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HD R E PO R. T.
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% TO THE
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JAMAICA CHAMBER OF COMMERGE,
ON TIl E.
Sugar Duties Question in England,
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-yr.
*
As THE SAME MIGHT AFFECT THE FUTURE
CULTIVATION OF THE BRITISH WEST
INDIA COLONIES.
ſ?RESENTED TO THE GHAMBER
BY THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO CONSIDER THAT SUBJECT,
AND OTHER POINTS CONNECTED WITH
THE TRADE AND AGRICULTURE OF JAMAICA.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~...~/
PRINTED BY R. J. DE CORDOvA, KINGSTON-
1846.
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A 2. &
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JAMAICA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE.
kingston, 1st JULY, 1846.
The Committee appointed to consider the actual state and
future prospects of the trade and agriculture of the
Island, with the view of ascertaining the means through
which the prosperity of those interests might be most
effectually promoted,
f REPORT:
That in connection with the subjects referred to the
Committee, there were five important points brought un-
der the notice of the Chamber on the 12th of last month :
upon each of which, the Committee will deem it their duty
to report separately, after bestowing upon them the atten-
tion their magnitude demands. The points are :
1st—The question of the duties in England on our
staples, as it might affect the future cultivation of this
Island and the other Colonies.
2nd.—The effects of immigration in relation to the com-
mercial as well as the agricultural prosperity of the Island.
3rd.—The other means by which the cultivation of the
Island might be profitably continued.
4th.-The means by which the internal trade and the
mode of conducting it might be improved.
5th.--The means by which our foreign trade might
be restored.
}ſ.

4. REPORT.
As it admits of less delay than the others, the Com-
mittee, in this their first report, will apply themselves to
the consideration of
THE FIRST POINT, NAMELY :-
The question of the duties in England on our staples,
as it might affect the future cultivation of this Island, and
the other British West India Colonies.
Foreign free-labour Sugar is now admitted for home
consumption at a differential duty of 9s. 4d. & 14s, per
cwt., beyond that charged on British Plantation Sugar.
Such likewise is the case with slave-labour Sugar, the
produce of states having treaties with England, which
place them on the footing of the most favored nations.
lt is now said that a still further reduction of the differ-
ential duties on those foreign Sugars is contemplated ; to
what extent this may eventually be done, is at present
uncertain.
It appears likewise that strenuous endeavors are making
by powerful parties in England. to induce Parliament to
resort to the more sweeping measure of admitting “all
Sugar and Molasses, the growth of Cuba, Brazil, and other
countries, at the reduced scale of duties upon which it is
proposed to admit free-labour Sugar and Molasses.
The last proposition is taken from a printed copy of a
petition to Parliament, upon this subject, from the Glasgow
Merchants and others—and it is worthy of notice, that the
application for the admission of Sugar from all countries
refers, not to the existing differential duties, but to the re-
duced scale of duties upon which it is proposed to admit
free-labour Sugar and Molasses.
Is it to be gathered from all this, that the Colonists must
be prepared for, at least, a further reduction of the existing
differential duties, should they be spared the heavier in-
fliction of having to eompete, in the home market, with
the Sugar and Molasses from all quarters, including those
of slave-holding countries chargeable with the same duties,
only, as those on British Plantation Sugars?
Tº EPORT. 5
Struggling as they are still, to overcome the difficulties
with which the cultivation of their staples has been at-
tended, ever since the social position of their labourers has
been changed, the Colonists might, with reason, consider
it ungenerous to have those difficulties increased by sub-
jecting them, before the disturbance in their social system
as subsided, to compete, upon the proposed terms, with
the produce of countries in which no such organic change
has taken place ; but, as consequences of great national im-
portance appear to be involved in the sugar question, it
will require to be argued upon higher grounds than those
upon which the individual claims of the West Indians
might be urged—strong as their grounds undoubtedly are.
Happily it can be demonstrated that the cause of the
Colonists is essentially the cause of the British People !
It will consequently be impossible to ascribe the advoca-
cating of that cause to a factious intention to impede mea-
sures, which it is considered, would conduce to the national
prosperity.
