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KIN G
AL FRED’S ANG L0-S AX () N WERSION
OF
THE COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE WORLD
IBY
a QROSIUS,
CONTAINING,
FACSIMILE SPECIMIENS OF THE LAUDERDALE AND COTTON MSS.—
A PREFACE DESCRIBING THESE MSS. etc.—
AN INTRODUCTION-ON OROSIUS AND HIS WORK ;
THE ANGLO-SAXON TEXT ;
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS ;
A LITERAL ENGLISH TRANSLATION, WITH NOTES;
MR. HAMPSON'S ESSAY ON KING ALFRED’S GEOGRAPHY, AND
A MAP OF EUROPE, ASIA, AND AFRICA, ACCORDING TO OROSIUS
AND ALFRED.
BY
THE REW, JOSEPII BOSWORTH, D.D. F.R.S. F.S.A.
OF CHRIST CHURCH, OxFORD ;
IPROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON IN THAT UNIVERSITY : DR. PHIL. OF LEYDEN : LL.D. op
ABERDEEN : MEMBER OF THE ROYAL INSTITUTE OF THE NETHERLANDS : M.R.S.
OF LIT. LONDON : HONORARY F.R.S. of scre NCEs, Norway : F.s.A. cope NHAGEN :
F. OF LIT. S. LEYDEN, UTRECHT, ROTTERDAM, Etc.
L ON D ON .
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMAN S,
PA-TER NO ST E R-B O W,
IMII) CCC LIX.

THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE WORK.
FACSIMILE SPECIMENs of the Lauderdale and Cotton MSS.
Preface describing these MSS. etc. - sº gº p i–lxiv.
THE INTRODUCTION.—An account of Orosius and his writings,
p 10–17.
THE ANGLo-SAxon TEXT sº -º tºº - p 9—234.
NoTEs, Various Readings, and Corrections § - p 1–31.
THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION with Notes - - p 15–198.
MR. HAMPson’s Essay on King Alfred's Geography p 1–63.
T H E L L L U S T R AT I 0 N S.
PLATE I and II face each other, and are placed before the title.
THE FACsIMILE of p 12, from the Lauderdale MS., faces
p. 34 of English translation, and p 14 naturally follows 13.
PLATE III faces p. 83 of English translation.
PLATE IV faces p. 33 of the Anglo-Saxon text.
THE MAP of Europe, Asia, and Africa has its left margin pasted
on the outer margin of the right-hand cover, and unfolds to
the right, that the whole may be visible while reading the
work.
PR E F A C E.
HISTORY speaks of all ages and nations: it discourses of the
present, and leads us back, through the wide space of past ages,
to the very dawn of creation. It brings before us the scenes and
events of more than five thousand years. History thus surveys
not only our own vast dominions, and the whole extent of the
Roman, the Grecian, the Persian, and the Assyrian empires, but
it enables us to speak with our English Alfred, the Spanish
Orosius, the Roman Livy, the Grecian Herodotus, and with the
inspired Moses and the Prophets.
In this point of view, attractive as history is; yet, when taken
as a whole, and studied in all its extent, with its complicated and
minute details, it overwhelms and often leads to confusion. The
mind throws off this unwieldy burden, and relieves itself by rest-
ing upon the most striking events, and upon the actions of the
most eminent men. These events are viewed with interest and
attention, in smaller and separate groups. History is thus
naturally epitomized, and the chief events of history are deeply
impressed on the memory.
The rise and fall of great men, as of nations, are often involved
in an obscurity, which the unaided powers of the brightest intel-
lect cannot remove. As a dense, black cloud, covering the sun,
shrouds all nature in gloom, till a gleam, darting from behind, not
only gilds the edge, but illuminates and cheers the whole scene;
so Revelation throws a clear light on the dark page of history, by
which the Divine Hand is seen reducing confusion to order, and
introducing men and measures to promote “peace on earth, and
goodwill toward men.”
History thus receives light from revelation. Just such is the
work before us—the epitome of Universal History, written in
Latin by Orosius, and translated into Anglo-Saxon by King Alfred
the Great. General History, it must be confessed, is little else
b
iv PREFACE.
than a narrative of the follies, crimes, and miseries of men. This
was so evident, that heathen writers adduced it as an argument
against Revelation, asserting that Christianity was the cause of
increased misery in the world. To correct this perversion, the
African Bishop, S. Augustine, induced his friend Orosius to write
this abridgement of Universal History, upon Christian principles,
to shew the real origin of the misery of the world; hence the work
is entitled, De miserić mund?".
This History of the world, from the creation to A.D. 416, was
very popular in the time of Alfred, and was held in the highest
estimation for many ages. It was first printed at Vienna in 1471,
from an excellent manuscript. Numerous editions were subse-
quently published by the most eminent printers, but the most
important to us is the first edition of Schüszler, in folio, 1471,
for it contains passages omitted by subsequent editors, which
are retained in King Alfred’s Anglo-Saxon version. From this
we may infer that Alfred translated from a copy of the MS. from
which Schüszler printed his valuable text. Several instances
might be quoted, but that relating to the quality of the fruit of
Sodom will be sufficient:—“Illic poma virentia et formatos
uvarum racemos, ut edentibus gignant cupiditatem, si carpas,
fatiscunt in cinerem, fumumque excitant, quasi ardeant”.”
This passage is omitted in subsequent editions, and it is not
found in the critical text of Havercamp, but it is in Alfred's
Anglo-Saxon.
A minute description of Schüszler's scarce and early printed folio volume of
1471 may afford some interest. It is printed in a round, thick letter, between
German and Roman, to represent the MSS. of that age, and has spaces left for
the insertion of illuminated capitals. The title, the name of the author, the
publisher, and the date are at the end, as in the earliest printed books. It
commences with the table of contents, consisting of 7 leaves, and begins—
“Regstrum pro capitulis tocius libri inquirendis. De miseria hominum ab
initio per peccatum. Ca”pmum.” It ends at the bottom of the thirteenth page
with—“Wbi constätius comes gothos a narbona expulsos in hispaniam abire
coegit ºxlvij”
1 In some manuscripts it is called, Ormesia, Ormesta, Ormista, Hormesta, and Orches-
tra, which seem to be corrupted contractions of De miserià mundi, or rather Orbis miseria,
written contractedly Or, misia, and by ignorant scribes Ormesia etc. Ormista may be
formed from Or. m. ista, an abbreviation for Orosii mundi historia.
2 Schüszler in loco : Anglo-Saa, p 27, 30–32; Eag. p 63, 9, note I: p 77 note 1 ;
and p 198 note.
HISTORY ON CHRISTIAN PRINCIPLES; LATIN EDITIONS. V
Then follow two pages of what is called the Prologue, to which is prefixed—
“Pauli horosij presbíteri historiogphi discipl’i sancti
augustini effi. viri hispani generis eloquentissimi.
aduersä cristiani nois àrulos prologus i libros septé.”
“Preceptis tuis parui beatissime pater augustie” The P, in Preceptis, is an
illuminated red letter. At the end is—
Finit prologus.
Then follow 122 leaves, containing the History, beginning with—
“Pauli horosij presbíteri historiographi discipl’i sancti Augustini episcopi.
aduersum cristiani nominis querulos libri numero Septé incipitit”
Capitulum primum”
The last, the left page of these 122 leaves, which are not numbered, closes
with—
“Beati Pauli horosij presbíteri in xpiani nois querulos libri não Septem
finiumt feliciter, Per Johanné Schúszler florentissime vrbis Auguste conciué
impressi, Anno a ptu virginis Marie salutifero' Mº (jdringétesimo et septua-
gesimo p’mo. [1471] Circit’ iunij nonas septias.”
Another edition, in small folio, by Herman Levilapis (Leichtenstein), with the
text revised from other MSS., was published at Vincenza in the north of Italy,
without date [about 1475]. From this the nine Venice editions appear to have
been printed. A description of that of 1500, which omits the sentence relating
to the fruit of Sodom, will serve for the others. At the top of the first page,
just above the dedication to S. Augustine, are the two following lines in small
Roman Capitals—
“PAVLI OROSII VIRI DOCTISSIMI HISTORIARVM INI-
TIVM AD AVRELIVM Avg|VSTINVM. LIBER PRIMUs.”
It is printed in Roman letters, with many contractions. There is not any
table of contents, but short headings to the chapters, and the names of the
chief persons and places in the margin. It consists of 79 leaves: the pages
are not numbered, but PAVII OFOSII LIBER PRIMVS, SECVNDVS etc. is put as a
head line. At the beginning of each chapter a space is left, and a small letter
printed in the middle as a guide to the illuminator. These spaces, in the copy
before me, the loan of the Rev. H. S. Trimmer, Vicar of Heston, Middlesex,
are filled with large red letters, having very little ornament.
At the end of the history, on the right hand page, which is the 79th, is
printed—
“Wt ipse titulus margine in primo docet.
Orosio nomen mihi est.
Librariorum quicquid erroris fuit.
Exemit Aeneas mihi.
Quod si situm orbis: siq3 nostra ad tempora.
Ab orbis ipsa origine.
Quisã tumultus: bellaq; : & cades uelit.
Cladesq3 nosse: me legat.
vi | PREFACE.
“Pauli Orosii uiri clarissimi Ad Aurelium Augustinum episcopum & docto-
rem eximium Libri septimi ac ultimi Finis. Impressi Venetiis; opera & ex-
pensis Bernardini Veneti de Vitalibus. Anno ab incarnatione domini.M.ccc.co.
Die XII. Mensis Octobris. Regnäte Domino Augustino Barbadico.
“Registrum
“Omnes sunt termi praeter n qui est quaternus.”
That is—all the signatures have three sheets of two leaves each, except n, the
last signature, which has four sheets, or eight leaves.
The best edition of Orosius is that of Havercamp, Leyden, 4to.
1738 and 1767; the latter is apparently the same book with
only a new title. It is well edited, and contains a great mass of
valuable notes: to this edition reference is always made in this
work.
The high esteem in which Orosius was held in the time of
Alfred, and for the subsequent six or seven hundred years, is
spoken of in the following Introduction; it need not, therefore,
be here repeated. While his popularity must be admitted, it
cannot be denied that he has defects. He is not free from the
credulity of the age in which he lived, and his authorities for the
facts and the chronology in his history are not always the best.
He has been severely criticized by Lipsius and Casaubon, and has
had able defenders. A summary of these will be found in a small
and recent 12mo, vol. entitled—
De Orosii Vita ejusque Historiarum Libris septem adversos paganos. Scripsit
Theodorus Mörner, Doctor Philos. Berolini, 1844.
The greater part of this work is employed in indicating the
sources from which Orosius derived his historical knowledge;
and he clearly shews that, besides referring to Grecian historians,
especially to Herodotus and Polybius, he made ample use of Livy
and Tacitus, and had the advantage of consulting Tubero and
many other historians whose works are now in part or entirely lost.
Though much may be said in favour of Orosius, it is not his
reputation as an historian, or the propriety of his Latin style,
that claim our regard, so much as the fact that he was the popu-
lar historian whom our intellectual and energetic Alfred selected
for translating into his vernacular Anglo-Saxon, with the view of
presenting to his people the best historical knowledge of his day.
It is the clear style of Alfred, and the additional information that
he imparts in a supplementary sentence or clause, which interest
Ai, rRED’S A. S. VERSION MORE TO US THAN THE LATIN. vii
us, as given from his own personal knowledge; such, for in-
stance, as when speaking of the Romans fording the Thames,
Alfred points out the exact place, by stating that it was at
Wallingford.
As our chief interest is in the works of Alfred, and particularly
in his translation of Orosius, it is unnecessary to prolong our re-
marks upon his original Latin, only repeating that Alfred appears
to have translated from a MS. connected with that which was
subsequently used by Schüszler in printing the first edition of
1471. Should any ask, what are the works or writings of Alfred?
It may be answered generally, that, as it was the prevailing desire
of Alfred to benefit his people, he was more anxious to improve
their minds in what he wrote, than to exalt himself. Instead,
therefore, of laying before them only his own compositions, he
did not hesitate to select and translate the best and most popular
works of his day. In translating, he exercised his own powerful
mind, and freely used his sound judgment, not only in omitting
what he deemed of little importance, but in giving his own opi-
nions and experience, and adding his own remarks and illustra-
tions; not unfrequently expanding a thought and illustrating a
fact of the Latin text to such an extent, as to constitute him the
original author of the most instructive Essays. These important
additions and separate Essays are very interesting as the compo-
sition of Alfred. One of the longest of these is his description of
Europe and the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, subsequently
mentioned.
We shall now speak of his works generally, and endeavour to
ascertain at what time they were written. Though a want of
documents may prevent us from arriving at a certainty, a few
dates are recorded by which an approximation may be made.
Asser tells us” he was first introduced to Alfred in 884. Besides
himself, the king had engaged others to read and converse with
him in turn: these were Werefrith, bishop of Worcester, the
translator of Gregory's Dialogues into Anglo-Saxon, Plegmund
the Mercian, and his chaplains Æthelstan and Werewulf, the
most learned men of that day. By their knowledge and teaching
3 Annales rerum gestarum AElfredi Magni, auctore Asserio Menevensi, recensuit Fran-
ciscus Wise, A.M. Oxon. 1722. Small 8vo. p 47.
viii PREFACE.
º
he was constantly improving. Night and day, whenever he had
leisure, he had these men to read to him. He thus gained a
general knowledge of books, though he could not read and study
by himself". Stimulated with the desire of imparting to his sub-
jects sound knowledge, the substance of the best books, combined
with his own opinions and experience in the common language of
his people, Asser tells us that Alfred began on one and the same
day to read and to interpret"; and again, that he was eager at
once to read and to interpret in Saxon, that he might teach
others".
If reliance be placed on Asser's Annals of Alfred's life", we
know the exact time when he first began to translate from Latin
into Anglo-Saxon. Asser gives not only the year 887, but the
very day, the feast of S. Martin, (Nov. 11)*. From the com-
mencement of his reading Latin in 887 to the invasion of Hastings
in 893, there is an interval of 6 years' peace; and, from the ex-
pulsion of Hastings in 897 to the demise of Alfred in 901, there
is another interval of peace for 4 years, making together only
about 10 years in which Alfred was especially engaged in study
and literary composition.
His capacious mind had been previously well stored by reading
and conversing with Asser and his other friends; when, therefore,
he began to translate, he would enter with all his accustomed
energy upon his work. If Asser began his instruction in Latin in
Nov. 887, and glossed Boethius to make the Latin more easy and
intelligible to the king, as we are told by William of Malmsbury",
4 Asser is still more definite:–Die noctuque, quandocumque aliquam licentiam habe-
ret, libros ante se recitare talibus imperabat; (non enim unquam sine aliquo eorum se
esse pateretur) quapropter pene omnium librorum notitiam habebat, quamvis per Seipsum
aliquid adhuc de libris intelligere non posset; non enim adhuc aliquid legere inceperat.
p 46.
5 Asser, p 55.
6 . . . Confestim legere, et in Saxonica lingua interpretari, atque inde perplures insti-
tuere studuit. Asser, p 56.
7 See the arguments against its authenticity in Mr. Wright's paper inserted in Wol.
xxix of the Archaeologia; and in his Biog. Brit. Lit. I. p 408—412: and for it in Lin-
gard’s Hist. of A.-S. Ch. II, 426: Pauli's Introd. to his life of Alfred, and Kemble's Sax.
in Eng. II, p 42. -
8 Hic. . . prassumpsit incipere in venerabili Martini solemnitate. Asser, p 57. Anno
887.
9 “Hic (Asser) sensum librorum Boetii De Consolatione planioribus verbis enodavit,
quos rex ipse in Anglicam linguam vertit.” II, § 122.
THE PROBABLE DATES OF ALFRED’S TRANSLATIONS. ix
C.
we may conclude that the translation of Boethius was the first
fruits of Alfred's literary exertions. Industrious and indefatigable
as he was, he would soon make great progress in this work, and
possibly finish it the next year. It is, therefore, not improbable
that the translation of Boethius appeared in 888.
As Alfred was always alive to everything which concerned his
kingdom, and had a great predilection for historical knowledge,
his early attention could not fail to be drawn to the celebrated
historical work of Bede. Having first supplied his people with a
work on morality, in his translation of Boethius, in which he had
incorporated his own views and experience of life, his next wish
would naturally be to give them an account of their own country.
For this purpose he would select for his second publication the
great work of his far-famed countryman, the “Historia Anglo-
rum” of Bede. This being a more regular and extensive work,
Alfred adheres more closely to the Latin text, in his Anglo-Saxon
version, than in Boethius; he, however, with his accustomed
freedom, omits those parts of Bede which he thought were not
adapted for his people. It was probably finished about 890
or 891. *
The active and comprehensive mind of Alfred not only induced
him to patronize men of learning, but seafaring men, celebrated
for their discoveries, attracted the king's notice"; if, therefore, he
did not engage Ohthere and Wulfstan to undertake their voyages,
he at least induced them to relate to him in detail what they had
seen, which he wrote down from their dictation, and inserted the
narrative in his translation of Orosius, together with his own
description of Europe. The earnest desire which the king always
manifested for encouraging naval enterprise, and his own partiality
for the study of history and geography, render it probable that
Orosius was the third work which he translated, and finished
about 893, before the invasion of Hastings.
The harassing warfare with Hastings for the next 4 years, from
893 to 897, would leave little time and repose for uninterrupted
study. On the expulsion of Hastings in the latter year, we may
well suppose, from his previous habit of regular distribution and
employment of time, that, after discharging his public duties, he
1 Wise's Asser, p 66.
X PREFACE. .
would gladly take the first opportunity of resuming his studies,
and of finishing, with the aid of his friends, the works which had
been so long interrupted by the distractions of war.
Amongst these may possibly be placed “Gregory’s Pastoral
Care.” We have more certain intimations as to the date of
Alfred’s translation of the Pastoral. We know it must have been
published after 890; for, in the introduction, written by himself,
Alfred speaks of the assistance he received from Archbishop
Plegmund, Bishop Asser, and the presbyters Grimbold and
John”. Now the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records the accession
of Plegmund to the see of Canterbury in 890. As Alfred calls
Plegmund his archbishop, in his introduction, it must have been
written between the year of Plegmund's accession in 890, and
that of Alfred's death in 901. It could hardly have been finished
before the invasion of Hastings in 893, nor before his expulsion
in 897; if so, it must have been finished between 897 and 901.
