this Luis de la Cerda, is defcended
the noble family of Medina Celi in Spain. Mariana.
+ When this grant was made to Don Luis, it gave fuch umbrage to the Engliſh
ambaffadors, who then happened to be at Rome, that they immediately difpatched
an exprefs to their court, to prevent this conveyance, imagining there were no other
Fortunate Iſlands than thofe of Great Britain: fuch was the ignorance of thoſe
times. Heylin's Cofmography.
B
title
2
THE HISTORY OF
title of King, from Pope Clement VI, upon condition that he
would cauſe the Gofpel to be preached to the natives.
Two years
after this, Don Luis obtained a licence from
Pedro, King of Arragon, to equip a fleet from fome of his ports,
in order to take poffeffion of the Canary Islands; but though
fome of his ſhips were actually fitted out, yet the deſign failed,
firſt by reaſon of his being engaged in fome other affairs, and
laftly by his death, which happened foon after. However, it is
probable that either part of that fquadron, or fome other hips,.
went to the Canaries about that time, the crews of which were
natives of Majorca, which then belonged to the crown of Arragon..
What became of thofe veffels fhall be related in its proper place..
Nothing was done afterwards towards perfecting the diſcovery,
until the year 1385, when fome Biſcayners and inhabitants of Se-
ville joined to equip a fleet of five ſhips at Cadiz, in order to make
defcents upon and plunder the Canary Iſlands and the adjacent
coaft of Barbary. The command of theſe fhips was given to one.
Ferdinando Peraza, a gentleman of Seville.
AFTER coafting the African fhore, they failed weftward, and
fell in with the iſland now called Lancerota, where they landed.
The natives came in crowds to the port to behold them: but the
Spaniards ſhooting fome arrows among them, killed fome, wounded.
others, and fo frightened the reſt that they ran away; upon which
the Spaniards marched to the town where the natives refided,,
which they facked, and carried off a large booty of goat-ſkins,,
tallow, and ſheep, and one hundred and ſeventy of the inhabi-
tants, among whom were Guanareme, King of the island, and
Tinguafaya, his wife with theſe they returned on board their
ſhips, and failed back to Spain; where, in thoſe days, their plunder
was reckoned to be very valuable.
THE
THE
3
CANARY ISLANDS.
THE next expedition to Lancerota was from Seville, in the year
1393. This fleet did not attempt to ſubdue the iſland, but returned
foon after, with feveral captives and a great number of goat-ſkins;
by which it appeared that the defign of the Spaniards, in thoſe
expeditions, was only to enrich themſelves by robbery and plunder.
Several people now, excited by avarice, folicited Henry III, King
of Caftille, for a licence to conquer the Canary Iſlands, as
Henry pretended they were his property; but on what he founded
this claim, I believe, is not known. In the year 1369, the con-
tention for the crown of Caſtille was ended by the death of Don
Pedro, who was ftabbed by his baftard-brother Don Henry,
who then fucceeded to the crown. A few years before this hap-
pened, feveral noblemen, from the province of Normandy in
France, came to Caftille, to the affiftance of Don Henry, among
whom were Bertran Claquin, Conftable, and Rubin de Braca-
monte, Admiral of France. This laſt had two nephews by a fifter
who lived in Normandy, and was married to the Lord of Betan-
cour, Granville, and other places in that country: the eldeſt,
named John de Betancour, though at that time an old man, had
a ftrong defire to travel, and do fomething worthy of his anceſtors,
and therefore determined to make a voyage to Spain to vifit his
uncle the Admiral. With this view he went to Rochel, a ſea-
port town, where he was to embark for that country: while he
remained there, he became acquainted with one Gadifer de la Sala,
a man of confiderable fortune. This perfon, having the fame paf-
ſion for ſeeing foreign countries, foon agreed with John de Betan-
cour to go with him in queft of the Fortunate Iſlands, much talked
of at that time in Europe. In order to proſecute their defign, they
fold fome of their lands, and mortgaged others, by which they
raiſed money ſufficient to equip a ſmall fleet, well provided with
ſkilful mariners, pilots, and fome people as interpreters, who
muſt conſequently have been in fome of the iſlands before that time.
B 2
THIS
4
THE HISTORY OF
THIS fleet confifted of three fhips, containing two hundred
perfons, excluſive of the ſeamen: among that number were many
young gentlemen of Normandy, feveral of whom were relations of
John de Betancour. On the firſt of May, 1400, they ſet fail, and
proceeded on the voyage, without any thing of confequence hap--
pening to them, until they arrived at the iſlands. The firſt they
faw was Lancerota, which name was then given to it by John de-
Betancour, probably in honour of ſome perfon of his acquaintance.
When he landed his men, the natives gathered together in a body to
defend themſelves, imagining that thefe ftrangers were come to
plunder and carry them off, as others had done before but ob-
ferving the French to be well armed, and keeping together, they
were afraid to attack them, but retired into the country, and left
them at liberty to encamp in a convenient place; for the natives
had nothing to oppoſe them with but ſticks and ſtones, theſe being
their only weapons..
BUT finding that the French remained fome days in the fame
place, without following or attempting to moleft them, they be-
gan to take courage, fo that fome of them ventured into the camp;
who were well treated by John de Betancour and Gadifer de la
Sala, who allowed them to take whatever they chofe, and to
come in and go out of the camp whenever they pleaſed. This
good treatment removed all their fears; infomuch that when the
French began to build a fort for their defence and accommodation,.
the natives chearfully affifted them in bringing ſtones, lime, &c.
neceffary for the work. This fort was built at the port of Rubicon.
•
THE ready obedience and quiet behaviour of the natives gave
great fatisfaction to John de Betancour and Gadifer de la Sala.
They now determined to paſs over to the next iſland, which is
feparated from Lancerota only by a channel of two leagues in.
breadth.;;
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
5
breadth; and, leaving an officer and fome men in the port of Ru-
bicon, they landed at Valtarrahala, in the iſland of Fuertaventura,.
then called by the French Fortuite. The inhabitants, ſeeing ſuch
a number of ſtrange people coming into their iſland, gathered in
great numbers to oppoſe them, being men of a more warlike ſpirit
than thoſe of Lancerota, ftronger and of a larger fize; which the
French perceiving, and confidering what a handful of people they
had to attack ſuch a multitude with, thought proper to reimbark,
and fet fail: taking, therefore, a view of fome of the reft of the iſlands,
they afterwards returned to Lancerota, where they conſulted what
was next to be done; and confidering how few people they had
for fuch an undertaking as the conqueft of the iſlands, it was de-
termined that Gadifer de la Sala fhould return to France, in order
to bring over ſupplies of men, &c. Accordingly he went; but,
unfortunately for the expedition, he died a few days after his ar-
rival in France. When this was known to John de Betancour, he
found himſelf deprived of his expected fuccours, and without
money or friends in France;. which determined him to embark
for Spain, where he arrived, and applied to his uncle Rubin de
Bracamonte, and other relations there, for affiftance to profecute
his defign: but his chief patron and interceffor with the King of
Caftille was the Infant Don Ferdinando, afterwards King of Arra-
gon, by whofe means he procured from the king, Don Henry III,
a grant of the Fortunate Iflands, with the title of King. This
done, he went to Seville, and equipped a fleet, well provided with
men and neceffaries, for the conqueſt of theſe iſlands, the King
ſupplying him with money to defray the charge of that armament.
This grant of the Canary Iſlands to John de Betancour was dated
year 1403.
in the
CHAP..
6
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. II.
Of the Manners and Cuſtoms of the ancient Inhabitants of Lancerota
and Fuertaventura.
TH
HESE two iſlands, as well as the others, were divided into
portions, each of which was governed by its own Lord or
Captain, and ſeparated from the reft by a wall of looſe ſtones, croff-
ing the iſland from ſea to ſea. The inhabitants of theſe quarters held
their reſpective chiefs in great efteem.
THE ancient inhabitants of Lancerota and Fuertaventura were of
a humane, focial, and chearful difpofition, very fond of finging
and dancing. Their mufic was vocal, accompanied with a noiſe
they made by clapping their hands and beating with their feet.
They were very nimble, and took great delight in leaping and
jumping, which were their principal diverfions: two men took a
ſtaff or pole, which they held by the ends, and lifted as high above
their heads as they could reach, keeping it parallel with the ground;
and he who could leap over it, was accounted to be very dexterous.
Some of them were fo expert at this exerciſe, that they could at
three jumps leap over three poles placed in that manner behind
each other.
THE natives of theſe two iſlands were of a larger fize, and better
made than thoſe of the others, and fo they are to this day. There
is a ſepulchre at the foot of a mountain in Lancerota, called the
Mountain of Thorns, nineteen Engliſh feet and ten inches in
length, where a perfon named Mahan was buried. Duels and
combats were frequent among them; to theſe they went armed
with ſticks of a yard and a half long, which they called Tezzezes.
5
With
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
7
་
With regard to quarrels, they had this law or cuſtom, that if a
man entered in by the door of his enemy's houſe, and killed him
or did him harm, he was not puniſhed; but if he came upon him
unawares, by leaping over the wall, and killed him, then the
Captain or Chief, before whom the caufe was examined, ordered
him to be put to death. The manner of executing criminals was
this they carried the delinquent to the fea-fhore, and there
placed his head upon a flat ſtone, and then with another of a round
form they daſhed out his brains; his children were afterwards
held as infamous. They were excellent fwimmers; and uſed
to kill the fish on their fea-coafts with fticks.. Their houfes
were built of ftone, without cement, lime, or mortar; notwith-
ſtanding which they were ſtrong: the entry was made ſo narrow
that but one perfon could go in at a time.. They had alſo houſes
of worſhip and dévotion, which they called Efeguen; theſe were
round, compoſed of two walls, one within the other, with a ſpace
between; and were, as well as their dwelling-houſes, built of
looſe ſtones, ſtrong, and having a narrow entry. In theſe temples
they offered to their god (for they worshipped only one) milk and
butter. They facrificed to him on the mountains, pouring out
from earthen veffels, offerings of goats milk, and adoring him at the
ſame time by lifting their hands toward the heavens.
THE habit of the natives of Lancerota was made of goats fkins,
ſewed together and faſhioned like a cloak, with a hood to it. It
reached down to the knees. The feams of this habit were cloſed
in a very neat manner with thin thongs of leather, which were as
fine as common thread. They cut and prepared thofe thongs
with ſharp flints or ftones, inftead of knives or fciffars, which
they called Tafiague.
THEIR fhoes were of goats fkins, the hairy fide outward.
THEY
8
HISTORY OF
THE
་
.
THEY wore bonnets made of goats ſkins, having three large
feathers ftuck in the front; the women wore the fame, with a
fillet of leather, dyed red with the bark of ſome ſhrubs.
THE abovementioned cloak they called Tamarco; and the hood,
Guapil; fhoes they called Maho.
THEY had long hair, and wore their beards plaited. The King
of the iſland wore a diadem or crown like a biſhop's mitre, made
goats leather, and adorned with fea-fhells.
of
WHEN they were fick, which feldom happened, they cured them-
felves with the herbs which grew in the country; and when they
had acute pains, they fcarified the part affected with ſharp ftones,
or burned it with fire, and then anointed it with goats butter.
My author fays, that in his time earthen veffels of this butter
were found interred in the ground, having been put there formerly
by the women, who it feems were the makers, and took that
method to preſerve it for medicine. When any one died, they
buried him in a cave, ftretching out the body, and laying goats
fkins under and above it.
THEIR food was barley meal roafted, which they called Goffio;
and goats fleſh, boiled and roafted; alfo butter and milk. They
eat their victuals out of veffels made of clay, and hardened by
the heat of the fun.
THEIR method of obtaining fire, was by taking a ſtick of dry,
hard, thorny wood, which they caufed to turn rapidly round on
the point, within a foft, dry, ſpongy thiſtle, and fo fet it on fire:
this method has been uſed there to this day.
WHEN
t
1
N
THE
CANARY ISLAND S.
WHEN they fowed their ground with barley (which was their
only grain) they dug or turned it with
up goats horns.
horns. They
threſhed their barley with ſticks, and winnowed it with their hands;
they then ground it in a hand-mill, made of two ftones, being
nearly the fame fort of mills now uſed in ſome remote parts of
Europe.
THE natives of Fuertaventura were cloathed with jackets made
of ſheep ſkins, the fleeves ſhort and reaching no farther than their
elbows. They wore alſo fhort breeches, that left the knees bare;
and ſhort hoſe or ſtockings, that reached little higher than the
calf of the leg. On their feet they wore the fame fort of ſhoes as
the natives of Lancerota. They wore high caps on their heads,
made of goat ſkins. The hair of their heads and beards they
dreſſed after the faſhion that prevailed among the natives of Lan-
cerota.
In the iſland of Fuertaventura, fays my author, their lived two
women who held a correſpondence with the devil, the one called
Tibiatin, and the other Tamonante, who were mother and daugh-
ter: the buſineſs of the one was to fettle and compofe differ-
ences that might ariſe among the chiefs of the iſland, and that of
the other to regulate their ceremonies. The natives pretend that
theſe women uſed to foretel future events.
WHEN John de Betancour arrived in this country, the iſland of
Fuertaventura was divided into two kingdoms, one commencing
at the Villa and continuing unto Handia, and the other extend-
ing from the Villa unto Corralejo, which were feparated by
a looſe dry ſtone wall, four leagues in length, croffing the breadth
of the iſland from fea to fea. There were in this ifland, at the
time of the conqueft, four thousand fighting men. Thoſe amongſt
น
C
them
10
OF
THE HISTORY
nour.
them who were most famous for their virtue and valour had the
appellation of Mahay and Altihay, which were names of great ho-
It is faid that when John de Betancour and Gadifer de la
Sala came in queſt of theſe iſlands, the then king of Lancerota,
who was named Guadarfia, was defcended from an European, who
had been driven by a tempeft on this iſland, and whofe hiſtory is
related after this manner :
WHEN Don John I, fon of Henry II, reigned in Caſtille, he was
engaged in a war againſt the King of Portugal and the Duke of
Lancaſter, about the fucceffion to the crown of Caftille; the duke
pretending that it was his right, on account of his marriage with
Donna Conſtanza, eldeſt daughter of King Peter.
In the courſe of that war, and about the year 1377, King John
fent fome ſhips, commanded by one Martin Ruiz de Avendano,
to scour the coafts of Gallicia, Bifcay, and England. This fleet
met with a fevere tempeſt, which laſted many days, infomuch that
the admiral's fhip was obliged to bear away and drive before the
wind, until ſhe arrived in a port at the iſland of Lancerota.
HERE the Spaniards landed, and were kindly received by the
natives, who treated them with the beſt that the inland afforded.
Don Martin Ruiz de Avendano was lodged in the houſe of Qon-
zamas, the King, while he remained in the iſland. In that time
he became fo intimate with Fayna, the King's wife, that ſhe had a
daughter by him named Yco. Her complexion was very fair,
in compariſon of the natives: when of age, fhe was married to
one of the royal family, who became King of the iſland after
Guanarame and Tinguafaya were carried prifoners to Spain,
in the fleet commanded by Ferdinand Peraza, in the year 1385
or 1386. By this manYco had a fon named Guadarfia. After Gua-
narame's
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
I I
narame's death, there was a great diffention in the ifland about
the fucceffion; the natives infifting that Guadarfia was incapable of
it, becauſe his mother Yco was not noble, being as was fuppofed
by her colour, the daughter of a ſtranger, and not of Qonzamas
the King. To end the diſpute, the council met, and came to a
refolution, to ſhut up Yco with three female fervants in the houſe
of the deceaſed Qonzamas, and there to ſmoke them; and if ſhe
came out alive, ſhe was to be declared noble, and the genuine off-
ſpring of Qonzamas. Before ſhe went to the fmoaky trial, an old
woman adviſed her to convey fecretly into the room a large
fpunge moiſtened in water, and when the finoak ſhould begin to be
troubleſome, to put it to her mouth and noftrils, and breathe in
it. Yco took her advice, which fucceeded to her wiſh; for
when the door of the room that was fmoaked was opened, the
three fervants were found ftifled, and Yco alive; upon which
ſhe was brought forth with great marks of honour, and her fon
Guadarfia was immediately declared King of Lancerota. This
is the fame whom John de Betancour found reigning, on his firſt
arrival at that iſland.
CHA P. III.
John de Betancour's fecond Expedition to the Canary Iſlands, and
what followed thereupon.
W
HEN John de Betancour embarked for Spain, he left a
garrifon in Lancerota, commanded by William de Betan-
cour: who behaved towards the King and natives in fuch a licentious
and cruel manner, that they could no longer endure him, but
were at laſt, for their own defence, obliged to take up arms against
him. They laid an ambush, which fucceeded fo well that
they killed ſeveral of the French, among whom was this William
C 2
de
I 2
THE HISTORY OF
de Betancour; the reft who furvived made their efcape into the
fort of Rubicon, where they were ſo cloſely blocked up by the
natives, that they were reduced by famine to the laſt extremity.
In this ſituation were the affairs of Lancerota when John de Be-
tancour arrived there; who, as before related, had left the court
of Caftille and went to Cadiz, where he procured fome veffels,
which he fitted out with every thing neceffary for a fecond ex-
pedition to the Canary Islands: the fame of this armament drew
to Cadiz many adventurers from different parts, fo that he foon
procured his complement of men.
EVERY thing being ready, the fleet fet fail from Seville with
a favourable wind; and, after a quick and agreeable paffage,
anchored at the port of Rubicon, where all the troops difem-
barked. Upon their landing, the natives came and made their
complaint to John de Betancour againſt the garrifon which he
had left in the fort, and excufed the violence they had committed,
as having been compelled thereto by the tyrannical and cruel
ufage received from William de Betancour and his people.
When John de Betancour had heard both parties, and enquired
into the cauſe of the difference between them, he found that the
French had been the aggreffors, and therefore pardoned King
Guadarfia, and promiſed to leave him and the natives in the full
enjoyment of their lands, houſes, cattle, and liberty. Upon this
declaration the natives laid down their arms, and chearfully ſub-
mitted to his government.
SEVERAL prieſts came over in this fleet from Seville, in order
to convert the iſlanders from paganiſm to the faith of the church
of Rome they were greatly reſpected by the natives, many of
whom they converted, and baptized in the church which was
then built at Rubicon, named the Invocation of St. Marcial.
The
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
يب
13
The first among the natives who received baptifm, was King
Guadarfia, who was chriftened by the name of Luis. John
de Betancour allowed him for his fubfiftence the houſe and
lands of the deceafed Qonzamas. A fhort time after, all the
natives were baptized. John de Betancour now made a partition
of the lands among the French and Spanish adventurers that
came over with him * The church called St. Marcial of Ru-
bicon, was the firſt that was built in the Canary Islands: my
author fays (though without authority) that St. Marcial was the
firſt who preached the holy Goſpel in France, and was himſelf
the firſt Biſhop of the city of Limoges in that kingdom. His
parents were Marcelo and Elizabeth, noble Jews, of the number
of thoſe who followed Jefus Chrift and miniftred unto him: they
were baptized by the apostle St. Peter.
66
THIS St. Marcial, according to the Legend, "Leaving his pa-
rents, cleaved to Jeſus Chriſt, and followed him wherever he
"went: he was one of thofe who ferved him when he eat the Paff-
over with his difciples; and, when our Lord waſhed their feet,
"he was the perfon who poured the water into the bafon. He
"received the Holy Ghoſt at the fame time with the difciples; and
accompanied St. Peter to Antioch, where he converted many;
"he afterwards went with that apoſtle to Rome, where our Lord
Jefus Chrift appeared to St. Peter, and commanded him to fend
"St. Marcial to France, to preach the holy Goſpel there.
66
66
66
Ac-
cordingly he departed, though full of forrow to leave his dear
"mafter the apoftle. His companion, who went with him on his
miffion, died by the way, which obliged him to return to Rome,
"when St. Peter again ordered him to go on his miffion, and
* Theſe lands muſt have been fuch as were not then cultivated by the natives, as
John de Betancour had promiſed not to deprive them of their lands. It would ſeem
that the natives chiefly fubfifted on their flocks.
66
gave
14
THE HISTORY OF
65
166
gave him his ſtaff, which he directed him to lay on the body
"of his companion, and at the ſame time to invoke the name of
Jefus Chrift: all this St. Marcial performed, and as foon as the
"ſtaff was laid on the dead body of his companion, he came to
“life, and proceeded on the journey with him to France, where
"St. Marcial converted many by his miracles and preaching."
The French holding this faint in great reverence, John de Betan-
cour therefore dedicated the church which he built at Rubicon, in
Lancerota, to him, and called it after his name. The Biſhops of
the Canary Islands were ftiled Biſhops of Rubicon, until the
iſland of Gran Canaria was conquered. The firſt Biſhop was one
Albert, a Franciſcan Friar, who came over to Rubicon in 1408:
afterwards, in 1488, the epifcopal fee was removed to the city of
Palmas, in Canaria, where it now remains. The firſt Biſhop of
that place was one Don Juan de Frias.
CHA P. IV.
Contains an Account of the Expedition to Fuertaventura.
VERY thing being now fettled on a proper footing in Lan-
EVER
cerota, John de Betancour thought it high time to fet about
the conqueft of Fortuite, as the French then called the ifland of
Fuertaventura *. He imagined it would not be eaſy to ſubdue it,
*My author does not inform us by what names the natives of Lancerota and
Fuertaventura called their iflands; but he fays that the inhabitants were by the Spa-
niards called Mahoreros, from their wearing Mahos, a kind of fhoes before-men-
tioned; and he adds, that fome will have the proper name of the iſlands (for he er-
roneouſly ſuppoſes theſe two to have been formerly but one) to be Maho.
The French called Fuertaventura, Fortuite, as above; but we are not informed
of the reaſon why they gave it that name. In fome old records, perferved on the
ifland, it is called Herbaria, from its abounding with various herbs; and alfo Buena-
ventura, from a convent built in it by Diego de Herrera, and dedicated to St.
Buenaventura. At prefent the iſland is called Fuertaventura, but how it came by
that name we know not.
4
as
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
15.
as the inhabitants were ſo numerous and valiant; he therefore
collected together all his forces, confifting of French and Spaniards,
beſides many of the natives of Lancerota, whom he armed after
the European manner: his new recruits ferved him with chear-
fulneſs and fidelity; for the iſlanders found in him a father rather
than a conqueror. So embarking his troops on board five ſhips,
he ſet fail, and arrived at Fuertaventura in the month of June, 1405,
and landed his people in a bay called Valtarrahal, by reaſon of the
great number of Tarrahal *, bushes, which grew there. At that
time the two Kings of the iſland, Ajofe and Guife, were at vari-
ance with each other, on account of the pafturage. He who
commanded in that part of the iſland where John de Betancour
landed, immediately on his arrival gathered all the forces of his
diſtrict together, and advanced boldly to him give battle; but
the Europeans found means to come to a parley with them,
and by the advice of the two women, Tibiatin and Tamo-
nante before-mentioned, they were prevailed on to lay down
their arms, and Ajofe coming up to John de Betancour, this latter
embraced him, and treated him with every mark of friendſhip.
By this behaviour he won his confidence, and at length prevailed
on him to embrace the Romish religion; he was then baptized
by the name of Luis. Guife, the King of the other part of the
ifland, feeing the good treatment which John de Betancour gave
to thoſe who ſubmitted to him, with his frank and courteous be-
haviour to all the natives, and that he defired only to make con-
verts to the Romish faith, fubmitted to him alfo, having been
adviſed to do fo by Tibiatin and Tamonante. Being moreover
affured by John de Betancour, that if he would embrace the
Romiſh faith he ſhould remain in the full enjoyment of his liberty,
and in the peaceable poffeffion of his lands and effects, he re-
ceived baptiſm by the name of Alonzo. The examples of the
* See the Defcription of the Canary Iſlands.
two
16
HISTORY OF
THE
two Kings of Fuertaventura had fuch an effect on the natives,
that they all came in and ſubmitted to the Europeans, and were
ſoon after baptized.
Ir is a tradition among the inhabitants of Fuertaventura, that
the natives believed Tibiatin and Tamonante to have been fent
from heaven to inftruct them, to fortel future events, and to
cauſe them to live in peace and unanimity with each other. They
ſay that theſe women prophefied to them of the coming of ftrange
people from the fea, who were to inſtruct them how to live: and
alſo that immediately after the arrival of the Europeans a beau-
tiful woman often appeared to the natives in the time of their
diſtreſs and neceffities, miniftred comfort to them, perfuaded them
to be baptized, and embrace the Romiſh faith.
Ir was by the affiſtance of thoſe women that the Europeans
made ſo eaſy a conqueft of that large and populous ifland; of
which when John de Betancour had thus taken poffeffion he built
two forts, for the fecurity of his Europeans, the one at Valtar-
rahala, where he firft landed, and which he called the caftle of
Valtarrahala, and another which he named Richiorche; both of
which he garriſoned with his own people.
By the intreaty of the Caftillians, and fome of his feamen who
had been in Barbary, John de Betancour was prevailed on to make
a voyage thither, as that coaft is but eighteen leagues diftant
from the fouth eaft-part of Fuertaventura.
And being pro-
vided with fufficient ſhipping, &c. fit for ſuch an expedition,
he accordingly crofled over to that ſhore, and landed at a place
called Medanos*, where he took priſoners ſeveral Moors of both
* On what part of the coast of Barbary this place lies, I am not certain; but
I imagine it to be fomewhere to leeward of la Punta Blanca, and not far diftant
from it.
fexes,
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
17
fexes, old and young, to the number of ſeventy, without the
lofs of a man on his own fide; the natives of that part of Africa
living at that time in a careleſs and defenceleſs manner, not
thinking it poffible for any one to come from the ſea to diſturb
or moleft them. Betancour and his men brought their booty fafe
to Lancerota, and from thence fent their prifoners to Spain,
where they were fold for flaves. This was the first expedition
made to the coaft of Barbary from the Canary Iſlands.
CHA P. V.
John de Betancour's Voyage to Gran Canaria, and what happened there.
FTER the enterprize on the coaft of Barbary, John de Betan-
cour, being defirous of bringing the iſland of Canaria into
ſubjection to him, failed thither with two ſhips, and anchored
at a place called Anganagen, where he landed all the forces which
he brought with him, and marched them up the country in good
order, and with great precaution, left they ſhould be ſurpriſed.
This was a neceffary meaſure, as appeared afterwards; for the
natives, feeing fuch a number of armed men on their ifland, im-
mediately gave the alarm to each other, and affembled in great
numbers, headed by a King or Captain, named Artemis, and fell
upon the Europeans with great fury and refolution, annoying
them with ſtones and darts, which they threw by hand with
amazing dexterity, and with fuch velocity as to exceed the mo-
tion of thoſe thrown from flings or bows. Beſides theſe weapons,
they had ſticks or poles, whofe ends were hardened by fire, and
ſharpened, which they uſed as fpears. John de Betancour and
his men defended themſelves with the greateſt courage; but the
attack they had to ſuſtain was ſo rude, and the natives, with their
Captain Artemis, preſſed ſo furiouſly on them, that though the
Europeans
Ꭰ
!
18
THE HISTORY OF
Europeans killed a great number of them, they were at length
obliged to give way, and retreated in good order to the ſea-ſhore:
but the natives gathering on every fide, to the number of five
thouſand, purſued our adventurers fo cloſely, that John de Betan-
cour, finding it in vain to attempt the conqueft of the place with
fuch an handful of men againſt ſuch a multitude of well-armed
and valiant inhabitants, reimbarked with his troops, under favour
of the night, in the best manner he could, leaving the field of
battle to his enemies, who nevertheleſs bought their victory at a
dear rate, having their King Artemis, with many others, killed
in the engagement.
FROM Anganagen the fleet failed for the iſland of Palma; but
not being able to effect a landing, it was determined to return to
Canaria, to try their fortune once more againſt the courageous
natives, and retrieve the honour they imagined they had loft
there but on their arrival they found thoſe people aſſembled in
vaſt numbers to oppoſe them, which made them fail back to
Fuertaventura. It was on this expedition that John de Betancour
gave the epithet of Grand (or Great) to the iſland of Canaria,
which it retains to this day.
CHAP.
VI.
John de Betancour's Expedition to the Iſland of Gomera.
OHN de Betancour remained fome time in Fuertaventura, to
JOHN de Betan, our remate the fan of the wounds.
refreſh his men, and cure them of their wounds. After his
unſucceſsful attempt on Canaria, he could not pretend to try his.
fortune again there, for want of more foldiers; but, not endur-
ing to remain idle, he determined to make an attempt on ſome
other iſland. To this end he took with him all the men that
could
5
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
19
could be fpared from his garrifons of Lancerota and Fuertaven-
tura, and failed to the iſland of Gomera, where he landed at the
principal port without oppofition, which furpriſed him greatly,
and made him apprehenfive of an ambufcade ; he therefore
marched flowly up the country, with the greateſt precaution.
Soon after he perceived the natives approaching towards him in
a diſorderly manner, without any fign of hoftility, but on the
contrary with an appearance of mirth and joy; however, they
came armed with darts, lances, fwords, fhields, and croſs-bows,
which greatly perplexed him, and made him ſtill more apprehen-
five of danger, till they drew very near to him, when fome of
them accofted the Europeans in the Spaniſh tongue, which amazed
and agreeably ſurpriſed them. Both parties now began to con-
verſe together freely and in a very friendly manner; and the Eu-
ropeans were moſt courteouſly entertained by them. This beha-
haviour of the Gomerans, the fertility of their iſland, the good-
nefs of the climate, and its excellent harbour, induced John de
Betancour to ſpend fome time in it, in order to refreſh and
ſtrengthen his people. During his ſtay in Gomera the Europeans
and natives lived together in the utmoſt harmony, infomuch that
theſe gave a cordial invitation to the new-comers to take
up their
refidence among them. This invitation was readily accepted by
John de Betancour, who thereupon made a diviſion of lands among
his followers, and determined, fince he had now bid adieu to his
native country, to fix his refidence for the remainder of his life
in the pleaſant iſland of Gomera.
We muſt now enquire into the cauſe of this kind reception
which the Europeans met with from the natives, and by what
means fome of the latter fo well underſtood and ſpoke the Spaniſh
language.
D 2
IT
20
THE HISTORY OF
It appears then, that about thirty years before the arrival of
John de Betancour, fome Spaniſh veffels came to Gomera, com-
manded by one Don Ferdinando, who landed at a place where
the King's brother lived: the natives attacked the Spaniards, but
were defeated, and the King's brother loft his life in the encounter.
After this, Don Ferdinando marched in-land; but as foon as
Amalvige, the King of the place, heard of the invafion of the
iſland by ſtrangers, and of the death of his brother, he gathered
the natives together, and gave battle to the Spaniards, who were
defeated, and purſued into a place which had only one narrow entry,
fo that they could not retire but by throwing themſelves over the
ſteep cliffs that ſurrounded them, the iſlanders having blocked up
the paffage by which they entered with felled trees, and guarded
it ſo cloſely, that the Spaniards were compelled to remain there
two days without meat or drink. At laft Don Ferdinando found.
means to come to a parley with Amalvige, in which he ſo effectu-
ally wrought upon that Prince's compaffionate difpofition, that he
ordered the paffage to be cleared, and conducted the ſtrangers to
his refidence, where he entertained them with great hofpitality,
giving them proviſions and whatever elſe he could afford; in ſhort,.
he treated them as if no diſpute had ever fubfifted. When Don
Ferdinando returned to his fhips, which he had left in the har-
bour, he made ſeveral preſents to Amalvige, confifting of ſwords,
ſhields, and other warlike accoutrements, which were held in great.
efteem by the natives: he then took leave of his benefactor, and
failed away. It is faid, that before he departed, Amalvige was
converted, and baptized with many of his people; that he was.
named Ferdinando Amalvige; and that when the Spaniards were
going away, the King begged of their commander that he would
leave fome perfon to inftruct them in their new doctrine,
which
he left a prieſt, and promiſed to return foon himſelf.
did not long furvive the departure of Don Ferdinando; however,
upon
The prieſt
5
by
THE
ZE
CANARY ISLAND S.
men,
by his good behaviour, in that ſhort ſpace of time he greatly won
the affections of the natives, and baptized many of them. They
fay it was owing to him that John de Betancour was fo well re-
ceived in Gomera, having filled their minds with the moſt favour-
able impreffions of the Spaniards. Who this Don Ferdinando was
cannot certainly be determined: there are two opinions concern-
ing him; the one is, that he was one Don Ferdinando Ormel, a
native of Corunna, in Gallicia, who, with feveral of his country-
left the ſervice of the King of Caſtille to enter into that of
the King of Portugal. About the year 1382, he went with a fleet
to ſcour the coaſts of Spain, ſubject to Don Juan I, then King of
Caſtille, and was driven by a tempeft, with ſome of his ſhips, to
the iſland of Gomera: this Don Ferdinando was father of Don Juan
Ferdinando Ormel who was killed by King John I, of Portugal,
in the houſe of the Queen Donna Leonora. The other opinion
is, that he was one Don Ferdinando de Caftro, who was in the
ſervice of King Ferdinando of Caſtille, and much beloved by him.
After that King's death he went to refide in England, and could
never more be prevailed on to return to his native country; but
we are not told how he left England, or what accident brought
him to Gomera.
CHA P.
A P. VII.
Treats of the Manners and Customs of the ancient Gomerans.
HY this ifland was called Gomera is not known, though
WH
it undoubtedly bore that name before the arrival of John
de Betancour, which it. ftill retains. The natives were of a
lively difpofition, of a middle ftature of body, very active and
dextrous in attacking and defending, and excellent flingers of
ſtones and darts, to which exerciſe they were trained from their
infancy,
22
THE HISTORY OF
infancy, it being the common amuſement with the young people
to caſt ſmall ſtones and darts at one another, to avoid which they
feldom moved their feet, but only waved their bodies to and fro;
and fo expert were they at this ſport, that they uſed to catch in
their hands the ftones and the arrows as they flew in the air. As
they grew up to manhood, they threw them out of flings;
in their combats they uſed the fame weapons as the natives of the
other iſlands, ſticks or poles of hard wood, with the ends fhar-
pened. They have had ſeveral men renowned for valour amongſt
them, whoſe fame ſtill exiſts in their fongs: the moſt cele-
brated of whom were Aguacoromas, Aguanabuque, Amanhui,
and Gralegueya, who fell in their wars; of theſe the latter held
the firſt place. An incredible ſtory is related of him, which is,
that he and fome of the natives having fwam from the iſland to a
rock at fome diftance from the fhore to gather fhell-fish, and the
tide beginning to come in, they wanted to return to land, but were
prevented by a large fhoal of porpoifes or ſharks, which played
about the rock, and deterred them from venturing into the water,
excepting Gralegueya, who (being a man of a great fize and un-
common ſtrength of body) not in the leaſt daunted, plunged into
the fea, feized one of thoſe large fiſh, grafped it cloſe in his arms,
and dived with it to the bottom of the water; while the
while the por-
poife ſtruggling hard to get clear of his hold, lafhed the fea with
his tail in fuch a violent manner that the reft of the porpoifes
were frightened away, ſo that his companions came afhore with-
out fear: when Gralegueya faw them ſafe, he let the fiſh go, and
came afhore himſelf unhurt.
THE clothing of the Gomerans was a fort of cloak, made of
goat fkins, which reached down to the calf of the leg; but the
women wore a petticoat, which they called Tahuyan, and a
head-drefs that hung down to their fhoulders, which, as well as
the
THE CANARY
23
ISLANDS.
the petticoat, was made of goat-ſkins, dyed and curiouſly painted.
The red dye they extracted from the root of a tree which they
called Taginaſte; and the blue dye from an herb which they called
Paſtil: all between the head-drefs and the petticoat was left bare.
When the men had any quarrel which was to be decided by com-
bat, they laid afide their cloaks, tied a kind of bandage about their
waifts, and bound their foreheads with a fort of painted turban.
The ſhoes worn by the Gomerans were made of hog ſkins..
WHEN John de Betancour came to Gomera, he found it divided
into four parts, upon the death of King Amalvige; each divifion
was governed by a Chief or Captain, whoſe names were Fernando
de Averbequeye, Fernando Alguavofeque, Pedro Haltragal, and
Mafeque Cunche; which is a further corroboration of the ſtory
of the ſhips that came to Gomera under the command of Don Fer-
dinando before mentioned. Thoſe chiefs had frequent quarrels
among themſelves concerning the limits of their reſpective diſtricts,
which were named Mulaqua, Agano, Palan, and Orone.
CHA P. VIII.
Treats of John de Betancour's Voyage to the Island of Hierro, and
what befel him there; and of the Manners and Customs of the In-
habitants.
JOH
OHN de Betancour, after fettling affairs in Gomera, failed to
the iſland of Hierro or Ferro, and anchored in the harbour
belonging to that iſland. When the natives perceived the fhips
approaching with their white fails, they remembered the prophecy
of a man who had formerly lived among them, named Yore, and
who was reckoned a foothfayer or diviner; this man, when on
his death-bed, called the natives together, and told them that after
his
24
OF
THE
HISTORY
his death, when his fleſh ſhould be confumed and his bones moul-
dered to duſt, their god Eraoranzan would come to them in white
houſes on the water; and adviſed them not to refift or fly from
him, but to adore him, becauſe he was to come to do them good.
The natives, who placed great faith in his predictions, buried him
in a place apart from the reft of their dead, that his bones might
afterwards be diſtinguiſhed from theirs. Now feeing the fhips
approach with their white fails ſwelling on the furface of the waves,
they firmly believed the prophecy was fulfilled, and went to the
cave where Yore was buried, and there found his bones crumbled
to duft; upon which they ran joyfully to the ſhore to receive
their god Eraoranzan.
WHEN John de Betancour anchored in the port, he took great
care in landing his men, for fear of being overpowered by the
iſlanders, who were crouding to the water-fide; but finding that
they were unarmed, and ſhewed no figns of hoftility, he approached
them, and was received with every demonftration of joy and
friendſhip: the natives conducted the Europeans to their houſes,
and treated them with the best of every thing they had. John
de Betancour having thus got footing in Hierro, gave thanks to
God for his fuccefs, and that no blood had been ſpilt on the oc-
cafion. He ſtaid there fome days to refreſh his people, and then
returned to Fuertaventura, after leaving in Hierro a mixed garri-
fon, compoſed of Biſcayners, French, and Flemings, under the
command of one Lazaro, a Biſcayner, to whom he
gave a ſtrict
charge to behave to the natives with indulgence, and to uſe all
poffible means to inftruct them in the faith and doctrine of the
Church of Rome.
THE name of this ifland, before the arrival of John de Betancour,
was Efero, which fignifies, in the language of its ancient inha-
bitants,
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
25
"
bitants, Strong: when the Spaniards fhewed them iron, they
found it exceeding every thing in ſtrength, therefore they called
it Efero; and afterwards, when they began to ſpeak the Caſtillian
language, they called iron indifferently by the name of Efero, or
Hierro, which laft is the Spaniſh word for that metal; fo that
they at laſt tranflated the real name of the iſland Efero into the
Spaniſh one Hierro, which it retains to this day. But the Por-
tugueſe and ſome others, following their own dialect, call it
Ferro: and fome will have it, that the natives called it Fer;
though there is no proof for this affertion.
THE natives of Hierro were of a middle ftature, and of a me-
lancholy turn of mind, for all their fongs were on grave ſubjects,
and fet to flow plaintive tunes, to which they danced in a ring,
joining hands together, and now and then jumping up in pairs
fo equally that they ſeemed to be united: this manner of dancing
is ſtill uſed in Hierro. They dwelt in large circular incloſures,
the walls of which were of dry ftone, without cement, each in-
cloſure having one narrow entry; on the inſide they placed poles
or fparrs againſt the wall, in fuch a manner that one end refted
on the top of the wall and the other on the ground, at a confi-
derable diſtance from the bottom of it; theſe they covered with
branches of trees, fern, &c. Each of thefe incloſures contained
about twenty families. A parcel of fern, upon which they ſpread
goat fkins, was their bed; and for bed-cloaths or coverings they
ufed goat ſkins dreffed, to keep them warm, the iſland being very
mountainous and confequently expoſed to the wind and cold.
WHEN any of their women brought forth children, before
they offered them the breaft they gave them fern-roots roafted,
bruiſed, and mixed with butter, which they called Aguamanes;
but now they give them inſtead of it flour and barley-meal,
roafted
E
26
THE HISTORY OF
roaſted and mixed with bruiſed cheeſe, which they call by the
fame name. Their food was the flesh of goats, ſheep, and hogs;
they had alfo fome roots of that kind which the Spaniards call
Batatas. As for wheat, barley, or other grain, they had none.
Their bread was made of fern-roots, and called Aran; this, with
milk and butter, made the chief part of their diet; the former
they called Achemen, and the latter Aculán. Their common
drink was water, which they called Ahemon.
THEIR cloaths were made of the fkins of beafts; the drefs
worn by the men was a cloak made of three ſheep ſkins fewed
together in winter they wore the woolly fide next their bodies,
and in fummer they turned it outwards. The women, be-
fides the cloak, wore a petticoat, which reached down to the
middle of their legs. In fewing theſe ſkins they uſed thongs,
cut as fine as threads; for needles they uſed ſmall bones fharpened.
They wore nothing on their heads, and their long hair was made
up into a number of fmall plaits. Their fhoes were made of the
raw fkins of goats or ſheep, but fome were made of thoſe of
hogs..
As to their form of government, they lived all under one King,
confequently never had occafion to go to war, nor had they any
warlike weapon: they uſed indeed to carry long poles; but theſe
were only to affift them in travelling the country, which is
very rocky, ſo as frequently to oblige them to leap from one ſtone
to another, which they did by the help of theſe poles. Each man
had but one wife; they had no rules in their marriages (except
that a man ſhould not marry his mother or fifter), for every man
married the woman he liked beft, and whofe confent he could
obtain, without any regard to rank or nobility: indeed they were
all, except the king, upon an equality in that refpect; the only
diſtinction
THE CANARY
27
ISLANDS.
་
diſtinction among them was in their ſubſtance, which confifted in
flocks. It was customary for the man, when he chofe a wife, to
make a preſent of cattle to her father according to his ability, as an
acknowlegement for his good-will in letting him have his daughter.
The King received no ftipulated tribute from his fubjects; but
every one made him a preſent of fheep, &c. according to his
wealth or pleaſure, for they were not obliged to give him any
thing. When they made a feaſt, which they called Guatatiboa,
they killed one or two very fat lambs, according to the number of
the gueſts, and roaſted them whole; theſe they placed on the
ground, fitting in a circle round them, and never roſe till they
had eaten the whole: thefe kind of feaſts are ſtill kept up among
their defcendants. When any one fell fick, they rubbed the pa-
tient's body all over with fheep's marrow and butter, covering
him well up to keep him warm and promote a perſpiration: but
if a man happened to be cut or wounded, they burned the part
affected, and then anointed it with butter.
THEY interred their dead in caves; and if the deceaſed was
wealthy, they buried him in his cloaths, and put a board at
his feet, with the pole which he uſed to travel with at his
fide, and then clofed the cave's mouth with ftones, to pre-
vent the ravens from devouring him. They inflicted no pu-
niſhments but for the crimes of murder and theft: the mur-
derer was put to death in the ſame manner as he had killed the
deceaſed. As to the punishment for theft, for the firft offence
they put out one of the eyes, and for the ſecond the other: this
they did that he might not ſee to ſteal any more. There was a
particular perfon fet apart to perform the office of executioner on
thefe occafions. They adored two deities, one of them male, and
the other female: the male was named Eraoranzan, who was
worſhiped by the men; the other Moneyba, who was worshiped
E 2
by
28
THE HISTORY OF
>
by the women. They had no images or reprefentations of theſe
deities, nor did they facrifice to them, but only prayed to them
in their neceflities, which was when they wanted rain to make
the grafs grow for the fubfiftence of their cattle. The natives
feigned, that when their gods were inclined to do them good,
they came to the iſland and poſted themſelves on two great ſtones
or rocks, which are in a place they called Ventayca, but is now
named los Antillos de los Antiguos; there they received the
petitions of the people, and afterwards returned into heaven. In
the winter ſeaſon, when, by a long continuance of dry weather,
they were reduced to great neceffity, and found their prayers were
not anſwered, they affembled together in Ventayca with their
cattle, and there held a faſt for three days and as many nights,
weeping and lamenting, their flocks alſo making a noiſe for want
of food; if all this did not produce rain, they fent a man, who
was eſteemed by them as a faint, to a cave called Atecheita,
where he invoked the gods to fend a mediator; upon which, as
they ſaid, an animal like a pig appeared to him, called Aranjaibo
(which in their language fignifies Mediator); the faint put the
animal under his cloak, and carried it to the natives affembled at
Ventayca: then they walked in proceffion, with their flocks,
round the two fore-mentioned rocks, lamenting and wailing as
they went. My author fays, that immediately on this it rained;
and accounts for it in this manner, that the animal which appeared
to them was the devil, who from his great knowlege and ſkill in
nature, caufed rain to fall. This he did to blind the natives and
attach them to his worſhip. After it had rained fufficiently,
they let the animal go, which returned to the cave in the preſence
of all the people. When the Hierrians were firſt converted to the
Romiſh religion, they invoked Jeſus Chriſt and the Virgin Mary
by the names of Eraoranzan and Moneyba. The natives of this
ifland were ſupplied with water in a ſtrange and extrordinary
manner,
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
29
manner, as ſhall be particularly related in the defcription of the
Canary Iſlands.
CHA P. IX.
What happened at Hierro after John de Betancour went to Fuerta-
ventura; and of his Attempt on Canaria.
NOT
OTWITHSTANDING the good advice that was given to
Lazaro, the officer left to command in Hierro, he acted in
a quite different manner; for he and his foldiers behaved moft
infolently to the natives, ufing indecent freedoms with their wives
and daughters, and even taking them away by force, which caufed
the moſt confiderable villages in the iſland to revolt: upon which
Lazaro went to the principal of them, to treat with, and bring
them again into ſubjection; but a young man, one of the natives,
who probably had been injured by him, leaped upon him, and
ſtabbed him in feveral places with a knife till he died; and this
fa fuddenly that his foldiers had not time to affift him. When
this affair was known to John de Betancour, he ſent another go-
vernor to the iſland, with power to enquire into the cauſe of the
revolt, and to puniſh the offenders. When he arrived there, he
found that the revolt had been owing entirely to the licentious
behaviour of Lazaro and his men, and that the natives were in no-
wife culpable; upon which he beheaded two of the officers, and
hanged three of the common men, who were the most active in the
diſturbance. The natives ſeeing how ſtrictly juſtice was admini-
ftered under the direction of John de Betancour, willingly returned
to their fubjection to the Europeans: and it is certain that ſuch
an example of impartiality and juftice was more likely to preferve
a conqueft, than keeping the conquered under awe by an undue
exertion of force or ſeverity.
4
THE
༣༠
THE HISTORY OF
THE four islands, Lancerota, Fuertaventura, Gomera, and Hi-
erro, being now conquered, the natives converted, and order
eſtabliſhed among them, John de Betancour, after taking fome
repoſe, began to think ſeriouſly of retrieving his honour, which he
imagined had been fullied by the unfuccefsful attack on Canaria;
and to avenge himſelf on the natives for the lofs of ſo many brave
foldiers as had fallen in that expedition.
ACCORDINGLY, in November 1406, he muſtered all his forces,
embarked with them, and failed for Canaria. But fearing his
fhips might be defcried by the natives of that iſland, he avoided
approaching the coaſt till evening; when, under favour of the
night, he anchored in the port of Gando, and that he might not
alarm the Canarians, difembarked his men filently, placed fome
parties in ambuſh, and prepared for an attack by day-break.
However, the Canarians having, fince the firſt invaſion of their
iſland, kept a conftant look-out for the approach of an enemy
(and ſhips may be feen from the tops of the high mountains
of Canaria at a great diſtance), he found his fchemes all
fruſtrated; for, the evening before, the natives had diſcovered
his fleet, and were prepared to give thoſe diſturbers of their
repoſe a warm reception accordingly, when the Europeans
difembarked in the night, they watched all their motions, unper-
ceived by them; and after having formed counter-ambufcades,
they gave a great ſhout, as a ſignal for the attack, and fell fuddenly
Epon Betancour and his men with fuch impetuofity that they were
put to the rout, great numbers being killed and wounded. Had
it not been for John de Betancour's remarkable preſence of mind
in rallying his men for a retreat, joined with the courage and diſ-
cipline of his troops, not one of thoſe that had landed could have
eſcaped; and, after all, it was with the greateſt difficulty they
regained their fhips. This repulfe obliged John de Betancour,
·
againſt
THE CANARY
31
ISLAND S.
}
againſt his will, to return back with his troops to his iſlands of
Lancerota and Fuertaventura, where he remained fome time, in-
confolable for his bad fuccefs, notwithſtanding all the people
could do to divert his grief, ſo much was he vexed with this dif-
appointment. But time, which conquers every thing, got the
better of his uneafinefs, and at length totally diffipated it, fo that
he began to contrive how to repair his bad fortune. After anxi-
ouſly revolving many ſchemes in his mind for that end, he deter-
mined upon one, which was that of going again to Spain, to fol-
licit affiſtance from the King of Caftille, Don Henry III, by whofe
aid he had been enabled to conquer the iſlands of Fuertaventura,
Gomera, and Hierro; and was the more encouraged to hope for
fuccefs from the many connections and relations which he had
at the court of Caftille. He then fent for the chiefs of the four
iſlands, natives as well as Europeans, to whom he opened his
mind at large, concerning his intended voyage to Spain, and his
project of fubduing the other three iſlands, eſpecially Canaria,
where they had been hitherto fo grievoufly baffled; telling them,
at the ſame time, that he hoped ſhortly to return with large fup-
plies of men, money, ſhipping, and other neceffaries: moreover
he promiſed to go to Rome, to requeft of the Pope to fend over
a Biſhop to take care of their fouls. He, above all things, re-
commended to them to live in amity and concord during his ab-
fence; and gave them fome neceffary inftructions in relation to
the preferving peace with the natives; acquainting them at the
fame time that he intended to make his nephew, Mafon de Be-
tancour, Governor of the islands in his abfence, of whofe
pru-
dence and good-will towards them all he was well affured; and.
that he would protect and befriend every one to the utmoſt of his
power. He then proceeded to make a partition of lands, referv--
ing to himſelf the fifth part of the produce of the four iflands
but declared to the Europeans who had affifted him in conquer--
•
ing
32
THE HISTORY OF
ing them, that he would deprive them of no part of their preſent
poffeffions till after the expiration of nine years. This exemption
he intended as a reward for their fidelity and the hardſhips which
they had endured in his ſervice. As to Mafon de Betancour, he
made over to him the third part of his fifth of the produce of the
iflands, and declared him fole inheritor of the whole after his
death. He gave him orders to build two churches, one in Lan-
cerota, in the valley and village of Teguis, which is named St.
Mary de Betancour and the other in Fuertaventura, called the
church of St. Mary, from which the valley and village fo called,
take their names.
THE government of the conquered iſlands being thus fettled,
John de Betancour gathered all the orchilla*, goat fkins, tallow,
and flaves which he could procure, embarked them in three ſhips,
and fet fail, leaving another ſhip in Lancerota to load with or-
chilla, which he ordered his nephew to fend to Italy. He arrived
fafe at the port of St. Lucar de Baremeda, where he was received
by the Count de Niebla, Don Henry de Guzman, father of the
firſt Duke of Medina Sidonia, with whom he ſtaid a ſhort time
to refreſh himſelf after the fatigue of his voyage, and then went
to the court of Caftille, where he was graciously received by
Queen Catherine, widow of Henry III, and the Infant Don Fer-
dinando, then guardians to the young Prince Don John. They
were greatly pleaſed to hear from his own mouth an account of
the Canary Iſlands, with his adventures there. They promifed
him their aſſiſtance in reducing thoſe which remained uncon-
quered, made him many valuable prefents, and furnished him
with an equipage and every thing neceffary for his journey to
This is a weed which grows on the rocks by the fea-fhore of the Canary
Ilands, and other places in the fame climate, which will be defcribed in its proper
place.
Rome
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
33
Rome at their own expence. After remaining fome time in that
city, where he ſaw every thing remarkable, he went to Avignon
to wait on Pope Benedict XIII, who, at his requeſt, appointed a
Biſhop for the Canary Islands, with the title of Biſhop of Ru-
bicon: this was one Albert, a Franciſcan Friar, and native of
Seville in Spain, brother to Guillen Peraza, of whom we ſhall have
occaſion to make mention hereafter. From Avignon our adven-
turer went to his own houſe of Betancour, in Normandy, to viſit
his relations, and to ſettle fome differences with his brother Rey-
nald de Betancour, concerning his lands in that country: from
thence he went to Granville, where he fell fick and died, in the
year 1408, aged ſeventy years, eight of which he had employed in
the conqueſt of the Fortunate Iſlands. His body was interred in
the great chapel of Granville; and having no children, his pof-
feffions in Normandy fell to his brother Reynald, otherwiſe Mor-
let de Betancour.
CHA P. X.
Pedro Barba de Campos goes to the Canary Islands; and what fol-
lowed thereupon.
A
FTER John de Betancour's departure for Europe, Mafon
de Betancour governed the iſlands for fome time with the
approbation of the natives, who obeyed him in every reſpect, as
they had before done his uncle, whoſe return with a powerful
force they daily expected. But when Mafon de Betancour heard
of his death, he changed his conduct towards the natives (for he
now confidered himſelf as fole Lord and Commander of the
iſlands) and began to govern them with more abſolute authority
that either he or his uncle had hitherto done. However, the natives
had difcernment enough to perceive that the great authority which
F
he
34
OF
THE
HISTORY
he affumed had but a fhallow foundation, inafmuch as they had
heard of the death of John de Betancour, and that it was uncer-
tain whether the fuccours expected from Europe would arrive ;
they took courage, therefore, to oppoſe him in ſome of his arbi-
trary proceedings. This alarmed Mafon de Betancour, and made
him ſuſpect the natives of fome bad deſign againſt him; in confe-
quence of which he treated them with ſtill greater harſhneſs and
feverity, falfly fuppofing that fuch conduct would be the moſt
effectual means to keep them in obedience. In the mean time
he made ſeveral deſcents upon the unconquered iſlands, merely
for the fake of making priſoners, whom he ſent to Spain to be
fold for flaves. In all theſe proceedings he was ftrongly oppoſed
by the Biſhop, who ſent to his brother, at the court of Caſtille,.
to complain of his bad conduct and ill treatment of the natives;
who performed his commiffion fo well, that he gave much-
difquiet to Mafon de Betancour, and grievously harraffed him
with heavy law-fuits at that court: at length the affair came
to the ears of the Infant Don Ferdinando and Queen Catha-
rine, who were much diſpleaſed to find their new ſubjects of
the Canary Iſlands had been fo maltreated; and therefore em-
powered the Count of Niebla, Don Henry de Guzman, to enquire
into the affair, and redreſs the injured parties, with all poffible
diligence. Upon which the Count fitted out five ſhips to go to
the iſlands with ſupplies of every kind, and gave the command of
them to Pedro Barba de Campos, one of the Twenty-four of
Seville *.
* The Twenty-four of Seville, Corduba, or of any other great city in Spain,
are Gentlemen who have an hereditary privilege of exercifing the civil or rather
œconomical government of the province or capital to which they belong, and
are generally the reprefentatives of the province. If I miſtake not, their an-
ceſtors obtained this privilege by their gallant behaviour in taking thoſe cities from
the Moors, and alſo on account of the great expence they were at in raifing and
maintaining troops for that purpoſe:
5
AT
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
35
Ar that time there was at the court of Caſtille one Hernand
Peraza, who was alſo one of the Twenty-four of Seville, and who had
ſome claim to the Canary Iſlands. It was his father who landed
in Lancerota, and carried with him over to Spain King Guana-
rame and Tinguafaya his wife, and who obtained a grant from
the King of Caſtille, Henry III, of the conqueft of the iſlands in
1395; in right of which grant Hernand Peraza now put in his
claim, but his pretenfions met with no favourable reception at
court. However, his fon-in-law, Guillen Peraza, then Alcalde
Mayor of Seville, engaged Pedro Barba de Campos to endeavour
to purchaſe the iſlands from Maſon de Betancour; the fame was
likewiſe recommended to him by the Queen and Count Niebla.
With theſe inftructions he fet fail from St. Lucar de Barameda,
and arrived at Lancerota; but was hindered from landing by Ma-
fon de Betancour, who drew up all his forces on the fhore to op-
poſe him. Pedro Barba then defifted from landing by force, as
he ſaw it would occafion much bloodshed, and rather chofe to
compromiſe matters amicably, by the intervention of a third
per-
fon. After many meſſages had paſſed between him and Maſon
de Betancour, the latter agreed to return to Spain along with Pe-
dro Barba, in order to clear his conduct there, with refpect to the
government of the iſlands. Accordingly they ſet fail, and after a
ſhort paffage arrived at St. Lucar, where Maſon de Betancour
waited on the Count of Niebla (to whom the Court had referred
the examination of his affair), and was cleared from the accufa-
tion laid to his charge. He was then prevailed on by the Count
to fell the iſlands to him for a certain fum, referving to himſelf
the government of them for life. It may be fuppofed that his
acquittal from the charge laid against him, was in great meaſure
owing to his acquiefcence with the propofed fale. This fale was
made in the year 1418, with the confent of the King, Don John II;
upon the figning of which the Count of Niebla fitted out the
F 2
fhips;
36
HISTORY OF
THE
hips, &c. which he thought neceffary for reducing the uncon-
quered iſlands, and fent them under the command of Mafon de Betan-
cour to Lancerota. When he arrived there, he made feveral attempts
to fubdue the reft of the islands, which all proved unſucceſsful,
and were attended with vaft expence; fo that he began to repent
his having taken upon him fo painful and unprofitable a charge as
the government of theſe iſlands; and what gave him more reaſon ſo
to do, was his being daily on worſe terms with the natives and Eu-
ropean inhabitants, who were fupported in their oppofition to
him by the Biſhop. Theſe diſagreeable circumſtances determined
him to leave thoſe iſlands to go to the iſland of Madeira; accord-
ingly he went and fettled there, and married his daughter, Donna
Maria de Betancour, to Luis Gonzales Dacama, Captain-general.
of the island. This Lady having no children, his coufins, Henry
and Jafper de Betancour, became heirs to his eftates in Madeira.
NOTWITHSTANDING Mafon de Betancour had already fold
the Canary Iſlands to the Count of Niebla, he ſold them again to
the Infant Don Henry of Portugal, who gave him in exchange
fome lands in the iſland of Madeira. This tranfaction was after-
wards productive of fome contention between the Courts of Ca
ftille and Portugal.
DON Henry de Guzman being now become Lord of the Canary
Iſlands, fent at different times a number of ſhips, foldiers, ammu-
nition, &c. to reduce thoſe yet unconquered. Thefe expeditions.
coft him great fums of money, for which he received no returns ;
and the iſlanders defended themfelves with fo much refolution and
bravery, that the conqueft was in a manner deemed impracticable.
At that time he had but little leiſure to attend to the affairs of
the Canary iſlands, being more honourably employed in war
againſt the Moors in the kingdom of Granada. This induced
him.
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
37
induced him to give the iſlands to Guillen Paraza, at whoſe re-
queſt he had purchaſed them of Mafon de Betancour, and pro-
cured a ratification of this fale from the court; upon which
Guillen Peraza went over to Lancerota, from whence he made a
viſit to the other iſlands, appointing one: Antonio Luicado de
Franquis, a Genoefe, Governor of Lancerota and Fuertaventura:
he afterwards made one Chriftopher Tenorio, a Burgher of
Seville, Governor of the iſlands of Gomera and Hierro. Having
alſo nominated fome other officers, and regulated the government
of the iſlands, he returned to Seville, where he died in a ſhort
time after, and was fucceeded in his poffeffions by his nephew, a
young man, named Guillen Peraza, and one of the Twenty-four
of Seville; who being ambitious of doing fomething worthy of
his anceſtors, refolved to go to the Canary Iſlands to conquer fuch
of them as were not yet fubdued, and which had hitherto been
attacked with fo little fuccefs. For this end he fitted out three fhips
at Seville, in which he embarked, with two hundred bowmen, for
Lancerota and Fuertaventura, where he arrived, raiſed three hundred
men more, then failed with all his forces to Gomera, and from
thence to the iſland of Palma. Here he landed, in the diſtrict of
one Tifuya, who had committed the defence of that part of the
iſland againſt the incurfions of the Europeans to his brother Che-
nauco; who, upon the arrival of Guillen Peraza, drew his
forces together, and was alſo joined by the Chief of another diſtrict
called Dutinamara. One Hernand Martel Peraza commanded the
European forces under Guillen Paraza, and thoſe raiſed in the
iflands were commanded by Juan de Adal, Luis de Cafarias, and
Matthew Picar. Immediately on disembarking they marched into
the country, which is exceeding high and rocky: the forces from
Seville being unaccuſtomed to ſuch rough ways were greatly incom-
moded and harraffed by the natives, who, being very agile, leaped
from rock to rock with great eaſe (having been uſed to this exerciſe
from
38
THE HISTORY OF
from their infancy) and galled the Spaniards in thofe narrow
paffes in fuch a manner as obliged them to retreat; but Guil
len Peraza rallying his men, in order to repulſe the enemy, re-
ceived a blow with a ſtone, which killed him on the ſpot.
This disheartened his troops fo much that they fled, and reim-
barked, after having ſuffered a confiderable loſs: nevertheleſs,
they carried off the dead body of the General, which Martel Pe-
raza conveyed to Lancerota, where it was interred with great la-
mentation, and the following verfes were compoſed in memory of
that fatal encounter; which are fung in the iſland to this day.
LLORAD las damas
Affi Dios os vala
Guillen Peraza,
Quedo en la Palma
La flor marchita
De la fu cara.
No eres Palma
Eres retama
Eres cypres
De triste rama,
Eres defdicha,
Defdicha mala.
Tus campos rompan
Triftes volcanos,
No vean plazeres
Sino pefares.
Cubran tus flores
Las arenales.
Guillen Peraza,
Guillen Peraza,
Do
$
1
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
Do efta tu eſcudo,
Do efta tu lanza;
Todo la acaba
La mala adanza.
Which may be thus Engliſhed:
O pour forth, ye damfels, your plaint
For God's fake, ye damfels, lament;
For Guillen Peraza the brave
At Palma is left in the grave:
M
The flow'r on his cheek brightly fhone,
That flow'r now is blafted and gone.
The ſtately palm* thou art no more!
But lowly ſhrub all wither'd o'er;
A cyprefs now thou art become,
Whoſe branch inſpires a joyless gloom;
No more our joy, thou art our grief;
A fource of woe that fhuns relief.
Let dire volcanos now deftroy
Thy fields, that lately fmil'd with joy ;:
Let no glad proſpect meet our eyes,
On ev'ry fide let forrows rife !
Let all the flow'rs that grac'd thy lands,,
Be bury'd under burning fands..
Alas! Peraza is no more!
Peraza's lofs we all deplore!
t
O! where is now thy trufty fhield!
?
O! where the lance thy arm did wield!
A fore lamented enterprize
Cut ſhort thy ſchemes, and clos'd thine eyes..
39
* The reader will eafily difcern this to be a play upon the word Palma, which
fignifies a Palm..
GUILLEN
40
.THE HISTORY OF
GUILLEN PERAZA had a fifter called Donna Ignes Peraza, a lady
of great merit and beauty, who was left in charge of Don Juan
de Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia. He married her to one
Diego de Herrera, one of the Twenty-four of Seville, who, in
virtue of this marriage, became Lord of the Canary Iſlands, in
the year 1444. Immediately after the nuptials, he fitted out three
ſhips, and embarked with his wife and a great number of Gentle-
men and Ladies (many of whom were his relations) at St. Lucar
de Barameda, and failed for the iſlands. Soon after theſe ſhips
arrived at the iſland of Lancerota, where Diego de Herrera and
his Lady ſtaid ſome time, and then went to viſit the reſt of the
conquered iſlands, in order to inſpect into the adminiſtration of
juſtice, and promote the converfion of the natives to the Romiſh
religion. They were received with great reſpect by the inha-
bitants, who entertained them in the beſt manner they were
capable of.
CHA P. XI.
In what manner Diego de Herrera made himſelf maſter of the Iſland
of Canaria.
DT
IEGO de Herrera was only twenty-feven years
of age when
he undertook this expedition to the iſlands. After he had
been ſettled there fome time, and had made the neceffary regu-
lations in the government, he made feveral deſcents on the
coaſt of Barbary and the unconquered iflands; in all which he
conftantly met with the moft obftinate refiftance in the iſland of
Canaria, from whence he was often beaten off with lofs. There-
fore finding that nothing could be done there by force, he re-
folved to try what he could do with the natives by pacific mea-
fures. To this end he went with fome fhips and barks to the
port
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
4I
;
port of Ifletas, in Auguſt 1461, taking with him the Biſhop of
Rubicon, the Lieutenant-governor of the iſlands, and many other
Gentlemen, together with fome perfons who underſtood and
ſpoke the Canary language. When the natives perceived the
ſhips, they, according to cuſtom, gave the alarm all over the
inland, and came down to the port in great numbers, when the
Biſhop gave them to underſtand that they came with no hoſtile
intention, but on the contrary to make peace, and trade with
them which fo far fatisfied them, that they permitted the
Spaniards to come afhore unarmed, where they remained fome
days, giving and receiving prefents. The two Guanartemes,
or Princes, of Telde and Galdar came and paid their reſpects
to Diego de Herrera, who then took poffeffion in form of the
inland, in the prefence of the Guanartemes, the Bishop, Lieu-
tenant-governor, and all the Gentlemen that came with him:
this happened on the 16th of Auguſt 1461. After this cere-
mony, of which it is probable the natives underſtood not the
meaning, Diego returned with his fleet to Lancerota, highly
pleaſed with the ſucceſs of his expedition.
NEXT year the Biſhop, Don Diego Lopez de Yllefcas, moved
with an ardent zeal to gather his fcattered fheep of Canaria into
the fold of the Romish church, went over there, accompanied by
the Captain and Governor of the iſland, Alonzo Cabrera Solier,
with three hundred men, and anchored in the port of Gando,
where the natives affembled themſelves, and would by no means
allow them to difembark. The Biſhop, by fair words and foft
Ipeeches, endeavoured to footh them into compliance, but in vain:
they told him they would not, on any account, fuffer armed
men to land; that if the Europeans ftood in need of any thing,
they had only to ſpeak, and they would bring them what they
wanted; but if they perfifted in their defign to land, they were
G
ready
42
THE HISTORY OF
ready to oppose them by force and give them battle. The Eu-
ropeans ſeeing the ſtrength and reſolution of the natives, thought
it moſt prudent to return to Lancerota.
In the year 1464, Diego de Herrera and the Biſhop came
again to Canaria, where finding the whole iſland in arms, they
did not attempt to land, but came to Tenerife, and anchored at
Bufadero, where the natives of that place alfo prepared to oppofe
their landing; but when Diego and the Biſhop affured them they
came only to cultivate their friendip, and to trade with them,
they were foon appeaſed, and readily permitted them to come
aſhore. The Biſhop then began to talk to them about their con-
verfion, whilſt Diego de Herrera in form took poffeffion of the
iſland, it is ſaid, by conſent of the natives, but it will appear
by what happened afterwards, that they underſtood not the mean-
ing of the ceremony. The Europeans on this occafion took no-
tice of the great numbers who had affembled themſelves to hinder
their landing, and faw that at that time nothing was to be done
by force; they therefore prudently embarked and failed for Lan-
cerota. The Biſhop carried with him from thence a young man,
whom he ſoon after converted to the Romish religion, and bap-
tized him by the name of Anthony. This youth became a moſt
fervent votary and devout worshipper of the Virgin Mary, and
was the firſt who gave notice to the Europeans of her image
which was in Tenerife. This Anthony being on a cruize among
the iſlands with Diego de Herrera, gave him the flip at Tenerife,
and made the beſt of his way home, being defirous to ſee his
relations and friends after fo long a feparation. On his arrival,
he informed them that the image they had in the iſland repre-
fented the mother of him who fuftained heaven and earth. The
natives of Tenerife (called Guanches) have ever fince that time paid
this image great reſpect and veneration.
CHAP.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
43
A 1
CHA
P. XII.
Diego de Sylva arrives at the Canary Islands.
T that time there was fome difference between the Courts of
Caſtille and Portugal concerning the Canary Iſlands, occa-
fioned by the fale of them which Maſon de Betancour had made
to the Infant of Portugal, Don Henry, when he went to
reſide in the iſland of Madiera. Don Henry equipped a fleet of
carvels, which carried a thouſand men and one hundred horſe,
and gave
the command of this armament to Antonio Gonzales, a
Gentleman of his houſhold, with orders to take poſſeſſion of the
iſlands. When he came to Lancerota, Diego de Herrera oppoſed
his landing, and killed fome of his men. When Don Henry
heard of this, he was much diſpleaſed, alleging that his defign in
the expedition was only to convert the natives to the catholic
faith without bloodshed *.
The Infant Don Ferdinando, brother to the King of Portugal,
Don Alonzo V, pretended alſo a right to the Canary Iſlands, by
virtue of a gift from the Infant Don Henry of Portugal: to ſup-
port this claim he armed ſome carvels, and fent them well provided
to the iſlands, under the command of Diego de Sylva, ſon of the
Count de Pontalegre, who came with his fleet to Lancerota in
the year 1466, where he found Diego de Herrera ready with his
forces to oppofe his landing. Diego de Sylva feeing it would be
a difficult matter to land by force; and that even afterwards the
ſucceſs might be doubtful, began to treat with Herrera, who
* It is plain that he made a pretext of religion to cover his real defign; for if he
wanted only to convert the natives without bloodfhed, what occafion had he to
fend an armament of a thoufand foot and an hundred horſe?
G 2
fuffered
44
OF
THE HISTORY
fuffered him to land peaceably unarmed, and entertained him
hofpitably. In the mean time a veffel arrived with advice that
all differences between the two courts were happily adjuſted and.
terminated by a peace; and that the infants of Portugal, Don
Henry and Don Ferdinando, had given up their pretenfions to
the Canary Islands; which news gave great fatisfaction to both
parties. Diego de Herrera and Donna Ignes Peraza had then in
Lancerota, befides other. children, a most beautiful daughter,
named Donna Maria de Ayala, of whom Diego de Sylva became
greatly enamoured, courted her, and prevailed with her parents
to conſent to their marriage, which was foon after confummated;
and he received from them, as her dowry, a third part of the:
revenues of Lancerota and Fuertaventura.
Don Diego de Herrera now ſeeing ſo many men in the iſland!
by the addition of the Portugueze, thought it a proper time to
reduce Canaria, which had fo often baffled all their attempts.
With this view he communicated his intention to his fon-in-law
Diego de Sylva, who readily came into the propofal. They ac-
cordingly embarked, and arrived with their forces at the port
of Gando, on the fouth ſide of the iſland, where they landed
in good order; and being now fo ftrong, they thought it no
longer neceffary to obferve that caution and circumfpection in.
their march into the country which they had done in their former
defcents. The natives (who had been conftantly upon the look-
out fince the Europeans firſt began their attempts againſt the
úland) as foon as they difcovered the ſhips, gathered together in vaſt
numbers, and marched againſt their invaders with great refolu-
tion, not being in the leaſt intimidated by their numbers; and di-
viding themſelves into ſmall bodies, they attacked the Europeans:
on all fides with fuch fteadineſs and courage, that they obliged:
them to retreat. The place where they engaged was fo very rocky
and
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
4-5
and unequal, that the Europeans could reap but little advantage from
the ſuperior diſcipline of their troops. The enemy by this time
were well armed; for befides their own country weapons (which
were by no means deſpicable), they had many others, which they
had taken from the Europeans at the different times of their in-
curfions, and in the management of which they were become to-
lerably expert. But they annoyed the Europeans moftly with their
ſharp-pointed ſticks or poles, hardened in the fire, which they
ufed both as darts and lances, which pierced the enemies targets,
and even went through the cloſeſt coats of mail; and whenever
they drew the foe into a hollow place, they made great havock,
by rolling huge ftones down upon them from the neighbour-
ing precipices. The Europeans continued retreating till they
came to a kind of natural fortrefs, near the fea-fhore, where
they made a ſtand, and pofted themſelves in fuch a manner,
that the natives could not attack them but to great difad-
vantage. Diego de Herrera perceiving the great lofs he had
ſuſtained in this engagement and the confequent retreat, and
confidering that the whole force of the ifland was collected in that
place to oppoſe him, refolved to fend a detachment by fea to another
part of the iſland, in order to make a diverſion and oblige the natives
to divide their forces. Accordingly, in the night he fent Diego
de Sylva with two hundred men, in three carvels, together with
two officers experienced in theſe defcents, and who ſpoke the Ca-
nary language. The troops arrived at the port of Agumaſtel, and
by day-break, being all fafely landed, formed themſelves in order
of battle in the neighbourhood of Galdar, without being diſcovered
by the Canarians, and marched forward till they came to a steep
eminence covered with trees and bushes, which they were obliged
to paſs. The people of that part of the iſland having at length
diſcovered the ſhips at anchor, and feeing ftrangers afcending the
mountain, aſſembled themſelves together to attack them; but ob-
ferving
46
OF
THE HISTORY
ſerving the route the Europeans were taking, they let them alone
for ſome time till they had gained the top of the afcent, when the
natives immediately fecured the paſs by which they had gone up,
and fet fire to the bushes, to prevent their returning by that way
to their fhips. Diego de Sylva and his men finding themſelves
diſcovered, and their retreat effectually cut off, marched on and
defcended on the other fide of the mountain into a plain near the
village of Galdar, where they found a large place, encloſed by a
ſtone wall (in which the natives uſed to affemble to feaſt, execute
criminals, &c.) into which they retired for fecurity. As foon as
the natives perceived this, they gave a great ſhout, as they were
uſed to do when they gained a victory, and immediately fur-
rounded the place fo clofely, that the Europeans had no way to
eſcape. They had continued two days and two nights ſhut
up i
in
this place, without any thing to eat or drink; and the number of
the natives ftill increafing, they found themſelves quite deftitute
of all human refource, and therefore abandoned themſelves to de-
fpair. In this condition they were when the divine Providence
fent them relief from an unexpected quarter.
CHA P. XIII.
By what means Diego de Sylva and his Troops were relieved out of
their great Diftrefs and Confinement at Galdar.