Upon so momentous a question, the opinions of the
Chamber might claim the attention of the Government, and
likewise of the Merchants, Manufacturers, and ShipOwners
of Great Britain; for, composed as the Chamber is chiefly
of Merchants, the subject may be expected to be discussed
by them impartially and dispassionately—as one affecting
the general interests of the Empire equally with those of
the Colonists. Therefore the arguments that might be
brought forward on the part of the Chamber, towards in-
ducing the final and equitable adjustment of this question,
and the endeavors they might make to promote that good
feeling and good understanding which, for their common
interests, ought always to subsist between the Colonists
and their fellow subjects in Europe, can be viewed in no
other light than as fulfiling a duty to their country.
With these preliminary remarks—and dividing the
subject into four branches for more conveniently treating
it, the Committee will proceed to consider how the
future cultivation of this and the other West India Colonies
of Great Britain might be effected.
1st.—By a further reduction of the existing differential
duties between British Plantation and free-labour as well
as slave-labour Sugars, the latter the produce of states

6 REPORT.
having treaties with England, placing them on the footing
of the most favored nations.
2ND.—By equalizing the duties on those foreign Sugars
and British Plantation Sugars.
3Rd.—By the admission for home-consumption of the
Sugar and Molasses of Cuba, Brazil and other countries
at either the present or, at a further reduction of the
differential duties.
4th.-By the admission for home-consumption of the
Sugar and Molasses of every country, including those of
slave-holding countries, at the same duties as British
Plantation Sugar and Molasses.
ON THE FIRST BRANCH OF THE SUBJECT.
It may be proper to commence with stating, that the
enormous expenditure occasioned by the protracted war
with France was pleaded as the motive for increasing con-
siderably the duties on Colonial produce.
The duty of 27s. per cwt. then imposed upon British
Plantation Sugars, the Minister represented was to be
continued only during the war.
At that period Cuba and Brazil produced comparatively
little Sugar, and this necessary article reached extravagant
prices.
Our Colonies then produced more Sugar than was con-
sumed in the Mother Country—consequently a large
proportion of British Plantation Sugar found its way to
the Continent, in both a raw and refined state.
The impolicy of imposing excessive duties was not yet
demonstrated, or, through a more moderate duty the prices
of our Sugars might have been lowered to a degree, to
enable the British people to consume all their own colonies
produced: and the revenue would have sustained no loss
from the measure.
The duty of 27s. per cwt, was continued long after the
war terminated—recently the duty on plantation Sugar
was reduced to 14s per cwt, but there was at the same
time a corresponding reduction of the duty on foreign
free-labour and slave-labour Sugar, the produce of
certain countries; leaving a differential duty between those
foreign Sugars and British Plantation Sugars—in favor of
the latter of 9s. 4d. per cwt. on muscovado, and 14s per
**

RºPORT. 7
cwt. on clayed Sugars. The immediate effect of this re-
duction of duty was to increase, so considerably, the con-
sumption of Sugar that, notwithstanding the admission of
those foreign Sugars for home-consumption, remunera-
tive prices for British Plantation Sugars were obtained—
though the consumer had them at less prices than before
the reduction of those duties.
In fact the consumer and producer shared between
them the benefit arising from that reduction, and still the
revenue, at the outset of the measure coming into opera-
tion, had every appearance of suffering nothing from it;
for it was evident the reduction of the duty on Sugar
would be amply compensated to Government by the in-
creased quantity which lower prices induced to be
consumed.
It must be remarked here, that the quantity of foreign
Sugar introduced into the home-consumption, through this
measure, was not so considerable as to counterbalance the
effect on prices occasioned by the increased consumption
of the article. The Colonists consequently experienced
no injury from it. But it is not equally clear that they
may not be seriously injured by a further reduction of the
duties on those foreign Sugars unless a corresponding
reduction of the duty on British Plantation Sugar takes
place at the same time, which reduction the Colonist, on
the soundest principles of political economy, might claim
as a protection against a crushing competition with
foreign Sugars
Should it be decided, therefore, to reduce still further
the duties on those foreign Sugars, the British Govern-
ment and people may consider it consistent with the wisest
policy, not only to make a corresponding deduction of
the duties on British Plantation Sugars in the present in-
stance, but to maintain, always, a #nº duty between
the Sugars of our Colonies and those of all foreign
countries,
In according such protection to the British Colonists there
would arise no injury to any interest whatever—whilst
the reduced duties of the foreign Sugars in question would
occasion an increased importation and consumption of
them in England.