In all this, it must be allowed, there is much uncertainty. As
the exact dates could not be ascertained, even after close investi-
gation, it was thought that some would prefer what appears an
approach to truth, to an entire silence on the subject. It is with
this feeling alone that these remarks have been made upon the
probable dates of Alfred's chief works.
Though there is an uncertainty as to the exact dates when
Alfred translated Boethius, Bede, Orosius and the Pastoral, there
can be none as to his being the translator of these works into
Anglo-Saxon. They have always been ascribed to him. In the
first sentence of the preface to Boethius, it is said, “Alfred, king,
was translator of this book, and turned it from book-latin into
English”.” There are other expressions in this preface which
could not have been properly used by any one except by the king
himself—The Anglo-Saxon version of Bede has always been
ascribed to Alfred.—The fact is testified by the Church, for
AElfric, in his homily on S. Gregory, written about 990, and
generally used in the Church, speaks of Bede’s “Historia Anglo-
2 Ichie geliornode at Plegmunde minum aerce-biscepe, and aet Assere minum biscepe,
and aet Grimbolde minum maesse-prioste, and aet Johanne minum maesse-preoste. Intro-
duction to Gregory's Pastorale, Oxford M.S. Hatton. 20, ſol 2.
3 Ælfred, Kuning, was wealhstod Pisse bec, and hie of bec Ledene on Englisc wende.
Card. Boet. p. ii.
THE STYLE OF KING ALFRED’S TRANSLATIONS. xi
rum, which King Alfred turned from Latin into English".” There
is the strongest internal evidence, in addition to the testimony of
antiquity, that the Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius was made by
the king. In introducing the Voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan
into his description of the north of Europe, he begins—“Ohthere
told his lord, King Alfred, that he dwelt northmost of all North-
men.” Again, “Ohthere said that the district . . . was called
Halgoland.”. In proof that these voyages were written down by
Alfred from the oral relation of these bold navigators, Wulfstan
uses the language of personal narrative —“We had, on our left,
the land of the Burgundians,” etc.—In Alfred's celebrated preface
to Gregory's Pastoral Care, he distinctly states the manner in
which he translated it. “Then began I, among other different
and manifold affairs of this kingdom to turn into English the
book, which is called in Latin Pastoralis, and in English Herds-
man’s book, one while word for word, another while meaning for
meaning, as I learnt it from Plegmund my Archbishop".”
These translations vary much in style, according to the subject
on which they treat. They are the best specimens of Anglo-
Saxon prose. Boethius is natural and animated: his form of
dialogue has the charm of lively ease and graceful freedom. It is
an animated picture of Alfred's mind,-his opinions, feelings, and
experience. Bede is more stately and historical. The Pastoral
is literal, plain, and didactic, adhering closely to the Latin text.
Orosius is a free, historical style, interspersed with lively nar-
ratives.
Having touched upon the original Latin text of Orosius, and his
estimation as an historian, and noticed the interest and import-
ance of Alfred's Anglo-Saxon versions, with the supposed dates
of his various translations, especially of Orosius, probably finished
about the year 890, we have arrived at a point when we must
speak of the Manuscripts of Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of
Orosius: these are the
4 Historia Anglorum, 8a 6e AElfred cyning of Ledene on Englisc awende. Ælf. Hom.
Thorpe, p 118.
5 Ba 6ngan ic, Óngemang oërum mislicum and manigfealdum bisgum Sisses kynerices
^a boc wendan Ön Englisc, be is genemned Ön Laeden Pastoralis, and Ón Englisc Hierde
bóc, hwilum word be word, hwilum andgit of andgite, swa swa ic hie geliornode aet Pleg-
munde minum AErcebiscepe. Oxford M.S. Hatton. 20, fol 2. -
C
xii PREFACE.
LAUDERDALE, written about the end of the Ixth century.
CoTTON, in the xth century.
Transcript of Cotton by Transcript of Junius by
JUNIUS, about 16582 . . . . . . Elstob, in 1698.
HAMPson, finished June 8th 1841. U Ballard, in 1751.
A short history of each of these may be desirable, particularly
of the older. There are only two old MSS. of King Alfred's
Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius, the Lauderdale and the Cotton.
They are both of great antiquity; but, as there appear to be
strong reasons for concluding that the L is the older, it has the
first claim to a short historic record, an investigation of its age
and value, and a brief description of its present state.
The LAUDERDALE MS. receives its name from its late possessor,
the Duke of Lauderdale, a nobleman not less distinguished for
his loyalty and energy in the cause of Charles II, than for his
enlightened zeal in promoting literature. He was taken prisoner,
in the civil war, at the battle of Worcester, in 1651, and was
confined in the Tower of London for nine years. At the restoration
in 1660, his fidelity and talents were acknowledged by Charles II,
who, at once, made him Secretary of State, and President of the
Council. Besides receiving many other proofs of the sovereign's
favour, he was installed a Knight of the Garter, and appointed
High Commissioner of Scotland; and, on May 2nd 1672, he was
created Marquis of March, and Duke of Lauderdale, in Scot-
land; and enrolled among the Peers of England, 25 June 1674,
as Baron Petersham and Earl of Guilford.
We avoid speaking of the great immorality prevailing in that
most profligate age, in which the Duke and Duchess lived; but
as Lord Macaulay", following the party bias of preceding histo-
rians, has painted the Duke's character in the darkest colours,
Scarcely throwing in one light shade, it seems necessary to cite
some more just estimates of his conduct by those who neither
spared his failings, nor the vices of the age, but who, while
severely censuring his errors, had the candour to mention with
praise the Duke's devotion to literature, and his patronage of
learned men.
6 Hist. of England from the Accession of James II. 5th. Edn, 8vo. 1849; vol I,
p 213: II, 575.
LAUDERDALE MS: THE DUKE'S CHARACTER AND LOVE OF LITERATURE. xiii
“As this great nobleman hath been most unjustly aspersed by
Some historians, we first give his character in the words of
North, an author of reputation, who, though an English His-
torian, seems to have examined the whole line of his conduct
without prejudice. He says—“It is well known that, by the
prudent conduct of the Duke of Lauderdale, Scotland was in a
posture, not only of safety, but of giving assistance to the king, if
needed. He was an inexpugnable loyalist, and keeped the door
of Scotland close shut, that no arm could get in or out there,
while he was Commissioner, which, in the sense of the Earl of
Shaftsbury and his party, was the worst of offences. In the
meantime, all the party foul-mouths vented against him the
utmost obloquy that could possibly be imagined, as if he had
been the basest of men, and the modern time-serving historians
chime in with it, though most injurious to the character and
honour of the best and wisest of statesmen that England ever
had 7.’” -
Mr. Malcolm Laing”, though he does not spare immorality, has
the candour to speak thus of the Duke :—“During a long im-
prisonment his mind had been carefully improved by study, and
impressed with a sense of religion, which was soon effaced on his
return to the world. His learning was extensive and accurate;
in public affairs his experience was considerable, and his elocution
copious, though unpolished and indistinct.”
Having given these estimates of the Duke's character, we may
allude to his love of literature and of books, as evidenced in his
patronage of learned men, and in the collection of an extensive
and valuable library, both of printed books and of MSS. The
latter was enriched by the oldest MS. of King Alfred's Anglo-
Saxon version of Orosius. In the midst of all his honours,
luxury, and indulgence, he did not forget literature, which had
been his chief resource and consolation in his long and dreary
imprisonment, nor did he disregard the just claims of learned
men. Amongst those whom he patronized was the learned
septentrional scholar, George Hickes, who accompanied the Duke
to Scotland, as his chaplain, in 1677. Dr. Hickes mentions
7 British Family Antiquity, by Wm. Playfair, Esq. 4to. 1809: vol III, p 324.
8 History of Scotland, 8vo. 1804: vol IV, p 33.
xiv PREFACE.
the Lauderdale MS. of Orosius in his Catalogue of Anglo-
Saxon MSS. published in 1688°. From their intimacy, there is
no doubt that Dr. Hickes had seen this MS. in the Duke's
library, and ascertained something of its history, but he only
enables us to trace it back to the preceding century, by in-
cidentally stating that it was formerly the property of Dr.
John Dee.
Dr. Dee was a celebrated mathematician, and in great favour
with Queen Elizabeth. Though holding some absurd opinions
on astrology, he was a most diligent and liberal collector of MSS.",
for, it is said, he expended upwards of three thousand pounds on
his collection”, a large sum, in those days, for a person of very
limited income. According to Lilly", Dr. Dee died in 1608, “at
Mortlake in Surrey, very poor, enforced many times to sell some
book or other to buy his dinner with, as Dr. Napier, of Linford in
Buckinghamshire, oft related, who knew him very well.” In
some of his difficulties, it is probable that this fine old Anglo-
Saxon MS. of Orosius was sold. As it is not found in the
catalogue of his MSS., written, as he states, Sep. 6th 1583,
it must have been disposed of before that year". It has not
been ascertained through how many hands it passed before it
came into the possession of the Duke of Lauderdale. For nearly
a century, we cannot find any record of it. All that we know is,
that it had been in the possession of Dr. Dee, who had disposed
of it before 1583, when he made his Catalogue. It must have
9 Liber A. S. in Bibl. Lauderdaliana. Orosi. Historia. Hic Cod. olim fuit peculium
Johannis Dee, M.D. Wide, Catalogus veterum librorum septentrionalium, p 167 : ap-
pended to–Grammaticae Islandicae Rudimenta, per Runolphum Jonam Islandum ;
Oxoniae 1688. In 1705 Wanley's Catalogus Librorum septentrionalium, tam manuscrip-
torum quam impressorum, was published. With his wonted honesty and accuracy Wanley
says, pref. p. v.-nihil in hoc Catalogo Librorum Diplomatumve esse descriptum, quod
manibus oculisque non usurpavi, exceptis libris, qui sequuntur; scil. Codex Joannis Ducis
Lawdericº, qui memoratur in pag. 303. etc. As he had not seen it, he there merely states
on the authority of Hickes: In Bibliotheca Lauderdaliana Nuper extabat. 1. Orosii
historia Saxonice, olim peculium Johannis Dee.
1 Speaking of the Lauderdale MS. Wanley says—qui quondam fuerat peculium doc-
tissimi viri Joannii Dee, M.D. cujus vigilanti cura debent eruditi, quod multorum Cod.
ahtiquorum beneficio adhuc fruuntur, quorum jactura alias deploranda foret. Catal. p 85.
2 Pref. p. viii. to Dr. Dee's Diary and Catalogue of his MSS. by James Orchard Hal-
liwell, Esq., 4to. Camden Society for 1842. Mr. D'Israeli has given a correct view of
Dr. Dee's character in his “Amenities of Literature.”
3 Life of William Lilly, written by himself in 1668. 1 vol. 8vo. 1774,
4 Dr. Dee's Diary and Catalogue of his MSS. by Mr. Halliwell, p 65.
LAUDERDALE MS. AND HATTON, THE SAME. XV
passed into the hands of the Duke of Lauderdale, probably from
the Hatton collection, before 1682, as the Duke died in that
year. We are told it was collated with the Junian transcript of
the Cotton MS. by Dr. Marshall", Rector of Lincoln College,
Oxford; that must have been done some time before 1685, as
that is the recorded year of his demise. In 1688 Dr. Hickes
speaks of it as the Lauderdale MS.", and Wanley gives it the
same designation in 1704.
There are, however, intimations that this MS. was once in the
Batton collection; for what has been called the Hatton Anglo-
Saxon MS. of Orosius, appears to be only that which is now
known as the Lauderdale. Hickes, in 1688’, says that the
MS. of Orosius, which was in the Hatton Library not long ago,
could not then be found. There is not any evidence that either
he or Elstob had ever seen the, so-called, Hatton MS. ; yet Elstob
gives various readings from what he calls Codex Hattonianus.
As every one of these various readings is exactly the same as the
Lauderdale, it is presumed that the Lauderdale and Hatton MS.
is one and the same. This MS., then, must have been sold
from the Hatton MSS. before they were purchased by the Bod-
leian, Oxford, as Hickes could not find it there, nor is it con-
tained in the MS. Catalogue of the Hatton MSS. in the Bodleian,
dated 1686. If these facts and intimations be duly weighed,
they seem to sanction the following conclusions —That this
MS. passed from the library of Dr. Dee before 1583; that it was,
for some time, in the Hatton library, but was removed from that
depository, probably by sale, to the Duke of Lauderdale, as it was
in his library sometime before his death in 1682.
The subsequent history of this MS. must be traced through
the connexion that was formed between the Duke of Lauderdale,
and the family of Tollemache, one of the oldest in Suffolk, and
of Anglo-Saxon origin, as the name indicates, for Tollemache is
derived from the Anglo-Saxon tol, toll or tribute, and maca, a
'mate, companion, or fellow, one connected with the revenues. The
5 Wanley's Catal. p 85. -
6 See note 1, Hickes's Catal. 4to. 1688, p 145, and Wanley, p 85. -
7 Notandum quod inter Codd. Hatton. desiderantur: . . . Orosius, cum tractatulo de
mensibus et Chronico Abindonensi, etc. . . . quae omnia non ita pridem extitere in Hatton.
Bibl. Hickes's Catal. 4to. Oxon. 1688, p 139.
xvi PREFACE.
Tollemaches have flourished in Suffolk, in uninterrupted male
succession, from the first arrival of the Saxons in England, for
more than thirteen centuries. Their early arrival with a Saxon
tribe is indicated by an inscription on the Manor-house at
Bentley, Suffolk :-
Before the Normans into England came,
Bentley was my seat, and Tollemache my name.
The Duke of Lauderdale, having obtained the highest honours,
united himself to the ancient family of Tollemache by marrying
in 1672, for his second wife, Elizabeth, the older of the two
daughters and co-heiress of William Murray, Earl of Dysart, and
widow of Sir Lionel Tollemache, of Helmingham Hall, Suffolk,
the third Baronet. The Duke died without male issue in 1682,
when the Dukedom and all his other personal honours expired,
while those of his family devolved upon his brother Charles,
who then became the third Earl of Lauderdale.
The Duchess, who was a lady of great energy and talent, and
8 × 2
“whose literary accomplishments were beyond her sex”,” sur-
vived her husband fifteen years. Soon after the Duke's death, a
dispute” arose between his brother Charles and the Duchess, in
which the valuable library of MSS. and printed books was in-
volved. When it was found expedient to dispose of the library',
8 Laing's Hist. of Scotland, 8vo. 1804, vol IV, p 57.
9 “The Duke's library, which was of considerable extent and value, was sold, at successive
intervals, (see next note) by public auction in London, probably in consequence of the
litigation which took place between the Duchess and his brother Charles, who succeeded
to the Earldom.” Evelyn, in a letter to Samuel Pepys, dated 12 Aug. 1689, says:–“The
Duke of Lauderdaile's (library) is yet intire, choicely bound, and to be sold by a friend
of mine to whom they are pawn'd.” Evelyn's Memoirs, 4to. vol II, p 287: 8vo. vol IV,
p 319.-The Bannatyne Miscellany, 4to. Edin. 1836. In this Miscellany, vol II, p 153
—158, there is—Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum e Bibliotheca Joannis Ducis de
Lauderdale M.D.C.xGII., with an Introduction, p 151, 152, by the Right Honourable
J. G. Craig.
1 The printed books were sold in London, at two sales in May 1690, but the MSS.
were not sold for nearly two years, in Jan. 1692, as will be seen by the Titles of the
following catalogues.—l, “Bibliotheque de feu Monseigneur le Duc de Lauderdale,” &c.
(French, Italian, and Spanish Books) May 14th 1690, 4to. pp. 28–2, The English part
of the Library of the Duke of Lauderdale, &c., May 27th 1690, 4to, pp 16–3, Biblio-
theca Instructissima etc. Cui adjicitur Bibliotheca Manuscripta Lauderdaliana, etc.
Cujus auctio habebitur Londini apud Tom's Coffee House, prope Ludgate, adjacentem
vico vulgo dicto Ludgate Hill, die 25 Januarii 169%, per Jo. Bullord, Bibl, 4to. A set of
these Catalogues, from the library of the late Mr. Heber, is now in the possession of
James T. Gibson Craig, Esq. Bannatyne Miscellany, 4to. Edin. 1836, vol II, p 151.
LAUDERDALE MS. AT HELMINGHAM HALL. xvii
the Duchess, knowing how highly some of the MSS. were valued
by the late Duke, was naturally anxious, from her affectionate
regard for him, to retain those which he considered his greatest
treasures. Among these was the Anglo-Saxon MS. of Orosius,
which she rightly judged could not fail to be most interesting
and of the highest value to the Tollemaches, one of the oldest
Anglo-Saxon families in England. This reservation and care of the
MS. will account for its not being in the sale of the Duke's other
MSS., and for its omission in the catalogue of the Sale, reprinted
in the Bannatyne Miscellany, as stated in the preceding notes.
The Duchess died in 1697, and was succeeded in all her own
honours by the eldest son of her first husband, Sir Lionel
Tollemache, who then became second Earl of Dysart. He in-
herited the Suffolk estates, with Helmingham Hall, and the
library containing this MS. It descended with the Helmingham
and Cheshire estates in 1837 to its present owner, John Tolle-
mache, Esquire, M.P., son of the late Admiral Tollemache, and
nephew of the fifth Earl of Dysart. It has been in the library at
Fielmingham Hall since the death of the Duke, and has been
little used for more than a century and a half. On July 17th
1850, I was invited to Helmingham to examine this MS., and
ascertain how it could be made available in improving the
Anglo-Saxon text of my proposed edition of Orosius. It was
then, with a kindness and confidence that I can never forget,
most unexpectedly placed in my hands, and I had the pos-
session and unrestrained use of it till July 27th 1854, on which
day it was returned, and it is now securely kept in the library
at Helmingham Hall. •
Having given this brief and imperfect history of the Lauderdale
MS. of King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius, it is of
the first importance to use every means to ascertain its age and
value as a translation. The writing is a fine specimen of the free
and expeditious hand, adopted by scribes towards the latter part
of King Alfred's reign. The letters are rather small, but very
clear, and the contractions not numerous. The table of contents
is in rather a larger and bolder hand than the remainder of
the MS. The letters and accents are all written in the same hand
and ink, without any coloured letters or illuminations. The
xviii - PREFACE.
only ornamental part of the writing is at the beginning of the
first five books, where the initial letters are formed in elegant
devices”, which, being drawn in the brown-black ink of the MS.,
produce a very pleasing effect. From the style and general
appearance of the writing, the particular form of the letters, and
of the contractions, this MS. seems to have been written about
the close of the ninth century, or the beginning of the tenth.