TH
HERE was a woman among the inhabitants of Galdar, a
relation of the Guanarteme of that place, named Maria La-
firga. She had been a captive fome time in Lancerota, but was
fent back to her parents in Canaria, in exchange for an European
prifoner. This woman ſpoke the two languages well, and being
moved with compaffion at the approaching fate of the Europeans,
the came to the place in which they were incloſed, and ſeeing the
2
two
་
THE CANARY ANAR
47
ISLANDS.
two officers that accompanied Diego de Sylva in this expedition,
ſhe recollected them again, having been often at their houfes
in Lancerota. She declared, that the natives intended to put
them all to death that night; and that there was not the
leaſt proſpect of their eſcaping but by furrendering at dif-
cretion to the Guanarteme, her uncle, whofe generous temper
(ſhe ſaid) the knew ſo well, that it was very certain he would
releaſe, and let them all return to their fhips in peace. More-
over, .ſhe earneſtly entreated them not to hold out any longer,
but to ſubmit immediately. The Europeans, ſenſible of their
impending fate, and perfuaded that they could be no lofers by fol-
lowing Maria's advice, fince nothing worſe than death could
enfue, which muft inevitably have been their portion if they
perfifted longer in refifting, agreed to the propoſal, and em-
ployed her to manage the buſineſs of reconciliation: demand-
ing only of the Guanarteme to give his word to ſpare their lives,
and they would immediately furrender themſelves into his hands.
When Maria had delivered this meffage to her uncle, he affembled
all the chiefs of the people to confider what was to be done, who
were all at firſt againſt granting this requeft, being greatly in-
cenſed againſt the ſtrangers, for the miſchiefs they had done them
in the frequent invafions of their island. But the Guanarteme of
Galdar determined at all events to fave them; and being much
beloved and reſpected by the Canarians, ſoothed ſome, threatened
others, and at length ſo wrought upon them all, that they agreed
to ſpare the lives of the Europeans. The matter thus fettled, the
Guanarteme went to Diego de Sylva, and gave his word that
neither himſelf nor the rest of the natives would do him or his
followers any harm; upon which they delivered
up their
their arms,
and came out of the fortrefs. The Guanarteme then embraced
Diego de Sylva, fhewed him many tokens of friendſhip and com-
paffion, conducted him to the village of Galdar, where he refided,
and
48
THE HISTORY OF
and gave him and his troops both meat and drink, of which
they ſtood in great need after ſo long an abſtinence and after
they had refreſhed themſelves, the Guanarteme and Gayres, or
Chiefs, of the village, together with a number of the natives,
conducted them in fafety to their ſhips. On their march they
came to a very high and ſteep precipice, with a path ſo narrow
that only one perfon at a time could defcend: here Diego de Sylva
and his men fufpected that the natives had betrayed, and in-
tended to throw them down headlong from the precipice: ac-
cordingly they intimated their fufpicion to the Canarians, and
accuſed them of a breach of faith. The natives, when they un-
derſtood this, were extremely affronted: the Guanarteme, how-
ever, made no reply to this accufation, but defired Diego de Sylva
to take hold of the fkirt of his garment, and he would lead
him down; he likewife ordered his men in the fame manner to
affift the Europeans; thus they all defcended ſafe to the bottom,
from whence was a road to the ſhore near where the ſhips lay at
anchor. The Guanarteme and his people then gave them leave
to embark, but complained much of their being ſuſpected of
fo much baſeneſs, as, after having plighted their faith for their
fafety, to entertain a defign to deftroy them. Diego de Sylva
was at a lofs how to expreſs his gratitude to the Guanarteme for
his humane and generous behaviour; and when he went on board
made him a prefent of a gilt ſword and a ſcarlet cloak, and to
each of the Gayres a fine mufquet: he then took his leave. The
precipice and harbour have from that time taken the name of Diego
de Sylva, in memory of this adventure. De Sylva and his detach-
ment returned to Diego de Herrera at Gando, to whom they re-
lated the whole of what had befel them; at which he was greatly
aftoniſhed, and could not conceive whence theſe Barbarians had
acquired fuch noble fentiments of valour and generofity. How-
ever, this did not prevent him from attacking them a fecond
time;
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
49
}
time; but, upon being joined again by Diego de Sylva and his
corps, marched forward with the whole of his forces, to give
battle to the iſlanders. The Canarians on their fide, far from
being backward to engage, met them with great intrepidity,
and a bloody battle enfued, in which the natives were worſted,
and obliged to retreat, which they did ſtep by ſtep, without the
leaſt diſorder. Many were killed and wounded on both fides;
but the Europeans took ſome priſoners, among whom was a va-
liant chief named Mananidra, whom Diego de Sylva remembered
to have ſeen at Galdar; and mindful of what he owed him, he
went immediately to Diego de Herrera, and earneſtly intreated
him to give this man his liberty, who at length granted his re-
queſt, though not witout great unwillingneſs. Diego de Sylva
then ſent him away, loaded with many valuable preſents.
THE Portugueze employed in this expedition, feeing no pro-
ſpect of ſpeedily reducing the iſland, or of ending a war in which
they were likely to receive no advantage, were greatly chagrined
and diſcontented, and begged of their chief, Diego de Sylva, to
allow them to return to Portugal. When Herrera was made ac-
quainted with this murmuring among the troops, he thought it
moſt expedient to make peace with the Guanarteme of Galdar,
and return to Lancerota, where he delivered his daughter Donna
Maria de Ayala to her huſband, together with a great number of
flaves of both ſexes, that had been taken in fundry expeditions
againſt the iſlands; with whom Diego de Sylva embarked, toge-
ther with his troops, and returned to Lisbon, where he and
his Lady Donna Maria were moſt graciouſly received by King
Alonzo. From this marriage are deſcended the prefent Counts of
Pontalegre in Portugal.
H
CHAP.
50
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. XIV.
Herrera makes another Expedition to Canaria, and builds a Fort at
Gando.
A
LTHOUGH both Diego de Herrera and Donna Ignes
Peraza had the reduction of Canaria greatly at heart, yet
they laid aſide all thoughts of accompliſhing it by dint of arms;
for, befides the departure of the Portugueze, their own vaffals and
the natives of the conquered iſlands were heartily tired of fo many
unſucceſsful attempts, and defirous of reſting from the fatigues of
war, in order to enjoy tranquillity at home with their families,
and employ themſelves in the more agreeable labour of cultivat-
ing their lands. Theſe things confidered, made Herrera think
proper to go another way to work, which would require time
and patience to accompliſh and bring to maturity. For this
purpoſe, accompanied by the Biſhop, Don Diego Lopez de Yl-
lefcas, he went with ſome ſhips to Gando, which he imagined to
be the fittest place for his defign. The iſlanders diſcovered his
ſhips, from the mountains, while they were yet at a confiderable
diſtance from the land, and by means of their fignals inftantly
alarmed the whole iſland; when the main body marched to
Gando, to wait the arrival of the Europeans: but feeing them
approach peaceably and without arms, they held a confer-
ence with them, and heard their propoſals. The Guanartemes
and Faycas, or Priefts, were preſent at this interview, which
ended in eſtabliſhing a firm peace and a mutual intercourſe of trade
between the two parties. The Biſhop and Herrera, under pretence
of having a place of worſhip for ſuch of their people as ſhould
come to trade in the iſland, obtained leave of the natives to build
a fort at Gando. By this treaty Herrera was to have all the or-
chilla
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
51
-
chilla weed which the iſland produced, on paying only for the
people's labour who gathered it: and, to remove all cauſe of dif-
truſt from the natives, he gave them twelve hoftages as a fecurity
for the due performance of the treaty. The prifoners on both
fides were by this peace to be fet at liberty. The Europeans now
began with all diligence to erect the fort, in which they received
great affiſtance from the Canarians, who ſupplied them with plenty
of timber from the mountains, and otherwife laboured for them
in mixing lime and carrying ſtones, ſo that in a ſhort time the fort
was completed. It was fpacious and well fituated, being built
on a high rock, the foot of which was cloſe to the harbour.
Herrera ſtaid there ſome few days after it was finiſhed; and, be-
fore his departure, took care to furnish it with a fufficient quan
tity of ammunition and provifions, leaving a good garriſon,
commanded by one Pedro Chemida, who was well known to
and much beloved by the natives; with him he left orders,
that, notwithſtanding the treaty of peace, if a fair opportunity
ſhould offer of making himſelf maſter of the iſland, he ſhould by
no means neglect it: at the fame time adviſing him, if poffible, to
divide the natives by fomenting quarrels and ftirring up jealoufies
among them, ſo as to form a party in favour of the Europeans.
After giving theſe honeſt and generous inſtructions, he departed
for Lancerota, in company with the Biſhop, highly pleaſed with
the fuccefs of his project, of which he hoped foon to reap the
moſt agreeable fruits.
CHAP.
H 2
52
THE HISTORY OF
1
CHA P. XV.
A Quarrel happens between the Canarians and Pedro Chemida:
what followed thereupon.
NOTW
TWITHSTANDING the peace which had been fo lately
concluded and eſtabliſhed between the Canarians and Her-
rera, Pedro Chemida, in compliance with his maſter's orders,
fought a proper opportunity to make himſelf maſter of the iſland;
and, to effect his defign, he purpoſely did ſeveral things which he
knew would be offenfive to the natives, who thereupon com-
plained to him of not taking proper care to obferve the ſeveral
articles of the treaty which they had made with Diego de Her-
rera, and accuſed him of privately feizing and concealing certain
noble Canarians with a defign to fend them away from the ifland;
but finding that Pedro Chemida gave no ear to their complaints,
nor fhewed the leaft inclination to redrefs their grievances, they
departed, and refolved to watch an opportunity of being avenged on
their oppreffors. It happened foon after, that ſome of the Spa-
niards going carelefly out of the fort, the Canarians fell upon
them, and killed five. Upon this Pedro Chemida complained to
the Gayres, or Chiefs of the iſland; who, in their turn, refuſing to
give him any ſatisfaction; he therefore reſolved to do himſelf juſtice
by force. This kindled the flames of war anew between the two
nations, to the no fmall effufion of blood. The Canarians now
perceived their error in having allowed the Spaniards to build this
fort, which bid defiance to their united forces, and was moreover
a very great ſcourge to them; for the Europeans making frequent
fallies, uſed to carry off the cattle, take many of the natives pri-
foners, and afterwards retire to the fort, which always afforded
them a convenient ſhelter, after having committed their depreda-
tions.
IT
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
53
It happened foon after, that as ſome of the garriſon were out on
one of theſe marauding parties, the natives defignedly drove fome
cattle in their way, as it were by accident, and thus drew them by
degrees to a confiderable diſtance from the fort, into an ambuſh
that had been prepared for them; while another party of the na-
tives was poſted in ſuch a manner as to cut off their retreat to the
fort. On a fignal concerted between them, thofe in ambuſh fud-
denly fell upon Chemida's men, and killed a great number of
them, and the reft, who upon this fled towards the fort, fell into the
hands of the other party, who killed fome of them, and took the
others priſoners, fo that not one eſcaped. The Captain Manani-
dra, who had the command of this enterprize, ftripped the Euro-
peans, both living and dead, of their cloaths, which he made one
half of his own men put on, and placed the other half in ambuſh
very near the fort; he then ordered fome of the Canarians in their
own proper habits to chace thofe dreffed like Spaniards towards
the fort. Pedro Chemida, and his men who remained there, fee-
ing this purfuit, and believing their party was worſted, fallied out
to the relief of their fuppofed countrymen, leaving the gates open;
when the party who were in ambush perceiving this, rushed into the
fort, while the diſguiſed Canarians fell upon the Spaniards, and made
them priſoners. After this manner was the fort of Gando taken;
and left another garrifon ſhould be fent from Lancerota, they
burnt the wood of the fort, and razed the walls thereof to the
ground; but as to the prifoners, they treated them, according to
their uſual cuſtom, with gentleneſs and humanity. A ſmall fish-
ing bark at that time happened to be in the port, which failed
immediately and gave notice of the lofs of the fort to Diego de
Herrera and Donna Ignes Peraza, who were extremely grieved
at finding their favourite project thus difconcerted: but Don
Diego de Yllefcas, the Bishop, was afflicted beyond meaſure; for
being now old, he loft all hopes of bringing the natives to the
4
profeflion
54
HISTORY OF
THE
profeffion of the Romish faith, by which doubtless he hoped to
acquire no ſmall degree of honour.
THE taking of the fort of Gando manifeftly fhews what kind
of people the Canarians were, and that they wanted neither
courage or conduct in war. Plutarch, in his Life of Sertorius,
relates, as one of the greateſt exploits of that General, his taking
a town in Spain by a ſtratagem of much the ſame nature with
this of the Canarians in regard to the fort at Gando. The na-
tives in the courſe of the long war between them and the Euro-
peans, gave many fignal inftances of their warlike difpofition; it
is hard to determine whether they were more ſubtle in contriv-
ing ſtratagems, or obftinately courageous in the time of action.
Among other contrivances they had to furprize the enemy, the
following merits notice: they trained a great number of fea-
gulls, which they kept in and about the villages near the fea-
ſhore; and when they faw any barks approaching, they laid
an ambuſh near one of thofe villages. The Europeans hay-
ing experienced the fubtlety of theſe people, never went aſhore
to carry off captives or to plunder, but they firſt carefully looked
about them, and examined every corner where they imagined
there might be people concealed, and never went far from their
boats. Once a number of Spaniards from Lancerota landed, and
feeing no body near the ſhore, they ventured to go a ſmall diſtance
in land, where was a large village; upon the fight of which they
were going to retreat, but obferving fea-gulls flying about the
houſes, they concluded it to be uninhabited, ſo they went boldly
up to it, when on a ſudden the natives ruſhed from their hiding
places, furrounded and made them all priſoners.
AFTER the taking of Gando, the Guanarteme of Telde, named
Bentagoyhe, died, and left a fon and daughter. One Doramas,
reckoned
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
55
reckoned the moſt valiant man in the iſland, and who had rebelled
againſt his maſter, the Guanarteme of Galdar, gathered ſome
of the chiefs of Telde together, and got himſelf declared Guan-
arteme of that district; which when he of Galdar heared, he
was afraid that the life of his coufin, the fon of Bentagoyhe,
might be in danger, and therefore fent for him to come and re-
fide with him in Galdar.
CHA P. XVI.
Diego de Herrera goes to Spain, to answer the Complaints made
against him by his own People.
THE
HE Europeans in the iſlands became every day more and
more difcontented and diffatisfied with Diego de Herrera,
who obliged them, contrary to their inclinations, to go upon thoſe
hazardous enterprizes to fo little purpoſe: but when they heard
of the affair of Gando, and the captivity of Pedro Chemida, with
his garriſon and the twelve hoſtages, they loft all patience. Many
of them went to the iſland of Madeira, in order to get a paflage
from thence to Spain, intending to lay their grievances before thoſe
who had power to redreſs them. The Canarians, after having
made Pedro Chemida and his garrifon prifoners, treated them ex-
tremely well, and regaled them with the beſt they had. Pedro was fo
well aequainted with their difpofition, and managed them fo art-
fully, as to perſuade them that they had been the aggreſſors in the
war, and had done wrong in razing the tower of Gando, infomuch
that they called a meeting of the Guanartemes, Faycags, and
principal people; at which it was agreed to ſend ten ambaffadors*
to
* The Canarians who were fent on this embaffy to Lancerota were Acorayda,
from Telde; Egenenaca, from Aguimės; Vildacane, from Tereda; Aridanny, from
Aguerata;
56
THE HISTORY OF
to Lancerota, to make their excuſes to Herrera and Donna Ignes
Peraza for what had paffed. Theſe envoys embarked in a Lance-
rota veffel, and carried with them Pedro Chemida, his garriſon,
and the twelve hoftages. When they arrived there, they waited
on Diego de Herrera and Ignes Peraza, kiſſed their hands, aſked
their pardon for what they had done, and prefented to them the
priſoners and hoftages. They were graciouſly received, kindly
entertained, and all paft offences were forgiven. A new treaty
was then made, by which all the orchilla in the iſland apper-
tained to Herrera, who on his part was to reſtore all the Cana-
rians that were then in Lancerota and Fuertaventura. When
the vaffals of Diego Herrera, who went to Madeira, heard of this
peace (which was concluded on the 11th of January, 1476), and
of the return of the captives from Canaria, they wanted to return
to their allegiance to their Lord, and enter again upon their for-
mer poffeffions; but Herrera would not fo much as permit them
to come upon the iſland of Lancerota. Upon which they went
to Caſtille, and laid their complaints before their Majeſties Don
Ferdinando and Iſabella, who gave orders to enquire into the af-
fair, and that Herrera ſhould be fent for, to anſwer the charges
laid againſt him. Some time before this, Herrera had contracted
his daughter, Donna Conftanza Sarmiento, to Pedro Hernandez
Sayavedra, a man of an illuſtrious family in Spain, and one of the
Twenty-four of Seville, who adviſed his father-in-law to come
over to Spain, to anſwer in perſon to the accufations laid againſt
him. He followed this advice, and appeared at court, where he
made a ſtrenuous and good defence. But their Majefties, who had
in view to add the three unconquered iſlands to the crown of Spain,
pretended that Diego de Herrera was not able to make himſelf
Aguerata; Saco, from Agaete; Achutindac, from Galdar; Adeun, from Tamara-
fayte; Artenteyfac, from Artevirgo; Ahuteyga, from Artiacor; and Guriruguian,
from Arucas.
mafter
}
57
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
maſter of them by his own power, and that it was abfolutely ne-
ceffary they ſhould be conquered, in order to bring the na-
tives over to the Chriſtian faith. Diego de Herrera and Ignes
Peraza were by no means pleaſed with this propofal; however,
they were obliged to comply, and received in lieu of all their
right to Canaria, Tenerife, and Palma, five millions of mara-
vedis*, with the title of Count of Gomera for their eldeſt ſon.
This transfer was made in the latter part of the year 1476.
CHA P.
HA P. XVII.
Diego de Herrera and his Son-in-law, Pedro Hernandez Sayavedra,
go over to Barbary, to fuccour the Caftle of Mar Pequeno.
A
FTER the ceffion of the three iflands to the crown, Diego
de Herrera returned to Lancerota, and brought with him
his fon-in-law Don Pedro Hernandez Sayavedra, to confummate
his marriage with his daughter Donna Conftanza. When the
feaſtings and rejoicings on that occafion were over, Herrera and
his fon-in-law determined to go over to Barbary, to fuccour the
caſtle of Mar Pequeno †, which Herrera had built on that coaſt,
oppoſite the iſland of Lancerota, and which was then befieged by
the Sheriff, with an army of ten thouſand foot and three thou-
fand
* Five millions of maravedis is a fum not exceeding three thouſand pounds fter-
ling; but as in thoſe days America was not diſcovered, and there was little commerce
in Spain, I dare fay that fum was then at leaſt equal in value to thirty thouſand
pounds fterling at prefent.
+ Where this caſtle ſtood I know not, but ſuppoſe it might be fomewhere about
the mouth of the river called by the Arabs Wad-noon; for in fome of our old fea-
charts of the coaft of Barbary, and the Canary Islands (which are very incorrect)
there is a place on the coaft of Barbary, oppofite to the Canary Islands, called Mar-
piveno, which I take to be a corruption of Mar Pequeno.
t This Sheriff could not be King of Morocco; becauſe it was in the year 1519,
before the two brothers, the Sheriffs, killed Muley Nazar Buchentuf Elenteta,
Ι
the
58
THE HISTORY OF
"
<
fand horse. They accordingly embarked feven hundred men,
with the utmoſt expedition, on board five fhips, and foon after
arrived before the caftle; which when the Sheriff underſtood, he
raiſed the fiege, and Herrera returned with Sayavedra to Lan-
cerota.
1
Some time after, a Moor, of about thirty years of age, called
Helergrut, came to the caftle of Mar Pequeno, defiring to be
made a Chriftian.
Chriftian. This man told the Governor, Chriſtopher
Tenorio, that if Herrera would return to Barbary with his forces,
he would fhew him where he might make a valuable prize.
Upon this the Governor fent him over to Lancerota, where he
was kindly received and entertained by Herrera, who, according
to his defire, cauſed him to be baptized by the name of Juan Ca-
macho. This man perfuaded Herrera and his fon-in-law to re-
turn with a confiderable force to Mar Pequeno; from whence
they ſet out and marched towards Tagaoft, till they came to a
place where was an Adouar, or company of Moors dwelling in
tents, whom they approached unperceived; and then giving the
cry of St. Iago *! (or St. James) fuddenly attacked them, and
took one hundred and fifty-eight prifoners, men, women, and
children included, with whom they returned to the caftle. Juan
Camacho ferved as their guide in this expedition, as he did în all
thoſe which they afterwards undertook to the coaft of Barbary,
being no lefs in number than forty-fix. In theſe they feldom failed
of ſucceſs, never returning without a confiderable number of pri-
foners.
the then King of Morocco, and reigned in his ftead. It is probable he was one of
the Sheriffian family, which lived not far diftant from the Caſtle of Mar Pequeno,
at a place called Tigumadert, in the province of Dara. As in my author's time the
Kings of Morocco were ftyled Sheriffs, he might imagine they were always fo
called.
*This is a fignal ufed by the Spaniards when they are going to make an attack,
or fall on the enemy; St. Iago (or St. James) being the tutelar faint of Spain, as
St. George is of England.
5
£
!
My
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
59
3
My author fays he knew this Moor, and had often heard him
relate his adventures. He died at laſt peaceably in his bed, at
Lancerota, in the year 1591, aged one hundred and forty-fix years.
The Bishop and General of the iſlands being then` in Lancerota,
wrote an account of this man's life; by which it appeared, that
notwithſtanding his great age, he walked perfectly upright, and
could fee clearly till the time he was taken fick and died. Two
years
before his death he married a Moorish girl of twenty years
of age, by whom he had a fon, at leaſt it was generally fuppofed
to be his.
66
THE Spaniards concerned in theſe expeditions to the coaft of
Barbary were not, however, all fo fortunate as the renegado Ca-
macho; and Sayavedra was in particular a ſufferer, for a natural
fon* of his, a youth of great merit, being taken by the Moors,
died in captivity at Fez, whoſe ſtory is thus related by Diego de
Torres, in his Hiftory of the Sheriffs: "When this tyrant (the
Sheriff) choſe New Fez for his refidence, he ordered his trea-
fure, his children, his wives, and his flaves to be brought thither.
Among the laſt there was one named Alonzo Perez de Saya-
"vedra, fon of the Count of Gomera by a Moorish woman, his
"captive, who was a relation of the Sheriffs. He was a young
"man of great courage, and fo perfectly verfed in the Arabic and
"other languages spoke in this country, that I have heard the
"Sheriff declare, that few or none of the natives of Barbary ſpoke
them fo well. Befides thefe qualifications, he poffeffed one of
"a more noble and praiſe-worthy nature, namely, an inviolable
"regard for, and attachment to his religion. But before I fay
any thing on this head, I fhall relate in what manner he be-
*My author does not mention this young man's captivity; but from his name,
and the time when he was taken by the Moors, I am perfuaded he is the fame Saya-
vedra who is mentioned in Diego de Torres's Hiftory of the Sheriffs.
*
I 2
" came
60
THE HISTORY OF
1
1
>
66
s
186
"came a flave to the Sheriff. When he was a youth, he was
"concerned with fome inhabitants of the Canary Islands în
making ſeveral deſcents on the country of the Azanaga-Moors;
"and having taken fome prifoners, he came to the port of Ta-
hagoz, and ſent to the Governor for a ſafe-conduct, in order to
« treat for the ranſom of the captives; which the Governor granted,
"but at the fame time fent an exprefs to the young Sheriff, who
was then at Tarudant, informing him that Alonzo Perez de
Sayavedra was at the port, with a fafe-conduct, treating about
"the ranſom of fome prifoners. The Sheriff, being irritated
againſt Sayavedra on account of the many incurfions he had made
upon his. country, refolved to make himfelf mafter of his
perfon, while he thought himſelf fecure under the faith of the
paffport. With this defign he ordered ſome Zabras, or large-
"boats, to be armed and manned at Aguer*, in order to ſeize him
"on board his fhip: accordingly they boarded her in the night-
“time, and made all the Spaniards that were in her priſoners..
“Alonzo Perez de Sayavedra was brought before the Sheriff,
"who infulted him with reproaches, and ordered him to be
fettered with chains of ſeventy pounds weight; and he
"remained a flave till his death, which happened fix-and-
66
66
66
4.6
twenty years after. The Sheriff, confidering him as his kinſ-
man, treated him with fome reſpect; but being apprehenfive
❝of his enterprifing genius, would not on any account permit him.
"to be ranfomed. In his neceffities he was often vifited and re-
lieved by the Governors and by the relations of the Sheriff's
"mother. The King always allowed him a better fubfiftence
“than he did the reſt of his flaves: moreover, he was one of the
beſt players at chefs in all Barbary (and the Moors value them-
“ſelves much on their dexterity at this game), inſomuch that by
chefs and making of fringes, he made a ſhift to maintain him-
* Called by the Europeans Santa Cruz..
2
a felf
THE CANARY
61
ISLAND S.
"ſelf comfortably at making theſe latter eſpecially, he was fo
"expert, that all people of rank were fond of wearing thoſe of
"his manufacturing. In the year 1545, when the Sheriff was
going againſt Fez, he endeavoured to perfuade Sayavedra to
“turn Mahomedan, alleging that Mahomedaniſm was the only
"true religion, and that alone by which he could be faved: in
"ſhort, that if he would embrace the Muffulman faith, he would
66
66
give him his liberty, and one of his daughters in marriage, with
"the title of Alcayd of the Alcayds (i. e. the Governor of the
"Governors). Sayavedra heard him patiently, and then, like a
"true Chriſtian Knight, he anſwered the Sheriff, That although
"he was fenfible that during his captivity he had received many
"favours from him, and that the offers he now made him were
very confiderable, yet had they no weight in his mind, he being
"determined to ſuffer a thouſand deaths rather than abandon the
"faith of Jeſus Chriſt, and turn Mahomedan. The Sheriff was
"vexed at this anfwer, but never after defired him to change his
religion. At laſt he brought him to Fez, where he ended his
days."
66
""
""
THE
THE
HISTORY
OF. THE
DISCOVERY and CONQUEST
OF THE
CANARY ISLANDS.
BOOK SE C O N D.
I
CHA P. I.
Of the Etymology of the Word Canaria.
N the foregoing book we find that John de Betancour named
this iſland Gran Canaria, adding the epithet Grand to its for-
mer name Canaria. He did not this on account of its fize
(for it is not the largeſt of the Canary Iſlands), but becauſe of the
ftrength, courage, and number of its inhabitants, who baffled all
his attempts to fubdue them. But how it came by the name
Canaria is not eaſy to determine; for fince thoſe iſlands were
known by the name of the Fortunate Iflands, this has always re-
tained its proper name, Canaria. Pliny fays, that this ifland
was named Canaria on account of its abounding with dogs of a
very large fize, two of which were preſented to Juba, King of
Mauritania. This opinion, however, feems to want foundation;
for it is natural to ſuppoſe that theſe dogs would have increaſed
greatly fince Pliny's time, whereas, on the contrary, when the
Europeans came to Canaria they found not any dogs on the iſland.
Other
THE
63
CANARY ISLAND S.
Other authors (among whom are Francifco de Tamara, in his
Cuſtoms of all Nations; and Homara, in his General Hiſtory of
the Indies) affirm that this iſland is called Canaria from the na-
tives eating, like dogs, raw fleſh in great quantities: but this af-
ſertion is falſe; for the natives ate fleſh very moderately, and
never raw. It is true, indeed, they only half roaſted it; and the
reaſon they gave to the Spaniards, at the time of the conqueft,
for this kind of cookery was, that the juice of the meat is its ſub-
ſtance, confequently the beſt and moſt proper nouriſhment for
men.
My author gives two opinions concerning the name Canaria,
which indeed appear more probable than either of the foregoing.
THE first is, that in Canaria there are a great many thorny
buſhes, which bear fruit of a red colour, called in Latin Uva Ca-
nina, i. e. Dog's Grape. Thofe who difcovered this iſland in the
time of the Romans, ſeeing ſuch a number of thoſe buſhes, might
from them name the iſland Canaria..
THE fecond opinion is, that it is named Canaria becauſe it
abounds with an herb, called in Latin Canaria (but in the Caf-
tillian language, Triguera), which the dogs eat in the ſpring, to
cauſe themſelves to vomit or purge. When people fend their
horſes to the field to graze, they take care to prevent their feed-
ing in places where much of this herb grows, as it caufeth a great
increaſe of blood in them, and that fo fuddenly as to fubject thein
to danger of fuffocation. He adds, that in the ſkirts of Mount
Atlas, in Africa, there is a tribe of Africans called Canarios, who
perhaps firſt diſcovered and peopled this iſland, and called it after
their own name. But after all thofe opinions, he does not inform
us what name the natives called the iſland by, which is certainly
a great
THE HISTORY OF
a great omiffion; however, by his manner of treating the ety-
mology of the name, it is to be fuppofed he took it for granted
that they themſelves called their iſland Canaria. ·
PLINY makes mention of a people called Canarii, who dwelt
beyond Mount Atlas *, and bordering upon the country of the
Peroefi Ethiopians.
PTOLEMY the geographer calls Cape Blanco, in Africa, or
fome other cape on that coaft, fronting the Canary Iſlands, Gan-
naria Extrema: and the Blacks, who now live on the banks of
the river Senegal, call all that country between that river and
Mount Atlas, Gannar. Formerly they knew more of it than at
preſent, which I ſhall have occaſion to prove in the deſcription of
that country..
FROM this fimilitude of names one would be naturally led to
believe that the natives of the iſland Canaria and thoſe of the
neighbouring continent of Africa, were one and the ſame people.
For Pliny was certainly mifinformed when he related, that the
Canarii bordering upon the Peroefi Ethiopians, were ſo called
from their living in fellowſhip with dogs, and ſharing with, and
devouring like them, the bowels of wild beafts.
:
CHA P. II.
Treats of the ancient Inhabitants of Canaria, their Manners and
WHE
was
Cuftoms.
HEN the Europeans came first to Gran Canaria, that
iſland was ſuppoſed to contain no leſs than fourteen thou-
fand fighting men; but a great fickness or plague prevailing
* This country is that part of Africa adjacent to the Canary Iſlands.
amongſt
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
65
amongſt them ſome time after, it ſwept away two thirds of the
inhabitants. They were of a dark complexion, like the natives
of Lancerota and Fuertaventura, well proportioned, and of a good
ftature; active, warlike, chearful, good-natured, and ſtrictly faith-
ful to their promiſes, infomuch that they confidered a lye as the
greateſt of crimes. They were very fond of hazardous enter-
prizes, ſuch as climbing to the top of ſteep precipices, to pitch
poles of fo great a weight, that one of them was a fufficient bur-
den for a man of common ftrength to carry on level ground.
The Spaniards affirm that the devil affifted them in placing
theſe poles, that others, attempting the like, might fall down
headlong and be deftroyed. My author fays, he believes this to
be true; and that the devil appeared to them in the ſhape of an
animal reſembling a fhock dog, and fometimes in other figures,
which the natives called Tibicenas,
THE Canarians had nobility among them, who were diftin-
guiſhed from the vulgar by the peculiar cut of their hair and
beards. It was not fufficient to entitle a man to nobility, that he
was the offspring of noble or rich parents; but he was to be
formally declared noble by the Faycag, a perſon of great rank,
and next in dignity to the Guanarteme, whoſe buſineſs it was to
decide differences among the natives, and regulate the ceremonies.
of their religion in fhort, he was a prieft, and acted alfo as a
judge in civil affairs. Their manner of conferring nobility was
very fingular at a determined time of life, the ſon of a nobleman
let his hair grow long; and when he found he had ſtrength ſuf-
ficient to bear the fatigues of war, he went to the Faycag, and
faid, "I am fuch an one, the ſon of fuch a nobleman, and defire to
"be ennobled alfo." Upon which the Faycag went to the town
or village where the young man was brought up, and there af-
ſembled all the nobles and others of that place, whom he made
K
to
66
OF
THE HISTORY
to ſwear folemnly by Acoran, their god, to declare the truth
concerning him. He then aſked them, if they had ever ſeen the
youth demean himſelf ſo far as to dreſs victuals or to go into the
folds to look after fheep or goats, and whether he was ever
known to milk or kill them: if they knew any thing of his
ftealing cattle, or forcibly taking them away from their owners
in time of peace: whether he was any way difcourteous, ill-
tongued, or guilty of any indecent behaviour, eſpecially to wo-
men. If to theſe queſtions they all answered in the negative,
then the Faycag cut the youth's hair in a round form, and fo
ſhort as not to hang beneath his ears; then giving into his hand
a ftaff or pole called Magade, declared him noble. But, on the
other hand, if the ftanders-by could charge him with any of
thoſe things, of which the Faycag had interrogated them, and
bring fufficient proof thereof, then inftead of being declared
noble, the Faycag fhaved his head, and ſent him away in dif-
grace, by which he was rendered incapable of nobility, and re-
mained ever after a plebeian.
In their wars, they held it as baſe and mean to moleſt or in-
jure the women and children of the enemy, confidering them
as weak and helpless, therefore improper objects of their re-
ſentment: neither did they throw down or damage the houſes of
worſhip.
THE weapons uſed by the Canarians in war, were clubs, which
they called Modagas; and fharp-pointed poles, hardened by
fire, and theſe they named Amodagas. But after the Europeans
began to invade their iſland, they made targets, in imitation of
theirs; and ſwords of Te-a, or pitch-pine, the edges of which were
hardened by fire, and tempered in ſuch a manner that they cut
like ſteel.
7
BESIDES
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
67
BESIDES theſe, they had many other weapons, taken at dif-
ferent times from the Europeans, and which they carefully pre-
ſerved, and made good ufe of, in the day of battle.
BUT their chief ftrength lay in the before-mentioned Amoda-
gas or wooden fpears, and ſtones, which they threw with great
force and dexterity.
THEY had public places fet apart for fighting duels, in which
were eminences or ftages, raiſed for the combatants to fight on,
that they might be the more eafily obſerved by all the ſpectators.
When a challenge was given and accepted, the parties went to
the Council of the iſland, called in the Canarian language Sabor,
(which conſiſted of twelve members called Gayres) for a licence
to fight, which was eafily obtained. Then they went to the
Faycag to have this licence confirmed; which being done, they
gathered together all their relations and friends, not to affift
them (for thoſe people looked on with the fame compoſure as if
the combat had been between two beaſts *), but to be ſpectators
of their gallantry and behaviour. The company then repaired to
the public place, or theatre, where the combatants mounted upon
two ſtones, placed at the oppofite fides of it, each ſtone being
flat at top, and about half a yard in diameter. On theſe they ſtood
faſt without moving their feet, till each had thrown three round
ftones at his antagonist. Though they were good markſmen, yet
they generally avoided thoſe miffive weapons by the agile writhing
of their bodies. Then arming themſelves with ſharp flints in their
left hands, and cudgels or clubs in their right, they drew near and
fell on, beating and cutting each other till they were tired; when
* The Spaniards, and many other Europeans, when they challenge, do not fight
in earneft before a multitude of ſpectators, like the Engliſh when they box publicly
in the freets; therefore my author (being a Spaniard) makes the above remark.
K 2
the
68
THE HISTORY OF
the parties, by confent, retired with their friends, to eat and
drink, but foon after returned to the ſcene of action, and renewed
the engagement, cudgelled and cut éach other with great dexte-
rity as before, until the Gayres called out, Gama! Gama! (i. e..
Enough! Enough! or Give over!) when they immediately left
off, and ever after remained good friends.
Ir during the time of the combat, one of the parties happened:
to break his cudgel, then the other immediately, defifted from
ſtriking, and ſo the difpute ended, and the parties were reconciled;
neither of them being declared victor. Thoſe duels were generally
fought on public feftivals, rejoicings, or fuch like occafions, which
drew together a great concourfe of people, when the combat-
ants had an opportunity to diſplay their dexterity, ftrength, and
valour. Theſe ſpectacles made a great impreffion on the minds of
the youth, exciting in them a ſpirit of emulation to excel in gal-
lant feats. If either of the combatants happened to be deeply.
wounded, they beat a ruſh till it became like tow, and dipping it
in melted goats butter, applied it to the wound, as hot as the pa-
tient could bear it: the older the butter was, the fooner it effected.
a cure.
CHA P. III.
Of their Marriages, Manner of educating their Children, of their
Worship, their Oaths, and their Habits..
NON
NE of the Canarians had more than one wife, and the
wife one huſband, contrary to what ſome miſinformed au-
thors affirm. When the parents were inclined to marry their
daughter, they fet her apart thirty days, during which they
fed her with large quantities of milk and goffio, in order to
fatten
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
69
fatten her; for they imagined lean women were lefs capable of
conceiving children than thoſe who were fat. It has alſo been.
ſaid, that the night before the bride was preſented to her huſband,
ſhe was delivered to the Guanarteme, who, if he did not chuſe to
ke with her himſelf, gave her to the Faycag, or to fome other
noble perſon of his intimate acquaintance, to enjoy her: but the
preſent natives deny that ſuch a cuſtom ever exiſted among their
anceſtors. They were very careful in the education of their chil-
dren, and never failed to chaſtiſe them when they did amifs. It
was alſo cuſtomary to propoſe two of the youth as examples for
the reſt, the one of virtue, the other of vice; and when a child
did any thing to diſpleaſe its parents, they told it that ſuch an
action was like thoſe of the perſon ſet up as a bad example; on
the other hand, when it did any thing praiſe-worthy, it was
commended, and told that fuch behaviour was amiable, and re-
reſembled that of the good perfon. This fort of inſtruction had
the defired effect, by raifing the fpirit of emulation among the
youth to excel in virtuous actions.
THE Canarians had among them religious women, called Ma-
gadas, a number of whom lived together in one houſe. There
were many of thofe houſes in Canaria, which were held facred;
and criminals who fled to any of them, were protected from the
officers of juſtice. The Magadas were diſtinguiſhed from other
women by their long white garments, which fwept the ground
as they walked. The convents or houfes in which they dwelt
were called Tamoganteen Acoran (i. e. houfes of god); but
houſes of worſhip were called by the Canarians Almogaren (i. e.
temples or holy houfes); they were daily fprinkled with the
milk of goats from whom they did not take the kids, and which
were ſet apart for giving milk for that purpoſe. They held that
this Acoran dwelt on high, and governed every thing on the earth.
;:
They
70
THE HISTORY OF
They adored him by putting their hands together, and lifting
them towards heaven.
In the iſland there are two rocks, one in the diſtrict of Galdar,
named Tirmac; the other in Telde, called Vinicaya *. To
theſe rocks they went in proceffion in times of public calamity,
accompanied by the religious women called Magadas, carrying
in their hands branches of palm-trees, and veffels filled with
milk and butter, which they poured on the rocks, dancing round
them, and finging mournful fongs like dirges, or what the Spa-
niards call Endechas; from thence they went to the ſea-ſide, and
all at once and with one accord ftruck the water forcibly with
their rods, ſhouting together at the fame time with a very loud
voice. Their divifion of time was not by days, weeks, and years,
as with us, but they reckoned by moons.
THE habit of the Canarians was a tight coat, with a hood to
it like that of a Capuchin Friar; it reached down to the knees,
and was girded about the waiſt with a leather ſtrap or girdle.
This garment was made of a fort of rufh, which they beat until
it was quite foft like flax, and then divided the filaments and
wove them together. Over this they wore cloaks of goat ſkins,
with the hairy fide outwards in fummer, and inwards in winter.
They alſo wore caps made of the ſkins of goats, taken off almoſt
entire, which they placed in fuch a manner on their heads that they
had a goat's beard hanging under each ear, which they fometimes
tied under the chin. All theſe garments were neatly ſewed and
painted, and in every other reſpect much more curious than thoſe
of the natives in the other iſlands. Some wore bonnets of fkins,
adorned with feathers. Their fhoes were made of raw hides,
like thoſe in Lancerota and Fuertaventura.
* They ſwore by theſe rocks, and thoſe oaths were very folemn.
THEY
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
71
THEY had public houſes, or rooms, in which they affembled
to dance and fing. The Canarian dance is ftill in ufe in theſe
iflands, and is called Canario: its ſtep is quick and fhort. Their
fongs were either dirges or amorous fonnets, ſet to grave
and
plaintive tunes.
CHA P. IV.
Of their Punishments, Employments, and Manner of living.
THE
HE Canarians were remarkable for their good government,
regularity, and ſtrict adminiſtration of juſtice. When a
man committed a crime deſerving of death, they apprehended
him and put him in prifon, where he was tried, and immedi-
ately upon conviction they led him to the place of execution,
which was the fame where they uſed to feaſt, wreſtle, and fight
duels. Here the delinquent was ftretched on the ground, and
his head placed on a flat ftone; then the executioner, who was
a man ſet apart for that office, taking up a large heavy ſtone, and
lifting it as high as he could, he fuddenly let it fall on the cri-
minal's head. But for crimes that were not worthy of death,
they uſed the Lex Talionis, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, &c.
NONE of the Canarians exerciſed the trade of a butcher except
the dregs of the people. This employment was accounted fo ig-
nominious, that they would not fo much as allow one of that
profeffion to enter into any of their houſes, or to touch any thing
belonging to them. It was made unlawful for the butchers even
to keep company with any but thoſe of their own profeffion;
and when they wanted any thing of another perſon, they were
obliged to carry a ſtaff with them, and point at what they wanted,
ſtanding at a confiderable diſtance. As a recompence for this
abject
72
THE HISTORY OF
abject ftate, the natives were obliged to fupply the butchers with
every thing they had occafion for. It was not lawful for any
Canarian, except the butchers, to kill cattle: when any perfon
wanted his beaſt, &c. to be killed, he was obliged to lead it to
the public ſhambles, but was not allowed to enter himſelf; and
this prohibition extended even to the women and children.
THE houfes in Gran Canaria were built of ftone, without ce-
ment, but ſo neat and regular that they made a beautiful appear-
ance.
At the top they laid wooden beams or rafters, very clofe
to each other and covered them with earth. The walls of thefe
houſes were very low, and the floors funk lower than the level of the
ground on which they stood, being fo contrived for the advan-
tage of warmth in the winter ſeaſon. Their beds and bedding
were goat ſkins dreſſed in the hair, after a moſt curious manner.
Their other furniture confifted of baſkets, and mats of palm-leaves
and ruſhes, made extremely neat, and very ingeniouſly wrought.
There were among them people whofe fole occupation was to
build houfes and manufacture mats, &c. The women in general
were employed in painting and dying; and in the proper ſeaſon
they very carefully gathered the flowers, ſhrubs, &c. from which
they extracted the feveral colours. The threads they uſed for
ſewing and other purpoſes were made of the ſpringy nerves or
tendons of the loins of ſheep, goats, or ſwine, with which they
were ſupplied by the butchers. Theſe they firſt anointed with
butter, and afterwards prepared by fire in fuch a manner that
they could ſplit them into fine threads at their pleaſure. Their
needles were made of bone, and their fifh-hooks of horn.
their veffels uſed in cookery were made of clay, hardened by the
fun, which they called Ganigos. Their wealth confifted chiefly
in goats, which they called Aridaman; and ſome ſheep, which
they called Taharan: they had alſo hogs, which they named Ta-
All
guacen
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
73
guacen.. Their common food was barley-meal roafted, which
they called Goffio, and eat with milk or goats fleſh. When they
made a feaſt, they dreffed this latter with hog's lard or butter,
and this diſh they called Tamazanona. Their barley, which they
called Afamotan *, they ground with a hand-mill. The follow-
ing is the manner in which they ploughed their lands; about
twenty people affembled together, each having a wooden inftru-
ment (not unlike a hoe) with a ſpur or tooth at the end of it, on
which they fixed a goat's horn; with this they broke the ground,
and afterwards took care, if the rain came not in its proper ſea-
ſon, to moiſten it with water, which they brought by canals from
the rivulets. The women gathered in the corn, of which they
reaped only the ears: theſe they threſhed with ſticks, or beat
with their feet, and then winnowed in their hands.
•
Their only fruits were vicacorras, mocanes, and wild dates;
and fome time before the conqueft of their ifland, they had figs:
green figs they call Archormafe, and dried ones Tehaunenen.
Their poor lived by the fea-coaft, chiefly on fiſh which they
catched in the night-time, by making a blaze on the water with
torches of pitch-pine. In the day-time, whenever they diſcovered
a fhoal of fardinas, a fmall fifh refeinbling herrings or pilchards,
a great number of men, women, and children waded into the ſea,
and ſwimming beyond the ſhoal, chaſed the fiſh towards the ſhore;
then with a net, made of a tough kind of ruſh, they incloſed and
drew them to land, and there made an equal diviſion of their
prize in doing this, every woman in the company who had
young children, received a ſhare, for each;..or if the happened to
be with-child, fhe received a fhare for the child in her womb.
* I have reafon to believe that by my author's negligence theſe two words are tranſ-
pofed.; Tamazanona fignifying Barley, and Afamotan, the above-mentioned diſh.
I fhall have occafion to treat of this more fully hereafter.
See the Deſcription of the Canary Iſlands.
L
WHEN
74
THE HISTORY OF
WHEN any of their nobles died, they brought out the corps
and placed it in the fun, took out the bowels and entrails, which
they waſhed, and then buried in the earth: the body they dried,
and fwathed round with bandages of goat ſkins, and then fixed it
upright in a cave, cloathed with the fame garments which the de-
ceaſed wore when alive. But if no proper cave was at hand, they
carried the dead body to one of thofe ftony places now called
Mal Paices, where, levelling the ground and fixing the ſmall looſe
ftones, they made a coffin of very large ones, placed fo as not to
touch the body; then they took another large ſtone, two yards in
length, wrought into a round form, and with this they cloſed the
coffin, and afterwards filled up the nich between the top of the
round ftone and the outer part of the fides of the coffin with ſmall
ſtones, in ſo neat a manner, that every one who beholds them
muſt be ſurpriſed at the ingenuity of this people. Some of their
dead bodies were put into chefts, and afterwards depofited in a
kind of ftone fepulchres. There were certain perfons among them
whoſe profeffion it was, and who were ſet apart for the purpoſe
of preparing the dead bodies burial, and making up the tombs.
THE lower clafs of people were buried in the Mal Paices, in
holes covered with dry ftones; and, excepting thoſe bodies which
were placed upright in the caves, all the others were laid with
their heads towards the north.
CHA P. v.
Of the Government of Gran Canaria, and of the famous Princes who
ruled in that Ifland.
TH
HE natives of Gran Canaria were more poliſhed and civi-
lized than thoſe of the other iſlands. At the time of the
conqueft of the iſland they were governed by two Princes; but
before
THE CANARY
75
ISLAND S.
pre-
before they were ruled by Captains, or heads of tribes, who
fided over ſmall circles, like parishes; each tribe was confined to
its own diſtrict, and not allowed to graze its flocks on the grounds
of another tribe.
In the divifion of Galdar, which is the moſt fertile part of the
iſland, lived a virgin Lady, called Antidamana, of great worth and
merit, who was held in high eſteem by the natives, who had fuch
an opinion of her judgment and prudence, that they frequently ap-
plied to her to determine their differences, and never appealed
from her decifions; for fhe would not fuffer the party, againſt
whom ſhe had given the cauſe, to depart till ſhe had firſt convinced
him of the juſtice of the ſentence; which ſhe ſeldom failed to do
by the force of her eloquence, and the high character ſhe bore for
equity. After fome years, the nobles (chagrined at feeing the
deference paid to this woman) thinking the buſineſs of a judge
or arbitrator belonged more properly to their fex, perfuaded the
people no longer to refer their cauſes to her deciſion, or to regard
her fentences. When the found this, and perceived herſelf dif-
regarded and defpifed, it ftung her to the quick, eſpecially as fhe
had in a manner ſpent the prime of her life in the fervice of the
public, who had now moft ungratefully deferted her. Being a
woman of quick fenfe and clear underſtanding, ſhe did not vent her
reſentment in vain complaints, but went to one Gumidafe, a Cap-
tain of one of the diſtricts, who was reckoned the moſt valiant and
prudent of all the nobles of Canaria, and had great influence over
the people. This nobleman lived in a cave, which at preſent is
called the Houſe of the Knight of Facaracas; to him fhe related
all her grievances, and propofed a match between them, to which
Gumidafe readily confented, and they were accordingly married
foon after. Gumidafe now fought various pretences to make war
upon the other Captains, and proved victorious over them all; fo
L 2
that
1
76
THE HISTORY OF
that at length he became King of the whole iſland. He had by
his wife Antidamana, a fon named Artemis, who fucceeded his
parents in the government of the kingdom, reigned in the
iſland at the time of John de Betancour's invading it, and loft
his life in a battle near Aguimes, as already mentioned. He left
two fons, who fhared the island between them: one of them,
called Bentagoyhe, was King or Guanarteme of Telde; the other,
whoſe name was Egonayche Semedan, was Guanarteme of Gal-
dar. It was agreed between them, that the Council of the twelve
Gayres, called Sabor, fhould be held in Galdar, which had been
the place of their father's refidence; and that the Guanarteme of
Telde, with his Gayres, ſhould give their attendance there. But
Bentaghoyhe, who was of a proud and haughty difpofition, be-
ing poffeffed of a larger tract of land and a greater number of vaf-
fals than his brother, thought it beneath him to attend the Coun-
çil at Galdar; and raifing an army of ten thouſand men, madė
war upon Egonayche, in order to make himſelf fole mafter
of the iſland. Although Egonayche Semedan could not muſter
above four thousand men, yet he made head againſt his brother;
and, notwithſtanding the fuperiority of his numbers, proved a
match for him; for the Galdarans were courageous veterans, and
had many brave nobles to command them: befides, their coun-
try could not be eaſily invaded, by reaſon of the ruggedneſs of
its mountains and paffes. Each Guanarteme had fix Gayres,.
who were choſen from among the people, on account of their
prudence and valour, to fit in the Council, and adminifter the
affairs of government. Thoſe of Telde were called Manani-
dra, Nenedra, Ventahey, Ventagay, Guarinayga, and Autindana ::
the Gayres of Galdar were Adargoma, Tazarte, Doramas, Tera-
ma, Dayfa, and Caytafa. A line drawn from the villages of Ta-
marazeyte, croffing the iſland towards the village of St. Nicho-.
las, where dwelt the people of Arganegui, was the boundary
betwixt the diſtricts of Galdar and Telde.
ADARGOMA
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
77
ADARGOMA was the most powerful Gayre of the diſtrict of
Galdar, as was Guarinayga of that of Telde, both having very
large flocks of sheep and goats. It happened once that their fhep-
herds or fe.vants quarrelled about the paſture, and carried their
complaints to their refpective mafter or chief. Adargoma and
Guarinayga met to fettle the difference, when, as they could not
agree in opinion, they agreed to determine it by a wreſtling match
in the following manner, namely, that which ever fide ſhould get
the victory, the conquered party was to ſubmit to the decifion of
the conqueror. This being agreed, they ſtripped and began to
wreſtle. Adargoma was much ſtronger than his antagoniſt, but
this latter on the other hand excelled greatly in ſkill and dexte-
rity, fo that the iffue of the conteft remained for a long time
doubtful; at laſt ſkill prevailed over force, and Adargoma was
fairly thrown to the ground beneath his antagonist; but neverthe-
lefs, having the advantage in ſtrength, grafped Guarinayga fo
clofely, that, like Hercules in a like conteſt with Anteus, he al-
moſt ſqueezed the marrow out of his bones. Guarinayga, finding
himſelf preſſed in ſuch a manner that his breath was almoſt gone,
faid to Adargoma, Do not kill me; I acknowlege I am vanquished,
and fubmit. Upon which Adargoma releaſed him, and they
afterwards fettled the boundaries of their paſture in an amicable
manner. When Adargoma's friends enquired of him concerning
the event of the combat, he anſwered that Guarinayga was the
victor; and when the fame queftion was put to Guarinayga, he
replied that he had been vanquiſhed by Adargoma: ſo that until.
the Europeans came to the knowlege of this affair, from the re-
lation of the parties concerned,, it remained a ſecret among the
natives. This Adargoma was eminent for performing wonderful
feats: it is faid of him, that the ſtrongeſt man in the iſland could.
not prevent him from carrying a veffel full of water to his mouth,
and drinking out of it, without fpilling one drop. He was of
middle
78
THE HISTORY OF
middle ftature, but very broad fhouldered; his name, Adargoma,
fignifies, in the Canary language, Shoulders of Rock.
AMONG the famous men in the diftrict of Galdar, was one
Taycayte, which name in the Canarian language implies, an Un-
ſhapen Body, and Atacayte, Stout Heart: the women, on account
of his uncouth figure, named him Arabiſenen, i. e. Savage. The
next in repute was Doramas, fo called from the uncommon width
of his noftrils, Doramas in their language fignifying Noftrils: he
was a man of a ſmall ſize, but poffeffed of great ſtrength.
HUANEBEN or Guanaben, and Caytafa, were great wrestlers.
Theſe two happening to be together on fome public occafion,
challenged each other to a wreſtling match, which was held in
the preſence of the Canarians who affembled as fpectators. The
dexterity of the two competitors was fo equal, that it was a long
time before either appeared to have any advantage over the other,
till at length the ſpectators parted them. But Guanaben
per-
ceiving that his antagoniſt's ſtrength was not weakened by the
fatigue of the combat, and conſcious that his own was not fuffi-
cient to permit him to engage a fecond time, called out to Caytafa,
and faid, Are you able to perform what I am going to do?"
Upon the other's anſwering in the affirmative, he immediately ran to
the top of a high precipice, from whence he threw himſelf down
headlong. Caytafa difdaining to be out-done by him, followed
his example; and thus they both periſhed together. From this
action, ſome miſinformed authors (among whom is Franciſco de
Gomara, in his Hiftory of the Indies) imagined that the Canarians
had a cuſtom of throwing themſelves down from precipices.
< 6
MANANIDRA, who was taken prifoner by Diego de Herrera, as
before related, was alſo a perſon of great fame. It is faid of him,
that
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
79
that whenever he was about to engage in battle, he was feized
with an univerſal trembling, not through fear, but a fury and
eagerness to engage. Alonzo de Lugo, of whom we shall have oc-
cafion to ſpeak hereafter, ſeeing Mananidra in ſuch a condition,
aſked him why he trembled ? his anſwer was, Well may the fleſh
tremble and recoil at the dreadful perils which the heart propoſes
to lead it into.
CHA P. VI.
Certain Inhabitants of the Island of Majorca vifit Gran Canaria
Some time before the Arrival of John de Betancour.
I
T has been already obſerved, in the beginning of this Hiſtory,
that Don Luis de la Cerda intended to go in queſt of the For-
tunate Iſlands, and for that purpoſe had fitted out ſome ſhips in the
ports of the kingdom of Arragon; but his death, which hap-
pened juſt as things were got ready for that expedition, put a
ftop to the voyage. Nevertheleſs, it ſeems that ſome of thoſe
fhips, or others from Catalonia or Majorca, failed in queft of
the iſlands at that very time; of which we have no other account
than from the relation of the natives, and what may be collected
from their old fongs, in which ſome account of thoſe Majorcans-
is given. By comparing their different traditions of this affair,
and arranging them in order of time, it appears to have been as
follows: fome ſhips, the crews of which were Majorcans, an-
chored in the bay of Gando, between Aguimes and Telde, where.
the people came aſhore to refreſh themſelves after the fatigue of
the voyage.
At that time there were none of the inhabitants
near the fhore; for the natives, being unaccustomed to the vifits
of ſtrangers, lived in an unguarded manner, not thinking
they had any thing to fear from the fea. The Majorcans
feeing
80
THE HISTORY OF
ſeeing no living perſon near, imagined the iſland to be uninhabited;
and therefore advanced, without fear or circumfpection, towards
the villages of Telde and Aguimes, a good league from the port.
Here they were first perceived by the natives, who, furpriſed at
the appearance of ftrange people on their iſland, gathered to-
gether, attacked the Europeans with ſticks and ftones, and
wounded ſeveral of them. The Majorcans attempted to make
ſome reſiſtance; but as the number of the natives greatly ex-
ceeded theirs, thefe laft were all made prifoners and carried to
Telde. When thoſe in the ſhips found what had happened, they,
without waiting to fee the iffue, fet fail, and never appeared
there again; ſo that no account could be given of them.
FROM Telde they difperfed the prifoners all over the iſland,
and treated them well, according to their cuftom, for the Cana-
rians excelled perhaps all other people in greatneſs of ſpirit and
generoſity to thoſe whom they vanquished. The Majorcans in
return did every thing they could to gain the efteem and favour of
their new maſters, by which means a ſtrict friendſhip was foon
contracted between them. It happened that ſome of thoſe Ma-
jorcans and Arragonians were good artificers; they built houſes,
and painted them elegantly with the colours which they extracted
from certain herbs and flowers which grew upon the island.
They alſo fitted up neat apartments in caves, which remained en-
tire long after the conqueft of the iſland. In the number of thoſe
who were taken priſoners, were two priefts, who were greatly
reſpected by the natives. Thefe fathers built two neat hermi-
tages, of ſtone without cement, one of which they called St. Ca-
therine's, in which they placed three images, one of the Virgin
Mary, another of St. John the Evangeliſt, and the third of Mary
Magdalen. The other hermitage ftands near Gaete, and is called
St. Nicholas's, whoſe image is placed there. Some years after
this,
2
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
8:
this, the iſland was viſited with a long and ſevere famine; upon
which the Council fecretly agreed to deſtroy the Majorcans, in
order to be eaſed of the burden of their maintenance; which cruel
and barbarous refolution they were in fome meaſure induced to
take by the ſcandalous behaviour of the ſtrangers themſelves. My
author does not ſay what crimes they were guilty of, but feems
to infinuate that they had made fome attempts of an heinous and
unnatural kind upon fome of the natives, which rendered them
moſt deteftable in their fight, as they were utter ftrangers to fuch
abomination. Upon a fet time, according to the determination
of the Council, they maffacred them all except the two Friars,
who being much in favour with the people, were carried to the
top of a high mountain, in which was a deep pit or cavern,
into which they caft them headlong. This cavern was fo deep
that no perfon knew where it ended; but after fome days, part
of the dreſs of theſe Friars was caſt upon the ſea-ſhore, which
cauſed the natives to conclude that the cavern had a communica-
tion with the fea. This mountain is in the diſtrict of Ginamar,
half a league from the ſea-ſhore in the road to Telde, where ſtands
a hermitage, dedicated to our Lady of the Conception. It was
thefe Majorcans who first brought figs to Gran Canaria, which they
planted, and the fruit being agreeable to the natives, they planted
more; fo that there were foon a great number of fig-trees grow-
ing in the iſland. At the time of the above-mentioned famine,
the Canarians agreed to kill all the female infants that ſhould af-
terwards be brought forth, except the firſt-born. This cruel de-
cree was made in order to leffen the number of inhabitants in the
inland. But it did not continue long in force, for it pleafed God
to vifit the iſland with a long and grievous peftilence, which car-
ried off two thirds of the inhabitants, and was what paved the
way to its conqueft; for before this fcourge, there were in the
¿ſland fourteen thousand fighting men, who, had they been
M
pro-
vided
S2
THE HISTORY OF
vided with fire-arms, and been firmly united, might, by reaſon
of their ftrength, ſkill, courage, and agility, have defeated the
famous Spaniſh Armada, or even all the combined powers of Eu-
rope; for Canaria, and all the Canary Iſlands, except Lancerota
and Fuertaventura, are ſo full of deep narrow vallies, or gullies,
high rugged mountains, and narrow difficult paffes, that a body of
men cannot march into any of them the diſtance of a league from
the ſhore, before they come to places where an hundred men may
very eaſily baffle the efforts of a thoufand. This being the cafe,
where could ſhipping enough be found to tranſport a fufficient
number of troops to fubdue fuch a people, and in a country fo
ſtrongly fortified by nature ?
CHA P. VII.
Of the Expedition of Don Juan Rejon to Gran Canaria.
TH
HE King and Queen of Spain, Don Ferdinando and Donna
Iſabella, after paying to Diego de Herrera five millions of
maravedis, in lieu of all his claims to the iſlands of Gran Canaria,
Tenerife, and Palma, iffued orders for fitting out a fleet of ſhips,
to make the conqueft of them, notwithſtanding they were at that
time engaged in a war againſt Don Alonzo king of Portugal.
This order was immediately obeyed; fo that in a ſhort time nine
hundred foot and thirty horfe, well armed and provided with every
neceſſary for ſuch an enterpriſe, were raiſed, and the command of
them given to one Don Juan Rejon, a native of the kingdom of
Arragon, an experienced foldier, and who had for his Lieutenant
Alonzo Jaizme, whoſe fifter, Donna Elvira, was married to Juan
Rejon. They were accompanied in the expedition by Don Juan
Bermudas, Dean of Rubicon, a perfon well verfed in the affairs
of the Canary Iſlands.
ON
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
83
On the 23d of May 1477, the whole armament embarked on
board the fleet prepared for their reception, at the port of St.
Mary's in Andalufia, and failed for Gran Canaria. Their defign
was to have landed at Gando, in order to rebuild the fort lately
deſtroyed there by the natives; but paffing near the port of Iſletes,
and judging it to be a more convenient anchoring-place, they
dropped anchor there on the 22d of June, 1477. In the morn-
ing early all the troops difembarked, in good order, and with-
out oppofition. On their landing they pitched a canopy or tent,
under which they erected an altar, where the Dean, Juan Bermu-
das performed maſs in the preſence of all the troops, who affifted
thereat with great devotion and decorum. Immediately after maſs
the whole army began their march towards Gando, with defign
to encamp there; but they had not proceeded far, when they were
accoſted by a woman in the Canarian drefs, who aſked them, in
the Caftillian language, whither they were going? they replied, to
Gando. She then told them, that Gando was at a great diſtance,
the road very bad and interrupted by precipices, which rendered
it extremely dangerous; but that at a ſmall diſtance from the
place where they then were, was a commodious plain, with a ri-
vulet of good water, plenty of fire-wood, with palms and fig-
trees, from whence they might have eaſy acceſs to all the princi-
pal places on the iſland. When the commander and officers, with
the Dean, Juan Bermudas, had heard the woman, and had well
weighed the reaſons ſhe brought in fupport of her advice, they
determined to march to the place fhe had pointed out, and ac-
cordingly putting themfelves under her conduct, fhe brought
them to the spot where now ftands the city of Palmas. There
they pitched their tents; but looking afterwards for their guide,
ſhe was not to be found, which filled them all with amazement.
Juan Rejon, who was a devout worshiper of St. Anna, imagined
it was no other than herſelf who had appeared to them in the
drefs
M 2
84
THE HISTORY OF
;.
dreſs of a Canarian woman. The Spaniards finding the place to
agree perfectly with what the woman had told them concerning
it; and that it was very commodiouſly fituated, being not above a
league from the harbour, they fixed their camp there, and fortified
it with a ſtone wall, within which they erected a large magazine
for the ammunition, ftores, and provifions which they had brought.
from Spain.
A
CHA P. VIII.
The Battle of Guiniguada..
Few days before the arrival of Juan Rejon, the Guanarteme
of Telde having been carried off by the distemper that had
proved fatal to great numbers of the natives, Doramas, one of the
Gayres of Galdar, made intereft with the inhabitants of Telde,
who elected him for their Guanarteme, in preference to the fon
of the deceaſed; who, not thinking himſelf ſafe among the people
that had ſet aſide his election, retired to the dominions of his uncle
the King of Galdar, and put himſelf under his protection. Such
was the ſtate of affairs in the iftand when the armament from
Spain arrived. But when the natives found the Spaniards had
effected their landing, were building houſes, and by their conduct
feemed determined to fettle themſelves on the island, they called
to mind the injuries they had ſuſtained by permitting the caſtle
of Gando to be built amongst them; and therefore thought it
would be most prudent, in their prefent fituation, to lay afide all
differences amongst themſelves, and, uniting their forces, en-
deavour to expel the invaders from the iſland. To effect this,.
they procured a meeting betwen the King of Galdar and Dora-
mas (who had ufurped the fovereignty of T'elde), and the whole
body of Gayres. There they cordially agreed to join their feveral
forces
}
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
05.
forces under the command of Doramas, and to give battle to the
Spaniards the next day. Accordingly they raifed two thoufand
well-armed men, and marched towards the port: among theſe
were many men of great courage, particularly Adargoma, already
mentioned. When Juan Rejon faw the enemy approaching, in order
to give a plauſible colour to his proceedings, he fent to acquaint
them, that he was come, in the name of their Majeſties of Caſtille,
Don Ferdinando and Iſabella, to invite them to leave their hea
then worſhip and to embrace Chriſtianity; which if they ac-
cepted, their Majefties would immediately take them under their
protection, ſo that no one ſhould dare to injure or moleft them;
and that they ſhould be allowed to remain in poffeffion of their
lands, wives, children, and goods. but, on the contrary, if they
refuſed this friendly invitation, they might be affured that the
Spaniards would never defift till they had either put them to death
or driven them all out of the island. The natives, either unwill
ing to abandon the religion of their anceſtors, or fluſhed with their
former repeated fucceffes againſt Betancour and Herrera, told the
meflenger, that they would give Juan Rejon an anſwer the next
day early in the morning. The General readily comprehended
their meaning, and accordingly prepared for battle, expecting to
be foon attacked. Early in the morning he perceived their forces
coming down upon him, in order of battle; upon which he marched
out of his camp to meet them, and the fight was begun on both fides.
The Canarians made the firſt onſet with all the fury of men whoſe
liberty was at ſtake, being headed by their valiant chiefs Dora-
mas, Tazarte, and Adargoma. They were received with no lefs
vigour by Juan Rejon and his men, who,, with the Dean, Juan
Bermudas, Captain of the horſe, Alonzo Jayſme, Standard-bearer,
and the Captains of the infantry, Alonzo Fernandez de Lugo and
Roderigo de Solorza, endeavoured to break the enemy's ranks;
hut the latter made a moſt obftinate refiftance, fighting like lions.
The
•
86
OF"
THE HISTORY
The battle continued three hours, without any apparent advantage
on either fide: at length Juan Rejon finding his army beginning
to give way in that part where they were attacked by the intrepid
Adargoma, he flew thither to fupport and encourage his troops;
where fingling out Adargoma, he charged him furiouſly, and wound-
ed him ſo deſperately in the thigh with his lance, that he lay on the
ground for dead. The Canarians, inftead of being difcouraged at
the fall of their champion, were fired with freſh rage, falling on
like incenſed tygers, infomuch that it might be faid the conflict
only then began. But this ardor of the Canarians, like the laſt
blaſt of a furious tempeft againſt a mighty oak, which it ſhakes to
its very root, was not long before it ſpent itſelf, and was fuc-
ceeded by a fenfible abatement of vigour; and they foon after re-
tired, but in good order, leaving behind them Adargoma priſoner,
and three hundred men killed on the field of battle, befides many
wounded of the Spaniards, only feven were killed and twenty-
fix wounded. This great inequality of lofs muſt have been owing
to the difference of weapons ufed in the engagement, for about
that time the Spaniards had learned the uſe of fire-arms; and
moreover the Canarians were much terrified at the fight of the
horfes, which on this occafion made their first appearance in Gran
Canaria. After this battle, which was called the battle of Gui-
niguada, the natives never attempted to engage the Spaniards
again on level ground, but contented themſelves with harraffing
them in their marches up the country, efpecially in the moun-
tainous part, in which the Spaniards by little and little had ſhut
them up; for they were afraid to venture into the plain near the
fea-ſhore, on account of the enemy's cavalry. In the mean time
the Spaniards fet about erecting a fort for their ſecurity. Thoſe
who were not employed in this work, were ſent out in parties to
bring in cattle and prifoners, and fo harraffed the poor fiſhermen,
whoſe way
of living obliged them to be near the fea-fide, that
many
THE
87
CANARY ISLANDS.
many of them came into the camp through mere neceffity, and
embraced the Roman Catholic faith; and being baptized, they
received paffports from the Dean, to protect them from being mo-
leſted in their buſineſs by his foldiers. The Spaniſh Officers now
looking upon the iſland as good as reduced, returned thanks to
God for having given them poffeffion thereof with fo little effu-
fion of blood. As to Adargoma, they cured him of his wounds,
and treated him fo well, that he was induced to become a convert
to their religion, in the principles of which, and the Caftillian
language, they took care to inſtruct him. Shortly after he was
fent to Spain. The following remarkable ſtory is related of him,
which happened during his refidence in that kingdom: his fame,
as an extraordinary wreſtler, having been ſpread thoughout all
Spain; and being one day at the Archbiſhop's houſe in Seville, a
peaſant of La Mancha, famous likewiſe for his ſkill in that exer-
cife, who had heard fo much faid in praiſe of Adargoma, being
moved with a ſpirit of emulation, challenged him to a trial
of ſkill. Adargoma accepted the challenge, and faid to him,
"Brother, fince we are to wreſtle, it is neceffary we firft drink
together:" then taking a glaſs of wine, he ſaid to the peafant, " If
you can, with both your hands, prevent my carrying this glaſs of
wine to my mouth, and drinking it, or caufe me to fpill one drop,
then we will abfolutely wreſtle together; but if you cannot do
this, I would adviſe you to return home." Then drinking off the
wine, in fpite of the other's efforts to prevent him, the peaſant,
amazed at his prodigious ſtrength, prudently took his advice and
fneaked off. This happened in prefence of many witneffes.
CHAP.
8
THE HISTORY OF
CHA
P. IX.
The Arrival of feventeen Portugueze Carvels at Gran Canaria.
A
T this time affairs were in a very unſettled fituation between
the courts of Caftille and Portugal. The latter under-
ftanding the Spaniards were attempting the conqueft of Gran Ca-
naria, armed feventeen carvels or large barks, well provided with
foldiers, provifions, ammunition, and every thing neceſſary for a
voyage, and ſent them to Gran Canaria, where they arrived and
anchored at the weft fide of the iſland, at a place called Agaete,
in the diſtrict of the Guanarteme of Galdar. The natives ima-
gining that they were part of the forces of Guiniguada, gathered
together, in order to give them battle; but the Portugueze, by
means of interpreters they had brought with them, quickly unde-
ceived the Canarians, and gave them to underſtand, that they
were come to aſſiſt them againſt their invaders, with whom they
were at war. When the natives were convinced of the truth of
this, it gave them great joy, hoping by their affiftance to be deli-
vered from their perfecutors. Upon which they received the
Portugueze chearfully; and it was foon concluded between them,
that the former fhould go and attack the Spaniards by fea,
while the Canarians attacked them by land. When theſe ſhips
appeared near the port, Juan Rejon, the Dean Bermudas, and the
officers, knowing that peace was not firmly eſtabliſhed between
the two crowns, fufpected on what errand they were come, and
drew out their troops from Guiniguada, leaving a fmall number
only to guard that poſt, and marched to the port, which is but a
ſhort league diſtant from it. There they placed two hundred men
in ambuſh, behind certain hillocks of black earth, which had
been formed by the eruption of fome former volcanos. When
the
THE
89
CANARY
ISLANDS.
the carvels anchored in the harbour, there happened to be a furf
breaking on the fhore, which is not common in that place. Now
as the Portugueze had not boats enough to land above two hundred
men at once, and did not know the force of the Spaniards (for
they did not all appear in fight), they boldly landed, with drums
beating, trumpets founding, and colours flying, but the furf
breaking uncommonly high, drove fome of their boats afhore
while they were attempting to land their men. This prevented
their going immediately back to the fhips for more troops; and
inſtead of inſtantly launching thefe boats that were thrown
afhore by the furf, they began to run inland, in purfuit of the
ſmall number of Spaniards they faw drawn up to oppoſe them,
in order to attack and make them prifoners. Juan Rejon perceiv-
ing how things went, refolved to avail himſelf of their bad con-
duct, and to attack the Portugueze before they could receive a re-
inforcement from the fhips: with this view he ordered the two
hundred men in ambuſh to fall upon them in concert with the
others, which they did with fuch impetuofity, that they prefently
drove the handful of Portugueze back to their boats in the greateſt
confufion; but in the hurry of launching and crowding into them
they were overfet, forced back on the beach by the ſurf, and ſtaved
to pieces; ſo that very few of thoſe men who landed had the
good fortune to escape. The Portugueze on board the carvels
ſeeing all that paffed, without being able to give the leaft
affiftance to their comrades, on account of the violence of the
furf which continued to increaſe more and more, and being ap-
prehenfive of a ftorm arifing, weighed anchor and ſtood out to
ſea. In the mean time the Canarians had poffeffed themſelves of
ſome eminences that commanded a view of the city of Palmas
and the port of Ifletes, where obferving every thing to be quiet
in the Spaniſh camp, the fea-fhore of the port covered with people,
and fome ſhips at anchor with others under fail, they concluded
that
N
90
OF
THE HISTORY
that the Portugueze were juſt landing, and therefore waited to fee
them begin the attack upon the camp, knowing nothing of what
had paffed that morning. But perceiving no appearance of any
diſturbance, they fent a fpy to diſcover the fituation of affairs,
who being obſerved by one of the Spanish troopers, was purfued,
taken priſoner, and brought to Juan Rejon, to whom he difco-
vered the treaty between the natives and the Portugueze. The
General was fo incenſed at the news, that he determined to place
no more confidence in the Canarians, and began to harraſs them
more than ever by continual inroads into the country, in which
he frequently brought away whole flocks of ſheep and goats, and
made a number of captives. As to the Portugueze, they ftill ho
vered about the ifland, waiting for an opportunity to land, and try
their fortune a fecond time, but the fea continuing much agi-
tated for many days, they deſpaired of fuccefs, and having loft
almoſt all their boats, as before-mentioned, they abandoned
their defign of making a fecond landing, and returned home.
The Spaniards being now more at leifure, finiſhed their caftle
and the fortifications of their camp. But not having received any
fupply of provifions from Europe fince their firft landing on the
island, which was now upwards of eight months, they were ob--
liged twice a week to fend a party of horſe and about two hun-
dred foot into the country, in fearch of fheep and other provi-
fions, at a confiderable diſtance from the camp; for, as has been
obferved, the natives, after the battle of Guiniguada, durft not
continue in the plains, but withdrew with their effects to the:
mountains, where the Spaniards could not attack them but at a
great diſadvantage: and what little provifions they got in theſe in--
urfions, together with fome biſcuit brought to them by a Flemish
veffel, that had come to the islands to purchaſe orchilla-weed,
was all they had to live upon for a confiderable time. The fol--
diers gathered the weed upon the rocks, in places where they,
2.
durft
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
durft venture to ſearch for it, and then diſpoſed of it to the Fle-
mings.
CHAP.
X.
t
A Jealoufy and Contention arife between Juan Rejon and the Dean,
Juan Bermudas.