The reduction of duty, both on the foreign and British
Plantation Sugars, would operate to lower the prices to
8 REPORT,
the consumer, but, as consumption would increase, the
prices of Sugar would not be so reduced as to render its
cultivation in our colonies unprofitable—for, as in the
former case, the consumer and producer would share
between them the benefit of the measure, whilst from the
increased quantity consumed the revenue would rather
be benefitted than injured by it.
As this reduction of duty would, no doubt, occasion an
increased quantity of those foreign Sugars to be intro-
duced for home-consumption, though the differential duties
might operate to prevent the supply reducing prices be-
kow what would remunerate our Planters, it is evident
that all the benefits which, it is contemplated, would ac-
crue to the nation from these measures, would be attained
without abandoning the sound policy that dictates the ex-
tending of a moderate protection to the native industry,
in order that the British people might not, eventually, be
brought to depend altogether upon the foreign producer
for their supply of an article of the first necessity.
It is needless to advert here to those circumstances
which enable the foreign producer to supply sugar at a
less cost than our Colonists ; for, were those circum-
stances no longer in existence and our Planters were able
to cope with the foreign producer, there would still be
great impolicy, on national grounds, to subject them, un-
necessarily, to a trial of strength that might end in their
destruction.
For, it might be justly apprehended, that an over-abun-
dant supply of sugar might so reduce prices as would ren-
der its cultivation a losing game; cach of the competitors
in the home market would then strive to hold his ground
in the hope of witnessing the downfall of his rival ; but it
is easy to perceive that in such a contest the British colo-
mist, especially under his present unfavourable position,
will be the first to give in—and, once beaten out of the
market, it would be difficult for him to re-enter it.
Surely, the many grave consequences to British inte-
rests that would ensue from the cultivation of sugar being
discontinued in our Colonies, will render the Government
and people extremely cautious how they unnecessarily
risk its occurrence
To impress this more forcibly, we need only to be re-
minded, that independently of sugar being an article of


REPORT. 9
the first necessity, and that an ample and regular supply
of it ought, consequently, to be secured to the people,
which would not be the case if left to the mischances and
uncertainties to which the getting of that supply from fo -
reign countries would be subjected, its bulky naturé fur-
nishes employment to numerous ships in which a hardy
and experienced race of seamen is reared for manning
the British navy. *
ON THE SECOND BRANCH OF THE SUBJECT
It is unnecessary to offer either additional arguments or
remarks for, if it has been shewn that it would be impo-
litic, and inexpedient to reduce further the differential du-
ties to which foreign sugars are now subjected, without
at the same time making a corresponding reduction of the
duties on British Plantation Sugars, it is obvious the Co-
lonists would be much more injured by equalizing the du-
ties on those sugars and their own ;
The Committee will, therefore, now consider
THE THIRD BRANCH OF THE SUBJECT, Viz.:
The effect on the cultivation of the Colonies by the ad-
mission, for home-consumption, of the Sugar and Mo-
lasses of Cuba, Brazil, and other countries, at either the
present or at a further reduction of the differential du-
ties.
From the eagerness displayed by a large portion of the
British public to carry this point, and the disposition
evinced by Ministers to make large concessions for the
admission of foreign sugars for home-consumption, though
from all that has yet transpired, not to the extent urged
upon them. it is possible that some very powerful motive
beyond what has yet come under #. notice, actuates
the Ministers of the crown upon this question.
It may be wise, then, on the part of the Colonists to con-
sider, with as little delay as possible, what ought to be
their course under these trying circumstances.
Experience must have taught them the hopelessness
of withstanding the wishes of the British people when
decidedly pronounced by a large portion of them.