The two forms of the letter y, as seen in their transition state,
indicate the early date of L. In the first line of Pl. I, we have
&mb hwyrft, where the two forms of y are seen : the early y,
without a dot, in ymb; and the transition form, with the incipient
dot, in hwyrft. The y in hwyrft is formed by beginning the top
of the first stroke on the right, with a hair line, making it
gradually thick in the curve, and finer as it descends till it ter-
minates, as it began, with a hair line. The second stroke is
taken out of the middle or thick part of the first, and is ter-
minated, on the right, with a pressure of the pen, forming a dot.
To make the top of the first stroke agree with the closing dot of
the second, the pen must be placed there again, and a dot made.
As it required a quick sight, a steady hand, and great care to
place the dot exactly at the fine beginning of the first stroke, a
space was very often seen between the dot and the fine stroke.
To remove this difficulty, the first stroke of the y was made of
the same thickness, and the dot placed above to the right. This
may, perhaps, account for the dot over the y, which subsequently
came into general use. Every y, in the facsimile of the Cotton
MS. Pl. II, will serve as an example of this y with a point or
dot over it.
The contractions in L are generally such as prevailed in the
ninth century, as may be seen in Pl. I. Much stress, how-
ever, must not be laid on their use, as indicating the date,
especially where the Runic character or letter", named Épel, is
written as a contraction for the word Épel. The names of the
Runes, or of the indigenous pagan alphabet, like the names of
the Hebrew letters, are significant words. In this instance, the
name of the Anglo-Saxon Rune or pagan letter is épel, which
2 A specimen, but not the best, may be seen in the initial letter of Pl. I.
3 L p 103, 4 d: Bk IV, ch 5, § 3, p 82, 20 b.
LAUDERDALE MS. OLDER THAN THE COTTON. xix
signifies native land, birth place. The Runic letter épel is used
twice in Beowulf, instead of the word Épel, 1035: 1819°. Other
Runes" are found in MSS. written at a later period than L.
The Cotton MS. has been ascribed to the tenth" century ; but,
from the form and character of the writing, it does not appear to
be so old as the Lauderdale. The L must be older than C, if the
latter copied from L; and some evidence may be adduced to
make it appear probable that C did copy from L, or that they
both copied from one and the same old MS. The former is
more probable, for the omissions of L are omitted by C. Some
of the omissions of C are just such as would be made by a
copier of L, and some of the errors of L seem to be copied by C.
These points are now to be examined.
The copy of a MS. would naturally have the same omissions,
as that from which it was copied. This is just the relation that
subsists between C and L ; for, in the table of contents, the
scribe of L neglected to write the title of Book V: Ch. VIII;
and this title is omitted by C". It is therefore probable that one
of these MSS. was copied from the other.
There are other omissions, which seem to indicate the MS.
that was copied from the other. All, who have been accustomed
to copying, must have observed how liable they have been to
omit intervening words, clauses, and even sentences, when the
eye has caught the same word or words immediately or at some
distance below. Such omissions occur in C.—In p 17, 21 h-k
on paet sand occur in L, and the scribe of C, seeing the same
words just below, omits the intervening clause 21 k—22 c, and
writes the first — on paet sand, 21 h-k, and goes on and Paer
22 gh. The following is a still longer and more striking ex-
ample. The L gives a minute account of the Amazons p 33,
39 a-p 34, 4 e. The first line of this account ends with earme .
wif, and nine lines forward the line closes with earman wif. The
4 Mr. Kemble on A. S. Runes, Archaeologia, vol XXVIII, p 344.—Hickes's Thes, vol I,
135.
p 5 Codex Exoniensis, p 50, etc. Hickes's Thes, vol II, p 3–5: Tab. IIII–VI: Ar-
chaeol. vol XXVIII, p 360—365. - - *
6 “Not later than the tenth century.” Thorpe's Oros. pref. p. vi. In Mr. Planta's
Catalogue of the Cotton MSS. in the Brit. Mus, fol 1802, p 34, it is assigned to the xth
century. -
7 See the printed A. S. text, p 13, 23 a-24 c : and the L, p 6: C fol 4, and fol 81 b.
d
xx •. - PREFACE.
---
scribe of C, after writing earme wif, caught his eye upon earman
wif below, and went on, men hie swa tintredon, omitting the
whole nine intervening lines, 33, 40 —p 34, 4 b : L p 33, 26 a-
p 34, 3 j : C fol. 23.—It seems to be evident, from these ex-
amples, that L was not copied from C, for then L would not
have had the passages omitted by C.; but that C copied from L,
as the same word or words occur twice in L, below each other,
so as to catch the eye of the scribe, while they occur only
once in C. -
This is rendered more probable, when the very errors of L are
copied by C. In L p 125, the scribe carelessly wrote, Lapidus
Mutius was consul, making the names of the two consuls as one.
The scribe of C, fol. 79, minutely copied the error of L, instead
of writing correctly, Lepidus and Mucius waron consulas”. In
L. p 38, 18 b the scribe first wrote the defective word maese; but,
perceiving his error, he put ian above in small letters, making the
proper word maesiane; C, observing only the larger and more
perceptible letters, and passing over the small superscribed ian,
copied the erroneous word maese".
But there may be such omissions, and a copy of such peculiar
errors as prove, almost beyond a doubt, which was copied from
the other. Such is the following :-At the end of sheet IIII, and
at the bottom of p 62 of the Lauderdale MS., the scribe had
only room to write Læcede-; and in taking another sheet, and
in beginning the next page, he omitted -monia, the concluding
part of Lºecede-monia, and began p 63 with the next complete
word ealdor-man; instead, therefore, of writing Laecede-monia
ealdor-man, he only wrote Laecede ealdor-man. This was a very
possible and natural omission of L, at the conclusion of a page,
when the usual attention was diverted by taking and beginning a
new sheet. The scribe of C copied the incomplete word Laecede,
just as L left it, without the same reason for leaving it incom-
plete, as it does not conclude a sheet, nor come at the end of a
line in C. It seems hardly possible, then, that such a glaring
mistake could have been made in C, if it had not been copied
from L*. . *
8 See note to Oros. p 98, 10 cºf, and the A. S. printed text.
9 Note, p 37, 16 a. •
1 A. S. printed text, p 54, 28 a and note: L p 62, 63: C fol. 41 b.
LAUDERDALE MS. WAS COPIED BY THE COTTON. xxi
It seems clear, from these examples, that L and C are so
closely connected as to lead to the conclusion that one was the copy
of the other. But the more ample text of L could not be copied
from C, as the deficient clauses and sentences of the latter tes-
tify. If, then, one was a copy of the other, and L did not copy
from C, it follows that C copied from L; and, if the scribe of
the Cotton did copy from the Lauderdale, the latter must be the
older, as previously intimated.
This conclusion is not invalidated by the fact, that a few
words and clauses, and one short sentence [p 9, 2 a-3 bl, have
been found in C, and omitted in L. These are merely explana-
tory, and such as might be inserted by a scribe acquainted with
the A. S. idiom, such as the writer of the Cotton MS., whose
alterations from the L seem to lead to the belief that he was an
Anglo-Saxon, or at least, judging from his orthography, that he
was familiar with the cultivated language of the West Saxons.
There are, however, so many instances of great carelessness in the
scribe of C, as to lead a casual observer to say, it is the “work
of an illiterate scribe.” The various omissions and errors in C
and L are pointed out in the Notes and Various Readings.
It is not only the antiquity of the Lauderdale MS. for which
it is distinguished, but for its use of accents, its grammatical
forms, and important readings. The accents are neither nu-
merous nor regular; but, when applied, they are generally
correct. In the inflection of words and the construction of sen-
tences, great care has been manifested. It is more accurate than
C, in distinguishing the terminations of -an and -on, both in
nouns and verbs. In C, there is great confusion in these ter-
minations; while in L, they are generally correct: thus, where
C has for the infinitive, standon and habbon; and for the per-
fect plural, stödan and haefdan ; for the ac. and dat. pl. pone
Sweoron, fisceran, fugeleran, huntan p 20, 5; L has properly
standan, habban; stódon and haefdon ; bone sweoran; fiscerum,
fugelerum and huntum.—In the pl. of the subjunctive mood,
especially of the perfect tense, L affords many examples of the
distinctive termination -en ; as haebben, naebben, haefden, waren,
naeren, mosten and mehten. C retains a few of these, as ofter-
drifen p 30, 27 h, sometimes omitting the n, as mihte Bk I: ch. xiv
xxii PREFACE. . .
$ 2, p 37, 31 di L mehten.—In addition to greater accuracy in
grammatical forms, L has often better readings than C. L. has
generally cyning, sometimes contracted cyng, while. C uses the
impure and later forms, kyning, kyninge, kynge, and cyngc.—
L, by a single word, frequently restores the sense to a passage,
which had been involved in difficulty by the faulty reading of C.
In Bk V: ch. x $ 4, p 109, 5 b, C has gesettan, appeased, allayed,
as gesette, in Bk IV: ch. xi Ś 6, p. 98, 2 e, altering the meaning:
on turning to L, the true reading is found, ge-iecton added to,
increased, strengthened, and thus the sense is restored.
L, however, has a predilection for the use of certain letters.
The radical g, after a vowel, an r or 1, is always retained at the
end of words in L, instead of being changed into h, as in C.
Thus, L has beág, wäg, bedrg, burg, and the regular gen. beáges,
wäges, bedrges, burge; while C has beáh, wäh, bedrh, burh, and
the gen. as above, beages, etc. Also slog slew, big bow, on-wealg
sound, instead of sloh, biſh, on-wealh.-L generally substitutes ie
for i, 1, y or y, as fiend, giet, gegierwan, hie, hiene, hierde,
iernende, for fynd, gyt, gegyrwan, hi, hy, hine, hyrde, yrnende.—
The a is often changed into o, especially before m and n : thus,
L generally writes gelomp, lond, mon, monig, ond, sond, while
C more frequently has gelamp, land, man, manig, and, sand.—
L sometimes uses an for on, [L p 83, 15 a 93, 30 i : 130, 3 fl
Having given a brief history of the Lauderdale MS., and
advanced some reasons for concluding that it is the oldest MS.
of Orosius now known to exist, and shewn its superiority in its
grammatical forms, and the value of its readings, and also
noticed its predilection for the use of certain letters, we may
now be permitted to enter upon some minor details, and to give
a brief notice of the present condition of this MS.
The parchment of L is clear and good, but age has given it a
rather dark colour. The size of the parchment is 11} inches by
7; ; the writing occupies 8% in. by 5 in. each page, consisting of
31 lines. The MS. is divided into portions or sheets of eight
leaves. The III'rd, p 46 IIII, p 62 v., p 78 v1, p. 94 v1.1,
p 110 v1.11, p 126 and vii.11th, p 142* portions or sheets of eight
2 The pages, following the Roman numerals, refer to the pages of the L manuscript,
where the sheet ends. The place, where one sheet of L ends and another begins, may be
LAUDERDALE MS. THE CHASM FILLED UP BY FACSIMILES FROM C. xxiii
leaves are all thus marked at the foot of the last page of each
sheet ; the xth, p 143 sheet, however, is marked at the foot of
its first page, while the 1st sheet and x1th, which contains only
seven leaves, are not visibly marked. The whole MS., there-
fore, consists of ten sheets of eight leaves, and the XIth sheet
of seven leaves, making a total of 87 leaves, (10x8+7=87) or 174
pages. The sheets are now all complete, except the second. This
second sheet of eight leaves, from page 15° to 30 both inclusive,
has unfortunately been torn out, at an early period, and the
chasm filled up by the insertion of eight leaves of modern parch-
ment, on which there was a very imperfect transcript from C of
the missing leaves. The writing was not only incorrect, but so
small that it filled only twelve of the sixteen pages, leaving four
blank. Altogether the imperfection of this transcript was so great,
that I was most anxious to have a facsimile copy from C of those
pages wanting in L. I was enabled to gratify my desire, and to
engage Messrs. Netherclift and Son to make the facsimiles by
the liberality of the owner of the L. In using the greatest exertion
to secure accuracy, every letter was carefully compared with C,
and revised three times" by myself at the British Museum.
A facsimile copy was then printed on parchment, which has been
carefully inserted into the L with this explanatory note written
at the top of the first facsimile page.—“The following eleven
leaves are a facsimile copy of the Cotton MS. They contain the
same matter as the eight missing leaves, mentioned at the foot of
the preceding page", and they are now inserted by Joseph Bos-
worth, LL.D., at the request of John Tollemache, Esq. M.P.
Helmingham Hall, September 29th, 1856.” The insertion of
this facsimile from the C, makes the L as complete as possible,
found in the notes by turning to L p 46, L p 62 etc. In the text above IIIrd p 46 denote
that the third sheet of L ends with page 46 of L. The place in the printed text where
each sheet ends is referred to in the notes, thus page 46 of L refers to 43, 12c, that is in
page 43, line 12, word c or 3, the third sheet of L ends, and the fourth begins.
3 The first leaf of L being filled with irrelevant matter, the paging of Orosius begins
on the second leaf of the first sheet, hence there are only seven leaves or fourteen pages
of manuscript in the first sheet, and therefore the paging of the second sheet is from
15 to 30 inclusive.
4 The smallest error or omission of a stroke is noticed at the end of Notes and Warious
Readings to Orosius.
5 This note is copied from L and given in Notes and Warious Readings to Book I: ch.
I, § 14; p 20, 18 c.
xxiv. - PREFACE.
now it has its deficiency supplied from the only MS. of nearly
its own age. - - -
The same lithographic artists also prepared facsimiles of the
three pages of L, comprehending King Alfred's Description of
Europe, and the first part of Ohthere's voyage". A few copies of
these facsimiles of L, and of C, intended chiefly for presents,
were printed upon tinted paper to resemble the colour of the
manuscripts, with the following title:—A description of Europe
and the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, written in Anglo-Saxon
by King Alfred the Great; containing, -1 A facsimile copy of
the whole A. S. text from C, and as far as it exists in L; together
sixteen facsimile pages, L2 A printed A. S. text, based on these
MSS.,---3 Notes and various readings, 4 A literal English trans-
lation and notes, 5 A map of Europe in the time of Alfred.—
It was printed in large 4to, to accord with the size of the MSS.
The first leaf of sheet I does not contain any matter referring
to Orosius, the paging, therefore, begins with the first page of
the second leaf, where the MS. of Orosius commences. It ends
at the bottom of the right hand page of the seventh and last leaf
of sheet x1, having the last, or left hand page, filled with a nearly
obliterated account of the dimensions of Noah's ark, the age of
the patriarch, and of his sons. Thus, three pages, the two
pages of the first leaf, and the last page, -being taken from 174,
—the pages in the entire MS. will leave 171 pages filled with
MS. of King Alfred's A. S. version of Orosius.
The first leaf is of the same parchment as the rest of the MS.,
but both of its pages are occupied with irrelevant devices. In
the first page, there are emblematical representations of the four
Evangelists, drawn with the pen in the same brown-black ink as
the MS. Towards the left upper corner, within a circle, formed
by a rough outline of a coiled serpent, over whose head is a
small square with the letter T in red, there is a neat outline of
an eagle with a rough stroke of red under the eye, extending
to the end of the beak. Above its head is written aquila, ioha,
that is, Iohannes. Within a smaller circle, a little to the right
of the last, a lamb is represented having the horns, and a square
between the fore-feet, painted red, and Marcus written over its
6 Orosius, Bk I: ch. I, § 11–14; p 18, 20 a-p 20, 18 c.
LAUDERDALE MS. ITS STATE OF PRESERVATION IN A.D. 1856. 'XXV
back, and Agnus Dei over its head. A little below, and to the
right of the circle of Marcus, is an ox, without any circle, but
with Lucus inscribed on its side. In a single line, below Aquila
and Agnus Dei, a curious Runic alphabet extends nearly the
width of the page, each Rune being accompanied with the small
common letter, that represents the Rune. A little lower, and to
the left of the middle of the page, there is a parallelogram filled
with a rough, flourishing and fanciful drawing, some of the most
prominent parts of which are painted red. Over the parallelo-
gram is written, Vinea Domini. In the right-hand lower corner,
is a human figure with a glory surrounding the head, and with
hands extended holding a globe. The face, the shoulder, and
the globe are touched with red. Mattheus is written on the neck
and over the head. The second page contains only an enlarged,
rude and more recent outline of the figure last described, with
Fulgens written over its head.
The MS. upon the whole is in a fair state of preservation,
though there are a few worm holes, perforating the first eight
leaves, and some small cuts and injuries in the subsequent leaves.
There is about an inch torn out of the middle of the foot of page
33, but it does not touch the writing. In p 39, there is a slit in
the parchment about # of an inch long, and very narrow. It
must have been an original cut in the skin, as the scribe writes
to the left edge, and then skips over the slit, and continues his
writing on the right side, as if the parchment had been perfect.
In p 41 there was an original defect in the parchment, which
has been extended to two inches by a subsequent rend. In
p 43, there is a small oval hole about one eighth of an inch long.
The parchment is quite perfect from p 43 to 107. In p 107
there is another original hole, of oval form, one inch long and
half an inch wide. In the margin of p 115, there is an irregular
cut about five eighths of an inch by one quarter. At the foot of
p 119, there is a small rend. In the middle of p 121, there is a
round hole not quite a quarter of an inch in diameter, which is
made to represent the body of a frog, the head and other parts
being neatly drawn in outline round the hole with a pen and the
same ink as that used for the MS. On the other side of the
leaf (p 122) the same hole is surrounded with a frill, at the upper
xxvi PREFACE.
part of which a dog's head is drawn. Twelve lines below, in the
same 122nd page, round the margin of two small holes, is a very
good outline of a dog's head and fore-feet, in profile, the upper
hole representing the eye. These were original defects in the
parchment, which the scribe attempted to turn into ornaments.