THE
HE fcarcity of provifion in the camp occafioned much mur-
muring and diſcontent among the Spaniards. And as in
calamities it is ufual for the foldiery to examine more ftrictly into
the conduct of their commanders, than when affairs
go on fuccefs-
fully, fo it happened on this occafion to Juan Rejon, who was
cenfured by the Dean Bermudas, for improperly managing the
proviſions, and alſo for a partial diſtribution of them. The com-
plaints and murmurings daily increafing, the Commander and the
Dean began at length to be on bad terms with each other. This
breach was increafed greatly by the tales of officious people, who
are ſeldom wanting in fuch cafes, and who as feldom fail to re-
preſent what they hear in the worſt light.
THE Dean wrote to the court of Caftille againſt Juan Rejon, ac-
cufing him of waſting the proviſions, of fpinning out the war to an
unreaſonable length, and having contented himſelf with the de-
feat he had given to the Canarians at Guiniguada; whereas he
might (as the Dean pretended), by following that blow, have
eafily reduced the whole island to the obedience of their Catholic
Majefties.
In this manner inferior officers frequently endeavour to raiſe their
reputation upon the ruin of that of their Commander; for, by
what follows in the account of the conqueft, we ſhall find that
N 2
Juan
92
THE HISTORY OF
Juan Rejon acted the part of an experienced foldier, particularly
by building a fort in a convenient fituation, to ſerve for a retreat
to his troops in cafe of need.
AMONG thoſe whom Juan Rejon had brought to the Gram
Canaria were ſome perfons who had gone from Lancerota to Caf-
tille, to complain againſt Diego de Herrera, and who were the
cauſe of the King's taking the three iſlands from him. They
folicited Juan Rejon to intercede for them with Herrera, that they
might be reſtored to their eftates in Lancerota; and promiſed,
if he fucceeded in the undertaking, that they would
go themſelves
to Lancerota, and furniſh the army from thence with ſuch a quan-
tity of proviſion as might be fufficient till they ſhould obtain a
ſupply from Spain. This propofal ſeeming reaſonable to Juan
Rejon, he agreed to it; and, in order to put the ſcheme in exe-
cution, he not only paffed unnoticed many affronts he daily re-
ceived from the Dean Bermudas, but even perfuaded him to affiſt
at a council of the chief officers, which was called in order to
reconcile them to each other. At this meeting the difference
ſeemed to be made up, and it was agreed that Juan Rejon ſhould
go to Lancerota, in order to get provifions, and that the Dean Ber-
mudas fhould command the troops in his abſence..
ACCORDINGLY he failed for Lancerota, carrying along with:
him the banished vaffals of Diego de Herrera, and arrived at a
port called the Recife, adjoining to Porto de Naos. When Her-
rera and Ignes Peraza were informed of his arrival, and what perſons
accompanied him, being greatly incenfed againſt them for the lofs
of the three iſlands, they diſpatched their fon Hernand Peraza
to the port to forbid them to land. Juan Rejon, accofting him
in a courteous manner, acquainted him with the diftrefs of the
troops in Gran Canaria, and that he was come to beg a ſupply of
provifions
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
93
proviſions for them; which, if he would pleaſe to grant, his Ma-
jefty, Don Ferdinand, would thankfully repay the favour. He
alfo informed Don Hernand, that he had brought with him fome
vaffals of his father Don Diego de Herrera, who were come to
implore forgiveneſs of him and Donna Ignes Peraza, for the of-
fences they had been guilty of; and he entreated that they would
condefcend to grant them their pardon, and thereby manifeſt
themſelves to be the real defcendants of the illuftrious houſe of
Herrera. But notwithſtanding all he could fay, Peraza continued
inflexible, and would not fuffer any of them to remain on ſhore
even to take the leaft refreſhment, but by force compelled them
all to return on board; which ufage fo exafperated Juan Rejon,
that he ordered the two cannon on board his veffel to be fired upon
thoſe who were on fhore, which killed Diego de Herrera's Gentle-
man, and wounded two others. Immediately after this he fet fail,
and returned to Canaria.
Ju
1
CHA P. XI.
Pedro de Algava comes to Canaria.
UAN REJON, on his return to the port of Ifletes, found him-
ſelf fuperfeded by a Governor, named Pedro de Algava, who
was fent from Spain, in confequence of the complaints tranfinitted
to Court againſt him by the Dean Bermudas. This Governor
had orders to enquire into the cauſe of the differences among the
officers. The fleet in which he came brought fome foldiers and a
fmall ſupply of provifions, of which the troops were in great want.
This was the firſt Governor ſent from Spain to theſe iſlands. His
arrival greatly chagrined Juan Rejon, who however prudently
diffembled his diſcontent, and went afhore to wait upon the Go-
vernor, who with the Dean and other officers were come to the
port
94
OF
THE HISTORY
port to receive him. Soon after, Pedro Algava affembled all the
chief officers, in whofe prefence he produced his inftructions, and
acquainted them, that it was his Majefty's exprefs orders, and
the principal object of his commiffion, to fee peace and good har-
mony eſtabliſhed and preferved among them; he therefore ex-
horted them, as loyal fubjects, to attend to the fervice of their So-
vereign, and of that God whofe worshipers they were, and whofe
ſervice they were fent to promote by bringing infidels into the bo-
fom of the holy Catholic church, and thereby prove the means of
faving many fouls. When Don Pedro had finiſhed his ſpeech,
Juan Rejon began to complain of the treatment he had met with
from Diego de Herrera in Lancerota, and propoſed to the Go-
vernor and aſſembly, that he might be declared a rebel, and an
enemy to the intended conqueft, and treated accordingly. To
which the Governor and Dean, who were combined together
againſt him, made anſwer, that they would gladly do every thing
in their power for the good of the people,, and for advancing the
conqueft, but that as to his treatment at Lancerota, it was the
natural confequence of his imprudence in carrying thither the
vaffals of Diego de Herrera. Rejon replied, that if in ſo doing he
had committed a fault, he was ready to make amends for it, by
taking the ſhips in the harbour, with fome troops, and bringing a
ſupply of provifions from Lancerota by force, if Herrera ſhould
attempt to oppoſe them; and that this was an eaſy undertaking,
for the fuccefs of which he would take upon himself to anfwer:
upon this there arofe a very warm debate among them. Some
time after, the Governor and Dean arrested Juan Rejon, and
brought him to a trial, at which they charged him with partiality,
robbery, mutiny, and a defign of making uſe of the troops, de-
ftined for the conqueft of Canaria, to revenge his private quarrel
with Diego de Herrera at Lancerota; of all which he was found..
guilty by the affembly, and fentenced to be fent back to Spain a
prifoner.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
95
a prifoner. After his departure, advice was given by the enemies
of Rejon to Diego de Herrera of what had paffed, with a requeſt
that he would furniſh a ſupply of proviſions to the camp in Gran
Canaria, who were in great neceffity for the fame. Herrera im-
mediately complied with this requeſt; but before the ſupply ar-
rived at Canaria, the Spaniards had, by their foraging parties in
the iſland, procured fufficient provifions to anſwer their prefent ne-
ceffities, and alſo made fome prifoners. Having received intelli-
gence of an aſſembly of the natives, at a place called Maya, they
marched in queft of them, and finding only a ſmall number ga-
thered there, under the Guanarteme of Galdar and Doramas,
the Spaniards attacked them; but theſe latter making a brave de-
fence, eſcaped with their perfons, but left many cattle in the
hands of the enemy, which they carried off. However, Doramas,
obferving the Spaniards to be greatly fatigued with the rugged
road and the length of their march, rallied his
troops, and way-
laid them as they were coming down a fteep mountain, where, if
the Spaniards had not performed wonders, they muſt have been
all cut to pieces;. as it was, they loft five horſes and ſeveral of
their men, but ket poffeffion of their booty. This obftinate re-
fiftance may ſerve to fhew to what ftraits they were reduced for
want of proviſions.
WH
CHA P.. XII.
Juan Rejon returns to Gran Canaria.
HEN Juan Rejon arrived at St. Lucar de Baremeda, in
Spain, he immediately fet out for Seville, to appear before
the Commiffioners of the Conqueft of the Canary Islands, to
whom he gave an account of his conduct, with which that board
was perfectly fatisfied.. And underſtanding the great distress
the
96
THE HISTORY OF
the troops in Gran Canaria laboured under from the ſcarcity
amongſt them, they immediately gave orders for four veffels to
fail with a ſupply of proviſions and men, under the command of
Pedro Hernandez Cabron, Regidor of Cadiz. In the fame fleet
went over Don Juan de Frias, lately promoted to the fee of Ru-
bicon upon the death of the former Biſhop; and Juan Rejon, as
Captain-general of the forces in Canaria. The Commiffioners
recommended to them to endeavour to adjuſt amicably all differ-
ences amongſt the officers in that iſland. Beſides the perſons al-
ready mentioned, one Eftevan Perez de Cabitos was fent over as
Alcalde Major, being nominated to that office by the King. The
fleet arrived fafe at the Port of Ifletes the 12th of Auguſt, 1479,
where they were gladly received. Soon after, the Bishop called
a meeting of all the principal perſons in the iſland, namely, Pedro
Algava the Governor, the Dean Bermudas, Hernan Peraza, who
was come thither from Lancerota, with an aid of men and provi-
fions, Captain Pedro Hernandez Cabron, Alonzo Jaimes, Standard-
bearer, Alonzo de Lugo, Ordono Bermudas, Eftevan Perez de
Cabitos, Alcalde Major, Alonzo de Valdes, Alguazil Major, and
many others
others when the Biſhop earneſtly exhorted the Governor
and Dean to agree and act in concert with Juan Rejon, who was
returned, by order of the Commiffioners of the Conqueft, as Com-
mander in chief of the forces in Gran Canaria, which order he
produced to the affembly; but the Governor perceiving that
Juan Rejon had brought no letter or order figned by the King,
he anſwered the Biſhop, that he had ſent Juan Rejon a priſoner
to his Majesty, together with the charge againſt him; and that he
knew nothing of the Commiffioners of the Conqueft, nor by what
authority they took upon them to interfere in the affairs of the
iſland. The Biſhop
The Biſhop replied, that if they had not been properly
impowered, they doubtless would not have dared to fit or act as a
council; therefore conjured him to confider the dignity of the
members
}
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
97
members who compofed that council: but all he could fay had
no weight with the Governor, who, with the Dean and fome
others, declared they would not receive Juan Rejon as Captain-
general of the forces, without an exprefs order from the King.
The Biſhop afterwards, having intimation that the Governor and
Bermudas defigned to arrest Juan Rejon, diffuaded him from that
defign, and promiſed to be anſwerable for his returning to Spain
by the firſt ſhip that ſhould fail.
MEAN time the Governor and Dean refolved upon an expedi-
tion againſt the natives in the diſtrict of Tirarana, with the troops
lately arrived from Spain under the command of Pedro Hernandez
Cabron, with a detachment of thoſe who had first landed on the
ifland. The Biſhop accompanying them, they embarked at Ifletes,
and failed round to Tirarana, where they landed, but found no
body to oppose them; for as foon as the Canarians obſerved the
ſhips, they fled to the mountains. The Spaniards marched into the
country in purfuit of them, plundering the villages as they went.
In this expedition they collected a great booty, confifting of ſheep,
barley, dried figs, &c. which they thought moſt prudent to put
on board the ſhips, that they might not be encumbered in their
march. A Canarian, who had turned Roman Catholic, and was
then along with the Spaniards, adviſed the Commander, Cabron,
not to ſtir from thence for two days, Becauſe, ſaid he, I am certain
the Canarians are all gathered together to cut off our retreat;
whereas if we remain in this place only two days, they muſt dif-
perfe themſelves, for want of fubfiftence. Cabron, not having ex-
perienced the valour and ſkill of the natives, anſwered, that he
was not afraid of naked people; and ordered the troops to con-
tinue their march. As they were on their way towards the ſhips,
they came to a ſteep rock, where the Canarians, according as the
new profelyte had foretold, waited for the return of the Spaniards,
whom
A
O
1
98
OF
THE HISTORY
whom they knew were obliged to paſs that way, fuddenly ſetting
up a great ſhout, fell upon, and routed them, killing twenty-
fix and wounding about one hundred. In the purſuit, they took a
great quantity of arms, and made feveral priſoners. When the
people who were to take care of the ſhips, faw their comrades fly-
ing towards the fea-fhore, they immediately fent their boats to
bring them off, and covered their retreat as well as they could, by
firing their great guns upon the enemy. In this encounter the
Commander, Cabron, received a wound in the head 'by a ſtone.
He returned to Guiniguada, where he difembarked his men, and
obſerving how great difcord ftill prevailed between the Governor
and Rejon, with the ſmall hopes there were of bringing them to a
reconciliation, he failed back to Spain, taking Juan Rejon in the
ſhip along with him.
CHAP.
XIII.
Juan Rejon returns a fecond time to Canaria, and what happened
thereupon.
UAN REJON had a relation at the court of Caftille, named
Don Ferdinando Rejon, a Knight of the order of St. Iago and
Captain-general of the Artillery; by means of whoſe great influ-
ence at court he procured the King's commiffion, appointing him.
Governor of Canaria, and Captain-general of the forces there,
with full power to bring to trial the Governor Pedro de Algava.
But the want of moderation in the exerciſe of ſuch an extenſive
authority over his adverſary, at length proved his ruin. Imme-
diately after receiving his orders from the Commiffioners of the
Conqueft, he went to Cadiz, where, with the affiftance of the
Dean Juan Rejon, his relation, he hired a veffel, on board of which
he put thirty men in whom he could confide, and failed with
6
them
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
99
them for the iſland of Gran Canaria. The 2d of May, 1480, in
the evening, he arrived at the port of Iletes; but did not land till
it was dark. The crew of the veffel were previouſly inſtructed to
let no one know of his being aboard, but to ſay that they were
come with proviſions from Spain, in company with two other
ſhips that had touched at Lancerota, which had troops and provi-
fions on board for Gran Canaria. This account paffed very well,
and the news of the arrival of a freſh ſupply cauſed a general joy.
Juan Rejon fent a truſty perſon on fhore, fecretly to the Standard-
bearer, Don Alonzo Jaimes, his brother-in-law, and Don Eftevan
Perez de Cabitos, the Alcalde Major, to acquaint them of his
arrival, and concert the meaſures to be taken thereupon. On the
return of the meffenger, Rejon landed, with his thirty men,
and went privately to the houſe of the Alcalde Major, which was
adjoining to the church.
NEXT day, while the Governor, Pedro de Algava, was in the
church, hearing maſs, Juan Rejon, with his friends and thirty men,
ruſhed in, crying out, God fave the King! and immediately
ſeized Pedro de Algava, whom they dragged out of the church,
and confined in the tower in ſtrong irons, as he had formerly ſerved
Juan Rejon. The Dean Bermudas was alſo feized and con-
fined, together with ſome other ſuſpected perfons.
By this time there was a general tumult throughout the city, the
friends of Pedro de Algava having taken arms; but Jaan Re-
jon giving his commiffion into the hands of the Town-clerk, who
read it aloud, the people were appeaſed, and retired every man to
his own houſe. Pedro de Algava was detained in cloſe confinement
from the 3d of May to Whitfunday, in which time Juan Re-
jon, affifted by Eſtevan Perez de Cabitos, was employed in draw-
the charge againſt him; which was, that he carried on a pri-
ing up
O2
vate
Uor M
100
THE HISTORY OF
vate correſpondence with the King of Portugal, to whom he
had fold and engaged to deliver up the iſland, having actually re-
ceived part of the money. On the trial, the witneſſes brought to
ſupport the charge were people of no repute or character; never-
theleſs he was found guilty, and condemned to lofe his head.
On the day fixed for the execution of his fentence, on the found
of a trumpet, the unfortunate Algava was brought forth to the
fquare or parade of St. Anthony, in the city of Palmas, where,
after his crime had been proclaimed, in great form by the public
Crier, he was beheaded according to his fentence.
It is ſaid, that all the perfons concerned in this proſecution
periſhed by violent deaths; ſome by the hands of the Canarians,
fome by the Guanches of Tenerife, and others by the Moors in
Barbary. Such was the end of the Governor Pedro Algava, who
certainly was the cauſe of his own untimely fate, by his unjuſt
and cruel treatment of Juan Rejon; his refufing to admit him as
Captain-general of the troops, when he was fent from Spain as
fuch by the Commiffioners of the Conqueft, was a mean evaſion,
unworthy the character of a Gentleman. On the other hand, as
to Juan Rejon, if Pedro Algava was guilty of the crime laid to
his charge, he would have acted a better part had he ſent him
prifoner to Spain; for it is unbecoming a man of a generous or
noble ſpirit to order the execution of his declared enemy. When
this affair was tranfacted, Don Juan de Frias, the Biſhop, was ab-
fent, having gone to take poffeffion of his biſhopric of Rubicon in
Lancerota, and to procure provifions for the forces in Gran Ca-
naria.
THE Dean Bermudas and others were tried, and being found
guilty of mutiny, and of raifing difturbances among the troops,
were banished the iſland, and put on board a bark bound to
Gomera.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
101
Gomera.
Some writers ſay, that Juan Rejon prevailed with the
maſter of the bark to put them on fhore in a part of Gomera
where the natives were in rebellion againſt Hernand Peraza, fon
of Diego de Herrera, and to acquaint them that theſe people
were friends of Hernan Peraza; but this wants proof. The
bark firſt touched at the port of Rubicon, in Lancerota, where
they all went on fhore, and were kindly received by Diego de
Herrera and Donna Ignes Peraza his wife.
CHA P. XIV.
A Defign of the Canarians to destroy eighty Europeans. Pedro de
Vera arrives at Gran Canaria.
WHILE the Spaniards were thus ſpending their time in dif-
putes and quarrels among themſelves, and neglected the
more eſſential buſineſs of the conqueft of Canaria, Doramas, Gui-
narteme of Felde, with the Faycag and Gayres, aſſembled to con-
fider what was to be done with their priſoners, who began to
give them fome uneafinefs, as well on account of their numbers
as the difficulty of guarding them and finding wherewithal to fub-
fift them, for provifions became daily more and more ſcarce in
the iſland, by means of the frequent inroads of the Spaniards,
who deftroyed their corn, and carried off their cattle. The re-
fult of this council was an agreement to put their captives to
death; and to that end every perſon was required to bring his
prifoner to a place appointed. When they were all brought thi-
ther, they were bound, tied to a ſtake, and the fuel was put
round them; but as the fire was about to be kindled, a woman
came running towards the place in great hafte, calling out aloud
not to kindle the fire. It is reported, that this woman was held
in great reputation among the natives, holding the rank of Lady
Abbels,
102
THE HISTORY OF
Abbefs, or chief of the Magadas, or religious women. She had a
fon prefent, who was a Gayre, and who had brought his priſoner
there with the reft; to him fhe declared, that he was ordered
by Acoran to warn him to have no hand in the death of the
Spaniards, otherwiſe fome dreadful affliction would certainly be-
fal him. As the Canarians were very fuperftitious, and gave
great credit to the predictions of religious people, the Gayre, her
ſon, immediately ſet his priſoner at liberty; which when the reſt.
faw, they followed his example, and thus the Spaniards were re-
leafed, the Canarians telling them at the fame time to remember
the kindneſs they had ſhewn them. My author adds, that the
Gayre, the fon of the religious woman, was fecretly a Roman
Catholic; and that he had a fifter, who, after the conqueft of the
iſland, was married to one Maſon Betancour, and that from this
marriage are defcended the Betancours of Galdar: he had alſo a
brother, named Autindara, from whom are defcended the family
of Cabrejas in Canaria.
BUT to return to Juan Rejon: He being now avenged of his
enemies, began to turn his thoughts towards completing the con-
queft of the iſland, and with that view determined to make an in-
road into the diſtrict of Tamarafeyte. On his march towards that
place, from the mountains he diſcovered a ſhip ſtanding in for the
iſland, which induced him to return back to the city of Palmas.
This ſhip came with a new Governor and Captain-general of the
forces;
for the King, Don Ferdinando, being informed of the
diſcord among the officers employed in that buſineſs, thought pro-
per to ſend Pedro de Vera to Canaria, as a perfon in whom he
could confide, and whom he judged to be poffeffed of every qua-
lification neceffary in a civil or military officer. When Pedro re-
ceived the commiflion, he went directly to the Commiffioners of
the Conqueſt at Seville, to receive their inftructions likewiſe,
and
J
'
}
+
1
1
}
THE
CANARY ISLANDS. . 103
and from thence to Xeres de la Frontera, where he directed his
friends and relations to furniſh every thing neceffary for the expedi-
tion he was going upon, in caſe the King's officers ſhould prove di-
latory in diſpatching them. Then providing fome men and horſes,
he embarked with them in the before-mentioned' fhip at Cadiz,
leaving directions with his fon, Ferdinando de Vera, to load two
ſhips with troops, provifion, and ammunition, and to follow with
all expedition. He then fet fail, and arrived at the port of Ifletes
on the 18th of Auguft 1480, where he immediately gave notice
of his arrival with the reinforcement of troops and provifions, and
of his having left two other fhips at Cadiz loading for the iſland.
This news gave great fatisfaction to all but Juan Rejon and the
Alcalde Major, who had reaſon to fear being called to an account
'for the ſeverity of their proceedings againſt Pedro de Algava. Ne-
vertheleſs, they went to receive him with an appearance of chear-´
fulneſs, as the beſt way of concealing their apprehenfions. Juan
Rejon lodged the Governor in his own apartments, which were
in the caſtle as it was called, and went himſelf to another houſe,
notwithſtanding all that Pedro de Vera could fay to induce him
to continue under the ſame roof with him; and immediately de-
clared publicly his intention of returning to Spain in the fame
ſhip which had brought over Pedro de Vera, in order to give an
account of his conduct in Canaria. When de Vera underſtood
this, he told him that the veffel was very leaky, and otherwiſe
unfit for his reception, and that the others, expected from Cadiz,
were not only very commodious, but alſo new and ſtrong, and
fhould be at his fervice. Befides, he pretended, that being fo
lately come to the iſland, he ſtood in need of his advice, as an.
experienced leader, in the bufinefs of the conqueft, and one
capable of giving him infight into many particulars which might.
· prove of ſervice to the intereſt of their Catholic Majeſties. With
fuch fpecious arguments he prevailed with him to remain until
the
1
•
i
104
OF
THE HISTORY
the arrival of the two ſhips, on board of which were his two fons,
When they arrived at the port of Iſletes, Pedro de Vera ſent them
orders not to come afhore until they received notice from him :
and the next day, accompanied by Juan Rejon and many of the
officers, he went on board the ſhips, as he pretended, to ſhew
Juan Rejon that in which he was to embark for Spain; but when
they were about to return on ſhore, Pedro de Vera told that Ge-
neral and the Alcalde Major, that they were his prifoners, by
order of their Catholic Majefties: upon which they furrendered
themſelves without any diſturbance, and were brought to trial
with all expedition. The confequence of which was, that they
were fent priſoners to Spain, in one of the ſaid ſhips, the pro-
ceedings againſt them being ſealed up and fent along with them.
When Juan Rejon arrived at Caſtille, he foon procured his re-
leaſement by means of his relation the General of the Artillery,
there being no one of the party of Pedro de Algava then at court
to oppoſe his intereſt there; ſo that he was not only ſet at liberty,
but ſoon after obtained the command of fome troops deſtined for
the conqueft of the iſland of Palma.
BEFORE Pedro de Vera's arrival at Canaria, the Dean, Juan
Bermudas, died at Lancerota of mere chagrin and vexation.
С HA P. XV.
Pedro de Vera makes an Inroad; the Death of Doramas, &c.
THE
HE new Governor, after having fent Juan Rejon, to
Spain, was defirous to take a view of the country; and ac-
cordingly, taking with him the horſe and ſome infantry, marched
to Arucas, where there was at that time a party of Canarians,
being the tribe commanded by the valiant Doramas; who, when
I
they
THE
105
CANARY ISLANDS.
they faw the Spaniards approaching, retreated to a mountain near
the fea, which now bears the name of Doramas. The Spaniards ſtill
advancing, Doramas fent a meffenger to challenge any one of them
to fingle combat, and defired that the champion who ſhould accept
it might advance. Pedro de Vera would have gone to meet him,
but was diffuaded by the officers, who reprefented to him the
damage the King's affairs might fuftain if any accident befel
him. There was among the cavalry a Gentleman named Juan
de Hoces, who accepted the challenge, and obtained leave from
the General to engage the Canarian. When Doramas ſaw him ap-
proaching, he drew near and threw a fufmago, or dart, with fuch
force that it went through the Spaniard's target and coat of mail,
and pierced his heart, ſo that he dropt down dead in the view of
both armies. Pedro de Vera, though exceedingly grieved at this
difafter, was in nowife daunted by the fate of his officer, but ad-
vanced fingly with great compoſure to try his ſtrength with this
formidable champion. Doramas with pleaſure perceived the
General coming towards him, as knowing who he was, and
hoping foon to fend him after his countryman; fo taking aim
with a dart, he let fly at him: but the wary General receiving it
on one fide of his ſhield, it flew off obliquely, and paffed clear of
his body. Doramas then drew nearer, and threw another dart
with more force than the former, which de Vera likewiſe avoided,
by bowing himſelf and letting it paſs over him; then ſpurring
his horfe, he cloſed in with Doramas before he had time to take
another aim, and driving full at him with his lance, ftruck him
on the fide with fuch force, that he fell to the ground: he
was preparing to ſecond his blow, when Doramas waved his hand
as a ſignal that he ſurrendered himſelf priſoner. The natives be-
holding the fall of their chief, and thinking he was killed,
immediately fell with fury on the Spaniards to avenge his death;
fo that an obftinate conflict enfued, in which many of the Canarians
P
were
106
THE HISTORY OF
were killed, and the reft at length obliged to retreat to the moun-
tain. Doramas, who was much wounded, defired to be con-
verted and baptized; upon which great care was taken of him,
but in vain, for before the army reached Palmas, the figns of
death appeared on him; fo that they baptized him on the ſpot,
Pedro de Vedra ftanding godfather. Immediately after the cere-
mony he expired, and was interred on the top of a mountain: a
circle or wall of ſtones was raiſed round his grave, with a cruci-
fix in the centre. Some Canarians were preſent at the funeral,
who had voluntarily furrendered themſelves priſoners, in order to
attend their chief Doramas. Pedro de Vera, among other things
he did at that time, fitted out two veffels, to go, as he pretended,
upon an expedition againſt the Guanches of Tenerife; and by
fair ſpeeches and large promiſes prevailed on two hundred of
the ſubjected Canarians to embark on board them; but his real
deſign was to fend them all to Spain, being fufpicious that they
gave intelligence to the enemy of his ſchemes, and for that reaſon
was defirous to have them out of his way. Accordingly the
fhips failed for Spain; but as the Canarians loft fight of the
Pike of Tenerife (which, viewed from Gran Canaria, by its im-
menfe height, ſeems almoſt cloſe to it), they fufpected the real
deſtination of the fhips, and threatened to throw every Spaniard
overboard, if they did not immediately return to Canaria.
Spaniards, dreading the execution of their threats, put into Lan-
cerota, which was the neareſt land, where they were received in
a friendly manner by Diego de Herrera, who interſperſed the Ca-
narians among the natives of the place, and provided lodging and
entertainment for them. They remained in Lancerota fome time,
and were afterwards fent over to Barbary, to fuccour the caſtle of
Agader Aguer, or Santa Cruz, where they almoſt all perished..
When the news of their being in Lancerota came to be known to
the Canarians that were in the city of Palmas, they were fo greatly
offended,
4
The
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
107
offended, that they left the Spaniards, and joined their country-
men in the mountains, from whence they renewed the war with
redoubled vigour.
CHA P. XVI.
The Spaniards build a Fort at Gaete.
The
HE Spaniards had by this time made themſelves maſters
of all the low grounds near the fea; the Canarians not
daring to venture down into the plains, for fear of being made
priſoners by the ſmall parties of horſe ſcattered about the iſland,
but were obliged to remain in the mountains and in the plains
furrounded by them, the paffes to which they fortified and
guarded.
PEDRO DE VERA, finding that he could not force theſe paffes,
determined to build a fort on the other fide of the iſland, in the
neighbourhood of the mountains and lurking-places of the natives,
from whence he might make incurfions againſt them, and be al-
ways fecure of a retreat in caſe of being worſted.
ACCORDINGLY, taking two ſhips well manned, he failed round
the iſland, and landed at a place called Gaete, which he found
very commodious for his purpofe, as it was well watered and
abounded with fig-trees. He therefore immediately fet about
building a ſmall fort of ſtone and lime, which was finished in the
ſpace of two months. Then leaving a garriſon of thirty men in
it, commanded by one Alonzo Hernandez de Lugo, an expe-
rienced foldier, he returned to the city of Palmas.
Soon after, he fent part of his troops towards Tirarara, to dif
lodge fome Canarians who had fortified themſelves in a ſteep and
P 2
hollow
108
HISTORY OF
THE
hollow paſs on that road. The Spaniards, knowing their ſuperior
force, and elated by their late victory, marched boldly forward,
and without heſitation began to aſcend the ſteep; but the Cana-
rians defended themſelves fo well, by throwing ftones and tum-
bling down looſe fragments of rocks upon the enemy, that they
obliged them to retreat, with the lofs of twenty-five men killed,
and a great number wounded. Juft after this repulfe, Pedro de
Vera came up with his men, and ſeeing the Spaniards fo roughly
handled, determined to revenge their lofs, and immediately
marched to attack the pafs, which he forced, obliging the
natives to retreat, who probably were not on their guard
againſt this ſecond attack, not expecting the Spaniards to return
ſo ſoon after their defeat. Among the chief men of the Cana-
rians was Ventagoya, one of the Gayres of the diſtrict of Galdar, an
enterpriſing and valiant man, who came to Palmas on pretence
of being converted and baptized. He continued a few days there,
carefully obſerving every thing, eſpecially the fortifications of the
town, the nature of the Spaniſh diſcipline, and their manner of
placing the guards and centinels. When he thought he had
made himſelf ſufficiently mafter of theſe things, he returned
to his companions in the mountains, from whence he made
frequent fallies in the night-time, and did the Spaniards con-
fiderable damage, by killing their guards, and making pri-
foners of thoſe whom neceffity obliged to go a-fiſhing or gathering
orchilla. He then affembled a great number of his countrymen, to
whom he propoſed to ſtorm the city of Palmas,in the night, and ſo
cut off the Spaniards at one blow. This propofal met with general
approbation, and it was refolved to carry it into execution. The
manner agreed on was as follows: they were to furround the
city in the night, but the main attack was to be directed to that
part which faced the fea, as the Spaniards thought themſelves
moſt ſecure from that quarter. A fmall party was to begin the
first
THE
109
CANARY
ISLANDS.
firſt attack on the land-fide, in order to alarm the garriſon and draw
their whole force that way, by which means the fide towards the
fea would be left expofed. Their ſcheme was certainly well
planned: but it did not meet with the fuccefs they expected; for
thoſe who were to make the attack on the land-fide, not beginning
at the time agreed on, and the troops who were lying in wait by the
fea-fide, hearing a noiſe in the town, imagined the attack already
begun, and ruſhing out of their hiding-places, mounted the
walls, the valiant Ventagoya leading them on. Upon this the
guard and the whole garriſon being alarmed, defended the place
with great refolution. The Canarians, regardleſs of death, fell
in great numbers, as did alſo many of the Spaniards; but at length
the natives were repulfed. Pedro de Vera, fearing an ambush,
durft not venture beyond the trenches in purfuit of them, con-
tenting himſelf with ordering the whole garriſon to remain un-
der arms, left the Canarians fhould return the next night and re-
new the attack, whofe defperate valour he had already dearly ex-
perienced. Some time after this, Ventagoya, having contrived a
fort of ſcaling-ladder, came by night to the city, attended only by
one of his friends, and ſcaled the wall without being perceived,
leaving his comrade on the out-fide to watch. He then went to a
place where he knew horſes were kept, killed the centinel, who
was aſleep, and two horſes of Pedro de Vera's. Not being able to
do more miſchief without being diſcovered, he returned by the
way he entered; but in his retreat was perceived by a centinel,
who ſeeing a man going over the wall, threw a ſtone at him, which
ſtunned Ventagoy fo that he fell into the ditch. The centinel
hearing no more noiſe after his fall, and believing he was fome fol-
dier belonging to the garriſon, who wanted to flip away privately
to go a-fiſhing, was afraid he had killed him, and therefore did
not alarm the guard, but remained quiet on his poft. It feems
that, ſome time before this, Pedro had given orders that no fol-
dier
110
THE HISTORY OF
dier ſhould go out of the city in the night, on pain of death.
Ventagoya's comrade, who was waiting without, when he heard
the noiſe of his fall, fearing an alarm, durft not venture into the
ditch; but in a fhort time after, finding all quiet, he went in,
helped him out, with great filence, and then they went off toge-
ther; though Ventagoya was greatly hurt by the blow he received.
CHA P. XVII.
Juan Rejon comes the fourth time to the Canary Islands.
JUAN as
UAN REJON, as was faid before, having cleared his conduct
with regard to Pedro de Algava, and obtained a commiffion
to make the conqueft of the islands of Tenerife and Palma, failed
from Cadiz with four ſhips, having on board three hundred men
and twenty horfes; his wife and two of his
his wife and two of his young fons ac-
companying him in this voyage. He put into Gran Canaria, to
procure refreſhments and viſit his old acquaintance: however, he
did not land there, but proceeded on his voyage to Palma. It is
faid, that when Pedro de Vera heard of his arrival, he was greatly
alarmed, fearing to fuffer the fame fate with Pedro de Algava,
being conscious that he had injured Rejon by the treacher-
ous manner in which he had ſeized, and ſent him home pri-
foner. Therefore he fent Alonzo Jaimes, Juan Rejon's brother-
in-law, on board, to try to diffuade him from landing, which he
accompliſhed, and prevailed on him to proceed on his voyage,
by hinting, that his landing would only be productive of com-
motions in the city, as Pedro de Vera was determined to op-
poſe him by force, and alſo that it would greatly injure thoſe who
were his well-wishers in the island. Theſe reafons, together
with the intreaties and tears of his wife, Donna Elvira de Soto-
major, prevailed on him to depart. On his voyage, he was ob-
liged,
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
III
liged, by ſtreſs of weather, to put into Gomera, where he and his
family, with eight men, landed to refreſh themſelves after their
fatigues. The Gomerans brought them what refreſhments the
iſland afforded: but immediately diſpatched advice of their arrival
to Hernand Peraza, who thereupon fent fome of his people to
bring Juan Rejon before him; who refuſing to obey his orders,
they attempted to compel him by force, when a fcuffle enfued,
in which he was killed. Hernand Peraza immediately publiſhed
a manifefto, to clear himſelf of having any hand in his death; and
affirmed that he had only fent people to bring him before him to
give an account of his motives for landing on the iſland without
his licence. He then made a viſit to Donna Elvira, to clear him-
felf before her of the murder of her huſband, whom he cauſed to
be interred in the moſt honourable place of the great chapel, and
treated his widow and children with great tenderness and re-
fpect. Donna Elvira, however, feized the firſt opportunity to
write to her brother, Don Alonzo Jaimes, in Gran Canaria, an
account of all that had paffed, intreating him to come with all
ſpeed and take her out of the fight of her huſband's murderer.
He accordingly came, and reproached Hernand Peraza with baſely
affaffinating his brother, threatening him with his refentment.
But Peraza, with many imprecations on himſelf, afferted his in-
nocence. From Gomera Don Alonzo fet fail, with his fifter, for
Gran Canaria, where he would not land; but was vifited aboard
by the Governor and other officers of the city, who furniſhed her
with ſuch refreſhments as the iſland afforded. She then departed
for Spain, accompanied by her brother Don Alonzo Jaimes. All
the people who came with Juan Rejon for the conqueſt of Palma,
with the proviſions, were landed, and remained at Gran Canaria.
When Donna Elvira arrived at Caftille, fhe appeared with her
children before their Majefties Don Ferdinando and Ifabella, im-
ploring their compaffion, and begging that juftice might be exe-
cuted
112
THE HISTORY OF
cuted upon Hernand Peraza for the murder of her huſband,
which ſhe afferted he had before attempted, when Juan Rejon
went to Lancerota, in queſt of provifions for his Majeſty's troops
in Gran Canaria. The King and Queen were greatly moved
with the diſtreſs of the widow and orphans of Juan Rejon, to the
former of whom they affigned a penfion of twenty thouſand ma-
ravedis per
per annum, and gave her two houfes in Seville for her
refidence. They were pleaſed alſo to order a judge to go
over to the iſland of Gomera, there to make enquiry concern-
ing her huſband's murder, and to bring Hernand Peraza priſoner
to Caſtille. When Donna Elvira came to Seville, ſhe got intel-
ligence that the judge had been bribed by the Duke of Medina
Sidonia (who was a relation of Hernand Peraza), and that he
remained at Port St. Mary, under pretence of being fick; upon
which the applied again to their Majeſties, who appointed an-
other judge to go over with the ſame commiffion, which he exe-
cuted, and brought Hernand Peraza priſoner to Caſtille, where he
was detained ſome time; but being related to fome of the beſt
families in that kingdom, great application was made to their
Majefties for his life, and alfo to the widow Donna Elvira. By
means of theſe interceffions, he obtained his pardon, on condition
of ferving with ſome Gomerans in the reduction of Gran Canaria,
until it was conquered, on pain of death in caſe of non-compli-
But the principal cauſe which procured him his pardon,
was the following: there was at court at that time, one Donna
Beatriz Bobadilla, a lady of extreme beauty, and one of the
Queen's Maids of Honour, for whom the King was ſuppoſed
to have a paffion: now her Majefty thought ſhe had found a
good opportunity of getting rid of her rival from court in an
honourable way, by marrying her to Hernand Peraza. This de-
fign ſhe effected; and it is probable that on this account he ob-
tained his pardon, on condition of ferving in the conqueft of Gran
ance.
Canaria.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
113
Canaria. After the nuptials were celebrated, he embarked for
the Canary Iſlands, and arrived at Lancerota, where he and his
fair ſpouſe were kindly received by Diego de Herrera and Donna
Ignes Peraza. They afterwards went to Gomera, where he raiſed a
body of eighty of the natives, with whom he returned to Lan-
cerota, where he raiſed a number more, amounting in the whole
to one hundred and fifty men. With theſe and twelve horſes he
went to Gran Canaria, in order to fulfil the conditions of his
par-
don. On the firſt of February 1482, he landed at Gaete, where
Pedro de Vera had built the fort, as before-mentioned, the gar-
riſon of which was commanded by Alonzo Fernandez de Lugo;
from thence he wrote to Pedro de Vera, excufing himſelf for not
firſt waiting upon him at Palmas, giving as his reaſon, that
he had heard Don Alonzo Jaimes, brother to Donna Elvira,
was in that city, to whom he did not chuſe to give umbrage, and
begged he might be allowed to remain where he was.
This re-
queſt was granted; and the Governor managed matters ſo as to
bring about a reconciliation between him and Alonzo Jaimes.
A
CHA P.
A P. XVIII.
The Guanarteme of Galdar taken Priſoner.
Few days after the arrival of Hernand Peraza, at Gaete,
Pedro de Vera fent orders to him and Alonzo de Lugo to make
an incurfion upon the diſtrict of Galdar at a certain time, on which
he himſelf was to make another from the city of Palmas, that fo
the natives might be divided, and obliged to defend themſelves on
both fides at once. Accordingly Pedro de Vera fet out from Palmas
and marched towards Galdar, by the way of Arucas, where he halted
and remained all night; the fame night Alonzo de Lugo and
Hernand Peraza fet out from Gaete towards Galdar, by the
Q
way
i
114
HISTORY OF
THE
way
of Artenara, where they made a confiderable booty, and
killed feveral of the Canarians, but not without fome lofs on their
own fide, as the enemy fought deſperately to fave their flocks.
Early in the morning Peraza's party entered the villages of Gal-
dar, where they furpriſed and made prifoners the Guanarteme
Guanache Semeden, and fifteen other Canarians, together with
their wives and children, who had come from the mountains the
night before to fleep in their houfes, not fufpecting that the
Spaniards were fo near, for moſt of the natives were now obliged
to retire in ſmall bodies. After this, Peraza and Lugo ſent to
Pedro de Vera, who came and joined them with his party. They
then divided the fpoil, referving a fifth part for the King. After
which Peraza returned with his troops to Gaete, as did Pedro-
de Vera with his men to Palmas, carrying with him the Guanar-
teme of Galdar, by whofe means he hoped foon to become maſter
of the iſland; and the more readily to effect this end, he thought
proper to ſend him over to Spain to their Catholic Majeſties, to-
gether with four Gayres. He accordingly delivered them to the
charge of one Miguel Morifca, with orders to treat them well,
and make every thing as agreeable to them as he could. He
fent alſo with them an interpreter, one Juan Major, who under-
ſtood and ſpoke the Canarian language perfectly well. When they
arrived in Spain, they were fent to court, and prefented to the
King and Queen, who gave them a moſt gracious reception.
The Guanarteme took particular notice of every thing he faw
there, being ftruck with admiration at the wealth and power
of the Spaniſh nation, and the fplendor of its court; but above
all, at the magnificence and folemn grandeur of the Romish wor-
fhip: he fell on his knees before their Majefties, defiring to be
baptized, and begged they would condeſcend to be his ſponſors;
which request they condefcending to grant, he was accordingly
baptized by the name of Ferdinando. The King gave orders to
entertain
THE
115
CANARY ISLANDS.
entertain him fplendidly, and granted him and his companions li-
berty to return to Canaria. Before their departure, he made them
many preſents, exhorting them to use their utmoſt endeavours
to convert their countrymen, and bring them under obedience to
the crown of Spain; promifing at the fame time, that all thoſe
who ſhould voluntarily fubmit to his dominion, ſhould be pro-
tected by him in the full enjoyment of their liberties and effects.
THE Guanarteme then begged his majeſty would beſtow on
him the valley in Gran Canaria called Guayayedra, being a place
abounding with fig-trees and with paſture for his flocks; which
requeſt the King readily granted, and the Guanarteme expreffed
the moſt grateful ſenſe of that and the many other favours he had
received at his hands.
PEDRO DE VERA had written to court, ſetting forth the abſo-
lute neceffity there was for fending more troops and provifions to
the iſland, having loft many men in the different attacks on the
natives, by reafon of the extreme ruggedness of the mountains to
which they had retired. He alſo repreſented, that on account of
the long war, the ground lay uncultivated, ſo that no proviſion
was to be procured, excepting only a few ſheep and goats, which
his people ſometimes took from the natives, in their different in-
curfions againſt them, and at the utmoſt hazard of their lives.
His Majeſty, taking this into conſideration, gave Miguel Moriſca
orders to go to the mountains of Biſcay, and raiſe two hundred men
with all poflible diligence. With theſe recruits Miguel Moriſca
embarked for Canaria, taking with him Guanache Semeden,
Guanarteme of Galdar, the four Gayres, and Juan Major the in-
terpreter, to whom and his heirs the King made a perpetual grant
of the office of Alguazil Major of Gran Canaria; which office
his deſcendants have long fince loft by their neglect and abuſe of it.
WHILE
Q²
116
OF
THE HISTORY
WHILE Miguel de Morifca was at court, he begged that their
Majefties, would allow Hernand Peraza the liberty to return to
his iſland of Gomera; which requeſt they were graciouſly pleaſed
to grant.
С HA P. XIX.
The Holy Brotherhood* of Andalufia fend Troops to Canaria.
IMMI
MMEDIATELY after the departure of Miguel Moriſca with his
two hundred Biscayners (most of whom were bowmen) the
King fent orders to the Holy Brotherhood of Andalufia to furniſh
the Commiffioners of the Conqueft with two companies of Gi-
netes, or light-horſe, and a company of bowmen, in all one hun-
dred and fifty foot and fifty-five horſe; which they put on board
five ſhips at St. Lucar de Barameda. Theſe ſhips met with a ſtorm
in their paffage, which obliged them to put into Lancerota,
where ſhe was loft going into the harbour of Recife, but the
crew were faved, and fent from thence by Diego de Herrera to
Canaria, where the other four arrived in ſafety, to the
faction of the Spaniards who were on that iſland.
great fatis--
Pedro de Vera, now finding himſelf well ſupplied with men
and proviſions, ſet out to attack the Canarians in the mountains.
Theſe people, on the arrival of the Guanarteme of Galdar from
Spain, were ſtruck with aſtoniſhment at the wonderful things he
related to them concerning that country, and of the power of the
Spaniards; for, in order to perfuade the Canarians to yield obe-
dience to the King of Spain, the Guanarteme had gone to Galdar,
where he affembled all the chiefs of the people, and reprefented to
*The Santa Hermandad, or Holy Brotherhood, was inftituted in Spain in
times of great confufion, to fupprefs robbers.
them
t
THE CANARY
117
ISLAND S.
LANDS.
them the power of the Spaniards, and how vain and imprudent.
it would be to attempt to hold out any longer againſt them : and
that ſuch obftinacy could only end in their deftruction. Some
were moved with his reaſons, and accordingly came and ſubmitted
themſelves; but far the greateſt part refuſed to give ear to his
advice, and proceeded to elect for their General the valiant Taſ-
arte, and for their King the ſon of the late Guanaterme of Telde,
but not till they had firſt offered the fovereignty of the iſland to
Don Ferdinando, late King of Galdar, whom they entreated to
quit the party of the Spaniards, and take his chance with them.
On his refuſing their offer, they reproached him with having
abandoned his brethren, to fide with a people guilty of breach
of faith to thoſe who embraced their religion, and fubmitted to
them; alleging at the fame time ſeveral inſtances of the Spaniſh
perfidy, and among the reft, that of Pedro de Vera's having tre-
panned the two hundred Canarians out of the iſland, under the
pretence of fending them to Tenerife, to fight againſt the Guan-
ches. They told him, that as foon as the Spaniards fhould have
brought all the natives under ſubjection, they would behave to
them juſt in the ſame manner; for "What confidence, faid they,
can we repofe in a people, who are not afhamed to break their
promiſes and engagements? As to us, rather than fubmit, we
will retire to the rugged mountains and inacceffible parts of
the iſland, whither we will drive our flocks; and by fortifying the
paffes, we ſhall be able to maintain our independence, and defend
ourſelves to the laſt." Don Ferdinando, the Guanarteme, ſeeing
their obftinacy, returned to Palinas, and gave an account of
what paffed to Pedro de Vera, who thereupon refolved immedi-
ately to attack the Canarians. He for that purpoſe gathered to-
gether all his troops, except thofe which he left to garriſon the
city of Palmas, and went to lay fiege to the fortified pafs of Ven-
tagoya, which he invefted by blockade, and continued before it
fifteen
118
THE HISTORY OF
fifteen days, imagining he ſhould oblige the natives, who were
fhut up there with their wives and children, to furrender or periſh
by hunger; but in this he was miſtaken, for they had with them
provifions for fome months. When he underſtood this, he marched
againſt the paſs, in order to force it fword in hand, but was vi-
gorously repulfed by the natives, with the lofs of eight men, and
feveral wounded; for as foon as they perceived him approaching,
they tumbled down huge ftones from the precipices upon him
and his people, and threw ſuch a ſhower of ſtones and darts, that
they were glad to retreat. Defpairing of ſucceſs, he moved off
towards Tirarano and Acayro, where he took a great quantity of
cattle. From thence he marched againſt another natural fortrefs,
called Titana, a place of great ſtrength, which ſome of the na-
tives, who had retired thither, had rendered ſtill ſtronger by art,
and where they thought themſelves perfectly ſecure, therefore
were careless, and kept no look out to obſerve the enemy's mo-
tions. But Pedro de Vera and his troops, joined by ſome of the
converted natives, came fuddenly upon them, killed twenty of the
Canarians, furprized and ſeized the fortreſs, together with all
the provifions therein. However, as foon as the natives found
that the Spaniards had deſerted Titana after plundering it, they
returned thither, fortified it anew, and took care to keep a bet-
ter look-out than they had done before. Pedro de Vera proceeded
next to a ſtrong hold called Aradar, ſituated about a gun-ſhot up
from the bottom of an hill. It was furrounded by ſteep rocks,
having only one narrow paſs that led to a natural gallery above,
which went round the mountain; above that gallery was another
row of ſteep precipices, having a narrow path leading to the top
of the mountain, which was level, and had a ſpring of excellent
water. Thither fome of the Canarians retired for fecurity, with
their children and effects. The Spaniards forced this place alfo,
taking many prifoners, with much cattle, and killing thoſe who
defended
THE CANARY
119
ISLANDS.
1
defended the paffes: two women, to avoid falling into the ene-
my's hands, threw themſelves down from a precipice, and were
daſhed in pieces; the precipice has been ever fince named Rifco
de las Mugeres, i. e. the Women's Rock. From thence the
Spaniards proceeded to another hold called Fataga, which they
forced alfo. The natives who followed Tafarte, obſerving the
force of the Spaniards to increaſe daily, and that their ſteep and
rugged precipices could not fecure them from the approaches of
the enemy, took the counfel of Don Ferdinando of Galdar, and
fubmitted to Pedro de Vera; among theſe were the Faycag, uncle
of Don Ferdinando. The valiant Tafarte however did not follow
the example of his countrymen, but ſeeing himſelf deſerted, and
that none of his tribe were willing to ftand by him and make head
againſt the Spaniards, he refolved to die rather than fubmit, and
accordingly went to the top of a ſteep precipice, where calling
out aloud, Atirtiſma! Atirtiſma! (which was the manner in which
the Canarians invoked God) he threw himſelf headlong down,
and periſhed.
PEDRO DE VERA ſtill continued his progrefs, hunting the dif-
treffed Canarians from their feveral caverns and hiding-places,
until he came to a ſtrong hold called Ajodar, where moſt of them
were gathered together, with their wives and children, refolved to
defend themſelves to the laſt extremity, and to throw themſelves
over the precipices rather than fubmit to their enemy. The Go-
vernor and all the officers, with the Guanarteme of Galdar, were
of opinion, that it would be beſt to make the attack on that fide
next the ſea. Accordingly he fent moſt of the troops that way,
with directions to the officer who commanded them, not to be-
gin the attack till fuch time as he ſhould fend him orders,
intending to ſtorm the place on both fides at once. But this
officer (Miguel de Morifca) and the Bifcayners who were with
4
him,
120
THE HISTORY OF
him, being animated with a deſire of revenge for the loſs ſuſtained
at Ventagoya, did not adhere to the directions given them by Pe-
dro de Vera, thinking they were dictated by cowardice or over-
caution, and began boldly to climb the rocks, until they arrived
at the firſt ſtation, where they found no one to diſpute the paſ-
fage againſt them. The Canarians, having all this time been
reconnoitring their motions, fuffered them to proceed unmo-
leſted until they had all entered the firſt paſs; when on a ſudden
giving a great ſhout, they tumbled down an immenfe quantity of
huge ſtone upon them from the adjacent heights. The Spaniards,
unable to reſiſt this unexpected attack, fought their ſafety by
flight, but in vain, for the paſs by which they had aſcended was
ſo very narrow and ſteep, that they could only crawl down one
by one on all fours: and now a moſt dreadful carnage of the fu-
gitives enfued, Miguel Moriſca and moſt of the Biſcayners being
flaughtered by the natives. But Pedro de Vera, coming up on the
other fide, prevented their total deſtruction; and Don Ferdinando
of Galdar, whom the natives ſtill reſpected, prevailed on them to
ſpare many of their lives.
THE number of the natives affembled at Ajodar, at the time
they were attacked by the Spaniards, is faid to have been about
three hundred. After this defeat, the fevereft the Spaniards
had ever experienced fince their firſt attempting the conqueft of
the iſland, Pedro de Vera retired to Palmas, to take care of his
wounded, of which there was a great number, and above fifty
were left dead upon the ſpot.
CHAP.
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
121
f
CHA P. XX.
The Sequel of the Conqueft.
EDRO DE VERA, after having made fome ſtay at Palmas, to
PED
refreſh his troops and recover thoſe that were wounded,
muſtered all his forces, confifting of Caftillians, the natives of
Lancerota, Fuertaventura, and the other iſlands, with the Com-
panies of the Holy Brotherhood, as alfo fome of the reduced
Canarians, amounting in the whole to about a thouſand men.
Theſe he completely furniſhed with arms and all other ne-
ceffaries, determining to make an end of the conqueft before he
returned to Palmas.
FINDING by his fpies, that all the Canarians were affembled at
Anfite, a place deemed impregnable, together with their wives.
and children, he marched thither, and pitched his camp at the
bottom of the mountain. Don Ferdinando of Galdar, knowing
that his countrymen were determined to die rather than furren-
der to the Spaniards, went, with the confent of the Governor, to
try what he could do with them by the means of perfuafion. So
foon as they beheld their old Guanarteme, they crowded about
him with loud acclamations, and every one prefent wept a long
time before they were able to utter a word: the Guanarteme
wept alfo in ſympathy, and obferved a profound filence. The
number of the natives then affembled was about fix hundred
fighting men, and a thouſand women and children, among whom
were all the nobles, with the Faycag, and the young Guanarteme
of Telde. This youth was on the point of being married to the
King of Galdar's daughter, then preſent, by which marriage he
purpoſed to make himſelf King of the whole iſland. After their grief
R
began
122
THE HISTORY OF
began to find vent in words, Don Ferdinando, in an eloquent
ſpeech, accompanied with tears, conjured them to have com-
paffion on their wives and children, and to lay afide all thoughts
of refiftance, which would only end in their own deftruction;
adding, that he would take upon him to be anſwerable for the
Spaniards, that they ſhould treat them well; protect them in the
poffeffion of their liberties and effects; and that eſpecial regard
fhould be had to the rank and dignity of the nobles, which ſhould
in nowife ſuffer. With thefe and the like foothing fpeeches,
he at length prevailed on the natives to furrender, which they did
by throwing down their arms, and at the ſame time ſetting up
a diſmal howling and crying. The young Guanarteme of Telde,
ſeeing his hopes thus blafted, went to the brow of a precipice,
accompanied by the old Faycag, where embracing each other,
and calling out Atirtiſma! they threw themſelves down and
periſhed together. When the tumult and weeping were a little
fubfided, Don Ferdinando brought the Canarians down to the camp
(among whom was his own daughter Tenefhoia) and prefented them.
to Pedro de Vera, by whom they were courteously received
and entertained: he felt no ſmall fatisfaction to ſee the natives
ſo eaſily brought in, being fenfible, that, if they had refolved not
to hearken to the perfuafions of Don Ferdinando to furrender, he
could not have made himſelf mafter of the place without much
bloodshed. The Biſhop, Don Juan de Frias, who was then pre-
ſent, having a few days before arrived from Lancerota, ſung Te
Deum on the occafion. This event happened on the 29th of
April, 1483, being ſeventy-ſeven years after the firſt attempt upon
the iſland by John de Betancour.
CHAP.
i
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
123
THE
CHA P. XXI.
Confequences of the Surrender of Anfite.
HE day of the furrender of Anfite is held annually as a
great feftival throughout the iſland of Canaria, by a
folemn proceffion, in which is carried the ſtandard that was then •
in the camp, it being depoſited in the church of St. Anna, pa-
tronefs of the iſland and mother of the Virgin. Don Ferdinando's
daughter Teneſhoia was baptized by the name of Donna Cathe-
rina, and married to Don Ferdinando de Guzman, ſon of Alonzo
Guzman, nephew to Ferdinand Perez, Lord of Vatres and Alcu-
billette, in the Kingdom of Toledo; of which marriage are de-
fcended the Guzmans of Galdar, in Canaria. Don Ferdinando
of Galdar had another daughter, named Tenaguan, who was
married to a perſon of the name of Betancour, a fon of one of the
Norman Betancours by a daughter of the King of Lancerota.
Ferdinando himſelf was afterwards killed by the Guanches, in an
expedition to Tenerife. When the troops returned from the
conqueſt to the city of Palmas, the Standard-bearer, Don Alonzo
Jaimes de Sotomajor, aſcended the tower, and, waving the
ſtandard, called out three times, Canaria, Canaria, the Gran
Canaria, now belongs to their high and moſt potent Majeſties,
Don Ferdinando and Donna Iſabella, King and Queen of Caſtille
and Leon." The island thus happily reduced, the Governor
fent back to Spain what troops were remaining of thoſe which
had been ſent out to him by the Holy Brotherhood; with them
went many officers and gentlemen, who did not chufe to fettle
in the iſland, but were rather defirous to ſerve in the conqueſt of
Granada. Pedro de Vera ſent advice by them to their Majefties
of the entire reduction of the island, at the faine time recom-
(6
R 2
mending
124
THE HISTORY OF
mending thoſe who had ſerved faithfully in the war, to the royal
favour; and alſo requeſting that people might be ſent over to in-
habit the iſland. The news gave the King entire ſatisfaction;
he immediately ordered great part of the lands in Canaria to
be diſtributed among the foldiers, according to their rank and
merit; and granted extraordinary privileges and immunities to
thoſe that went to fettle in the iſland, who, for the moſt part,
• were people from the province of Andalufia, particularly from
the county of Niebla. He ordered a number of fruit-trees, plants,
and ſugar-canes to be fent to Canaria, from the iſland of Ma-
deira, which throve and multiplied there exceedingly, the foil
and climate being extremely well adapted to the growth of al-
moſt every kind of vegetable. The bishop and Governor diſtri-
buted the children of the Canarians of both fexes amongſt the
Spaniards, to be inftructed in the faith and doctrine of the church
of Rome; and, to avoid fcandal, the girls were committed to
the charge of the married women, and the boys to the unmar-
ried men.
AGREEABLE to their Majefties inftructions, the Governor,
Pedro de Vera, chofe from among the gentry twelve Regidores*,
to govern the iſland in civil matters, with a Secretary, Alguazil
Major, Under-clerks, and Alguazils, with other civil officers:
theſe were called the Cavildo. The Biſhop, Don Juan de Frias,
earneſtly defired to have his fee removed from Rubicon, in Lan-
cerota, to the city of Palmas, which he obtained ſome years
after, in the pontificate of Pope Innocent VIII, to the great
• The twelve Regidores were Pedro Garcia de St. Domingo, Fernando del Pra-
do, Diego de Sorita, Francifco de Torquemada, Francifco de Efpinofa, Martin de
Escalante, Alonzo Jaimes de Sotomajor, Pedro de Vurgos the Standard-bearer, Juan
de Severio, Juan Malfucnte, Juan de Majorga, and Diego Miguel; all of whom
were employed in the conqueft. The office of Regidore is much the fame as that.
of the Twenty-four before mentioned,
fatisfaction
THE
125
CANARY ISLAND S.
/
fatisfaction of Pedro de Vera and the reſt of the inhabitants of
Gran Canaria.
On the 20th of February, 1487, at Salamanca, this iſland was,
with great folemnity, incorporated into the crown of Caftille,
with the title of Kingdom, and declared free from all pechos and
alcavalas*. In the fame year, Pope Innocent VIII gave the pa-
tronage of the bishopric of Canaria, with its benefices, to the
King of Spain and his fucceffors for ever.
IN 1499, the King of Spain fent a body of laws and charters
to Canaria, for the government of its inhabitants; and at the
ſame time confirmed certain regulations which had been for-
merly made by the natives..
IN 1515, the Emperor Charles V gave to the city of Palmas,
the title of Noble and Royal City of Palmas: before that time
it was called the town of Palmas.
CHAP.
XXII.
DIE
Of the Death of Diego de Herrera.
IEGO DE HERRERA, after having made divers incurfions in-
to the unconquered Canary Iſlands, as has been mentioned
in the courſe of this hiftory, befides many others on the coaſt of
Barbary, adjacent to theſe iſlands, fell fick, and died in Fuer-
taventura, the 22d of June, 1485, aged ſeventy years and upwards:
he was buried in the monaftery of St. Buenaventura, which
himſelf had founded. One Gonzalo Argote de Molina, one of
the Twenty-four of Seville, and who was married to Donna Ju-
* Certain inland duties paid in Spain..
ana.
126
OF
THE HISTORY
ana de Ayala, daughter of Don Auguſtin Herrera, Marquis of Lan-
cerota, cauſed the following infcription to be placed on his tomb.
Here lies
The noble Knight, DIEGO DE HERRERA,
Lord and Conqueror of the Seven Iſlands, the Kingdom of Gran Canaria,
and of the Narrow Sea of Barbary,
Thirteenth of the Order of St. Lago,
one of the Council to King Henry IV, and to their
Catholic Majeſties, Don Ferdinando and Donna Iſabella.
One of the Twenty-four of the City of Seville,
Founder of this Convent, and Son of the noble Pedro Garcia de Ferrera *
(Marſhal of Caſtille, Lord of the Village of Ampudia and of
the Houſe and Village of Ayala; Captain-general of the Sea-coaft
of Guipifcoa, one of the King's Council) by his Wife
Donna Maria de Ayala Sarmiento.
He fubdued and made Vaffals
Nine Kings of Tenerife,
and Two of Gran Canaria.
He carried his victorious Arms over to Barbary, where he led captive
many Moors.
In Africa he built the Caſtle of Mar Pequeno†, which he afterwards
defended againſt the Sheriff and his army.
He was at war with Three Nations at once,
Portugueze, Pagans, and Moors;
All whom he vanquiſhed without Affiſtance from any Crowned Head.
He married Donna Ignes Peraza de las Cafas, Heiress of theſe Iſlands.
* Or Herrera; F and H in Spaniſh being often uſed. indifferently at the beginning
of a word.
+ Mar Pequeno, i. e. Little or Narrow Sea; fo called becauſe that Caſtle was
built upon the coaft of the narrow fea or channel which feparates Lancerota and
Fuertaventura from the Coaft of Africa.
How
1
EL
THE
127
CANARY ISLANDS.
How far Diego de Herrera deferved this pompous epitaph,
the reader may judge by what he has ſeen of his atchievements in the
courſe of this hiftory. He left behind him three fons and two
daughters, namely, Pedro Garcia de Herrera, Sancho Herrera, and
Hernand Peraza; the daughters were Donna Maria de Ayala,
who was married to Diego de Sylva, Count of Pontalegre, in
Portugal; and Donna Conftanzo Sarmiento, married to Pedro
Hernandez de Sayavedra, Marſhal of Sahara. Some time before
his death, he divided his eftate on the islands between Sancho
Herrera and Hernand Peraza.
To Hernand Peraza, who was his favourite, he left the iſlands
Gomera and Hierro. This man was fucceeded by a fon which
he had by his wife Donna Beatriz Bobadilla, named Guillen Peraza
de Ayala, and ſtiled Count of Gomera. He fold the two islands for
ſeven thouſand ducats to his own fon Don Diego de Ayala : he
died in 1567, and his fon in 1586.
To his fon Sancho Herrera he bequeathed a certain portion of
the rent and juriſdiction of the iſlands Lancerota and Fuertaven-
tura, with the uninhabited iſlands of Alegranza, Lobos, and Santa
Chara, together with fome lands in Spain. One of his deſcendants,.
named Auguſtin Herrera, was fent by Philip II, with three hun-
dred men to the iſland of Madeira*, as Captain-general thereof,
with the title of Count. For his fervices there, he was created
Marquis of Lancerota, in the year 1582; he died in 1586, and
was fucceeded by his fon, alſo called Auguſtin Herrera.
*Philip II of Spain reduced Portugal, with all its dependencies, in fubjection
to the crown of Spain, and among the reft the iſland of Madeira. I ſuppoſe this
Auguſtin Herrera was fent, with the three hundred men above-mentioned, to take
poffeffion of it. I imagine it was his fon whom the Earl of Cumberland intended
to furprize in the year 1596.
5:
CHA P..
128
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. XXIII.
Pedro de Vera goes to the Iſland of Gomera.
WHILE Pedro de Vera was governing Gran Canaria in
peace, to the fatisfaction of the inhabitants, and enjoying
the fruit of his labours in the conqueft, he received letters from
Lancerota, from Donna Ignes Peraza, widow of Diego de Herrera,
informing him that her fon, Hernand Peraza, was in great danger
at Gomera, the natives there having rebelled againſt him. She
entreated his affiftance to quell them, and at the fame time fent
ſome veffels and troops to join thoſe he might be pleaſed to order
from Gran Canaria.
PEDRO DE VERA immediately gathered what men he could
ſpare, embarked them on board two veffels that were in the
port of Inletes and thoſe from Fuertaventura, and failed for
Gomera, where he found Hernand Peraza befieged in a tower
by the natives; who, when they ſaw the ſhips, raiſed the ſiege,
and took refuge in a ftrong place in the mountains. Pedro de
Vera went in purſuit of, and took them prifoners. Some of them
he put to death for an example; the reſt he pardoned at the in-
terceffion of Hernand Peraza, but he carried two hundred of
them to Gran Canaria, leaving Peraza and Donna Beatriz Boba-
dilla, much pleaſed with his conduct. After his departure, Her-
nand Peraza began to treat the natives with great rigour, friends
as well as foes: and not content with the charms of his beautiful
wife, Donna Beatriz Bobadilla, he became enamoured of a hand-
fome Gomeran girl, who lived in a cave in the diſtrict of Guahe-
dun, near to which he had fome corn-fields. When the natives
underſtood this, they concerted with the girl how they might
feize
THE
129
CANARY ISLANDS.
feize him. She accordingly made an appointment with Peraza,
at a certain place, to which he came attended only by his Gentle-
man and Page, who had endeavoured all they could, but in vain,
to diffuade him from going. One Pablo Hapalupu, an old man,
much refpected by the natives, was at the head of the confpiracy.
It ſeems this man had fome time before adviſed Hernand Peraza
to uſe the Gomerans as his children, and not to treat them with
ſeverity; which wholeſome counſel ſo offended the Governor,
that he ever after ſhewed a diſlike and fufpicion of him, infomuch
that Pablo imagined his life was in danger from the unlimited
power with which he knew Peraza to be inveſted. Peraza found
his miſtreſs in a cave, accompanied only by an old woman; he
accordingly went in to her, ordering his Gentleman and Page to
wait for him in another cave at a little diftance. As foon as Ha-
palupu * and his confederates had notice of his being come, they
haftened thither; on their way they met a relation of the young
woman's, called Hautacuperche, who was greatly offended at Pe-
raza's intrigue with the damfel, and wanted only an opportunity
to revenge the affront offered to his family. When he underſtood
their design of feizing Peraza, he urged them to make all the
expedition they could, and not to wait for Pablo, who was un-
able to keep pace with them; adding, that he would run be-
fore them to the mouth of the cave.
When the girl heard the
fhe told Peraza to put on
noife of people approaching the cave,
his cloaths with all expedition, for that her relations were com-
ing to take him. Upon which he flipped on a woman's garment,
to diſguiſe himſelf, and came running out; but as he was mak-
ing off, the old woman cried out, "That is the man running
away in woman's cloaths, ftop him! ftop him!" When he heard
her give the alarm, and found he was diſcovered, he returned in-
*My author fays, this man's defign was only to apprehend Peraza, but for what
end he does not mention.
S
to
130
HISTORY OF
THE
to the cave, faying, "If I am to be taken or killed, it ſhall not
be in a woman's drefs." So putting on his own cloaths and coat
of mail, and taking his target and ſword, he came to the mouth
of the cave. Hautacuperche was then ſtanding above, watching
his coming out, armed with a wooden dart with a long fpike in
the head of it; when he ſaw Peraza, he darted his weapon down
upon him, which entering between the joints of his armour,
pierced his neck and went through the midſt of his body; ſo that
he fell down dead on the fpot: they alfo killed his Gentleman
and Page. When the old man, Pablo Hapalupu, faw the Go-
vernor was killed, he wept bitterly, telling thoſe who were pre-
fent, that their wives and children would rue the confequences
of this bloody day's work. The old man furvived this prophetic
fpeech but a few days. After the death of Hernand Peraza, the
Gomerans, who were acceflary to his murder, went to the moun-
tains to acquaint their countrymen with what had been done,
rejoicing and crying out in their language, "The Ganigo of
Guahedun is broken!" The Ganigo was a fort of earthen veſſel,
out of which the natives, when met together to feaſt on public
occafions, uſed to eat victuals or drink milk; therefore, fome of
them (alluding to that cuſtom) when they faw crowds of people
running to view the dead body of Hernand Peraza, ſaid that they
went to drink milk out of the Ganigo of Guahedun.
DONNA Beatriz Bobadilla found means to procure the dead
body of her huſband, which ſhe immediately interred, and then
in all haſte retired, with her children and the principal inha-
bitants of the town, into the caſtle at the port. They were
fcarcely entered the fortrefs, when it was furrounded and cloſely
befet by the Gomerans, who wanted either to kill or take Donna
Beatriz priſoner. They blocked up the caſtle many days, and re-
duced thoſe that were ſhut up in it to very great ſtraits, although
-6
they
THE
131
CANARY ISLAND S.
t
they were fecretly ſupplied with neceffaries by fome of the inha-
bitants of the town and by fome of the natives of the diftrict of
Orone. The befiegers attempted to force their way into the
caſtle; but thoſe that were within kept them off with ſtones and
arrows, with which they happened to be well provided. Hauta-
cuperche was the moſt active among the affailants in carrying on
the fiege: he was fo dexterous that he caught all the arrows
ſhot at him with his hand as they flew. At length Alonzo de
Campo fent Antonio de la Pena to the top of the tower, to en-
deavour to decoy him to the bottom of it, near a loop-hole, from
whence he might take aim at him with a croſs-bow. This arti-
fice had the defired effect, fo that Alonzo de Campo ſhot him dead
through the loop-hole with an arrow. When the natives faw the
death of Hautacuperche, and knew that Donna Beatriz had fent
advice of the murder of her huſband to Pedro de Vera, they were
afraid of his return to the iſland, and therefore raiſed the ſiege,
retiring to a ftrong inacceffible place in the mountain. When
advice of the murder came to Pedro de Vera, he muſtered four
hundred men, embarked them on board fix fhips and barks,
and failed with them to Gomera, where he found the beautiful
widow in the caftle, fhe being afraid to venture out, although
the fiege was raiſed. Pedro de Vera, after the compliments of
condolence, concerted meaſures with her for apprehending and
punishing the murderers of her huſband.
THE mutineers had fhut themfelves up among the mountains,
in a ſtrong natural fortreſs named Garagonohe, which could not
be forced. Pedro de Vera, fearing left the reſt of the inhabitants
of the island might oppoſe his defigns, caufed public proclama-
tion to be made, commanding all the Gomerans, on pain of death,
to come to the church, in order to be preſent at the funeral ho-
nours which were to be paid to the remains of Hernand Peraza.
$ 2
They
132
OF
THE HISTORY
They accordingly came on the appointed day, without fear, not
being conſcious of having done any thing to incur the diſpleaſure
of the Spaniards, and were all made priſoners.
THEN Pedro de Vera marched againſt thoſe who were in the
ftrong hold of Garagonohe, and at length enticed them, by fair words
and promiſes, to furrender. He then brought them to the town
at the port, where, notwithſtanding his promiſe that he would do
them no harm, he condemned to death all thofe of the diſtricts
of Agane and Orone, who were above fifteen years of age. This
unjuſt ſentence (for thoſe concerned in the murder were few) was
executed with great rigour, fome being hanged, others drowned,
and others drawn afunder by horfes. Not content with this ſe-
verity, he cauſed the hands and feet of many of the Gomerans to
be cut off, and baniſhed others. A villain named Alonzo de Cota,
who was carrying a number of the baniſhed in a ſhip to Lance-
rota, threw them overboard in the paffage. The wives and chil-
dren of thoſe who had been put to death were fold for flaves.
After this horrid maffacre, Pedro de Vera returned to his
ment of Canaria. On his arrival there, from information which
he had received at Gomera, that the natives of that iſland who
lived in Canaria, had fent to their countrymen in Gomera, ex-
horting them to murder Hernand Peraza, in cafe he ſhould at-
tempt to maltreat or diſhonour their wives or daughters, affirming
that they were reſolved to do the fame by any one who ſhould
offer fuch an infult to them or theirs in Canaria; on this informa-
tion, I fay, he caufed all the Gomerans refiding in Canaria to be
ſeized in one night, amounting to about two hundred, men, wo-
men, and children: the men he put to death, and fold the wo-
men and children for flaves.
govern-
WHEN the Biſhop, Don Juan de Frias, heard of theſe proceed-
ings, he was greatly incenſed at the Governor for his barbarity :
however,
C
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
133
however, he went, and calmly expoftulated with him on the im-
propriety of felling Chriſtian children. The Governor replied,
that they were not Chriftians, but children of infidels, murderers
of Hernand Peraza, and who would have murdered him alſo.
To this the biſhop made anſwer, "As to you, you muſt at laſt
appear before God, to anſwer for the bloody maffacre of theſe
people, the cry of whofe innocent blood hath reached to heaven;
but as for me, I will excommunicate all thoſe who have had or ſhall
have any hand in fending thoſe children out of the iſland." Upon
this the Governor told him, that if he gave his tongue ſuch liberty
or continued to talk to him in that ftrain, he would clap a red-
hot fcull-cap on his head. Upon this the Biſhop returned home,
much grieved at the Governor's behaviour to him, as well as at
his inhuman treatment of the Gomerans. As foon as he conve-
niently could, he embarked for Spain, where he complained to
their Majeſties of Caſtille againſt Pedro de Vera, for his unjuſt
and cruel behaviour to the Gomerans.
THEIR Majefties, Don Ferdinando and Donna Ifabella, ordered
enquiry to be made into the cauſe of this complaint; which was
accordingly done; and the Biſhop's accufation appeared to be well.
grounded. Upon which the King gave orders to fet all the Go-
meran priſoners at liberty, and that thoſe who had bought them.
ſhould have a claim upon the fellers for their money..
THE Bishop, Don Juan de Frias, died foon after he had
formed this good office for the Gomerans..
per
My author does not mention the cauſe of the firft inſurrection
of the Gomerans againſt Hernand Peraza; but we may eaſily ob-
-ferve, by what has been already mentioned, that his oppreffion oc--
cafioned the ſecond; for the intimacy between the girl and Pe-
raza.
134
OF
THE
HISTORY
raza was not with her confent, otherwife fhe would not have be-
trayed him into the hands of her relations; but he forced her to
it by his abfolute power, which no one on the island durft refift.
We might here compare the behaviour of John de Betancour
and that of Pedro de Vera in fimilar circumſtances, and obferve
the difference: for had the complaint made by Donna Beatriz to
de Vera been made to John de Betancour, he would have told
her, that her huſband had received the due reward of his actions,
from men fenfible of their injured honour. But people of nar-
row minds cannot conceive any other method of ruling thofe
whom they call barbarians than by down-right force and ſe-
verity.
PEDRO DE VERA, a fhort time after was recalled from his.go-
vernment, which was partly owing to the complaints of the
Biſhop, and partly to his being an experienced commander in
mountainous countries, knowing well how to diflodge an enemy
from ſtrong inacceffible places, like thofe of Gran Canaria; and
as the mountains of Granada, from which the King was defirous
to drive the Moors, are full of ſuch places, his Majeſty thought
Pedro de Vera might be employed there to good purpoſe. With
this view he fent for him, received him gracioufly, and made
him a Marſhal and Commiffary of War in Granada, in which he
acquired great reputation: but he took his being recalled much
to heart, fenfible that the Bishop's complaints against him had
been the real occafion thereof.