10 El EPORT".
The warm attachment of the Colonists towards the
parent state is proverbial,—and it may truly be said no
class of their fellow-subjects would submit more cheer-
fully to sacrifices, if required to be made, to maintain the
proud rank their country has attained among nations ;-
and there are many among them who deplore the evils
they suffer at this moment, as much on account of their
tendency to injure the best interests of the Empire, as on
their own.
This generous disposition of the Colonists towards the
mother country, independently of its being their wisest
policy, might induce them to meet the wishes of the Bri-
tish people on this Sugar question ; stopping short, how-
ever, of such an extension of its principle as might bring
ruin on themselves, and eventually sap the foundation of
the maritime strength of their country.
Having in the performance of a duty they owed them-
selves, and their country, exhausted their arguments, mo-
ral as well as political, to impress the necessity of caution
on the part of the British people ; and willing to believe
that the most grave consequences to the national weal are
involved in the question, to which all other considerations
must give way, the Colonists might be induced to abstain
from #. and useless opposition to the wishes of the
British public upon this point, provided protection be af-
forded them in the shape of the present or some other
sufficient, though still moderate differential duty, to be
fixed once and for ever, and that through the removal of
all restrictions in the use of sugar and molasses by the
English people—the according ofevery facility for the pro-
curing of additional labourers, &c., they may have some
chance of successfully competing with foreign sugars in
the home market, to the fearful extent the proposed mea-
sure will subject them. All this might be claimed for the
Colonists, not only on the immutable principles of truth
and justice ; not only on the grounds of a wise policy on
the part of the British people for their own sakes, but
for the sakes, likewise, of the millions of bondsmen who
will continue such until it has been incontestibly proved
that Sugar and other tropical articles can be produced at
ji. rates by free as by slave labour. -
There is no doubt, and it would soon be proved after
REPORT. II
the measure has come into full operation, that very impor-
tant and beneficial effects would result to Great Britain by
the admission of the Sugars of all countries for home-con-
sumption, even whilst maintaining a differential duty in fa-
vour of British Plantation Sugar. Why, then, should it be
so extended as might, unnecessarily, incur the risk of occa-
sioning the culture of Sugar to be abandoned in our
Colonies 7
If, with that provision of a differential duty, to prevent
its having any disastrous effects on the Colonies, the mea-
sure operate to bring to the ports of Great Britain the
greater portion of the sugars produced in all countries—
thence to be distributed to the continent of Europe—If,
through the abundance of the supply, the British people
obtain this necessary of life at a moderate price,—lf the
revenue, instead of diminishing should, on the contrary,
increase considerably through the greater quantity of sugar
used and consumed,—-If prices, though at a moderate rate to
the consumer, should yet prove sufficiently remunerative
to allow the Colonists to continue the cultivation of sugar—
If all these advantages accrue from the reduction of the
duty on all Sugars, but yet maintaining a differential
duty in favour of those produced in our own Colonies--
why risk the loss of all, or even of any one of those
advantages by unnecessarily equalizing the duties on
foreign and British Plantation Sugars 7 For it would not
be difficult to prove, that if, from the adoption of so ultra
a measure, the cultivation of Sugar be discontinued in our
Colonies, results would soon follow such an event, ver
different from those which have just been enumerated.
And this brings the Committee to consider the great po-
litical importance that attaches to this question.
At no period of her history than during the last war
with France had it been more clearly proved that, to
maintain her rank among European nations, Great-Bri-
tain leguired to be first among maritime powers.
Her supremacy on the seas preserved her soil from
pollution by the French armies: her children read of
the horrors with which every other nation was visited
by those scourges—those horrors never reached their own
hearths ;-and to what cause was that complete exemp-
tion from the hearºnding effects of a cruel war as-
cribable 7 To her Navy | 1 |
12 REPORT.
And were not all other nations, eventually, indebted
to that same navy, which, preserving their territory in-
tact, allowed the British people to abide their time, and
to become, in the end, mainly instrumental in overthrow-
ing a despotism that had overshadowed all Europe; in
healing the wounds inflicted by an unparalleled Revo-
lution ; and in establishing peace among the members of
the European family, which, with scarcely any inter-
ruption, has continued to this day ?