A piece about an inch and a half long, and three quarters of an
inch broad, is torn out of the middle of the margin of p 133. In
p 148, at the beginning of Book VI, there is not the usual
ornamental letter, but merely a blank space; indicating that
such a letter was intended. At the beginning of many of the
chapters in this book, there are also blank spaces, indicating that
they were intended to be filled with the same sort of letters, as
those which were used in the preceding five books. At the foot
of p 165, there is a rend in the parchment about an inch long.
In p 169, there is an original cut in the skin about half an inch
by a quarter. The last leaf is a little shrivelled, apparently from
having been pasted on the cover, and, at some early period, in
taking it off, five holes have been made in the parchment. The
largest is about three quarters by half an inch, and at the begin-
ning, and between the lines 3 and 5 taking away 3 letters in line
4, leaving only pu unade, for purhwunade, and the upper part
of two letters in line 5. The second hole is in line 13, and egg
shaped, not quite a quarter of an inch long, but taking away the
corner of the contraction for and, and the h in hiene. The other
three are very small and do not deface any letters. In other
respects the parchment is quite perfect, and in good preservation.
THE COTTON MS. Little or nothing has been discovered to
enable us to ascertain the history of the Cotton MS. of King
Alfred's A. S. version of Orosius [Tiberius B 1.], before it found a
secure resting-place in the Cotton library. An Anglo-Saxon MS.
of Orosius is mentioned in the catalogue of the Glastonbury
Library of the year 1248'; but means have been wanting to
trace either the L or C to this library. Dr. Caius, founder of
Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, must have seen a MS.
of Alfred's version of Orosius before 1568 ; for, when speaking
7 Liber Orosii 2 Latina Lingua; tertius in Anglica, [i.e. Saxonica] vetustised legibiles.
Wanley's Catal. Pref. p. viii.
COTTON MS. OF OROSIUS. xxvii
of Hibernia in the King's time, he refers to it, in his Antiquity of
the University of Cambridge, 1568, in these words,-
. . . “AEtate Alphredi regis, Hiberni vulgo dicebantur Scoti. Eam ob caussam,
wbicunqué apud Orosium occurrebat Hibernus, Aluredus vertit Scottes.”
In “Catalogus Scriptorum, quibus vsus est duobus hisce libris Londinensis,”
which follows p 360, he cites—“Orosius Hispanus, quem Aluredus vertit 9.”
Though we cannot assert, that the MS., which Caius consulted
before 1568, was that which was subsequently purchased by Sir
Robert Cotton, we have evidence that it was the very copy,
which Lambarde employed in translating Ohthere’s Voyages,
published by Hakluyt in 1598; for, in the margin, are notes in
the hand-writing of Lambarde. Further proofs will be subse-
quently produced, when we come to speak of Ohthere's voyages.
This MS. of Orosius was probably one of the first possessed by Sir
Robert Cotton, who is said to have begun his collection so early
as 1588 or 1590. In this case, it would have been in his hands
eight or ten years, during which time, Lambarde might have had
access to it to make the translation for Hakluyt. It is expressly
mentioned, in the first published Catalogue of the Cotton Li-
brary in 1696, compiled by Dr. Thomas Smith at the request
of Sir John Cotton, grandson of Sir Robert'. Dr. Smith de-
scribes it,
“Tiberius, B. I. 1 Orosius, Saxonice, ex interpretatione R. Alfredi:” with
two other distinct works. p 22. - *
This valuable MS. followed the fate of the Cotton Library”.
In 1700, an Act was passed to secure the Library for the public
benefit, in the name of the Cottons. Queen Anne bought Cotton
House, Westminster, in 1706, for the Royal as well as the Cot-
tonian Library. The House and Library were vested in trustees,
8 De antiquitate Cantabrigiensis Academiae, etc. Excvsvm Londini 1568. Very small
8vo, p 233, 9–12.
9 The 4to. Ed. of 1574 by John Day, p 172, 19–21.
1 Catalogus librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae. Cui praemittuntur
illustris viri, D. Roberti Cottoni, Equitis Aurati et Baronetti, vita: et Bibliothecae Cot-
tonianæ historia et synopsis. Scriptore Thoma Smitho, Ecclesiae Anglicanæ Presbytero.
Oxonii, e Theatro Sheldoniano MDCXCVI. A"
2 The History of the Cotton Library will be found in Dr. Smith's Catal. 1696 : Bio-
graphia Britannica ; and Knight's Biography in the English Cyclopoedia under Cotton ;
and in the Pref. to Planta's Catal.
e
xxviii t PREFACE.
for the public. In 1712, the Library was removed to Essex
House, Essex St., Strand, and in 1730 to Little Dean’s Yard,
Westminster, where a fire broke out, on Oct. 23rd 1731, and
111 most precious manuscripts were burnt or lost, and 99 ren-
dered imperfect. What remained were removed to the new
building, intended for the dormitory of Westminster school, and
in 1757 they were transferred to the secure keeping of the British
Museum. The Cotton MS. of Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of
Orosius, happily escaped the ravages of the fire, and remains in
a perfect state in the British Museum to the present day.
The accurate Wanley gives a more correct description of this
MS. in 1704°, than Dr. Smith in 1696. Wanley says,
º Tiberius, B. I. Cod. membr. in fol. min, in quo continentur—I. fol 1. Her
onginneč seo boc pe man Orosius nemned. In hoc Cod. prima Ohtheri Periplus
fol 7b, habetur; secunda autem fol 11: Wulfstani etiam fol 11 b : from foll to
109 b : with three other distinct works, which need not be described.” See
Wanley p 219.
Mr. Joseph Planta, keeper of the MSS. in the British Museum,
finished his Catalogue in 1796, which was published in 1802.
Planta judiciously copies verbatim Wanley's description of this
MS., but adds, without apparent authority, that it was of the
XIth century, which rather appears to be about the middle of
the xth”.
It is one of the very best specimens of Anglo-Saxon writing,
and is altogether a very beautiful and precious MS., though the
Scribe has made some sad blunders. It deserves a minute de-
scription. Even at the present time, the parchment, which is
thick and good, is generally clear and light, for its age. Its size
is 11, inches by 7%. The lines vary a little in length, but they
are mostly 5% inches long. From the beginning to folio 33a
there are twenty-five lines in a page. In folio 33 a, and from
thence to the end, there are twenty-seven lines in a page. These
twenty-seven lines, being closer together, fill the same space as
3 Humphredi Wanleii Librorum vett. Septentrionalium . . . . . Catalogus. fol. Oxon.
MDCCW.
4 A Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cotton Library, deposited in the British
Museum, etc. 2 vols fol. 1802. p 34, col. 2.
5 From the character of the writing, I should rather say, it was written about the
middle of the xth century. See Astle p 108, No. 5.—Mr. Thorpe says, “Not later than
the tenth century.” Pref. to Oros. p VI.
JUNIAN TRANSCRIPT OF THE COTTON Ms. xxix
the preceding twenty-five lines. Thus, the writing occupies in
each page 9 inches by 5}, leaving a margin at the top of g of an
inch, and at the bottom of 13 in. : the outer margin is l; in.,
and the inner margin is only 3 of an inch.
This beautiful manuscript is written in one hand, except four
pages and a half, from folio 30 b, p 41, 41 c, to fol 32 b, 13 d,
p 44, 14 h, where there is a change in the form of the letters
and accents, as will be seen by comparing Plate III with Plate II.
The accents, which seem to be of the same age as the MS.
are made with a fine upstroke of the pen, and with a greater or
a less pressure, forming a large or small dot at the top, as seen in
Plates III and II. There are other accents formed by the up-
stroke of the pen, and sometimes a little curved, but without a
dot. These, like the recent alterations in the words, appear to
have been made several centuries after the original writing, and
are so irregular, and often so incorrect, as to be useless.
Much of the punctuation is by a later hand, apparently by the
same which made the recent and faulty accents and the interlinear
alterations in the words. The stops, especially those like our
inverted semicolon, are so incorrect, that they have been omitted,
as quite useless, or rather because they frequently pervert the
SCI1S62.
The JUNIAN TRANscRIPT of the Cotton MS. [Tiberius B.I.]
Francis Junius or du Jou the younger, was born at Heidelberg in
1589, where his father, Francis Junius, was Professor of Divinity,
and author of many learned works, but he is best known by his
translation of the Scriptures into Latin in conjunction with Tremel-
lius. While his son was a child, the professor removed to Holland,
and occupied the divinity chair at Leyden with great credit and
advantage to the protestants, till his death by the plague in 1602.
His son was educated at Leyden, and was some time in the army;
but at the close of the war, he devoted himself to literature as his
profession, and in 1620 came to England, where he was occupied
as librarian to the Earl of Arundel from 1621 to 1651, a period of
thirty years. He was a most diligent and successful student of
the Teutonic languages, and sedulous in searching for Anglo-
Saxon MSS., and in copying them. Among these, one of the
XXX * PREFACE.
most valuable is his beautiful transcript of Orosius from the
Cotton MS. It is written in a very neat, and legible, but in a small
hand, on 102 pages of a coarse, small folio, paper, 11; inches
by 5%. Its history is soon told, though it is difficult to ascertain
the time when it was written, probably about 1654. His nu-
merous MSS. were his richest treasures, kept with diligent care.
To secure their preservation, he bequeathed them to the Bodleian
Library, Oxford, and after his demise at Windsor, in the house
of his nephew, Isaac Vossius, in 1678, Orosius was safely de-
posited, with his other MSS. in the archives of the Bodleian. It
is marked Junius 15.
There is one great defect in the transcript of Junius, the
omission of accents. In other respects, he took some liber-
ties in transcribing, as Elstob, in copying this manuscript of
Junius about forty years afterwards, and referring to a judicious
correction, makes this general remark,+
“Obiter notandum esse puto, Junium pro suo judicio, ubi voces obiter
scribendas esse crediderit, mutasse, et lectionem quae verissima illi visa est,
substituisse.” A note in the margin of Elstob's transcript of Junius, p 6.
At the top of the first page of this Junian transcript, is written,
in the hand of Dr. Marshall, Rector of Lincoln College, from 1672
to his death in 1685,-
“Hanc Orosii versionem Saxonicam ex manuscripto Cottoniano descripsit
clarissimus Franciscus Junius, Francisci filius. Postmodiim apographum col-
latum erat cum codice manuscripto e bibliotheca Latherdalianá petito; qui
olim fuit * Dee M.D. peculium.”
About twenty-five years after Dr. Marshall wrote this, Wanley
in 1704, gives the following title and description of this tran-
script, L
“JVN. 15. Pauli Orosii historia HoRMESTA, sive de Miseriis mundi para-
phrastice ab AElfredo Rege in linguam Saxonicam traducta.
“Apographum hoc descripsit Cl. Junius, ex Cod. Cottoniano, qui inscribitur,
TIBERIVs, B.I. eundem vero postea contulit vir Cl. Tho. Mareschallus cum
Cod. Bibliothecae Lauderdaliana, qui quondam fuerit peculium doctissimi viri
Joannii Dee M.D. etc. p 85. -
Dr. Marshall, the intimate friend of Junius, and joint editor of
the Moeso-Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels, of 1665, gave the
various readings of the Lauderdale MS. in the Junian copy, by
ELSTOB'S TRANSCRIPT OF JUNIUS. xxxi
making dots, or drawing a line under the letters of the word
in Junius, and writing the letters or word of the Lauderdale
above. Words or sentences in L, which are not in Junius, have
their place of omission denoted by a caret, and the omitted words
are written above the line or in the margin. Letters or words
above the line or in the margin of Junius are, therefore, the read-
ings of L given by Dr. Marshall, who also wrote the references
to the original Latin of Orosius.
The ELSTOB transcript of the Junian copy. This is a copy of
a copy, made by William Elstob, when he was a very young
man. His literary career was short, but distinguished for its
energy and success. He was born in 1673, at Newcastle-upon-
Tyne, where he received his early education, and was afterwards
sent to Eton, and from thence to Catherine Hall, Cambridge.
Being dissatisfied with his position at Cambridge, and the air not
agreeing with his delicate constitution, he removed to Queen's
College, Oxford, Dec. 2, 1691. Here he found a society of
young men, full of literary zeal, devoting themselves to the study
of Anglo-Saxon.—Edmund Gibson, afterwards Bishop of London,
was one of the most energetic and successful of these students.
His edition of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, with a Latin trans-
lation and notes, in 1692, was a marvellous work for a young
man of twenty-three years of age, who had just taken the degree
of B.A. A succession of the most valuable books in Anglo-Saxon
was given to the world by men of this learned body. Edward
Thwaites published his Heptateuchus in 1698: his Grammatica
Anglo-Saxonica in 1711:—Christopher Rawlinson, Boethius in
1698.—Thomas Benson published, Vocabularium Anglo-Saxoni-
cum, Lexico Gul. Sumneri magna parte auctius in 1701, when
he was only B.A.—William Nicolson, subsequently archbishop
of Cashel, wrote the learned preface to Wilkins's Leges Anglo-
Saxonicæ in 1719 ;—and George Smith, in 1722, completed his
father's splendid folio edition of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, in
Latin and Anglo-Saxon. These distinguished men were all of
the same college as Mr. Elstob, and most of them being his
associates and friends, naturally turned his attention from the
study of the oriental to the northern languages. In 1696 Elstob
xxxii - PREFACE.
was chosen a fellow of University College, generally associated
with the name of King Alfred, as its founder. Here he received
a fresh stimulus to his Anglo-Saxon studies, from his friend
Humphrey Wanley, who was also a fellow of this college. Mr.
Elstob had already made very extensive preparations for an
edition of the Anglo-Saxon Laws; and, during his residence in
University College, he transcribed the whole of Orosius, in a
small 4to vol. 9 inches by 7, consisting of 166 pages. He
finished it at the age of twenty-five, as we learn by comparing
the date of the following title with the year of his birth:-
HORMESTA.
PAVILI OROSIJ.
QUAM OLIM
PATRIO SERMONIE I) ONAVIT
AELFRAEDUS MAGNU.S.
Anglo-Saxonum Rex doctissimus.
HWNC LIBERWIM EX, APO GRAPPIO IW
NTA NO PROIPRI.A. MAN W DESCRIP
SI.
OXONIA.E.
IN BIBLIOTHE CA BODLEIANA ANNO
I) OMINI. MDCXCVIII.
In the printed proposals for publishing Orosius, issued by Mr. Elstob in the
following year, he copies the preceding title, but adds after doctissimus; ad
exemplar Junianum, edidit Wilhelmus Elstob, A.M. et Coll. Univ. Soc. Oxoniae
e Theatro Sheldoniano, An. Dom. MDCIc.
Elstob’s transcript is written in a very neat and small hand,
without any accents. He has even omitted the almost solitary
accent of Junius on sé", and has defaced his transcript by some
gross errors'.
The various readings of L, written in the Junian copy by
Dr. Marshall, are placed at the foot of each page. Mr. Elstob
collated his own copy with the Cotton, and noted its readings
on the outer margin. At the top of the page, opposite the title,
he gives the following explanation of the marks he used in the
collations:—
6 Table of Contents p 9, 21 ab Readan sé, Bk I: ch I, § VII.
7 Table of Contents p 11, 35 e-g sae maera Alexander, instead of Se Maera Alexander.
Junius and C have se : Bk IV: ch W.
ELIZABETH ELSTOB's WORKS. xxxiii
“Quaere an vocesistae, quae habent lineam Stibiisive Oleastrensis subductam,
non ideo notantur istiusmodi lineå subnotatá, quod eas Codex Hattonianus
[Lauderdalianus Pls non agnoscit. Quaeras itidem an qua linea Stibii supra
notanturnon sunt ex eodem codice addenda atque supplenda.”
The Rev. Samuel Pegge, D.C.L. concludes, that he wrote notes
upon the Anglo-Saxon text of Orosius, on these grounds,-
“Mr. Elstob, speaking of the method he had used in translating the Homily
of S. Gregory, says, in writing to his sister, he had done it . . . iisdem feré
verbis repositis quae in Saxonica olim transfusa. . . . Eadem plane ratione, qua
jam pridem ORosruM a nobis elucubratum seis". Whence it would seem, he
had added a body of notes upon Orosius in a volume separate from the copy he
had made of the Saxon Version, for nothing of the kind appears in the copy.
Perhaps they were intended to be transcribed into the blank leaves at the end
of the copy, which are numerous'.”
If he ever wrote such notes, not the slightest trace of them
has yet been discovered.
An allusion having been made to his sister, the celebrated
Anglo-Saxon scholar, it would be ungracious to allow her name
to pass without a short notice. Miss Elizabeth Elstob was ten
years younger than her brother, who affectionately calls her—
“ dulcis et indefessa studeorum meorum comes *.” While her
brother was in Oxford she mostly resided in that city, and joined
him in his studies. She was justly held in great esteem by the
most eminent Anglo-Saxon scholars of that age, and published
in 1709 the Homily on S. Gregory's birth-day with the Anglo-
Saxon text, and an English translation, with a very learned
preface and notes. In 1715, she wrote and printed the first
Anglo-Saxon Grammar in English. A beautiful miniature por-
trait of her will be found in the initial letter of the Homily and
of the Grammar. After the death of her brother her circum-
stances were so reduced, that she had the greatest difficulty in
supporting herself by keeping a small day school at Evesham in
Worcestershire. Her depressed condition was made generally
known by Mr. George Ballard, and Queen Caroline granted her
8 Is the Hatton MS. the Lauderdale 2 See reasons for the supposition in page xv.
9 The dedication of his Latin Version of the Homily on S. Gregory to his Sister; p IV.
l Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica. Nichols, London, 4to. 1790. Antiquities in
Kent, vol I. Textus Roffensis p 20, note 3.