PEDRO DE VERA had fix fons, one of whom, named Hernando
de Vera, being diſguſted with their Majefties, and blinded by
paffion, wrote fome fatirical verfes againſt them, which he fhewed
privately to fome of his friends, who again handed them about to
others, till at length they came to the fight of the King and
Queen,
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
135
3
count.
Queen, who, on reading them, were fo much irritated, that
they fent a judge to Xeres de la Frontera, where the real
author of the libel refided, in order to difcover the writer. In
confequence of which enquiry, the Tiniente of the town was
convicted, and condemned to loſe his head in the market-place;
which fentence was accordingly put in execution: feveral other
perfons in Xeres were banished the kingdom on the fame ac-
Hernando de Vera, having obferved the ftorm gathering
fome time before, fled to Portugal; but a great reward being of-
fered for apprehending him, he did not think himſelf ſafe in
that kingdom, and therefore went to the iſland of Gomera, where
he put himſelf under the protection of Donna Beatriz Bobadilla,
who lay under great obligations to his father, as he had relieved
her when in diſtreſs by reſcuing her out of the hands of the Go-
merans. But Queen Ifabella having caufed public proclamation to
be made, that whofoever ſhould bring Hernando de Vera prifoner,
fhould be pardoned of whatever crime he had committed, and
fhould alſo receive a great reward; Donna Beatriz Bobadilla,
having an earneſt defire to return to Caſtille, but not daring to
attempt it for fear of the Queen's jealoufy, thought ſhe had now
found a favourable opportunity of accompliſhing her deſign, and
therefore moſt ungratefully feized the perſon of de Vera, kept.
him cloſe confined, and fome time after embarking on board a
ſhip with her valuable prize, failed for Spain; but being forced
by bad weather to put into Madeira, the Portugueze there, un-
derſtanding that Donna Beatriz Bobadilla was carrying a fon of
Pedro de Vera prifoner to Spain, intreated her to permit him
to come aſhore to refreſh himſelf, out of the regard they had to
the memory of his father, whom they knew and reſpected; but
Donna Beatriz refuſing their requeſt, they got together a number
• The Tiniente, i. e. Lieutenant, of any town in Spain, is the civil magiftrate:
next in dignity to the Corregidor.
of:
136
&c.
THE HISTORY,
of boats and boarding the fhip, took him out by force, and car-
ried him on ſhore. Soon after they fent him to Portugal, and
left Donna Beatriz Bobadilla to return to Gomera, covered with
ignominy, and the abhorrence and derifion of all who had heard
of her black ingratitude and juſt diſappointment.
DE VERA was fo imprudent, fome time after his arrival
in Portugal, to quit that kingdom and go to Andalufia, where
he was feized; but, by the affiftance of his relations, found
means to eſcape. At length his father, repreſenting to their
Majeſties his own long and faithful fervices, and interceding for
his fon's pardon, it was granted him, on condition of his ſerving
in the garrison of Mellila, in Barbary, with fome horſe, at his
own coft. He accordingly went thither, but died foon after his
arrival in that country. His father, Pedro de Vera, being very
old, fell fick, and died at Xeres de la Frontera, where he was bu-
ried, in the monaſtery of St. Dominick, which he had built and
endowed, as a burial-place for himſelf and all thoſe of the name
of Vera.
THE
!
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
DISCOVERY and CONQUEST
OF THE
CANARY ISLANDS.
BOOK THI R D.
CHA P. I.
Of the Iland of Palma, and of the ancient Inhabitants thereof;
their Manners, Customs, Worship, &c.
T is not pofitively known how this iſland came firſt to be
called Palma. In all probability it received this name from
IT
the Europeans at the time of their diſcovering it, for the natives
called it Benahoare, which, in their language, fignifies My
Country*. When the Europeans first landed on this iſland, it
produced no fort of corn, or eatable roots, excepting the roots of
fern, of which the natives made meal (as the inhabitants of this
and fome other of the Canary Iſlands do to this day), and alfo of
the feed of a tree or ſhrub called Amagante. Both theſe forts of
meal they ate mixed with milk or broth. Their other forts of food
* When the Spaniards afked the meaning of the word Benahoare, the natives
would naturally anfwer, This Place, our Land, my Country, this Ifland, or our
Dwelling-place; but I have reaſon to imagine that it did not literally fignify My
Country, as I fhall endeavour to prove in another place.
T
were
138
THE HISTORY OF
were fleſh of goats, fheep, and hogs, which they ate either roafted
or boiled. The ſkins of the two firſt ſerved them for cloathing,
and of the latter they made fhoes. The weapon they uſed in war
was a ſtaff or pole, fharpened at the point and hardened by fire,
which they called Moca.
THE iſland was divided into twelve diſtricts, each of which was
governed by its own Lord or Captain. But their police was not
fo good as that of any of the other iſlands, for he was eſteemed the
clevereſt fellow, who could ſteal with fuch addrefs as not to be
diſcovered if any one happened to be detected in this practice,
no other puniſhment was inflicted on him than being obliged to
reſtore the thing ſtolen. If a man received an infult from any of
his own diſtrict, he thought it mean to complain of the injury to
his Captain, but avenged his own caufe, by gathering together
his friends and relations, and retaliating the affront; after which
they all removed and took up their refidence in another diſtrict.
Their manner of worship was as follows: in each diſtrict there
was a great pillar or pyramid of looſe ftones, piled up as high as
poffible, and ſo as not to fall down. There the natives affembled
on certain occaſions, finging and dancing around the pyramid :
there alſo they wreſtled and performed other feats of agility. In
one of the diſtricts, inſtead of a pyramid of looſe ſtones, there was
a natural one, being a narrow long rock, upwards of an hundred
fathoms high*, where the natives worshiped their god Idafe,
whoſe name the rock itſelf ſtill retains. They were in continual
apprehenfion of its tumbling down; and therefore, whenever they
killed a ſheep or goat, they roafted a piece of it, which they fent
*The Nubian geographer, in the first part of his Firft Climate, fays, "There
are on that coaft fix iflands, called the Fortunate Iflands, from whence Ptolemy be-
gins his computation of longitude. They relate, that in each of the ſaid iflands
is to be feen a pillar, raifed of ftone, of an hundred cubits length, each pillar fup-
porting a brazen image with its hånd lifted up and pointing backwards. Thefe
pillars are fix, and one of them, as it is reported, is the idol Cades, which is to the
weſt of Andalufia; and beyond thofe no one knows of any habitations.
by
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
139
by two perfons as a prefent to the rock. As they went along, he
who carried the offering fang theſe words, " Y Iguida, y Iguan,
Idafe;
which, in their language, fignifies, "It will fall,
Idafe." Upon which the other anſwered in the fame tone, "Gue-
gerte, y guantaro," i. e. "Give to it, and it will not fall: " and
then threw down the meat, and both went away; when it was
quickly devoured by the ravens which hovered about the rock.
THE natives held the fun and moon in great veneration, keep-
ing an exact account of time, in order to know when it would be
new or full moon, or other days of devotion. Befides the fore-
mentioned worſhip, they acknowleged one God in the heavens,
greater than all, called Abora, whom they adored. My author
afferts, that the devil fometimes appeared to the natives in the
ſhape of a ſhock dog, whom they called Irvene. They were ex-
tremely alarmed in time of fickneſs; ſo that when any one was
taken ill, he fent for his friends and relations, and faid to them,
Vacaguare," i. e. " I want to die." Upon which they carried
the fick perſon to a cave, where they laid him down upon a bed
of goats ſkins, put a pitcher of milk by him, and then, cloſing
the mouth of the cave, left him to expire by himſelf. They bu-
ried their dead in caves, and always fpread the ſkins of goats
under them, faying, that it was not proper that a dead body
ſhould touch the ground.
<<
THIS is the only certain account that has been preſerved of the
cuſtoms of the ancient inhabitants of Palma. As to their lan-
guage, ſome remains thereof,
fome remains thereof, as well as of thofe of the other
iſlands, may be ſeen in the table at the end of this work.
T 2
CHAP.
140
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. II.
Of the Invasion of Palma by Hernand Peraza and his Vaſſals.
W¹
E have already related in what manner the Spaniards were
baffled in their attempt on Palma, under the command of
Guillen Peraza, who was himſelf killed in that unfortunate ex-
pedition. After his death, his vaſſals in the iſland of Hierro made
feveral deſcents on Palma, to rob and plunder the natives of their
cattle, and alſo for making priſoners to fell for flaves. In one of
theſe expeditions, they took prifoners a man and a woman, the
latter of whom was fifter to one of the chiefs of the iſland, named
Garehagua. When the found they were about to carry her on
board their ſhip, ſhe made ſuch a ſtout reſiſtance, that the perſon
whoſe priſoner ſhe was, found himſelf obliged to have recourſe to
his arms to defend himſelf, and to prevent her from getting away,
fo that in the fcuffle he killed her. Not long after, the natives
having made peace with the Spaniards of Hierro, a reciprocal
trade was carried on between them; and it fo happened, that
among
other Spaniards that came to trade at Palma under fanction
of the treaty, was the perſon who killed the woman.
One day,
as he was talking with Garehagua, he related the adventure, not
knowing that the woman was his fifter: but when Garehagua
heard the ſtory, and from the perfon's own mouth, he replied,
"Your ill fortune has brought you into my hands, that I fhould
avenge my fiſter's death;" and ſo ſaying, ſtabbed him inftantly in
the belly with a ſtick pointed with goat's horn, and killed him on
the ſpot, before any one could come to his affiftance. This tranf-
action put an end to the truce; and both parties began the war
afresh.
IN
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
141
In another deſcent of the Hierrons upon this iſland, they met
with a beautiful woman of a gigantic fize, named Guayanfanta,
who fought with great courage and reſolution. This fair war-
rior finding herſelf ſurrounded on all fides by the enemy, fo that
no way was left for her to eſcape, fuddenly caught up a Spaniard
under her arm, and ran with him towards an high and ſteep pre-
cipice with a deſign to caft herſelf and her enemy headlong down
together; which ſhe would certainly have effected, had it not been
for another Spaniard, who coming behind her, gave her a wound
in the back part of the leg, which brought her to the ground.
From this and the foregoing ftory, a tradition has prevailed, that
the men of Palma were fo effeminate and faint-hearted, that the
war was carried on wholly by the women.
MOST of theſe incurfions upon Palma were made by order of
Hernand Peraza, fon of Diego de Herrera, and were in general
attended with lofs to the invaders.
IT has already been fhewn, that Juan Rejon failed from Spain
with a fleet, in order to make the conqueft of Palma; but this
expedition was fruſtrated by his death, which happened in the
island of Gomera, after which his troops failed to Gran Canaria,
and joined Pedro de Vera. After the conqueft of that iſland,
when Pedro de Vera came to make a diftribution of the lands, he
particularly favoured Captain Alonzo Ferdinando de Lugo, who
commanded the garriſon of the Tower of Gaete, to whom he al-
lotted for his portion all the fertile well-watered lands about
that place, which abound in all kinds of fruit-trees, and has more-
over the advantage of a ſmall but convenient harbour, ſtored with
variety of fish. But Alonzo, not content with his lot, and
preferring an active military life to one of eaſe and retirement,
fold his fine eftate, and went over to Spain, where he obtained
from
142
OF
THE HISTORY
ཉ
from their Majefties a grant of the conqueft of Palma and Tene-
rife. He afterwards went to Seville, to provide himſelf with
fhips, men, ammunition, &c. neceffary for the undertaking. It
is related of this captain, that the great expence attending
thefe preparations having not only exhaufted the ready caſh he had
procured from the court, but alfo moft of his private fortune;
and that the King, who at that time was in the heat of the war
of Granada, could not fpare him any farther ſupply to enable
him to profecute his voyage; chagrined at this diſappointment,
he was one day walking in a penfive manner in the great church
at Seville, when he was accofled by a venerable old man, who
entered into converfation with him, and, after fome talk, per-
fuaded him by no means to give over the intended expedition,
for that God would certainly be with him and affift him in the
proſecution thereof: he then put his hand behind the cloth of
an altar, and took out a bag, containing a great quantity of doub-
loons, which he gave to him, faying, "When they are gone, you
ſhall receive more." Alonzo de Lugo, after having put up the
money, looked about for the old man, but he was gone, and he
never faw him afterwards; from all which he concluded, that it
was certainly the apoſtle St. Peter, of whom he was a devout
worſhiper. With this money, and the ſum he procured from ſome
merchants of Seville (more probably indeed the whole) he com-
pleted the equipment of his fleet, and failed for Palma, where he
arrived the 29th of September, 1490, and landed at the
port of
Taffacorta, on the weft fide of the iſland, in the diſtrict of one
Mayantigo. There he fixed his camp, which he took care to
fortify ſtrongly before he attempted to proceed further into the
country, that in cafe of a repulfe or furprize he might have a place
of refuge for his men, and where his proviſion and ammunition
might be fecurely lodged, without truſting to the ſhipping, which
by bad weather might be obliged to put out to ſea, as the ports in
Palma
THE
143
CANARY
ISLAND S.
Me
Palma are open roads, where ſhips are expoſed to almoſt all winds:
he alſo built a chapel, which he dedicated to St. Michael. After
this he advanced farther into the iſland, and reduced all the ſouth-
weft part of it: which he effected not by force of arms, but by
prefents and promiſes; for, before his arrival at Palma, the na-
tives of that quarter of the island were on good terms with the
Spaniards of Hierro, who frequently came and traded at Tafſa-
7
corta.
FROM thence he went to the north-eaft fide of the ifland,
which is entirely feparated from the other by mountains of fuch
a prodigious height, that they reach far above the clouds. Here he
met with more refiftance, becauſe the natives were enraged againſt
the people of Hierro, for the injuries they had done them. When
he came to the diſtrict in which Guarehagua commanded, he
found the inhabitants in arms; nor would they be perfuaded to
ſubmit until he attacked them, in doing which ſome were killed
and many taken prifoners: theſe he treated with great kindneſs,
in order that their countrymen, ſeeing his humanity, might be
induced to lay down their arms. This conduct had the defired
effect, the natives no longer oppofing the Spaniards in their pro-
greſs except at a place called, in the language of the iſland, Acer
(i. e. a Place of Strength), but by the Spaniards La Caldera.
BEFORE he went againſt it, he thought proper to return to the
camp, to refreſh his troops, who were extremely fatigued by
reafon of the ruggedness of the roads and exceffive height of the
mountains. After remaining in the camp fome days, he marched
towards the Caldera, which is a hill ſhaped in form of a cauldron;
the outfide very high and ſteep, having two rugged ſteep paffages
lead into it; on the infide it defcends gradually, and is covered with
pines, palms, laurels, retamas, and other trees; the bottom is a
3
plain
144
THE HISTORY OF
plain of about thirty acres, but the extent of the ſummit is about
two leagues. Within the Cauldron fpring many rills of water,
which, uniting together, run down in a rivulet near one of the
paffes before-mentioned. By this water-courfe Alonzo de Lugo,
after attempting the other paffage in vain, endeavoured to pene-
trate into the Cauldron, where a great number of the natives were
affembled to oppoſe him, commanded by one of their chiefs, called
Tanaufe. In this enterprize he was greatly affifted by the natives
who had already fubmitted to him; for when he could not pro-
ceed on his way, they carried him the length of two bow-ſhots
on their ſhoulders. Had the enemy oppofed him there, they
might eaſily have deftroyed his forces; but being poſted higher,
Alonzo had an opportunity of attacking them on more equal terms,
which he did with great bravery, but could not force the paffage;
for the natives were ſo advantageouſly poſted, and that place be-
ing their laſt reſource, defended it ſo obftinately, that Alonzo de
Lugo was obliged to retreat, and encamp at ſome diſtance from
the place of action. The fame evening the natives fent their old
people, women, and children, for more fecurity, to the top of the
mountain, where they took up their lodgings in the caves among
the rocks; but the night proving intenſely cold, they were all frozen
to death, in memory of which event the natives named that
place Ayfouagan (i. e. the Place of Freezing.)
ALONZO DE LUGO finding how little the experience and va-
lour of his foldiers availed him in ſuch a place, fent one of the
converted natives, named Juan Palma, to Tanaufe, to perfuade
him to embrace the Romish faith, and ſubmit to the crown of
Spain, promiſing him and his companions the full enjoyment of
their liberties and effects. Tanaufe returned for anſwer, that if
Alonzo would go back to the foot of the mountain, he would
come next day and make his fubmiffion. This Alonzo agreed
7
to;
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
145
to; but fufpecting it was only a ftratagem to diflodge him from
the place he was in, he left an ambuſh to cut off their retreat in
cafe they followed him down, and afterwards wanted to return to
the ſtrong hold. Tanaufe not coming fo foon as he had promiſed,
the Spaniards were marching back to their former ftation, when
they met him on his way: the natives ſeeing the Spaniards under
arms and in order of battle, were apprehenfive of ſome treacher
ous defign, and would have returned; but Tanauſe aſſured them,
that as he had Alonzo's promife, they had nothing to fear.
But he was miſtaken; for Alonzo, not being affured of their in-
tentions, and fearing they might eſcape back into the Cauldron,
fell upon them, and a very bloody ſkirmiſh enfued, which ended
in the death or captivity of all the natives. Among the prifoners
was Tanauſe himſelf, who complained bitterly againſt Alonzo for
his breach of promiſe. The battle was fought on the 3d of May,
1491, ſeven months after Alonzo de Lugo's landing on the iſland
at Taflacorte. That day is celebrated annually in Palma, as a great
feſtival, in commemoration of the reduction of the whole iſland
to the obedience of their Catholic Majeſties. Immediately after
the battle, Alonzo diſpatched a veſſel to Spain, to carry the agree-
able tidings of the conqueft to their Majefties, and at the fame
time ſent over fome of the chiefs of the iſland, among whom was
Tanaufe; but he took his being fent out of Palma ſo much to
heart, together with Alonzo's breach of promiſe, that he obſti-
nately refuſed all manner of nouriſhment and ſtarved himſelf to
death; a thing not unuſual among the natives of Palma, who were
very impatient under any affliction of body or mind.
AFTER the conqueft of the iſland of Palma, Alonzo de Lugo
failed to Tenerife, taking with him all the troops that could be
well ſpared. After his departure, certain of the natives, to the
number of three hundred, from ſome motive of diſcontent, aſ-
U
fembled
146
THE HISTORY OF
ſembled in a body, and committed ſeveral acts of hoſtility on the
Spaniards and the natives under their government; which when
Alonzo de Lugo came to hear, he fent over one Diego Rodri-
guez Talavera, a perfon well known to the natives of Palma,
and perfectly acquainted with their manners, cuſtoms, and lan-
guage, with orders to reduce them again to obedience. He
accordingly landed in Palma, having only thirty foldiers under his
command; with whom, the Spaniards already in the iſland;
and fome of the natives in whom he could confide, he went in
ſearch of the rebels, defeated them in ſeveral encounters, and at
laft entirely diſperſed them, though not without fome bloodshed;
and the lofs of many of his men; after which, to ſtrike a terror
into the reſt of the natives, he cauſed the chiefs and ringleaders
of the rebellion to be put to death. This ſeverity had the de-
fired effect; for ever fince the inhabitants have continued faith--
ful and obedient fubjects to the crown of Spain.
TH
CHA P. III..
Of the Island of Thenerife or Tenerife.
HIS ifland was named Thenerife, or the White Mountain,
by the natives of Palma; Thener, in their language, figni-
fying a Mountain, and Ife, White: the Pike, or fummit of The-
nerife being always covered with fnow. This name has been
continued to it by the Spaniards ever fince; but the natives called
it Chineche, and themſelves Vincheni: how the Spaniards came
to give them the name of Guanches, is not known.
THE inhabitants of this ifland were in general of a middle
ftature: thofe who dwelt on the north fide of the iſland were
much fairer, and had hair of a lighter colour than thofe in the
fouthern
THE
147
CANARY ISLANDS.
fouthern parts. A Man, in their language,
A Man, in their language, was called Coran,
and a Woman, Chamato. A few years before the conqueft of
Tenerife, there was a prince called Betzenuria, who governed the
whole iſland: he had nine fons, who, upon the death of their fa-
ther, divided the government equally amongſt them; by which
means the iſland became divided into nine kingdoms, eight of
which did homage to Tmobat, the elder brother, who was the
moſt powerful, being poffeffed of the richest and moſt fertile
part of the iſland, being that tract which ſtretches between Oro-
tava and the brow of the hill above the port of Santa Cruz, in
which he could raiſe ſeven thouſand fighting men. One of the
brothers, named Acaymo, was King of Aguimar; another, called
Atguarona, of Abona; and a third, Arvitocafpe, of Adehe: the
names of the other four are loft, but they reigned in Tegheſt,
Icoden, Centejo, and Daute. The royal dignity was, in their
language, called Quebechi, and was elective. In the fummer the
King refided in the mountains, but in the winter near the fea-fide.
When he changed his place of refidence, or travelled, the elders
of his tribe affembled, and carried before him a fceptre and a
lance with a kind of flag upon it, to give notice of the King's ap-
proach to all who might be travelling upon the road, that they
might pay him the cuſtomary homage, which was by proſtrating
themſelves before him on the ground, wiping off the duſt from
his feet with the corners of their garments, and kiffing them.
THE King was always obliged to marry a perfon who was his
equal; but if fuch a one could not be found, he took his own
fiſter to wife, not being permitted to debaſe his family by a mix-
ture of plebeian blood.
THE natives acknowleged a God, whom they called by the
mames Achguarergenan, Achoran, and Achaman, which fignify,
U 2
in
148
THE HISTORY OF
in their language, the Suftainer of the Heavens and the Earth.
They alſo gave him the titles of Achuhuiaban, Aahuhucana, and
Aguayarerar, i. e. the Great, the Sublime, and the Suſtainer of all.
WHEN they were in great diſtreſs, occaſioned by want of rain,
&c. they affembled in certain places fet apart for that purpoſe,
with their children and flocks, where they fat in a circle on the
ground, weeping and making a mournful noiſe, their flocks bleat-
ing at the fame time for want of food, for both men and beaſts,
on theſe occafions, were debarred all kind of fuftenence. No
man was allowed more than one wife, and they married without
any regard to kindred, except that of a mother or fifter. They
could put away their wives when they pleaſed; but the children
of thoſe women who were repudiated were reckoned illegitimate,
and could not inherit their father's effects. They had a cuſtom
among them, that when a man by chance met a woman alone on
the road, or in a folitary place, he was not to look at, or ſpeak to
her, unleſs ſhe firſt ſpoke to, or demanded ought of him; but to
turn out of the way: and if he made uſe of any indecent expreſ-
fion, or behaved in an unbecoming manner, he was ſeverely pu-
niſhed. When their children were born, they were waſhed all
over with water, by women fet apart for that office, who were
virgins, and never allowed to marry.
THE men wore cloaks of goats fkins, dreffed and ſoftened in
butter; thofe of the women were longer, and reached down to
their feet, with petticoats of the fame ftuff underneath. Both
fexes frequently anointed their bodies with ſheep's oil, being par-
ticularly lean, and their ſkins very dry. Their language differed
entirely from thofe of the other iſlands, and was very guttural.
They had no iron or other metal among them; and inſtead of in-
ftruments made of theſe, they uſed a black hard ſtone, ſharpened
and
THE
149
CANARY ISLANDS.
and made fit for killing fheep, cutting and working timber, &c.
Theſe they called Tavonas.
THEY had often difputes among themſelves about their flocks and
paſtures, which frequently ended in wars. Their offenfive weapons
were darts, made of the pitch-pine, ſharpened and hardened in the
fire like thoſe uſed in Gran Canaria. They had alſo a weapon like
a fpear, very ſharp, which they called Anepa: and fo dexterous
were they at throwing thefe, that they ſcarce ever miffed their
mark. When an enemy approached, they alarmed the country
by making a fmoak, or by whiftling, which was repeated from
one to another. This latter method is ſtill in uſe amongſt them,
and may be heard at an almoſt incredible diſtance. The inhabi-
tants of Tenerife were divided into three claffes, the nobles, the
gentlemen, and peaſants: the firft was called Achimenfey, i. e. of
or belonging to the King's Houſe or Family, the word for
King being in their language Menfey, but in fpeaking to him they
call him Quevehiera, which fignifies Your Highneſs: the ſecond.
rank, namely the gentry or Yeomen, were called Cilhiciquico :
and the third, Achicarnay. They believed that God created them
of earth and water, and that he made as many women as men,
giving them cattle and every thing neceffary for their ſubſiſtence;
but that afterwards, they appearing to him to be too few, he
created more; but to theſe laſt he gave nothing; and when they
aſked him for flocks of ſheep and goats, he told them to go and
ferve the other, who would in return give them fuftenance; from
theſe, ſay they, are deſcended the Achicarnay, or fervants.
THEY had a cuſtom, that in the cave or houſe where the huf-
band and wife flept, no other perſon was allowed to fleep. They
did not lie together, but had ſeparate beds in the fame houſe or
cave: theſe beds were made of herbs or grafs, covered with goats
3:
fkins
T
150
OF
THE HISTORY
f
fkins neatly dreffed and fewed together, with blankets or cover-
ings of the fame ſtuff.
THERE were among them artificers who dreffed goats fkins
and made their garments; potters, who made earthen veffels;
and carpenters, who wrought in wood: theſe were paid for their
labour in fleſh, barley, or roots. The natives of Tenerife were
very neat and cleanly; they washed their hands and faces when-
ever they aroſe from fleep, or when they fat down to eat, and
after they had eaten. Their food was the fleſh of goats and ſheep,
boiled or roaſted; and this they ate alone, and not like the Eu-
ropeans, with the addition of bread or roots. They alſo ate barley-
meal, roaſted and dreffed with butter and milk; this dish they
called Ahorer. After eating, they did not drink for the ſpace of
half an hour, as they imagined that drinking cold water immedi-
ately after eating warm victuals fpoiled and hurt their teeth. They
had no other cattle but ſheep and goats. Their grain was wheat
and barley; the former they called Triguen, the latter Taro. A
ſheep they called Ana, and a goat Ara. They had little dogs,
which they called Cancha.
THE men prepared the ground for feed, by hoeing it with
wooden hoes, and the women fowed the feed. Their feed-time
was in the month of Auguft, which they called Venefmer. They
had beans and peas or vetches, all which they called Hacichei.
Milk they called Ahof; butter, Oche; and melaffes, Chacer-
quen, which they made of mocanes, called in their language Yoja.
The method of making it was this: when the mocanes were ripe,
they expoſed them three or four days to the fun; then bruiſed or
maſhed them, and boiled them in a quantity of water till it
was almoſt all evaporated; then they ſtrained the remainder through
a ſort of ſieve made of ruſhes, and preferved it as a medicine in
Auxes
THE
151
CANARY ISLAND S.
fluxes and pleùrifies, which were common in the iſland. When
they were troubled with acute pains, they drew blood from the
part affected with lancets made of Tavonas or ſharp ſtones..
THEIR wars, as has been obſerved before, were generally about the
boundaries of their lands and paſture. The women attended them on
thofe occafions, with provifions, &c. and in cafe any of the men were
killed, they carried off the dead, and interred them in caves. When
any perfon died, they preferved the body in this manner: firſt they
carried it to a cave, and ſtretched it on a flat ſtone, where they opened
it, and took out the bowels; then twice a day they waſhed the porous
parts of the body, viz. the arm-pits, behind the ears, the groin,
between the fingers, and the neck, with cold water: after waſh-
ing it fufficiently, they anointed thoſe parts with ſheep's butter, and
ſprinkled them with a powder made of the duſt of decayed pine-
trees and a fort of brush-wood which the Spaniards call Breffos,
together with the powder of pumice-ſtone; then they let the
body remain till it was perfectly dry, when the relations of the
deceaſed came and fwaddled it in fheep or goat fkins dreffed :
girding all tight with long leather thongs, they put it in the cave
which had been fet apart by the deceaſed for his burying-place,
without any covering. The King could be buried only in the
cave of his anceſtors, in which the bodies were fo diſpoſed as to be
known again *. There were particular perfons fet apart for this
office of embalming, each ſex performing it for thoſe of their own.
During the proceſs they watched the bodies very ſtrictly, to pre-
>
*Not many years ago, two of thoſe embalmed bodies were taken out of a cave:
they were entire, and as light as cork; but quite freſh, and without any diſagree-
able ſmell. Their hair, teeth, and garments were all found and freſh. About
two years ago, I employed fome of the natives of Tenerife to go into one of thoſe
caves (which are almoft inacceffible) to try if they could find any of thofe
bodies; they brought me fome bones, pieces of goat-fkin garments, &c. and a fcull
with fome hair upon it, which was black and lank; the garments were quite frefh,
and had the hair upon them..
vent
152
&c.
THE HISTORY,
vent the ravens from devouring them, the wife or husband of the
deceaſed bringing them victuals, and waiting on them during the
time of their watching.
THEIR manner of holding their courts of judicature was as
follows: they fixed on ſome large plain in the iſland, in the middle
of which they placed a large and high ſquare ſtone, and on each
fide thereof ſeveral others of inferior fize and height. On the day
appointed for holding the court, the King (who was always pre-
ſent on theſe occafions) was feated on the high ſtone, and the
principal elders of the diſtrict on the leffer ones, according to their
feniority; and in this manner they heard and decided caufes. When
any one was ſentenced to corporal puniſhment, he was laid flat on
the ground, the King delivering the ſtaff or fceptre, which he
always carried with him, into the hands of ſome perfon, ordering
him to give the offender ſuch a number of blows therewith as he
thought his crime merited, and then commanded him to be taken
from his prefence. For murder, the King took away the criminal's
cattle and effects, and gave them to the relations of the deceaſed, and
baniſhed the murderer from that diſtrict; but at the fame time took
him under his protection, ſo that the friends and relations of the
deceaſed might not do him any hurt. They never puniſhed any
perſon with death, faying that it belonged to God alone to take
away that life which he gave.
THE natives of this iſland did not worſhip idols, nor had any
images of the Deity. Befides the names they gave to God already
mentioned, they called him Guararirari (i. e. Poffeffor of the
World), Atguaychafunatuman (i. e. Poffeffor of Heaven), Atu-
man in their language fignifying Heaven: after the conqueft,
they called the Virgin Mary, Atmaycequayarirari, the Mother of
him who poſſeſſes the World.
THEY
THE
153
CANARY ISLANDS.
THEY had a cuſtom among them, that when one perfon went to
the houſe of another, he did not attempt to enter in, but fat on a
ſtone at the door, and either whiſtled or fang till ſome one came
out and defired him to walk in. Whoever obferved not this ce-
but entered into another perfon's houſe without being in-
vited, was liable to puniſhment, as they reckoned it a very great
affront.
remony,
THEY had a wonderful facility in counting the number of their
ſheep and goats when iffuing tumultuoufly out of a fold, with-
out ſo much as moving their lips or pointing to them with their
fingers.
CHA P. IV.
Of the miraculous Image of our Lady of Candelaria; of the
Stealing away and restoring it, with the Confequences thereof.
IN
N the foregoing part of this hiſtory it was obſerved in what
manner the Spaniards of Lancerota came to underſtand there
was an image of the Virgin Mary in Tenerife. Diego de Herrera
then, having in Lancerota fome Guanches, who knew the place
where it was, he went with them to Tenerife in fearch of it,
where, by means of a treaty of peace with the King of Gui-
mar, he landed, and his Guanches fecretly conveyed the image
on board his ſhip; which when he received, he failed with it
for Lancerota, where the valuable prize was received with
great demonſtrations of joy: they carried it in folemn proceffion,
at which were prefent all the people of the iſland; and afterwards
depoſited it in the church of Rubicon with great care and reve-
How it came to Tenerife, is not certainly known;
it would appear, as it was found on the ſea-ſhore, that it had been
rence.
* See the Defcription of the Canary Iſlands.
X
but
on
154
HISTORY OF
THE
on board ſome ſhip which was loft near the iſlands, and ſo driven
aſhore by the waves. The Spaniards relate many wonderful and
fabulous ſtories of this image: one of which is ſo interwoven with
the thread of this hiftory, that we cannot omit it, and is as fol-
lows. After the image had been placed on the altar of the church
in Lancerota, it was found every morning with its face turned to
the wall, notwithſtanding its being daily replaced in its proper po-
fition; this ftruck the people with a great panic, who endeavoured,
with many prayers and proceffions, to remove this uncommon ap-
pearance of diſpleaſure in the image, but to no purpoſe. Where-
fore Diego de Herrera and Donna Ignes Peraza, thinking it was
not the will of God that the image fhould remain in Lancerota,
refolved to reſtore it to the natives of Tenerife. Accordingly Her-
rera went with ſome veffels, and anchored in a port, where the
King of Guimar came to meet him, at the head of a great num-
ber of armed men, thinking he was come, as at other times, to
plunder and carry off the natives and cattle; but when he heard
Herrera declare that he was come only to return the image, he
was greatly amazed, and would not believe him till he produced
the image before them: upon which fome of the Guanches ran
with all ſpeed to the cave where it was wont to ſtand, but not
finding it there, they returned, and acquainted the King and the
reft, who all ſet up a moſt doleful cry, earneſtly intreating Her-
rera to return them their image, which he did with great chear-
fulneſs, being much ſtruck with, and edified by, the
appearance of
fuch devotion and regard in the Guanches to the Virgin. Before
he returned to Lancerota, they, as a mark of gratitude, preſented
him with as many ſheep and goats as loaded his ſhips, and toge-
ther with this, free liberty to fend veffels to trade with them.
At that time Herrera enquired of the natives whether they had
miffed the image from the cave while it was at Lancerota? To
which they replied, that it was ſeen in the cave daily until his
arrival :
4
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
155
arrival; and moreover, that in that time it often went and viſited
the King and ſome of the Guanches. My author fays this muſt
have been ſome angel, fent there to repreſent the image in its ab-
ſence, for the confolation of the natives, and the honour and glory
of the moſt holy Virgin Mary.
SOME months after this, Sancho Herrera went to Tenerife
with ſeveral ſhips, well manned, to try if any method could be
found to bring the iſland under ſubjection by means of the treaty
of peace and commerce which Diego de Herrera, his father, had
ſettled with the King of Guimar.
THIS prince, in return for the good-will Diego had ſhewn
him in returning the image, gave confent that Sancho Herrera
ſhould land and build a tower or fort at the port of Anafo, now
called Santa Cruz, which Herrera pretended was for the benefit
of commerce, and to cement the friendſhip between the two na-
tions. In order to prevent quarrels or difputes between them,
ſeveral wholeſome laws were made and agreed on, particularly the
following; that if any perſon of the one nation did an injury to one
of the other, the delinquent was to be delivered to the offended
party, to be puniſhed as he might think proper. Some time after
concluding this treaty, and the building of the tower, it happened
that fome Spaniards carried away a parcel of ſheep belonging to
the Guanches; complaint of which being made to Herrera, he
delivered up the offenders to the King; who, after feverely re-
primanding them, inſtead of putting them to death according to
agreement, generouſly ſent them back to Herrera. It was not long
before the Guanches did ſome injury to the Spaniards, who mak-
ing complaint thereof to the King, he caufed the delinquents to
be delivered to Sancho Herrera; but he, forgetful of the example
of clemency and generofity which the King of Guimar had ſhewn
X 2
him,
156
OF
THE HISTORY
:
When this was made
him, cauſed them all to be hanged up.
known to the King and the Guanches, they were filled with in-
dignation at this ungenerous behaviour, and refolved to drive the
Spaniards out of the iſland, and to raze the fort to the ground:
all which they performed, and put the whole garriſon to death,
except five, who had the good luck to get to the ſhips in the port,
on board one of which Sancho Herrera happened to be at the time
of the attack, and from whence he was ſpectator of the deſtruc-
tion of his fort, and the death of his people, without being able
to prevent the one or aflift the other. So that after taking fo
much pains to no purpoſe, he was obliged to return to Lancerota.
After this miſcarriage of Sancho Herrera, no farther attempt was
made upon Tenerife, until Alonzo de Lugo undertook the con-
queſt of it, after he had completed the reduction of Palma; when,
leaving a ſufficient number of men on that iſland to keep all things
quiet, he embarked with a thouſand veterans and fome horſe,
well armed and equipped, in order to fubdue the iſland of Tenerife.
TH
CHA P. V.
Alonzo de Lugo lands in Tenerife.
HE armament from the iſland of Palma, commanded by
Alonzo de Lugo, arrived at the port of Anafo on the 3d
day of May, 1493, which day, among thoſe who profeſs the
Romiſh religion, is the feſtival of the Holy Croſs, and on this ac-
count Alonzo de Lugo named the port Santa Cruz, which name
it ftill retains.
DISEMBARKING his troops, he marched up the high and ſteep
mountain above the port, on the top of which commences the
plain now called the Laguna, and where the city of that name
ftands.
PROCEEDING
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
157
PROCEEDING forwards, he came to a plain, where is now
the hermitage called de Gracia; there he encamped, and was
waited on by Acaymo, King of Guimar, and the Kings of Anaga,
Adehe, and Abona, with whom he entered into a league. They
informed him of the ſtrength of Ventomo, King of Taora, who
was then at war with all the Kings of the iſland: having received
this intelligence, he marched towards him. The King of Taora
met him with only three hundred chofen men, and demanded
what he wanted of him? Alonzo de Lugo told him he came only
to court his friendſhip, to requeſt him to embrace Chriſtianity,
and become a vaffal to the King of Spain, who would heap
many favours on him.
To this the King of Taora replied, that as to his pro-
pofal of peace and friendſhip, he accepted it moſt willingly,
and would furnish him with any thing he wanted, and that the
iſland could afford, either for his uſe or refreſhment; for none
ſhould ever have reaſon to ſay of him, that he rejected or de-
ſpiſed the proffered friendſhip of any man: but as to embracing
Chriſtianity, he did not know what he meant by that.
ſwer to his becoming a vaſſal to the King of Spain, he ſaid, he
knew him not, neither would he, who was free-born, fubject
himſelf to any man; but as he had all his life-time been free, fo
he intended to die. Having thus anſwered Alonzo's propoſals,
he left him, and went to his own diſtrict. Alonzo de Lugo de-
fpifing Ventomo's anſwer, marched forward, and encamped at a place
called Aguere, from whence he made inroads into the country,
imagining from what had been told him of the King of Taora,
that if he once conquered that chief, the reſt of the iſland muſt
ſubmit at once. So paffing by the diftricts of Anago, Tacoronte, and
Teguefte, without meeting with any refiftance, he came to Orotava,
then called by the natives Aracifapale, where he made a great
!
booty
158
THE HISTORY OF
booty of cattle; with which he was returning back, when Ben-
tomo affembled his three hundred men, and gave the command
of them to his brother, with orders to harrafs the Spaniards in
their retreat in the narrow and difficult paffes, that they might
be detained until fuch time as he could draw together the reſt of
his forces to attack them. Accordingly, as the Spaniards were
paffing a narrow defile, furrounded with high cliffs or mountains,
the three hundred Guanches, who lay in ambuſh, gave a great
ſhout and whiſtle, and then fell on them with ſuch fury that they
put them entirely to the rout, for the Spaniards could make no
uſe of their cavalry in that place, on which they much depended,
nor avail themſelves of the fuperiority of their numbers; ſo that
there was no remedy but in a precipitate flight. The Guanches
purſued them cloſely, making great flaughter of the fugitives. The
King's brother having fat down upon a ſtone by the way-ſide to
reft himſelf, being much fatigued, Ventomo came up to him
with the forces he had gathered together, and ſeeing his brother
fitting there by himſelf, he reprimanded him ſeverely; but the
other replied with great coolneſs, "I have done my part in van-
quishing the enemy, now the butchers are doing theirs in killing
them.” In this battle the greateſt part of Alonzo's army periſhed;
and as the place where it was fought lay near Centejo, it was
called la Matanfa de Centejo, i. e. the ſlaughter of Centejo, which
name it ſtill retains. In this action the Spaniards loft fix hundred
men, and Alonzo de Lugo himſelf narrowly escaped: in the battle
he was knocked off his horſe by a blow with a ſtone on his mouth,
which beat out ſome of his teeth; and as he lay on the ground he
was ſurrounded by fome Guanches, who killed his horfe, but
he himſelf was bravely defended by Pedro Benitez, furnamed the
One-eyed, who reſcued him out of their hands, and gave him
another horfe, which he mounted, and efcaped with fome of his
troops to the port, where the fhips received them on board, and im-
mediately
THE CANARY
159
ISLAND S.
immediately diſpatched their boats to go along the coaſt in queſt of
the rest who had eſcaped from the battle: they found ninety toge-
ther, who, by ſwimming, had ſaved themſelves on a rock in the
fea, whom they took off and brought to the fhips. Some days after
they had collected together their ſcattered troops, and refreſhed
them, they landed in the fame port, but were attacked and beaten
by the natives, ſo that they were obliged again to embark with ſome
lofs. Quite difpirited by theſe misfortunes, Alonzo knew not
what courſe to take; for he could not pretend to land again, having
loft in the two battles upwards of feven hundred men.
At length
he returned with the remains of his troops to Gran Canaria, where
he and his men were hoſpitably received by his old friends, who
gave him all the affiſtance in their power. From thence he ſent to
ſome merchants at Seville, who had affiſted him with money in his
expedition to Palma, requeſting another ſupply, which they granted.
With this money he levied troops in Gran Canaria; at the fame
time the Duke of Medina Sidonia fent fix carvels, having on board
fix hundred and fifty men and forty horfes, commanded by Barto-
lomeo Eſtupinan: Ignes Peraza, widow of Diego de Herrera, alfo
ſent him a reinforcement of troops from Lancerota.
A
CHA P.
VI.
The Sequel of the Conqueft.
LONZO DE LUGO now found himſelf at the head of a thou-
fand foot and ſeventy horſe, all completely armed. With
thefe forces he embarked in the fix carvels and other veffels: Juan
Melian de Betancour, fon-in-law to Don Alonzo Jaimes de Soto-
major, went as Alferez, or Standard-bearer, to the expedition,
carrying the ſtandard of Gran Canaria. The fleet arrived at Santa
Cruz, where the greater part of the forces landed, and marched di-
Uor M
rectly
160
THE HISTORY OF
rectly to the plain of Laguna, where they had a flight ſkirmiſh with
the Guanches, near the hermitage of Gracia. From thence
pro-
ceeding forward to Taora, in two divifions, they came near
the
army of the Guanches, being the united forces of the iſland,
with whom they had many encounters. But the natives, feeing the
number and good order of the Spaniards, the precautions they took
in avoiding ambufcades and difficult paffes, and confidering the
fmall fuccefs they had had in their frequent fkirmiſhes with them,
and alſo, that notwithſtanding the great blow they gave them
at Centejo, they returned in ſo ſhort a time, and with fo formidable
an army; they began to think ſeriouſly of treating with them.
Accordingly aſſembling all the chief men of the iſland, they ſent to
Alonzo de Lugo to beg a truce, in order to have a conference with
him; which he immediately granted. They accordingly came,
and were received with great civility, and nobly entertained. They
then demanded of him, what motives had induced the Spaniards to
invade the iſland in that hoſtile manner, diſturbing the repoſe of
the inhabitants, plundering them of their cattle, and carrying the
people into captivity, without having received any provocation from
them; and defired alfo to know on what pretenfions he continued
to make war upon them? To all which Alonzo de Lugo replied,
that he had no other deſign than to make them become Chriſtians,
and ſerve God in a right manner; which if they would confent to,
he would fuffer them to remain in the quiet and peaceable poffeffion
of their lands, cattle, and other effects. The Guanches, after
taking this propoſal into confideration, came to Alonzo de Lugo,
and told him they were willing to become Chriftians: whereupon
all the Guanches then preſent were immediately baptized; and for
ſeveral days after, others came in from all parts of the iſland, until
fuch time as all the inhabitants of the island had received baptifm.
This ſudden revolution gave great joy to Alonzo de Lugo, who now
faw the whole inland reduced without bloodshed, for which he
gave
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
161
gave God thanks, and founded a hermitage on the ſpot where the
treaty with the Guanches was concluded, and called it Nueſtra Se-
nora de la Victoria, i. e. Our Lady of Victory: it is fituated in the
road between Orotavia and the city of Laguna.
HAVING quieted the natives, and fettled the government on a
regular plan, he went through the iſland in queft of a proper place
for building a city. At length he made choice of a ſpot in the
plain of Laguna, where he laid the foundation of a city on the 25th
day of July, 1495, being St. Chriftopher's day, and therefore
called it St. Chriftobal de la Laguna. When he landed at Santa
Cruz, he left ſome people there to erect a fort, for the fecurity of
his troops, where, in cafe of any difafter befalling them, fuch as
that they met with at Matanza de Centejo, they might have a place
of refuge to fly to. This town of Santa Cruz is now become the
largeſt of any in the Canary Iſlands.
AFTER the reduction of Tenerife, moſt of the officers and
foldiers returned to Spain. To thoſe who choſe to remain in the
iſland, Alonzo gave lands for their maintenance and ſent advice
to Caſtille, to their Majefties, Ferdinando and Ifabella, of what he
had done, who were highly pleaſed with the news of the conqueſt
of all the Canary Islands, which had coft them fo much blood and
treaſure, but were now, with the kingdom of Granada, annexed
to the crown of Caftille: ſo that the Italians, French, and
other Europeans could no longer upbraid the Spaniards with going
into foreign climes in fearch of countries to conquer, while they
could not expel the Moors from their own.
KING Ferdinando appointed Alonzo de Lugo * Governor of
the iſlands of Tenerife and Palma, with the title of Lieutenant-
governor
* It is remarkable, that the Marquis de St. Andrés, the defcendent from Alonzo
de Lugo in the direct line, was, about two years ago, confined in the Inquifition
Y
at
162
THE HISTORY OFT
governor of the Canary Iſlands; and inveſted him with power to
diftribute lands amongſt thoſe who had affifted in the conqueft,
and others who might fettle on the iſland: his Majefty like-
wife granted them, for their encouragement, many privileges and
exemptions. The firſt Regidors of Tenerife were Chriftoval de
Balde Efpina, Pedro Mexia, Guillen Caftellano, Lopez Fernandez,
Pedro Benitez, and Geronimo de Valdez. From thoſe fix are def-
cended the major part of the gentry of the iſland of Tenerife.
ALONZO DE LUGO appointed Hernando de Truxillo his Lieute
nant or Deputy-governor; and Francifco de Gorvaran Alcalde
Major: the Jurados were Franciſco de Alvornas, and Juan de Va-
dajos; and the place of Clerk of the Cavildo was given to Alonzo
de la Fuente.
CHA P. VII.
Cruelties of Donna Beatriz Bobadilla. She marries Alonzo de Lugo.
Her Death. Alonzo de Lugo diveſted of the Government of Hier-
ro and Gomera, and banished thoſe Iſlands.
IT
T has already been obſerved in the courſe of this hiſtory, that
Donna Beatriz Bobadilla, after the eſcape of her priſoner, the
poet Hernando de Vera, returned back with fhame to her iſland of
Gomera. It ſeems, before ſhe went on that unſucceſsful expedition.
ſhe had left her fon in charge of Alonzo de Lugo, and had entered
into a contract of marriage with him, which was to be conſum-
mated on her return from Caftille. Accordingly, after the con-
queft of Tenerife, he came to Gomera, where they were married.
From thence they went to refide in Tenerife: but before that time,
at Gran Canaria, although his anceſtor was the very perſon who brought the natives
of Tenerife to embrace the Romish faith.
6
and
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
163
and while Alonzo de Lugo was in Gomera, one of the principal in-
habitants there, named Nunes de Caſtaneda, being too open in his
cenfures of Donna Beatriz Bobadilla's conduct, had dropt fome ex-
preffions tending to impeach her continency during her ſtate of
widowhood. When this came to her ears, the fent for him pri-
vately one night, and bringing him to confeſs what he had ſaid,
directly cauſed him to be hanged on a beam in her own houſe; and
next morning ordered the dead body to be cut down, and afterwards
hanged on a palm-tree in the ſquare before his own gate. Upon
which his wife went immediately to Spain, to lay her complaints
before their Majeſties of this cruel action. After Alonzo de Lugo
and his wife went to dwell at Tenerife, Donna Beatriz received letters
from fome of her vaffals in Gomera, accufing Hernand Munòs,
whom ſhe had left to govern the iſland, of a defign of rebelling againſt
her, and delivering the iſland to Sancho Herrera, her firſt huſband's
brother, and Lord of Lancerota and Fuertaventura, with whom
The had fome difputes concerning the inheritance of the iſlands of
Gomera and Hierro. On the receipt of theſe letters ſhe embarked
privately, with thirty men, and landed in Gomera; with theſe ſhe
entered the tower, and fent for Hernand Munos. When he came,
ſhe commanded her people to feize his fword, and charged him
with treaſon; which accufation confounded him greatly: but being
confcious of his innocence, and under no obligations to her, he
ſtrenuouſly denied the charge, afferting that he was no traitor. En-
raged by her ſuſpicions and the firmneſs of his anſwer, fhe ordered
her men to hang him in the fquare of the tower, without making
any farther enquiry into the matter; and then returned to Tenerife,
leaving orders for his interment near the grave of her firſt huſband.
The widow of the deceaſed Munos went immediately to Spain, to
make complaint againſt Donna Beatriz Bobadilla, for the murder of
her huſband and the many abuſes and acts of injuſtice ſhe had com-
mitted in the iſland: in confequence of which fhe was ordered to
Y 2
repair
164
THE HISTORY OF
repair to court, to answer to the complaints and charges brought
againſt her. She, confiding in her intereft there, and defiring
to ſee her native country, willingly obeyed the fummons, although
her huſband, Alonzo de Lugo, uſed all his endeavours to diffuade
her from going to Spain.
WHEN fhe arrived there, fhe was received with much fhew
of eſteem and friendſhip by the Queen Iſabella, who was them
at Medina del Campo: however, foon after Donna Beatriz was one
morning found dead in her bed ; but to what cauſe the fuddennefs.
of her death was owing, no one pretended to know. The Queen
caufed her to be interred with great pomp. She left a ſon with
Alonzo de Lugo, named Guillen Peraza, whom ſhe had by her firſt
huſband, Hernand Peraza: he was heir to the islands Hierro
and Gomera, and ſtiled Conde de la Gomera, being the first perfon
who had the title of Count in the Canary Iflands. When this youth
attained the age of fourteen years, he applied to his father-in-law to
put
him in poffeffion of the government of his two iſlands; but was
put off from time to time with frivolous excufes and pretences that
he was too young to govern them. Being at length tired with repeated.
applications to no purpoſe, he became very, uneaſy, made com-
plaint privately to fome of his intimates, one of whom was Alonzo
del Campo, a man of great refolution, who, correfponding with
fome others, fecretly prepared a bark, and then went with Guillen
Peraza to Alonzo de Lugo, and in a formal manner demanded the
furrender of the government of the two iſlands into the hands of
Guillen Peraza, to whom of right it belonged. Alonzo de Lugo
anſwered, that he would, in a proper time, quit the adminiſtration.
of them in his favour, but could not think of doing it till fuch time
as Guillen Peraza might be better qualified, by age and experience,
to manage ſuch important buſineſs as the government of his eftates..
This anfwer being no way fatisfactory to Guillen or the con-
ſpirators
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
165
up
fpirator after confiderable altercation, Alonzo del Campo rofe
and told him, that they had prepared a bark to carry him out of
the iſland, into which he muſt immediatly go without reſiſtance,
otherwiſe it ſhould coſt him his life. The Governor knowing he
had no force at hand to oppofe the confpirators, who were nu-
merous and refolute, and that the Spaniards and Gomerans bore
him an inveterate hatred, on account of his countenancing his wife
Donna Beatriz Bobadilla in the cruelty and injuftice the exer-
ciſed in Gomera; on theſe confiderations he acquiefced, and em-
barked without making any refiftance. As foon as he was on board,
the bark failed for Tenerife. Thus Alonzo de Lugo loft the go-
vernment of the islands of Hierro and Gomera, which were after-
wards ruled by Guillen Peraza, their lawful maſter, to the general
fatisfaction of all the inhabitants.
AN
AN
ENQUIRY
CONCERNING THE
ORIGIN of the NATIVES
OF THE
CANARY ISLANDS.
PL
LINY fays,
"There are no inhabitants in the Fortunate
"Iſlands." And in another place he ſays, "In Canaria
"are veftiges of buildings, which teſtify that it was for-
merly inhabited."
PLUTARCH'S Fortunate Iflands were alſo peopled, according to
his account of them; for he fays in one place, "The foil is fo
"abundantly fruitful, that it produces fpontaneouſly plants and
66
fruits, for uſe and delicacy, fufficient to anſwer the wants and
delight the palates of the inhabitants." Defcribing the tem-
perature of the climate, he ſays, "It is firmly believed even by
"the barbarous natives themſelves, that this is the feat of the
"Bleffed."
If theſe iſlands were formerly inhabited, what became of the
natives afterwards? for Madeira and Porto Santo, when diſcovered
by the Portugueze, were utterly deftitute of inhabitants. It muſt
have been owing to fome uncommon event, that all theſe people
abandoned their native country, without fo much as leaving a fingle
family behind. But if they periſhed in the iſlands, it is ſtill more
extraordinary;
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
167
1
1
*
extraordinary; for we never heard of the whole inhabitants of any
country being destroyed without exception, by war, famine, peſti-
lence, or any other calamity. If I may be allowed to guefs at
the cauſe of this depopulation, we must obferve that almoſt two
thirds of each of the Canary Iſlands are now covered with calcined
rocks, pumice-ftones, and black duft or afhes, which have for-
merly been thrown out from volcanos, the remains of which are
ftill to be ſeen in every one of thoſe iſlands..
I do not think it improbable, that many of the natives might have
been deftroyed by thoſe violent eruptions; and that the remainder
being terrified, abandoned their country, and went in queſt of
new habitations: but where they went, is a queſtion not eaſily
folved;, though fome writers affert, that they paffed over to Ame--
rica: but this is mere conjecture.
FROM two paffages in the Nubian Geographer, it would feem
that there were inhabitants in the Canary Iſlands, Madeira, or
Porto Santo, ſome time after the conqueſt of Spain by the Moors,.
and before the Spaniards expelled the Moors from Liſbon, in
1147. Of this the reader may judge for himſelf,, as I fhall here:
tranſcribe thoſe paffages.
PART I. Of the Third Climate. "In this fea is alſo the iſland
❝ of two brothers, magicians; the one of which is called Sciar--
« raham, and the other Sciaram.
LL
"THIS port is oppofite to Afafi*, and is at ſo ſmall a diſtance
*from it, that, when the air on the fea is clear and free from
* That this is Azaffi in Barbary is beyond all doubt, as may be feen by what he
fays thereof in the deſcription of the kingdom of Morocco: although Porto Santo is
not fo near the continent as he reprefents it; yet it is exactly, as he ſays, fronting
Afafi, or oppofite to it..
clouds,
}
168
HISTORY OF
THE
"clouds, you can difcern fmoke on the continent. There is alfo
"in this ſea an ifland of fheep, which is large and covered with
"a dark cloud*; in which iſland are innumerable ſheep, but
"fmall, and their fleſh extremely bitter to the taſte, and un-
"fit for food: and this likewiſe appears from the relation of the
Almaghrurin (Wanderers)."
66
PART I. Of the Fourth Climate.
Oppofite to Liſbon (which
is fituated on the coaſt of the Dark Sea), on the South bank of
"the river is the caftle of Almaaden (of treaſure), fo called from
gold which is thrown out after a ſtorm at fea. From Liſbon
"went out Almaghrurin (the Wanderers), who attempted the
"Dark Sea, to make diſcoveries and from them a path in the
takes its name, which it will
66
town, not far from the lake,
"retain to lateſt ages.
66
66
"And this is their hiftory.
Eight men, who were coufins,
having built a merchant-fhip, and provided it with water and
neceffary provifions for feveral months, began their voyage as
"ſoon as the eaſt wind began to blow: and when they had failed
"almoſt eleven days, with a fair wind, they came at laſt to a
certain fea, whofe thick waters had a difagreeable fmell, where
"there were many rocks and a duſky light: wherefore, being
afraid of certain fhipwreck, they altered their courſe, and fail-
ing twelve days to the fouth, they landed upon an iſland of
ſheep, or cattle, where innumerable flocks ftrayed without a
ſhepherd or guide. Here they found a fountain of running
"water, which was over-fhadowed by a wild fig-tree. And
66
66
66
* This anſwers exactly to the gloom or cloud that ſurrounded Madeira, when dif-
covered by the Portugueze, and which made them afraid to venture near it. The
iſlands Tenerife, Palma, and Madeira appear at a diſtance (when the trade-wind
blows) like thick dark clouds. Madeira was full of woods when diſcovered, which
no doubt attracted the vapours, and made it appear more gloomy.
2
4.6
having
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
169
** having caught fome fheep, or cattle, they killed them; but
"C
ત
perceiving their fleſh ſo bitter that it could not be eaten, they
only took their ſkins. After this, failing alſo twelve days at
the fouth, they defcried at a diſtance a certain iſland, and fee-
ing habitations and cultivated lands, they failed near to it, to
* make farther diſcoveries. But not long after, they were fur-
rounded with boats, taken priſoners, and conducted, together
with their ſhip, to a certain town fituated on the ſea-coaſt;
"where when they arrived they faw reddiſh men, with thin
" and long hair, and tall in ftature; the women were alſo fur-
"prizingly beautiful. They were kept there for three days, in a
certain houfe; but on the fourth day a man came to them, and
" aſked them, in Arabic, concerning their condition, for what
they came, and to whom they belonged? When they had
told him all their story, he promiſed happy things to them,
«and at the ſame time told them he was the King's interpreter.
"Wherefore, the next day, being brought to the King, and inter-
""
66
*6
.
rogated by him about the fame things which the interpreter
had afked, they told the King the fame ftory which they had
"told the interpreter the day before; that they had ventured to
"fea to difcover whatever was remarkable or wonderful in
it, and to penetrate to its utmoſt bounds. The King hearing
thefe things, laughed, and faid to the interpreter, Tell theſe
men, that my father commanded fome of his fubjects to fail
"this fea; and they failed by its breadth a whole month, fo that
the light failed them altogether, and fo their voyage was vain
"and uſeleſs. Moreover, the King commanded the interpreter
"to promiſe good things in his name to thefe people, and to
"bid them them put their confidence in him. They were then
"conducted back to the place of their confinement, and detained
"there till the weſt wind began to blow. Then being put
"to a boat, with their eyes bound, they were fent to fea; where,
"according
66
Zi
in-
170
THE HISTORY OF
"according to their relation, they remained three days and
nights: at length they arrived at the continent, where they
"were put on fhore, with their hands tied behind their backs,
and thus left to fhift for themſelves. In this condition they lay
"till day-break, during which time they fuffered the greateſt
"uneaſineſs from being bound fo tight. But at length hearing
"a noiſe of human voices, they altogether called aloud for help;
"when ſome people approaching, and ſeeing them in this miſer-
"able condition, enquired of them the caufe: theſe people (who
"were barbarians) aſked them if they knew how far they
"were from their own country? To which they replied, they
"could not tell. Upon this they were told that it was two
"months travel. The commander of theſe unfortunate men
hearing this, burſt out into this exclamation, Va Asfi! i. e.
"Alas! what we fuffer! and the place has ever fince been called
"Asfi. It is a harbour in the weftermoft part of the coaft,, of
"which we have already made mention."
46
As the Nubian Geographer had not the above-mentioned account
from the adventurers themſelves, we may reaſonably conclude that
we have not the relation of the voyage exactly as it was performed:
but if there is any truth in it at all, the iſland where the
voyagers
were blind-folded, and from thence fent to Azaffi, can be no other
than one of the Canary Iſlands, Madeira, or Porto Santo, all which
lie within three days fail of Azaffi.
Of all thofe iſlands, Fuertaventura bids faireſt for the iſland of
the two brothers, magicians, becauſe in clear weather it may be:
perceived from the continent of that part of Africa fituated to the
fouth-west of Azaffi..
Now as Azaffi was at that time the remoteft fea-port town to the
outh-weſt, it is probable that the natives of the continent oppo-
fite
THE CANARY ISLANDS..
171
fite to Fuertaventura, coming to Azaffi to trade, might inform the
inhabitants of that town, that from their coaft they always, in
clear weather, obferved an ifland. This will account for our au-
thor's ſaying, This port looks towards Azaffi, and is at fo fmall
"a diftance from it, that, when the air on the fea is clear and
* free from clouds, you can diſcern ſmoke on the continent."
I ſhall now proceed to give ſome account of the original of
thoſe people deſcribed in the foregoing Hiſtory of the Diſcovery
and Conqueft of the Canary Iſlands. The author of that Hiſtory
has written no less than three folio pages to confute an opinion,
held by fome, that the natives of the Canaries were the defcen-
dants of the ten tribes of Ifrael that were carried into captivity by
the Affyrians.
His own opinion is, that they came from Mauritania; and
this he founds on the reſemblance of names of places in Africa
and in the iſlands; for fays he, "Telde, which is the name of
"the oldeſt habitation in Canaria, Orotava, and Tegefte, are all
66
names which we find given to places in Mauritania and in
"Mount Atlas. It is to be ſuppoſed that Canaria, Fuertaventu-
"ra, and Lancerota were peopled by the Alarbes, who are the
"nation moſt eſteemed in Barbary; for the natives of thoſe iſlands
"named milk Aho, and barley Temafen, which are the names
"that are given to thoſe things in the language of the Alarbes of
Barbary." He adds, that
66
"AMONG the books of a library that was in the cathedral of
"St. Anna, in Canaria, there was one, ſo much disfigured and
"torn that it wanted both the beginning and the end; it treated of
the Romans, and gave an account, that when Africa was a
"Roman province, the natives of Mauritania rebelled, and killed
Z 2
their
1
172
OF
THE HISTORY
66
""
"their Preſidents and Governors; upon which the fenate, refolv
ing to punish and make a fevere example of the rebels, fent a
powerful army into Mauritania, which vanquiſhed and reduced
"them again to obedience: foon after, the ringleaders of the
"rebellion were put to death; and the tongues of the common
"fort, and of their wives and children, were cut out, and then
they were all put on board veſſels, with fome grain and cattle,
"and tranſported to the Canary Iſlands *."
""
WHETHER the Canarians were exiles from Africa, or not, I
ſhall not pretend to determine; but am perfuaded they came
originally from thence. This may eaſily be proved from the fimi-
litude of cuſtoms and language in South Barbary, to thofe of the
natives of all the Canary Islands, excepting Tenerife ..
FOR inftance, the Libyans, before they gave their daughters
in marriage, kept them apart fome time, and fed them with milk
till they became very fat. When any of them were wounded,
they poured hot butter into the wound. And their principal diſh,
called Couſcouffou, was much the ſame with the Goffio of the Ca-
narians.
BUT the greateſt proof lies in the fimilitude between the:
Canarian and Libyan languages, as may be obferved in the fol-
lowing collection of words gathered out of the Hiftory of
the Diſcovery and Conqueft. My author is miſtaken when.
* One Thomas Nicols, who lived ſeven years in the Canary Iſlands, and wrote
a hiftory of them, fays, that the beſt account he could get of the origin of the na-
tives, was that they were exiles from Africa, banifhed thence by the Romans, who
cut out their tongues for blafpheming their Gods.
+ The language in Tenerife, at the time of the conqueft, had no affinity to thoſe
ſpoken in the reſt of the iſlands: by the annexed ſpecimen it ſeems to have fome rǝ-
femblance of the Peruvian or fome other of the American tongues.
↑ See the Defcription of Africa.
he
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
173
1:
he fays, the languages of the iſlands reſembled the language
ſpoken by the Alarbes or Arabs of Barbary; for the two words
he mentions are not Arabic, but Shillha, the language now
ſpoken in the mountains in the kingdoms of Morocco, Suz,
and other parts of South Barbary. Although the number of
the words in the fpecimen of the languages of the iſlands, ex-
clufive of that of Tenerife, amount to more than eighty, yet
there are not above twenty of them which I can rightly deduce
from the Shillha: which may cauſe an objection to what I affert
concerning the original of the Canarians; but it must be confi-
dered, that ſome of the dialects of the Libyan tongue are as much
different from one another, as the Canarian is from the Shillha
yet they are all branches of one original language, as I fhall fhew
hereafter, in the defcription of Africa.
It is evident that the Libyans did not come to the Canary Iſlands
till after Pliny had wrote his Natural Hiſtory; for he tells us that
thoſe iſlands were then uninhabited; and it is as clear it muſt have
been before the conqueft of Barbary by the Arabs, otherwife we
ſhould have found fome of the ceremonies of the Mahomedan re-
ligion* among the Canarians.
It is even not improbable that the Libyans who first fettled in
the iſlands, fled thither to avoid falling into the hands of the vic-
torious Arabs.
THE natives of the Canary Iſlands, at the time of the conqueft,
knew not the uſe of boats, confequently the inhabitants of one
iſland could not have any intercourſe with thoſe of another ; yet,
fays my author, the languages of all of them, except that of Te-
nerife, though very different, had ſome affinity to each other.
*All the Libyans profefs Mahomedaniſm.
ACol-
174
THE HISTORY OF
A Collection of all the Words extant in the Languages of the an-
cient Inhabitants of the Canary Islands, gathered from the Hiftory
of the Diſcovery and Conqueft, together with the Words of the
fame meaning in the Shillha or Libyan Tongue that refemble them.
Lancerota and Fuertaventura
Shillha, a Dialect of
Dialect.
Aho
Milk
Temafen Barley
the Libyan tongue.
Agcho.
Tomzeen.
Tezzefes
Sticks, which the natives ufed Tezezreat, a tree.
as weapons.
Mahay
Valiant or Honourable Men.
Altihay
Efeguen
Houſes of Devotion.
Fquir, a prieſt. See
Tamarco
A Garment.
Guapil
A Cap.
the words of the
Canarians.
Maho
A Shoe.
Goffio
Barley-meal toaſted.
Taffiaque Stones fharpened, uſed inſtead of
knives.
Guanil
Wild Goats.
Harhuy
Skins or Leather.
Gomeran Dialect.
Gomera
The name of the Ifland.
Gumeri, a tribe of
Africans.
Taginafte A certain tree.
Tahuyan Petticoats of goats fkins.
Taginaft, a Palm-tree.
Tahuyat, a Blanket or
2
Cloth.
Hierronian
}
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
175
Hierronian Dialect.
Efero
The name of the Ifland, which
Garfe
fignified Strong. See the
words of the Palmefe.
The famous Tree which yield-
ed Water.
Aguamanes Roots of Fern, roafted, beaten,
and foaked in butter.
Ahemon
Water.
Achemen
Milk.
Aculan
Butter,
Aran
Roots of Fern.
Verdones
Tomafaques
Long Poles.
Guatatiboa A gathering together of the
People to a Feaſt.
A fat Sheep.
Their Male Deity.
Their Female Deity.
Fubaque
Eraorânzan
Moneyba
Aranjairo
A Mediator.
Canarian Dialect.
Acoran
God.
Tibicenas
Shillba.
Amon. In the Aza-
naga dialect, Em-
ma.
Apparitions in form of a ſhock
Dog.
Guanarteme A King.
Mkoorn. In the
Showiyah dialect,
Amoukran, Great,
or Mafter, or Lord.
A Prieſt or Lawyer, next in Fqair.
dignity to the King.
Houſes of Devotion, or Tem- Talmogaren.
ples.
Faycag
Almogaren
Magados
Poles or Sticks, uſed as weapons.
Amodagas
Ditto, ſharp-pointed and har-
dened by fire.
Sabor,
1176
THE HISTORY OF
Canarian Dialect.
Shillba.
P
Sabor
Gayres
Gama
The Privy Council.
The Members of the Privy Mgar, a Ruler, or
Council.
Enough.
Magadas A kind of Nuns, or religious
Man of Note.
Women.
Tamoganteen Houſes.
Aridaman Goats.
Taharan Sheep
Taguacen
Hogs.
Tigameen.
1
Afamotan*
Barley.
Archormafe Green Figs.
Tehaunenen Dried Figs.
Aho
Milk.
Carianas
Adargoma
Tamazanona Fleſh fried in Butter.
Tarkarmuft, alfo
Eckorran.
Agho, or Agcho.
Seroons or Bafkets, made of Carian.
Ruſhes or Palms.
Shoulders of a Rock.
Ataycate
Great or Stout Heart.
Tarkiſt, the Heart.
Arabiſenen
A Savage.
Doramas
Atirtifma
Noftrils.
The name by which they in- Ater,High orLofty.
voked God.
may
Atirtifma
mean the Lofty
One, or Moft High. The ancients inform us that Atlas
was called by the natives Ater, Dyr, and Adyrrim.
*I am apt to imagine my author has tranfpofed theſe words through negligence;
and that the firft fignifies Barley, as it did in Lancerota and Fuertaventura.
Now, the Libyans call a Mountain, Athrair and Adrair.
+
(
Pal nefe
•
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
177
Benehoare
Tagragigo
The name of the Iſland.
Hot Water, or a Well of Me-
Palmefe Dialect.
Shillba.
Beni-Howare, A
tribe of Africans
dicinal Water.
on Atlas.
Tebercorade
Good Water.
Tocande
Calcined Stones, ſuch as are
thrown out by volcanos.
Tigo, or Tigot Heaven.
Tigotan
The Heavens.
Tigot.
Tigotan.
Mayantigo
A Man's name, meaning Hea-
venly, Refembling Heaven,
or that he was Amiable as
Part of Heaven.
A Man's name, who had loft
his arm; the word fignify-
ing, an Arm cut off.
Black or Duſkey.
A Mountain.
Aganeye
Afuquahe
Thener
Tedote
A Hill.
Aguyan
A Dog.
Adeyhamen
Acer
Athrair, in the Sho-
wiyah dialect.
Under the Water: fo they Douwaman.
termed a diſtrict overlooked
by eminences in which
were the water-fprings.
A ftrong Hold, or inacceffible
Place. In the Hierronian
dialect it had the fame fig-
nification.
Sheep or Goats Fleſh.
White.
Teguibite
Iffe
Atiniviva
Hogs.
Adago
Goats Milk.
A a
Ruefco
178
THE HISTORY OF
Palmefe Dialect.
Shillba.
Ruefco
Roots of Malvas.
Abora
God.
Guirres
Ravens or Crows.
Irvene
Vacaguare
I want to die.
Mocas
Apparitions. Perhaps from Rben, Gods.
Goads, fharp-pointed and har-
dened by fire.
Y iguida y
iguan Idafe S
Guegerte y
guantaro
"}
It will fall! Idafe will fall!
Y want y
dir Idafe.
Ifkaſt, Oreyder.
Give to it, and it will not fall.
THE above ſpecimen of the feveral languages of the Canarian
Iſlands is written according to the Spaniſh orthography; and it
muſt be obſerved that Gua, Gue, muſt in Engliſh be pronounced
Wa, We; Ch, as in the word Cherry, &c. the Spanish J is
founded gutturally. Our Spaniſh author has given the termina-
tions of his language to the above Canarian words; for a Spaniard
cannot pronounce a word without terminating it with a vowel,
except thoſe words which end in d, n, r, s, z, 1, x, y. The Ca-
narian plurals, as well as the Libyan, end in n, but our author
has changed them; for inftance, for Carian, Baſkets, he has given
us Carianas, becauſe the Spaniſh plurals never terminate in n.
As our author had thoſe Canarian words from the defcendants
of the natives, who in his time ſpoke nothing but Spaniſh, and
had no knowledge of the language of their anceſtors but by tra-
dition; therefore we may ſuppoſe that thoſe words are greatly
altered: yet if we cut off the Spaniſh terminations, and change
Gua and Gue into Wa, We, we fhall find the affinity of the Ca-
narian tongue to the Libyan, as near as we could well expect,
4
even
1
*
}
+
$
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
179
even fuppofing the Libyans and Canarians to have been originally
the fame people. For inftance; according to the Engliſh pro-
nunciation, Y iguida y iguan (i. e. it will fall), muſt be
pro-
nounced thus, Y iwid y iwan: and ſuppoſing that the words are
tranſpoſed from their original or real difpofition, and that they
were placed thus, Y iwan y iwid, we fhould find in them a great
likeneſs to the Libyan words of the fame meaning, viz. Y want
У dir. However, of this the reader will judge for himſelf. I
have here given the Canarian vocabulary exactly as it is in the
Spaniſh manufcript.
Tenerifean Dialect.
Achineche
Vincheni
The name of the iſland.
The Natives.
Guibon
Arguihon *
Quebechi
Ahico +
Anepa
Achguarergenan
Achoran
Achaman
་
Ships.
Behold Ships, or Ships appear.
The Royal Dignity.
A Cloak or Garment.
A Scepter or Spear.
Suſtainer of Heaven and Earth.
1
Achuhuiaban
Achucana
Aguayarerar
Guatirari
Atguaychafunatuman
Achicuca
Zucafa
Tavonas
Menfey+
Achemenfey
The Great, Sublime, and Suſtainer of all.
God, or He who holds the World.
He who holds the Heaven.
A Son.
A Daughter.
Knives made of ſharp ftones.
A King.
Nobles or Gentlemen.
A a 2
Chilhi-
7
180
THE HISTORY, &c.
Tenerifean Dialect.
Cilhifiquico
Efquires or Yeomen.
Achicarnay
Quebehiera
Peaſants or Servants.
Your Highnefs; for fo they ftiled the King.
Barley-meal, roaſted.
Barley.
Little Dogs.
A Goat.
Ahorer
Taro
Cancha
Ara
Ana
A Sheep.
Venefmer
Hacichei
Ahof
Oche
Yoja
Chacerquen
Triguen §
Coran
Chamato
Atuman
Tagaror
The month of Auguſt.
Peas, Beans, or Tares.
Milk.
Butter.
Mocanes, or Elder-berries.
Honey, or Melaffes made of mocanes.
Wheat.
A Man.
A Woman.
Heaven.
The Place of Judgment or Juſtice.
THE first word marked * in the Tenerifean dialect reſembles
the name of a port on the coaſt of Africa, called Arguin, formerly
much frequented by ſhipping. The fecond †, Tahayck, which
in Shillha fignifies a Garment. The third ‡, Menſa, which in the
language of the Bambara, or Mandingo Blacks, fignifies a King.
The fourth §, Trigo, which in Spaniſh fignifies Wheat.
A
DESCRIPTION
OF THE
CANARY ISLANDS:
INCLUDING
The Modern Hiftory of the INHABITANTS,
AND
An Account of their CUSTOMS, MANNERS, TRADE, &c.
•
A
B
Page 183.