Such has been, such is, and such will be the glorious
destiny of our country as long as she continue to main-
tain her naval supremacy, and wield it for the benefit
of the human race as well as for asserting her own rights.
As it is impossible to suppose that British Statesmen
are not fully sensible of these great truths, it may rea-
sonably be expected that Ministers will receive with de-
ference representations on this Sugar question, when
founded upon broad national roi. and principles.
It will therefore behove the Colonists to use every
dilligence in bringing forward their arguments to prove,
that by the adoption of the ultra measure of admitting,
for home-consumption, the sugar of all countries at the
same duty as that charged on British Plantation Sugar,
the discontinuance of its culture in our Colonies would
have been unnecessarily risked.
By the limited extent and insular situation of her domi-
nions in Europe, nature seems to have destined Great-
Britain to become the great maritime nation she is ; in
fact her rank as a first-rate power can be maintained only
through her 'keeping up a formidable navy, capable of
asserting her claim to supremacy on the seas.
The É. of Chatham perceived this very clearly, and
it formed a prominent part of his policy to increase, as
rapidly as possible, the navy of his country.
His penetrating genius soon taught him that the end he
aimed at could be accomplished only through the acqui-
sition of Colonies.
For, it being evident that ships would be of little use
without seamen—that seamen could be raised only through
a numerous merchant navy—he concluded that Colonies
would afford the readiest and most effectual means for
creating the merchant navy, in which to rear a hardy
2*
L. :PORT. 13
and an experienced race of seamen, to man the nation's
fleets when the occasion called for their active service.
And so valuable were Colonies considered as elements
for promoting the power and prosperity of the State,
and Sugar Colonies especially, that from the Earl of
Chatham's time the policy has constantly been of a ten-
dency to increase the Colonial possessions of Great-Bri-
tain, and to deprive other nations of theirs.
Many circumstances concurred to render that policy
eminently successful, and the stupendous Colonial Em-
pire of Great-Britain has never been equalled by any
nation, whether ancient or modern.
To that Empire Great-Britain owes her present ex-
alted station, and to that Empire must she look for its
preservation, and for the preservation of the many ad-
vantages she possesses over other nations ; and woe to
her when, through repletion of the blessings that have
been showered upon her, she contemptuously casts from
her the props of her greatness.
The intercourse with her Colonies furnishes the means
for rearing a numerous body of hardy and experienced
seamen, always at hand to man their country's fleets,
and assert her rights.
But, unless her Colonies are productive—unless they
are stocked with inhabitants, by whose industry her
merchant-ships are loaded, and by whose expenditure
her artisans and manufacturers are kept employed, how
could the Colonies subserve to that paramount object—the
contributing to the nurseries for seamen, which merchant-
ships supply f
Unless ships carry goods to the Colonies, and return
loaded with their productions to the mother country, Colo-
nies would be worse than useless to her. Then, indeed,
would it no longer be insane, if not treasonable, to de-
cry the Colonies as clogs rather than as contributing to
the nation's power and prosperity.
But as it is undeniable that the Colonies have contri-
buted, and always will contribute largely towards the
maintaining of the rank which the mother country holds
among nations, it scarcely required the stern rebuke of
the Minister, who, to silence those short-sighted politi-
cians, that would depreciate their Colonies in the rves

14 REPORT.
of the British people, told them, that unless they were
prepared to see the nation reduced to a second-rate
power, their Colonial Empire must be maintained.
The value of the Colonies to Great-Britain may be
estimated by considering them—
1st, As constituting naval stations and military posts
in every part of the globe ;
2nd, As contributing to maintain her naval supremacy;
3rd, As affording employment to her artisans and ma-
nufacturers, through their own consumption and through
the means they afford for promoting the sale of British
goods to the foreign nations in their vicinity, especially
during a period of war;
4th, As the means by which the people of England have
been regularly and abundantly supplied, as well with ar-
ticles of the first necessity, as with those considered less
so, but yet coutributing greatly to the comfort and happi-
ness of a people ;
5th, As preserving the British people, by such supply,
from either depending wholly on foreigners for articles
even ºf the first necessity, to obtain which they might
eventually have to give gold, or be compelled to dis-
pense with them, and consequently with those other ar-
ticles which contribute to the comfort and happiness of
II);} ().