2 Wm. Elstob’s dedication of his Latin Version of the Homily on S. Gregory to his
Sister; p IV.
xxxiv. PREFACE.
a pension of £20 a-year. After the Queen's death, the pension
ceased, but the Duchess Dowager of Portland took Miss Elstob
into her family as governess to her children, where she continued
till her death, May 30, 1756, at the age of 73, and was buried at
S. Margaret's Westminster”.
The dean and chapter of Canterbury presented Mr. Elstob to
the Rectory of S. Swithin, London, in 1702, where he remained
till his death in 1715, at the age of 42. His copy of Orosius
and other MSS. came into the hands of his uncle, Dr. Charles
Elstob, prebendary of Canterbury; and, when he died in 1721,
they were purchased by Mr. Joseph Ames, secretary to the
Society of Antiquaries, London, whose name appears at the top
of the title page of Orosius. Mr. Ames had an intention of pub-
lishing it, but he died in 1759, and it was sold the following year.
Dr. Samuel Pegge says “I bought it at his [Ames's] auction,
anno 1760*.” Dr. Pegge offered it to Owen Manning; but, on
his declining to print it, Daines Barrington was permitted to
make the same use of it for his edition published in 1773. The
MS. was subsequently in the library of Richard Gough, Esquire,
who bequeathed to the University of Oxford all his printed books
and manuscripts on Saxon and Northern literature, etc.; this
MS. of Orosius ought, therefore, to have been sent with them
to the Bodleian. By some mistake it was detained and sold
with Mr. Gough's other books in 1810 or 1812, as we learn
from a note written by Sir Henry Ellis. “When I bought it at
Mr. Gough's sale, it was unbound, and dirty, having been passed
through the printer's hands by Daines Barrington.” A note
written by Dr. Ingram in p 167, the first blank page at the end
of this transcript, tells us, that it was given to him by Sir Henry
Ellis of the British Museum, on the 11th of January 1813. On
the death of Dr. Ingram, in 1850, he left it with his manuscripts
and books to his college, as the following note testifies, written,
on a blank page at the beginning, by the friendly hand of the
Rev. John Wilson, D.D. F.S.A., now (1858) President, and one
of the executors : —
3 Bibliotheca Topog. Britan., vol I, Text. Roffen. p 11–28.-Nichols's Lit. Anecdotes,
vol IV, p 112–140, with additions by Sir Henry Ellis.-Knight's Cyclop. of Biog, under
Elstob.
4 Bibliotheca Topog, Britan, vol I, Text. Toff p 11.
BALLARD’S TRANSCRIPT OF JUNIUS. XXXV
Liber Collegii Sanctæ et Individua Trinitatis in Academia Oxon; e legatis
Jacobi Ingram, S.T.P. nuper Praesidentis, 1850.
It has been neatly bound, and I am indebted to the kindness
of the President and Fellows of Trinity College for the loan of it,
and the interleaved copy of Barrington's Orosius, during the
whole time that my edition of Orosius has been going through
the press. The interleaved copy contains many valuable notes,
Written by Dr. Ingram, when he was Professor of Anglo-Saxon.
The BALLARD transcript, like that of Mr. Elstob, is copied
from the Junian MS.; it is, therefore, merely a copy of a copy.
It is very neatly written, on thick quarto paper, a little larger
than what was used by Elstob. The title bears the date of 1751.
Mr. Ballard wrote a long preface upon the use and advantages of
Anglo-Saxon, in which, speaking of his manuscript, he says—
“The transcript, I have taken, is done from one made by Mr. Junius, in
Bodley's Archives, which was collated by Dr. Marshall with the Lauderdale
manuscript. The various readings I have added at the bottom of each
page.” p 47. -
Mr. Ballard bequeathed this MS. to Dr. Charles Lyttleton,
Bishop of Carlisle, then Dean of Exeter, to whom it is dedicated.
It was left by the Bishop to the Society of Antiquaries, of which
he was President ; and it is there safely preserved for the use of
the Fellows. Through the liberality of the Society, I have had the
possession of this MS. during the greater part of the time in
which I have been preparing the present edition. For critical
purposes, it is of little value, as in following Junius it has the
fatal error of omitting the accents. It is, however, a work
manifesting great care and industry, and a lasting monument of a
man, who raised himself from obscurity, by his zeal and perse-
Verance in the acquisition of knowledge, under great difficulties;
for George Ballard, a native of Campden, in Gloucestershire,
was brought up as a stay and habit maker, and after the la-
bour of the day was over, he devoted many hours, stolen from
sleep, to the improvement of his mind, and to the study of
Anglo-Saxon. His abilities, diligence, and learning attracted
the notice of lord Chedworth and his friends, and they generously
offered him an annuity of £100 a-year; but he modestly told
them, that £60 would amply supply all his wants. He then .
- f -
xxxvi PREFACE.
went to Oxford, “for the benefit of the Bodleian library; and
Dr. Jenner, president of Magdalen College, made him one of
the eight Clerks, which furnished him with chambers and com-
mons. Being thus a gremial, he was afterwards chosen one of
the University bedels.” In 1752, he published in 4to. by sub-
scription—
“Memoirs of British Ladies, who have been celebrated for their writings, or
skill in the learned Languages, Arts and Sciences.” This interesting and
excellent book was republished in 8vo. in 1775, but the impressions being
small, both editions are now scarce.
He died, in the prime of life, in 1755. His numerous manu-
script collections are in the Bodleian Library.
The HAMPSON transcript of the Cotton MS. of Orosius. Mr.
Robert Thomas Hampson had a strong predilection for literature
and science from his early youth. Deep literary research was
his delight. Though he could write popular articles with great
ease and despatch, there was always some allusion to antiquity
in what he wrote, that indicated the vast resources and great
research of the writer. The chief part of his early life was
spent in the acquisition of knowledge; and, for more than thirty
of his latter years, he was professionally engaged in supplying
leading and popular articles to the periodical press. While thus
employed in writing papers, in a neat and captivating style, on
the absorbing topics of the day, always on sound moral prin-
ciples, and full of matter, he never failed to have some literary
subject before him, which required close and laborious inves-
tigation. A very short account of his life, and of his chief
works, published with his name, will be the best evidence of the
fact. For this purpose I avail myself of the communication of
one of his literary friends, without touching, in the least, upon
the political bias of the papers in which he wrote. “Mr. Hamp-
son was born in Liverpool on July 9, 1793, and belonged to a
good Lancashire family, which at that time was settled in Man-
chester. After the termination of the great Continental war,
during the troubled period when agitation for Reform com-
menced, Mr. Hampson became correspondent to the Morning
Chronicle, then under the management of Mr. Perry, and trans-
HAMPSON'S COPY OF THE COTTON MS. xxxvii
mitted regular accounts to that journal of the violent scenes in
the north of England, of which he was an eye-witness. On the
expiration of his engagement he wrote for various newspapers,
and afterwards, for five or six years, assisted the late Mr. Baines,
M.P., of Leeds, who was collecting materials for his History of
Lancashire. For some years afterwards he contributed to various
metropolitan and provincial newspapers in the Liberal cause, and
finally entered into an engagement upon the Morning Advertiser,
for which paper he has constantly written for upwards of sixteen
years. In 1841, Mr. Hampson published his principal work, in
two volumes, Medi; Alvi Kalendarium ; or, Dates, Charters, and
Customs of the Middle Ages. This was followed, in 1846, by
Origines Patricia, or, A Deduction of European Titles of Nobility
and Dignified Offices from their Primitive Sources. Both books
obtained the highest praise of the press in England and on the
Continent, and are alike distinguished for an extent of erudition
and a depth of research which are to be found in few modern
works. In 1850, Mr. Hampson published a small pamphlet,
entitled Religious Deceptions of the Church of Rome Eºposed, and
he is also the author of several minor works, in all of which an
unusual amount of learning and of reasoning are displayed.
Philological inquiries formed the especial delight of Mr. Hampson,
and in that branch of study he succeeded in throwing a light
upon many points which were hidden in obscurity. He had a
most extensive acquaintance with languages, and was familiar
with Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon, old Norman, and Sanskrit li-
terature. A few years ago, he contributed an essay, on the
Geography of King Alfred, to a work on Anglo-Saxon literature
written by Dr. Bosworth. Mr. Hampson died, at his residence
in Swinton-street, Gray's Inn-road, London, Feb. 7th 1858. In
private life Mr. Hampson's habits were very retiring, and for many
years, until within five days of his death, he devoted himself
almost unintermittingly to study to the great injury of his
health.” tº
Though my copy of the Cotton MS. had been thrice collated
with the original, Tiberius B. I, in the British Museum, I found,
in fixing the reading of my Anglo-Saxon text for the press; that
it was frequently necessary to refer to the original. To save this
xxxviii tº PR.EFACE.
constant trouble and expense, I asked the loan of Mr. Hampson's
copy, and of the index or vocabulary ; that, in case of doubt, I
might have the authority of his copy in confirmation of my own.
I give his generous reply in his own words, from his letter of
March 22, 1853,-
“With respect to the MSS. pray do me the favour to accept of them. I can
always see Orosius in the Museum, so that, in reality, I have no need of the
transcript. I should not offer it if I were not certain that it is a correct copy.
The index or vocabulary is properly your own. At least, I took all the expla-
nations from your dictionary.”
Some apology is due for inserting my reply, but I do so, as I
know not how I could better introduce Mr. Hampson's own ex-
planation of the unusual care he took in making his exact copy.
“I cannot sufficiently express my obligation for the honour conferred upon
me by the gift of your very neat and valuable transcript of King Alfred's
A. S. version of Orosius; and your most useful Index. They are the most
acceptable present I could have received. Formerly, I was indebted to you for
solving many difficulties in Ohthere's Voyages, and the Geography of King
Alfred, as regards his Germania, and for very learned and satisfactory illus-
trations of my brief notes, on these subjects: now, you have increased my
obligation by handsomely presenting your MSS. to me. They will be kept as
the greatest treasures; and, when I have completed my A. S. Text of Orosius,
I will have them bound, in the best style.—I will, however, previously ask you
for an account of your transcript, that I may give a short history of it, and of
your other literary works.”
The following is Mr. Hampson's satisfactory answer:—
“In 1839 or 1840 I had a copy of Barrington, which I believe had belonged
to the Rev. Dr. Whitaker, the historian of Whalley, Richmondshire, and other
topographical works. As I did not expect to meet with Barrington on sale,
and being one of the editors of the Courier, with much time on my hands, I
made a short hand transcript and returned the book. This did not take up
much time. On writing it in long hand, I found much to be dissatisfied with,
such as manifest corruptions of the text, besides interpolations from some MS.,
which I thought was a modern transcript. I, therefore, determined to have a
fair copy of Tiberius B.I. This was very readily accomplished by comparing
Barrington with the Cotton MS. and retaining nothing which was not in the
latter. It is possible that the whole labour occupied the afternoons, and
very likely some of the evenings of an entire year. When I had made the copy,
which I am quite happy to learn is of some use to you, I again carefully com-
pared it with the Cotton MS., correcting the punctuation, and adding the
accents, some of which, from the fading of the old ink, may not be quite exact.
The coloured letters are an imitation of the form of the Saxon letters in that
THE FIRST BOOK KNOWN TO BE PRINTED IN A. S. xxxix
MS.; and, I think, they ought to be preserved as an ancient mode of dividing
subjects. The paints used were of a very common kind, sold in shilling and
half-crown boxes. The red, I think, was red ink, and that colour is used only
where it was used in the MS. The first letter U, which is richly ornamented
in the MS., was above my skill. I have preserved only the general appearance.
Some time afterwards, I conceived another design—that of publishing the
copy as you have it, with a glossarial index of the words with Dr. Bosworth's
explanations, and referring readers to his lexicon for the correlatives in the
other Teutonic languages; but this was not all, my intention was to trace as
many of the words as possible to the Sanskrit, Persie, and Caucasian languages,
for which I made great preparations, and should have attempted to write an
essay on the philological part of the subject by way of preface to the glossary.
This, I imagined, might show makers of etymological dictionaries of English, .
that there is something else to be done than turning over the pages of other
dictionaries for words of similar form and orthography. I wrote to Mr. Pick-
ering of Piccadilly about the publication, but he was fearful that it would not
defray the cost, being adapted ‘only to the few.’ I, therefore, abandoned the
whole project without much regret; for labour of this kind is never without great
use to the mind, and it furnishes a pleasure sui generis. It is most gratifying
to me, that you have accepted and found the transcript of service.”
From this detailed history of the two old manuscripts, and the
four transcripts of King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius,
it is manifest that the king's translation has been highly appre-
ciated, from the ninth century to the present day. It may, then,
be well to ascertain what use has been made of these manuscripts,
in giving them a wider circulation through the press. The dawn
of the reformation cast a light upon Anglo-Saxon literature and
the Church. Archbishop Parker, and Fox, the martyrologist,
defended their doctrines by an appeal to Anglo-Saxon writers,
and John Joscelyn, chaplain to the Archbishop, proved the pro-
testant view of the Sacrament to be that of the early Church by
publishing in 1567 the first Anglo-Saxon book ever printed—
“A Sermon on Easter Day,” in Anglo-Saxon with an English
version. While divines diligently sought for what enabled them
to defend their principles, Caius, Lambarde, Camden and Spel-
man, though not neglecting divinity, had their chief attention
drawn to the historical works of King Alfred. Orosius attracted
most notice, because it contained longer specimens of Alfred's
own writing, than are to be found in any of his other works.
This was well known to Caius, Lambarde, Spelman etc.: they
observed, that when Alfred had translated from Latin into Anglo-
xl PREFACE.
Saxon all that Orosius had written about Asia and Africa, the
king, being dissatisfied with what was said about Europe, left
Orosius, and gave all the particulars he could collect from the
best authorities of his age, and thus filled up the chasm between
the time of Orosius and his own, that is, between the commence-
ment of the fifth century and the end of the ninth. Alfred also
wrote a minute account of three voyages, in the ninth century,
from the reports of two Northern Navigators, Ohthere and Wulf-
stan. These important additions deserve especial notice both as
to their matter, and as being the original composition of the king.
They naturally divide themselves into the three following parts.
1 The Description of Europe. 2 The two voyages of Ohthere.
3 The voyage of Wulfstan.
1st. We have [$ 11 and 12] Alfred's description of Europe; or, as he calls it,
Germania, for at that time Germania comprised the whole of Europe located
between the Don on the east,-the Rhine and the sea on the west,--the
Danube on the south, and the White-sea on the north [See notes 3 and 4].
We have so little information concerning the Geography and the political state
of northern Europe, in the middle ages, that a detail of what the king had col-
lected from the best sources, in his own age, must be extremely valuable.—He
first speaks of the East-Franks, and soon hastens to the Old-Saxons and Angles,
being most interesting to Alfred as his progenitors, England having derived
not only its name but the greater part of its inhabitants from these tribes.
[see note 60]. He then describes other parts of Europe, and passes over into
the Danish islands;–and, proceeding east and north, speaks of the Danes, the
Esthonians, the Swedes, the Finns, and Northmen or Norwegians. He thus
naturally introduces the personal adventures of a Norwegian Navigator, and
gives the information Ohthere acquired in his exploring voyages. This brings
us to the second part of Alfred's description of Europe.
2ly. The two voyages of Ohthere, § 13–19.
Ohthere was a man of great wealth and influence [$15], and he had made
himself so celebrated by his voyages, as to attract the notice of King Alfred.
Ohthere is induced to give a detail of his adventures, and such is the sim-
plicity of the narrative, that it bears the impress of truth. It commences:—
* Ohthere told his lord, King Alfred, that he dwelt northmost of all Northmen,”
in Halgoland on the coast of Norway.-‘‘He said, that, at a certain time, he
wished to find out how far the land lay due north, or whether any man dwelt
north of him” [S 13]. For this purpose, and for the sake of taking the
Walrus, he sailed northward, on the coast of Norway, and round the North
Cape into the White Sea, [$13–17 and note 39.] He relates the particulars
of his voyage, and his strict adherence to truth in his narrative is confirmed
by his refusing to vouch for any thing of which he could not bear personal
testimony. He says: “The Biarmians told him many stories both about their
OHTHERE AND WULFSTAN'S VOYAGES BY HAKLUYT. xli
own land, and about the countries which were around them ; but he knew not
what was true, because he did not see it himself.”
Ohthere's second voyage [Š 18, 191 was to the south. He sailed from his
home in Halgoland, along the west and south coast of Norway, to the Bay of
Christiana, on the south of this land, where Sciringesheal stood. From thence,
he sailed to Schleswig in South Jutland, Denmark.
3ly. Wulfstan’s Voyage, [$ 20–23.]
This voyage was confined to the Baltic, being from Schleswig to Truso in
Prussia. Forster, in p. 53 of his Northern voyages, hesitates not to say:
“There was a Jutlander of the name of Wulfstan, who gave an account of his
travels to the king.” Wulfstan relates many interesting particulars of the
Esthonians as it regards their mode of living and their funeral rites.
These narratives have a precision and life, which could only be imparted by
those who were eye witnesses of what they relate. They give a lively picture
of the countries, and of the people they visited. Their simplicity and evident
love of truth deepen the impression made by their description of the manners,
customs, and political condition of the northern nations, in the ninth century.
Such a faithful and graphic picture cannot be obtained from any other contem-
porary source.
These original Anglo-Saxon documents, written by one so
eminent as King Alfred, claim and have received the attention
not only of Englishmen but of foreigners, as the following detail
of the various editions, and the notes upon them, will prove.
HAKLUYT, 1598.-These documents were not, at first, pub-
lished entire, but only such parts selected as were adapted to the
work, in which they were printed. Ohthere and Wulfstan's
voyages were, therefore, very properly first taken, and published
in the second edition of
The Principal Navigations, Woiages, Traffiques and Discoueries of the English
Nation, . . . . . by Richard Haklvyt, Master of Arts, and sometime Student of
Christ-Church in Oxford. Fol. Imprinted at London by George Bishop,
Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker. Vol I, 1598: Vol II, 1599: Vol III,
1600.-A new edition with additions, edited by R. H. Evans, Esq. London,
1809–12, royal 4to. 5 vols.
These Voyages contain an English translation from the Anglo-
Saxon of Alfred's entire detail of Ohthere's voyages [$ 13–19].
The English translator has prefixed the following sentence to
Ohthere's first voyage. It is the same as the first sentence
of the second voyage [š 18]-" Oether said, that the country
wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland.” It then reads on, as in
our translation [$ 13], -“Ohthere told his lord, King Alfred.”—
xlii PREFACE.