10
8
10 20
24
17/17 18
27
10
25
20
+34 344
13
25
20
112
30
25
30
20
18
20
20
20
3030
во
60
60
NW
20
60 60
60
100
All the figures in this Chart denote the depth
of water at fulles ea, It flows here XI hours
and 45 minutes at full & changel.
▲ the leading marks for the south entry
of Porto de Naos.
В Ditto for the entry of Porto Cavallos.
C The Castle of Porto de Nãos.
The Breadth of the Harbour of Porte
·
de Nams is about a Cables length 2,
The Bottom of the entry is rocky;
but within the Harbours it is
fine
land).
·
SW
SE
14 North entry of Porto de Naos
NE
A DRAUGHT
of the
HARBOURS ofPORTO de NAOS,
and
PORTO CAVALLO s;
in the
ISLAND of LAN CEROTA.
+
A
DESCRIPTION
OF THE
CANARY ISLANDS.
CHA P. I.
A Deſcription of Lancerota and the adjacent uninhabited Iſlands.
T
HIS iſland is very high, and may be diſcerned at a great
diſtance. On approaching it ſeems very black, rocky,
and barren. It is about fifteen miles long and ten broad.
The latitude of the centre of the iſland is twenty-nine degrees
eight minutes north.
THE principal port is on the fouth-eaſt fide, and is called Porto
de Naos, where any veffel, not drawing above eighteen feet, may
enter at high-water and ſpring tides, and lay fecure from all
winds and weather; although in failing along the coaft, the
ſhipping appear as if at anchor in an open road, the harbour be-
ing formed by a ridge of rocks, which cannot be perceived at any
diſtance, moſt of them lying under water: theſe break off the
fwell of the ſea, ſo that the infide is as ſmooth as a mill-pond.
As there is no other convenient place in this, or any of the reſt
of the Canary Iſlands, for cleaning or repairing large veſſels, it is
much frequented for that purpoſe by the ſhipping which trade to
theſe iſlands. At the weft end of the harbour ftands a fquare
caſtle, built of ftone, and mounted with fome annon, but of no
very great ſtrength, for fhips of war may approach within mufquet-
fhot of it.
AT
184
OF
THE HISTORY
AT this port there is no town or village, but there are fome
magazines, where corn is depofited in order to be ready for ex-
portation.
On the weft fide of the caſtle is another port, called Porto Ca-
vallos, and by fome El Recife. This is alfo an excellent har-
bour, formed, like Porto de Naos, by a ridge of rocks; but the
entrance to it is fhallow, there being no more than twelve feet
water at ſpring-tides. Upon a ſmall iſland, or large rock, be-
tween the two harbours, ftands the aforefaid caftle, which de-
fends them both. This rock is joined to the land by a bridge,
under which boats go from Porto de Naos to Porto Cavallos.
Ar the north end of Lancerota is a large fpacious harbour,
called El Rio, which is a ftreight or channel, dividing the iſland
of Lancerota from the uninhabited iſland of Graciofa. A ſhip
of any burthen may enter this harbour at one end, and go out at
the other if ſhe keeps in the mid-way between the two iſlands,
ſhe will always have fix or ſeven fathoms water.
BUT if a ſhip wants a ſmooth place to lie in while the trade-
wind blows, ſhe muſt, in coming into this harbour from the eaſt-
ward, run a good way in, and double a ſhallow point which lies
on the right hand, taking care to give it a good birth, which may
eafily be done by coming no nearer it than four fathoms; when
paſt it, ſhe may edge near to Graciofa, and anchor in any conve-
nient depth of water; for it ſhoals gradually towards the ſhore,
cloſe to which there are two fathoms.
THIS is a convenient place in the fummer-ſeaſon for careening
large ſhips; for a man of war of any nation that may happen to
be at war with Spain, may come in here and unload all her ſtores,
&c.
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
185
&c. on the iſland of Graciofa, and heel and fcrub. Or if two
chance to come in together, the one may heave down by the
other; in doing which they need not fear any oppofition from the
inhabitants, for there is neither caſtle or habitation near this port.
BUT the water here is not fo ſmooth as in Porto de Naos, eſpecially
if the trade-wind happens to blow hard from the eaſt, which
fends in a ſwell that makes it very troubleſome, if not impoffible
to careen a ſhip properly. But the wind does not often blow from
that quarter in this part of the world. That which prevails moſt
is the north or north-north-east trade-wind. In mooring here,
great care muſt be taken to have a good anchor and large ſcope of
cable towards Lancerota; for in eaſt or ſouth-eaft winds, heavy
gufts or fqualls come from the high land of that ifland. In the
winter the wind here fometimes fhifts to the fouth-weft, when it
is neceffary to weigh and run back to the eastward round the
aforefaid ſhallow point, until the ſhip be land-locked from that
wind, and there anchor..
THAT part of Lancerota facing the harbour of El Rio is an
exceeding high and ſteep cliff, from the bottom of which to the
harbour or fea-fhore, is about two mufquet-fhot diftance. The
ground in this fpace is low, and here is a falina or falt-work, be-
ing a fquare piece of land, levelled, and divided by fhallow
trenches about two inches deep; into thefe they let the fea-water,
which, by the heat of the fun and the nature of the foil, foon
turns into falt.
FROM the ſhore of this harbour there is no other way of
acceſs into Lancerota than by climbing a narrow, fteep, and intri-
cate path-way that leads to the top of the high cliff before-men-
tioned. It is ſcarce poffible for a ſtranger to aſcend it without a
B b
guide;
186
HISTORY OF
THE
guide; for if he ſhould chance to wander from the path, he
could not easily find it again, and would be in imminent danger
of breaking his neck.
THERE are no other ports in Lancerota befides thoſe already
mentioned. All the fouth fide of the iſland may be reckoned one
continued harbour when the trade-wind blows, for then the fea
there is ſmooth, and a boat may land at many places without any
danger from the furf.
ABOUT two leagues inland from Porto de Naos, towards the
north-weft, is the town of Cayas, or Rubicon, the chief habita-
tion in the iſland, and which was formerly a Bishop's fee. It
contains about two hundred houſes, a church, and a convent of
Friars it has an old caſtle, mounted with fome guns for its de-
fence. Moſt of the dwelling-houſes here have but a mean appear-
ance.
1
. ABOUT two leagues inland, and to the fouthward from the
top of the narrow path-way of the cliff at El Rio, ftands the
town of Haria, the next in fize to Cayas. I imagine it may con-
tain about three hundred inhabitants. All the buildings here,
except the church and three or four private houſes, are very
mean and poor. When I was there, it was the refidence of the
Governor, but the Alcalde Major and the officers of the Inquifi-
tion lived at Rubicon.
THE iſland Graciofa lies on the north fide of the channel El
Rio, and is an uninhabited and barren iſland, which is deftitute
of water. It is about three miles in length, and two in breadth.
In the winter-ſeaſon the natives of Lancerota fend goats and fheep
there to graze; but in the fammer, when there is no rain, and the
grafs
:
THE
187
CANARY ISLANDS.
grafs is dry and withered, they are obliged to bring them back to
Lancerota.
FOUR or five miles north of Graciofa lies Alegranza, a high
and rocky iſland, barren and deftitute of water, confequently
uninhabited. It is not fo large as Graciofa. On viewing it
from the top of a mountain in Graciofa, it appeared to me that a
ſhip might ride at anchor in ſmooth water to leeward of it, where
the ſea ſeems to be coloured white, as if there was fhoal-water and
a fandy bottom. The natives of Lancerota go at certain times to
Alegranza, to gather orchilla-weed.
ABOUT eight miles to the eastward of Alegranza and Graciofa
is a large high rock in the ſea, called Roca del Efte, i. e. the Eaſt
Rock. On the weſt ſide of thoſe iſlands is another of the fame
fize, Roca del Oufte, i. e. the Weſt Rock. South-weft, about
three leagues from Graciofa, lies a rocky uninhabited iſland, named
Santa Clara. Many fhips are wrecked upon theſe uninhabited
iſlands in the night-time, being miſled by errors in their reckon-
ing, and alſo by thoſe iſlands being improperly laid down in our
charts, which generally place them thirty miles further fouth
than they ought to be.
I remember, that, a few years ago an Engliſh ſhip ran, in the
night, upon Alegranza, and was ſoon after beat to pieces. The
crew with ſome difficulty got fafe afhore upon the iſland, where
they made feveral fignals to acquaint the natives of Lancerota with
their diſtreſs and bring them to their relief, but in vain.
MEAN time they had the good fortune to find ſome rain-water
in the holes of the rocks; this, with what proviſions they had
faved from the wreck, enabled them to ſubſiſt for fome days; but
B b 2
feeing
;
7
188
OF
THE HISTORY
ſeeing famine ſtaring them in the face, and obſerving that the wind
blew almoſt continually from Alegranza toward Graciofa, they
made a raft of ſpars, which they had faved from the wreck, and
fecured it well together with ropes; upon this raft the mafter of
the veſſel embarking, having a maſt and fail, and an oar to ſerve
inſtead of a rudder, boldly put to ſea, and ſoon after fafely landed
in Graciofa, where, as it was then winter-feaſon, he found ſome
fhepherds and fishermen, to whom he related his adventure and
the diſtreſs of his crew upon which the fiſhermen immediately
went off in a boat to their relief, and brought them all fafe to
Lancerota.
THE
CHA P. II.
Defcription of the Island of Fuertaventura.
HE north end of this ifland lies fouth-and-by-weſt from
the fouth-west point of Lancerota, about feven miles
diſtance.
IN the channel between them, but nearest to Fuertaventura,
lies the little ifland of Lobos (i. e. Seals), which is about a league
in circumference, uninhabited and deftitute of water.
NEAR it there is a good road for ſhipping: the mark to find
it, is to bring the eaſt point of Lobos to bear north-eaſt-by-north
or north-eaft, and anchor half way between it and Fuertaventura,
or rather nearer to Fuertaventura. Although this road feems to
be
open and expoſed, yet it is very ſafe with the trade-wind, for
the water is ſmooth, and the ground every where clean, being a
fine fandy bottom. Right afhore from the road, on the ſhore of
Fuertaventura, is a well of good water, eafy to come at.
FUERTA-
THE CANARY
189
ISLAND S.
ge-
FUERTAVENTURA is about eighty miles in length, and in
neral fifteen in breadth; in the middle it is narrow and low, for
it is there almoft cut in two by the fea. That part of the iſland
which is on the fouth fide of the isthmus is mountainous, fandy,
barren, and almoſt entirely uninhabited. The northern part is
alſo mountainous, yet the inland part is fertile and well inhabited
In failing along this ifland, there are no houſes to be difcerned
on the ſea-coaſt, except at two or three places, where barks go
to load corn.
ABOUT fixteen miles to the fouthward of the road, near Lo-
bos, is a bay, in which there is a road where barks lie and lade
corn ; it is called Porto de Cabras: a ftranger cannot find it
without a pilot, for the ground all round it is rocky and foul.
On the ſhore, near the road, is a patch of yellow fand, which ap-
pears off at fea like a few acres of ripe corn, or field of wheat
juſt reaped this is the beſt mark I know for finding Porto de
Cabras.
Two leagues further along the fhore, to the fouthward, is the
port of Cala de Fuftes, where corn is alſo ſhipped off. This har-
bour is only fit for ſmall barks: here they lie fecure from all
winds, except the fouth-east, which rarely blows in that part of
the world. When that happens, they immediately unload, and
hawl up their barks on the beach at high-water, and then fill
them with ftones; fo that notwithstanding the fwell which the
wind fends in, they remain immoveable and unhurt. There is
a good road before the harbour, where fhips may ride, which is
deſcribed in the map of the islands.
This port may be known by a round black tower, and fome
houfes near it. This tower is built of great ftones with lime,
after
190
OF
THE HISTORY
after the fame form as the caftle of Rubicon in Lancerota, and,
like it, has the door about twelve feet higher than the ground,
fo that to enter one muft place a ladder against the wall, and fo
climb up.
The top of the tower is flat, with battlements round
it, on which are mounted two or three cannon for the defence of
the port and ſhipping from corfairs. A Serjeant of the militia,
with his family, reſides in a houſe cloſe by, whoſe office it is to
take an account of what corn is ſhipped off from the port. He
is alfo Governor of the fort and harbour, and gives an account to
the Governor of the iſland and the Alcalde Major, of all ſhips
that arrive in the road or haven. In cafe of an enemy's fhip ap-
pearing, he is to alarm the iſland, and retire with his family and
the crews of the barks, into the tower, and draw in the ladder
after him, and ſhut the door: in which caſe I imagine it would
be no eaſy matter to get at them.
FOUR leagues to the fouthward of Cala de Fuftes is a high,
fteep, rocky point, called Punta de Negro; between theſe are
fome bays, where ſhips may anchor, and where freſh water may
be had; but a ſtranger cannot diſcover the proper anchoring-ground
nor the watering-places, without a pilot. As I cannot pretend to
give directions fo exactly as that a ſtranger may not miſtake them,
I think it better not to give any. On the other fide of Cape
Negro is a ſpacious bay, called Las Playas: the beſt anchoring-place
in it, is on the north fide, within a large white ſandy ſpot on the
cliffs on the right hand going in: there it is clean fandy ground,
at a convenient diſtance from the ſhore, in fourteen fathoms
water. But becauſe of the fudden gufts from the cliffs, and eddies
of wind that blow from many points of the compaſs in this bay,
it will be neceffary to moor your veffel.
In the north corner of the
accefs, being cloſe to the fea,
bay there is a well, eaſy of
which, if I remember right,
flows
1
THE
191
CANARY ISLAND S.
flows into it at high-water. The water of this well is fomewhat
brackish, and foon ftinks.
THE weftward or leeward point of this bay is a high rocky
cliff, the top of which projects and hangs over the ſea: juſt
beyond it is a fandy bay, called Gran Tarrahala, where a fhip
may anchor in fix or feven fathoms water. On the ſhore of this
bay is a wood of a ſort of buſhes like wild pine, ſome of which
are big enough for fuel for fhipping; an article of great value in
Lancerota and Fuertaventura.
FROM Tarrahala bay, weſt-ſouth-weſt half fouth, ſeven leagues
diſtant, is a point called Morro Gable: all the land between is
fandy, barren, and uninhabited.
FROM Morro Gable, weft, twelve miles diftance, is the Point
of Handia. There are many anchoring-places in this tract, with
a trade-wind the fea here is ſmooth, and there is plenty of
good freſh water to be had. If you have not an experienced
pilot, you muſt find out the beſt ground for anchoring in by the
lead. The wells afhore cannot be found without a guide. But
the bay of Handia, lying to the eastward of the point of that
name, is a ſpacious bay, with clean fandy ground, where the ſea
is generally very fmooth. About half a mile right off to fea from
the point, lies a funken rock, which may fometimes be ſeen at
low-water: the fea commonly breaks upon it. Beyond Point
Handia, the ſhore turns to the northward, along by the other fide
of the iſland, unto the ifle of Lobos. All this fide of the ifland,
except the middle, is much expoſed to a northerly wind, whichi
throws a heavy fwelling fea on the many reefs of rocks that abound
there, on which it breaks with great violence; but the middle
part is a large bight, having a ſandy ſhore, at a convenient diſtance
from
*
192
THE HISTORY OF
from which there is good anchoring and clear fandy ground. On
the ſhore there is a port and village, called Tofton, where barks
lade corn here is a tower, like that at Cala de Fuftes. What
is here faid concerning this fide of the iſland, I have from the re-
lations of the Canary feamen; I have never been there myſelf. I
fhall now proceed to defcribe the inland places.
Not quite two leagues inland from the road of Lobos before-
mentioned, is a town called Oliva, ſituated in the middle of a plain
abounding with corn-fields. Here is a church and fome good
houſes, the number of them, if I remember right, may be about
fifty. The next town to this, in the fame direction from Lobos,
is La Villa, the chief town in the iſland: this place is the centre of
that part of the iſland lying north of the ifthmus. Here is a church
and a convent of Francifcan Friars; the number of houſes are
early an hundred,
A ſhort league inland from Las Playas, is a town called Tu-
nehe; this alfo contains about an hundred houſes, but they are
very mean, in compariſon with thoſe of La Villa and Oliva.
BESIDES thefe there are many fmall villages fcattered up and
down in the northern and inland part of the iſland, in ſuch a man-
ner that as ſoon as we loſe fight of one, we come in view of an-
other; but the fea-coaſt, as I ſaid before, is rocky, barren, and
uninhabited. The other half of the iſland, called Handia, is to-
tally deſolate, only here and there one meets with a ſhepherd's
cottage, for there are no villages or farms in that part of the iſland.
BETWEEN the fouth-weft end of Lancerota and the little ifland
of Lobos, there is a broad channel, through which ſhips fail, be-
ing deep in the middle, and ſhoaling gradually towards Lancerota,
near
$
THE CANARY
193
ISLAND S.
near to which are five fathoms water, but very near or cloſe to
Lobos the ground is foul and rocky. There is room enough in this
paffage for ſhips of any burden to ply to windward, and there is no
neceffity for approaching too near to Lobos.
WHEN a fhip comes from the eaſtward with the trade-wind,
and is paffing through this channel, bound to the westward, as ſoon
as ſhe brings a high hill on Lancerota to bear right to windward of
her, ſhe will be becalmed, and foon after have the wind at fouth-
weſt. When this happens, fhe muſt make ſhort tacks until the
gets into the trade again, or a conſtant northerly wind, the firſt puff
of which will come to her at west or weft-north-weft, which when
ſhe receives ſhe muſt not ſtand to the northward, otherwiſe fhe will
immediately loſe it again, but muſt ſtand towards Lobos, the nearer
ſhe approaches to which ſhe will have the wind more large; and
before ſhe is two-thirds channel-over, fhe will have a fteady wind
at north or north-north-eaſt.
THERE is a channel between the north end of Fuertaventura
and Lobos, but not fo deep or broad as the other; yet to thoſe who
are acquainted with it, it is a good paffage, for there is not leſs than
five fathoms water in the fair way.
WHEN there is a great wefterly fwell hereabouts, the ſea breaks
on the rocks at the north-weſt end of Lobos, with ſuch violence,
that it is horrible to behold; and I may, without exaggeration, af-
firm that I have ſeen breakers there near fixty feet high: was
one of theſe to ſtrike the ſtrongeſt ſhip, ſhe would be ſtaved to
pieces in a moment. When I ſaw thoſe mighty breakers, our
ſhip had juſt paſſed through the channel between Fuertaventura
and Lobos: we had a fine brifk trade-wind at north-north-eaſt ;
and although we had no leſs than ten fathoms depth of water when
Cc
we
!
194.
HISTORY OF
THE
we came into the wefterly fwell, yet we trembled for fear the
waves would have broken, and thought ourſelves happy when we
got out of foundings. We heard the noiſe of theſe breakers, like
diſtant thunder, after we were paſt them fix or ſeven leagues.
CHA P. III.
Of the Climate, Weather, Soil, and Produce of the Islands of Lan-
cerota and Fuertaventura.
TH
HE climate of thoſe iſlands is exceeding wholeſome, which
may be owing to the drinefs of the foil and the ſtrong
northerly winds that almoſt continually blow upon them,. fo that.
the inhabitants in general live to a great age..
FROM the middle or end of April, unto the beginning or middle
of October, the wind blows vehemently, and almoſt without inter-
miflion from the north and north-north-eaft: fometimes it veers a
a little to the eaſtward. From the middle of October to the end of
April it blows generally in the fame direction, but now and then
intermits and gives place to other winds. The fouth-weft wind
always brings rain, and therefore is a moſt welcome gueſt to theſe
iſlands. Other winds bring ſhowers, particularly the north-west;
but thoſe ſhowers are partial, and of no duration, confequently are
of little ſervice to the ground: but the rain that comes from the
fouth-weſt often laſts two or three days. It falls very thick, in
ſmall drops, and foaks into the earth, moiſtening it thoroughly.
When theſe rains begin to fall, the natives fow their grain; and
about fourteen or twenty days after the latter rains, viz.. towards
the end of April, it is ready for reaping. Of the natures and pro-
perties of the winds that blow among thoſe iſlands, I ſhall have oc-
cafion to treat at length in the deſcription of the oppofite continent.
I shall
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
195
I fhall only obſerve here, that the north and north-north-east
winds blow ſo hard and conſtantly upon theſe iſlands as to prevent
the growth of all forts of trees, eſpecially in Lancerota, which is
moſt expoſed to their violence: yet we find a few fhrubs or bushes
there, called Tubaybas, which never grow to a great height
any where; but here, becauſe of the ftrong winds, they ſpread
along the ground, except when ſheltered from it by rocks or walls.
In the gardens there are fig-trees and fome low trees or fhrubs,
which ſeldom ſhoot up higher than the garden-walls.
!
FUERTAVENTURA is not quite fo much expoſed to the wind
as Lancerota; therefore it is not quite fo bare of trees and ſhrubs.
Thoſe that grow there are the palm, the wild olive, and a fort
of wild pine, which the natives call Tarrahala. The cotton and
euphorbium ſhrubs, fig-trees, and the ſhrub bearing the prickly
pear, grow in gardens, although this laſt grows without cultiva-
tion in the fields in Canaria, and the iſlands to the weftward
thereof.
ALTHOUGH theſe iſlands are ſo deſtitute of trees, yet they abound
with excellent herbage, among which grow feveral kinds of odori-
ferous flowers; the great plenty and variety of theſe induced the
inhabitants to bring bees from the other iſlands, in order to propa-
gate here; but they were di fappointed in their expectations, as
none of thoſe infects would remain with them: in all probability
they could not bear the violent winds which blow here. Corn of
various kinds grow in Lancerota and Fuertaventura, namely,
wheat, barley, maize or Indian corn, and in fuch abundance as
not only to ferve the inhabitants, but alſo thofe of Tenerife and
Palma, who depend greatly on theſe iſlands for their fuftenance.
TILL within theſe laſt thirty years Lancerota produced no
vines: at that time a volcano broke out, and covered many fields
Cc 2
with
196
OF
THE
HISTORY
with ſmall duft and pumice-ftones, which have improved the foil
to fuch a degree, that vines are now planted there, which thrive
well and yield grapes, but the wine made from them is thin,
poor, and ſo ſharp that a ſtranger cannot diftinguiſh it by the taſte
from vinegar; yet it is very wholeſome. Fuertaventura produces
a greater quantity of wine, which is of a quality fomething fupe-
rior to that of Lancerota.
UPON the rocks on the fea-coaft grows a great quantity of
orchilla-weed, an ingredient uſed in dying, well known to our
dyers in London. It grows out of the pores of the ſtones or rocks,
to about the length of three inches: I have ſeen ſome eight or
ten inches, but that is not common. It is of a round form, and.
of the thickneſs of common fewing twine. Its colour is grey, in-
clining to white: here and there on the ftalk we find white fpots:
or fcabs. Many ftalks proceed from one root,, at ſome diſtance-
from which they divide into branches. There is no earth or mould
to be perceived upon the rock or ſtone where it
grows. Thoſe
who do not know this weed, or are not accustomed to gather it,.
would hardly be able to find it; for it is of fuch a colour, and
grows in ſuch a direction, that it appears at firſt fight to be the
fhade of the rock on which it grows. This weed dyes a beauti-
ful purple; and is alſo much uſed for brightening and enlivening:
other colours. The beſt fort is that of the darkeſt colour, and of
a form exactly round; the more it abounds with white ſpots or
ſcabs, the more valuable. This weed grows in the Canary, Ma-
deira, and Cape de Verd Iſlands, and on the coaſt of Barbary; but
the beſt fort and the greateſt quantity is found in the Canary Iſlands..
That found on the adjacent coaſt of Africa is equal in quality, but,
for want of ſeaſonable rains, it does not grow near ſo faſt. There
is ſome reaſon to imagine that the orchilla was the Gertulian purple
of the ancients. In fupport of this opinion, we may obſerve that
the
THE
197.
CANARY ISLAND S.
the coaft of Africa adjacent to the Canary Iſlands, was by the an-
cients called Getulia, and abounds with orchilla. I cannot con-
ceive how the Europeans came to the knowlege of the ufe of this
weed; for immediately on the diſcovery of the Canary Iſlands, they
fought after it as eagerly as the Spaniards afterwards, on the diſco-
very of America, did for gold: for the natives of the Canary Iſlands,
and of that part of Africa formerly called Getulia, at this time
know not the uſe of orchilla; neither doth it appear to any
one to be a dye-ftuff; for the colour is extracted from it by art
and much preparation.
None of it
None of it grows in any part of Europe
that I know of, in fuch a quantity that one could gather a handful
in the ſpace of a day, except in the iſlands of the Archipelago, or
on the rocks of Sicily, where of late they began to gather it, if
I am not miſtaken, only about eight or ten years ago. One would
be apt to imagine, that in the days of the diſcovery of the Canaries,
fome book was extant that gave an account of the orchilla, the
place of its growth, its uſe, and method of extracting its dye.
IN Lancerota are very few ſprings or wells of water. What the
inhabitants ufe for themſelves and cattle is rain-water, which
they preſerve in pits and cifterns. This method is alſo practiſed in
Fuertaventura, though there they have more ſprings and wells,
but the water is generally brackish. At El Rio, on the Lancerota
fide of the port, and to the northward of the falina before-men-
tioned, is a well of medicinal water, reckoned a fovereign cure
for the itch. It is alſo good for common drinking, and will keep
fweet at fea. It is eaſy of accefs, lying cloſe to the water-fide :
it yields enough to fill two hogfheads in twenty-four hours.
When I was there, it purged fome of our crew for the first two
days they drank of it; but afterwards it had no fuch effect.
THE cattle of thofe iflands are camels, horfes, affes, bullocks,
heep, goats, and hogs, all of which, excepting the ſheep and
goats,
3
198
THE HISTORY OF
goats, were brought to them fince the conquest, from Barbary
and Spain. The horſes here are of the Barbary breed, and are
much eſteemed in Canaria and Tenerife for their ſpirit and ſwift-
nefs; but as they are of little or no uſe in theſe iſlands, the na-
tives having no diſtance to travel, and the difficulty of tranſport-
ing them by ſea being ſo great, little or no care is taken to pre-
ſerve or increaſe the breed; ſo that at preſent their number is
very ſmall. For travelling, the natives uſe affes of a larger fize
than thoſe of the other iſlands, which are maintained at little or
no expence, and ſerve well enough for their ſhort journies.
IN the fpring, their cattle are fat and good: they appear at
that time quite plump, fleek, and gliſten as if they were rubbed
with oil; but in the beginning of autumn, when the graſs is all
withered or eaten up, they have a very different appearance, and
are not fit for food.
THEY generally plow here with a camel or a couple of affes; for
the foil is light, and they do not plow deep.
THE fea-coafts of Lancerota and Fuertaventura afford the inha-
bitants fiſh of various kinds in great plenty, particularly a fort of
cod which they call Cherney, much better taſted than the cod of
Newfoundland or thofe of the North Sea. Another fiſh, of a yet
more excellent tafte, is catched here, called Mero: it is as long as
a cod, but much thicker, and has long ftraps or whiſkers hang-
ing at his mouth.
It would be a tedious taſk for me to deſcribe the various forts of
them, to which I could not give Engliſh names, though there is one
fort I muſt not pafs over; I mean the Picudo, or fea-pike, the bite
of which is as poiſonous as that of a viper; yet this fiſh,
when
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
199
when killed and dreffed, is good and innocent food. On the rocks,
by the ſea-ſhore, are many ſhell-fiſh, particularly limpets, which
the natives make a proper uſe of.
THE want of wood or bushes occafions a ſcarcity of birds and
wild-fowl; yet there are fome Canary-birds, and a bird called
Tubayba, about the ſize of a ſtarling, fpeckled black and white;
here are alſo partridges and ravens, with plenty of dunghil-fowls;
but no turkeys, geefe, or ducks: the want of the two laſt-
mentioned fpecies may probably be owing to the fcarcity of
water in the iſlands. Here are no venomous animals but the black
fpider, the bite of which, the natives fay, is poiſonous, and oc-
caſions a ſwelling attended with a burning pain: their cure for it
is to eat a ſmall quantity of human excrement. Probably the
great natural antipathy to this medicine has fuch an effect on the
human frame, as to kill or expel the venom received by the. bite.
On the north fide of the uninhabited ifland of Graciofa, is a fmall
fandy bay, called by the natives Playa del Ambar. Here is fome-
times found a very good kind of ambergreafe, in form fomething
like a pear, having commonly a fhort ftalk: by this it ſhould
feem that it grows on the rocks under-water, which are near to this
place, and is waſhed aſhore by the waves, for it is generally found
after ſtormy weather.
IN Lancerota and Fuertaventura are many hills that have for-
merly been volcanos, the tops of which are of a fmall circumfe-
rence, and are hollow for a little way downwards, the edges of
the tops being generally very narrow and fharp. Upon the
outfide is commonly feen a great deal of black duft and burnt ftone
like pumice-ſtone, only darker and more ponderous. This fub-
ftance feems to have been thrown out of the bowels of the earth
by
200
THE HISTORY OF
by the eruptions, none of which have been known to happen in
theſe two iſlands of late ages, except at Lancerota; where, about
thirty years ago, a volcano broke out on the ſouth-weſt part of
the iſland, which threw out fuch an immenſe quantity of aſhes
and huge ftones, and with fo dreadful a noiſe, that many of the
natives deferted their houſes and fled to Fuertaventura, for the pre-
ſervation of their lives: fome time after, finding that thoſe who
remained in Lancerota had received no hurt, they took courage
and returned. This volcano was near the fea, in a remote place
from any habitation. In the fea, at a ſmall diſtance from the vol-
cano, iffued a pillar of ſmoke, and afterwards a ſmall pyramidal
rock aroſe, which remains to this day. This rock was joined to
the iſland by the matter thrown out of the volcano; the noiſe of
this eruption was ſo loud and great, that it was heard at Tenerife,
although at the diſtance of forty leagues. The noiſe being con-
veyed ſo far might probably be occafioned by the winds generally
blowing from Lancerota towards Tenerife.
habitation.
CHA P. IV.
Of the Inhabitants of Lancerota and Fuertaventura, their Method
of Living, Manners, and Customs, &c.
A
LTHOUGH the natives of theſe iflands pafs for Spaniards,
yet they are ſprung from a mixture of the ancient inhabit-
ants, the Normans, and other Europeans who fubdued them,
and from fome Moorish captives, whom Diego de Herrera and
others brought to the iſlands from the coaſt of Barbary, as has
been obſerved in the Hiftory of the Diſcovery and Conqueſt.
THEY are, in general, of a large fize, robuſt, ſtrong, and of a
very dark complexion. By the natives of the reſt of the Canary
Inlands
THE
201
CANARY
ISLANDS.
1
islands they are accounted rude and unpoliſhed in their manners:
this character I believe to be true; for, by what I have had oc-
cafion to obferve of them, they feem to be avaricious, ruftic, and
ignorant, eſpecially thofe of Lancerota.
THEY neither ſpeak nor underſtand any other language than the
Caftillian, and this they pronounce moſt barbaroufly. They drefs
coarſely, and after the Spaniſh modern faſhion; for the ſhort-cloak
and golilla, formerly uſed by the Spaniards, are not known here.
Their houſes are built of ſtone and lime; thofe of the gentry are
covered with pan-tiles; but the meaner fort are thatched with
ftraw very few, even of the better kind, are ceiled or lofted,
but are built in form of large barns, and divided into apartments
by boarded partitions that run no higher than the top of the
walls; fo that the rooms are all open above, having nothing to
cover them except the pantiled-roof. The floors are commonly
paved with flag-ſtones.
THE food of the peaſants is generally what they call Goffio,
which is flour of wheat, or barley, toaſted: this they mix with a
little water, and bring to the confiftence of dough, and thus eat it.
This fimple diet requires neither ſpoons, knives, nor forks. Some-
times, indeed, they refine on this fare, by dipping every handful
of their Goffio in honey or melaffes. In the winter-ſeaſon, when
the graſs is in perfection, they have plenty of rich and excellent
milk, in which they put the Goffio, and ſo eat it, ufing fea-ſhells
inſtead of ſpoons: to a hungry man this is no mean food. An-
other way of preparing Goffio, is by putting it into boiling milk,
and then ſtirring it about until it is fufficiently boiled and thick-
ened. Although the poor people, on particular occafions, fuch
as great feſtivals, weddings, &c. eat fleſh and fiſh, yet, as I faid
bofore, Goffio is their common food. As to bread, it is rarely
D d
ufed
202
THE HISTORY OF
uſed by any but the gentry; there are fome people in theſe iſlands
who know not the taſte of it. One reafon for this may be, that
fuel is very ſcarce, eſpecially in Lancerota, infomuch that I am
at a loſs to conceive how the gentry there get a fufficient quantity
to dreſs their victuals.
:
THE peaſants value themſelves much on account of their Goffio
diet, and deſpiſe the bread-eaters of the other iſlands. Wine they
feldom drink, or indeed any thing elfe than water. Their employ-
ment is plowing the ground, ſowing and reaping corn, and other
labour in huſbandry. There are few men artificers in Lancerota
and Fuertaventura; for their cloaths are almoſt all made by the
women; houſhold-furniture, &c. are brought to them from the other
iflands. There are but few monks, and no nuns in theſe iſlands:
however they are in no want of priests, for there are ſeveral pariſh
churches, and an inferior Court of Inquifition in each of theſe
iſlands, to prevent herefy; fo that the religion of the church of
Rome is the only one profeffed among them.
THE gentry are very averſe to leaving their country, having not
the leaſt curiofity to travel and fee the world. Very few of them
vifit Spain, or even Canaria, unleſs when they are obliged to attend
their law-fuits in that iſland. A gentleman here, poffeffing a few
acres of land, a dozen of ſheep, a couple of affes, and a camel,
would chuſe rather to live all his days on Goffio, than venture to
the Spaniſh Weſt Indies to mend his fortune by trade or any other
employment. he would even imagine that by engaging in ſuch
an undertaking, he ſhould diſgrace hlmſelf and family for ever.
Yet he would not be afhamed to opprefs the poor peafants, and
meanly deceive or take advantage of ſtrangers, in order to ſupport:
what is called rank in thoſe iſlands, which, among the claſs of
gentry I am defcribing, confifts wholly in not working, or in
riding
-
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
203
riding a ſhort diſtance on an afs, attended by a ragged fervant,
inſtead of travelling on foot: theſe are the points in which they
diſtinguiſh themſelves from the vulgar.
To give a more diftinct idea of the manner and cuftoms of theſe
people, I ſhall here infert the particulars of fome journies I made
in Lancerota and Fuertaventura. In my paffage from the coaft
of Africa to Tenerife, I happened to touch at Cala de Fuftes, in
Fuertaventura, where, immediately on our arrival, the officer of
the port fent an exprefs to the Governor, at Oliva, to acquaint
him therewith. By the return of the expreſs I received an order
to come on ſhore to him with all convenient ſpeed; the officer of
the port having procured me a faddled afs (for a horfe was not to
be had) with a 'guide. We ſet out from the port about three
o'clock in the afternoon; and after having travelled about two
hours through dry, barren, and ftony places, where we faw fome
goats and camels grazing, we came to a fine level country, where
were many corn-fields, with houſes and ſmall villages ſcattered
amongſt them. At fun-fetting we came near a parish church and
parfonage; I intreated the guide to conduct me to the parſon's
houſe, to lodge that night, as there are no inns or public houſes
in Fuertaventura; but he excuſed himſelf, under various pre-
tences, and perfuaded me to proceed about a mile further, to a
rich farmer's houſe, where he ſaid we ſhould be more hoſpitably
entertained. When we arrived there our hoſt received us frankly,
and ordered a couple of fowls to be killed and dreffed for fupper,
which were preſently made ready by his wife. In the mean time
the news of the arrival of a ſtranger having ſpread through the
village, all the inhabitants came to ſee me; they aſked me a num-
ber of curious queftions concerning England and Spain, with the
latter of which they are as little acquainted as with the former.
They were fo inquifitive, that I was quite ſpent with talking, and
Dd 2
they
204
THE HISTORY OF
they ſcarcely allowed me time to eat, and did not leave me till tem
o'clock, which is a very late hour for going to bed in that coun-
try. At fupper, nobody fat at table but the farmer and myſelf;
his wife, as the cuſtom is there, waited on us; and when we
had ſupped, removed the fragments, and then went to ſup by her-
ſelf. My guide fupped with the fervants upon Goffio and melafſes
or honey, in the fame room with us: this they are not uſed to,
but being curious, and not willing to loſe the pleaſure of converſ-
ing with a ſtranger, they thought it a ſufficient excuſe for diſpenſ-
ing with decorum. The farmer, after ſupper, treated the whole
company with a tumbler of wine each, which made them talk
more than they were accuſtomed to; for the fervants there are fel-
dom indulged with a glass of wine. At night, my guide, who
flept in the fame bed, diſturbed me much with his ſcratching,.
having the itch, or ſort of ſcab, to which the people in all the Ca-
nary iſlands are very much fubject; the cauſe of which I know
not but it is certain, that the people who dwell in countries re--
markable for the purity of the air, are more fubject to this difor--
der than thoſe who live in places where the air is moiſt and damp..
We rofe before day-break, and purfued our journey, leaving our-
hoft and his family faft afleep.. We now paffed through a good
country, well peopled. Upon the road we met a couple going to
church to be married, with their retinue all riding on affes: they
faluted us in this manner, "Ave Maria,” i. e. Hail Mary; to
which my guide anſwered, "Sin peccado concebida; " that is,
Conceived free from original fin. He reproved me feveral times for
not anſwering the people we met in the fame manner as he did: as I
did not chuſe to enter into a diſpute with him, I told him, it
would be quite ridiculous in me to conform to one Spaniſh cuftom,
unleſs I could do fo in all. In the courfe of our converſation on
the road, he told me that the farmer, who had entertained us,
was exceeding rich; and confeffed that his reaſon for not putting
up.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
205
up at the prieſt's houſe, as I deſired him, was becauſe he could
not uſe the freedom there to beg provender for his afs; but that
if he had known what was to happen, he would have complied
with my requeſt, "For, ſaid he, the rich miſer made me pay for
my barley; and did you mark how ſparing he was of his wine;
and when his wife wanted aught, fhe came to the churl for the
keys." I would adviſe all ſtrangers, who may chance to be tra-
velling in Lancerota or Fuertaventura, to put up at a prieſt's, for
the clergy there are more capable to furniſh lodging, proviſion,
and converſation, than either the peaſants or gentry. The rich
farmer before-mentioned had often been at Tenerife, to fell his
corn, and knew all the Iriſh merchants there: thoſe people are all
zealous members of the Romish church; and there are no pro-
teſtant merchants in any of the iſlands, except the Engliſh Con-
ful and another. Being curious to know what opinion the natives
had of the Irish merchants, I enquired of my hoft, if he knew
a perſon or two, whom I named, and what he thought of them?
He ſeemed to have a juſt notion of each; but at laſt, after, I had
afked after about ten of them, he faid,
tholics and very good people, but they are only Chriſtians of St.
Patricio." I defired to know what he meant by this; he gave
me no direct anſwer, but ſhook his head, and faid,
"Thefe men
are very well in their way, but must not be compared to the Chri-
ſtians of theſe iſlands. Ay, ay, added he, fmiling, it is not for
nothing they come to our country." About noon we arrived at
Oliva, the refidence of the Governor, who, with his fon, was
fitting in a large hall, paved with flags, the fides of which were
adorned with mufquets, fwords, and pikes. On my entry they
received me in a diftant but polite manner, and defired me to fit
down. After aſking me ſeveral queſtions relating to the occafion
of my coming to the iſland, and whither I was bound, they began
to converſe more freely, and enquired if I was a catholic? When
they
66
Sir, theſe are all ca-
206
THE HISTORY OF
1
they found I was not, they faid, "Is it poffible, Signior, that
a perſon of your prudence and good underſtanding can have
any juſt reaſon for not embracing our most holy religion?
As I was greatly fatigued with my journey, and faint with
hunger and thirst, I wanted much to evade the argument,
which I ſaw approaching; fo I told them, every country had its
peculiar cuſtoms and religion, to which each native was fo ſtrongly
attached, that it was almoſt as impoffible to perfuade him to
change his opinion, as to alter his form. Upon this, to my great
comfort, dinner appeared, which, for the prefent, gave a truce
to the converſation. The dinner conſiſted of a certain ſoup made
of oil, vinegar, water, pepper, and onions, with a few thin flices
of bread; after this courfe came three boiled eggs, with tolerable
good wine and bread. While we were eating, I perceived fome
ladies peeping at us from the adjacent apartments, who, as foon
as they thought they were diſcovered, withdrew. After dinner,
the religious converſation was revived, when, finding my fpirits
pretty well recruited, and that I could not well evade the
argument as before, I diſputed with them a confiderable time, and
at laſt told them it was in vain for us to talk any more on the fub-
ject; for as I held the Chriſtian religion only by the facred writ-
ings of the Old and New Teftament, all their arguments drawn
from the authority of the church, the writings of the fathers, and
the opinions of faints and wife men, went with me for nothing:
and added, that if the religion of the New Teftament was the fame
with that now profeffed by the Romiſh and proteſtant churches, it
made that book to be falfe and incoherent; becauſe the New
Teſtament plainly declares, that no man in any place can em-
brace or profeſs Chriſtianity, without fuffering worldly loſs in ſome
way or other other, folely on account of his religion. But, on
the contrary, in Spain, and many other countries, a man cannot
be a member of ſociety unleſs he profeſs what they call Chriſtia-
nity;
1
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
207
:
nity; which is ſo far from being a loſs to thoſe who profeſs it,
that it is the firſt ſtep to honour and riches. As the Governor's
fon had heard juſt ſo much about the facred writings as to know
that the church pretends to hold them in eſteem, he did not con-
tradict what I faid of them, but replied, that he was fure I muſt
be wrong; and that if I would ſtay fome time in the iſland, he
would bring a learned and pious prieſt, who ſhould foon convince
me of my error, and fhew me, that out of the church of Rome there
could be no falvation. Then rifing, he defired me to look at the
arms with which the hall was adorned, moſt of which were grown
rufty he aſked me if we had any fo good in England. Upon
this a ſervant entered, and informed them that their horfes were
faddled and ready. The Governor then ſaid he was forry he was
obliged to leave me ſo ſoon, gave me a Bill of Health, and an
order to be ſupplied with what I wanted, and then took his leave,
wiſhing me a happy return to my own country. Before he de-
parted, he ordered a fervant to give us fome bread and wine, to
refreſh us by the way on our return to Cala de Fuftes. Having
this provifion, we did not ſtop by the way, as before, but went
through defert places, a nearer road to Cala de Fuftes, where
we arrived at two o'clock next morning, and went on board.
When we aroſe next day, the Mate informed me, that the Al-
calde Major had been on board very early in the morning, and had
waited for me until the evening. He found the first volume of Don
Quixote, in Spaniſh, lying in the cabin, with which he was much
pleaſed, and employed himſelf all that day in reading it, except
when he left off to breakfaſt and dine: it ſeems he had never ſeen
that book before. He left orders with the officer of the tower, to
defire me to wait on him at the Villa; but the Mate, in my abſence,
having got on board all the freſh water and provifions which were
wanted, and for which and a Bill of Health we came to the iſland,
we thought proper to difpenfe with the order of the Alcalde
3
Major,
208
OF
THE HISTORY
Major, and failed the next day. It is cuftomary in English fhips
lying at anchor in a road, to have a candle burning all night, to
be ready in cafe of accidents, and a man or two on the deck
to keep watch: my guide obferving all this, imagined theſe things
were done by way of reſpect to me; for when I difmiffed him,
he ſaid, that if the Governor and gentry of the iſland had the leaft
notion of the grand manner of living in our fhip, they would not
deſpiſe feafaring people fo much as they did; for, added he, none
of them eat fo well, or drink fo good wine, as your feamen.
I'v
THE ſecond time I was at Fuertaventura, we were forced in there
from the coaſt of Barbary by a gale of wind; for Cape Negro in this
iſland is not more than about feventeen leagues diſtant from that
coaft. We anchored at that time in the bay of Las Playas,
and determined to remain there a few days till the weather ſhould
change.
On our arrival, I fent a meffenger to the Alcalde Major, to in-
form him of our being in the bay; but receiving no answer, I went
afhore, the next day, with one of our crew, and walked up to the
village called El Tunehe, about three miles diftant. On our
arrival there, we went into a cottage for fhelter from the fun,
and defired the good-woman of the houſe to give us fomething to
eat and drink. She immediately boiled ſome milk with Goffio of
barley, and prepared it for our refreſhment, which we found to be
a moſt excellent difh. It being then about the end of May, the
weather exceffive hot, and our faces fcorched with the ftrong warm
breezes that blow fiercely there at that feaſon, we, immediately
after our meal, fell faft afleep. About an hour after, we were
awaked by fome of the principal inhabitants, who demanded
of us from whence we came, and what we wanted in the
iſland? After anfwering them, we walked out of the houſe to
view the town, which I think is the pooreft in all the Canary
Inlands.
་
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
209
very dif-
Iflands. As the wind blew ftrong, and was therefore
agreeable, they conducted us into a garden, where we fat down
behind a wall, for fhelter from the wind, and were agreeably
ſhaded from the rays of the fun by the wide-ſpreading branches of
a large fig-tree. Here we had a great deal of converſation; and
among other things, I aſked them how theſe iſlands were firft
peopled? One of them anſwered, that the Roman general Serto-
rius was the firft who diſcovered and fent inhabitants to them.
He ſaid, the reaſon why Lancerota and Fuertaventura were more
barren than the reft of the Canary Iſlands, was on account of their
vicinity to the coaſt of Africa," Which, faid he, you very well
know is dry and fandy." At firſt fight of this man, we told him
we had diſpatched a meſſenger to inform the Alcalde Major of our
arrival, and to provide aſſes to carry us to him; but after waiting
long, and ſeeing no appearance of our meffenger's return, or of
any preparations for our journey, we told him we could ftay
no longer, but would immediately return to our veffel, if he did not
fend us forthwith to the Alcalde Major. Upon which, after fome
heſitation, and looking as one aſhamed, he told us, that fince the
truth muſt come out, it fignified nothing to diſguiſe it any longer,
and therefore he had to acquaint us, that as no perfon was allowed
to enter the iſland without the licence of the Alcalde Major,
whoſe office it was to take care that no infectious diftemper fhould be
brought into it, they, being his fervants, had taken the liberty to
detain us priſoners until his pleaſure ſhould be known.
We were
a little alarmed at this declaration; but luckily the Alcalde Major
with his retinue arrived at that inftant, and freed us from our un-
eafineſs. About an hour after, being provided with affes, at four
o'clock in the afternoon, we ſet out, being about eight in com-
pany, and travelled all that evening through corn-fields until
fun-fet, when we paffed through narrow defiles betwixt the moun-
tains, and arrived at the Alcalde Major's houfe about nine at night.
E e
After
210
THE HISTORY OF
After having conducted us into a room, he left us there for about
half an hour, and retired into another apartment, where was his
family. When fupper was ready, he returned to us.
We were
fortunate enough to find bread at the table inſtead of Goffio-
dough, and wine that was drinkable, with a couple of broiled
chickens ; which was a repaſt far better than I expected in fuch a
place, and at fuch a late hour. On the door of our bed-room was
paſted a printed paper, called an Ave Maria, which ran as follows:
"Hail, Mary! conceived without original fin. Whenever any
"one fervently and with fincere devotion repeats theſe words, he
"cauſeth great joy in heaven, and infinite terror in hell." When
I aſked the Alcalde about this paper, he informed us that ſome
miffionaries from Spain came lately to the iſlands, in their way to
the Indies, where obferving a want of devotion to the Virgin, they,
in order to enliven it, cauſed the natives to buy thoſe papers, and
paſte them on the doors of their houſes and apartments.
NEXT morning we walked out to fee the town, which is plea-
fantly fituated in a narrow bottom, furrounded with hills. It has
a large beautiful church and convent, built of hewn ſtone: moſt
of the houſes of the town are neat, but without either balconies
or any outer courts, as is the manner of building the houſes of
people of faſhion in Spain and in the other iſlands. In the gardens
of the town we faw no fruit nor other trees, except a few palms or
fig-trees, and ſome of the ſhrub bearing the prickly pear. After
our walk we returned to the houſe, where we breakfaſted on
bread, broiled chickens, cheeſe, wine, and ſweetmeats; for the
gentry here do not make uſe of chocolate, like thoſe in the reſt
of the iſlands. All the time we were in the Alcalde's houſe we
ſaw no women, except the fervants, it not being the cuſtom there
for women of faſhion to appear before ſtrangers. About ten in the
morning we took our leave of him, and returned to Las Playas.
On
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
211
On our way thither we ſtopped at a gentleman's houſe, who was
a native of Tenerife, and farmed the King's revenue upon fnuff
and tobacco in this ifland. His houſe was two ſtories high, with
balconies. He ordered us each a difh of chocolate, and enter-
tained us after a free, open, and hofpitable manner; and when
we took our leave of him, he made one of his fervants fill our
guide's fack full of bread, cheeſe, and bottles of wine.
NEXT day the Alcalde Major and the Governor's ſon came to
viſit me on board the ſhip at Las Playas. The latter immediately
recollected his having feen me when I was at Oliva, and repri-
manded me becauſe I had not waited on his father. I excuſed my-
ſelf in the beſt manner I could. And when the Alcalde Major
underſtood I was the fame perſon, on board whoſe veſſel he had
been fome years before, at Cala de Fuftes, he aſked me in a very
ſerious manner, why I went away that time without feeing him,
and paying his fees: he added, that the duty of a maſter of a veſſel,
is, whenever he arrives in the iſland, to wait upon him immedi-
ately. In anſwer to all this, I pleaded ignorance of the Spaniſh
cuſtoms; which is a good apology for ſtrangers to make at all times
when they fall into any mistakes, and are thereby embarraffed
in that country. After entertaining them in the beſt manner I
could, they went aſhore, being fea-ſick, and lodged in a cave near
the fea. We ftruck a bargain with them for a cargo of wheat, for
one of the veffels, for at that time I had two in the bay, one
of which I intended fhould carry this corn to the iſland of Ma-
deira.
In order to take on board the corn, it was abfolutely neceffary to
receive a vifit of the Inquifition, &c. before which no veſſel can trade
in theſe iſlands. But when theſe crafty gentlemen found I was in
carneſt about buying corn, and that I had received the viſits of the
E e 2
Inquifitors,
212
OF
THE HISTORY
power
Inquifitors, they, expecting to make me pay them more money for
it, pretended they could not buy the corn fo cheap as they
imagined: "Beſides, ſaid they, we run a great riſque of being
called to account for exporting corn contrary to law." When
I perceived them ſhuffling, I altered my deſign of buying corn, but
attempted to trade with the rest of the inhabitants for cash and
what little provifion I wanted for the veffels; but this did not
fucceed, for the Alcalde Major and his aſſociates, by their
and authority in the iſland, fo intimidated the natives, and laid
fo many ftumbling blocks in their way, that they could not buy
any thing from me. The Alcalde, finding his ſcheme had taken
effect, and that I was difappointed, propofed again to fell the
cargo of corn, and to abate ſomething of the price which I
had rejected. When he made this propoſal I was afhore and in his
power, therefore did not tell him all I thought, but feemed to
agree to his offer; but as foon as I got on board, prepared every
thing for failing. As foon as they perceived this from the fhore,
they immediately fent a boat aboard, with a meſſage beſeeching
me to ſtay, and that if I would come afhore, they would make
me offers to my fatisfaction. I told the meffenger there was no
truſting to what they faid; upon which, when he found me in
earneft, he prefented me with a bill of the dues and fees of the
Inquifition, and of the Alcalde Major for the two different times I
had been in the island, in all amounting to about fix pounds. F
told the meſſenger to give my compliments to the Alcalde and the
officers of the Inquifition, and tell them I would pay them whem
ever I ſhould have the pleaſure of ſeeing them again: and fo we
departed. During the time the Alcalde Major and his compa-
nions lodged in the cave by the fea-fhore, they fubfifted on what
proviſions we ſent aſhore to them, and on fiſh, for they could not
remain in the ſhips by reafon of fea-fickneſs. At that time fome
of the fiſhermen catched in the bay a huge tortoife, or logger-
head
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
213
head turtle, weighing about five hundred pounds, which they
brought aſhore, and placed on its back upon a great ftone, then
cut its throat, from which the blood iffued forth in a large ſmoak-
ing ſtream. Having no veffel at hand to receive it, the Alcalde
and the reſt of the gentry catched as much of it as they could in
their hands and drank it off. When they obferved our dif-
guft at the fight of ſuch a barbarous and beaftly repaſt, they
ſhook their heads, and told us it was an excellent remedy for
the itch, and invited us to partake likewife: to the increaſe
of our loathing, we obferved their hands blotched with fcabs
and ulcers.
In this voyage we had on board, as an interpreter on the coaft
of Africa, a Barbary Jew. When we came to Fuertaventura, I
gave ſtrict orders to our crew not to tell the iſlanders who he was,
for fear of an accident in cafe he ſhould venture afhore; and be-
fore I went myſelf, I adviſed him to keep on board, for fear the
Inquifition ſhould get notice of, and detain him. But, notwith-
ſtanding my caution, he went aſhore, and travelled to the village
of Tunehe, where he paffed for a catholic. As he spoke very
good Spaniſh, the natives were very fond of converfing with him;
and one of them happening to ask him what countryman
aſk
he was,
he replied an Italian; the other aſked him if he had ever been
in Rome, to which he readily anfwered in the affirmative :
"And have you ever feen God's Vicar upon earth?”
"Yes,
"faid he, and received his bleffing alfo." Upon this they con-
ducted him to their houſes, where they treated him with the beſt
they had, and made him fome preſents of Goffio-meal, kids, and
fowls but when fome of our poor heretical failors went to that
village, they never ſo much as defired them to come into their
houſes, or aſked them to eat or drink, until they fhewed them
money.
WHEN
214
THE HISTORY OF
WHEN I first came to the iſland of Lancerota, we anchored in
the port of El Rio before-mentioned, from whence I immedi-
ately diſpatched a ſhepherd, whom I found there, to the Governor
to give him notice of our arrival. He returned the fame day,
and brought with him one of the Governor's fervants, with a
faddled afs, and an order for me to wait on him at the village of
Haria. Accordingly I went ahore, and took a Tenerife boy
along with me. After we had afcended the fteep cliff by the
narrow path-way, we found the faddled aſs waiting for us, upon
which I mounted, and foon came to the village, where I found
the Governor fitting on a bench before the door of his houſe;
who, on my approaching him, embraced and faluted me after the
Spaniſh faſhion. He was dreffed in a black taffety waiſtcoat, and
breeches of the fame ftuff, white filk ftockings, a linen night-cap
laced, with a broad-brimmed hat flouched. This dreſs made him
appear extremely tall, and he was in reality about fix feet high,
and feemed to be about fifty-five years of age. After fitting fome
time with him at the door, he brought me into the houſe, and
introduced me to fome ladies, whom I took to be his wife and
daughters. This was a favour of no fmall account in this, or
any other of the Canary Iſlands. Although I left the ſhip before
dinner-time, nobody aſked me if I had dined, ſo that I faſted
that day from morning to night. There is a ſtrange fort of deli-
cacy among the gentry here, which is, that one must not aſk
for any thing to eat, though ever fo hungry or faint, in a
ftrange houſe; as a freedom of that kind would be looked on as
the higheſt degree of vulgarity and ill-breeding: therefore, when
I found an opportunity, I made a pretence of going out to ſpeak
to my fervant, but in reality to try to get fome victuals privately.
The Tenerife boy I found had fuffered as much as myſelf: how-
ever, I gave him fome money and ſent him to bring whatever he
could find that was eatable; and in cafe he could procure nothing
better,
2
215
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
+
८
ments.
better, to bring me a lump of Goffio-dough, or handful of meal :
but his fearch proved in vain, there being no fuch thing as bread
or any
eatables fold there. At laft fupper-time came, and the re-
paft
was, for that part of the world, not only a good one, but very
elegant, confifting of many different diſhes. All the time we were
at table, the ladies were very particular in their enquiries concerning
the Engliſh women, their appearance, drefs, behaviour, and amufe-
I replied, to all their queſtions as well as I could; but
they were greatly ſhocked at the account I gave of their free be-
haviour; but when I informed them of the manners of the French
ladies, they told me plainly that it was not poffible there could
be any virtuous women among them. After the ladies retired,
the old gentleman magnified the power, wealth, and grandeur of
the King of Spain above all the Kings of the world. As an in-
ſtance of the courage of the Spaniſh ſeamen, he ſaid it was a rule,
if a Spaniſh man of war ſhould happen to meet two of the ſame
force of any other nation, fhe was not to run away, but was ob-
liged to engage them; and if ſhe met three, the Captain might
if he pleafed endeavour to avoid them, but if he fled, it was al-
ways looked on as a daftardly action. He added, that the Spa-
niards, in courage, temperance, honour, and zeal for the true
religion, furpaffed all the reft of the world. With this and the
like diſcourſe he entertained me for the ſpace of an hour; among
other queſtions, he aſked me if England and France were in the
ſame iſland, or if they were different iſlands. Ientreated the honour
of his company on board my ſhip at El Rio: he faid, he would
come with all his heart, if my ſhip were at Porto de Naos, but
that it would be indecent for a man of his quality to deſcend the
cliff on all fours. Next morning I fet out for El Rio, in com-
pany with the Stankero, or farmer of the King's duty on fnuff
and tobacco. We were mounted on affes, which fet off with us
on a full gallop, but did not long continue that pace. The Stan-
7
kero
f
1
216
OF
THE HISTORY
kero hindered us much on the road, as he carried a fowling-
piece with him, and hot at every bird he could fee, without
alighting, and we were obliged to wait for him. He told me, the
only pleaſure he had in life was to take his gun in the morning,
mount his aſs, and go a-ſhooting. When we came to the ſteep cliff,
one of the gentlemen would not alight, but ordered his fervant
to lead his aſs down the path: but the fervant being wiſer than
himſelf, with great difficulty diffuaded him from this piece of
ftate, by repreſenting to him the impoffibility of doing it with-
out breaking his neck: fo fearful are theſe people of demeaning
themſelves by uſing their legs.
THE Stankero and his friends came on board, and bought fome
goods of us, which they were to pay for in orchilla-weed. After
the conclufion of the bargain, we entertained them in the beſt
manner we could, for three days that they remained on board,
waiting for the orchilla-weed, which they had fent for from the
other end of the iſland. Their fervants told us, that their maſters
had never lived fo well in their lives, and that one of the gentlemen
in particular never taſted fleſh meat at home: however, we were
perfectly ſenſible that this did not proceed from any natural anti-
pathy, or temperance; for with us he eat, or rather devoured,
fix pounds of meat at every meal.
WHILE we remained at El Rio, our Carpenter and Boatſwain
fet out together, after breakfaſt, to viſit the village of Haria,
and being ſtrangers to the cuſtoms of the place, neglected to take
provifions with them. When they got on ſhore, the firſt thing
they did, feamen-like, was to look out for a public houſe; but
their labour proved in vain, and therefore they went into ſeveral
houſes, in hopes that fomebody would be courteous enough to
offer them ſomething to eat; but, though they found the people
ready
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
217
ready enough to talk with and aſk queſtions of them, yet no one
offered to ſupply their wants. At laſt, ſeeing ſome ladies and
people at the door of the Governor's houſe, they ſauntered to-
wards them, in expectation that their curioſity might induce them
to call to them; fo far they were right, for they aſked them a
multitude of queſtions, but never enquired if they were either hungry
or thirsty however, one of the ſeamen, thinking to give them
a hint of their neceffity, begged the favour of a draught of water,
which was readily brought them, but neither victuals or wine;
fo they found they had nothing left, but to make the beſt of their
way back to the ship. In their road they met with a man riding
on a camel, and being quite faint with fafting, they agreed with
him, for a real, to alight, and let them ride on the camel to the
brow of the cliff. When they were got about half way thither,
the camel chanced to ſhake himſelf, and the failors, wholly un-
uſed to, and not expecting ſuch a ſudden motion, came tumbling
headlong to the ground. The driver, in a furprize, afked them
what was the matter, and endeavoured to perſuade them to re-
mount, but in vain; and when he demanded the hire of the beaſt,
they told him it was well they did not break his bones, and fo
walked off: the driver having no one near to aſſiſt him, did not
offer to purſue them.
THESE ftories may appear very trifling and impertinent to the
reader; but I relate them to give fome idea of the manners of
thoſe people. When we enquired of them the price of any thing,
fuch as ſheep, fowls, or hogs, this was their common reply, “To
"the natives of the country, we fell them at fuch a price; but
"to ſtrangers we cannot fell them under ſo much more.” This is
alone fufficient to fhew their inhofpitable and brutal diſpoſition.
F f
CHAP.
218
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. V.
Of the Government and Trade of Lancerota aud Fuertaventura, &c.
A
LTHOUGH all the Canary Iſlands are ſubject to the crown
of Spain, yet the natives of the two iſlands which we are now
defcribing, and thofe of Gomera and Hierro, hold not their lands
of the crown, but of the deſcendants of the houſe of Herrera.
CHIEF part of the power and juriſdiction originally poſſeſſed by
the proprietors of theſe iſlands, was taken from them and annexed
to the crown; probably on account of their abuſe of ſuch an ex-
tenfive authority; and the government is now inveſted in an Al-
calde Major, and a Sargento Major, otherwife called Governador
de las Armas. The firft of thoſe officers is the head of the civil,
and the other of the military government. From the deciſion of
the Alcalde Major there is an appeal to the Royal Audience in the
iſland of Canaria: and the Sargento Major receives his orders from
the Governor-general of the Canary Iſlands, who commonly refides
in Tenerife. There are no ftanding forces kept here; but there is
a militia, properly regulated, and divided into companies, to each of
which there is a Captain, Lieutenant, and Enfign. The Sar-
gento Major is Colonel, or chief of the whole, and takes care to fee
that their arms, &c. are kept in proper order, that the companies
may be raiſed at a ſhort warning; for fome time after the con-
queſt of theſe iſlands, the natives were frequently diſturbed by
Algerine corfairs, and eſpecially thofe of Lancerota, where a fleet
of thoſe people landed, and carried off no leſs than one thou-
fand, fix hundred, and forty-eight perfons*, being almoſt all the
inhabitants of the island. The Governor gave me the following.
* Gramaye fays this happened in the year 1618.
account
THE
219
CANARY ISLAND S.
account of this affair. When the natives found that the Alge-
rines were too ſtrong for them, they fled into the caves in the
island. The main body of them took refuge in a very ſpacious
one that runs above a mile in length under-ground. The Alge-
rines purfued them cloſely, but were afraid to enter the cave,
and therefore contented themſelves with cloſely blocking up its
mouth, thinking to oblige the iſlanders to furrender for want of
food. But in this they were deceived; for there was a private
paffage at the other end, by which the natives uſed to go forth in
ſearch of proviſions. Unfortunately one of them, who was upon
this buſineſs, was taken by the Moors, who promiſed him his
life and liberty if he would diſcover to them by what means the
people, fhut up in the cave, procured fuftenance. The prifoner,
dreading immediate death if he did not comply, informed them
of the truth; whereupon they stopped up the other entry, and
thus compelled thoſe within to furrender: and notwithſtanding a
fleet of Spaniſh men of war was then cruifing in the Streights of
Gibraltar, to intercept them, they arrived ſafe at Algiers, with
their priſoners and booty. The King of Spain was pleaſed after-
wards to ranſom theſe poor people, and fend them back to their
native country. In thoſe days Lancerota was but thinly inhabited,
but it is now quite otherwife. Some time about the
year 1748,
the Algerines made another deſcent upon this iſland. The natives,
who were now better acquainted with the manner of defending
themſelves, did not offer to oppoſe their landing; but ſuffered
them to advance into the country, when, getting between the
corfairs and their boats, they furrounded and cut every one of
them in pieces, except only thoſe who were left to guard the
boats. Since that time the Algerines have never attempted to
land in any of the Canary Islands. In the year 1596, a ſmall
fquadron of Engliſh fhips, commanded by the Earl of Cumber-
land, came to anchor near Port de Naos. This fquadron was go-
Ff2
ing
220
THE HISTORY OF
ing to attack the Spanish fettlements in the Weft Indies; but
the Earl having intelligence from fome of his feamen (who
had been priſoners in the iſland) of a Marquis reckoned to be
worth an hundred thousand pounds, who lived in the town of
Cayas, and who was Lord of Lancerota and Fuertaventura ; he
determined to touch there, and ſeize him, in order to procure a
good fum for his ransom. Theſe men affured him, that they
knew the place fo well, that they could conduct him by night to
the Marquis's houſe. But when the fleet came off the iſland,
they could not, even in broad day-light, fhew him the proper
place for landing; however, he anchored with his ſhips near Port
de Naos, fent five or fix hundred foldiers afhore, under the com-
mand of Sir John Berkley, who purfued the natives for fome
time, but without being able to overtake them, they were ſo
ſwift-footed; and when he came to the town, he found nothing
left but a ſmall quantity of cheeſe and wine, and whole reams of
popiſh bulls and pardons. The caftle or fort was abandoned,
though it was ſo ſtrong that twenty men could have defended it
againſt five hundred. And now as the Marquis, who was the
chief object of their deſcent, was no where to be found, the troops
reimbarked, after having ſuſtained fome lofs by fickneſs, from
drinking too plentifully of the wine which they found in the town.
DURING the war beween England and Spain which began in the
year 1739, an Engliſh privateer came into the bay of Las Playas, in
Fuertaventura, and landed a confiderable body of men, who marched
into the iſland. But they had not proceeded far, when a multitude of
the natives, chiefly armed with clubs and ſtones, attacked them with
great fury, killed the greateſt part of them, and made the reſt pri-
foners, who were foon after fent to Tenerife. Six weeks after this, fome
other Engliſh privateers landed two or three hundred men at the
fame place, and marched inland with colours flying and drums
beating.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
221
beating. The natives, enraged to find the iſland diſturbed again
in ſo ſhort a time, determined to give theſe ſecond invaders no
quarter; and ſo aſſembling together, fell upon them. The Eng-
liſh however received their attack with great bravery, and killed
many of them; but finding it utterly impoffible to defend them-
felves any longer againſt fuch numbers (the natives being twenty
to one) threw down their arms, and begged for quarter, but in
vain, for the exaſperated iſlanders inhumanly butchered
of them.
every one
In all probability, the English muft have been deceived in their
notions of the number of inhabitants on the iſland; for it appears,
when viewed from the fea, to be uninhabited and defolate,
In the late war with Spain, two privateers, called the Lord
Anfon and Hawke, failed on a cruiſe among the Azores and Ca-
nary Islands. The Hawke being near Porto de Naos, in Lance-
rota, and ſeeing fome veffels lying in the port, ſhe attempted to
get at them, but could not, for nobody on board knew the paſ-
fages through the rocks to the harbour. Some time after ſhe was
joined by her confort, the Lord Anſon, when they jointly attacked
the caſtle, and filenced its guns. But not finding the entrance of
the harbour, they went about a league to the leeward, where they
landed an hundred men. The natives affembled to the number
of about five hundred, and came down to the fea-fide to attack
them, placing a number of camels in the front, to ferve as a
breaſt-work againſt the enemy's fire; but this did them no fervice,
for the ſeamen foon broke the camels, and turned them upon their
maſters; who, ſeeing the refolution of the invaders, began to fly
in great diſorder, and left many of their cloaks behind, and about
five or fix men dead on the spot. The feamen, on this occafion,
behaved with great prudence, for they would not purſue the fugi-
tives
222
THE HISTORY OF
1
tives inland, but marched along-fhore to Porto de Naos, their
boats keeping cloſe by them, to which they might retreat at
pleaſure. In their march they were frequently fired upon by the
natives, who ſkulked behind the rocks; but by fending out finall
parties of five or fix men each, they were foon diflodged, and obliged
to fly. When the privateer's people came to Porto de Naos, they
found the place deferted, and every thing of value carried off.
And as the veffels which the Hawke wanted to cut out, had
made their eſcape before ſhe was joined by the Lord Anſon, the
men embarked, without attempting any thing againſt the caſtle.
This latter fired feveral fhot at the fhips, but was quickly filenced
by their
great guns. In this expedition the Engliſh loſt only one
man, which was the Captain of the Lord Anfon, who was killed
on board his own ſhip by a ſhot from the caſtle.
ALTHOUGH theſe iſlands are little eſteemed by the Spanish
government, yet in fact they are of the utmoſt value; for if they
were once fubdued by any other nation, Palma and Tenerife
would fall of courfe, becauſe they are fupplied with corn from
Lancerota and Fuertaventura. Befides, the ports in Lancerota
would always be convenient retreats for the cruifing fhips of an
enemy, where they might careen, and be ſupplied with pro-
viſions.
THE exports from hence are confined wholly to the other
islands theſe are wheat, barley, maize, cattle, fowls, cheeſe,
orchilla-weed, and goats fkins, falt and fome falt-fish; the two
laft are only exported from Lancerota. The wheat here is fmall-
grained, but very hard, clear, and good: it fells always in Tene-
rife at a higher price than either Engliſh or other European wheat,
by one fifth. The firſt wheat ſown in this ifland was brought thi-
ther by Diego de Herrera, from Barbary. About eight years ago,
they
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
223
1
3
they exported a number of camels from Fuertaventura to Jamaica
and other parts of the Engliſh Weft Indies. But fo foon as it was
known at Canaria and Tenerife, that Engliſh ſhips came to Fuer-
ventura and carried away camels, the General and Royal Audience
prohibited that trade, for fear of lofing the breed, and raiſing
the price of thoſe animals.
THE affes brought to Fuertaventura increaſed ſo faſt that they
ran wild among the mountains, and did ſo much damage to the
natives, by eating their corn and other grain, that, in the year 1591,
they were obliged to aſſemble all the inhabitants and dogs in the
iſland, to endeavour to deftroy them; accordingly they killed no
lefs than fifteen hundred. Since that time there has not been any
more in the iſland than ſufficient to ſupply the inhabitants.
THE exportation of corn is moſt impoliticly prohibited from
this iſland to any place except the reſt of the iſlands; by which
means in a year of great plenty it becomes of fo little value as
ſcarcely to pay for the expence of cutting it down. This confe-
quently makes them indifferent about raiſing more than what they
can confume themſelves, or fell in the other iflands; fo that in a
bad
year, the iſlanders ſtarve for want, eſpecially the inhabitants
of Tenerife, if they have not the good fortune to be fupplied from
Europe.
THE imports here are almoſt all from the other iſlands, eſpeci-
ally from Tenerife, which is the centre of trade for all the Canary
Iſlands. They confift in English woollen goods and German linens,.
both of the coarſeft fabrics; brandy, wine, oil, fruit, planks and other
forts of timber, barks and fiſhing-boats, bees wax, houshold furni-
ture, tobacco and fnuff, foap, candles, and a confiderable quantity
of caſh, which they receive in the ballance of trade; part of which
goes
224
THE HISTORY OF
;
goes in payment of rent to the proprietors of the lands; and the
reft to Gran Canaria, to fupport the charge of their law-ſuits
for the natives of all the Canary iſlands are generally extremely
litigious.
No ſhip goes immediately from Europe to thofe iflands, becauſe
the confumption of European commodities in them is ſo ſlow and
inconfiderable, that it would not be worth while. With proper
management, a ſhip of any nation in Europe, at war with Spain,
might touch at Lancerota and Fuertaventura, paſs for a neutral
veffel, and be ſupplied with proviſions: for the natives have no inter-
courſe with foreigners; therefore they cannot diſtinguiſh an Eng-
liſhman from a Hollander, Dane, or Swede; but whoever would pafs
for a Frenchman, muſt go to maſs, otherwiſe he will be diſcovered.
H"
C HA P. VI.
Of the Island of Gran Canaria.
ITHERTO I have been deſcribing the iſlands that are
almoſt deſerts when compared with the fertile and pleaſant
one of Canaria, which, for the excellent temperature of its air,
and the plenty of good water, trees, herbs, and delicious fruits
that are found thereon, well deferves the name of the Fortunate
Ifland.
THE north-eaſt point of Canaria lies weſt from the ſouth-weſt
end of Fuertaventura, eighteen leagues diſtance: in clear wea-
ther, any of thoſe iſlands may be eaſily ſeen from the other. Ca-
naria is about fourteen leagues in length, nine in breadth, and
thirty-five in circumference, reckoning the length from the north-
caft point fouthward unto the point Arganeguin, and the breadth
from
A
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
225
from the port of Agaete, on the weſt fide of the iſland, to that of
Gando, on the eaſt. The inland part, or centre, is exceeding
high, and full of lofty mountains, which tower fo far above the
clouds as to stop the current of the north-east wind that gene-
rally blows here; fo that when this wind blows hard on the
north fide of the mountains, it is either quite calm on the other
fide, or a gentle breeze blows upon it from the fouth-weſt.
Theſe calms and eddy-winds, occafioned by the height of the
mountains above the atmoſphere, extend twenty or twenty-five
leagues beyond them, to the fouth-weft. There are calms be-
yond or to the leeward of ſome of the reft of the iſlands as well
as Canaria; for thoſe of Tenerife extend fifteen leagues into the
ocean; the calms off Gomera, ten; and thoſe off Palma, thirty.
I have been frequently in all the calms of the iſlands, excepting
thoſe of Palma; and from my experience of them, I
may ven-
ture to ſay, that it is extremely dangerous for ſmall veffels, or
open boats to venture within them, when the wind blows hard
without. It is true, indeed, the wind raiſes the waves of the fea
to a mountainous height; yet thoſe waves follow each other in a
regular fucceffion; for were they to fall confufedly one againſt
another, no fhip would be able to fail on the ocean. But in a
ſtorm, the wind driving the ſea before it, each wave gives place
to the one which follows; whereas in the calms of the Canary
Iſlands, the ſea not moving forward in the fame direction with the
fea without, but being as it were ftagnate, or at reft, refifts the
waves that fall in upon it from without; and this refiſtance cauſes
them to break juft in the fame manner as the billows break
upon
the fea-fhore, but with lefs violence on account of the different
nature of the refiftance. This breaking of the waves is only on
the verge of, or just entering into the calms, for within them the
water is ſmooth and pleaſant.
G &
UPON
¡
226
THE HISTORY OF
UPON firſt coming into the calms, the waves may be ſeen
foaming and boiling like a pot, and breaking in all direc-
tions. When a veffel comes amongst them, he is fhaken
and beaten by the waves on all fides, in fuch a manner that one
would imagine fhe could not withstand it; however, this confu-
fion does not last long. The best way to manage a fhip enter-
ing the calms, is immediately to haul up the courſes, and di-
ligently attend the braces, to catch every puff of wind that offers,
in order to puſh the ſhip into them as foon as poffible. The crew
muſt not think it ftrange, to be obliged to brace about the yards
every two or three minutes, according as the wind veers and hauls;
but after a ſhip is once fairly entered into the calms, the will ei-
ther find a dead calm and fmooth water, or a pleaſant and conftant
breeze at fouth or fouth-west, according as the wind blows with-
out, to which this eddy-wind, as I may call it, always blows in
an oppofite direction.