The list might be almost indefinitely extended, but that
it is unnecessary, since the advantages derivable to Great-
Britain through her Colonies are so palpable that the
mind must be obtuse indeed that does not perceive it to be
as much her interest to preserve her ( olonies—to cherish
their industry in order to increase their productions to
the utmost of their capabilities—as it is to the interest of
the Colonists to experience that parental fostering care.
The acting upon this wise policy would violate no
sound principle of political economy ; the best writers
upon which having laid it down as an axiom that, pro-
vided the natural capabilities of a country, such as cli-
mate, soil, &c., offer no impediment to the production
of an article, the native industry of that country is en-
titled to protection against foreign competition.
Now it will surely not be pretended that sugar, cof-
REPORT". 15
fee, &c., are exotics, requiring hot-house appliances to
produce them in our colonies, though, under circum-
stances that have arisen, a wise and judicious protection
against undue competition by foreigners might be re-
quired, and ought to be extended to the Colonists, es-
pecially when claimed by them on the strongest national
º, and that they would be content with its being
granted in such shape, and to such extent as would not
impede the accomplishing of those objects which, through
the admission of all foreign sugars for home-consumption,
it is conceived, would conduce to promote the manufac-
tures, commerce, and navigation of the Mother Country.
ON THE FOURTH BRANCH OF THE SUBJECT &
The Committee deem it unnecessary to add a single
word, and for the same reason as that assigned for not
dealing otherwise with the second branch, namely, that
the arguments used on the first and third branches ap-
ply with greater force to the second and fourth.
Much more has been written and spoken upon the
Sugar Question than the Committee have deemed it ne-
cessary to introduce into their Ireport, especially as they
conceive that the national grounds upon which they
have argued it, may be the means of procurºng ad-
ditional attention to the subject on the part of the Govern-
ment. and likewise on that of the merchants, ship-owners,
and manufacturers of Great-Britain,_classes between
whom and the Colonists it is important the best under-
standing should suijsist, and towards the promotion of
which the labours of the Chamber will, no doubt, contri-
bute very materially. &
Should the view taken by the Committee be considered
correct, it may be concluded from the arguments embo-
dical in their Report,
1st, That the interests both of the mother country
and of the Colonists require that the Sugar Duties Ques-
tion be finally and equitably adjusted with as little delay
as possible. -->
2nd, That from the many important consequences it
involves to the British nation, the maintaining of the cul-
tivation of sugar in the British West Indies should be
considered by them a political axiom.

16 REPORT,
3rd, That the admission for home-consumption of all
foreign Sugar and molasses, might not be attended with
injurious consequences to the cultivation of sugar in the
British West Indies, provided effectual means be taken to
enable the Colonists to withstand the extensive competi-
tion to which the measure will subject them.
4th, That among such measures the following may be
enumerated, viz. –
1. The maintaining of a sufficient though moderate diſ-
ferential duty between all foreign Sugars and British
Plantation Sugars.
2. The removal of all restrictions to the use of Sugar
and molasses by the British people, whether in the distil-
leries, breweries, or for other purposes. a
3. The equalizing of the duties on Colonial and British
spirits, on the ground that considering the Colonies as in-
tegral portions of the Empire, their industry is entitled to
be placed on the same footing as the industry of Great-
Britain.
4. The according to the Colonists every facility for the
procuring of additional labourers.
It will be for the Chamber to decide what action to take
upon the subject. The Committee will merely suggest
that, though it be rather late to resort to steps towards
Parliament during the present year, it may yet be useful
to memorialize Government upon the subject, and to dis-
seminate widely among the merchants, manufacturers, and
ship-owners of Great Britain the views set forth in this
Report, to shew their intimate relation to the interests of
those classes, and to the Colonial policy of the nation.