Hakluyt has only the first part of Wulfstan's voyage,[$20); for
he omits the account of the funeral rites of the Esthonians, which
is more than half of what Wulfstan related to Alfred. Hakluyt
gives the titles to these three voyages thus:—
“1The Voyage of Octher made to the northeast parts beyond Norway, re-
ported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England, about the yere 890.
Wol I, p 4. -
2 º: Voyage of Octher out of his countrey of Halgoland into the sound of
Denmarke vnto a port called Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or Bostorke.
ãd. p 5.
# Wolstans nauigation in the East sea, from Hetha to Trusco, which is
about Dantzig.”—Hakluyt's eatract ends with $20–" but of mead there is
plentie.” id. p 6.
It has been supposed that Dr. John Caius, founder of the
College bearing his name at Cambridge, supplied Hakluyt with
this translation; but that is scarcely possible, for Hakluyt, who
was born in 1553, was only twenty years old and an under-
graduate of Christ Church, Oxford, at the time when Dr. Caius
died at Cambridge in 1573, as Master of his own College. This
translation was not inserted in Hakluyt's first edition of 1589,
but in his second of 1598; hence it was not printed till twenty-
five years after the demise of Caius. It is, therefore, not pro-
bable that Hakluyt should have received the translation from
Caius, or if he had received it, that it should have been kept twenty-
five years for his second edition, when, if it had been in his pos-
session, he might have published it nine years before in his first
edition. It could not have been translated by Sir John Spelman;
for, in his English life of Alfred, he quotes the translation of
Hakluyt, and speaks of the Cotton MS., and says—“This I
attended sometime to have seen.” . . . “What that record itself
is, I know not.” It is thus clear that Sir John had not even seen
the MS. Nor was it likely, without his knowledge, to have been
translated by his father, Sir Henry, who died only two years
before his son. Archbishop Parker's death occurred in 1575,
and his chaplain, John Joscelyn, died before the Archbishop, and
Fox, the martyrologist, in 1587,-all died before Hakluyt's first
edition was published. Lisle and Whelock were not sufficiently
matured scholars for the translation, before 1598: the first
Anglo-Saxon work of Lisle was published in 1623, and of
SOMNER'S A. S. OF WULFSTAN'S WOYAGE, 1659. xliii
Whelock in 1644. Junius is out of the question, being only
nine years old in 1598. Wm. Lambarde, a pupil of Laurence
Nowell, a contemporary of Hakluyt for forty-eight years, was one
of the most eminent Anglo-Saxon scholars of that age, and most
likely to be the translator of these voyages. He had published
his 'Apxatovouía or the Anglo-Saxon Laws in 1568, thirty years
before the translation of Ohthere's voyages appeared, and was,
therefore, one of the most competent scholars for the task.
Being in London, he had ready access to the Cotton MS. of
Orosius, in which he made marginal and interlinear notes, as
stated by Elstob", who, in his transcript of Orosius, quoting one
of these notes on Angle, i.e. “Anglia in Germania,” distinctly
states, that it was—“manu recenti Lambardi,” thus shewing
Lambarde's intimate acquaintance with this part of the MS.
Mr. Hampson, a man of close investigation, speaking of Ohthere's
voyages in Hakluyt, adds,-" The English version and notes are
said to have been written by Lambarde".”
I asked his authority for this statement, and in his answer,
alluding to the identity of some of the notes in Lambarde's hand-
writing on the MS. and those on the margin of Hakluyt, he
says—“I have the fact, that Lambarde translated these voyages,
from the margin of the old Ed. of Hakluyt's Voyages, vol I, in the
British Museum.” There can, therefore, be little doubt that
Lambarde was the translator of Ohthere and Wulfstan's voyages,
first published by Hakluyt. #
SoMNER in 1659 published the latter part of Wulfstan's voyage,
which had been omitted by Hakluyt [Š 21–23]. It is given in
Anglo-Saxon, with a Latin translation, under the word Gedrync
in his - *
Dictionarivn Saxonico-Latino-Anglicum, etc. Opera et studio Guliel. Som-
neri Cantuariensis. Fol. Oxonii, Anno Dom. M.D.C.LIX.
His extract begins with—and far is mid Estum Seaw. . . and ends,-hy
wyrcab bone cyle hine on.—Orientalibus etiam mos est. . . a frigore in eos in-
ducto. Sommer omits the last sentence [p 23, 8 e—10 e.]
Sommer has the honour of being the first to publish a part of
5 Elstob's transcript of Orosius, p 13, on the right hand margin.
6 Mr. Hampson's Essay on King Alfred's Geography and northern voyages of Ohthere,
p 4. 1. -
g
xliv PREFACE.
these voyages in the original Anglo-Saxon, though that was only
the latter half of Wulfstan's voyage in the Baltic.
ALUMNI OxoniENSEs 1678. We are indebted for their publi-
cation in the original Anglo-Saxon, with a Latin translation, to
the Rev. Obadiah Walker, D.D., Master of University College
from 1676 to 1688, and to the Fellows of the same college, who
have given them entire from the Cotton MS. in the appendix to
their splendid folio bearing this title,
AElfredi Magni Anglorum Regis invictissimi vita tribus Libris comprehensa,
a clarissimo Dno. Johanne Spelman, Henrici F. primum Anglice conscripta,
dein Latine reddita, et annotationibus illustrata ab AElfredi in Collegio Magna
Aulae Universitatis Oxoniensis Alumnis 7. Fol. Oxonii M.D.C.LXXVIII.
In the Appendix VI, we have these voyages, occupying four pages [205—208],
with this title,
“In Praefatione ad Traductionem Orosii ab AElfredo Rege in Linguam Saxoni-
cam.” In Praefatione is a mistake, as Alfred did not write a preface to Orosius,
as he did to Gregory’s Pastoral, quoted in Appendix III, p 196, 197, by these
Alumni, but the narrative of these voyages was naturally introduced into the
first chapter of Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius, when the king was
giving his own description of the north of Europe; and these voyages are taken
from this first chapter. They are, for the first time, here printed entire from
the Cotton MS.
There are two columns in a page. The left column contains the text, in what
is called the Anglo-Saxon character, as below ; and, in the parallel column on
the right, there is a Latin translation. The very brief Latin notes are printed
below across the page.
The Appendia begins—
hchaepe raebe hip hlapoptoe AElppebe Htherus dixit Domino suo AElfredo
Kynuncze paev he ealpaNopémanna Regi; se omnium Northmannorum
Nopémerc bube; p 205. locis maxime Septentrionalibus
It ends— habitare.
j peah man arecce cpezen paecelr pull Et si quis ponat duo vascula cere-
ealaš oběe paeceper' hy zeboð í open visiae vel aquae, efficere possunt, ut
brö open pponen' ram hit ry rummon utrumque glacietur, sive sit astas sive
ram pincep' p 208. hyems. -
The Anglo-Saxon text is so incorrectly printed, as to lead to the conclusion,
that the sheets could not have been seen by any one in the least acquainted with
Anglo-Saxon —p th and p w, are very frequently and absurdly used, one for the
other: thus, we find cep for cep, pa for pa, rcopum for rcopum. Other letters
7 “ALUMNI, i.e. Magister et Socii Collegii Magnæ Aulæ Universitatis Oxoniensis.”—
Wanley’s Catal, p 70.
ALUMNI OXONIENSES, 1678. xly
are interchanged, p th and p; p w and p r ; b d and 6 dh'; as, napum for
papum ; paep for paep ; hacab for hacaö, Öeop for bedp. The last letter of one
word is prefixed to the next, as bi Son for biö on, etc. The first word Ohchaene
should be Ohchene.
This is a very handsome volume, with several well engraved
portraits of Alfred, and five folio plates of coins. It is an evi-
dence of what may be done by a College, under the influence of
an energetic head. We are told by Thomas Hearne", that the
translation was made by Christopher Wase, the Esquire Bedel of
Law in the University, and the notes written by the learned
Obadiah Walker, Master of the College. Though he was the
chief writer, he must have been assisted by some of the Fellows,
who were less acquainted with the subject than the Master. In
a note” these voyages are properly said to have been taken from
the first chapter of Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version, but in the
table of contents and in the Appendix' they are carelessly re-
ferred to the Preface, which does not exist. The translation
follows Sir John Spelman, who has only extracted from Hakluyt
the first part of Ohthere's voyage, but the editors have, with
great judgment, given the entire voyages in an Appendix. As
Alfred used the English of his day, and Sir John Spelman wrote
the king's life in English, some regret that it was first published
in a Latin version, and not in its original English. Latin was
then the current language of the Literati in Europe, and this life,
with the specimen of Alfred's prose composition in Anglo-Saxon,
or primitive English, made known to the world, that Alfred was.
not only great as a King, but as a writer. The attention of
Europe was thus called to the earliest form of the English tongue,
in the Anglo-Saxon, and the learning of the best Scandinavian
and German scholars was exercised in the explanation and illus-
tration of these voyages. The important assistance that we have
derived from the generous aid of foreigners will be most clearly
shewn by the following brief account of the chief editions pub-
lished by them. These are given in their chronological order.
Before we speak of the editions of Bussaeus, and Langebek,
8 See the extract from Hearne, in the following notice of his ed. of Alfred’s life, p Xlvi.
9 In capite primo Orosii, Mote a, p 113.
1 In Praefatione ad traductionem Orosii ab Elfredo rege in Linguam Saxonicam.
Appendic VI, p 205. $
xlvi . PREFACE.
founded on the Appendix to the Oxford folio, the original Eng-
lish Ed. by Sir John Spelman must be mentioned, as it has
priority in date. &
SPELMAN 1709.—We have seen that Hakluyt first published
these voyages in an English translation in 1598, and that the
attention of foreigners was little excited till 1678, nearly a cen-
tury afterwards, when the original Anglo-Saxon and the Latin
translation were published by the Master and Fellows of Univer-
sity College. While foreigners availed themselves of these and
the Latin version of Alfred's life, we, as Englishmen, could not
be satisfied without possessing
“The Life of Ælfred the Great, by Sir John Spelman Kt. from the original
Manuscript in the Bodlejan Library: with considerable additions, and several
historical remarks, by the publisher Thomas Hearne, M.A. 8vo. Oxford, 1709.”
Mr. Hearne will give the best account of his editorial labours,
“I have printed this History of Ælfred the Great, which I have faithfully
transcrib'd from the Original in the . . . Bodleian Library. . . . This Life was
several years since [1678] translated into Latin by the ingenious Mr. Christopher
Wase, Superior Beadle of the Civil Law in Oxford, and publish’d from the
Theater Press in a thin Folio, with a Commentary, by the Reverend and Learned
Mr. Obadiah Walker, Master of University College; but some Persons having
been of opinion that more Justice would be done to the Author's Memory to have
ât publish'd in the same Language in which it was written, in complyance to their
Sentiments, I have accordingly sent it abroad in it’s own Natural Dress, not
doubting but that 'twill meet with a Reception worthy of it's admirable Author.”
. . . p 225. t
Sir John Spelman speaks of Alfred and the voyage of Ohthere
in these terms:—
“And to shew the Latitude of the King's Mind and Genius, in all Dimen-
sions truly Royal and August, there is (as I have been informed) in Sir Thomas
Cotton's Library an old Memorial of a Voyage of one Octher a Dane, [? Nor-
wegian] performed at King Ælfred's Procurement, for the discovery of some
North-East-Passage. This I attended sometime to have seen, but it being no
more than two or three Leaves, and, upon some Removal of Books and Papers,
displaced, and not readily to be found, I had no hope of obtaining it before a
generalleview and sorting of the Papers. What that Recorditselfis, I know not,
but to imagine the least, and to judge it to be no more than that which is pub-
lished concerning Octher by Mr. Hakluyt, and Mr. Purchas, in their Collections
of Discoveries and Voyages, it yet affordeth thus much, that Ælfred, among the
several Sorts of People that he sought out and procured, entertained one that
SPELMAN 1709: BUSSAEUS 1733. xlvii
was expert and industrious in Navigation, whom least we should think to be
but accidentally brought unto the King, (only to relate his own Fortunes, in
which the King had no hand at all) we may observe, that that Relation speak-
eth of Oether's Coming as of an Act of his own Will and Purpose, and not a
casual Thing. And to shew that his Intent and End of Coming was to offer his
Service to the King, as assured to find him forward in Entertaining Men of his
Condition, and ready to further his Addiction, whether to Discovery general, or
to the particular of Whale-Fishing, it not only mentioneth Ælfred, as Oether's
Lord and Master, but sheweth, that, upon his Return from his late Discovery,
he brought some of the Horse-Whales Teeth as a present unto the King.
Neither is there mention of any casual occasion of his coming, nor is it likely
in those Times there should have been so particular a setting down of the
Relation that a Stranger made (for the Original is in Saaron) if some particular
Purpose of the King's and his Desire or Commands had not given Occasion to
it. The Relation, for so much as concerns our purpose, as it is translated by
the Publishers, is as followeth.” Octher saith, that the Country, &c. He then
quotes from Hakluyt [S 13–15]; and ends “every man payeth,” &c. Spel-
man's life of Alfred, p 152, § 81.-156, § 87.
In the beginning of this extract Spelman mentions the Library
of Sir Thomas Cotton, who succeeded to the Baronetcy and the
Library, on the demise of his father, Sir Robert, in 1631. Sir
John Spelman died in 1643, this extract must, therefore, have
been written some time in the twelve years intervening between
1631 and 1643.−It may be observed that the country of Ohthere
was Halgoland, on the north coast of Norway, he was, therefore, a
Norwegian and not a Dane.—Whether Sir John has sufficient
reason, for supposing that Alfred engaged Octher [Ohthere] to
make these voyages, must be left for the reader to decide.
Bussà:Us, 1733.−This edition is a very inaccurate reprint of
the Anglo-Saxon text and the Latin translation from the Oxford
folio of 1678. It is given as an Appendix to Arius Polyhistor,
and follows Lexicon vocum antiqvarum Arii Polyhistoris, with a
separate paging. It has the following ample title, given verbatim
et literatim,-
Periplus Ohtheri, Halgolando-Norvegi, ut et Wulfstani, Angli, secundum nar-
rationes eorundem de Suis, unius in ultimam plagam Septentrionalem; utriusqve
autem in mari Balthico Navigationibus, jussu AElfredi Magni, Anglorum regis,
seculé à Nativitate Christi nonó factis; ab ipso rege Anglo-Saxonicà lingvá
descriptus; demum a Collegii Magnæ Aulæ Universitatis Oxoniensis Alumnis,
Latinë versus et, ună cum Joh. Spelmanni vita Ælfredi Magni, & veteri codice
manuscripto Bibliothecae Cottonianae editus; jam veró, ob antiqvitatem et
xlviii - PREFACE.
Septentrionalis tum Temporis Statüs Cognitionem, repetitus ac brevibus Notis
adauctus ab Andrea Bussaeo. Small 4to. pp 1–28. The 28th page is the Indea.
It is without date; but it was doubtless printed in 1733, for it is not only ap-
pended to Schedae Arii Polyhistoris de Islandia, but it was printed at the same
time, as is evident by the catchword PERIPLUs, being printed at the foot of the
last page of Lewicon vocum antiquarum Arii Polyhistoris. The paper and the
type are also the same. The Schedae of Arius Polyhistor has this imprint—
Havnia, ea, Caleographéo B. Joachimi Schmidtgen. Ao. 1733. -
Bussaeus” begins his short preface to the Periplus of Ohthere thus:–“ Peri-
plum hunc, qvo tam in ultima plaga Boreali populorum, quâm Septentrioni nostro
vicinarum gentium, qvi ante octo secula, cum dimidio feré, status fuerit, curiosë
satis describitur, haud ingratum Lectori fore confido, £d?ve non miniis ob reve-
rentiam adversus antiquitatem, quân Magnum Anglorum Regem Alfredum, qvi
ipse regid suá manu chartis commisit quicqvid ea diligenti observatione et ſidel;
praesentiq; narratione tam Ohtheri, Norwegi, qvam Wulfstani, Angli, intelleaveraž
scitu dignum, Suáq; proposito convenientius: de cujus Regiis et raris virtutibus
non absºve oblectamento legi possunt vita Ejus descriptores; Joh. Asserius, qvi
zegi a ſyxpovos fuit, et superior; seculá Joh. Spelmannus, Henric; Jil. utergve
Anglus. Neque ullius ingratiis erit, spero, prasertim Danis et Norvegis nostris,
qvod post tot atates popularis eorum et Helgolandia Norvegica quondam indigena,
Ohtherus, ipsos inviset & tanto Rege (ºvem, Hakluytó teste, sponte atqve consultö
obtinendi emolumenti alicuffus gratid accesserat) amandatus tam ad piscaturam,
qva Cetaria dicitur, eacercendam, qvām ad quarendam, si inveniri posset, breviorem
ad Japanenses et Indos Orientales sub circulo Poli Arctici et versiis Euro-Aqvi-
lonem :” etc.
The Anglo-Saxon text, so inaccurately printed as to be utterly
worthless, is on the left-hand page, entirely in Roman letters,
th being put for 8 and p. The Latin translation is on the right.
The columns below represent the pages of Bussaeus,
It begins on
the Left page PERIPLUs OHTHERI. Right page
HTHERE Sade his hla for de AElfrede HTHERUS dixit Domino suo AElfredo
Kynincge; p 4. * Begi. p 5.
It ends—
sam hit sy summor Sam winter. p 26. sive sit aestas, sive hyems. p 27.
The notes are much more copious than those of the Oxford
Edition, and are printed below in two columns in a smaller type.
The indefatigable and learned Langebek makes the following just
remark upon the Oxford edition, and upon that by Bussaeus:—
“Notae vero, qvibus aut Editores Owonienses brevioribus, aut Bussaºus uberi-
oribus, hoc opusculum expediunt, nec curioso lectori satisfaciunt, nec dignitati
2 Andreas Busseus is thus addressed by T.N.—Wiro consuli Nobilissimo, doctissimo
Andrea Bussaeo. p79. Táxtora, Westvediae VI. Mon. Maji M.DCCXXXIII. T.N. p. 80.