ON the north-eaſt end of Canaria is a peninſula, about two
leagues in circumference. The iſthmus by which it is connected
with the main island, is about two miles in length, and a quarter
of a mile in breadth at the narroweſt part. On each ſide of this
iſthmus is a bay, which is expoſed on the north-weſt fide to the
ſwell of the ſea, and therefore an unfit road for ſhipping; but ſmall
barks get in between a ledge of rocks and the ſhore, and lie there
fmooth and fecure from all winds and weather. Here the natives.
of the iſland repair their ſmall veſſels.
On the other fide of the ifthmus is a fpacious fandy bay, called
by fome Porto de Luz, and by others Porto de Ifletes, from
ſome ſteep rocks, or iſlands, at the entrance of the bay towards
the north-eaſt. This is a good road for fhipping of any bur-
then, with all winds except the fouth-eaft, to which it is
6
expoſed;
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
229
expoſed; but that wind (which is not common here) ſeldom
blows fo hard as to endanger ſhipping.
THE landing-place is in the very bight or bottom of the bay,
where the water is generally fo fmooth, that a boat may lie broad-
fide to the ſhore, without danger. At this landing-place ſtands a
hermitage, or chapel, dedicated to St. Catherine, and a caſtle,
mounted with a few guns, but of no ftrength. From thence
along fhore to the eastward, at the diſtance of a league, is the city
of Palmas, the capital of the ifland: between which, and the
above-mentioned caſtle are two other forts, mounted with guns;
theſe have no garriſons, except a few invalids. At the other end
of the city is another caftle called St. Pedro. None of all theſe
are of any ſtrength.
SHIPPING that diſcharge their cargoes at Palmas, generally in
good weather anchor within half a mile of the town, for the
quicker diſpatch; but that place is not a good road. The city of
Palmas is of no ftrength to oppoſe an attack; but it is large, and
contains feveral fine buildings, particularly the cathedral of St.
Anne, with many churches, convents of Friars of all orders, and
nunneries. The private houſes here are in general good, being all
built of ftone. The city is divided into two parts, which have a
communication with each other by a bridge, thrown over a ſmall
ſtream of water. The number of inhabitants in Palmas I gueſs to
be about fix thouſand.
THE next port of any confequence is Gando, fituate on the
ſouth-eaſt part of the iſland.
of the iſland. I never was there, but am informed
it is a good port for ſhipping, with all winds except the ſouth.
There you may be fupplied with good water and other refreſh-
ments.
Gg 2
GAETE,
228
THE HISTORY OF
GAETE, or Agaete, on the north-weſt part of the iſland, is a
port with a caſtle for its defence. It is frequented only by boats
that carry provifions, &c. from thence to Santa Cruz in Tenerife.
The country near it is well watered, and abounds with fruit-
trees. From Gaete there is a high road to the city of Palmas.
THE whole coaft of Canaria, excepting at theſe ports, is gene-
rally inacceffible to boats or veffels, by reafon of the breaking of
the fea upon it: even the leeward, or fouth-weft part of the iſland
is expoſed to this inconveniency, although it is ſheltered by the
land from the fwell of the trade-wind.
It is the fame on the ſhores of all the Canary Iſlands, eſpeci-
ally at the full and change of the moon, excepting thoſe of Lan-
cerota and Fuertaventura. Yet even to leeward of the latter of
theſe, the ſhore is ſeldom free from furf. I imagine it will be no
eafy matter to account properly for this phænomenon.
THERE are no inland cities, or large towns, in Canaria; but
many villages, the chief of which are Galdar and Telde.
ALTHOUGH this iſland is high and mountainous, yet between
the mountains, and near the ſea-coaft, there are many plains, and
more level ground than in any of the Canary Iſlands to the
weftward of it..
CHAP
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
229.
CHA P. VII.
Of the Climate of Canaria, its Weather, Produce, &c.
is
THE
of the
no where more
HE temperature of the air is no where more delightful than
in the iſland of Canaria. The heat in fummer feldom ex-
than
ceeds that which generally prevails in England in the months of
July and Auguſt, and the coldeſt part of the winter is not ſharper
than with us about the end of May in a backward feaſon. The
fame fort of winds blow here, at the ſame periods, as at Lance-
rota and Fuertaventura; but the northerly wind is not ſo ſtrong,
being only a gentle breeze that cools the air fo as to render it
agreeably temperate. The heavens here are feldom overcast, the
ſky being almoſt continually ferene and free from ſtorms and thun-
der. The only diſagreeable weather is when the ſouth-eaſt winds
come upon the iſland, from the great defert of Africa; but thefe
rarely happen, and do not last long. They are very hot, dry, and
ftifling, and do much damage to the fruits of the earth-by their per-
nicious quality, and alſo by bringing clouds of locufts, that de-.
vour every green thing where they alight. In the mountains, the
weather is different from what I have been defcribing; for there
it is very cold in winter, and the tops of them are uninhabitable,
by reaſon of the fnow that falls there in that ſeaſon, in great
abundance..
To add to the excellent qualities of this climate, the air is ex-
ceeding wholeſome, and the natives enjoy health and longevity be-
yond any people in the world. I have had opportunities of ob-
ferving that when they go with Europeans to hot unhealthy
climates, they are the firſt that fall fick and die..
}
THIS
230
OF
THE
HISTORY
THIS ifland is well watered, and abounds with wood of various
kinds : almoſt every thing that is planted here, will thrive; and
the pine, palm, wild-olive, laurel, poplar, elder, breffos (a fort
of bruth-wood), dragon-tree (that yields gum), lena nueffa or
lignum Rhodium, the aloes-fhrub, Indian fig or prickly pear, and
tubayba, grow fpontaneouſly and without cultivation. The latter
is a fhrub, whoſe branches have no leaves except at the extremi-
ties. When this fhrub is flit with a knife, or beaten with a ſtick,
it yields a glutinous fubitance, of a white colour. The euphor-
bium-ſhrub grows here to a large fize, and in great plenty: I
cannot imagine the reaſon why the natives do not extract the
juice, and uſe it for the bottoms of their boats and veffels, inſtead
of pitch; I am perfuaded it would anſwer better, and be an ef-
fectual preſervative againſt the worms. The tarrahala is a ſort of
yew, or wild-pine; the retama, a withered fhrub without leaves,
not unlike the branch of a vine, and fome of it grows to the thick-
neſs of a man's wrift. There are many others befides theſe,
which I cannot defcribe. All the large trees, except the palm,
that are natural to the iſland, grow on the mountains near the
clouds, which deſcending upon them towards the evening, fur-
nish them with moisture.
As to fruits, here are the almond, walnut, chefnut, apple, pear,
peach, apricot, cherry, plum, mulberry, fig, banana, date, orange,
lemon, citron, lime, pomegranate, and in ſhort all the American
and European fruits, except the anana, or pine-apple, of which I
think there are none in theſe iſlands. Of grain they have wheat,
barley, and maize or Indian corn; but peas, beans, and garra-
vanfas are ſcarce and dear: melons of different forts, potatoes,
batatas, yams, pompions, the beſt onions in the world, and many
other kinds of roots are found in plenty here, and all good in their
* A kind of horſe-beans, written generally Caravanças.
kind:
:
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
231
kind cabbages and fallads are not wanting. In ſhort, in all the
Canary Iſlands weftward of Fuertaventura, nature amply re-
wards the labourer for his toil in cultivating the ground.
ALTHOUGH there is more level and arable land in Canaria than
in any of the iſlands to the weftward of it, yet it bears no man-
ner of proportion to the ftony, rocky, and barren ground, for
I imagine the firſt is to the laſt as one to ſeven. Yet if the
pea-
fants had fuch liberty and fecurity for their property as thoſe of
England have, they could, by a little induſtry and expence, turn
the courſe of many rivulets of water upon their barren grounds,,
and thereby render them
very fruitful.
BUT the great check to induſtry in cultivating the lands here,.
is the imprudent conduct of their government, which prohibits the
exportation of provifions in a plentiful ſeaſon, and fixes a price
upon them in the island. This laft, though done with a good
defign, is a moſt pernicious practice, and tends directly to make
a ſcarcity*.
THE moſt fertile part of Canaria is the mountain of Dora--
mas, fituated about two leagues from the city of Palmas; it is.
ſhaded by groves of different kinds of fragrant trees, whofe lofty
boughs are ſo thickly interwoven as to exclude the rays of the ſun.
The rills that water thefe fhady groves, the whifpering of the
* When a fanine happens in any country, and the poor ftarve for want of food,
why fhould the proprietors of corn be robbed, by being compelled to fell their grain
below its real value? For every commodity is juſt worth what it will fetch. Why
do not the rich, in ſuch a caſe (if they would be humane at their own coft) give
money to the poor, to enable them to purchaſe it at the current price? Does the
government in any country compel people, in a plentiful year, to buy more corn
than they can confume, in order that the merchants, who have a great quantity on
band, may be no lofers? Yet this is juſt as reaſonable as obliging the merchants or
farmers to lower the price of their grain.
breeze
232
OF
THE HISTORY
breeze among the trees, and the melody of the Canary-birds,
form a moſt delightful concert. When a perſon is in one of theſe
inchanting folitudes, he cannot fail of calling to remembrance the
fine things the ancients have written of the Fortunate Iſlands.
In contrast to this charming fcene, the upper part of the iſland
is totally barren and defolate, producing neither grafs or fhrub,
except a few of the above-mentioned retamas; for it projects far
above the clouds, and therefore receives neither dew or rain, but is
expoſed to a thin, dry, parching wind, that generally blows from
the weſtern quarter, in direct oppofition to the trade-wind below,
or under the clouds: in the night this wefterly wind blows hard,
but lulls in the day-time. In the winter-ſeaſon the top of this
iſland is inacceffible, being covered with fnow.
as
THE prodigious quantity of calcined ſtones, afhes, and lava that
cover the greateſt part of all the Canary Iſlands, disfigure them
much, and render the ground unpleaſant. The volcanos from
whence this matter proceeded, and which formerly burned, may
be diſcerned in all quarters of this and the reſt of the iſlands;
alſo the channels made by the fiery ſtreams that flowed from them.
Thoſe are full of aflies, cinders, and a pumice-ſtone of a heavier
kind than that which we bring from Naples. I have not heard of
any volcano burning in Canaria fince the conqueft. Certainly if
ever the firſt inhabitants of thoſe iſlands abandoned them, and went
in queft of new habitations (as fome maintain) it muſt be owing to
the dread they had of thoſe moſt terrible eruptions.
THE Wine of Canaria is good, but has not ſuch a body as that of
Tenerife, and therefore not fo fit for exportation; yet many pipes
of it are annually fent to the Spanish West Indies.
THERE
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
233
THERE is no oil made in this or the other iſlands, notwithſtand-
ing olives have been planted in Canaria. They grow indeed, and
bear fruit, but not to fo great perfection as in Spain, Barbary, and
other countries. Much fugar was formerly made here; but the
great demand for the wines and brandies of this iſland in the
Spaniſh Weſt Indies, ſtopped the culture of canes, the natives
finding it more advantageous to veft the produce of their wines at
the Havannah in fugar, than to raiſe it in their own country.
Honey abounds in Canaria, which is good, but of a black colour.
THE animals here are camels, horfes, affes, a few mules, bul-
locks, sheep, goats, hogs, rabbits, fowls, turkeys, geefe, ducks,
-partridges, crows, and Canary-birds, with fome others of the
fame fize.
of
CANARIA is fometimes peſtered with locufts, which are
brought thither by ſouth-eaſt winds from the defert, and devour
every green thing wherever they alight; but ſeldom viſit any
the Canary Iſlands, except this and Hierro, which are fituated
more foutherly than the reft. A few years ago, fuch an immenfe
quantity came to the ſouth-eaft part of Canaria, that they covered
the fourth part of the iſland, and did infinite damage.
LIZARDS abound in this and all the other iſlands; but we find
no fnakes, ferpents, fcorpions, or other venomous creatures,
excepting the fore-mentioned ſpider of Lancerota, and a kind of
viper peculiar to the iſland of Gomera; which, however, I can-
not find, upon the strictest enquiry, to be at all hurtful.
Hh
CHAP.
234
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. VIII.
Defcription of the Island of Tenerife.
OINT Anaga, or Nago, the north-east end of Tenerife,
por
bears north-weſt, about fixteen leagues diftant from the
north-weſt part of Canaria; but from the faid part of Canaria to
the neareſt part of Tenerife, the diſtance is not above twelve
leagues. This iſland is almoſt triangular, the three fides being
nearly equal, and each about twelve leagues in length. In the
centre is the famous Pike of Tenerife, called by the ancient in-
habitants Teyde, which name it ſtill retains with the preſent na-
tives, who call it El Pico de Teyde, i. e. the Pike of Teyde.
COMING in with the iſland, in clear weather, this Pike may
be eaſily diſcerned at the diſtance of one hundred and twenty miles,
and in failing from it, at one hundred and fifty miles diſtance; it
then appears like a thin blue vapour or ſmoke, very little darker
than the ſky. At a further diſtance the ſhade difappears, and is
not diſtinguiſhable from the azure of the firmament. Before lofing
fight of this towering mountain, it ſeems a confiderable height
above the horizon, although by its diſtance, and the ſpherical fi-
of the earth, all the reſt of the iſland (the upper part of
gure
which is exceeding high) is funk beneath the horizon; but in
general in failing towards Tenerife, when the trade-wind blows,
the iſland appears as an hazineſs of the ſky, or a cloud, till with-
in the diſtance of five or fix leagues, and then the points of the
land are firſt confpicuous, and fhew like land.
AT a ſmall diſtance from the north-east point of the iſland,.
called Punto de Nago, are fome high perpendicular rocks; and five
6
OF
THE. CANARY
235
ISLAND S.
or fix leagues from thence, on the ſouth-eaft fide of the iſland, is
the bay or harbour of Santa Cruz, the moſt frequented port of any
in the Canary Iſlands: the beſt road for ſhipping here, is between
the middle of the town and a fort or caſtle, about a mile to the
northward of it. In all that ſpace, fhips anchor from a cable's
length diſtance from the ſhore, in fix, ſeven, and eight fathoms
water, to half a mile, in twenty-five or thirty fathoms. When a
ſhip lies any time in the road, it is neceffary to buoy her cables, as
the ground is in fome places foul, and confequently they will be
apt to rub and ſpoil. Here ſhips, if moored with good cables
and anchors, may lie fecure in all winds, although the bay is ex-
poſed and open to thoſe which blow from the north-eaſt, eaſt, and
ſouth-east: however, it is not above once in the ſpace of four or five
years that they blow fo hard as to cauſe
blow ſo hard as to cauſe any confiderable damage.
SOME years ago, almoſt all the ſhipping in the road were driven
on fhore by one of theſe gales: fome Engliſh fhips were at that
time in the bay, the crews of which prudently cut away their
maſts, and ſo rode out the ftorm fafely. On that occaſion ſome
Spaniſh ſeamen there, publicly declared they faw the devil in the
height of the ſtorm very bufy in affifting the heretics.
-
In the middle of the town is a mole, built at a vaft expence,
for the convenience of landing. It runs to the northward, and
the outermoft part of it turns toward the fhore. In mild wea-
'ther goods are landed at a creek among the rocks, near the cuſtom-
houſe, at the diſtance of a ſtone's caft to the fouthward of
the mole.
人
​IN going from the mole into the town, there is a fquare fort
on the left hand, named St. Philip's, which is the principal one in
the bay to the northward of it along fhore, are fome forts
Hh 2
QI
236
THE HISTORY OF
or batteries, mounted with guns; the moſt confiderable of which
is called Paffo Alto. Near it is a fteep rocky den, or valley, be-
ginning at the fea-fhore, and running a long way inland, which
would render any attack of an enemy on that quarter extremely
difficult. There is another fort along fhore, to the northward
of this.
Ar the fouth end of the town are fome batteries; and beyond
them, cloſe to the fhore, there is a fort called St. Juan. All the
fea-fhore, from thence to the fouthward, is generally inacceffible,
being naturally fenced with rocks, on which the ſurf breaks almoſt
continually. All theſe forts are mounted with cannon, and
joined to each other by a thick ftone wall, which begins near the
rocky den, and continues, with little interruption, to fort. St. Juan..
This wall is only breaſt-high within, but higher without, facing
the fea. The entry to the town from the fea is at the mole, where
there is an open paffage between the wall and St. Philip's caftle,
which commands and guards this entry..
SANTA CRUZ is a large town, containing feveral churches,
three convents of Friars, an hofpital, and the beſt conſtructed
private buildings of any of the Canary Islands: it is in fact the
capital of them all,, though the epifcopal fee and courts of judi-
cature are in the city of Palmas in the iſland of Canaria; but the
Governor-general of the iſlands refides always in Santa Cruz, where
there is continually a great concourſe of foreigners, as being the
centre of the Canary-trade with Europe and America..
THE number of inhabitants I imagine to be about fix or ſeven
thouſand. The water they drink is conveyed in open wooden troughs,
or ſpouts, into the town, from a ſpring ſituated beyond the above-
mentioned den or valley. Befides theſe there are, in many:
houſes
THE
237
CANARY ISLAND 5.
houfes of the town, pits of water, which ferve very well for the
purpoſes of cookery, &c. The town is not fortified on the land
fide, as no danger is apprehended from that quarter. All the
country near Santa Cruz is dry, ftony, and barren.
ABOUT four leagues to the fouthward of Santa Cruz, cloſe to
the fea, is a cave, with a church or chapel, called Our Lady
of Candelaria, in which is an image of the Virgin Mary, held in
as much reverence here, as the image of the great goddeſs Diana
was at Ephefus; and this chapel is endowed with ſo many orna-
ments, that it is the richest place in all the feven iflands.
Ar a certain ſeaſon of the year, almoſt all the inhabitants of the
ifland go thither in pilgrimage. I have met troops of young girls on
their way, finging as they went, in a very agreeable manner, the
praiſes of the Virgin and the miraculous deeds of the image. It
would be in vain to endeavour to undeceive the natives here, with
reſpect to the many incredible ſtories related concerning this
image; for, from the prieſt to the meanest peaſant, every one ap-
pears to be convinced of its efficacious mediation and interceffion
with Heaven. I have heard fome Canary feamen declare, that
when they were returning from the Spanish Weſt Indies, and in
imminent danger of periſhing in a hard gale of wind, they faw Our
Lady of Candelaria, in the night-time, in the height of the ſtorm,
affifting them to reef and furl the fails, &c. And moreover they
affured me, that when they came home to Tenerife, they were
told that in the morning after the very night in which they were
fo miraculouſly affifted by the Virgin, ſhe was ſeen in the church
of Candelaria with her cloaths and hair wet with the ſpray of the
ſea that came upon her while employed in that friendly office.
THE account given of the first appearance of this image in the
Mand, as related by the author of the Diſcovery and Conqueſt, and
which.
238
THE HISTORY OF
66
<
which perfectly agrees with what we are now told by the moſt
intelligent of the natives, is as follows: "The exact time when
"this image firſt came to the iſland is not known; however,
"there is a confufed rumour that it was near an hundred years
"before the conqueft: according to the accounts of the oldeſt
"inhabitants, it was about the year 1390. Cloſe to the fea-fhore,
"near the mouth of a barranco or den, in a defert part of the
ifland, four leagues diftant from the city of St. Chriſtobal de la
Laguna, two fhepherds driving their flocks towards a cave on
"the other fide of the den, in order to milk them as uſual, they
“obſerved the goats to ſtop and turn back affrighted. The ſhep-
"herds immediately hollowed and whiſtled, in order to make
"them go forward, but in vain, for the goats turned out of the
way and ran back; whereupon one of the ſhepherds, fufpecting
"that ſome one was lying in wait in order to ſteal fome of
"the flock, ſtepped forward to ſee what was the matter, where he
"was ſurpriſed to behold the holy image ſtanding upon a great
"ſtone at the mouth of the den. Drawing nearer, he viewed it
"with fear and admiration, not being accuſtomed to fee any one
"in ſuch a ſtrange and uncommon drefs. However, at laſt he
66
66
difmiffed his fears, and concluding it was a woman, he
"made figns to her to get out of the way, that the flocks might
pafs and this he did becauſe it was not cuſtomary in Tenerife
❝ for a man when he met a woman alone on the road, or in a foli-
"tary place, to ſpeak to her, but on the contrary to turn afide.
"As the flocks could not go to the cave without firft paffing the
"mouth of the den, therefore he made figns to her; but finding
"ſhe never moved, though he waited fome time, he was pro-
"voked at her indecent and obftinate behaviour, and took up
"a ftone to throw at her, but could not caſt it out of his hand, and
his arm, which was lifted up to throw the ftone, continued im-
moveable in that poſture, and with great pain to him.
46 THE
*
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
239
"THE other ſhepherd, ſeeing what paffed, went boldly up to
"the image, examined it, and with a tavona, or ſharp flint, en-
"deavoured to cut off its hand; but instead of effecting this,
"in the attempt he cut his own hand in fuch a manner that
"a ftream of blood guſhed out. Blinded with wrath againſt the
image for what had befallen him, he made another attempt to
"cut off its hand, but in vain, for inftead of executing his pur-
66
"
66
pofe, he cut his own hand a ſecond time; fo that the ſhep-
«herds remained, the one with his arm ſtretched out, and the
"other forely wounded. They concluded at laſt, that the image:
"came from Heaven; and going to the King of Guimar, in-
"formed him of what had happened: who, when he faw them
"ſtanding before him in that condition, believed what they had
related, and ordered the council to affemble at the Tagoror,
"or Place of Judgment. The reſult of that council was, that
"the King and all the members went, with the whole people of
"the diſtrict of Guimar, to the place where the fhepherds faw
"the image. There they found it ſtill remaining in the fame
poſture: the Guanches were greatly ſtruck with admiration and
"reverence when they beheld the gravity and majeſty of its ap-
pearance; but no one dared to touch it, for fear of being pu-
"niſhed after the fame manner as the two fhepherds were.
66
"6
"THE King at laſt ordered theſe two men to approach the
image with reverence, and carry it to his houfe. They took
"hold of it accordingly, and immediately upon touching it,
were intirely healed, to the no ſmall aſtoniſhment of the
ſpectators.
6.6
"THE King being now convinced that the image was fent
“from Heaven, declared it was too facred to be carried by
66;
peaſants, and therefore went himſelf, with ſome of his nobles,.
and
·240
THE HISTORY OF
and taking it up with fear and reverence, they carried it in
“this manner about the diſtance of a muſquet ſhot, when it be-
"came fo exceeding heavy that they could proceed with it no
" further. When the King and his attendants perceived this,
"they fell on their knees before the image, humbly beſeeching
"it to let them place it where they intended; upon which it made
"a fign, and they lifted it up again, finding it quite light, and
proceeded to a cave, which was the King's ftore-room or
"pantry, and is about half a league diſtant from the barranco
"where the image firſt appeared. Having brought it hither, they
6:6
placed it on fome goats fkins, where it remained, and per-
"formed many wonderful miracles, as it ſtill continues to do.
"On the ſpot where the image made a fign for the natives to go
on, the Chriſtians have built an hermitage, called Nueftra Se-
"nora del Soccoro, i. e. Our Lady of Succour.
66
"THE Guanches* relate, that by means of this holy image
.66 many miracles were wrought in the time of paganiſm, before
"the conqueſt: and the Kings of the iſland ſet apart a man and
“a woman to look after the image, and keep it clean. The na-
"tives never approached it without a preſent of ſome ſheep,
"the number of which increaſed prodigiouſly: they were called
"the facred fheep; and no one was allowed to approach them but
"the above-mentioned man and woman.
"EVERY year, on the Eve of the Purification of Our Lady,
"a great number of lights are feen going in proceffion round
"the cave where this image is; and in the morning drops of
.66 wax are found fcattered about on the fea-ſhore.
* In my author's time, many of the Guanches were known in diſtinction from
the Spaniards; but they are now confounded together, excepting a few families
about Candelaria, Guimar, and Chazna. On great feftivals, fome of thoſe fami-
lies claim the fole privilege of dreſſing and adorning the image of the Virgin of Can-
delaria.
2
"THE
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
241
*
"THE Chriftians, from this miraculous appearance, intitled
the image Our Lady of Candelaria; and alſo becauſe ſhe
"holds a green candle in one hand: in the other fhe has an
"infant Jefus, holding a gilded bird in each hand, which can
"be no other than the doves of the purification of our bleffed
Lady the Virgin.
<<
"THIS image of the Virgin Mary in Candelaria is but ſmall,
being about two cubits or three feet in height; the colour of
"the face is fwarthy, the garments blue and gold *. On them
"are certain Roman characters, which no one could explain un-
"til Gonzalo Argote de Molina, Provincial of the Holy Brother-
"hood of Andalufia, gave us the following interpretation.
"On the veſtment near the neck are the following twelve let-
"ters; T, I, E, P, F, S, E, P, M, E, R, I, with a roſe of four
"leaves betwixt each. He makes them to be initials of the fol-
lowing words, Tu Illuftra Es Patri Filio Spiritui fancto Et Pia
"Mater Ejus Redemptoris Jeſu†.
<<
"On the girdle; N, A, R, M, P, R, L, M, O, T, A, R, E.
"Which ſeem to be initials of Noftrum Altiffimum Regem Ma-
"ria Peperit Redidit Libertatem Maria Omnibus Teftis A Regi
"Erebi ‡.
66
"And on the border of the fleeve, near the green candle, are
thefe four letters, L, P, V, R; which he interprets after this
manner, Lucem Perpetuam, Vobis Reddidi ||.
* I fuppofe the garment is of the fame fubftance with the image; but my author
is filent in this matter.
+ Thou art illuftrious (or glorious) in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, and
Mother of the Redeemer, Jefus.
+ Mary brought forth our moſt high King, fhe gave liberty to all thoſe impri-
foned by the king of hell.
I have given to you the eternal life.
I i
" ON
242
OF
THE HISTORY
"On the tail of the garment are theſe fourteen letters, I, N,
" N, I, P, E, P, N, E, I, F, A, N, T: which, according to his
explanation, are initials of theſe words, Ifta Nequaquam Ni-
"variæ In Perpetuus Effugiet Pio Nomine Evocato Infulæ For-
"tunate Adverfarius Nullum *."
THE reaſon of my being fo particular in deſcribing this image,
is to afford light to fome curious and learned perſon, by which
he
may form fome judgment of its antiquity.
1
SOUTHWARD from Candelaria is Point Prieta, the fouth-weſt
point of the iſland; from thence the coaft tends weftward to la Monta-
na Roxo (i. e. the Red Mountain); and from thence north-north-
weſt to Point Teno, the north-weſt point of the iſland. All this
coaft is barren, and almoſt uninhabited, except about half way
between Montana Roxa and Point Teno, or rather nearer to
Teno, is the bay of Adexe, or, as it is pronounced, Adehe;
where large ſhips may anchor. I never was in it, but am in-
formed that it is open to the fouth-weſt, and but little frequented,
except by boats from the iſland of Gomera, which lies over-
againſt it. Near Adehe the Count of Gomera has a houſe and
fome lands, on which he keeps a thouſand negro flaves, for plant-
ing of fugar-canes and preparing ſugar. It is hard to know his mo-
tive for maintaining thoſe negroes in a country that abounds with
poor labouring white people, who, with all their induſtry, can
hardly earn enough to buy food fufficient to keep foul and body
together. Was he to fell all thoſe flaves in the Spaniſh Weſt
Indies, I am certain the annual intereft of the nett produce of the
fale would bring him in more than the preſent clear income of all
his fugar-works and eftates in Tenerife, Gomera, and Hierro;
* This will never leave Nivaria: its pious name invoked, the Fortunate Iflands
fhall fear no adverſary.
for,
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
243
for, as I am credibly informed, it amounts to no more than fifteen
hundred pounds per annum. The only reaſon I can affign for
fuch ſtrange miſmanagement, is a certain low pride he has in being
lord of a thouſand flaves.
In the neighbourhood of this port there are fome mountains
that are covered with ſtately pines, and are very eaſy of acceſs;
for this reaſon the inhabitants of Gomera generally come hither
for the wood which they uſe in building, the woods of their own
ifland being more difficult of acceſs.
BETWEEN Adehe and Point Teno the ſhore is about half a mile
in height, and perpendicular as a wall.
a wall. Several ſtreams fall
down from the fummit into the ſea.
POINT Teno runs a confiderable way into the fea, in the form of
a crefcent behind it, to the fouthward, the fea is very ſmooth,
when the trade-wind prevails, which, in blowing weather, makes
a great fea to the northward of the point. I never was at an
anchor there, but have paffed near it ſeveral times, and by what
then I had an opportunity to obferve, I judge it to be a con-
venient port.
FROM Teno the land ftretches away east-north-east and north-
eaſt-by-eaſt, to Point Nago, the north-eaſt end of the iſland, from
whence we fet out. This fide of Tenerife has quite a different af-
pect from the other two already defcribed; for in viewing it from
the fea, we perceive a number of villages, woods, vineyards, and
corn-fields, that make a moſt agreeable appearance.
ALONG fhore, to the north-eaft of Teno, is the village of St.
Iago; and three leagues, in the fame direction, from that point
Ii 2
is,
244
HISTORY OF
THE
is the village of Buenavifta, fituated among the vineyards, near
the fea; but we meet with no port until we advance above two
leagues further, where there is a haven called Garrachica, for-
merly the beſt port in the iſland, being then a bay in the form of
a horfe-fhoe, but was deftroyed in the year of the earthquakes
(for fo the natives termed the year 1704), and filled up by the
rivers of burning lava that flowed into it from a volcano; info-
much that houſes are now built where ſhips formerly lay at an-
chor; yet veffels come to Garrachica in the fummer, and lie ſe-
cure with the trade wind, which at that ſeaſon commonly blows
there at eaſt-north-eaſt. Some time after the year of earthquakes
the following account of them was writen, and which is recorded
in feveral deſcriptions of the Canary Iſlands.
66
46
"IN the year 1704, there happened the moſt alarming in-
"flance of this kind that had ever been known. The earth-
quake began the 24th of December, and, in the ſpace of three
hours, twenty-nine fhocks were felt. After this they became
"fo violent as to rock all the houſes on their foundations, and
oblige the inhabitants to abandon them. The conſternation
"became univerfal, and the people, headed by the Biſhop, made
proceffions and public prayers in the open fields. On the 31ft, a
great light was obſerved on Manja, towards the White Moun-
"tains. Here the earth opened, and two volcanos were formed,
"which threw up fuch heaps of ftones as to raiſe two confiderable
"mountains; and the combuſtible matter which ftill continued
"to be thrown up, kindled above fifty fires in the neighbour-
"hood. In this fituation things remained till the 5th of January,
"when the fun was totally obfcured by the clouds of ſmoke and
flame, which continually increaſed, and augmented the con-
"ſternation and terror of the inhabitants. Before night, the
"whole country, for three leagues round, was laid in flames by
"
the
7
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
245
}
"the flowing of liquid fire, with the rapidity of a torrent, into
"all quarters, and cauſed by another volcano, which had opened
66
86
by at leaſt thirty different vents within the circumference of half
a mile, towards Oratavia. What greatly increaſed the horror
"of the ſcene, was the violence of the ſhocks, which never once
"remitted, but by their force totally overthrew ſeveral houſes,
"and ſhook others to their very foundations, while the miſerable
"inhabitants were driven defenceleſs and diſmayed into the open
"fields, where they expected every moment to be ſwallowed up
by fome new gulph. The noiſe of the volcano was heard twenty
leagues off at fea; and it is credibly atteſted that the ſea ſhook
"at that diſtance with fuch violence as alarmed the mariners,
"who imagined the ſhip had ſtruck upon a rock, till the conti-
"nuance of the motion gave them the firſt intimation of the real
" caufe. A torrent of fulphur, and melted ores of different
kinds, ruſhed forth from this laſt volcano, towards Guimar; the
"houſes and public buildings of which place were thrown down
by the violence of the accompanying earthquake. On the 2d
"of February another volcano broke out in the town of Guimar,
"which ſwallowed up and entirely annihilated a large church.
Thus, from the 24th of December to the 23d of February,
"the inhabitants were kept in conftant alarms by continued
"ſhocks of earthquakes, and by terrible volcanos breaking out
"in different quarters of the island."
66
""
"6
GARRACHICA is ftill a town of note, and pretty large, con-
taining feveral churches and convents of both fexes. It has a
ſmall trade for wines and brandy, which are generally fent from
hence in barks, or large open boats, to Santa Cruz or Port Orotava.
Several veffels are built here, fome of three hundred tons burthen
and upwards, which are ſtrong and durable.
Two
246
THE HISTORY OF
Two leagues to the eastward of Garrachica ſtands a town called
the Fort of Orotava, the fituation of which is erroneously laid
down in all our fea-charts, which place it three or four leagues
nearer to Point Nago than it really is.
THE marks by which a ftranger may find Port Orotava are
thefe: it lies about half way between Teno and Point Nago, but
rather nearer to the latter, and cloſe in to the fea-fhore. Above
it, about a league inland, is another town, fomewhat larger,
called Villa de Orotava; between theſe are two ſmall hills, fhaped
like fugar-loaves. No boat will go from hence to a fhip in the
offing until the approaches within a mile of the fhore, when the
pratique-boat puts a pilot on board, who brings her into the road,
which is about a mile to the weftward of the town, where ſhipping
lie moored in forty or fifty fathom water.
This is a good port
in the fummer-ſeafon, or from the beginning of May to the end
of October; but in the winter, fhips are often obliged to flip
their cables and put to fea, for fear of being furpriſed by a north-
weft wind, which throws in a heavy fea upon this coaft. But
theſe winds rarely happen, and commonly give warning before-
hand, ſo that ſhips have time to get away. The pilot that boards
a ſhip on her arrival, remains there until the departs. Theſe pilots
are very careful to flip and put to fea, when they apprehend any
danger. It is commonly calm in this road; but there is almoſt
always a long northerly fwell, that cauſes ſhips to roll very much,
fo that one would be apt to imagine it almoſt impoffible to load a
cargo there.
THE landing-place is near to the middle of the town, where is
2 finall creek or haven among the rocks. There large boats load
wines, &c. and carry them off to the ſhips in the road. Each of
theſe boats generally carries fifteen or twenty hands, which hoiſt
the
:
:
THE
CANARY
ISLAND S.
247*
the wines aboard, and ftow them away with amazing quicknefs
and dexterity, even when a ſhip rolls from gunwale to gunwale,
which is often the cafe in this road.
PORT Orotava is a place of confiderable trade, and has flouriſhed
greatly fince the deſtruction of the harbour of Garrachica: it con-
tains fome good private buildings, two churches, two convents of
Friars, and two of Nuns. At each end of the town is a black fandy
bay; along the northermoſt is a low ftone wall, built to prevent
an enemy from landing: at the other bay is a ſmall fort or caſtle,
for the fame purpofe; and between them, at the landing-place,
a battery of a few cannon. But the furf that continually breaks
upon the fhore, is a better defence than if it were garrifoned by
ten thouſand of the beſt troops.
PORT Orotava is plentifully ſupplied with good water, whichr
is conveyed to it, from a rivulet at a great diſtance, in open wooden
fpouts or troughs. About half way from Port Orotava to Point
Nago, is a point of land, and behind, or to leeward of it, a finall
bay or anchoring-place, called Puerto de Madera. Between which
and Orotava are fome landing-places of leſs note, lying behind
points, where boats load wine for Port Orotava or Santa Cruz :
but from Puerta de Madera to Point Nago the fhore is high,
rocky, and ſteep, confequently inacceffible. Having now deſcribed
the ſea-coaſt of the iſland, I ſhall proceed to give an account of
the inland parts.
ABOUT four miles inland from Santa Cruz, ftands the city of
St. Chriſtobal de la Laguna, i. e. St. Chriſtopher of the Lake,
The road to it from Santa Cruz is a pretty ſteep afcent, till you
come within a ſmall diſtance of the town, which is fituated in the
corner of a large plain, about four miles in length, and about a
mile.
248
THE HISTORY OF
mile in breadth. This city is the capital of the iſland, and con-
tains two pariſh churches, three convents of Friars, two of Nuns,
and three hofpitals, two of which are for the venereal diſeaſe and
the other for foundlings; with many handſome private buildings:
the convents of Friars are of three different orders, viz. the Au-
guftine, the Dominican, and the Francifcan; and thoſe of the
Nuns, Dominicans of St. Catharine and Francifcans of St.. Clara.
The Jefuits have a houſe here, where only two of that order re-
fide, having found little or no encouragement for more in the
place. The water which the inhabitants drink, is conveyed in
troughs or ſpouts to the town, from the mountains fituated to the
fouthward of the plain.
In this city there is no trade, nor any ſhew of buſineſs, it be-
ing chiefly inhabited by the gentry of the iſland, particularly the
officers of juſtice, fuch as the Corregidor and his Tiniente or
Lieutenant; the Regidores or Cavildo; with the Judge of the
Indies, who prefides in the India-houſe, where all matters relat-
ing to the Weſt India commerce are managed: here is alſo an Of-
fice of Inquifition, with its proper officers, fubject to the Tribu-
nal of the Holy Office at Gran Canaria. Notwithſtanding all
thoſe people refide here, the city appears to a ftranger paffing
through it, as defolate and almoſt uninhabited; for he can hardly
ſee any body in the ſtreets, in the moſt frequented of which he
may obferve grafs growing. A perfon who has been in Holland,
and compares St. Christobal de la Laguna with Santa Cruz, will
naturally think of the difference between the appearance of Delft
and Amfterdam.
Ar the fouth fide of the city, or rather behind it, is a laguna
(i. e. a lake), about half a mile in circumference, from which the
city takes its name, which is dry in the fummer-ſeaſon, but in the
winter
THE
249
CANARY ISLAND S.
1
winter full of ſtagnant water. This city, fituated on a plain, and
elevated a great height above the fea, is extremely cold in winter,
and expoſed to the wind in all feafons. When the trade-wind
blows freſh at north-north-eaſt and north-eaſt in the bay of Santa
Cruz, the north-west wind prevails here, and blows generally
with great vehemence. The inhabitants of Laguna have planted
an avenue of trees on the brow of the hill, or extremity of the
plain, juſt where the road deſcends to Santa Cruz; but, by the
violence of the wind, they are all bent to the ſouth-eaſt, and
ftripped of their leaves: they were obliged to build circular walls
around each of them when they were planted, to ſecure them from
the wind until they were ſtrong enough to reſiſt its force.
FROM the weſtern extremity of the plain of Laguna the road
defcends to la Mantanza de Centejo, a large village, chiefly in-
habited by peaſants: it is in the midway between Santa Cruz and
Port Orotava. From thence to la Villa de Orotava the country
abounds with habitations; for on the right hand are the large vil-
lages or rather towns of Tacoronte, Saufal, and la Rambla, be-
fides many ſmall villages and detached houſes. La Villa de Oro-
tava, about three leagues inland from Port Orotava, is a large
place and contains feveral churches, convents of Friars and Nuns,
with a number of ſtately private buildings of ſtone. A rivulet
runs through the midſt of the town, which fupplies the inhabi-
tants with water, and refreſhes their gardens and orchards. This
place appeared to me to be about as large again as Port Orotava.
Continuing the fame route to the weftward, the next town is
Realejo; being a large place, fituated about a league or four miles
beyond la Villa de Orotava, and ſurrounded with vineyards. All
theſe places are populous, and fituated a little way from the ſea,
from whence moſt of them may be feen; and indeed no habita-
tions here are at a greater diftance from it than three leagues. The
Kk
whole
250
THE HISTORY OF
whole iſland continues rifing on all fides from the ſea, till it termi
nates in the Pike, which is the centre. The north fide is the moft
fertile, and aſcends more gradually than the others, particularly
a ſpace along the ſhore about three leagues in breadth, bounded
on the fides by high mountains, or rather cliffs; but inland, or
upwards from the ſea, it rifes like a hanging garden all the way,
without any confiderable interruption of hills or valleys, till you
come within a league of the clouds. In the western border of
this ſpace is fituated Realejo; and on the eaſtern, La Rambla,
Between them are the towns of Orotava and Port Orotava, with
a number of detached habitations ſcattered about from the fea-
ſhore upwards to the clouds, in or beyond which are no houfes
or habitations; yet the clouds are not higher than the middle
diſtance between the fea and the fummit of the Pike. All the
fertile ground, within a league of the fea, is covered with vines;
that of the next league produces corn; and the third, fome corn,
woods of chefnut-trees, and many other different forts, particu-
larly brefos, which are uſed by the natives for fuel. Above
theſe woods are the clouds, which, in fine weather, toward the
evening generally defcend gradually, and reft upon thofe woods
until the morning, when they reaſcend about a league, and there
remain until the fucceeding evening. In that height of the iſland
where they reſt in the day-time, there was formerly a great
quantity of ſtately pine-trees; but being eaſy to come at, they were
almoſt all cut down by the inhabitants of the adjacent villages, fo
that few now remain in this part which I am deſcribing; but in
other places of the iſland in the fame altitude, and which are di-
ftant from any habitations, there are great numbers of them.
From Orotava, afcending to the fummit of the iſland, leaving the
Pike* on the right hand, and then deſcending to the ſouth-weſt,
* I do not confider the Pike as the top of the iſland, but rather as a hill or
mountain upon it.
wes
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
251
we come to the town of Chazna, called by fome Villa Flor,
where there is a convent of Friars; near it is a well of an acid
water, which has a medicinal quality, and is reckoned an effi-
cacious remedy for many diforders, but pernicious and fatal to
thoſe who drink it when troubled with the venereal difeafe. On
the ſouth-eaſt of the iſland, inland from Candelaria, is the town
of Guimar, a confiderable place, but, like Chazna, remote from
other habitations: both theſe towns have fome families living
in them, who know themſelves to be the genuine offspring of
the Guanches. I have feen and converfed with ſome of theſe
people; but they could not gratify my curiofity in any thing con-
cerning the manners and cuſtoms of their anceſtors, whoſe lan-
guage they have entirely loft. They appeared to me to be of a
fairer complexion than the Spaniards of the province of Andaluſia.
Above, or inland from Garrachica, is Ico, a large and populous
town, abounding with wealthy people: here are ſome manufac-
tures of filk, particularly ſtockings, which are exported to the
Spaniſh Weſt Indies. Befides thofe places already defcribed, are
many ſmall villages, particularly weftward from Realejo, towards
Ico and Buenaviſta; alſo in the mountains, between the city of
Laguna and Point Nago, are many pleaſant romantic little valleys
and hollows, well watered, and abounding with fhady groves :
theſe are the moſt agreeable places in the iſland; but the gentry of
Tenerife have no tafte for country-houſes or folitary retirements,
chufing rather to live in towns. The inhabitants of thofe moun-
tains are fairer than the other inhabitants of the iſland; probably
they are the offspring of thofe fair people who lived on the north
fide of the iſland, of whom mention is made in the Hiſtory of the
Diſcovery and Conqueſt.
CONSIDERING the number of large and populous towns fituated
in Tenerife, with the villages, and detached habitations, it will
Kk 2
be
252
THE HISTORY OF
be no furprize to underſtand that this iſland, when the laſt account
was taken, contained no less than ninety-fix thouſand perfons.
Indeed it is computed to contain as many inhabitants as all the
reft of the ſeven iflands together. I never heard the number of
any
of them calculated, but Tenerife, Palma, and Hierro : the
fecond of theſe is ſaid to have thirty thouſand inhabitants, and the
laſt one thouſand; theſe added, fall ſhort of the number in Te-
nerife by fixty-five thouſand, which, according to the above-
mentioned computation, remains to be divided among the iſlands
Lancerota, Fuertaventura, Gran Canaria, and Gomera. I fup-
poſe then, by what I have had opportunity of obſerving, that Fuer-
taventura may contain ten thouſand perfons; Lancerota, eight
thouſand; Gomera, ſeven thouſand; and Canaria, forty thouſand.
BEFORE I leave the deſcription of Tenerife, it will not be im-
proper to give fome account of the Pike, fo much taken notice
of by all who have had occafion to paſs near it and obſerve its
prodigious height.
1
IN
CHA P. IX.
Of the Pike of Tenerife.
N the beginning of the month of September, 1761, about four
o'clock in the afternoon, I fet out on horſeback, in company
with a Maſter of a ſhip, from Port Orotava, to viſit the Pike.
We had with us a fervant, a muleteer, and a guide: after aſcend-
ing about fix miles, we arrived, towards fun-ſet, at the moſt
diſtant habitation from the ſea this way, which was in a hollow.
Here we found an aqueduct of open troughs or ſpouts, that con-
veys water down from the head of the hollow. Here our fervants
watered the cattle, and filled fome fmall barrels with water, to
ferve
THE CANARY
CANARY ISLANDS.
253
ferve us on our expedition. While they were thus employed,
we alighted and walked into the hollow, which we found to be
very pleaſant, abounding with many trees that fent forth an odo-
riferous ſmell. Near the houſes are fome fields of maize or In-
dian corn in ſeveral places on this fide of the iſland, the natives
have two crops of this grain. Mounting again, we travelled for
ſome time on a ſteep road, and got into the woods and the clouds
juſt as it grew dark
dark; we could not well mifs our way, the road
being bounded on both fides with trees or bushes, which were
chiefly laurel, favine, and brefos or bruſhwood: having travelled
about a inile, we came to the upper edge of the wood above the
clouds, where we alighted, made a fire, and fupped; fome
time after we lay down to fleep under the buſhes. About half
an hour after ten, the moon fhining bright, we mounted again,
and travelled ſlowly two hours, through an exceffive bad road, re-
ſembling ruins of ſtone buildings ſcattered over the fields. After we
got out of this road, we came upon ſmall light white pumice-ſtone.
like peas or ſhingle. Here we rode at a pretty good pace for near-
an hour. The air now began to be very ſharp, cold, and piercing,.
and the wind blew ftrong about fouth-weft or weft-fouth-weſt..
Our guide adviſed us to alight here, as it was a convenient place,,
and reft till four or five in the morning. We followed his coun-
fel, and entered into a cave, the mouth of which was built up to:
about a man's height, to prevent the wind and cold from getting
in. Near this place we were fo lucky as to find ſome dry wi-
thered retamas, which was the only ſhrub or vegetable we ſaw -
hereabout; with theſe we made a great fire to warm ourſelves,.
and then fell aſleep, but were foon awaked by an itching of the ſkin,
which we imagined proceeded from fleas, but was owing to the
cold thin air, want of reſt, and fleeping in our cloaths; a thing
I have known to happen to people on fuch expeditions. We paffed
way
the time here as well as we could; but while we crept fo
6
near
254
OF
THE
HISTORY
near the fire that one fide was almoſt ſcorched, the other was be-
numbed with cold.
ABOUT five in the morning we mounted again, and travelled
flowly about a mile, for the road here was rather too fteep for
travelling on horſeback, and our horfes were now fatigued. At
laſt we came among fome great loofe rocks, where was a fort of
cottage built of looſe ſtones: the name of this place our guide told
us was Eſtancia de los Ingleffes (i. e. the Engliſh pitching-place),
fo called, I imagine, from fome Engliſh people refting there on
their way to vifit the Pike, for none go that journey but foreigners
and fome poor people of the iſland, who earn their bread by ga-
thering brimstone; the Spanish gentry having no curiofity of this
kind. Here we alighted again, the remainder of our way being
too ſteep for riding, and left one of our ſervants to look after the
cattle, and then proceeded on our journey afoot. We walked hard
to get ourſelves a heat, but were foon fatigued by the ſteepnefs of
the road, which was alfo loofe and fandy. When we got to the top
of this rifing or hill, we came to a vaſt number of looſe great
ftones, whofe furfaces were flat: each of thofe ftones or rocks
was, on a medium, about ten feet every way. This road was not
ſo ſteep as the other, but we were obliged to travel a confiderable
way over the rocks, leaping from one to another, for they were not
all quite cloſe to each other. Among theſe is a cavern, where is
a well, or natural reſervoir, into which we defcended by a ladder,
which the poor people placed there for that purpoſe. This ca-
vern is fpacious within, being almoſt ten yards wide and twenty in
height all the bottom of it, except juft at the feet of the lad-
der, is covered with water, which is about two fathoms deep, and
was then frozen towards the inner edges of the cave: we attempted
to drink of this water, but could not, by reafon of its exceffive
coldneſs; however, our guide filled a bottle, which he had pur-
pofely
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
255
purpoſely brought from the Eftancia. After travelling about a
quarter or half a mile upon the great ftones or rocks, we came
to the bottom of the real Pike, or fugar-loaf, which is very ſteep,
and to add to the difficulty of afcending, the ground is looſe and
gives way under the feet, and confequently extremely fatiguing;
for although the length of this eminence is not above half a mile,
yet we were obliged to ſtop and take breath I believe thirty times;
at laſt we got to the top, where we lay about a quarter of an hour
to reſt ourſelves, being quite fpent with fatigue. When we left
the Eſtancia in the morning, the fun was juſt emerging from the
clouds, which were fpread out under us at a great diſtance down-
ward, appearing like the ocean. Above the clouds, at a vaſt di-
ſtance to the north, we ſaw ſomething black, which we imagined
to be the top of the iſland of Madeira. We took the bearings of
´it by a pocket-compaſs, and found it to be exactly in the direc-
tion of that iſland from Tenerife: but before we got to the top
of the Pike, it diſappeared. We faw from hence the tops of the
iſlands Palma, Gomera, Hierro, and Gran Canaria; they ſeemed.
to be quite near, but we could neither perceive Lancerota or Fuer-
taventura, becauſe they are not high enough to pierce the clouds.
Unfortunately we did not find the air quite clear and free from.
clouds, otherwife I know not but we might have ſeen Madeira,
Porto Santo, and even the neareſt part of Mount Atlas, which is
about an hundred leagues diftant from hence; for although I
ſaid before, that viewing the Pike from the ocean, it could not-
be diſtinguiſhed from the ſky farther off than an hundred and fifty
or an hundred and fixty miles; yet it muſt be obferved that the air
above the clouds is by far thinner, more pure, and freer from va-
pours than the air below; for before we came to the Eftancia de.
los Ingleffes, we obferved the moon and ſtars to ſhine with un-
common brightneſs; befides, the ſpherical figure of the earth could
not prevent our feeing Mount Atlas, becauſe its fummit and that
2:
af.
256
THE HISTORY OF
2
*
*
of Tenerife, by reafon of their immenfe height (although fo
far afunder) would yet be far exalted above the horizon. But
whether or not vifion extends fo far as what I am now hinting, I
leave to others to determine.
1
AFTER We had refted fome time, we began to look about and
obferve the top of the Pike. Its dimenſions ſeemed to be exactly
as defcribed by one Mr. Eden, whofe journey to the Pike we find
related in fome of our accounts of the Canary Islands. He fays
the length is about an hundred and forty yards, the breadth
an hundred and ten. It is hollow, and ſhaped within like a bell
fubverted. From the edges or upper part of this bell, or caul-
dron, as the natives call it, to the bottom is about forty yards. In
many parts of this hollow we obſerved ſmoke and ſteams of ful-
phur iffuing forth in puffs. The heat of the ground in fome par-
ticular places was fo great as to penetrate through the foles of
our ſhoes to our feet: feeing fome ſpots of earth or foft clay, we
tried the heat with our fingers, but could not thruſt them in far-
ther than half an inch, for the deeper we went, the more in-
tenſe we found the heat. We then took our guide's ſtaff, and
thruſt it to the depth of three inches into a hole or porous place,
where the ſmoke ſeemed to be thickeſt, and held it there about
a minute, and then drew it out, when we found it burned to
charcoal. We gathered here many pieces of moſt curious and
beautiful brimstone of all colours, particularly azure blue,
green, violet, yellow, and fcarlet. But what chiefly engaged
the attention of my companion, was the extraordinary and
uncommon appearance of the clouds below us, at a great di-
ſtance; they ſeemed like the ocean, only the furface of them was
not quite fo blue and fmooth, but had the
appearance of
very
white wool; and where this cloudy ocean, as I may call it,
touched the ſhore, it ſeemed to foam like billows breaking on the
hore.
}
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
257
ſhore. When we afcended through the clouds, it was dark; but
when we mounted again, between ten and eleven, the moon ſhone
bright, the clouds were then below us, and about a mile diſtant :
we took them for the ocean, and wondered to fee it ſo near;
nor did we diſcover our miſtake until the fun arofe. When we
deſcended to the clouds, in returning from the Pike, and entered
within them, they appeared to us as a thick fog or miſt, of the
confiſtence of thoſe we frequenly fee in England: all the trees of
the fore-mentioned woods, and our cloaths, were wet with it.
THE air on the top of the Pike was thin, cold, piercing, and
of a dry parching nature, like the fouth-easterly winds which I
have felt in the grea. defert of Africa, or the Levanters in the
Mediterranean; or even not unlike thoſe dry eaſterly winds which
are frequent in the northern parts of Europe, in clear weather,
in the months of March or April.
IN afcending the higheſt part of the mountain, called the fugar-
loaf, which is very ſteep, our hearts panted and beat vehemently,
fo that, as I obſerved before, we were obliged to reſt above thirty
times, to take breath; but whether this was owing to the thinnefs
of the air cauſing a difficulty of reſpiration, or to the uncommon
fatigue which we ſuffered in climbing the hill, I cannot deter-
mine; but believe it was partly owing to the one, and partly to
the other. Our guide, a flim, agile, old man, was not affected
in the fame manner with us, but climbed up with eaſe, like a goat;
for he was one of thoſe poor men who earn their living by gather-
ing brimſtone in the cauldron and other volcanos, the Pike itſelf
being no other, though it has not burned for fome years paft, as
may be plainly underſtood by the nature of its ſubſtance; and
indeed all the top of the island fhews evident marks of fome
terrible revolution that has happened in Tenerife; for the fugar-
L 1
loaf
1
258
THE HISTORY OF
loaf is nothing elſe than earth mixed with aſhes and calcined ſtones,
thrown out of the bowels of the earth: and the great fquare ftones,
before-defcribed, feem to have been thrown out of the cauldron
or hollow of the Pike, when it was a volcano. The top of the
Pike is inacceffible in every way but that by which we went up,
viz. by the eaſt fide. Its ſteepest part is on the north-weſt, to-
wards Garrachica. We tumbled fome looſe rocks down from that
quarter, which rolled a vaſt way, till we loft fight of them.
HAVING furveyed every thing worthy of obfervation, we re-
turned to the Eftancia, where our horfes were left; the whole
time ſpent in deſcending from the top of the Pike to this place
was only half an hour, although the afcent took us up about two
hours and a half. It was now about ten in the morning, and the
fun fhone ſo exceffively hot as to oblige us to take ſhelter in the
cottage; being exceedingly fatigued, we lay down there, intend-
ing to fleep, but could not for the cold, which was fo intenſe
under the ſhade, that we were obliged to kindle a fire to keep
ourſelves warm.
AFTER taking fome repofe, we mounted our horfes about noon,
and defcended by the fame way that we went up, and came to
fome pines, fituated about two miles above the clouds: between
theſe pines and the Pike grows no herb, fhrub, tree, or grafs, ex-
cepting the fore-mentioned retama. About five of the clock in
the evening we arrived at Orotava, not having alighted by the
way to ſtop, only fometimes to walk where the road was too ſteep
for riding. The whole diſtance we rode in the five hours ſpent
in coming down from the Eftancia to Orotava, we computed
to be about fifteen English miles, travelling at the rate of three
miles an hour: fuppofe then we deduct five of theſe for wind-
ings and turnings, the diſtance from the ſea to the Eſtancia, in a
ftrait line, will be about ten miles; which, if carefully compared
7
with
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
259
with the afcent of the road*, I reckon will make the perpendicular
height of the Eftancia to be about four Engliſh miles; to which
add a mile of perpendicular height from thence to the Pike, the
whole will be about five Engliſh miles: I am very certain I cannot
be miſtaken in this calculation above a mile either way. There is
no place in the world more proper for an obſervatory than the
Eftancia: if a commodious warm houſe or cottage was built upon
it, to accommodate aftronomers while the moderate weather con-
tinues, viz. all July, Auguſt, and September, they might make
their obſervations, take an account of the wind and weather of
the region above the clouds, and remark their nature and proper-
ties. But if any perſon intends to vifit the Pike, I would
adviſe him to wait for fine clear weather, carry a good tent,
plenty of water, and fome provifions along with him, that he
be enabled to remain at the Eſtancia four or five days, in which
time he might go twice or thrice to the top of the Pike, and make
his obfervations at leiſure.
may
TH
CHA P. X.
Of the weather in Tenerife; and its Produce.*
HE weather in Tenerife is not different from that in Canaria,
already deſcribed; but there is ſomething particular here
with reſpect to the winds; for along the coaſt of Africa, adjacent
to theſe iſlands, the trade-wind blows from the north-north-weſt
to the north-eaſt, according as it comes from the land or fea;
taking the medium of theſe, we may ſay that the trade-wind
blows there at north-by-eaft; at Lancerota and Fuertaventura, at
* I imagine that no one, who has been at Orotava, will think twenty-two or
twenty-three degrees too great an aſcent from thence to the fummit of the iſland;
for fo many have I allowed in calculating the perpendicular height.
L12
north-
260
HISTORY OF
THE
north-north-east; at Canaria, north-east; but at Tenerife,
north-east-by-eaft; and further to the weftward, at Palma, it
blows at eaſt-north-east. We may obferve by this, that the fur-
ther we depart from the coaſt of Africa, the more we find the wind
to veer to the eaſtward; but beyond Palma it remains the ſame,
viz. at eaſt-north-eaſt, for then it is out of the reach of the at-
traction or influence of the African coaft. What cauſes that in-
fluence, I ſhall have occafion to explain in the deſcription of the
continent. The above account of the winds is only to be under-
ftood of fine weather, when the trade-wind blows true, for it often
varies a few points.
THE fea-breeze in Tenerife generally fets in about ten o'clock
in the morning, on the eaft and north-east fides of the ifland,
and blows till five or fix in the evening, when it falls calm until
midnight; then the land-wind begins, and continues until ſeven or
eight in the morning, when it is fucceeded by a calm, which con-
tinues until the fea-breeze begins again to blow.
THE ſea-breeze in the bay of Santa Cruz, and on all the eaſt
fide of the iſland,, blows commonly at eaft; and the land wind at
weft. On the north fide, the ſea-breeze blows at north-eaſt-by-
eaſt, or north-east; and the land-wind directly oppofite to it.
But at Point Nago, where the land projects far into the ſea to-
wards the north-eaſt, there is no land-wind.
On the brow of the hill, behind or above Santa Cruz, and at
the city of Laguna, a freſh gale at north-weſt prevails all the time
of the fea-breeze, which is occafioned by the mountains almoſt
furrounding the plain; for they are fo exceeding high on the ſouth
fide of it, as to beat back the fea-breeze, and throw it againſt
the mountains that bound the north fide of the plain, where finding
no
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
261
no paffage, it veers to the fouth-eaft, where meeting with no
refiſtance, it forces itſelf through the plain with great vehemence,
until it comes to the brow of the hill above-mentioned, where
part of the current of air pours down the hill towards Santa Cruz,
and even advances within a mile and half of the fea, where it is
checked by the true fea-breeze. The inhabitants of Laguna and
Santa Cruz receive fome benefit from the ſtrength of this north-
weſt wind, as it ſets at work twelve or fifteen mills, which they
have erected on the brow of the hill for grinding of corn.
ON the fouth-weſt coaſt of Tenerife there is no regular ſea or
land-breeze, becauſe the trade or north-easterly wind cannot get
at it by reaſon of the immenfe height of the iſland towering above
the region of that wind; fo that on this fide of the iſland either
an eddy-wind at fouth-weft prevails, or a calm.
THE clouds, as I obferved before, are generally fufpended half
way between the ſea and top of the Pike. Below thoſe clouds the
north-easterly wind moſtly prevail; and at the fame time above
them we find a freſh weſterly gale; which I believe to be the cafe
in every part of the world where the trade-wind blows. I cannot
pretend to account properly for this phænomenon, but fo it is on
the top of Tenerife and of ſome of the reſt of the iſlands. The
hard northerly gales that blow in the winter ſeaſon in the ſea adja-
cent to the Canary Iſlands, never blow home to the ſhore, being
as it were ſtruck dead, if not reflected by the exceffive height of
the land, over which the wind cannot paſs. This I have often
experienced; for I have ſeveral times run from the Lizard Point,
in Cornwall, to the Canary Iſlands in nine, ten, and twelve days,
with freſh gales of northerly wind, a great fea following us all the
way: when we arrived there, I was informed there had been in all
that time a heavy long fwell on the north fide of the iſlands, but
not
•
262
THE HISTORY OF
not a breath of wind, ſo that the ſhips then lying in Port Orotava
rode with a flack cable. But on the north fide of Tenerife, viz. at
Orotava, a north-west wind is exceeding dangerous, for that wind
blows upon the ſhore, but not directly againſt the exceffive high land,
which no doubt would deaden and reflect it, but againſt the land
projecting out north-eaſt into the ſea, and which is terminated by
Point Nago now that land being moderately high, and rifing
gradually from the fea towards the mountains of Laguna, the
north-west wind finds a paffage over it, and conſequently blows
freely. However, the pilots who have the charge of fhips in
this road, know the figns of the weather fo well, that they take care
not to be ſurpriſed with a north-weft wind, for when they find it
coming on, they flip their cables and put out to fea. They are
fo watchful in this matter, that no fhip has been wrecked here
by that wind in the memory of man.
THE produce of this iſland is much the fame as that of Canaria,
only there is leſs corn-land here, and more vineyards. The wines
are ſtrong, good, and fit for exportation, eſpecially to hot
climates, which improve them much. There was formerly a
great quantity of Malvafia or Canary fack made here, but of late
days there are not above fifty pipes made in a ſeaſon; for they
gather the
grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them;
which, when about two or three years old, can hardly be diſtin-
guiſhed from Madeira wine, but after four years of age, it turns
ſo mellow and ſweet, that it reſembles the wine of Malaga in
Spain. Orchilla-weed grows here in abundance, as it does in all
the Canary Iſlands.
CHAP.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
263
CHA P. XI.
Defcription of the Island of Palma.
ROM Teno, the west end of Tenerife, to the neareſt part of
FRO
is,
the iſland of Palma, it is, weſt-north-weſt, ſeventeen leagues.
Palma is about eight leagues in length, reckoning it from north to
fouth, and the extreme breadth about fix leagues.
THE fummit of this iſland is higher than that of Tenerife; for,
as I obſerved before, we reckon the Pike, or fugar-loaf, only as
a hill placed on the top of the iſland. When one who has not ſeen
land of an uncommon height, approaches within twelve leagues
of the iſlands Tenerife and Palma, in clear weather, and comes
all at once to behold them, his ſurprize will be very great, and not
unlike that which ſtrikes a perſon who has never ſeen the ocean,
until he comes to have a full view of it all at once from the top of
an adjacent mountain.
THE chief port in Palma is that of Santa Cruz, on the ſouth-eaſt
fide of the iſland. The mark by which a ſtranger may find it, is
the following: when he approaches to the eaft fide of the iſland,
Palma will then appear to him ſhaped exactly like a faddle. Let
him ſteer ſo as to fall in a little to windward of the loweſt place, or
middle of the faddle, until he comes within a mile of the land;
then run along-ſhore to the ſouthward, and he will perceive the
town cloſe by the fea-fhore, and the fhipping lying in the road;
but as the land behind or above the town is high and ſteep, one
cannot diſcern the ſhipping till within a mile of them. The road
is within a mufquet-ſhot of the ſhore, where veffels commonly ride
in fifteen or twenty fathoms water, and are expoſed to eaſterly
winds ;
264
OF
THE HISTORY
winds; yet, with good anchors and cables, may ride with great
fafety, in all winds that blow in this part of the world, for the
ground is clean and good, and the great height of the iſland, with
the perpendicular height of the land facing the road, repels the
wind that blows upon it, though ever fo ftrong; yet there is
always, in good weather, a gentle fea-breeze in the road. When
there is a great north-eaft fwell out at fea, it comes rolling into the
bay; but, for want of wind, and becauſe of the deepneſs of the
water cloſe to the fhore, it has no power or force, ſo that ſhips in
ſuch a cafe ride here with a flack cable. Theſe things confidered,
we may conclude the road of Santa Cruz, in Palma, to be more
fecure than any of thofe of Canaria or Tenerife; but in the winter-
time, the rolling fwell that comes into the bay, breaks high upon
the beach, and prevents boats from going off or landing, for the
ſpace of three or four days together. A ſmall mole was formerly
built here, at a confiderable expence, but was foon after deſtroyed
by the violence of the ſurf. Another has been begun to be erected
there, and the work carried on for fome years paft, but I do not
know that it is yet finiſhed.
SANTA CRUZ DE LA PALMA is a large town, containing two
parish churches, feveral convents of Friars and Nuns, with many
neat private buildings; though not fo good and large as thoſe of the
city of Palmas in Canaria, or of the towns of Tenerife. Near the
mole is a caſtle or battery, mounted with a few cannon, for the de-
fence of the ſhipping in the bay, and to prevent an enemy from
landing. In the middle of the town, near the great church, is a
fountain, filled by a rivulet, which plentifully fupplies the inha-
bitants with good water,
TASSACORTA, the next port, lies on the fouth-weft part of the
ifland; it is expoſed to wefterly winds, and little frequented by any
veffels excepting boats.
IN
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
265
In all this iſland there is no town of any note, excepting Santa
Cruz; but many villages, the chief of which are St. Andres and
Taffacorta.
In the north-eaſt part of Palma, inland, is a ſpacious high
mountain, ſteep on all fides, called la Caldera, i. e. the Cauldron.
This mountain is hollow, like the Pike of Tenerife; the fummit
is about two leagues in diameter every way, and within defcends
gradually from thence to the bottom, which is a ſpace of about
thirty acres.
On the declivity of the infide ſpring ſeveral rivulets, which
join all together at the bottom, and iffue in one ſtream through a
paffage to the outſide of the mountain from which it deſcends, and,
after running ſome diſtance from thence, it turns two fugar-mills.
The water of this ſtream is unwholeſome, by reaſon of its being
tainted with other water, of a pernicious quality, which mixes
with it in the cauldron. All the infide of the cauldron abounds
with herbage, and is covered with laurels, te-a or pitch-pine,
palms, lignum Rhodium, and retamas; theſe laſt, in this iſland,
have a yellow bark, and grow to the fize of large trees, but in
the others they are only fhrubs. The fhepherds here are very
careful not to let the he-goats feed on the leaves of the retama,
becauſe they breed a ſtone in the bladder, which kills them.
ON the outſide of the cauldron fpring two rivulets, one of
which runs northward to the village of St. Andres, and turns two
fugar-mills, the other runs to the eastward, to the town of Santa
Cruz. Besides thefe there are no other rivulets, ftreams, or
fountains of water of any confequence in the island; for which
reaſon the natives build ſquare reſervoirs or tanks, with planks of
pitch-pine, which they make tight by caulking; theſe they fill
M m
from
266
OF
THE HISTORY
from the torrents of rain-water that fall down from the mountains
in the winter-ſeaſon, and preſerve it for themſelves and great
cattle; for the fheep, goats, and hogs, in places diftant from the
rivulets, feed on roots of fern and aſphodil * almoſt all the year
round, and therefore have little or no need of water, there be-
ing moiſture enough in thoſe roots to fupply their want. The
fouth quarter of the iſland is moſt deſtitute of water; yet there
is a medicinal well of hot water there, ſo cloſe to the ſea-ſhore that
the tide flows into it at full fea. At another place, called Uguer,
is a cave, which has a long narrow entrance, fo ftrait that a
perfon must enter it backwards, keeping his face all the while to-
wards the mouth of the cave that he may ſee his way. After he
has got through this paffage, he enters into a ſpacious grotto,
where water diftils from between the large flakes of flate-ftones
that hang from the roof. The leaft blow given to thefe, refounds
through the cave with a noiſe like thunder. In the diftrict of
Tifuya is a mountain, which, to all appearance, has been removed
from its original fituation by an earthquake: the natives have
a tradition, that the ſpot where it now ſtands was a plain, and
the moſt fruitful ſpot in the whole iſland, until it was deſtroyed by
the burning lava and the fall of the mountain.
THE fummit of Palma formerly abounded with trees; but in
the year 1545, and after it, a great drought prevailed, which
deſtroyed them all however, fome time after, others began to
ſpring, but were deftroyed by the rabbits and other animals, who
finding no paſture below, went up there and eat all the
young
trees and herbs; fo that now the upper part of the iſland is quite
bare and defolate. Thoſe rabbits were firſt brought to Palma
by Don Pedro Fernandez de Lugo, the fecond Adelantado,.
* The Spaniards call theſe laſt, roots of gamones, which I believe to be roats of
afphodil.
·
1
of
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
267
or Lieutenant-governor of Tenerife, and have fince increaſed ex-
ceedingly.
BEFORE the fhrubs and trees failed from the fummit of the
iſland, much manna fell there, which the natives gathered, and
fent to Spain for ſale.
THE produce here is much the fame with that of Gran Canaria,
only with this difference, that a great quantity of fugar is made in
Palma, eſpecially on the weft fide of the iſland. The eaſt fide
produces good wines, of a different taſte and flavour from thoſe of
Tenerife: the dry wine is ſmall-bodied, and of a yellow colour.
The Malvafia is not fo luſcious or ftrong as that of Tenerife, but
when it is about three years old has the flavour of a rich and ripe
pine-apple: but theſe wines are very difficult of preſervation when
exported, eſpecially to cold climates, where they often turn four.
There is abundance of good honey here, eſpecially in thoſe hives
which are at a diſtance from vines and moçanes (a fruit reſembling
elder-berries) for both theſe have a bad effect on its colour. In
Palma is much gum-dragon; and from the te-a or pitch-pine,
pitch is extracted in great quantities.
ALL forts of fruits growing in Canaria or Tenerife, are found
here alſo, in greater abundance, infomuch that the natives cannot
confume them; but having fugar in great plenty, they make vaſt
quantities of fweetmeats and conferves, which they export to the
reſt of the iſlands, and to fome parts of the Indies.
In time of ſcarcity of corn, the natives of this iſland make good
bread of the roots of fern. I never eat any of that fort of bread
here, but I have in the iſland of Gomera, and found it not much
inferior to that made of wheat-flour; but the fern in Gomera
is reckoned better and more wholeſome than that of Palma.
Mm 2
ALTHOUGH
268
THE HISTORY OF
ALTHOUGH the woods that grew on the fummit of Palma were
all deſtroyed, yet there is abundance of trees in the region of the
clouds, and beneath it, infomuch that the iſland, at about two
leagues diſtance, appears like one entire wood. Pine-trees grow
here to fuch a fize as to be fit for mafts for the largeſt ſhips; but
they are heavy, and, by reaſon of the ruggedness of the roads, the
expence of bringing them to the ſhore would be immenſe; I re-
member an Engliſh American floop, of one hundred and fifty
tons, having loſt her maft, was towed in here by the fiſhing-
boats; the natives gave the mafter leave to go to the woods and
cut any tree fit for his purpoſe, gratis ; but the expence of bringing
it down, though labour is cheap here, coft him twenty-five
pounds ſterling: nevertheleſs, much timber is exported from hence
to the rest of the iſlands.
THE air, weather, and winds are much the fame here as at:
Canaria and Tenerife, only with this difference, that wefterly
winds and rain are rather more frequent in Palma, the reaſon of
which is, that it lies more to the weftward and northward, con-
fequently not being fo far within the verge of the north-eaſt trade-
wind as thoſe iſlands, is more expofed to variable winds, particu-
larly the fouth-weſt, which is the moſt prevalent wind in the
latitudes adjacent to thofe of the north-eaſt trade.
As to the climate here, and in Canaria, Tenerife, Gomera,.
and Hierro, a perfon will find great difference, according as he
lives near the fea-fhore, or up in the mountains; for in the
months of July, Auguſt, and September, the heat is ſomewhat in-
tolerable near the fea-fhore, when there is a calm; but when the
heat is ſo great on the fea-coaſt, the air is quite freſh and plea-
fant on the mountains. In the middle of winter, the habitations
far
up in the mountains, near the clouds, are exceffively cold; the
natives
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
269
natives keep fires burning in their houſes all the day long, which
is never done below, near the fea, for there they ufe fire only in
their kitchens. Were the inhabitants of the city of Laguna to
have the leaſt idea of the pleaſure of the ſocial winter fire, they
would no doubt build chimneys in their houſes, for in that
place the weather is raw and cold in that ſeaſon: hail frequently
falls in this place; and ſome of the oldeſt of the preſent inhabitants
remember a great fnow falling upon the plain, where it remained
for fome days..
FOR eight months of the year the fummits of all the Canary
Iſlands, Lancerota and Fuertaventura excepted, are generally
covered with fnow.
ON viewing Palma at the diſtance of three leagues off at ſea,
one would imagine that the mountains were full of gutters, or beds
of torrents of rain-water; but theſe only appear little, being high
up, confequently at a great diſtance off; but when one approaches
near, he finds them to be large valleys or hollows, abounding
with wood.
THIS ifland has not been exempted from volcanos, the effects
of which are ſtill to be feen in almoſt every part of it; for the
channels where the burning matter, melted ores, and calcined
ftones and aſhes ran, are eaſily diſtinguiſhed. In the memory *
of.
* Nunno de Penna, in his Hiftorical Memoirs, fays, that on the 13th of No-
vember, 1677, a little after fun-fet, the earth fhook for thirteen leagues, with a
frightful noife, that lafted five days, during which the earth opened in feveral places;
but the greateſt gap was upon that called Mont aux Chevres, a mile and a
half from the fea, from whence proceeded a great fire, which caft up ftones and pieces
of rock. The like happened in feveral places thereabouts; and in lefs than a quarter
of an hour it made twenty-eight gaps about the foot of the mountain, which vomited'
abundance of flames and burning ftones. It took its courfe over the plain of Los
Cainos,
270
HISTORY OF
THE
of ſome of the oldeſt inhabitants living in the year 1750, one of
thoſe fiery rivers ran down from the mountains toward the town
of Santa Cruz, and emptied itſelf into the fea about a mile to the
northward of the town. No confiderable earthquake hath hap-
pened in thoſe iſlands for fome years paſt, but now and then they
have ſome ſlight fhocks: they had ſome at the time of the me-
morable earthquake at Liſbon, but they were ſcarce perceptible :
only the fudden flux and reflux of the ſea was evident enough,
at Porto de Luz, in Canaria, where the ſea went about a mile
back, and remained there for ſome time. The people of Palma
at that time ſeeing a wreck lying upon the ground, which the
water had left bare, fome of them were fo bold as to go to it, but
the fea fuddenly returning, fwept them all away.