J. TOWNSON, ChaiBMAN.
is
MEMORIAL
Tſ) THE II)\{}RABLE THE L{}R}S (0)|\|INSIONERN 0F III.R
MAJESTY'S TREASURY,
The Humble Memorial of the Jamaica Chamber of
Commerce,
Shew Eth,
That since the receipt of the reply which your Lord-
ships, through Mr. Cardwell had condescended to make
to their memorial on the duties on Spirits, the produce of
the British West India Colonies—your Memorialists, in
pursuance of the objects and purposes for which this
Chamber has been instituted, have deemed it their duty to
give to the Sugar Duties Question, that grave attention
which its magnitude and the important consequences it
involves, both to the Colonies and the British Empire
demand
It has been impossible in the course of the investigation
to avoid recurring to the undemiable facts, that Great Bri-
tain owes her present elevated station—her supremacy on
the seas—and the many other advantages she possesses
over other nations, mainly to her Colonies—and equally
indisputable is it that to the maintaining of her Colonial
Empire must she look for the preservation of that pre-
eminent power and prosperity she now enjoys.
With such impressions has the subject of the Sugar
duties been treated by the Jamaica Chamber of Commerce
—and, as they will keep constantly in view the relation
subsisting between the prosperity of the mother country
and that of her Colonies, your Mcmorialists venture to
crave the indulgent attention of Her Majesty's Ministers
to such representations as the Chamber might, from time
to time, deem it their duty to make upon subjects connec.
ted with the trade and agriculture of this Colony.
18 M EM Olt I A L.
Your Lordships will perceive that in this spirit the ac-
companying printed report to the Chamber on the Sugar
Duties Question has been framed, and with the utmost hu-
mility and becoming respect they submit the same for the
consideration of Government.
Your Memorialists, weighing duly the effects on the
cultivation of Sugar in our West India Colonies;
1st–By the admission for home-consumption, at the
present differential duties between British Plantation
Sugar, and free-labour as well as slave-labour Sugar of
countries having treaties with Great Britain entitling them
to the same.
2nd—By the admission for home-consumption of the
Sugar and Molasses of Cuba. Brazil, and all other coun-
tries at the same differential duties as those charged on
the Sugars refered to in the foregoing article.
3rd—By the admission for home-consumption of the
Sugar and Molasses of all countries at the same duties as
British Plantation Sugars,
And impressed with the conviction that, unless their
cultivation be continued, the Colonies will become worse
than useless to the mother country, have come to the con-
clusion
1st—That the interests both of the mother country
and of the Colonists require that the Sugar Duties Question
be finally and equitably adjusted with as little delay as
possible. *
2nd—That from the many important national conse-
quences it involves, the maintaining of the cultivation of
Sugar in the British West Indies should be considered a
political axiom.
3rd–That the admission for home-consumption of all
foreign Sugar and Molasses, might not be attended with
injurious consequences to the cultivation of Sugar in the
British West Indies, provided effectual means be taken to
enable the Colonists to withstand the extensive competition
to which the measure will subject them in the home market.
4th–That among such measures the following may be
enumerated, viz.:-
1st—The maintaining of a sufficient though moderate
differential duty between all foreign Sugars and British
Plantation Sugars.
ar.”

M E M ( ) RIA L. 19
2nd—The removal of all restrictions to the use of Sugar
and Molasses by the British people, whether in the dis-
tilleries, breweries, or for other purposes.
3rd — The equalizing of the duties on Colonial and
British Spirits, on the ground that, considering the Colonies
as integral portions of the Empire, their industry is entitled
to be placed on the same footing as the industry of Great
Britain.
4th–The according to the Colonies every facility for
the procuring of additional laborers.
And your Memorialists as in duty bound, will ever
pray, &c. &c.
KINGSTON, JAMAICA,
3RD JULY, 1846.
The Chamber of Commerce having adopted the Report
of the Committee, decided on forwarding a copy of it to
Government with a Memorial upon the subject treated
therein, of which the foregoing is a copy.
R. J. D. E CORD OVA, PRINTER. |
.