MURRAY 1765, ON OHTHERE AND WULFSTAN'S VOYAGES. xlix
tanti tamqve excellentis documenti respondent.” Scriptores Rerum Danicarum,
Vol II, p 106. -
The work of Bussaeus was republished thirteen years after-
wards; it appears to be the same book, with this new title,
“Liber Historicus de Islandia, una cum Andr. Bussai versione Latina, etc.
Accessit Periplus Otheri . . . 49. Hafniae, 1744.”
MURRAY 1765.-John Andrew Murray, Professor of Medicine
and Secretary of the Royal Society (der Königlichen Societät) at
Göttingen in 1765, wrote two papers” on the voyages of Ohthere
and Wulfstan. These papers indicate much research and know-
ledge of the subject. The first paper is thus introduced into the
Report of the Society,+
Den 1 Julius, 1765, Göttingen.—Bey der Versammlung der Königlichen
Societät, am 15ten Junii, verlas der Herr Prof. Murray den allgemeinen Theil
seiner Abhandlung über drey sehr merkwürdige Seereisen, die gegen das Ende
des 9ten Jahrhunderts, theils vom Other, einem Normann, theils vom Wulfstan,
einem Angler unternommen, und vom Könige Alfred dem Grossen, selbst, in
Angel-Sächsischer Sprache, geschrieben worden.
In this first paper, Prof. Murray, after mentioning the preced-
ing editions of these voyages, makes observations upon Alfred,
his times and writings. He also speaks of Ohthere and Wulfstan,
the former as a Norwegian, and the latter as from Anglen or
Schleswig. He supposes that they were both in the service of
Alfred,—and that Ohthere was led to visit England either from
the fame of Alfred, or from the dislike he had to submit to the
rule of Harald Hårfager, king of Norway, or that both Ohthere
and Wulfstan came to England under the influence of mercantile
enterprise.
The second paper is thus reported:—
Ten 10, und 12 Augusti, 1765, Göttingen. Den 8ten Augusti war die Kö-
nigl. Societät . . . wieder versammelt. Herr Prof. Murray verlas Zuerst den 2ten
Theil seiner Abhandlung.
In this paper he enters more particularly into the three voy-
ages, in regular order, occasionally quoting one or two Anglo-
8 Langebek, after speaking of Bussaºus, says—Feliciorem longe et cujusvis curiosi atten-
tione dignam commentationem Periplus noster nactus in erudita Nobiliss. Dn. Prof.
Murrayi Dissertatione, Regiae Scientiarum Academiae Göttingensi praelecta, et in Ephemer.
Götting. Anni 1765, p 625, and 761 sqq. recensita. Langebek's Scriptores Rerum Dani-
carum, vol II, p 107. --- - - - - *,
l PREFACE.
Saxon words, and giving, not their literal translation, but their
general meaning, interspersed with remarks upon the places, and
nations, as they occur in the narratives. -
These two papers of Professor Murray were published in the
Series of Reports of the Royal Society of Gottingen with the
following title—
Göttingische Anzeigen von Gelehrten Sachen unter der Aufsicht der Königl.
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Der zweite Band auf das Jahr 1765. Edited
by John David Michaelis : Göttingen 1765, in very small 8vo.
The first paper p 625–629, and the second p 761–772. The
whole Series of the Royal Society's Reports in the British Museum
is in 33 volumes, and ranges from the year 1753 to 1823*.
BARRINGTON, Feby. 22, 1773. The Honourable Daines Bar-
rington printed the whole of King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon Version
of Orosius, from the transcript of Elstob; and, of course, he
included Alfred's own description of Europe and of the voyages
of Ohthere and Wulfstan [$ 11—23]. It was accompanied with
a translation, on which very little reliance can be placed. Much
more may be said in favour of the Map, and the very copious
notes prepared by a learned Prussian naturalist, John Reinhold
Forster, I.U.D : F.R.S. As Barrington did not print separately
the Anglo-Saxon text of Alfred's description of Europe, and of
these voyages, further remarks will be deferred, till we speak of
his edition of Orosius.
LANGEBEk, Sep. 15th, 1773.−The celebrated Danish Professor,
Langebek, in his “Scriptores Rerum Danicarum,” vol II, p 106
—123, gives these voyages [$ 11—23] with this title—
“Periplus Otheri Norvegi et Wulfstani, sive eorum Narrationes de suis in
septentrionem et in Mari Balthico navigationibus.” He adopts the text and
the Latin translation of the Alumni Oxonienses; and follows them in printing
two columns in a page. The Anglo-Saxon p is represented by th; and 6 by d.
The notes are at the foot, printed in a smaller type entirely across the page.
They are much more copious and valuable than those of Bussaºus.
Begins—
OHTHERE sade his hlaforde AELFREDE OHTHERUs dia.it domino suo AELFREDO
Rynincge, that he ealra Nordmanna Regi, se omnium Nordmannorum locis
nordmest bude. p 108. maxime septentrionalibus habitare.
4 The Museum mark (King's Library) is 252. a 33.
LANGEBEK, BARRINGTON, FORSTER, 1773–1786. li
Ends—And theah man asette twegen Et si quis pomat duo vascula cere-
faetels full ealad odde wateres, hy ge- visiae vel aqva, efficere possunt, ut
dod, that other bid ofar froren, Sam utrumqve glacieţur, sive sit astas sive
hit sy summor Sam winter. p 123. hyems.
Though the A. S. text is printed much more correctly than in
Bussaeus, there are still such mistakes, both in the text and notes
of Langebek, as to prove that he knew very little of Anglo-
Saxon.
He professes to correct the text, and yet copies the worst blunders of the
printers in the Oxford folio:—such as, tew for teth teeth, etc. He has incor-
rectly printed “on sumum stothum,” instead of stowum, and just below, he
has given it correctly “on sumum stowum”—yet he adds this contradictory
note, “Huie et inferius pro stowum legendum rectius, ut paulo supra, stothum.”
There is no such word, in Anglo-Saxon, as Stothum, p 112.
BARRINGTON, 1781.-The English translation of the division
of the world in Orosius [š 1–10], and Alfred's description of
Europe, and his account of the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan
[S 11—23], was reprinted from Barrington's Orosius of 1773,
and published with his Map, and notes, but without those of
Forster, in
Miscellanies by the Honourable Daines Barrington, 4to. Nichols, London
1781, p. 458–468. Alluding to this republication, he says, “My principal
reason, for doing this, is that the number of copies, which I published from
Ring Alfred's translation, was very small, and consequently cannot have fallen
into the hands of many readers.” p 453.
ForsTER, in 1786, revised his very copious and valuable notes,
which he had written in 1772, for Barrington's translation of
|King Alfred's description of Europe and the Voyages of Ohthere
and Wulfstan, printed in 1773; these he republished in German,
in his History of Northern Discoveries, 1784. This work was
translated into English, and was entitled,—
History of the Voyages and Discoveries, made in the North : translated from
the German of John Reinhold Forster, I.U.D. 4to. London, 1786.
. He introduces the king's description, by stating, that when the Danes were
completely vanquished, “Alfred spared their lives, and permitted them to
remain in Northumberland. By this humane conduct he gained the heart
even of many of the Danes. Among others, there was a Northman at his court,
by name Ohthere, who had made himself famous by his travels. There was
h
lii PREFACE.
another too, a Jutlander, of the name of Wulfstan, who in like manner gave the
king an account of his travels into Prussia. All these accounts the learned
Prince collected with great care; and having purposed to give a translation of
the Ormesta of Orosius, in the Anglo-Saxon, his mother-tongue, he inter-
wove in this translation the relations of Ohthere and Wulfstan, with the
result of the information he had got elsewhere concerning the state of
the three parts of the world known at that period. It is very evident, from
comparing them together, that Alfred's account of Europe is not that of
Orosius, but rather that the English Prince has principally set before us
the state of Europe as it was in his own time. In fact, we are possessed of
such slender information concerning the Geography of the middle ages, that
such an exhibition as this is of Europe and the northern regions conformable
to the ideas of that age, and that from so respectable a source, must be ex-
tremely valuable. I shall therefore in this place insert that part of it, which
respects the North of Europe.— - , -
The Geography of the Northern parts of Europe, according to King Alfred,
almost literally translated from the Anglo-Saxon, p 53, 54.—Barrington's Eng-
lish version of what Alfred wrote is then introduced [$11—23], on which Forster
makes these concluding remarks.-The part of King Ælfred's Geography, of
which we have here given a German translation as literal as could be done
consistently with the different genius of both languages, without dispute con-
stitutes, with relation to the state of the North of Europe in the 9th Century,
a record of the utmost importance. As AElfred in his youth had been in Rome,
whither, even at that early period, zeal for the Christian religion carried people
from every country, he might in all probability have collected in that city the
materials for his Geography, and his other historical acquisitions, which in those
times of deplorable ignorance and darkness, give him a very high rank among
writers. This fragment likewise is a confirmation that the voyages and pre-
datory expeditions of the northern pirates have very much contributed to the
illustration of Geography and of the History of Nations, p 74.
POTOCK1, 1789.—The following work is in small 8vo. and
without date; but it must have been published in or after 1789,
as the second map was engraved in that year.
Recherches sur la Sarmatie. par Jean Potocki. Varsovie, a 1'Imprimerie
Libre. 2 Vols bound in one. At the end are these two maps on a large scale.
The first,-‘Carte cyclocraphiqve de la Poméranie pour l'année 900 de I. C. tirée
principalement de L'Hormesta du Roi Alfred.” The Anglo-Saxon names are
given, as well as the modern. The second map has this title, “Carte des Pays
occupés par les Patzinaces et les Sobartoasphales En l'Année 900, de l'Er:
Chr. Gravé par B: Folino Maj: dan l'A : de P: â Varsovie 1789.”
Seven years afterwards, a new and enlarged edition was published, containing'
the Anglo-Saxon, with a French translation, of part of Alfred's description of
Europe and Ohthere's and Wulfstan's voyages:–
“Fragments historiques et géographiques sur la Scythie la Sarmatie, et les
Slaves, recueillis et commentés par Jean Potocki. Brunswic, 1796, 4 vols. 4to.”
POTOCKI, PORTHAN, 1789–1800.
liii
In “Tome second, chapitre II. De la Poméranie dans le neuvième siècle,”
are these quotations :-
Teate Anglo-Saa.on.
Begins—And be northan him is Ap-
drede: and east north Wylte de man
Aefeldan haet.
Ends—Burgendas. And be suthan
him syndon Haefeldan.
Suite du Teate Anglo-Saa.on.
Begins—Ohthere seade his hlaforde
Aelfrede Kyninge, thaet he ealra
Northmanna nordthmest bude.
Ends— Let him ealne weg that
vesteland on theat steorbord.
Suite du Teate Anglo-Saa.on.
Begins—Wulfstan seade theat he ge-
fore of Heathum.
Ends—forthy hit man heaz visle-
mutha.
Version Littérale.
Etaw Nord ily a Apdrede et nordest
les Wylte, que l’on appelle Aefeldan:
... les Burgendas et au sudd'euw song
les Haefeldan. p 25.
Version Littérale.
Ohthere dit & son Seigneur Alfrede
Jºyninge. Que de tous les Nordmanna,
il habitoit le plus au Word.
w
Cette terre déserte lui restoit &
Stearbord. p 27.
Version Littérale.
Wulfstan dit qu'il étoit parti de
Haethum . . . -
. . et de la vient le nom, de Visle-
mutha. p 30.
PortHAN, 1800.-Professor H. G. Porthan of Abo, in Finland,
was the first to extract and publish separately the whole Anglo-
Saxon text of Alfred's description of Europe, and the Voyages of
Ohthere and Wulfstan [$11—23], from Barrington’s edition of
Orosius. The Anglo-Saxon is printed in Roman letters without
accents: for p th, and 8 dh, he uses th; and for p w, he uses v.
There are two columns in a page: the Anglo-Saxon on the left,
and an excellent Swedish translation on the right. Very copious and
valuable notes are printed below across the page. Rask gives the
highest praise to these notes, as being “a masterpiece of learning
and acuteness. One cannot sufficiently admire his knowledge
of the Anglo-Saxon, which differs so much from the Finnish, his
native tongue.” The edition of Porthan appeared in the follow-
ing celebrated periodical,—
Rongl. Witterhets Historie och Antiquitets Academiens Handlingar. Sjette
Delen, Stockholm, 1800. 12mo. p 37—106.
He entitles it—Foersoek at uplysa Konung AElfreds Geographiska Beskrif.
ning oefer den Europeiska Norden. Af Henric Gabriel Porthan Eloquentiae
Professor vid Kong. Academien i Åbo.
liv s PREFACE.
Begins—Nu ville ve ymbe Europe Nu vilje vibestämma Europas grän-
land gemaere reccan, Sva mycel swa ve Sor, det nogaste vi vete.
hit fyrmest viton. p. 42.
Ends—And theah man asette tvegen Och ehuru man ståller fram tvānnye
fotels full ealath, oththe vºteres; hy kärl fulla afóleller Watten; så görade,
gedoth that other bith of rſroren, Sam at bägge blifya med is 6fverdragna, det
hit sy summor, Sam winter, p 106. mä vara antingen sommar eller winter. .
INGRAM, 1807. In this year the Rev. James Ingram, M.A.,
Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Oxford, Anglo-Saxon
Professor, afterwards editor of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and
President of his College, published his very valuable “Inaugural
Lecture on the utility of Anglo-Saxon Literature.” At the end
of it, he gave the Anglo-Saxon text, with notes, and an English
translation with Forster's notes, of Alfred's description of Europe,
the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, the islands in the Medi-
terranean, and Great Britain, with a Map of Wulfstan's voyage
[S 11–28]. This embraces a wider field than any of the pre-
ceding editions. The Anglo-Saxon text is from Junius, and
without accents. In a note, he speaks thus of Alfred's additions
to Orosius.
“We are indebted to King Alfred, and to King Alfred alone, for the accu-
rate description of nearly all those numerous tribes, with their territories, from
which has been constructed the immense fabric of the German empire. . . . The
sources of the Rine and the Danube, as well as the course of those rivers, are
accurately marked; and let it be remembered, that there is scarcely any
authentic and accurate information to be derived either from Orosius or from
any other writer, previous to the time of ALFRED, with respect to any country
of Europe situated beyond the latitude of 55 degrees north. . . . Whatever
might have been considered by other geographers as the Thile, or extreme
point towards the north, the Thile of Orosius and of his royal Translator was
undoubtedly IsLAND. How far the land of Norway and Sweden (the ancient
Scandinavia, and the Thule of Pliny, Procopius, and others) extended towards
the North Pole, was totally unknown, till an obscure navigator of Helgoland
came to the court of King Alfred in the NINTH CENTURY, and delivered to that
Monarch a faithful report of a voyage of DISCOVERY, which he had made round
the NoFTII CAPE, and to the banks of the DWINA.” p 92, note a.
BECKMANN, 1808. A short notice of King Alfred, Orosius,
and of the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, and of his opinion
of the various editions of the voyages, will be found in No. 37:
vol I, p 450–486 of
Litteratur der aelteren Reisebeschreibungen von Johann Beckmann, Göttingen,
INGRAM, BECKMANN, RASK, DAHLMANN, 1807–1822. Iv
2 vols 8vo. 1808–1810. Very little is quoted in Anglo-Saxon, which is printed
in Roman type, apparently from the incorrect edition of Bussaeus, with a Latin
translation. He quotes the passage, which refers to the production of ice in
summer as well as winter, in old Prussia. [$23].
RASK, 1815. Professor Erasmus Rask of Copenhagen, was
the next to employ his great talents and learning on this subject.
He had the advantage of Porthan's Swedish translation and
notes. Rask was the first to accent his Anglo-Saxon text, which
he accompanied with some conjectural emendations, and with a
Danish translation and notes, still more copious and valuable
than Porthan's. He availed himself of the well-known Danish
Periodical,—
Det skandinaviske Litteratur-selskabs Skrifter 1815. Ellevte Aargang.
Rjöbenhavn. *
The title is, Ottars og Ulfsteens korte Reiseberetninger med dansk Oversa-
telse, kritiske Anmarkninger og andre Oplysninger, af R. Rask [$ 11–23].
1 King Alfreds egen Beretning.
Begins—Nú ville ve ymb Európe Nu ville vi berette saa meget som vi
landgemaere reccan svá mycelsvá we hit paa nogen Maade vide om de evro-
fyrmest viton. On the left, page 14. paeiske Landes Enemierker. On the
fight, page 15.
Ends—and peah man asette twegen . . . og skjönt man fremsætter to
fetels full ealać obče vºteres, hy ge- Kar fulde af Öl eller vand, er de i
doë, past oper biö of r froren, Sam hit Stand til at lade det ene fryse til (det
sy summor Sam winter. p 62. andet ikke) hwad enten deter Sommer
eller Winter. p 63.
The notes relating to the text are at the foot, in the same type, numbered
from 1 to 54. The [Oplysende Anmarkninger] dissertations are referred to by
letters from a to 2, at and 0 from page 64—132 inclusive. The whole is com-
prised in 132 pages.
It was reprinted by Dr. Rask's son, with some additional notes,
in the collection he gave of his father’s Dissertations in 3 vols
small 8vo., with this title— -
Samlede tildels forhen utrykte Afhandlinger af R. K. Rask,
udgivne efter forfatterens doed af H. K. Rask. Kjöbenhavn
1834. Vol I, p 289—384.
DAHLMANN, 1822. Dr. C. F. Dahlmann, Professor of History
at Kiel, published the first vol of his “ Forschungen auf dem
Gebiete der Geschichte, in 8vo., at Altona, 1822. In the third
lvi PREFACE.
part of this volume, he gives an interesting description of King
Alfred's Germania, and a German translation of what the King
wrote upon it, and of the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, with
ample notes, and dissertations upon points requiring investigation
[$ 11—23]. It is merely a German translation, founded on
Forster's, with notes advocating the same views.
LEo, 1838, selected King Alfred's description of Germania
[$ 11, p 34, 18 d-12, p 39, 2 al, among other extracts, for his
Anglo-Saxon reading. The Anglo-Saxon alone is printed, with
the vowels marked after the system of Dr. James Grimm. It
has this title,
Altsächsische und Angelsächsische Sprachproben. Herausgegeben und mit
einem erklärenden Verzeichniss der angelsächsischen Wörter versehen von
Heinrich Leo. Halle, small 8vo. 1838.