Port Orotava told me, that on the day of the Liſbon earthquake,
his boat was hauled up on the beach, and he was leaning upon
it, converfing with fome fishermen on the ftrand, when all on a
fudden the fea floated his boat, and wetted him and his companions
to the middle; then retiring a great way back, it returned again,
but not with fuch violence as at firſt; and ſo continued ebbing
and flowing for the ſpace of an hour: they were all aſtoniſhed
at this ſtrange phænomenon ; but when they received the news of
the deftruction at Liſbon, my boatman fwore folemnly that he
never would work on All-faints day again while he lived; "Which
oath, added he, I intend moſt religiouſly to obſerve.”
.66
A boatman at
THE black ſhining fand which we throw upon writing to prevent
blotting, is found in many places on the ſhore of this and the other
Cainos, and ran with violence towards the Holy Fountain; but coming near the
brink of the great defcent, turned to the right, and forced its way towards the Old
Port, where the Spaniards landed when they made themſelves maſters of this iſland.
He adds, that on the 20th of November following, there was a fecond eruption of
the Mont aux Chevrcs, from whence came forth ftones and fire, with great earth-
quakes and thunders, for ſeveral days, ſo that black cinders were taken up at ſeven
leagues diftance, the adjacent lands were entirely deftroyed, and the inhabitants
forced to quit their habitations.
5
iflands.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
271
¡
iſlands. It ſeems to have been thrown out of volcanos; and is certainly
the moſt perfect iron, for the magnet or load-ftone will, when held
near it, lick up every grain, leaving nothing behind. I have been
told that fome experiments have been publicly made, with-
out effect, to turn this fand into bar-iron: yet I am credibly in-
told that a gentleman in London underſtands this fecret, and
has a caſe of razors made of this fame black ſhining ſand.
TH
CHA P. XII.
Of the Island of Gomera.
HE middle of Gomera lies fouth-weſt from Point Teno, in
Tenerife, about fix leagues diſtance. The principal town
is fituated cloſe by the fea-fhore, in the bottom or cod of a bay,
where ſhipping lie land-locked from all winds, except the fouth-
caft. Here you may moor at a convenient diſtance from the
ſhore, from ſeven fathoms water to fifteen; but as the land-wind
frequently blows hard, it is neceffary for a fhip to moor with a
large ſcope of cable, otherwiſe fhe will be in danger of being
blown out of the bay. The fea here is generally fo fmooth,
that boats may land on the beach without danger. On the north
fide of the bay is a cove, where ſhips of any burthen may haul.
cloſe to the ſhore (which is a high and perpendicular cliff), and
there heave down, clean, or repair. When boats cannot land on.
the beach, on account of the furf, they put afhore at this cove,
from whence there is a path-way, along the face of the cliff, to
the town; but it is fo narrow that two perfons cannot walk
a-breaſt near the end of this road is a gate, which is always
fhut after fun-fet, or when it turns dark, and then no man can
paſs that way. About a ſtone's throw from the beach begins the
principal ſtreet of the town, and from thence runs ftrait inland.
:
The
272
THE HISTORY OF
The town is called La Villa de Palmas, i. e. the Town of Palms,
becauſe of the number of palm-trees growing there. It has a
church and convent of Friars, with about one hundred and fifty
private houſes, moft of which are but mean and fmall. It is
well ſupplied with good water, which the inhabitants draw from
wells in every part of the town. In the winter-feaſon, a large
rivulet, from the mountains, empties itſelf into the port. On
the fouth fide of the mouth of this rivulet ftands an old round
tower, which was built by Don Miguel Peraza, the firſt Count
of Gomera; and on the top of the perpendicular cliff, on the north
fide of the cove, is a chapel, and a battery of a few pieces of
cannon for the defence of the port. As I have loft the journals
of the voyages in which I touched here, I cannot be ſo particular
in giving directions to find this excellent port as I could wiſh ;
but, to the beſt of my remembrance, the land that forms the
north point of the bay, is the moſt ſoutherly point of land on the
eaft fide of Gomera, that can be feen from Point Teno in Tenerife.
That land, when one is to the northward of it, at about a league
diſtance, bears a great reſemblance to the Ram-head, near Ply-
mouth-found. In going into the bay it is neceſſary to ſtand cloſe in
with this point, for the land-wind is commonly too ſcanty for a
ſhip to fetch the proper anchoring-place; for that reaſon it is
better to come in with the fea-breeze, which generally begins to
blow here about noon.
THE best place for a ſhip to lie here, is where a full view may
be had along through the main ſtreet of the town, and at about the
diſtance of a cable's length from the beach: it is neceffary to
moor as ſoon as poffible, becauſe of eddy-winds that ſometimes
blow in the bay.
GOMERA, though not fo large and populous as Palma, is a con-
fiderable iſland; for many rivulets flow from its craggy mountains,
and
THE
273
CANARY ISLANDS.
and water the narrow valleys; in ſhort, in every part of the iſland
water may be found by digging the ground to about the depth of
five or fix feet. Among the fountains that abound here, the fol-
lowing are moſt efteemed, viz. Chemele, Tegoay, and la Fuente
del Conde, i. e. the Count's Fountain. No pines grow here, but
many other kinds of trees, particularly barbuſanos*, mocanes,
favines, adernos, vinatigos, files, palms, with a great number of
maftick-trees, which yield abundance of the gum of that name.
THE produce of this iſland is much the fame with that of Te-
nerife, Canaria, or Palma. The natives have generally juft corn
enough for their own ufe, and feldom import nor export any. In
this particular Gomera reſembles Gran Canaria, having almoſt
every neceffary within itſelf, and therefore ftands in need of little
or nothing from abroad; for corn, wine, roots, fruit, honey,
cattle, and fowls † are here in great plenty and was there en-
couragement in Gomera for induftry, the natives could eaſily ma-
nufacture enough of their own wool and raw filk fufficient to
clothe themſelves: and here is ftone, lime, timber, and all other
materials fit for building, excepting iron.
:
THE Gomeran wine in general is weak, poor, and fharp, there-
fore unfit for exportation; yet ſome of it, when two years old,
excels the very beſt Madeira wine in taſte and flavour, although it
is in colour fair as water, and weak as ſmall beer. I brought fome
dozens of this wine to London, where I fhewed it to fome people
as a great curioſity; but they did not reliſh it, for the Engliſh
eſteem no weak wine, let its taſte and flavour be ever fo delicate.
The wine-merchants in France, Spain, Portugal, and fome other
* The wood of the barbuſano is fomething like mahogany, but blacker; when
green it ftinks moſt abominably.
+ There are no turkeys in Gomera.
N n
places,
274
OF
THE HISTORY
places, knowing this, take care to mix brandy even with the
ſtrongeſt wines which they ſend to England.
BESIDES the animals common in the reſt of the iſlands, here
is plenty of deer, which were originally brought hither from Bar-
bary. More mules are bred in Gomera than in any of the ſeven
iflands; but I do not remember to have ſeen any camels here.
Neither fnakes or ferpents are found in any of the Canary Iſlands
except Gomera; but I have no reaſon to believe, by any thing
I could learn, that they are venomous or do any harm.
CHA P. XIII.
Of the Island of Hierro.
HIS ifland is about fifteen leagues in circumference, and five
TH
in breadth. It rifes fteep and craggy from the ſea, on all
fides, for above a league, in fuch a manner as to render the af
cent very difficult and fatiguing: after travelling this league, the
reſt of the iſland will be found to be tolerably level and fruitful,
for it abounds with many kinds of trees and ſhrubs, particularly pines,
brefos, favines, laurels, palos blancos, adernos, barbuſanos, ace-
vinos, mocanes, retamas, beech, efcobones (óf which the Spa-
niards make brooms or befoms), and fome palms; but no gum-
dragon-trees grow here.
THIS iſland produces better grafs, herbs, and flowers than any
of the other iſlands, fo that bees thrive and multiply here ex-
tremely, and make excellent honey. The wine of Hierro
is poor, weak, and bad, infomuch that the natives are obliged to
diſtil the greateſt part of it into brandy. There are only
three fountains of water in the whole ifland, one of them is called
Acof,
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
275
Acof*, which in the language of the ancient inhabitants fignifies
River; a name, however, which does not ſeems to have been given
it on account of its yielding much water, for in that refpect it
hardly deferves the name of a fountain. More to the northward
is another, called Hapio; and in the middle of the ifland is
a fpring, yielding
yielding a ſtream about the thickneſs of a man's finger.
This laſt was diſcovered in the year 1565, and is called the Foun-
tain of Anton Hernandez. On account of the fcarcity of water,
the sheep, goats, and fwine here do not drink in the fummer,
but are taught to dig up the roots of fern, and chew them to
quench their thirſt. The great cattle are watered at thoſe foun-
tains, and at a place where water diftils from the leaves of a tree.
Many writers have made mention of this famous tree; fome in
ſuch a manner as to make it appear miraculous: others again deny
the exiſtence of any ſuch tree, among whom is Father Feyjoo, a
modern Spaniſh author, in his Theatro Critico. But he, and
thoſe who agree with him in this matter, are as much miſtaken as
they who would make it appear to be miraculous. This is the only
iſland of all the Canaries which I have not been in; but I
have failed with natives of Hierro, who when queſtioned about
the exiſtence of this tree, anfwered in the affirmative.
THE author of the Hiſtory of the Diſcovery and Conqueſt has
given us a particular account of it, which I fhall relate here
at large.
86
"THE diſtrict in which this tree ftands is called Tigulahe,
near to which, and in the cliff or ſteep rocky aſcent that fur-
"rounds the whole iſland, is a narrow gutter or gulley, which com-
"mences at the fea, and continues to the fummit of the cliff,
" where it joins or coincides with a valley, which is terminated
* In the Azanaga dialect of the Lybian tongue, Afeif fignifies a River.
Nn 2
by
276
HISTORY OF
THE
1
66
6.6
by the ſteep front of a rock. On the top of this rock grows
"a tree, called, in the language of the ancient inhabitants,
"Garfe, i. e. Sacred or Holy Tree, which for many years has
"been preſerved found, entire, and fresh. Its leaves conſtantly
"diftil fuch a quantity of water as is fufficient to furniſh drink
"to every living creature in Hierro; nature having provided this
"remedy for the drought of the island. It is fituated about a
league and a half from the fea. Nobody knows of what ſpe-
"cies it is, only that it is called Til. It is diftinct from other
"trees, and ſtands by itſelf; the circumference of the trunk is
"about twelve fpans, the diameter four, and in height from the
"ground to the top of the higheſt branch forty fpans: the cir-
"cumference of all the branches together is one hundred and
twenty feet. The branches are thick and extended; the loweſt
commence about the height of an ell from the ground. Its
"fruit reſembles the acorn, and taſtes fomething like the kernel of
66 a pine-apple *, but is fofter and more aromatic. The leaves of
"this tree reſemble thofe of the laurel, but are larger, wider, and
"more curved; they come forth in a perpetual fucceffion, fo that.
"the tree always remains green. Near to it grows a thorn, which-
❝ faſtens on many of its branches and interweaves with them ;:
" and at a ſmall diſtance from the Garſe are ſome beech-trees,
❝ brefos, and thorns. On the north fide of the trunk are two
large tanks or cifterns of rough ftone, or rather one ciftern
"divided, each half being twenty feet fquare, and fixteen ſpans
"in depth. One of theſe contains water for the drinking of the
"inhabitants, and the other that which they uſe for their cattle,
6.6
66
wafhing, and fuch like purpofes. Every morning, near this
part of the iſland, a cloud or miſt arifes from the ſea, which the
* Not the anana, but the fir or pine tree pear, nut, or apple. Thoſe of Britain
have nothing in them; but the pine-apples in Spain, and fome other countries, con-
tain a kernel of an agreeable taſte.
fouth
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
277
*ſouth and eaſterly winds force againſt the fore-mentioned ſteep
"cliff; fo that the cloud, having no vent but by the gutter, gra-
"dually afcends it, and from thence advances flowly to the extre-
"mity of the valley, where it is ſtopped and checked by the front
"of the rock which terminates the valley, and then reſts upon the
" thick leaves and wide-ſpreading branches of the tree, from
"whence it diſtils in drops during the remainder of the day, un-
"til it is at length exhauſted, in the fame manner that we fee
"water drip from the leaves of trees after a heavy ſhower of rain.
"This diſtillation is not peculiar to the garfe, or til, for the
"brefos, which grow near it, likewife drop water; but their
"leaves being but few and narrow, the quantity is ſo trifling,
"
that though the natives ſave ſome of it, yet they make little or
"no account of any but what diſtils from the til; which, to-
"gether with the water of fome fountains, and what is faved in
"the winter-feafon, is fufficient to ferve them and their flocks.
"This tree yields moſt water in thoſe years when the Levant or
eaſterly winds have prevailed for a continuance; for by theſe
"winds only, the clouds or miſts are drawn hither from the ſea.
"A perfon lives on the ſpot near which this tree grows, who is
appointed by the Council to take care of it and its water, and
"is allowed a houfe to live in, with a certain falary. He every
day diſtributes to each family of the diſtrict, ſeven pots or veſ-
"fels full of water, befides what he gives to the principal people
"of the iſland."
"
66
WHETHER the tree which yields water at this preſent time
be the fame as that mentioned in the above deſcription, I cannot
pretend to determine, but it is probable there has been a fucceffion
of them; for Pliny, defcribing the Fortunate Iſlands, fays, "In
"the mountains of Ombrion are trees, refembling the plant
ferula, from which water may be procured by preffure: what
6.61
3
comes
278
THE HISTORY OF
"comes from the black kind is bitter, but that which the white
yields is ſweet and potable."
56
TREES yielding water are not peculiar to the iſland of Hierro,
for travellers inform us of one of the fame kind in the iſland of
St. Thomas, in the bight or gulph of Guinea. In Cockburn's
Voyages we find the following account of a dropping tree near the
mountains of Vera Paz, in America.`
"On the morning of the fourth day we came out on, a large
plain, where were great numbers of fine deer; and in the
"middle ſtood a tree of unuſual ſize, ſpreading its branches over
"a vaft compaſs of ground. Curiofity led us up to it: we had
<<
perceived, at fome diſtance off, the ground about it to be wet,
"at which we began to be ſomewhat furpriſed, as well-knowing
"there had no rain fallen for near fix months paft, according to
"the certain courſe of the ſeaſon in that latitude; that it was im-
poffible to be occafioned by the fall of dew on the tree, we
"were convinced by the fun's having power to exhale away all
"moiſture of that nature a few minutes after its rifing. At last, to
“our great amazement as well as joy, we ſaw water dropping,
"or as it were diftilling, faft from the end of every leaf of this
"wonderful (nor had it been amiſs if I had ſaid miraculous)
"tree; at leaſt it was fo with reſpect to us, who had been
labouring four days through extreme heat, without receiving
"the leaſt moiſture, and were now almoſt expiring for the want
"of it.
66
"WE could not help looking on this as liquor fent from heaven
"to comfort and ſupport us under great extremity. We catched
"what we could of it in our hands, and drank very plentifully of
it, and liked it fo well that we could hardly prevail with our-
66
"felves
I
THE
279
CANARY ISLANDS.
66
"ſelves to give over. A matter of this nature could not but excite
"us to make the ſtricteſt obſervations concerning it, and accord-
ingly we ftaid under the tree near three hours, and found we
“could not fathom its body in five times. We obſerved the foil
" where it grew to be very ftony; and, upon the niceſt enquiry
"we could afterwards make, both of the natives of the country
" and the Spaniſh inhabitants, we could not learn there was any
"fuch tree known throughout New Spain, nor perhaps all Ame-
"rica over: but I do no relate this as a prodigy in nature, be-
"cauſe I am not philofopher enough to aſcribe any natural cauſe
" for it; the learned may, perhaps, give ſubſtantial reaſon in na-
ture, for what appeared to us as a great and marvellous fecret."
66
IF I am not miſtaken, there is only one pariſh church in the
whole iſland, aud no confiderable town. The port or anchoring-
place I am not acquainted with, having never been there; but am
informed it is an open road, and but little frequented, excepting
by boats and ſmall barks.
As I have now given fome deſcription of all the Canary Iſlands,
I fhall proceed to deſcribe the manners and cuſtoms of the natives,
their trade, policy, &c. But before I enter on that fubject, it
will not be improper to give ſome account of the iſlands, rather
rocks, called the Salvages; becauſe by fome they are reckoned
as part of the Canary Islands. They lie twenty-feven leagues
north from Point Nago in Tenerife. The chief iſland is high
and rocky, and is about a league in circumference. Three or four
leagues fouth-weſt from this iſland is another, which reſembles
the largeſt Needle rock at the weft end of the Iſle of Wight. Be-
tween thoſe iſlands are many rocks and fands, fome of which are
above and others under water; therefore it is dangerous, for thoſe
who are not well acquainted with thofe iflands, to approach them,
схсерв
280
OF
THE HISTORY
except on the eaſt fide of the great iſland. I have failed paſt it
this way, within the distance of a stone's throw. People who
come to this ifland, anchor fomewhere on the fouth-eaft fide.
It produces nothing but orchilla-weed. Here are great plenty of
cormorants, or fea-fowls refembling them. Some barks and
boats from the Canary Iſlands frequent the Salvages in the fummer
´in queft of wrecks and thoſe fea-fowls. They catch the young
in their nefts, kill and falt them, and then carry them to Tenerife
for fale. The Salvages, though uninhabited, belong to the Portu-
gueze, who reckon them as dependent on the iſland of Madeira,
and although they ſcarcely ever vifit them, yet they will not allow
the Spaniards to gather orchilla-weed there. Some years ago a few
fiſhermen went thither in a bark from Tenerife, in queft of
wrecks; but not finding any, they went aſhore and gathered about
half a ton of orchilla-weed. When this was known at Madeira,
the Portugueze made complaint thereof to the Governor-general
of the Canary Iſlands, and would not be fatisfied till the poor
mafter of the bark was thrown into prifon, where he remained a
long time. The Portugueze, in this affair, behaved fomewhat like
the Engliſh, who will neither be at the trouble to catch fish in
what they call their own feas, nor fuffer others to catch them,
without complaining of it as a matter of tranfgreffion.
CHAP.
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
281
CHA P. XIV.
Of the Natives of Canaria, Tenerife, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro ;
their Perfons, Drefs, and Buildings.
WE
E have already ſhewn, in the Hiſtory of the Diſcovery and
Conqueft of thefe iflands, who were the firft inhabitants
thereof, and in what manner the Spaniards and other Europeans
incorporated with them, fo as that theſe different nations became
at length one people.
THE defcendants of this mingled nation are now denominated
Spaniards, and uſe no other language than the Caftillian the
gentry ſpeak it in perfection, but the peaſants, who inhabit the
remote parts of the iſlands, in a manner almoſt unintelligible to
ftrangers; their pronunciation being fuch as not unaptly to be
compared to a man talking with fomething in his mouth.
THE natives here are of a ſpare habit of body, middle ſized, to-
lerably well ſhaped, have good features, and complexions more
deeply ſwarthy than thofe of the natives of the fouthern parts of
Spain: but they have fine large ſparkling black eyes, which give
a vivacity and dazzling luftre to the countenance, infomuch that in
my opinion there are as many handfome people to be found here
(in proportion to the number of inhabitants) as in England. For
the Engliſh, though excelling all the people I have ſeen in fine-
neſs and freſhneſs of complexion, yet their countenances in general
are dull and unmeaning, when compared with thoſe of the natives
of the Canary Iſlands: yet, upon the whole, it muſt be owned
that the old people here look more like demons than the human
kind.
O o
THE
282
THE HISTORY OF
THE peafants are cloathed after the modern faſhion of the
Spaniards, which is much the fame with the habit of the com-
mon people in England, only with this difference, that here the
natives, when dreffed,, wear long cloaks instead of upper coats;
but the peaſants of Canaria uſe, inſtead of the cloak, an upper gar-
ment faſtened about the middle by a faſh or girdle. This garment
is white,, long, and narrow, having a neck like an Engliſh riding-
coat, and is made of the wool of their own fheep. All the lower
fort of people in theſe iſlands wear their own hair, which is black,.
and generally bufhy; they let it grow to a great length, and,
when they drefs, comb it out in fuch a manner, that the faſhion of
wearing hair at preſent here, feems to be the fame as that which
prevailed in England in the reign of King James I. They tuck.
the hair of the right fide of the head behind the right ear.
:
THE gentlemen, inftead of their own hair, wear white perukes,
which form an odd contrast to their duſky complexions. They:
never put on their perukes, upper coats, or fwords, but when.
they pay formal vifits, walk in proceffions, or go to church on high..
feſtivals: at other times their habit is a linen night-cap bordered
or ruffled with cambrick or lace, and above it a broad-brimmed
hat flouched, and, inſtead of a coat, a long wide camb--
let cloak of a raifin or black colour. They never
They never wear an
upper coat without a fword, and generally walk with the hat un-
der the arm..
THE Women of the lower rank wear on their heads a coarſe linen,
gauze, which falls down upon their ſhoulders; they pin it together.
under the chin, ſo that the lower part ferves as a handkerchief to
sover the neck and breaſts. Above this (when they go abroad) they,
wear a broad-brimmed hat flouched, to fhelter their faces from the
fun; and on their ſhoulders a mantle of baife, flannel, or fay. They
3
ufe::
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
283
uſe no ſtays, but inſtead of them a fhort tight jacket, laced before.
They wear many petticoats, which make them appear uncom-
monly bulky; but the poor people who live in towns, wear veils
when they walk the ſtreets; theſe are made of black ſay, and in
the form of two petticoats, one above the other : when they go
abroad, they take the upper fold and bring it over the head,
wrapping it fo cloſe about them that no part of the face is ſeen
but one eye; thus they behold every body they meet, without
being known, for all their veils are of the ſame colour and ſtuff,
except thoſe of the ladies, which are made of filk.
IN Santa Cruz in the island of Tenerife, and in the city of
Palmas in Canaria, fome of the moft faſhionable ladies go abroad in
their chariots, dreffed after the modes of the French and English;
but none walk the ſtreets unveiled, yet the ladies now-a-days
wear them fo open, that any body may diſcover the whole face, the
neck, and even a part of the breafts. The young ladies wear no
cap or any thing elſe on their heads, but have their fine long black
hair plaited, tucked up behind, and laid on the crown of the head,
where it is faſtened by a gold comb. They wear no ſtays, but tight
fhort jackets, like the common people, only with this difference, that
they are made of finer ſtuff: they alſo wear mantles of ſcarlet cloth
or fine white flannel, laced with gold or filver. The moſt ex-
penfive part of their dreſs is their bracelets, necklaces, ear-rings,
and other jewels.
In theſe iſlands there is fcarcely to be ſeen, even among people
of the firſt rank, either a man or woman who walks with an eaſy
and graceful air. This imperfection is owing to nothing elſe than
their going abroad almoſt conftantly veiled, or covered with long
cloaks, fo that the women are not known, confequently they care
not how they walk; and the mens motions are hid by their long
002
cloaks:
284
THE HISTORY OF
cloaks: when they lay them afide, and dress in upper coats, and
wear fwords, canes, and perukes, with their hats under their arms,
they make the moſt ſtiff, awkward, and ridiculous appearance
imaginable.
THOSE people who have been bred in England must not expect
to find fuch cleanlinefs of perfon every where abroad, as in their own
country, especially among the lower fort of people. Here the
poor are remarkably loufy, and are not aſhamed of it, for the wo-
men may be ſeen fitting at the doors of their houſes picking the
lice out of one another's heads. The itch is common among all
ranks, and they take no pains to cure it. The fame may be faid
of venereal diſorders, although this laſt diſtemper is not quite fo
general as the firſt.
THE food of the common people in the country is generally
goffio, fruit, and wine, with falt-fish which is brought to thoſe
iſlands from the coaſt of Barbary in great abundance. Some think
that the itch, ſo frequent here, is owing to the natives eating ſo
much of that food. Fresh fish in the fummer is tolerably plenty,
but at other times more ſcarce and dear. I need not here defcribe
the food of the gentry, becauſe in all countries they live on the
beſt of what they can procure.
THE houfes of the peaſants and lower fort of people are of
one ftory, and built of ftone and lime: the roofs are either thatched
or tiled. Theſe houfes are generally neat, commodious, and clean;
indeed there is little dirt or duft in theſe iflands to make them
nafty, becauſe the ground is mostly rocky, and, by reafon
of the almoſt continual fine weather, is rarely wet. The
walls of the houfes here are built of ftone and lime, the roofs
are covered with pantiles, and the beams, rafters, and floors are all
4
of
THE CANARY ISLANDS. 285
!
4
I
:
of pines. Thofe of people of rank are two ſtories high, four-
ſquare, with an open court in the middle, much like our public
inns in England, having, like them, balconies on the infide of each
fquare of the houſe, and which are on a level with the floor of
the ſecond ſtory. The ſtreet-door is placed in the middle of the
`front of the houſe; within that door is a fecond; the ſpace between
them is the breadth of the rooms of the houſe this place is
called La Caſa Puerta, the outer door of which is generally open all
day long, and fhut in the evening. When you enter the inner
door of the caſa puerta, you come to the Patio, or court-yard,
which is large or ſmall according to the fize of the houſe, and is
generally paved with flags, pebbles, or fome other ftones. In the
center of the court is a fquare ór circular ftone wall, of about the
height of four feet, filled with earth, in which are commonly
planted banana, orange, or other fort of trees. All the lower
ſtory of each quarter of the houſe are ſtore-rooms or cellars. The
ftairs leading to the ſecond ſtory generally commence at the right
or left hand corners next the door of the court as one enters it, and
confift of two flights of ſteps, which lead into the gallery, from
whence one may have acceſs to any quarter of the ſecond ſtory,
without going through the rooms of any of them. The principal
apartments are commonly in that quarter of the houſe facing the
ftreet, which contains a hall, with an apartment at each end
thereof. Theſe rooms are the whole breadth of the quarter, and
the hall is juſt as long again as any of the apartments at its extre-
mities. The windows of thefe rooms are formed of wooden lat-
tices, curiouſly wrought, and are all in the outſide wall, none of
them looking inwards to the court. In the middle of the front-
quarter of ſome great houſes, on the outſide above the gate, and
equal with the floor of the ſecond ſtory, is a balcony; fome have
a gallery running from one end of the quarter to the other: but this
is not common on the outfide of the house. The apartments are
all
་
1
1
286
OF
THE HISTORY
all white-waſhed; thofe at the extremities of the great hall, and
ſome of the reft, are lined with fine mats to about the height of
five feet from the floor, which is fometimes covered with the fame
ftuff. The fides of the windows of all the rooms are lined with
boards, to prevent people's cloaths from being whitened by the lime,
becauſe the window is the place where they commonly fit, there be-
ing benches on each fide of it for that purpoſe; and a ſtranger is al-
ways conducted to the window by the maſter of the houſe, when he
intends to ſhew him refpect. The infide of the walls of the great
hall, and of ſome of the reſt of the apartments, is hung with
paintings, which are reprefentations of the Virgin, the twelve
apoſtles, faints, and martyrs, generally drawn as big as the life,
and diſtinguiſhed by fome particular circumſtance of their hiſtory;
for inſtance, St. Peter is repreſented looking at a cock and weep-
ing, a great bunch of keys hanging at his girdle. St. Anthony, as
preaching to the fishes. I do not remember to have ſeen one
profane picture in any of the natives houſes, nor even a map.
They ſeldom uſe curtains to their beds in theſe iſlands, looking on
them as receptacles for buggs and fleas, which abound and mul-
tiply here exceedingly. What they chiefly uſe are mattreſſes,
which they ſpread on the floor upon fine mats: befides the bed-
linen, there is a blanket, and above that a filk quilt; the fheet,
pillows, and quilt are generally fringed, or pinked in the very fame
manner as the ſhroud for a dead corpfe in fome parts of Europe.
In a particular apartment in every houſe there is a place raiſed a
ſtep higher than the floor, which is covered with mats or carpets;
there the women commonly fit together upon cuſhions, do their
domeſtic bufinefs, and receive vifits from their own fex.
CHAP.
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
287
CHA P. XV.
Of the Manners, Customs, and Genius of the Natives of Canaria,
Tenerife, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro.
HE natives of theſe iſlands, although their deportment is grave,
TH
are extremely quick and fenfible. The women are remark-
able for their vivacity and ſprightly converſation, which far ex-
ceeds that of the French, Engliſh, or other northern nations..
This agreeable lively humour is not peculiar to the inhabitants of
thoſe iſlands, but is common to thofe of the temperate countries,
particularly the northern part of Africa, as I fhall have occafion to
mention in the account which I intend to give of that country.
THE Baron de Monteſquieu has been very particular in telling us
what effect the air and climate has upon the temper and genius
of the inhabitants of different countries; but although no atten-
tive traveller can ever be perfuaded to agree with him in his notions
of theſe things, yet we may venture to affert with truth that the
natives of the temperate climates are naturally endowed with more
fenſe, penetration, and quicknefs of apprehenfion, than thofe of the
countries fituated to the fouthward or northward of them: for, to
whatever cauſe it may be owing, it is certain that the northern na-
tions, Blacks and Indians, are a heavy, phlegmatic, and ſtupid
people, when compared with the Libyans, Arabs, Spaniards, and
Canarians: but this difference cannot be fo well obferved as in fuch
of theſe people as have not had the advantages of education, but
are left entirely to nature.
THE great families in thoſe iſlands would be highly offended:
if any one ſhould tell them that they are defcended from the
Moors,
288
THE HISTORY OF
Moors, or even the ancient inhabitants of thefe iflands; yet I
imagine it would be no difficult matter to prove, that moſt of their
amiable cuſtoms have been handed down to them from thofe
people, and that they have inherited little elfe from the Gothic
fide but barbarity. Yet the Canarian gentry, and all the Spa-
niards, are proud of being thought to have defcended from the
Goths.
•
THE gentry of theſe iſlands boaft much of their birth, and
with reafon; for they are defcended from fome of the beſt fami-
lies in Spain. It is faid that the Count of Gomera is the true
heir to the honours of the houſe of Medina Celi*, but is not able
to affert his juſt title, becauſe of the great influence the preſent
Duke has at the court of Madrid, from his immenfe fortune.
The gentry here have fome privileges, which I cannot specify,
but they are trifling. I remember when a Scots Gentleman of fa-
mily, a phyſician in Canaria, wanted to obtain the rank of no-
bility in that iſland, he was obliged to produce a certificate from
his native country, that there never had been a butcher, taylor,
miller, or porter in his family. This was not difficult to pro-
cure, as he came from a remote part of the Highlands of Scot-
land,
where very few follow any handicraft.
handicraft. It is not to
be wondered at, that the profeffion of a butcher fhould not
be eſteemed, or that of a taylor, which laft is a profeffion rather
too effeminate for men to be employed in ; but why millers and
porters fhould be held in contempt, is hard to imagine; efpeci-
ally the former, who are an inoffenſive ſet of men, and ab-
folutely neceffary in almoſt every country: it is true, indeed, that
here they are great thieves, for each family ſends its own corn to
the mill, where, unleſs it is narrowly looked after, the miller
* The Duke of this name is one of the Grandees of Spain.
generally
1
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
289
generally makes an handſome toll. I have been informed, that
when any criminal is to ſuffer death, and the proper executioner
happens to be out of the way, the officers of juſtice may ſeize the
firſt butcher, miller, or porter they can find, and compel him to
perform that diſagreeable office.
I REMEMBER that once when I touched at the iſland of Go-
mera, to procure freſh water, I hired ſome miſerably poor ragged
fiſhermen to fill our water-caſks and bring them on board: fome
time after, I went to the watering-place, to fee what progrefs
they had made, when I found the caſks full, and all ready for
rolling down to the beach, with the fiſhermen ſtanding by, con-
verfing together as if they had nothing to do. I reprimanded
them for their floth in not diſpatching the buſineſs I employed
them in; when one of them, with a difdainful air, replied,
"What do you take us to be, Sir? do you imagine we are porters?
"no, Sir, we are feamen." Notwithſtanding all my intreaties,
and promiſes of reward, I could not prevail on any of them to
put their hands to the caſks to roll them to the water-fide, but
was obliged to hire porters.
In another voyage I happened to have ſeveral Canarian ſeamen
on board, among whom was a boy from Palma, who had been a
butcher's apprentice or fervant: the feamen would not eat with
him for a long time, until I came to underſtand it, when I obliged
them to meſs all together, though my order was not obeyed with-
out much grumbling and difcontent.
ANOTHER time, a patron of one of the Canary fishing-boats
came aboard our ſhip, on the coaſt of Barbary, and breakfaſted
with us; befides ourſelves there were then at table a Jew (our
interpreter) and a Moor; when the patron (or maſter of the bark)
Pp
took
290
OF
THE HISTORY
took me afide, and gravely reprimanded me for bringing him into
fuch bad company; "For (added he) although I am obliged by
neceffity to earn my bread by the fishery on this coaft, yet I
“ am an old Chriſtian of clean blood, and ſcorn to fit in company
"with many in Santa Cruz who are called Gentlemen, yet can-
"not clear themſelves from the charge of having a mixture of
Jewish and Moorish blood in their veins."
66
THE gentry of theſe iſlands are commonly poor, yet extremely
polite and well bred. The peaſants and labouring poor are not
without a confiderable ſhare of good manners, and have little of
that ſurly ruſticity which is ſo common among the lower kind of
people in England; yet they do not ſeem to be abaſhed or aſhamed
in preſence of their fuperiors. When a beggar afks alms of a
gentleman, he addreſſes him in this manner, « For the love of
""
God, Sir, pleaſe to give me half a rial." If the other does not
chooſe to give him any thing, he replies in a civil manner,
6.6
May your worship excufe me, for the love of God." The fer-
vants and common people are exceffively addicted to pilfering, for
which they are feldom otherwiſe puniſhed than by being turned
off, beaten when detected, or impriſoned for a ſhort time. Rob-
beries are feldom or ever committed here; but murder is more
common than in England, the natives of theſe iſlands being ad-
dicted to revenge. I do not remember to have heard of any duels
among them, for they cannot comprehend how a man's having
courage to fight, can atone for the injury he hath done his anta-
goniſt. The confequence of killing a man here, is that the mur-
derer flies to a church for refuge,, until he can find an opportunity
to eſcape out of the country: if he had been greatly provoked or
injured by the deceaſed, and did not kill him premeditately or in
cold blood, he will find every body ready to affift him in his en-
deavours to escape, except the near relations of the murdered:
38
perfon..
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
291
perfon. Nevertheleſs quarrels are not ſo frequent here as in Eng-
land; which may in part be owing to the fatal confequences they
are attended with, or the want of coffee-houſes, taverns, or other
public houſes; and alſo by reafon of the temperance of the gen-
try in drinking, and their polite behaviour, with the little inter-
courſe there is among them.
THE Common people do not fight together in public like the
English; but if one perſon offends another fo as to put him in a
violent paffion, the injured party, if he is able, takes vengeance
on the aggreffor in the beſt manner he can, without regard to what
we call fair-play, until fuch time as he thinks he has got fuffi-
cient fatisfaction of his body equal to the injury received: but
quarrelling in public is looked on as highly indecent, and there-
fore does not often happen.
THE natives of theſe iſlands are temperate in their eating and
drinking. If a gentleman was to be feen drunk in public, it would
be a laſting ſtain on his reputation. I am informed, that the evi-
dence of a man who can be proved a drunkard, will not be taken in
a court of juſtice; therefore all people here, who have a ſtrong
inclination to wine, fhut themfelves up in their bed-chambers,
drink their fill there, then get into bed and ſleep it off.
THE gentry are extremely litigious, and generally entangled
in intricate and endleſs law-fuits. I happened to be in a Notary's
office, in the island of Gomera, where obferving huge bundles
of papers piled upon the ſhelves; I enquired of the Notary if it
was poffible that all the law-buſineſs of that little iſland could
fwell to fuch a quantity of writings? he replied, that he had al-
moſt twice as much piled up in two cellars; and faid there was an-
other of his profeffion in the ſame place, who had as much if not
more buſineſs than himſelf.
Pp 2
PEOPLE
292
THE HISTORY OF
PEOPLE of all ranks in theſe iſlands are of an amorous difpo-
fition; their notions of love are ſomewhat romantic, which may
be owing to the want of innocent freedom between the ſexes; yet
I never could obferve that the natives here are more jealous than
the Engliſh or French, although they have been ſo repreſented by
thoſe nations. The truth of the matter is, that in every country
cuſtom has eſtabliſhed between the ſexes certain bounds of decency
and decorum, beyond which no perfon will go, without a bad in-
tention: for inftance, freedoms are taken with women in France,
which are there reckoned innocent; but would not be ſuffered by
ladies in England, who have any regard for their virtue or reputa-
tion: again, in England virtuous women allow men to uſe ſuch
freedoms with them, as no virtuous woman in theſe iſlands could
bear with yet in France there are no more looſe women,
in pro-
portion to the number of inhabitants, than in the Canary Iſlands.
YOUNG people here fall in love at fight, without having the
leaft acquaintance with the beloved object. When the parties
agree to marry, and find their parents averfe to their union, they
inform the Curate of the parish of the affair, who goes to the
houſe where the girl lives, demands her of her parents or guardians,
and endeavours to bring them to agree to her marriage; but if
they will not be perfuaded to give their confent, he takes her away
before their faces without their being able to hinder him, and de-
pofits her in a nunnery, or with fome of her relations, until he
marries them.
I AM informed that it is not uncommon for a lady here to fend
to a man, and make him an offer of her perſon in an honourable
way; if he does not think proper to accept of her offer, he keeps
it ſecret till death; if he ſhould do otherwiſe, he would be looked
upon by all people in the moſt deteſtable and deſpicable light..
Young
THE CANARY
293
ISLAND S.
Young men are not permitted to court young girls when they
have no intention to marry them; for if a woman can prove that
a man has, in the leaſt inſtance, endeavoured to win her affec--
tions, fhe can oblige him to marry her.
I Do not remember to have ever failed from the Canary
Iſlands, without being ſtrongly importuned to allow young fellows
to embark with me, who were under promife of marriage, and
wanted to forfake their miſtreffes. I remember to have feen a
man at Orotava, who, fome years before, had lived at Gomera,
where he courted a girl, and gained her confent to be his wife;
but fuddenly repenting of what he had done, and finding no other
means of getting away from her, he took the advantage of the
firſt wefterly wind, and boldly embarked in an open boat, with-
out oars, fails, or rudder, and launched into the ocean; he was
driven before the wind and feas for two days and nights, when at
laſt he drew near the rocky fhore adjacent to Adehe in Tenerife,
where he muſt have perished, had it not been for fome fishermen
who perceiving his boat, went off, and brought her to a fafe har-
bour.
THIS law, obliging people to adhere to their love-engagements,
like many other good laws, is abufed; for by means of it loofe
women, who have not loft their reputation, often lay fnares to
entrap the fimple and unwary; and worthlefs ambitious young
men form defigns upon ladies fortunes, without having the leaſt
regard for their perfons: although it must be owned there few
mercenary lovers in this part of the world, their notions of that
paffion being too refined and romantic to admit the idea of making
it fubfervient to intereſt or ambition.
A YOUNG lady in one of theſe iſlands fell deeply in love with
a gentleman, and uſed every art ſhe was miſtreſs of, to captivate
his
294
THE HISTORY OF
his heart, but in vain; at laſt, being hurried on by the violence of
her paffion, which rendered her quite deſperate, ſhe made uſe of the
following ftratagem to oblige him to marry her. She profecuted
him upon a promife of marriage, which the pretended he had
made to her, and fuborned witneffes who fwore they had ſeen
him in bed with her. The evidence appeared fo clear to the
court, that, without the leaft heſitation, it gave a fentence for
the plaintiff, compelling the defendant to marry her. With this
unjuſt ſentence he was obliged to comply, though with the ut-
moſt regret; for as the lady had fhewn fo little regard for her
reputation as to fwear falfly to her own fhame, he could look upon
her in no other light than that of a looſe and abandoned woman :
however he was agreeably diſappointed, and had all poffible reaſon
to believe ſhe was a virgin. Being amazed at her ſtrange con-
duct, he entreated her to unravel the myſtery of her unaccountable
behaviour; "For (faid he) you muſt be fenfible that I am inno-
"cent of what you have fworn againſt me." She frankly owned
the whole affair, and added for an excufe, that ſhe would rather
have lived in hell, than not to have obtained the object of her
love. Upon this declaration he generouſly forgave her, and they
afterwards lived happily together.
GENERALLY fpeaking, there are more unhappy marriages here,
than in thoſe countries where young people have more acceſs to be
acquainted with one another's difpofitions before they agree to live
together for life. In countries where innocent freedoms fubfift
between the fexes, lovers are generally not fo blinded with paffion,
that they cannot perceive their miſtreffes are mortal, and partake of
human frailty, confequently refolve to put up with ſome failings:
but this thought never enters into the imagination of a romantic
lover.
GENTLEMEN
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
295
GENTLEMEN here get up by day-break, or at fun-rifing, and
commonly go to church foon after, to hear mafs; at eight or nine
in the morning they breakfaſt on chocolate. The ladies feldom
go to mafs before ten o'clock in the forenoon; but the women-
fervants generally attend it about fun-rifing. At the elevation of
the hoſt, which is commonly a little before noon, the bells toll,
when all the men who happen to be in the ſtreets, or within
hearing of them, take off their hats, and fay, "I adore thee and
praiſe thee, body and blood of our Lord Jefus Chrift, fhed on
"the tree of the cross, to wash the fins of the world."
66
Ar noon every body goes home to dinner, when all the ſtreet-
doors are ſhut until three in the afternoon. In gentlemen's houſes,
the firſt diſh which is put on the table contains foup, made of
beef, mutton, pork, bacon, carrots, turneps, potatoes, peas,
onions, faffron, &c. all ſtewed together: when it is poured
into the diſh, they put in it thin flices of bread. The fecond
courſe conſiſts of roaſted meat, &c. The third is the olio, or ingre-
dients of which the ſoup was made. After which comes the defert,
confiſting of fruit and fweetmeats. The company drink freely
of wine, or wine and water, all the time of dinner; but no wine
after the cloth is removed. When they drink to one another, they
fay, Your health, Sir;" or, "Madam, your health." The
anſwer is, May you live a thousand years; " and fometimes,
"Much good may it do you." Immediately after dinner, a large
heavy, ſhallow, filver diſh, filled with water, is put upon the table,
when the whole company all at once put their hands into the water,
and waſh; after which a fervant ſtands at the lower end of the
table, and repeats the following benediction: "Bleffed and praiſed
"be the moſt holy facrament of the altar and the clear and pure
conception of the moſt holy Virgin, conceived in grace from
"the firſt inſtant of her natural exiftence. Ladies and gentle-
66. men,
296
THE HISTORY OF
"men, much good may it do you." So making a low bow to
the company, he retires; when they riſe, and each goes to his
apartment, to take a nap for about an hour; this is called the
Siefto, and is very beneficial in a warm climate; for after one
awakes from it, he finds himſelf refreſhed and fit to go about his
affairs with ſpirit: yet the medical gentlemen here condemn this
cuſtom, and ſay it is pernicious to the conſtitution; but how can
a thing be prejudicial to health, that nature compels a man to?
for in hot countries there is no avoiding a ſhort nap after dinner,
without doing violence to nature, eſpecially where people get up
by day-break.
THE gentry feldom give an entertainment without having a
Friar for one of the gueſts, who is generally the Confeffor to
ſome of the family. Some of theſe people, on thoſe occafions,
take much upon them, and behave with great freedom, or rather
ill manners; yet the mafter of the houſe and his gueſts do not
chooſe to rebuke them, but let them have their own way.
I hap-
pened once to go to dine at a gentleman's houſe in one of the
iſlands, when a Francifcan Friar was one of the gueſts; we had
fcarce begun to eat, when the Friar aſked me if I was a Chriſtian?
I replied, "I hope fo." Then he defired me to repeat the Apoſtles
Creed. I answered, that I knew nothing about it. Upon this
he ſtared me full in the face, and ſaid, "O thou black afs!"
I aſked him what he meant by treating me in that manner? he
anſwered only by repeating the fame abuſe. The maſter of the
houſe endeavoured, but in vain, to perfuade him to give over.
As at that time I did not underſtand Spaniſh fo well as to exprefs
myſelf fluently, I rofe up, and told the maſter of the houſe, I faw
he was not able to protect me from infults at his own table: then
taking my hat, I went away.
IN
THE
297
CANARY ISLANDS.
1
In the morning and evening viſits, gueſts are prefented with
chocolate and ſweetmeats; but in the fummer evenings with
fnow-water. People here fup between eight and nine, and retire
to reft foon after.
CHA P. XVI.
Of the Amuſements of the Inhabitants of the Canary Iſlands; and of
the State of Learning among them.
EA
ACH of the Canary Iſlands, and every town or village in it,
has fome particular faint for its patron, whofe day is cele-
brated as a feſtival by a particular ſervice in the church, where a
fermon is preached in honour of the faint.
ON theſe occafions the ſtreet near the church is ftrewed with
leaves of trees, flowers, &c. a great number of wax tapers are
lighted, and a confiderable quantity of gunpowder expended in fire-
works. The money neceffary for defraying the expence of theſe
feſtivals, is commonly raiſed by a contribution among the pa-
rishioners. On the eve of that day there is generally a kind of
fair, to which the people of the adjacent country flock, and ſpend
the greateſt part of the night in jollity and dancing to the found of
the guittar, accompanied by the voices of the dancers, and of thofe
who play on that inftrument. Many forts of dances are practifed
here, particularly Zarabands and Folias, which are flow dances;
the tune they always play to the laft-mentioned, is the fame with
that which we call Joy to great Cæfar, &c. The quick dances are
the Canario, Fandango, and Zapateo: the firft of thefe was the
dance uſed by the ancient Canarians; the fecond is that which is
now moſtly practifed by the vulgar; and the laft is much
the fame with our hornpipe.
Q q
SOME
298
THE HISTORY OF
SOME of theſe dances may be called dramatic, for the men fing
verſes to their partners, who anfwer them in the fame manner.
Theſe iſlanders have commonly excellent voices, and there are
but few of them who cannot play on the guittar.
On the feaſt of the tutelar faints of Canaria, Tenerife, and Palma,
plays are acted in the ftreets for the amuſement of the multi-
tude; but as the performers are not actors by profeffion, being
fome of the inhabitants of the place who have a natural turn that
way, it cannot be expected they ſhould attain to any degree of ex-
cellence in theſe exhibitions.
EVERY family of eminence has its particular faint or patron,
to whoſe honour a feſtival is held at a great expence: on fuch occa-
fions the gentry vie with one another in coftly entertainments and
fplendor.
THE diverſions among the vulgar, befides finging, playing on
the guittar, and dancing, are wreſtling, cards, quoits, and throw-
ing a ball through a ring, which is placed at a great diſtance off.
and the
THE gentry frequently take the air on horfeback
ladies, when obliged to travel, ride on affes; and uſe, inſtead of
a faddle, a fort of chair, which is very commodious. The prin-
cipal roads in theſe iſlands are paved with pebble ſtones of the
fame kind with thoſe uſed in the ſtreets of London.
THERE are a few chariots in the city of Palmas in Canaria, the
town of Santa Cruz and the city of Laguna in Tenerife; but they
are kept more for fhew than utility, for the roads here are ſteep
and rocky, and therefore unfit for wheel-carriages: they are all
drawn by mules.
4
THE
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
299
THE peaſants, eſpecially thoſe of Gomera, have an art of leap-
ing from rock to rock, when they travel: the method is this;
a man carries a long pole or ſtaff, with an iron ſpike at the end
of it; and when he wants to defcend from one rock to another,
he aims the point of his pole at the place where he intends to
light, throws himſelf towards it, and pitches the end of the pole ſo
as to bring it to a perpendicular, and then flides down gently up-
on it to the ground.
THE Engliſh and other foreigners in the Canary Iſlands, com-
plain much of the want of good phyficians and furgeons, and not
without cauſe; for what other reaſon can be affigned for the na-
tives being fo over-run with the itch and venereal diforders, which
might be ſo eaſily eradicated?
ague is a
THE diſeaſes most predominant here, befides the above men-
tioned, are the Tabardilla, or fpotted fever; and the Flatos, a windy
diforder affecting the bowels, ftomach, and head. The palfy is
frequent here, and prevails moſtly among the aged. The
diforder peculiar to the iſland of Gomera, for it is fcarcely known
in the other iſlands. A few of the natives are afflicted with the
leprofy as it is reckoned incurable, there is an hofpital at Gran
Canaria, fet apart for the reception of the unhappy fufferers by
that loathfome diftemper. The moment a man of fortune is
adjudged to be a leper, his whole effects are feized for the uſe of the
hofpital, without leaving any part for the fupport of his family:
but poor people who are infected with this diſorder, are left to ſub-
fift the beſt way they can, or periſh, in the ſtreets. The Directors
of the hoſpital are the fole judges of the leprofy, from whofe deter-
mination there is no appeal.
THE children here are taught in the convents reading, writing,
Latin, arithmetic, logic, and fome other branches of philofophy.
Q9 2
Greek
300
THE HISTORY OF
Greek is never learned here, not even by the ftudents in divinity.
The Latin authors which ſcholars read are the claffics.
HAPPENING to be in company with one of the moſt learned
ſtudents of all the iſlands, he examined me particularly concerning
the ſtate of learning in England, and what branch of it was moſt
in eſteem there: after fatisfying him in thoſe particulars, I enquired
in my turn what ftudies prevailed in theſe iſlands; he replied, that
juriſprudence and logic were thoſe moſt eſteemed, but chiefly
the latter, which was his favourite ftudy. When he found I had
not learned it, he reprimanded me for want of tafte, and informed
me that my countryman Duns Scotus was the beſt logician that ever
the world produced.
THE natives of the Canary Islands have a genius for poetry, and
compoſe verſes of different meaſures, which they ſet to muſic..
I have ſeen ſome fongs there, which would be greatly eſteemed in
any country where a tafte for poetry prevails. I once had in my
poffeffion fome fatirical verſes, compofed by the Marquis de San
André, of Tenerife, which were moſt excellent, and inferior to
none I have yet ſeen, although he was no leſs than ſeventy-five
years of age when he wrote them..
THE books moſt commonly read by the laity are the lives of
faints and martyrs. Theſe performances are ſtuffed with legends
and curious fables. Thomas à Kempis and the Devout Pilgrim are
in every library here, and are much admired. The first of thefe is
fo well known in England, that I have no occafion to ſay any more
of it. The Devout Pilgrim is a deſcription of a journey to the Holy
Land, with an account of every thing there worthy of a pilgrim's
notice; to which are added particular inftructions and advice to
thoſe who undertake that journey. As our Methodists and other
religious
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
30F
religious fects in England look on the Roman Catholics as a people
void of ſuch ſort of piety as they value themſelves upon, and of
which they make their boaſt, although it confiſts in nothing elſe
than high-founding words; I fay, becauſe they deſpiſe the Roman
Catholics, let them read the following extract from the Devout
Pilgrim.
OUR author having given directions to thoſe who may be de-
firous to undertake a journey to the Holy Land, fets the example
of two pilgrims before their eyes, which, fays he, you ought to
copy.
"One of theſe pilgrims, after having viſited the greater
"part of the holy places, came to the moſt holy mount of Cal-
6.6
6.6
vary. Seeing himſelf in that most precious and holy place,
"with a moft fervent and compaflionate love beheld and con-
templated Chriſt our Redeemer, faſtened and hanging on the
crofs, fhedding his blood through the five divine fountains.
"of feet, hands, and fide, his whole body wounded, and his
"divine head crowned with thorns, and reclining in the fame
poſture it was in when he ſaid, It is finiſhed: with copious tears
"and contrition for his fins, he greatly bemoaned himſelf to
"fee God and Man dying for him, and faid, My God and my
"Lord Jefus, fovereign of my foul, for what ſhould I defire to ſee
-EC
any thing more in this world? Lord, I beseech thee, that fince
«thou haft done me this favour, and thought me worthy to
"come to this moſt holy place, where thou gavest thy moſt holy
"life for me; may it feem good unto thee, that I give mine
"in this fame place, for thee. Then ſaying, with St. Paul, theſe
&6 words, "To me to live is Chrift," he expired, and his foul
"was carried to heaven. Happy pilgrim, and bleffed foul!"
SOME years ago a book, intituled, The Hiſtory of the People
of God, was tranflated into Spaniſh from the French or Italian,
being ſomething of the nature of our Hiftories of the Bible, or
Jofephus's
1
302
THE HISTORY OF
1
Jofephus's Antiquities of the Jews. This book was in almoſt every
gentleman's houſe in the Canary Iſlands, and was frequently the
ſubject of converfation among the clergy and laity; but it has
lately been condemned at Rome, and all the copies here were feized
foon after by the Inquifition.
FEW profane books are read here, becauſe they cannot be im-
ported into the iſlands without being firſt examined by the Holy
Office, a court with which no body chooſes to have any tranf-
actions; yet here and there one meets with ſome of thoſe excellent
books which were wrote by authors who flouriſhed in Spain after
the civil wars in that kingdom ceaſed on the conqueſt of Granada,
and before the Inquifition arrived at its higheſt pitch of authority;
for when that tribunal was firmly eſtabliſhed, learning withdrew
from Spain and fettled in other countries. The Hiſtory of the
Wars in Granada is in every body's hands here, and is read by
all ranks of people. Plays are not wanting in theſe iſlands, moſt
of which are very good; for the Spaniards have fucceeded better
in dramatic performances than any other Europeans. Among
many other authors of that kind, thefe are the moſt celebrated,
Juan de Matos Fragofo, Jofeph Cañizarez, Auguſtin de Salazar,
Luis Velez de Guevara, Antonio Solis, Auguftin Mereto, Pedro
Calderon, and Lopez de Vega Carpio: but of all thefe Don Pedro
Calderon is moſt eſteemed by the Spaniards; and not without
reafon, for his plays are inferior to none that have yet appeared on
any ſtage in Europe. Lopez de Vega Carpio has been by many juſtly
compared to our Shakeſpear: it was from one of his plays, called
Los Benavides, that the famous Cid of Corneille was planned;
this will evidently appear when theſe performances are compared
together, and it will be hard to determine which of the two is
the most excellent.
LOPEZ
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
303
1
LOPEZ DE VEGA's dramatic writings are extremely fcarce,
and difficult to be got even in Spain; for this reafon, and becauſe
the English reader's curiofity may be excited by hearing him com-
pared to Shakeſpear, I ſhall here give a ſpecimen of his dramatic
performances out of one of them called El Mayorazgo Dudofo.
Lifardo, Prince of Scotland, having ſeen a portrait of the Princeſs
of Dalmatia, determines to fee her; and for that purpoſe travels
to that country in difguife: he finds means to be employed as a
gardener in the King of Dalmatia's garden, where he became inti-
mate with the Princefs: the refult of this was that the bore a ſon,
which was committed to the charge of a gentleman named Albano.
The King hearing of his daughter's diſhonour, is greatly enraged,
confines her in a nunnery, and Lifardo in a priſon, where he in-
tends to keep him for life; and cauſes diligent fearch to be made
after the child, in order to deftroy it. Albano, in endeavouring
to fave the child, is taken with it in his arms by a party of
Moors, who were making a defcent on the coaft: they carry their
captives to Barbary, where Luzman, the child, is educated in
the Mahommedan faith, and becomes a great man in that country.
Albano, who continued a flave from the day of his captivity, finds
means to acquaint Luzman with the circumftances of his birth,
and exhorts him to return to Dalmatia, and become a Chriftian:
he complies; and, under pretence of making a deſcent on the coaſt
of Dalmatia, to diſtreſs the Chriftians, he and Albano give the
Moors the flip, and repair to court; where Luzman, without dif
covering himſelf, procured leave from the King to vifit Lifardo, his
father, who had been confined twenty years in prifon. It was
neceſſary to relate this much, in order that the reader may com-
prehend the following fcene.
Sale
304
THE HISTORY OF
LISARDÓ.
ALBANO.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
Sale Lifardo, con barba, y prifones.
En competencia el Tibre, el Ebreo, el Tajo,
Venço en llorar, y ami favor conuenço,
Quando a penfar en mi prifion comienço,
Imitando de Sififo el trabajo.
Al miſmo infierno imaginando baxo,
La hiftoria de que tanto me averguenço,
Tanto que en llanto a Filomena venço.
Y en foledad la tortola aventajo.
Veynte vezes el fol de lirios de oro
Al argentado pez bordo la eſcama
Defde que vi del mundo los engaños.
Y otros tantos ha que en prifion lloro
La vida ques es la puerta de la fama,
Canfado de viuir tan largos años.
Albano, y
Luzman dentro.
Ya han abierto el apofento.
Albano aguardame aqui.
Que ruydo es eſte ? ay
de mi,
Que fofpechas penfamiento?
Puerta que jamas fe abrio
Se abre agora, Dios me valga,
Si es para que el alma falga.
Que albricias le dare yo?
Alegraos canfada vida,
Sufrimiento humilde y baxo,
Que ya fe acaba el trabajo,
Y os da la muerte acogina.
Como
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
305
i
Enter Lifardo, with a long beard, and in habit of a prifoner.
LISARDO. The rapid Tyber may forget to run,
The ſtreams of Ebro and the Tagus fail,
But not my ever-fwelling tide of grief.
Not Sifyphus, with his recoiling ſtone,
Can equal my fatigue, when thought on thought,
Prefs'd onward by my hard captivity,
Spends uſeleſs force like waves against the ftrand.
The rueful ſtory, that involves my foul
appears.
In fuch a gulph of fhame, like hell
The turtle's folitude is not like mine;
My mourning's fadder far than Philomel's.
The fun with golden lilies twenty times
The zodiac-fifh's filver fcales has crown'd,
Since I firſt ſaw the world's deceit and vanity.
But oft'ner far have I in priſon mourn'd
That life, which is the gate of fame, with-held;
Wearied in drawing out fo
many uſeleſs
Albano and Luzman without.
ALBANO. See, now they ope the door!
LUZMAN.
years.
Stay for me here, Albano.
LISARDO. What noife is this? ah! what fufpicious thought?
The door that never open'd, opens now!
Affift me, gracious heav'n! That op'ning door!
Speaks it th'approaching egreſs of the foul?
Oh what reward then fhall I give? Rejoice,
O wearied life, with fuff'ring long abas'd,
That now the toil is ended. See! at laft,
They deign to grant the long long wiſh'd-for death.
Rr
As
306
THE HISTORY OF
Como labrador deſcanſo,
Y al jornal Rey me embia,
Porque llegò el fin del dia,
Y de la noche el deſcanfo.
Paciencia, fufrir, ya es hecho
Porque abrirse aquella puerta
Es tomar medida cierta
De la que han de hazer al pecho..
Abrilda, que ya mis labios.
Para el alma fe abriràn.
Valgama Dios que faldràn
De paciencias, y de agravios,
Si teneys por cofa cierta
Que tan grandes los fufri,
Tiranos matadme aqui,
Que no cabran por la puerta.
Sacad el cuerpo afligido,
Flaco, encanecido, elado,
Defte Ioſef empozado
Veyntes años a fer vendido.
Sale Luzman.
LUZMAN. Principe guardete el cielo,
LISARDO.
Que miras embelefado?
El abito me ha espantado.
Y el verte me da confuelo.
Anda ya
la gente affi?
Que ha veynte años que aqui entrè:
Y puede fer que affi efte,
Porque nunca a nadie vi.
Si el tiempo mudable ha fido,
2.
Atribuyaffe
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
307
:
As to the weary lab'rer foothing reft,
And as the ſweet-earn'd hire, the King beſtows
This gracious boon: for now the day is gone,
The welcome time of night's repofe is come.
Patience! To fuffer now is certain *-That door,
Long ſhut, is op'ning for concerting meaſures
For the laſt office on my panting breaſt.
And let it open-that my eager lips
May alſo
open for my quiv'ring foul
A paffage. Help me, heav'n! How many griefs
And tamely ſuffer'd wrongs will now get vent!
My wrongs how many, could you underſtand,
Tyrants, you'd kill me here.-The door's too narrow
To let them out.-But haſte you, come, draw forth
Th'afflicted body, lean, grey-hair'd, and frozen,
Of this endungeon'd Jofeph, fold for twenty years.
Enter Luzman, habited as a Moor.
Luzman. Heav'n guard you, Prince! Why look you ſo ſurpriz'd?
LISARDO. The habit has furpriz'd me; but the fight
Of you gives joy. Is that the faſhion now?
It
may be fo. For, fince within theſe walls
I enter'd, fince a human face I've feen
Full twenty years have pafs'd. Has time produc'd
* Orthus: -Patience to fuffer! Now 'tis done-That door.
Rr 2
This
308
THE HISTORY OF
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
Atribuyaffe a fu nombre,
Que yo tambien era hombre,
Y en piedra me he convertido,
Aunque no lo foy contigo,
Pues hablo contigo y lloro.
Y tu no ves que foy Moro ?
Por effo lo digo amigo,
Y pues verdades no callo,
:
Aunque de Chriftiana ley,
En tierra que es Moro el Rey,
Tambien lo fera el vaffallo.
fus obras ruyn
que es por
Moro Principe ſerà.
LUZMAN.
El
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
Principe me llamas ya,
Mas jufto es llamar me fin.
Dios fabe que lo deffeo.
Lloras, luego deſſa fuerte
La fentencia de mi muerte
Cierta en tus ojos la veo.
Pero dime, como a un Moro
Le entregan la execucion?
Oye hafta el fin mi razon,
Y entenderas porque lloro.
Yo foy un Moro de Oran
Dueño de un Chriftiano efclavo,
Que nacio en esta ciudad,
El qual fue fu nombre Albano.
Cautivole el padre mio,
Con un infante en los braços.
Que fegun del viejo fupe,
Era tu hijo Lifardo.
El qual vive en el fervicio,
Del
THE CANARY
309
ISLANDS.
This change? It might.
time.
All things are chang'd by
I too was once a man, but length of time
Has chang'd me into ftone, tho' not to you
Who hear me ſpeak, and ſee me melting into tears.
LUZMAN. Seeft thou not I'm a Moor?
LISARDO. Friend, that I have in view;
And, as I fcorn to hide the truth — I deem
That vaffals, ev'n within a Chriftian land,
Will to their Prince conform, when he's a Moor.
LUZMAN. The man abandon'd for his evil deeds,
O prince, fhall be a Moor.
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
Prince call'st thou me?
A victim, rather fay, as good as dead :
Heav'n knows I long to be fo.-Ha! doft thou weep?
-Bewaileft ſo the ſentence of my death?
I fee't for certain in your eyes. But ſay,
eyes.—But
Why of my execution was the charge
Given to a Moor?
e:
Pray hear my tale complete
Then of my tears the ſecret ſource you'll trace.
-Of Oran I'm a Moor; to me belongs
A Chriſtian ſlave, known by the name Albano :
Him captive, with an infant in his arms,
My father took. That child (fo faid th' old man),
Lifardo, was thy fon; and now he owns
The
3.10
HISTORY OF
THE
Del Turco Zayde Otomano,
Tan privado, que le ha hecho
Rey de Oran, fin otros cargos.
No fabia el moço iluſtre
Su origen famofo, y claro,
Hafta que pudo aquel viejo
Hablarle, y dezirle el cafo.
Viendoſe Rey, y tu hijo,
Quifo bolverſe Chriſtiano,
Y facarte de priſion,
Vengando tu injuſto agravio.
Para que fepas que viene,
Me nombro con otros quatro.
Y
porque eſperes ſu ayuda,
Que fu flota queda armando.
En que prefto las orillas
Del feno y mar Africano
Coronara de galeras,
Municiones y foldados.
Que fus vanderas azules.
ᏙᎥ
yo quedar tremolando.
Con tu imagen en prifiones,
Y un fol eſparziendo rayos.
En Aravigo una letra,
Cerca las orlas y cabos,
Diziendo, "Tarde amanece
Pero dara luz temprano."
Porque el Rey dieffe licencia
Para verte aprifionado,
Un
gran prefente le embia
Carta, y pazes, todo falſo.
Truximos le diez camellos,
[Llora.
Con
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
31.1
The mighty Turk Zayde Othman for his lord :
Who, bearing him the most entire affection,
Has rais'd to many honours, and has made
Him King of Oran. But th' illuftrious youth
Was to his origin, renown'd and high,
A ſtranger, till th’old man found means to give him
Of 's birth and early years the full detail.
-Now King of Oran, and thy ſon confeſs'd,
He long'd to be a Chriftian, long'd to free
His fire from priſon, and avenge his wrongs.
To give you early news of his approach,
He me with four commiffion'd: nay,
To make you doubtleſs of his ſudden aid,
We left his fleet equipping. Be affur'd,
The azure waves that waſh wide Afric's coaſt
Shall with his gallies, men, and warlike ftores [He weeps,
Be quickly crown'd. I ſaw his enfigns blue
High waving in the wind; upon them ſtamp'd
Thy image, as in prifon, and a fun
Diffuſing glorious rays; the motto ran
In Arabic, "Late dawning, but will foon give light."
That leave to ſee thee here we might obtain,
A princely gift, with letters of feign'd peace,
Now to the King thy ſon hath ſent with us.
Ten camels have we brought, of tapestry
All
312
THE HISTORY OF
LISARDO.
Con cien alfombras cargados,
Quatro elefantes famofos,
Con quatro negros Indianos,
Muchas aromas, y olores,
Diez Berberifcos cavallos,
Atados a los arçones,
Carcaxes, flechas, y arcos.
Movido del gran preſente
Licencia de verte ha dado,
Yo porque fupe la lengua
Tomè entre todos la mano.
Lloro de verte afligido
Con prifion de tantos años,
Por lo que a Luzman le devo,
Y
por tu valor Chriftiano.
Efpera en Dios que el te libre
Porque de fu ingenio, y braço
Ya lleva la fama nuevas
Defde el Oriente al Ocafo.
Que efto pudo merecer
Mi paciencia, y fufrimiento,
Llorad ojos que no fiento
Que queda en vos mi plazer.
No fe quede mi alegria,
Sin falir ojos por vos
Mas no podra que foys dos,
Y
por cien mil no podria.
Hijo tengo tan honrado
Que quiera librarme affi,
Oy hijo yo foy por ti,
Que no tu de mi engendrado.
O Albano que cuydadofo
5
Quieres
}
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
313
An hundred loads, four elephants renown'd,
Four Indian Blacks, of fpiceries and perfumes
A wealthy ſtore, of Barb'ry horſes ten,
With quivers, bows, and arrows well equipp'd.
Mov'd with this prefent, he hath giv'n us leave
To pay you here this vifit; and becauſe
Among us only I the language knew,
I took the lead. But, ah! the fight of thee,'
With many years' confinement fore opprefs'd,
Hath in my heart produc'd the grief you've ſeen.
This heart by all the ties of duty bound
To Luzman, -to thee alfo, by th' eſteem
I bear thy worth, O Chriftian! - Truft in God;
Thy fon will yet deliver thee: his fame
For pow'r and wiſdom now is ſpreading faft
From eaft to weft.
LISARDO.
Amazing! who'd have thought
My patience e'er could merit fuch a boon!
Weep now, mine eyes, and fend forth ſtreams of joy,
No more of grief. My joy now only lives,
While ſtreaming freely thro' your two canals:
---But what are two, where thoufands can't fuffice?
And have I then fo honourable a fon,
Who thus would fave me? --- O Or my
fon! to-day
I am of thee, not thou of me, begotten!
How careful, O Albano! haft thou been
་
S s
To
314
THE HISTORY OF
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
Quieres heredero darme,
Mas como podra heredarme
Mayorazgo tan dudofo?
Si es mi hijo?
No ha de fer,
Si en todo feñor te imita,
Y tray en fu cara eſcrita
Tu imagen, y proceder?
Que feñas mas ciertas fon
Que en hablandote effe Albano,
Quiere bolverfe Chriftiano,
Y facarte de prifion?
Bien dizes, mi hijo es,
Que el alma lo dize affi,
Agora me libre a mi,
Y engendrarele defpues.
Come dizes que fe llama ?
Luzman.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
Dios le de fu luz,
Conoce a Dios?
LUZMAN.
Con fu cruz
Tiernas lagrimas derrama.
Ya efta dieftro en vueftra ley.
LISARDO.
Que talle tiene?
LUZMAN.
Efto mio..
LISARDO.
No tienes Moro mal brio.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
Que te imito dize el Rey.
Agora?
LUZMAN.
No quando moço,
Ves efte cuerpo, efta cara,
Pues
por retrato baftara.
3-
LISARDO..
THE
315
CANARY ISLANDS.
LUZMAN.
To bless me with an heir!
But tell me how
An heir fo doubtful can be my fucceffor,
If yet he be my fon?
Sir, muft he not,
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
If, written in his face, thy mien and features
He bears; nay, if, in all things, he's thy likeneſs?
What furer figns than --- what I now affert,
That this Albano haftes, in folemn form,
T'affume the Chriſtian name, and from your dungeon
To fet you free.
I've done.---You reaſon well
fon --- ſo ſays my very foul.
He is my fon
Set me but free now --- foon I'll make him out
My fon*. Pray, by what name's he known?
;
Luzman's his name.
LISARDO. God grant him light, and verify his name.
LUZMAN.
But knows he God?
Now on his Crofs intent,
He ſheds the tender tear; yea, in your law
He's now expert.
LISARDO.
But ſay, what like's his perſon?
LUZMAN. His perfon is like mine.
LISARDO.
A bad prefence.
Moor, thou haft not
Like thine, the King avers.
Nay, when thou waſt young,
LUZMAN.
LISARDO. Like mine at preſent ?
LUZMAN.
-- This countenance, this perfon you behold,
For th' out-lines of a portrait may fuffice.
+ Luz, in Spaniſh, fignifies Light.
LISARDO.
* The fenfe here is fomewhat dubious.
Ss 2
316
THE HISTORY OF
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
En verte me alegro, y gozo.
Honrada preſencia tienes,
Eres noble?
Como aquel
De quien foy hijo, fi del
A tener noticia vienes.
No fe que he mirado en ti,
Y affi una prueva hare yo,
De que viendo al
que le hirio,
Rebienta la fangre alli.
Arrimarete a mi pecho,
A ver la fangre que haze,
Abraçame.
Que me plaze.
Ay hijo, la prueva has hecho.
Que dizes ?
Que en abraçarte
Sintieron la alteracion
La fangre, y el coraçon,
Recogidos a una parte.
Perdona que fer podria,
Que huvieffe hecho efte efeto
Su imaginado conceto,
En el alma y fantaſia..
Si era el coraçon yman,,
Ve el alma, o qual mas quifieres,,
Como a ti fino lo eres,
Como a fu centro ſe van?
Quando una llave ſe pierde,.
Que affi lo pienfo dezir,
No ay
llave
que para abrir
Con la perdida concuerde.
2
:
Y'pues
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
317
LISARDO. Beholding you, I feel uncommon joy.
Your preſence is endearing- --- are you noble ?
LUZMAN. Noble, you'll own, as he whofe fon I am,
If once you knew him.
LISARDO.
I've beheld in thee
but now I'll have it
Somewhat I can't defcribe
Put to the proof. My fympathetic part,
When touch'd, will caufe the kindred blood to rush.
I'll prefs you to my heart, and then obferve
What courſe the blood will take. Embrace me now.
LUZMAN. Your will be done.
LISARDO.
LUZMAN. What have I prov'd?
LISARDO.
[They embrace.
Ha! you've prov'd it, fon.
That, in embracing thee,
The heart and blood the kindred bias took,
And forward fondly rush'd.---Yet ah! forgive me;
Perhaps fome vain conceit, by fancy's pow'r
Moving the foul, might this effect produce.
--Yet if the heart with juſtice may be nam'd
The loadſtone of the foul and its affections,
for how elſe ſhould my
The proof's ſtill fair
Straight to thy heart,
as to its center, run?
If the true key be loft (indulge the thought)
In vain you ſeek to open with another.
Since on my
foul
foul your heart made fuch impreffion,.
You doubtlefs are the key that's long been loft.
This
318
THE HISTORY OF
LUZMAN.
Y pués la tuya me dio
Golpe al alma tan fuave,
Sin duda que eres la llave,
Que un tiempo el alma perdio.
De lo que niegas me quexo,
Que el no aver eſpejo aqui,
Y veo mi eſpejo en ti,
Es feñal que eres mi eſpejo,
Quando el retrato pequeño
A fu original parece,
Es quando alegria ofrece
A los ojos de fo dueño.
Y pues en aquel abiſmo
De eſcuridad, pena, y llanto,
Los mios fe alegran tanto
Es feñal que eres yo
mifmo.
Si effa fangre no te diera,
No me lo dixera aqui
Otra que yo te verti,
Como a fu centro y esfera.
Y a refolverme al fin vengo,
Puesto que negarlo quieres,
Que fi mi hijo no eres
No es poffible que lo tengo.
Mucho feñor te ha movido
Effe hijo imaginado,
Y
De quien yo he fido traslado,
Si el original no he fido.
aunque no fe fi eres padre,
Por fer tu padre dudofo
De aquel hijo venturofo
De tan defdichada madre.
El
THE
319
CANARY ISLAND S.
This you deny, and that makes me complain :
For here no poliſh'd mirror I poffefs,
My image to reflect. 'Tis then a fign
That thou art my reflector, when I ſee
Myſelf in thee. The likeneſs then is good,
When to the owner's eyes it gives delight.
Since, in this dark abyſs of pain and woe,
Thou❜ft bright'ned fo mine eyes, what furer proof
That thou art clearly my reflected ſelf?
Hadft thou not got thy blood from me, it ne'er
Had told me fo yea that from me thou didst
Proceed, as from thy center and thy ſphere.
I'm now at laſt refolv'd--- If to deny
Yourſelf to be my ſon you ſtill perſiſt,
'Tis plain I have no fon
- impoffible I fhould..
LUZMAN. With this imaginary fon, whofe place
I'm thought to fill, you've got no fmall concern.
Tho' I'm not certain if you are the father,
Becauſe
you doubt -
yet, if I'm not th'original:
Of that bleſt ſon of an unhappy mother,
He's
320
HISTORY OF
THE
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
LUZMAN.
LISARDO.
El eſta aqui con Albano,
Y el Rey fin faber quien es,
Ni que trae mas interes,
Que folo hazerfe Chriftiano,
Hijo le llama, y le fienta
A fu mefa, y a fu lado,
Y de fu imperio y eftado
Hazerle heredero intenta.
Albano es governador
Del Reyno, aunque el Rey no ſabe
Quien es.
En Albano cabe
Mayor grandeza y honor.
Mas di amigo, que el Rey quiere
Sin ver que fu nieto ſea,
Hazer que el Reyno poffea?
Y que haro quando lo hiziere?
Mucho, no fabiendo el cuento,
Cofas fon que ordena Dios.
Muy preſto os vereys los dos
Con mucho gufto, y contento.
Y porque paffa la hora,
Dad licencia, y otro dia
Tenerla feñor querria
Para veros como agora.
Que dire a Luzman ?
Amigo,
Dile que fu padre foy,
Y eſtas lagrimas te doy
Que le lleves por teftigo.
Dile que averle engendrado
Me
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
321
He's here then with Albano: and the King,
Not knowing who he is, or that he comes
With other purpoſe than to turn a Chriſtian,
Calls him his fon, and honours him as fuch
At his own table, next himſelf to fit.
He likewife of his crown and wide domain
Hath deſtin'd him the heir. Albano too,
Altho' the King yet knows not who he is,
O'er all his kingdom Governor is made.
LISARDO. Increaſe of pow'r and grandeur ever may
Albano find! --- But fay, friend, will the King,
Not knowing Luzman for his grand-fon, grant
Him to poffefs the kingdom?
Luzman.
LISARDO.
Tho' he ſhould,
Oft times, indeed,
What great thing would he do?
Men, undefigning, heav'n's defigns fulfil!
LUZMAN. Soon fhall you ſee them both to full content.---
But now the time is gone --- Pray, give me leave ---
Another day I quickly fhall procure
Another licence to repeat my viſit
What ſhall I fay to Luzman?
LISARDO.
I am his father
Tell him, friend,
and theſe tears I give you
That you may bear them to him as a token.
Tell him---to've been his father, coft me this diſtreſs!
Tt
Yet
322
THE HISTORY OF
LUZMAN.
Me cuefta aquefta prifion,
Que pague eſta obligacion,
Pues es de plazo paffado,
Y aquefte abraço le da.
Padre mio ya rebiento,
Yrme es poffible? que intento
Sin que me conozcas ya ?
Dame effos pies, pues es llano
Padre que mis yerros fon,
Merezca tu bendicion,
Pues me engendrafte Chriftiano.
Las lagrimas abrafadas
Deten que
darme querias,
Y recibe aqueftas mias
Deffa tu fangre engendradas,
Un rio pueden formar
Las que a tus plantas embio,
Y fin duda que foy rio
Que ha nacido, y buelvo al mar.
Que veynte años has vivido
En la prifion que has paffado?
No refpondes padre amado ?
No hablas padre querido?
Fuera mas jufta razon,
Que yo en naciendo muriera,
Pues fi mas tiempo viviera
Mas durara tu prifion?
Padre no puedes hablar?
Sin duda el alma que viene
Con la boz, la boz. detiene
Por falir y por entrar.
Padre
que leon ha fido
En
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
323
LUZMAN.
Yet fay, his filial debt's repaid: for now
His term of ſonſhip's paſt. Take alſo this embrace
And bear
My father! now I'm overwhelm'd!
-To go, impoffible! What ſhall I think
But that you know me now? Claſp me between
Theſe knees, ſurely they are my native chains.
Behold, O Chriftian! thy own fon implores
Theſe burning tears
A father's bleffing-
Reſtrain, I pray and rather mine receive.
My tears, engender'd from your blood, I'll pour
Upon thy feet, until they form a river.---
Yea doubtless I'm the river once rais'd from,
And now returning to its native ſea.
Ah! that ſuch diſmal twenty years you've spent!
Father belov'd! reply'st thou not to me?
No words at all, dear fire? Oh had I rather
Dy'd at my birth, than you had ſuffer'd thus!
Father, is thy voice gone?
That enters with the voice,
Doubtleſs the ſoul
arrefts its powr's.
O fire! the noble lion who begat me,
Seeft
Ti z
324
THE HISTORY OF
En engendrarme, no ve
Que no refucitare
Si me niega fu bramido ?
El ha perdido el hablar,
Porque el gufto de un plazer
Mayor daño puede hazer
Que la fuerça de un peſar.
Quiero llevarle a fu cama,
Para ver fi buelve en fi,
Mi padre arimate a mi,
Arbol conoce tu rama.
Padre aunque has fido Tefeo
Del laberinto en que eſtoy,
Eneas piadofo foy
Sacarte en ombros deffeo.
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
325
Seeſt thou not me too impotent to rife,
Till I be rouz'd by thy parental voice ?
Ah! ſpeechlefs ſtill! --- The ſhock of fudden joy
Is oft more pow'rful to o'erwhelm the foul,
Than ev'n a load of grief. him to his bed
I'll bear
my father F
perhaps his ſpirit will revive ---
My father, cling to me know, honour'd tree,
'Tis thy own branch ſupports thee. --- O
Thou of the lab'rinth wherein I'm involv'd,
Haft been the Thefeus, yet I'm proud to be
Pious Æneas, to bear you on my ſhoulders.
CHAP.
326
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P.
A P. XVII.
An Account of the Commerce of Canaria, Tenerife, Palma, Gomera,
and Hierro; and the Manufactures in thefe Islands.
IN
N order to give a diftinct and clear idea of the trade of theſe
iſlands, I ſhall divide it into the four following heads, and
treat of each ſeparately and in order.
THE trade to Europe and the Engliſh colonies in America.
THE trade to the Spaniſh Weſt Indies.
THE trade which is carried on from one iſland to another.
AND, laſtly, The fishery on the coaſt of Barbary, adjacent to
the iſlands.
GOMERA and Hierro are ſo poor that no ſhips go to them from
Europe or America; nor are the inhabitants of theſe two iſlands
allowed any thare of the Spaniſh Weſt India commerce, becauſe
they are not ſo entirely under the juriſdiction of the crown of
Spain as Canaria, Tenerife, and Palma, having a lord or pro-
prietor of their own, viz. the Count of Gomera. But it would
be well for them if they were entirely ſubject to, and dependent
on the crown; for never did the proverb, which ſays,
"The
King's chaff is better than other people's corn," hold ſo true
in any caſe as in this.
56
TENERIFE is the center of the trade to Europe and the Britiſh
colonies in America; a few fhips from theſe parts of the world.
4
go
?
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
327
go to Canaria and Palma, but they are not to be compared to the
numbers that arrive at Tenerife. This branch of traffick is al-
moſt wholly carried on in foreign bottoms, eſpecially in Engliſh,
the natives themſelves being afraid to fail on thoſe feas, where
they may be in danger of being taken by the corfairs of Algiers,
Sallee, and other ports of Barbary.
THE greatest part of the aforefaid trade to Europe and the
Engliſh colonies is in the hands of the Irish Roman Catholic
merchants fettled in Tenerife, Canaria, and Palma, and the def-
cendants of the Irish who formerly fettled there and married
Spaniſh wives; but in the laſt age that trade was engroſſed by
a factory of Proteſtant Engliſh merchants who refided at Tenerife:
no Proteftants remain there now, nor in any of the rest of the
Canary Iſlands, excepting the Engliſh and Dutch Confuls and two
merchants, who all refide at Tenerife.
THE imports here from Great Britain confift chiefly of woollen
goods of various kinds, hats, hard-ware, pilchards, red-herrings,
wheat when it is fcarce in the iſlands, with a number of other
articles which would be too tedious to ſpecify.
THE imports from Ireland are chiefly beef, pork, butter,
candles, and falt-herrings.
FROM Hamburgh and Holland, linens of all forts are imported,
to a very great amount; cordage, gun-powder, and coarfe flax,
with many other kinds of goods.
FROM Biſcay, a confiderable quantity of bar-iron is annually
imported.
THE
328
THE HISTORY OF
THE imports from Seville, Cadiz, Barcelona, Italy, and Ma-
jorca are chiefly oil, filks, velvets, falt, and cordage made of baſs
or ſpartum, with innumerable little articles for the Canary inland
confumption, and for exportation from theſe iſlands to the Spaniſh
Weſt Indies. Almoſt the whole of this trade is carried on in
French and Malteſe tartans. The Maltefe veffels, before they go
to the Canary Iſlands, make the tour of all the European harbours
in the Mediterranean fituated to the weftward of Malta, trad-
ing from one port to another; and from the Mediterranean
they go to Cadiz, and from thence to the Canary Iſlands; where
befides the commodities of Spain, France, Italy, &c. the Mal-
teſe vend the cotton manufactures of their own ifland; all cot-
tons imported into rhe Canary Iſlands, excepting thoſe from Malta,
pay fuch a heavy duty as almoft amounts to a prohibition: the
Malteſe enjoy this privilege on account of their maintaining a
perpetual war againſt the Turks and Moors.
THE inhabitants of the Canaries import a few linens from
Britany and Normandy.
FROM the Britiſh colonies in America they import deal boards,
pipe-ſtaves, baccallao or dried cod, and beef, pork, hams, bees
wax, rice, &c. and in times of fcarcity of corn, when the crops
fail in the iſlands, maize, wheat, and flour.
THE exports from theſe iſlands are as follow:
To Great Britain and Ireland, orchilla-weed, a few wines, ſome
Campeachy logwood, and a confiderable quantity of Mexican dollars.
To Hamburgh and Holland, ditto; but a greater quantity of
dollars, and little or no orchilla-weed.
To
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
329
To Spain, Marſeilles, Italy, and Malta, commodities which
they receive from the Spanish Weft Indies, particularly fugar,
cocoa, hides, Campeachy logwood, dollars, and fome orchilla-
weed.
>
To the Britiſh colonies in America, a great quantity of wines,
and nothing elſe.
ALL theſe goods imported into the Canary Iſlands, or exported
from them, pay a duty of ſeven per cent. on the rated value.
THE commerce between the Canary Iſlands and the Spaniſh
fettlements in the Weſt Indies is under certain regulations and
reftrictions. In the city of St. Christobal de la Laguna, there is
a Judge, Secretary, and other minifters, who manage every thing
relative to that trade.
No foreigners are permitted to ſhare in this commerce, nor are
any ſhips ſuffered to go to the ports of the Spanish Weſt Indies
from any of the iſlands except Canaria, Tenerife, and Palma.
THE Court of Spain has reſtricted the Canary Iſland Weſt India
commerce to the ports of Havanna, Campeachy, and La Guaira
on the coaſt of Caraccas; St. Domingo, Porto Rico, and Mara-
caiva; the three firſt are called the Greater Ports, and the others
the Leffer, becauſe the trade of the Leffer Ports is trifling in com-
pariſon with that of the Greater.
BEFORE a ſhip loads for any of theſe ports, she must obtain a
licence from the Judge of the India trade, which is generally granted
if it is her turn, for by the regulations all fhipping are regiſtered,
and muſt take their turns; but here, as in many other places,
intereft and money often prevail againſt juſtice.
U u
THE
339
OF
THE HISTORY
*
THE trade of the Canary Iſlands to the Spaniſh Weſt Indies is
confined to their own produce, viz. wines, brandy, almonds, rai-
fins, figs, &c. of which they can ſend annually one thousand tons;
and are only allowed beſides, what they call a General, for each
ſhip, which confifts of every kind of goods which is thought ne-
ceffary for the veffel, crew, and paffengers ufe during the courſe
of the voyage, and is more or leſs extenfive in proportion to the
fize of the ſhip for which it is granted by the Judge or Superin-
tendant of the Weſt India trade. Thus far they are reftricted
by the rules; but ways and means are found to extend their trade
to that quarter of the world far beyond them; for I ſuppoſe they
export at leaſt two thouſand tons of the produce of the iſlands,
befides immenfe quantities of European commodities.
ALTHOUGH ſome of the Canary Weſt India ſhips load at Ca-
naria and Palma, and proceed from thence to the Weſt Indies,
yet they are all obliged to finish their voyages at Santa Cruz in
Tenerife (where the officers deputed by the Judge of the Indies
refide), and there land their cargoes, which confift of the com-
modities of the Weſt India ports from whence they come, being
chiefly cocoa, logwood, hides, fugar, and Mexican dollars; but
cochineal and indigo are prohibited from being landed at Tenerife;
the filver they bring is alſo limited to fifty Mexican dollars per
ton, according to the regiſtered tonnage; yet I have known fome
of theſe ſhips bring home to Tenerife one hundred thouſand
dollars. Formerly wine, brandy, and fruit only were reckoned
the produce of theſe iſlands; but now the manufactures of them
go to the Spaniſh Weſt Indies under that denomination.
THE exports from the Canaries to thefe countries, with
the returns, are all rated, and pay certain duties, which the
I
officers
THE
331
CANARY
ISLANDS.
officers of the Weſt India commerce collect, and remit to thoſe
of the India Houſe in Spain.
THE merchants of Cadiz are very jealous of the Canary Weſt
India trade, and are continually making application to the Court
of Madrid to abridge it; but their attempts have hitherto proved
abortive; although they have cauſed Intendants to be fent over to
Tenerife to inſpect into that commerce, and oblige the iſlanders
to keep within the limits preſcribed to it by the court.
NUMBERS of the iſlanders go over to the Weſt Indies, to
puſh their fortunes, the greater part of whom marry and fettle
there. The King of Spain encourages this migration, for he
obliges every ſhip which fails from theſe iſlands to his American
dominions, to carry a certain number of poor families, upon their
demanding a paffage, for which the Captain is paid fo much per
head by the government. The intention of this encouragement is
to increaſe the number of Spaniards in the wide and almoſt unin-
habited provinces of the Spaniſh Weſt Indies.
THE Indians of that country, with the mingled race begot
between them and the Spaniards, are never permitted to fill
any office, civil, military, or ecclefiaftic; theſe employments are
generally given to people from Spain and the Canary Iſlands. As
many of them, when they arrive in that plentiful country, are mere
clowns, and are unaccustomed to live in affluence and without
hard labour, they are foon puffed up with their ſudden change of
fortune, and the great refpect paid them by the natives.
I AM told that ſome waggiſh Indians of fome repute and con-
fequence in America, when they ſee theſe aukward clowns
from the Canaries land in their country, call to them in the
U u 2
fame
332
THE HISTORY OF
fame manner as they call their fowls when they are going to give
them a handful of corn, and fay, To-day you are only Juan
fuch-a-one; but take courage, to-morrow you fhall be Alcalde,
"and ftiled Seignior Don Juan; for the King lives not for us,
"but for you." The Indians are ſeldom out in their prophecy,
for it generally happens accordingly. Many young married men
go to thoſe ports from the iſlands with an intention to get a little
money and return to their families; but they feldom find the way
back again, for after they have contracted acquaintance with the
gallant ladies of that country, who fwim in luxury and pomp,
they are aſhamed to fend to the Canaries for their home-bred
ruſtic wives. Some years ago a young lad went from Tenerife to
the Weſt Indies, in queſt of his father, who had gone to that
country to mend his fortune, but had never fent any word to his
wife and family. He found him fettled at a certain place, in great
affluence, and married to a lady of rank and fortune. He made
himſelf known to his father; who, feeing him fuch a ruſtick,
called to remembrance his former low fituation, which fo wrought
on his mind that he difowned him, and denied that himſelf had
ever lived in Tenerife. The young man was fo ftruck with this
unexpected treatment, that he publicly challenged him, and
made known the whole ftory, to his father's confufion, and the
aftoniſhment of all the inhabitants.
MANY foldiers are raifed in the Canary Iſlands, to ferve in the
garrifons of the Weſt Indies, particularly at the Havanna. The
major part of the troops in that place, when taken by the English,
confifted of the natives of thefe iflands.
THE fhips employed in the Canaria Spaniſh Weſt India trade
are commonly about two hundred and fifty, or three hundred tons
burthen. Some of them are built in the iſlands, and others at
4
the
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
333
the Havanna or Old Spain. No foreign bottoms can be employed
in this trade, which is the reaſon why freight is fo high from the
Canaries to the Weſt Indies; for the Canary ſhipping are fo
clogged with charges, carry fo many uſeleſs hands, particularly
chaplains, lie fo long in the road of Santa Cruz waiting their
turns, at a vaſt expence of anchors and cables, with other tear
and wear, that the owners of them cannot afford to take less freight
for a pipe of wine from the Canaries to La Guaira than ten pounds.
ſterling; yet the run from Tenerife to that port is before the
wind all the way, and is generally performed in leſs than thirty
days were the iſlanders permitted to employ English fhipping in
this trade, they would foon find enough of them to carry their
wine at the rate of twenty fhillings per pipe.
THE Canary Weft Indiamen commonly careen and repair in
the ports of the Weft Indies; but in cafe of fpringing a leak, or
fuch like accident while in the road of Santa Cruz, they go to
Porto de Naos in Lancerota, and there careen, &c. In the fum-
mer ſeaſon I have feen fome go for that purpoſe to the harbour of
Gomera.
THE third branch of the Canary Iſland trade is that which is
carried on from one iſland to another, and is as follows:
CANARIA exports to Tenerife provifions of all forts, cattle and
fowls, coarſe woollen blankets, fome raw and wrought filk,
orchilla-weed, fquare flags for pavements, filtering ftone veffels
for purifying water, and fome falt, &c. The returns received
for theſe commodities are chiefly cafh and other produce of the
Spaniſh Weſt Indies.
PALMA exports to Tenerife fugar, almonds, fweetmeats,
boards, pitch, raw filk, and orchilla; and receives in return
Weft India and European goods.
GOMERA
334
OF
THE
HISTORY
,
GOMERA exports to Tenerife much raw filk and ſome wrought,
brandy, cattle, and orchilla-weed; and receives in return Weſt
India and European goods.
1
HIERRO exports to Tenerife brandy, fmall cattle, and orchilla-
weed.
LANCEROTA and Fuertaventura export a great quantity of
corn to Tenerife, orchilla-weed, cattle, and fowls; the returns
they receive are generally in European goods and caſh, with ſome
wine. The fame iſlands fend corn to Palma, for which they re-
ceive boards and other timber, fugar, wine, and cash. Lancerota
alſo exports to Tenerife and Palma, falt and ſome dried fiſh.
•
THE veffels employed in this trade are all built in the iſlands,
and run from twenty to fifty tons; the whole number of them I
gueſs to be about twenty-five, each of which, on an average, is
navigated by ten hands: the reaſon why they carry ſo many, is
the great labour that is required in loading and unloading their
cargoes.
ALL American and European goods which are tranfported from
iſland to iſland, pay the aforementioned duty of ſeven per cent. if
they have been imported into the iſlands above a certain limited
time, which, if I am rightly informed, is two months.
THE last thing relating to the Canary commerce we have to
treat of, is the fiſhery on the coaſt of Barbary.
THE number of veffels employed in this fishery amount to about
thirty; they are from fifteen to fifty tons burthen; the ſmalleſt
carry fifteen men, and the largeſt thirty. They are all built in the
iflands,
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
335
islands, and navigated by the natives. Two of thefe belong to
the iſland of Palma, four to Tenerife, and the reft to Canaria.
Porto de Luz, in that iſland, is the place from whence they
fail for the coaft.
THE method of fitting out a bark for the fishery is this: the
owners, furniſh a veffel for the voyage, and put on board
her a quantity of falt fufficient to cure the fish, with bread
enough to ferve the crew the whole voyage. Each man car-
ries his own fiſhing-tackle, which confifts of a few lines, hooks,
a little braſs wire, a knife for cutting open the fiſh, and one
or two ftout fishing-rods. If any of the crew carry wine,
brandy, oil, vinegar, pepper, onions, &c. it muſt be at his own
expence, for the owners furnish no provifion but bread. The
nett fum arifing from the fale of the fish, after deducting the
expence of the falt and bread before-mentioned, is divided into
ſhares, a certain number of which are allowed to the owners, for
their expence in fitting out the veffel; the reſt are divided among
the crew according to merit: an able fiſherman has one ſhare;
a boy, landman, or one not experienced in the fiſhery, half a
ſhare, or a quarter, according to his abilities. The patron or
maſter of the bark fhares equally with the able fishermen, and
the owners allow him alſo one fhare out of theirs, for his trouble
in taking care of the bark.
THE place on the coaft of Barbary where they go to fish,
is according to the ſeaſon of the year. This fishery is bounded
on the north by the fouthern extremity of Mount Atlas, or
by the latitude of twenty-nine degrees north; and on the fouth
by Cape Blanco, in the latitude of twenty degrees thirty minutes
north the whole length of the fea-coaft fo bounded is about
fix hundred miles. In all this extenfive tract there is no town,
village,
336
THE
OF
HISTORY
village, or ſettled habitation; the few wandering Arabs who fre-
quent this part of the world live in tents, and have neither barks,
boats, nor canoes: the King of Morocco's cruifers never venture
fo far to the ſouthward; for were they to attempt fuch a thing, it is
not probable they would be able to find the way back to their
own country, fo that the Canarians have nothing to fear from that
quarter. In the ſpring ſeaſon the fiſhermen go on the coaſt to the
northward, but in the autumn and winter to the fouthward; be-
cauſe in the fpring the fish frequent the coaft to the northward,
and afterwards go gradually along the ſhore to the ſouthward.
THE first thing the fiſhermen fet about when they arrive on the
coaft, is to catch bait; this is done in the fame manner as we
do trouts with a fly, only with this difference, that the rod is
thrice as thick as ours, and not tapered away fo much towards
the point. The line is made of fix ſmall brafs wires, twiſted
together; the hook is about five inches long, and is not
bearded; the fhaft is leaded fo as it may lie horizontally on the
ſurface of the water; and the hook is covered with a fiſh's ſkin,
except from where it bends, to the point; then getting within
a quarter or half a mile of the fhore, they carry fo much fail
as to cauſe the bark to run at the rate of four miles an hour, when
two or three men throw their lines over the ftern and let the hooks
drag along the furface of the water: the fish, taking the hooks for
fmall fiſh, fnap at them, and, when hooked, the fiſhermen ſwing
them into the barks with their rods. The Canarians call theſe fiſh
Taffarte: they have no ſcales, and are ſhaped like mackarel, but as
large as falmon; they are exceeding voracious, and fwallow all
the hook, notwithſtanding its being fo large; if it was bearded,
there could be no fuch thing as extracting it without cutting open
the fifh I have feen three men in the ftern of a bark catch an
hundred
:
:
:
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
337
hundred and fifty taffarte in half an hour. It fometimes happens
that a bark will complete her lading with theſe fish only. An-
other fort of fiſh, which theſe people call Anhoua, is taken
in the fame manner; this is fomething bigger than a large
mackerel, and ferves as well as the taffarte for bait. There is
another fort of bait called Cavallos, or little horfe-mackerel,
which is ſhaped like a mackerel, but fomething more flat and
broad; it is about a ſpan long, and is catched with an
angling-rod and line with a very ſmall hook, baited with almoſt
any thing that comes to hand. When a bark has got a fufficient
ſtock of bait, fhe leaves her boat, with five or fix men, near the
ſhore, to catch taffarte and anhoua, and runs out to fea a good
diſtance off, uutil ſhe gets into fifteen, twenty, thirty, forty, or
perhaps fifty or fixty fathoms depth of water, where the anchors,
and all the crew heave their lines and hooks overboard, baited
with taflarte, anhoua, &c. and fish for Samas, or bream as we
call them, and for Cherney, or cod. The lines are all leaded,
in order to cauſe the hooks to fink near to the bottom of the
fea, where theſe fiſh ſwim. When a bark is fo fortunate as
to meet with fine weather, and is well provided with bait,
ſhe will be able to complete her cargo in four days. This I
have often had opportunity to obferve. But as the trade or
north-eaſt wind commonly blows freſh on that coaſt, the barks
only anchor in the offing about mid-day, when there is a lull be-
tween the land and fea-breeze; and when this laft-mentioned
wind begins to blow freſh, they weigh their anchors, ſtand in to
ſhore, and come to an anchor in fome bay, or under a head-land,
and then the crew fall to work, clean and falt the fifh which they
catched that day by the time this is done it is about five or
fix o'clock in the evening, when they go to dinner or fupper, for
they make but one meal the whole day, which they cook in the
following manner: in every bark the crew has a long flat-ftone for a
•
X x
hearth,
338
OF
THE HISTORY
hearth, upon which they kindle a fire, and hang a large kettle
over it, in which they boil fome fish; they then take a platter,
and put fome broken biſcuit in it, with onions fhred finall, to
this they add fome pepper and vinegar, and then pour in the
broth of the fish: no fort of foup or broth is more delicious
than this. After having eaten of this excellent foup, they
finiſh their meal with roaſted fish, for they throw the boiled
fish, of which the foup was made, into the fea.. Soon after
this repaſt, every man looks about for the moſt commodious place
where to fall asleep, for no bedding are made ufe of in theſe
veffels. About five or fix in the morning they get up, leave the
boat near the ſhore, weigh anchor and. ſtand out to ſea as before,
and never taſte victuals before the fame time next evening. No
man who knows the toil, fatigue, cold, and heat which theſe
fiſhermen undergo, will ever charge the Spaniards with laziness.
THE method of curing theſe fish is this: they cut them
open, clean and wash them thoroughly, chop off their heads and
fins, and pile them up to drain off the water; after which they are
falted, and ftowed in bulk in the hold. But becauſe they do not,
like the French who fiſh on the banks of Newfoundland, waſh
their fiſh a ſecond time and re-ſalt them, they will not keep above
fix weeks or two months.
IT is ftrange to think that the Spaniards ſhould want to ſhare
the Newfoundland fishery with the Engliſh, when they have one
much better at their own doors; I fay better, for the weather here,
and every thing elſe, concurs to make it the beſt fishery in the uni-
verſe. What can be a ſtronger proof of this than the Moors on
the continent drying and curing all their fiſh without falt or by any
other proceſs than expofing them to the fun-beams? for the pure
wholeſome air of that climate, and the ftrong northerly wind
which
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
339
which almoſt conſtantly prevails on this coaft, totally prevents
putrefaction, provided the fish are fplit open, well washed, and
expoſed to the fun until they are perfectly dry.
As theſe veffels feldom go to fiſh on any part of the coaſt of Bar-
bary to the windward of the iſlands, and are obliged to ply againſt the
freſh northerly winds which almoſt continually prevail there, they
are conſtructed in ſuch a manner that they hold a good wind, as it
is termed in the fea-language, being very ſharp fore and aft, and
full and flat in the middle. They are rigged brigantines, and carry
a large flying fore-top-fail, but in general no main-top-fail, nor
ſtay-fails; they all carry large fprit-fails, but no jibbs. I have
known theſe barks to beat to windward from Cape Blanco to Gran
Canaria in twelve days, though the diſtance is above four hundred
miles. Their method of plying to windward is this: they weigh
about fix or ſeven o'clock in the morning, and ſtand off to fea, with
the land-wind, until noon, when they put about, and ſtand in
fhore, with the fea-breeze; when they come clofe in with it,
they either anchor for the night, or make ſhort tacks until day-
light, when they ſtand out to ſea till noon, as before. The dif-
ference between the land and fea-breezes on this coaft is gene-
rally four points, and they both blow a freſh top-fail-gale. When
they get ten or fifteen leagues to the windward of Cape Baza-
dor, they stand over for the iſland of Gran Canaria: if the wind
happens then to be at north-eaſt, they fetch the port of Gando,
on the fouth-eaſt part of that iſland; but if the wind is at north-
north-eaſt, they only fetch the calms, into which they puſh, and
there foon find a fouth-west wind to carry them clofe to Canaria,
from whence the greater part of them go to Santa Cruz and Port
Orotava, to diſcharge their cargoes; the reft go to Palmas, in
Canaria, and to Santa Cruz, in the iſland of Palma. They do
not ſtop at theſe places to fell the fish, but leave them with
X x 2
their
-
340
THE HISTORY OF
their agents, to fell them at leifure and to the beſt advantage.
The common price is three half-pence per pound, of thirty-
two ounces, which is the weight here uſed for flesh and fiſh;
fometimes they are fold for a penny, and never higher than two
pence. The Regidores, or Cavildo, in the iſlands, always regu-
late the price.
INSTEAD of encouraging this moſt uſeful and profitable branch,
the magiſtrates in theſe iſlands take every method to hurt it; for
they moſt impolitically fix a price on the fiſh, and clog the trade
with fooliſh and unreaſonable duties, befides forbidding the
fiſhermen to have any dealings or intercourſe with the Moors
on the coaft where they go to fiſh; which is a very great hard-
fhip on them, as they are often obliged, when they meet with
bad weather, to go ashore there for fuel and water. However,
they privately correfpond with them, to their mutual advantage;
for the Canarians give to the inhabitants of the Defert old ropes,
which the latter untwiſt and ſpin into yarn or twine, for making
fiſhing-nets; they alſo give them bread, onions, potatoes, and
fruits of many kinds : in return for which the Moors allow them
to take wood and water on their coaft, whenever they are in
want of theſe moſt neceffary articles, and make them preſents of
oftrich-eggs and feathers. The inland Moors would puniſh their
poor countrymen, who live on fiſh by the ſea-coaſt, if they knew
of their correſpondence with the. Canarian fiſhermen but this
does not prevent that intercourſe, as neceffity obliges theſe people,.
fo different from one another, to conform to the laws of nature,
however contrary to the precepts of both their religions. But
this profitable communication has lately been interrupted, as I fhall
have occafion to observe in the deſcription of that part of
Africa.
2
•
ALTHOUGH
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
341
•
and.
ALTHOUGH the Canary fiſhermen have frequented this coaſt
ever fince the conqueft of the iſlands, yet they are entirely igno-
rant of the inland country, and of the people who dwell there.
When I first went on that coaſt, I examined the moſt experienced
of them concerning an inlet or gulph, named in our maps,
called by the Canary men, Rio del Oro; but could get no fatis--
factory information: fome told me it ran ſeventy or eighty
leagues inland. Being furprized that no traveller had given any
account of fuch a noble channel, and imagining that if it was fo
long as they affirmed, fome trade might be opened in that un-
known region, I failed, though with difficulty, among the fands
which abound in that gulph, until we got to the further end of the
bay, which is no more than ten leagues diftant from its mouth :
we found it to run parallel with the fea-coaſt, and at no greater
diſtance from it than one league: the end of this inlet is within
half a mile of the ocean, being parted from it only by a narrow
neck of land. I mention this as an inftance of their ignorance
of this country.
THESE barks generally make eight or nine voyages in the
ſpace of a year. From the middle of February to the middle
of April they remain at Canary, to careen, repair, &c. becaufe
at that ſeaſon of the year the fish are found only to the north-
ward, where the ſhore lies almoft fouth-weft-by-weſt, or weſt--
fouth-weſt, confequently open and expoſed to the north-weſt
winds, which fometimes blow there in February, March, and
April, and make that part of the coaft to be what we call a lee--
fhore.
WHEN I first frequented the coaft of the Defert, the Canary
men went no farther to the fouthward than Cape Barbas, in lati-
tude twenty-two degrees north; but now they go to Cape Blanco,、
which
342
THE HISTORY OF
which lies about thirty leagues beyond it. Although the bulk of
their cargoes confifts of large bream, yet they catch many other
forts, viz. taffarte before-mentioned, a delicious fifh which taſtes
like a very large and fat mackerel, but when dried cannot be dif-
tinguiſhed from dried falmon. The cod caught here is better
than thoſe of Newfoundland: the anhoua is exceeding good:
the corbino is a large fifh, weighing about thirty pounds. There
are befides theſe a number of flat fiſh, with many other forts
which I cannot deſcribe.
ALTHOUGH this fishery is capable of the greateſt improvement,
yet the Engliſh have no reaſon to be apprehenſive of the Spaniards
ever being able to bring it to any degree of perfection, fo as to
rival them in the Spaniſh and Italian markets: the power of the
clergy in Spain is a better fecurity to the English againſt fuch an
event, than if a fleet of one hundred fail of the line were ftationed
on the coast of Barbary, to obftruct the Spanish fishery.
THE manufactures of theſe iſlands are taffeties, knit filk hofe,
filk garters, quilts, and bed-covers. In Canaria and Tenerife,
coarſe linens and gaufe are made of the flax imported from Holland.
White blankets and coarfe cloths are made in Canaria, from the
wool of their own ſheep. A very coarſe kind of cloth, which is
worn by the peaſants, is alſo made in the reſt of the iſlands; but
on feftivals, weddings, &c. the labouring people generally wear
English coarſe cloth. The exportation of raw filk is now prohi-
bited, in order to encourage their filk manufacture. In the large
towns men are employed in weaving and as taylors; but in the
villages the women only exerciſe thoſe trades.
To give fome idea of the fertility and produce of Tenerife,
they annually export no leſs than fifteen thouſand pipes of wine
and brandy, and a great quantity is confumed in the iſland.
THE
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
3.43
THE current coin in the Canaries is the Mexican dollar,
and the half, quarter, eighth, and fixteenth parts of it. Befides
theſe there is the provincial real of plate, which is a ſmall ſilver
piece, of the value of five pence ſterling; and the quart, a copper
coin, equal in value to our half-penny, for ten of them make a
real of plate. The provincial filver coin is not current in Lance-
rota and Fuertaventura: and is never exported, becauſe it paffes
in the iſlands for more than its intrinfic value. But accounts are
kept here in imaginary money, viz. in current dollars of ten reals
of vellon each. The real of vellon is equal in value to eight of the
above-mentioned quarts, ſo that the current dollar is exactly three
fhillings and fourpence, and fix of them make just one pound
fterling. Three fixteenths of the Mexican dollar paſs for two
rials of plate. Little or no gold coin is to be found in thoſe iſlands.
THE pound and ſmaller weights here are much the fame with
ours. The quintal, which is the iſland hundred weight, does not,
like ours, weigh one hundred and twelve pounds, but only one
hundred and four. The arroba is twenty-five pounds.
THE meaſures are the fanega or hanega, the almud, the liquid
arroba, and the var.
THE firſt of theſe is the meaſure uſed for corn, cocoa, falt, &c.
and almoſt contains the quantity of two English bufhels. Twelve
almuds make a fanega. The liquid arroba contains fomething
more than three gallons; and the quartillo is nearly equal to our ·
quart. The var is a meaſure for cloth, &c. and is about lefs··
than the Engliſh yard.
7
이어
​CHAP.
344
THE HISTORY OF
༣
H
CHA P. XVIII.
Of the Government and Revenues of the Canary Iſlands.
AVING already given fome account of the government of
Lancerota and Fuertaventura, I need not fay any thing of
that of Gomera and Hierro, becauſe they are governed much in
the fame manner as the above-mentioned iſlands. I fhall now
proceed to thoſe.called the King's Iſlands, viz. Canaria, Tenerife,
and Palma.
WHEN the natives were reduced to the obedience of the
crown of Spain, they were not deprived of their liberty, but
put on an equality with their conquerors: an example of policy
worthy of imitation. How the Spaniards came, ſoon after, in
America, to act in a quite contrary manner, is hard to conceive;
yet the Dutch, French, and English, far from following the
good example given by the Spaniards in the Canary Iſlands, have
erected, in the fugar-iflands in the Weſt Indies, the moſt abfurd
and barbarous governments that ever exiſted in any part of the
globe, and which are by many degrees worſe than the Spaniſh
governments in America.
WHAT improvement or obedience can be expected in a country
where all the labouring people are flaves, and have no other prin-
ciple to excite them to obedience and induſtry, but the fear of
puniſhment? which, after all, has never yet brought their labour
to any degree of equality with that of indigent free people, who
have the ſole diſpoſal of the fruits of their labour.
Is is not amazing to confider how the English, with the moft
Confummate infolence, rail againſt their Princes and Miniſters of
State,
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
345
State, as infringing their liberties; while at the fame time they
themſelves are tyrannizing over their fellow-creatures in the
moſt cruel and arbitrary manner. What idea muſt ſober think-
ing people have of the English notions of liberty? Can they
imagine this liberty any thing more than a power to be infolent
to their fuperiors with impunity, and to oppreſs the poor with
extreme rigour? Their oppreffion of the poor may be obſerved
in other inftances than in the treatment of their flaves in the Weſt
Indies, viz. their laws againſt vagabonds, i. e. poor ſtrangers who
have no fettled habitation, and ſtrolling players. Do not theſe very
people, who make ſuch a noiſe about liberty, deprive beggars of
their natural freedom, by confining them in work-houſes, contrary
to their inclinations? yet theſe beggars compel nobody to give
them a farthing; and if they ufe violence or fraud to fupport
themſelves, the law has provided puniſhments proportioned to
the heinouſneſs of their crimes. Why then cannot they, in a free
country, have the liberty to expire in the ftreet or open fields for
want, if they ſhould chooſe to do fo rather than work?
BUT to return from this digreffion, which is not altogether fo-
reign to my ſubject. The Spaniards, after the conqueft of the
Canary Iſlands, incorporated with the natives in fuch a manner as
to become one people: the conſequence of this political union is,
that the King of Spain can raiſe in theſe iſlands more foldiers and
fea-men, who may be depended on, than in any other part of his
dominions three times the extent of the Canary Iſlands. To this
advantage another may be added, the great number of people
that annually go from hence to fettle in his wide and uninhabited
dominions in America.
THE loweſt officer of juftice in theſe iſlands, except the Al-
guazils, is the Alcalde; whoſe office is fomething like that of a
Y y
Juſtice
346
THE HISTORY OF
Juſtice of Peace in England: in every town or village of note there is
one. Theſe magiftrates are appointed by the Royal Audience of
the city of Palmas in Canaria; they hold not their places for life,
but only for a certain time: in matters of property they cannot
take cognizance of any difpute where the value of the thing con-
teſted amounts to above feventeen rials, or feven fhillings fterling.
Over theſe magiftrates is another, called the Alcalde Major,
who is appointed in the fame manner as the officers before-men-
tioned; he cannot decide a matter of property when the value
conteſted exceeds the fum of two hundred dollars: from the
decifions of all theſe magiftrates appeals lie to the Tiniente and
Corregidor. The firſt of theſe magiftrates is a lawyer, and no-
minated by the Royal Audience; and the King appoints the latter,
who is not obliged to be a lawyer, but muſt have a Clerk, Secre-
tary, or Affiftant bred to the law, who is called his Affeffor.
The Corregidor generally holds his place for five years, but fome-
times longer. Few of the natives of the islands are placed in
this honourable office, for thofe that fill it are commonly
natives of Spain. The proceedings in the Corregidor's court
and in that of the Tiniente are the fame; and it would feem
that theſe courts were originally intended as a check upon one
another.
FROM the Corregidor and Tiniente appeals are made to the
Royal Audience of Gran Canaria. This tribunal is compoſed of
three Oidores or Judges, a Regent and Fifcal, who are generally
natives of Spain, and always appointed by the King; of this
court the Governor-general is always Prefident, though he refides
in Tenerife. From their determination, in criminal cafes, there
is no appeal; but in matters of property appeals are carried to
the Council or Audience of Seville in Spain.
THE
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
347
THE ftanding forces in the Canary Iſlands I do not reckon to
amount to above one hundred and fifty men; but there is a mi-
litia properly regulated and embodied, of which the Governor-
general of the iſlands is always commander in chief; the officers,
viz. Colonels, Captains, and fubalterns, are all appointed by the
King; and in caſe any of them die, the vacancy ought to be filled
by ſeniority, but intereſt ſometimes prevails againſt this regulation.
The military officers, if they have a diſpute with any other perſon,
may cite him before a civil magiftrate; but this laſt has no
power to compel a military officer to appear before his tribunal:
but if a man ſhould be any way injured by an officer of the militia,
he
may complain to his fuperior officer; and if he does not think
he has got redreſs, he may complain to the Governor-general of
the iſlands from his fentence he may appeal to the Council of
War in Spain, which, although it is fo named, is in fact a
civil court.
THE reader may perceive how eafy it is for theſe military officers
to oppreſs the inhabitants; yet when he confiders that they have
fettled habitations, and do not move from place to place like the
officers of ſtanding forces, and are married and connected with the
inhabitants of the towns where they refide, and where it is their in-
tereſt to preſerve their reputation, he will not wonder there is fo
little oppreffion in theſe iſlands: yet one must not expect to find
fuch juſtice in matters of property here as in England; I fay, of
property, for no man in this country dares to commit the greater
acts of oppreffion or violence, becauſe the injured party would ſtab
the aggreffor, let his rank be ever fo great, and fly for refuge to
the next church or convent, from whence no power could force
him; there he might remain in ſafety until he could find an op-
portunity of eſcaping from the iſlands.
Y y 2
BESIDES
348
OF
THE
HISTORY
1
BESIDES the above-mentioned military officers, there are Caf-
tillanos, i. e. Governors or Captains of forts and caftles, fome of
whom are appointed by the King, and others by the twelve Re-
gidors of the iſlands, called the Cavildo; for fome of the iſland
forts belong to the King, the reft are under the direction of the
Regidores. The King's forts are garriſoned by the hundred and
fifty ſtanding forces; and as there are many of thefe forts, the
reader may judge what number of men may be in each.
THE Regidores, as I have obferved before, in the Hiſtory of
the Diſcovery and Conqueft, are hereditary officers, who hold a
court to regulate the price of provifions, to take care that the
highways are kept in repair, to prevent public nuiſances, and
the plague from being brought into the iſland by ſhipping, &c.
To defray the charge of repairing the roads, and other neceffary
works, the Regidores have power to lay a tax on the inhabitants:
they have impofed a fort of exciſe on ſoap, which, I believe,
produces a fum fufficient to defray theſe expences.
No man is allowed to land in theſe iſlands from on board any
ſhip until the maſter of her produces a bill of health from the port
he was laſt in, or until the crew have been properly examined
whether or not they are free from the plague, or any other infec-
tious distemper: before this is done, no boat except the pratique
or health-boat, dares to come near her.
WHEN I wanted to go to Tenerife from the coaſt of Africa,
where a certificate of health cannot be had, I uſed to touch at Lan-
cerota or Fuertaventura, where I always got a bill of health
without the leaſt difficulty, which procured me admittance at Te-
nerife, Canaria, or Palma.
THE
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
349
THE King's revenue in theſe iſlands is divided into the follow-
ing branches:
I. LAS Tercias Reales, or royal third of the tythes.
II. THE monopoly of tobacco and ſnuff,
III. THE acknowlegement annually paid by the nobility to the
King for their titles.
IV. THE duty of feven per cent. on imports and exports.
V. THE duty on the Canary Weſt India commerce.
THE firſt of theſe taxes is improperly named the third of the
tythes, for it ſcarcely amounts to the tenth part of them: the
King finds in this, to his coſt, what it is to be in partnerſhip with
the clergy. The tercias reales are a gift made by the Pope to the
King of Spain, in confideration of that Prince's maintaining a per-
petual war againſt the Infidels.
THE fecond branch of the revenue confifts in fnuff and tobacco,
which the Stankeros, or King's officers for that purpoſe, ſell for
the King's account; no other perfons being allowed to deal in
theſe articles.
THE third branch of the revenue is hardly worth mentioning,
as it amounts to a mere trifle.
ALL theſe branches together, the fifth excepted, I am informed
do not bring into the King's treaſury above fifty thousand pounds
per annum, nett money, clear of all charges, fuch as the officers
falaries, the expences of government, &c.
WERE
350
THE HISTORY OF
WERE the inhabitants of theſe iſlands to agree among them-
ſelves to pay ſeventy-five thousand pounds nett money annually
into the King's treafury, on condition that he would aboliſh all
duties and cuſtoms in the islands, and fuffer a free import and ex-
port of merchandize to and from all parts of the world, I am per-
ſuaded it would be of great advantage to them, by the increaſe of
trade, ſhipping, feamen, and wealth, which would in a ſhort
time be furprizingly great.
On the 21st of July, 1553, the French made a deſcent on the
iſland of Palma with ſeven hundred men; but the natives repulfed
and obliged them to reimbark with lofs, although the iſlanders
had ſcarcely any other weapons than ſticks and ſtones.
SINCE the conqueft of the Canary Iſlands no foreign power has
fitted out a fleet with defign to fubdue them, excepting one,
which Sir William Monſon ſays the Dutch fent againſt the Iſland
of Gran Canaria in the year 1599. It confifted of feventy-three
fhips, commanded by Peter Van Doift: at their return to Hol-
land, a book was publiſhed, intituled, "The Conqueft of the
""
(
"Grand Canaries, made that fummer, by feventy-three fail of
ſhips, fent out by the command and direction of the States
General, &c. with the taking of a town in the iſland of Go-
"mera." By which title, Sir William Monſon obferves, they
endeavoured to make the world believe that they had conquered
all the Canary Iſlands; whereas they only furprized and took the
city of Palmas, in the iſland of Gran Canaria; where they made
no priſoners or booty, the inhabitants having retired, with all their
effects, to the mountains, fo that they only recovered thirty-fix pri-
foners. But after they had taken the town, fome of the foldiers,
without their officers leave, penetrated into the country in ſearch
of plunder, but not being acquainted with the proper paffes,
the Spaniards killed a great number, and obliged the reſt to
retire.
}
THE CANARY ISLANDS.
351
retire. Nevertheleſs, they rifled the cloyſters, monaſteries, and
churches, and then burnt them to the ground: for which Sir Wil-
liam Monſon reflects upon them feverely. After this the Dutch
General took Gomera without oppofition, for the inhabitants, fled
to the mountains, where they killed many of the Dutch ſtragglers.
IN 1657, a fleet of Engliſh men of war, commanded by Ad-
miral Blake, came into the road of Santa Cruz, and deſtroyed
the Spaniſh plate-fleet, which had put in there. The inhabitants
of Tenerife ſay, that the bay was then in a defenceleſs ſtate, com-
pared to what it is at preſent.
In the war between Spain and England, which commenced im
1739, two Engliſh ſhips, one of them a man of war of fixty
guns, attacked the port and village of Gomera. When they be-
gan to fire, the inhabitants were extremely frightened; but find-
ing the cannonading to continue long and do no damage, they took
courage to fuch a degree, that the young people ran to and fro in
fearch of, and gathering the cannon-balls. The Engliſh perceiv-
ing they were firing to no purpoſe, manned all their boats, in
order to land, but by that time the ifland was alarmed, and the
militia had reached the port, and were formed in a hollow behind
the beach, to receive the enemy: when the Engliſh perceiving ·
their numbers and refolution, they thought proper to retire.
In the courfe of the fame war fome English privateers landed a
confiderable number of men on the island of Palma, who were
quickly attacked and routed by the inhabitants, who gave them
no quarter; among them were fome Irish Catholics, who,
when they faw their danger, opened their bofoms, fhewed their
croffes, and begged for quarter, but in vain, for the incenfed Pal-
mans killed them all, except one man, who was wounded and lay
fome time among the flain, the natives fuppofing he was dead:
afterwards
352
THE HISTORY OF
afterwards finding him alive, they brought him to the town of
Santa Cruz in Palma, where he was cured of his wounds, and
treated as a prifoner of war, till he was exchanged.
THE inhabitants of the Canary Iſlands are extremely averſe to
war, becauſe it ruins their trade and interrupts the intercourſe ſub-
fifting among them. In the courſe of the laſt war with England,
they endeavoured to procure a neutrality for their iſlands.
ALL the English privateers that ever went to cruize among
theſe iſlands, were diſappointed; for they could take nothing
except a few barks loaded with corn, or falt-fiſh from the coaſt
of Barbary. Thoſe who lay in wait for the return of the Canary
Weſt Indiamen to Santa Cruz, had as little fuccefs: indeed,
unleſs a cruiſer has fomebody on board who is intimately ac-
quainted with theſe iſlands, and the weather that prevails there,
the crew will find their hopes of gain fruſtrated.
A MASTER of a ſhip of any nation which may happen to be at
war with Spain, may, if he manages prudently, trade at Porto
Orotava without the leaſt danger of the natives being able to ſeize
his veffel; but ſhe muſt have ſome guns, and be well manned.
IN each of the iſlands a watch is pofted on fome eminence, to
give notice to the inhabitants of the approach of ſhipping; when
an uncommon number appears, a fignal is made to alarm the
country.
AFTER the bell for evening prayer tolls, no boats are allowed to
land, or to go from the fhore; nor are boats permitted at any
time to depart from a port without a licence from the Governor or
Captain, even though it is only to go a-fiſhing, or to a ſhip in the
road.
4.
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
353
EXCLUSIVE of the Negro flaves belonging to the Count of
Gomera, feveral gentlemen in Tenerife have a few; but they
bear no more proportion to the number of white fervants in that
iſland, than the blacks in London do to the reſt of its inhabitants.
THE natives have this excellent law in favour of their Negroes,
that if a mafter treats his flave with injuſtice or cruelty, he the
latter may oblige him to ſell him immediately. The fame law,
if I am not miſtaken, takes place in the Spaniſh Weſt Indies.
What a fhame is it, that theſe advocates for liberty, the Engliſh
and Dutch, ſhould be, comparatively ſpeaking, the only people
who opprefs the poor, to whom they are folely indebted for
their being able to live in fplendor, idlenefs, and luxury.
CHA P. XIX.
Of the Ecclefiaftical Government of the Canary Islands.
HE Biſhop of the Canary Iſlands is a fuffragan to the Arch-
TH
biſhop of Seville, in Spain, and has a revenue of fix thouſand
pounds fterling per annum. He refides in the city of Palmas, in
Canaria, where he is treated with all the reſpect and homage due
to a Prince.
THE Provincials, or Superiors, of the different orders of Friars
and Nuns live in the city of St. Chriſtobal de la Laguna. They
are not accountable to any but the Generals of their reſpective
orders at Rome.
In each of the inlands there is a houfe belonging to the Holy
Office, or Inquifition, with its proper officers, whofe duty it is to
prevent all appearance of herefy, or diſreſpect to the clergy. They
Z z
have
354
THE HISTORY OF
have power to apprehend and confine fufpected perfons, without
giving any reafon to the civil magiftrate for fo doing after ex-
amining them fufficiently, they are either diſcharged, or fent by
the firſt veſſel to the Supreme Tribunal of the Holy Office at Ca-
naria.
WHEN a foreign fhip arrives at the iflands, and the mafter is
permitted to come afhore, he is conducted to an officer of the In-
quifition, who examines him, to know if he has in his fhip any
books or pictures against the doctrine or ceremonies of the church
of Rome; and obliges him to ſign a paper, by which he engages,
if he has any, not to land or expoſe them to view; and alſo that
he fhall not, while he remains in the country, ſpeak againſt the
Romish religion, or mock its rites and ceremonies.
VERY lately the officers of the Inquifition inſpected all the libra-
ries in the iſlands, and either put a mark on thoſe books which
they judged improper to be read, or carried them away.
As all the natives of theſe iſlands are zealous members of the
Romish church, the Tribunal of the Holy Office feldom has an op--
portunity to exerciſe its extenfive authority. There is no credit to
be given to the many flanderous and falfe accounts we hear in
proteftant countries of the procedure of the inquifition; ſuch as
its officers carrying away virgins into their priſons to gratify their
luft, and falsely accufing rich men of herefy in order to ſtrip
them of their wealth, &c. I think I may venture to affert, that
no man or woman, in the Canary Iſlands, has been fo dealt with :
fome, indeed, have been impriſoned and puniſhed for thoſe offences
which properly come under the cognizance of the inquifition. As
the reader may be curious to know ſome of theſe caſes, I ſhall relate
a few which happened before my time, and fome while I fre-
quented
THE
353
CANARY ISLANDS.
44
quented the iſlands. Many years ago, a gentleman in the city of
Laguna fell in love with a Nun, whom he prevailed on to eſcape
from the convent, and embark with him in a Dutch ſhip at Santa
Cruz, which was ready to fail for Holland. Immediately aft
they went on board, the veſſel failed away; but, meeting with fome
diſaſter at fea, was obliged to put back to the bay of Santa Cruz,
where, by order of the Inquifition, ſhe was ſtrictly ſearched, until
the unfortunate lovers were diſcovered, who were brought aſhore
and clapped into priſon, where they remained for a ſhort time, and
then were publicly beheaded on a ſcaffold at the city of Laguna.
The ſhame and infamy of their puniſhment were more bitter to
them than death itfelf. No one can have an idea of this, but thoſe
who have lived in countries where the Inquifition prevails.
A MASTER of a French fhip lying in the road of Orotava,
was ſtanding near the port, converfing with fome merchants,
when the Hoft paffed cloſe by them; all the merchants, on per-
ceiving it, kneeled down in token of reſpect and reverence, as is
cuſtomary in that part of the world; but the Frenchman, being a
Huguenot, ſtood upright with his head covered, notwithſtanding
all the endeavours of the merchants to make him kneel and take
off his hat. Next day, the merchants to whom the Captain was
configned, were ſent for by the officers of the Inquifition, and ex-
amined concerning the affair. They cleared themſelves, but
could not diffuade them from arrefting the Captain, although his
ſhip was almoſt ready to fail: luckily for the Frenchman, the
merchants in a body, with fome diſcreet clergymen, went to the
Inquifition, and made its officers fenfible that the taking any
notice of what had happened, would anſwer no purpoſe but that
of frightening the Dutch, Engliſh, and Hamburghers from
coming to the iſland, which would totally deſtroy their commerce.
Z z 2
A..N
356
THE HISTORY OF
AN English Roman Catholic Maſter of a fhip was taken by the
Spaniards in the war of 1739, and carried into Tenerife, where he
remained ſome time a prifoner at large. He happened to be with
me company at a friend's houfe, when the officers of the Inquifi-
tion, with fome affiftants, furrounded the houſe, and hurried him
away to their prifon: he was foon after ſent to the priſon of the
Inquifition at Gran Canaria, where he was confined above two
years. During all that war the Engliſh Conful remained in Te-
nerife, and hearing what had happened, ſent an account of the
affair to a perfon of influence in England, intreating him at the
fame time to uſe his intereſt in favour of the Captain, thus unjuſtly
detained in the priſon of the Inquifition at Canaria. The Conful's
letter had the deſired effect'; for an Engliſh man of war, fome time
after, came into the road of Palmas, in Canaria, having many pri-
foners on board: his orders were, not to exchange any until he
ſhould obtain the enlargement of this unfortunate Engliſhman. He
informed the Canarians of his orders, who, having many of their
friends prifoners on board the man of war, folicited the Holy Office,
and procured his liberty; I fay folicited, for the civil
power there
cannot oblige the inquifitors to do any thing contrary to their in-
clination.
THE account the Captain gives of this affair (för he now lives
in London) is, that he was proceeded againſt after the fame manner
as the Holy Office of Malaga, in Spain, did againſt one Martin, who
afterwards publiſhed an account of his confinement and fufferings.
Some time after they had exhorted him, in vain, to accuſe himſelf
and confefs, they told him plainly that he was accuſed of being a
Free Mafon. As the Captain did not then underſtand Spaniſh
enough to comprehend their meaning, the Inquifitors employed on
this occafion for an interpreter, an old man, a native of Scotland,
who, by fome accident, came to that iſland when a youth, and em-
braced
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
357
}
Braced the Romish faith, but had almoſt entirely loft his mother-
tongue: this interpreter informed him, that the Holy Office ac-
cufed him of being a Franc Mafon (for fo he termed a Free
Mafon); the Captain ftill not underſtanding him, afferted his in-
nocence, although they put him to the torture to make him con-
fefs. At laſt he perceived their meaning; but, fearing he might
fare the worſe if he confeffed, he continued to deny he under-
ſtood their meaning this is all I could learn from him, except
that, out of the time he was confined by the inquifition, he paffed
nine months in the dungeon.
In the year 1749, an Engliſh ſhip, bound to Guinea, was
wrecked on the coaſt of Barbary, adjacent to theſe iſlands, where
a Canary fishing-boat took up the crew, and brought them to the
iſland of Gran Canaria. The furgeon, being informed that good
phyficians and furgeons were ſcarce there, and being invited by
the gentry to ſettle among them, he confented, and practifed
phyfic for fome time, with great applaufe. The Prieſts and Friars,
who had been labouring to convert him, pretended that he had
given them his promiſe to embrace the Romiſh faith and publicly
renounce his herefy. Soon after this he fell fick; they plied him
hard, but to no purpoſe; for, after his recovery, he perſiſted in
his errors; which ſo exaſperated them, that they compelled him.
to leave the iſland.
A FRENCH Huguenot of mean circumftances, who kept a ſhop
in Tenerife, happening to be at Lancerota upon buſineſs, was
importuned by a beggar for alins, having a figure of the Virgin
- in his hands, bedecked with flowers (which is customary there on
certain feftivals), which he made ufe of to enforce his fuit.
The Frenchman, vexed at his importunity, faid, "Begone: what
fignifies your Virgin to me? Indeed, if you would beg for the
"fake:
358
THE HISTORY OF
6
· 66
fake of fome pretty girl, you might have better fuccefs:"
With theſe words he turned away, not dreaming of any bad con-
fequences. The beggar went off, muttering and vowing revenge
againſt the heretical dog, as he called him. The
The poor French-
man had reaſon to repent of his ill-timed gallantry, for he was
foon after feized by the officers of the Inquifition, and confined
in prifon, until they found an opportunity of a bark going to Ca-
naria. Before he was fent thither, he wrote a letter to one of his
countrymen at Tenerife, informing him of his misfortune; and
that he had been racking his thoughts ever fince to find out the
cauſe, but could charge himſelf with no offence againſt the In-
quifition, excepting the affair of the beggar; adding, that being
conſcious of his innocence, he hoped foon to get clear: but in this
he was miſtaken, for he was confined at Canaria for more than
a year. It was obferved, that when he returned from thence to
Tenerife, he looked fat and fair, but ever after attended maſs,
and otherwiſe behaved himſelf like a good Catholic, which it ſeems
he had not done before.
THE laft perfon whom I remember to have been apprehended
by the Inquifition, was the Marquis de San André*, a man of
near eighty years of age. He was charged with maintaining fome
errors, in a book which he had publiſhed ſome time before; but
the real cauſe was the keen ſpirit of fatire by which he had rendered
himſelf obnoxious to the clergy. He was not ſhut up in the priſon
of the Inquifition, but allowed to range within the walls of a
convent in Canaria, where he remained, if I am not mistaken,
more than twelve months. He died about a year ago, foon after
The Marquis de San André, as was obferved in the former part of this work,
was defcended, in a right line, from Don Alonzo Ferdinando de Lugo, who affiſted
at the conqueft of Canaria, and procured a grant from the King of Spain of the con-
queſt of Palma and Tenerife. It was chiefly owing to his prudent conduct, that
the natives were converted to the Romish faith.
he
THE
359
CANARY ISLAND S.
he was diſcharged. It is faid, that the Inquifitors, according to
their uſual form, aſked him, on his firſt examination, if he be-
lieved the Holy Office to be holy, juft, and knowing? He re-.
plied, that he abfolutely denied it could have any pretenfions to
knowlege; and as to juſtice, he referred them to his own cafe;
;.
and laſtly, that he had ſome ſcruples about its ſanctity. He durſt.
not have anſwered in this manner, had he not been affured of the.
protection of the court of Madrid: and as he was not puniſhed,
made no fubmiffions, nor did penance when confined or after
he was difcharged, this may be looked upon as the firſt ſtep taken
by the King of Spain and his Miniſters to retrench the power
of
the clergy in the Canary Islands. The court could not have
pitched on a more proper perfon to fupport against the Inquifi-
tion, in order to try if it was poffible to curb the unlimited
power of that tribunal: and as they have fucceeded in the firſt
attempt, it is to be hoped they will go on, until the church is
fufficiently humbled, and rendered abfolutely dependent on the
Atate.
;
IT is not poffible for a perſon to live in any of the Canary
Iſlands, excepting Tenerife, who is not a member of the church
of Rome and even in Tenerife no profeffed Jew, Pagan, or
Mahomedan can at any rate be a member of fociety: neither
indeed Proteſtants, unleſs they are merchants of confequence,
The clergy do not care to meddle with them; probably they
have orders from Rome not to diſturb them, left they ſhould be
embroiled with the Engliſh or Dutch, and the caufe of the dif-
pute thereby become public, which would ultimately hurt the
intereft of the church. Formerly it was no uncommon thing.
for the Inquifition to feize on the Dutch and Engliſh Confuls.
THOSE Proteftants in Tenerife who are moſt expoſed to the:
cenfure of the Inquifition are the French Hugenots, for they
have.
300
QEĽ.
THE HISTORY
L
have none to protect them from it. The French Confuls here
have always been men of narrow minds, who neither kept up the
dignity of their office, or regarded the glory of their nation; other
wife they would have protected their countrymen from the infults
of the clergy, even though they had profeffed Paganifm. I have
often wondered what could induce. Hugenots openly to profefs
their religion in this country, when they diffemble fome of their
principles in their own; for if a man, for his intereſt, conforms in
one point to the religion of the country he lives in, why not to all?
It is confiftent with reafon, that a man fhould either obftinately
refuſe to throw a grain of incenfe on the altars of the gods of
his country even in the view of death, or be the foremost in
complying with every ceremony of the worſhip paid to them.
ALL the inhabitants of the Canary Iſlands are zealous Catholics;
and when they fee any of a different perfuafion behave with
common decency, they feem to be greatly ſurprized, imagining
heretics to differ little from brutes; for thefe people are by far
more ignorant and fuperftitious than the Catholics of Germany
and other countries, where Papifts and Proteftants dwell in the
fame civil community. Yet the natives here do not pay ſo much
fo
homage to the clergy as the inhabitants of Portugal, the Azores,
Cape de Verd, and Madeira Islands do to theirs, for the women in
thefe parts kiſs the borders of the Friars garments, when they pafs
along the ſtreets. The Canary clergymen lead more regular lives
than thoſe of the above-mentioned iflands *, and carry not their
The Portugueze Priefts and Friars in the Cape de Verd Iſlands are ignorant
and. fuperftitious to the greatest degree. Notwithſtanding their vow of celibacy,
they keep miſtreſles openly, without the leaſt appearance of fhame, and have their
children running about their houſes and convents. While I lived in South Barbary,
a Moor, who by fome accident had been fome time in the Cape de Verds, ſaid to
me in the following broken Engliſh, "Portugueze Prieft no better as fool; he ſay
*he love God better, very much indeed, and not take wife; yet have child in houfe
his: how man have child and not have wife? Indeed Portugueze Padre all the
fame as fool.”
2
zeal
THE CANARY
ISLANDS. 361
againſt heretics ſo far as to hinder them from burying their dead
in the earth, which is the caſe in the iſland of Madeira, although
all its trade and wealth depends entirely on the Engliſh. The mer-
chants of the Engliſh nation reſiding in that iſland, behave, in one
inſtance, to the church with a ſpirit truly noble, becoming, and
worthy of imitation by all who differ in ſentiment from the reli-
gion of their country; for rather than demean themſelves by
cringing to the clergy, they caft their dead into the ſea, although
they are fure of being permitted to bury them in the earth, if they
were only to condeſcend to requeſt that favour from the church *.
ALL ſtrangers who are not Roman Catholics, are ſtrongly im-
portuned, on their arrival, to become profelytes; but it has been
obſerved, that all fuch as were prevailed on to change their reli-
gion, with a view of bettering their fortunes, fell foon after into
poverty, and funk in the eſteem of thoſe very people who were
fo eager to convert them.
*The Catholics evade the charge of inhumanity brought againſt their religion,
by its adverfaries, thus: why ſhould the principles and practice of a few blind, igno-
rant, and fuperftitious zealots, who are members of our communion, be brought as
a charge againſt our moſt holy religion? Does our church approve of their deteſt-
able inhumanity? I would only aſk theſe Catholics this fimple queftion: Has the
Inquifition ever teftified its diflike of that inhuman law. viz. the Portugueze for-
bidding the Engliſh to bury their dead in the iſland of Madeira? This is one of the
many things which every day give them the lie.
On the other hand, Is it confiftent with that moderation and hatred of perfecu-
tion? Is it confiftent with thoſe principles of civil as well as religious liberty,
which the Proteftant clergy of all denominations profefs, that they are ſo very zeal-
ous for putting the laws in execution againſt blafphemy, infidelity, and herefy, or
at leaſt what they are pleaſed to call by theſe names? Theſe crimes diſturb not in
the leaſt the civil community. Should not one be inclined to think, therefore, that
they would have endeavoured to obtain a repeal of thofe laws, fo deftructive to the
liberty of the ſubject! They never made the leaft motion towards it; and when
they ſpeak of them, it is with an earneſt wiſh, that they were ten times more rigor-
ous and it is not uncommon to hear them rail againſt the beſt of governments,
becauſe it winks at the tranfgreffions of theſe laws.
Aaa
WHILE
:
2
362
THE
HISTORY OF
WHILE I frequented this country, the crew of a Canary fiſh-
ing bark brought, from the coaſt of the Defart to the city of
Palmas, a boy and a girl, his fiſter, who were decoyed on board:
the boy was then about eleven years of age, and the girl about
nine; they were both dreffed in antelopes ſkins. Shortly after
their arrival, the fishermen of Palmas went in a body, and com-
plained to the Royal Audience againſt the people who had brought
away the children, and begged that they might be ſent back to
their parents; enforcing this reaſonable requeſt, by repreſenting
the danger they were in of being maffacred by their relations,
who would infallibly wreak their vengeance on the Canarymen
who ſhould attempt to land on their coaft. This repreſentation
had its defired effect; the Audience ordered the captives ſoon after
to be ſent to their own country, with fome preſents to their dif
confolate parents.
BEFORE their departure, many artifices were uſed to induce
them to change their religion: they were genteelly clad, elegantly
lodged, and entertained by people of the firſt rank, who endea-
voured to make every thing in the iſland as agreeable to them as
poffible; but all this could not ſhake the boy's conftancy, for he
continued firmly attached to the religion of his fathers: the girl,
tempted by the gaiety of the ladies dreſs, and other pleaſures of
the place, feemed to waver; however her brother had ſo much in-
fluence over her, as to prevent her converfion.
SOME of the natives of the Canary Iſlands who were intelligent in
foreign affairs, often aſked me the reaſon why our commerce ſo far
exceeded that of the Spaniards; my anſwer conftantly was, that
the power of the Inquifition and the church, in temporals, in-
fringed their liberty, as well as cramped their induſtry, without
both which no nation can make any figure in commerce.
I TOLD
THE CANARY ISLANDS. 363
I TOLD them that the excellency of the Engliſh conftitution
lay in this, that no man could be punished (otherwiſe than by
being excluded from the religious communion of the fociety to
which he belonged) for any crime merely irreligious: but in this
I went too far, for there are now fome laws exiſting in England,
whereby an amiable member of ſociety may be puniſhed for non-
conformity to the precepts of the church.
Is it not ſurprizing that the English nation, now fo highly
eſteemed abroad, ſhould ſuffer itſelf to be ſo duped by the craft
of defigning priests, as to lay their foldiers and feamen, who are
always ready to ſhed their blood in their country's fervice, under
the cruel neceffity of either debauching their confciences, or lofing
their fubfiftence? At this time, none of our brave reformed of-
ficers, who ſerved in our late glorious expeditions, can receive their
half-pay until they produce certificates of their conformity to the
eſtabliſhed religion! Yet theſe hypocritical and double-dealing
gentry, the clergy, are perpetually dunning our ears with a noiſe
about moderation and averfion to perfecution. They ought, in-
deed, to behave with more moderation; for it is not altogether
improbable that the time is at hand, when the governments in Europe
particularly the French, will no longer puzzle themſelves how to
find ways and means to raiſe money for the neceffities of the ſtate,
but will appropriate the revenues of the clergy to that uſe, and ſo
avoid the danger of incenfing their fubjects by laying on them un-
popular though neceffary taxes.
VOLTAIRE, from fuch inſtances of the inhumanity of the
clergy, takes occafion to reproach Chriftianity as the cauſe of all
thoſe evils; and craftily endeavours to make us believe that he is
perfuaded the religion profeffed in Europe, and Chriſtianity, are the
fame. In this he is not fo ingenuous as his brother philofopher,
Aaa 2
the
364
THE HISTORY OF
the famous Rouffeau; for this laſt boldly afferts, that they have
not the leaſt affinity, well knowing that were Chriſtians ever fa
numerous and powerful in any country, they could never, without
renouncing their religion, make Chriftianity a term of commu-
nion, puniſh in fidels for blafpheming againſt its doctrines, or
exact penfions from unbelievers to fupport their biſhops.
W¹
CHA P. XX.
Directions for Sailing among the Canary Islands..
HEN a ſhip lies at Palma, wanting to go to Lancerota;
and will not wait for a fair wind (which indeed ſeldom
blows there, eſpecially in the fummer feafon), let her ftand
over to the north-weft fide of Tenerife, and beat up along-ſhore
until the weathers point Nago; from thence, with the wind that
generally prevails in theſe parts, ſhe will be able to weather Gran
Canaria, and fetch the point of Handia, in Fuertaventura, or pere
haps Morro Gable, from whence it is eaſy to beat up to Point
Negro, along the eaft fide of the iſland, becauſe the ſea there is
always ſmooth. It is not quite ſo eaſy to beat up from Point Negro:
to the iſland of Lobos; yet it may be done without difficulty, when.
the weather is moderate: if the wind fhould happen to blow
hard, ſhe may ftop in the bay of Las Playas until it proves more.
favourable.
FROM the iſland of Lobos fhe will find no difficulty in beat-
ing up to Porto de Naos in Lancerota.. I would not adviſe any
man, who is not perfectly well acquainted with that harbour, to
attempt to carry a fhip in, becauſe the entrances are very narrow.
Ir is common for fhips which come loaded from Europe to
Santa Cruz, in Tenerife, to have part of their cargoes to unload.
5
at
THE CANARY ISLAND S.
365
1
at Port Orotava: thefe fhips, when the trade-wind blows hard,
will fometimes find it impracticable to weather Point Nago; when.
this is the cafe, let her bear away to the leeward point of the
iſland,, and keep near the fhore, where, if ſhe does not meet with
a foutherly wind, the will be carried by the current, in the ſpace
of twenty-four hours, from the fouth-west point of the island unto
Point Teno, from whenee ſhe may eaſily beat up to Port Orotava ;
for when the wind blows exceffive ſtrong at Point Nago, it is mo-
derate weather all the way from. Point Teno until within two or
three leagues of Point Nago. But I would not adviſe a ſhip to.
bear away as above directed, unleſs when the trade-wind blows
fo freſh that ſhe cannot weather Point Nago; becauſe in moderate
weather there is little or no wind ſtirring on the coaft between
Teno and Port Orotava,
I WARN all ſtrangers to theſe iſlands, to obferve that Alegranza,
Lancerota, and Fuertaventura are, in almoſt all our maps and fea-
charts, placed twenty-five or thirty miles too far to the fouthward;
for the true pofition of Alegranza is about the latitude of twenty-
nine degrees thirty minutes north..
In all our maps and charts of the coaſt of Barbary adjacent to
the Canary Iſlands, that part of it fituated between the latitude of
twenty-nine degrees thirty-minutes, and twenty-feven degrees
thirty minutes north, is falfely defcribed, as may eaſily be per-
ceived by the general map of the iſlands, and the African coaſt
adjacent to them, which is annexed to this work. By the wrong
pofition of the forefaid part of the coaſt of Barbary, . in our maps
and charts, I am certain many have been deceived, and thereby
run their ſhips afhore in the night..
APPEN.
366
THE HISTORY OF
i
IN
APPENDIX.
N defcribing the manners and cuftoms of the natives of theſe
iſlands, I forgot to mention, that the gentry are generally poor,
and therefore not being able otherwife to provide for their
younger
fons, educate many of them for the church. Not a few young
ladies take the veil and ſhut themſelves up in nunneries for life,
becauſe they cannot find huſbands fuitable to their rank, and do
not chooſe to depend on their elder brothers, or other relations,
for ſubſiſtence, or becauſe they have met with diſappointments in
love: a few, being flattered and puffed up by the Nuns and Clergy,
with a conceit of their own fanctity, are prevailed on to take the
vows and quit the world; but the greater part of them have time
afterwards to repent at leiſure, and find that a miſtreſs of a fami-
ly has it as much in her power to exerciſe every Chriſtian virtue, as
a woman ſhut up in a nunnery.
ABOUT two years and a half ago, a monaftery of Nuns, in the
villa of Orotava, took fire in the morning while it was dark,
and was burnt ſo ſuddenly that the Nuns had but juſt time to ſave
their lives: it is the cuſtom of many people in that country, when
the weather is hot, to fleep without fhirts or ſhifts; therefore
fome of the poor Nuns, not having time to caft any thing about
them, made their eſcape ſtark naked, when fome of the crowd,
who were aſſembled on that occafion, took off their cloaks and
threw them upon them. Several fellows went into the cells of the
convent, and, in fight of all the crowd, fat down compoſedly,
and crammed themſelves with the conferves and fweetmeats
belonging to the nunnery, notwithſtanding the Vicar called aloud
I
and.
THE CANARY
367
ISLAND S.
and threatened them with excommunication. This I mention to
give ſome idea of the thieviſh difpofition of the lower class of people.
As to the Nuns, fome were depofited in their parents houfes, or
thoſe of their neareſt relations, and the remainder in a large
empty houſe, until they were diſtributed into other nunneries in
the island.
WHEN the miſtreſs of a family dies, fome of her huſ-
band's relations come to his houſe and refide with him fome time,
to divert his grief, and depart not until another relation comes
to relieve the firft; the fecond is relieved by a third, and fo on,.
until the term of a year is expired.
ALL the orchilla-weed of Tenerife, Canaria, and Palma belongs
to the King, and is part of his revenue; the orchilla of the other
iflands belongs to their refpective proprietors.
THE Prieſts not being ſatisfied with their tythes, nor the Friars
with the revenues of their convents, have found ways and means to
load the inhabitants of theſe iſlands with many impofitions, which
would be tedious to enumerate; and though they are not all eſta-
bliſhed by law, yet it would be dangerous to refuſe the payment
of
any of them. For inſtance, every fiſhing-bark from the coaſt
of Barbary is obliged to deliver a certain quantity of fiſh to each
convent; and when the Mendicant Friars go about from houſe to
houſe, they are liberally fupplied with alms; if any one was to
refuſe them, or give a furly anſwer, he would furely be marked
as an object of their vengeance, and thereby be expofed to the
Inquifition. All ranks of men here, who have any point in
view, or ſcheme to purfue, take care in the first place to fecure
the leading men of the clergy in their intereft; when this is done,
all other obftacles are eafily furmounted.
FATHER
1
368
&tc.
THE HISTORY,
FATHER Feyjoo's Critical Theatre, a book of many volumes,
is much read at preſent by the natives of the Canary iſlands. As it
is to be had in every great town in Europe, I ſhall make no more
mention of it than this, that its author's principal deſign ſeems
to be an attempt to prop the finking credit of the church of
Rome, by giving up many of its miracles (as the produce of the
overheated imaginations of enthufiaftic and ignorant Curates and
Friars, or as pious frauds), in order to preſerve the whole from be-
ing looked upon as the cunning invention of prieſts. Some free-
thinkers and religious Proteſtants fondly imagine this book to be
the forerunner of infidelity or reformation in Spain; but if they
will take the pains to examine it more narrowly, they will find that
the author thought it was better that one member ſhould periſh
than the whole body.
FINIS.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 07598 0329
B 523779
DUPL
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