GIESEBRECHT, 1843. Professor Ludw. Giesebrecht gives a Ger-
man translation of what Alfred wrote in his excellent “Wendische
Geschichte,” 3 vols 8vo. Berlin, 1843. vol III, p 290. As he
follows Dahlmann in every respect, his work does not require
further notice.
THoRPE, 1846. Mr. Thorpe has the merit of being the first to
print Alfred's description of Europe, and the voyages of Ohthere
and Wulfstan [$ 11—23] from the Cotton MS. It consists only
of Anglo-Saxon, with an excellent glossary, and was, at the time
of publication, the best Anglo-Saxon text, and the only one in
which the accents of the manuscript are duly observed. Its title,
given below, will shew the object of the work,+
Analecta Anglo-Saxonica: A Selection, in prose and verse, from Anglo-Saxon
Authors of various ages; with a Glossary: Designed chiefly as a first book for
students, by Benjamin Thorpe, F.S.A. London, 12mo. 1846. Second edition,
with additions, in which are these descriptions of Alfred.
EBELING, 1847. This is simply a neat, and cheap, German
reprint of the whole first chapter of Orosius [$ 1–38], from the
edition of Barrington. It is the most interesting and valuable
part of Orosius, as containing Alfred's description of Europe, and
the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan; but, as it consists only of
the Anglo-Saxon text, with some various readings, and a note or
LEO, THORPE, EBELING, RAFN, BOSWORTH, 1838–1855. lvii
two at the end, the title and an extract from the preface will give
all the information that seems desirable.
Angelsøechsisches Lesebuch, von Friedrich Wilhelm Ebeling, Leipzig, 4to.
1847. Not approving of the German mode of printing Anglo-Saxon, with
numerous marks and accents over the vowels, he says—“I have avoided accents,
because they appear to be a superfluous appendage in the Anglo-Saxon lan-
guage; others may maintain their own opinions: at all events, I have avoided
‘dilettantismus,' which wishes to rule, and which has brought, and still brings,
nothing but confusion into the world.”
RAFN, 1852. The learned and indefatigable Professor C. C.
Rafn of Copenhagen, has given the voyages of Ohthere and
Wulfstan, [S 13–23] in his -
Antiquités Russes d'après les monuments historiques des Islandais et des
anciens Scandinaves. Tome I—II with twenty-three plates, Copenhagen 1850–
1852, imp. 4to. See vol II, § LXXIV, p. 458–471. The Anglo-Saxon text is
printed in two columns, and the Latin version across the page, as below.
Begins,—OHTHERE Sade his hlä- pºet he bide on paem lande nordewear-
forde AElfrede cyninge paet he ealra dum wit, pá westSaº;
Norðmanna norðmest bäde. He cwacó
OTTARUs dixit domino suo Alfredo regi, inter omnes Nordmannos sese
maxime versus septentrionem habitare; id est, in Septentrionali parte ejus
terrae, prope occidentalem oceanum. p. 459. -
Ends—and peah man ásette twegen gedoč, paet 6öer byö 6fer fronen, Sam
fºotels full ealað obče wateres, hi hit sí sumor sam winter.
Et si quis exponat duo vasa cerevisiae aut aque, efficiunt ut alterum glacietur,
sive sit aestas sive hiems. p. 470. *
Besides these three voyages, there are short extracts of what Alfred wrote
about the Moravians, Carinthians, Horiti, and Burgundians, which are supposed
to be of Slavonic origin. p. 471. “
A facsimile of a whole page of the Cotton MS. [fol 12] is given, but unfor-
tunately the recent alterations of the MS. have been traced in the same manner
as the original text: thus, the n, in a recent hand and ink over a, in purcaş [f 12,
19 h] is printed as if originally Firenaë.
Bosworth, 1855. An attentive perusal of the preceding
editions of Alfred's descriptions must convince every one, that
we are indebted to Germany, Denmark, Sweden, and even Fin-
land for the best editors and commentators. Some of the literati
of Germany, and of the north of Europe, have most successfully
devoted their talents, industry and learning in the illustration of
lviii PREFACE.
this part of King Alfred's writings, under the disadvantage of a
very corrupt Anglo-Saxon text. It struck me, that since these
compositions have excited so much attention in the learned men
of Europe, they would be gratified by being presented with
facsimiles of our oldest and best MSS. of what was undoubtedly
composed by Alfred the Great, and by being thus placed in as
favourable a position as we are for criticizing them. This was
one inducement for the publication of the following work. An-
other was the fact that a part of these voyages existed only" in
one MS. and that an exact facsimile would, in effect, not only
preserve and indefinitely multiply this invaluable manuscript, but
afford ready access to it. It appeared with this ample title,
A description of Europe, and the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan, written
in Anglo-Saxon by King Alfred the Great [Š 11–28]:—containing—1. A fac-
simile copy of the whole Anglo-Saxon text from the Cotton MS. and also from
the first part of the Lauderdale MS. 2. A printed Anglo-Saxon text, based
upon these MSS. 3. A literal English translation and notes. 4. A Map of
Europe in the time of Alfred, on which the track of Ohthere and Wulfstan's
voyages are marked: by the Rev. Joseph Bosworth, D.D., etc. 4to. London,
1855.
Much information on the subject of these voyages and Alfred's
description of Europe, may be obtained from other Danish,
Swedish and German publications, especially from the two fol-
lowing works—
Haandborg i den gammel-nortliske Geografi eller Systematisk Fremstilling
af de gamle Nordboers geografiske kunstab i Almindelighed, samt de dem
bekjendte Lande og historisk maerkelige Steder i Sardeleshed, udarbejdet isar
efter islandske kilder af N. M. Petersen. Forste Del. Kjöbenhavn 1834. He
speaks particularly of Alfred's Geography in 2 Kap. Europa isaer det nordlige,
efter Kong Alfreds Geografi sampt Ottars og Ulfstens Rejseberetninger.
Die Deutschen und die Nachtbarstämme, von Kasper Zeuss, München, 1837.
After this full detail of the various forms in which King
Alfred's own description of Europe, and the voyages of Ohthere
and Wulfstan have been published, a short notice of the editions
of Alfred's entire Anglo-Saxon Version of Orosius, in the order
of their publication, is required. -
5 There are now two complete copies of King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius
with his own additions; for a facsimile copy, printed on parchment, has been inserted into
the Lauderdale MS., thus making it perfect. See before, page xxiii.
BARRINGTON'S OROSIUS, 1773. - lix
The honourable Daines BARRINGTON, fourth son of John
Shute, Viscount Barrington of the peerage of Ireland, was the
first editor of Alfred's entire version of Orosius. Daines Bar-
rington was called to the bar; and, in 1757, made a Welsh
judge. While, as a lawyer, he published some professional works,
he amused himself with natural history, and gave to the world
upwards of twenty treatises and essays, upon this favourite sub-
ject. He also published works upon antiquities, and one his-
torical volume. The last was,
The Anglo-Saxon Version, from the historian Orosius, by AElfred the Great :
together with an English translation from the Anglo-Saxon, 8vo. London, 1773.
Mr. Barrington shall give his own account of his work :-It happened by
some rather singular accidents, that I have become the editor and translator of
King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of the Historian Orosius; a detail of these,
however, would be uninteresting to the reader, whom I shall rather inform what
he is to expect from the present publication. Preface, p i. See more in the his-
tory of the Elstob transcript, p xxxi.
I publish this A. S. version from a copy made by Mr. Elstob, well known for
his eminent knowledge of Northern literature. p. xviii.
I have altered the punctuation very frequently". I have confined the capital
letters, at the beginning of words, to distinguish periods, as also the names of
men and places. I have likewise broken the text, which was continued without
interruption, into paragraphs, which, together with some other improvements
in printing, I hope will contribute to make the Anglo-Saxon text rather more
easily understood.
I must own also, that I have adhered commonly to one and the same method
of spelling words, which varies almost in every page of the MS.; at the same
time that I have now and then printed the word as I found it, because other-
wise I should have taken upon myself to pronounce decisively, what was the
only true and proper orthography.
I have, however, always followed the copy religiously in more material inac-
curacies, and have at the bottom suggested such conjectural emendations as
occurred, which are entirely submitted to the judgment of the reader.
I have also inserted the various readings according to the collation in Mr.
Elstob’s Transcript, as well as in that of Mr. Ballard; several of which, how-
ever, are most clearly improper, and many others of so little importance, that I
should not have considered them myself as deserving of any notice. I thought,
6 I had once intended to have printed the whole with the modern marks of punc-
tuation, which would (as I conceive at least) have made the Anglo-Saxon still more intel-
ligible; but I have been deterred from this by some Anglo-Saxonists, whose advice I
cannot but defer to.
I have, however, printed the first chapter of the last book in this manner, that the
reader may judge for himself. | -
i
lx PREFACE.
however, that as I printed from their copies, this disregard of their collations
should not be shewn to the labours of these industrious antiquaries. p. xxii.
The first chapter, which describes the boundaries of Europe, Asia, and
Africa, will be found to contain many particulars which will illustrate the
geography of the middle ages, especially in the more Northern parts of
Europe. p. xxiii.
I have annexed a map, which contains the names of most of the European
places mentioned in this geographical chapter, and have also traced the voyage
of Ohthere and Wulfstan, in these Northern Seas. The pricked line describes
Ohthere's voyage, from Halgoland to the Cwen Sea, and back again; after
which, he is supposed to sail for Sciringe's-Heal, whence he went to Heathum.
p xxlv. -
Whilst I had this part of the first chapter under consideration, I had an
opportunity of consulting the very learned Mr. John Reinhold Forster, who
hath made the Northern geography of Europe his particular study; and I have
printed his observations on this chapter by themselves, at the end of the
work. p. xxvii.
With regard to the English Translation, it is not literal, indeed, which per-
haps many may have rather expected; but no further liberties have been taken
with the original, than from endeavouring to make it intelligible to the readers.
Where the Saxon word, indeed, or turn of expression, happens to correspond
with the English idiom, I have generally retained it, though this hath some-
times obliged me to make use of a term or phrase, which is partly obsolete. I
thought this proper, to shew the affinity which is still retained between the
Anglo-Saxon and modern English. I have, therefore, commonly printed such
Words or passages in Italics. -
This, indeed, is one of the principal advantages of translating the Anglo-
Saxon into the language so evidently derived from it; which affinity of idiom
could not appear, if I had rendered it into Latin. Daines Barrington, February
22, 1773. p. xxxi.
Under the editorial care of MR. THoRPE, a new and greatly
improved edition of Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius
has been published, in a very cheap form, in Mr. Bohn's Anti-
quarian Library. The Anglo-Saxon text is printed on the left
hand page, and Mr. Thorpe's excellent English translation, on
the right. It bears this title,_
The Life of Alfred the Great, translated from the German of Dr. R. Pauli;
to which is appended Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius, with a literal
English translation, and an Anglo-Saxon Alphabet and Glossary; by B. Thorpe,
Esq., Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Munich. Small 8vo.
London, 1853.
Mr. Thorpe will give the best account of his own work:— - -
As a fitting and, it is hoped, welcome accommer::=="Tº •e mans U
di-
is:::::::::::::
my friend Dr. Pairs excellent Life of King Alfred, the publisher has ju


MR. THORPE'S OROSIUS, 1853. lxi
ciously selected Orosius, the work of our great West-Saxon Monarch, which
most loudly called for 'republication, not only on account of its scarcity and
cost, but also because of the glaring inaccuracies, both in the text and
translation, of the only existing edition.
The only ancient manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius known
to exist, is in the Cottonian Library, marked Tiberius, B. I. As far as pen-
manship is concerned, it is unquestionably a precious and beautiful volume,
though manifestly the handiwork of an illiterate scribe. On account of its
antiquity [not later than the tenth century], it has, however, been held in a
degree of estimation hardly justified by its intrinsic worth. This being the
only source of the Anglo-Saxon text, it is difficult to account for the vari-
ations existing among the several transcripts.
The present text is founded on a careful collation of that of Barrington with
the Cottonian manuscript. The translation is close and almost literal, though,
at the same time, readable as an independent work. Preface, p v, vi.
The Anglo-Saxon text is much more correct than Barrington's, having been
collated with the original Cotton MS., but it has this great defect, all the
accents of the MS. are omitted. Even in the Glossary, where the accent
at once distinguishes one word from another, it is only marked in mán wicked.
ness, to distinguish it from man man, and omitted in g6d good, is ice, etc. There
are several strange slips in the Anglo-Saxon text, such as copying the typo-
graphical blunder of Barrington and printing sae bedrh [p 260, 14] instead of
se bedrh. Mr. Thorpe's note, [p 529], upon his Sae-beorh is still more extra-
ordinary, and shews the fallacy and insecurity of conjectural criticism. The
first misprint of Barrington sac bedrh, and the error of Mr. Thorpe's emen-
dation sae-beorh, or sio Sae-burh, would have been seen at once, by a reference
to the MSS. or transcripts, in all of which it is correctly written se bedrh.
But such slips are rare in Mr. Thorpe's volume; this, therefore, will not be
treated with severity by any who know the difficulty and labour of col-
lating MSS. x
The particulars of the present edition are now to be specified.
The first great object was, to use every effort to form as good an
Anglo-Saxon text as possible, on the sole authority of the two
old manuscripts, the Lauderdale and the Cotton. The Cotton
was made the basis of the text, as its style and orthography have
more the appearance of pure West-Saxon than the Lauderdale,
which, though older than the Cotton, has a more northerly
aspect. All possible care was, therefore, taken to secure a
correct representation of the Cotton MS. For this purpose our
text has been collated three times with the Cotton MS. in the
British Museum. First by me, then by E. Thomson, Esq., and
lastly by Dr. Wm. Bell, aided by my nephew Wm. Bosworth.
Every accent was carefully marked, and the manuscript was
lxii PREFACE.
strictly followed even in the use of 8 and p. The text was
examined for the fourth time most carefully by three persons.
Mrs. Bosworth read most deliberately and distinctly Mr. Hamp-
son’s accurate transcript of the Cotton, Mr. Thomson, at the
same time, had in his hands the invaluable L, and mentioned
every variation from C, even in a letter or accent, and I wrote
down in my copy every minute particular. In case of doubt, as
to the accuracy of Mr. Hampson's copy, reference was made to
the original C, in the British Museum. This carefully collated
copy of C was then compared with L, and where words were
evidently wrong, or words or sentences omitted in C, the sup-
posed correct word or sentence was taken from L and inserted
between brackets in my copy. Whatever, therefore, is between
brackets in the printed text, is from L, and all the rest is from
C. On this simple principle our text is formed. All the various
readings, and accents, and the few corrections of evident mis-"
takes of the scribes inclosed between brackets, are carefully
explained in the notes and various readings. We are not sure
that the best word or orthography has always been adopted in
the text, but whatever want of judgment there may have been in
the selection, means are given for correction in the various
readings of the MSS. Whatever may be thought of the present
text, the value of the minute various readings will ever remain.
None but those who have been engaged in a similar work can
imagine the unceasing care and the immense labour required in
collating MSS., and in writing out the various readings with
accuracy. Had I anticipated that this part of the work would
have consumed so much time, I should never have ventured to
undertake it; but having begun, no labour, pains, nor expense
have been spared to secure correctness; for; on this account
alone, a journey was undertaken into Suffolk in September,
1856, to examine again at Helmingham Hall all the quotations
from the L; and the greatest vigilance has been exercised in
superintending the press, that even a wrong accent might not
escape detection. * -
In printing the Anglo-Saxon text, Roman characters have
been used, with the addition of the letters p th, and 8 dh, the
former representing the hard, and the latter the soft sound of
PLAN OF THE PRESENT EDITION. lxiii
our th: In Alfred's version of Orosius, it is to be regretted,
these letters are often interchanged.
The vowels have been carefully accented in the printed text,
when they were found in C, or in quotations from L, but the
accents have been omitted when left out by the manuscripts.
Accents improperly used in C, have been omitted in printing the
text, but they have always been given in the notes, hence the
real state of the manuscripts, as regards the accents, is easily
ascertained. The Anglo-Saxons accented their vowels to denote
their long sound, as will be manifest by comparing a few Anglo-
Saxon words with their English derivatives;–Dál a dale, hál hale,
tám tame; fit feet, hēl heel, hēr here; lif life, míl mile, wid, wide;
för fore, and numerous other words ending in the English silent e.
What is this final e, but the mark or letter denoting the long
sound of the preceding vowel ? We appear to have derived this
clumsy mode of expressing the length of the vowels from the
Normans. They sometimes denoted a long vowel by inserting
another vowel, or by doubling the short one, as; Ac an oak, År
an oar; brád broad, bát a boat, rán rain ; fül foul, hūs house, bác
a book, cóc a cook, göd good, gös a goose, gés geese. How much
more simple is this Anglo-Saxon mode of lengthening their
vowels, than our present confused and tedious method. We find
many words distinguished from each other by accents, thus:
Bat a bat or club, bát a boat; coc a cock, cóc a cook; ful full, fūl
foul etc. Some contend that the Anglo-Saxon accents are un-
necessary, and may be omitted, in that case there would be no
distinction between ful and foul, and ful bat might then mean
a full or foul boat.
The books and chapters exactly follow those of the manu-
scripts; but the chapters have been subdivided into paragraphs,
according to their subjects, and numbered to facilitate reference.
There has been a great desire to make the English translation
literal; and, as far as possible, to use only words of Anglo-
Saxon origin. Words of similar orthography and sound in
Anglo-Saxon and English, are not universally employed, as the
English derivative is not always synonymous with the Anglo-
Saxon; but many modern English words are now used exactly as
they were by our Anglo-Saxon forefathers: the latter are re-
lxiv PREFACE.
tained. In short, there has been a constant effort to avoid a
latinised style, and to make the translation very plain, and
simple, and as near a representative of the Anglo-Saxon, as was
practicable; and thus to impart to the daughter some little of
the health and chaste simplicity of the mother.
In the course of this work, I have cheerfully acknowledged the
particular assistance I have received from literary men, I have
therefore now only the gratification of recording my obligation to
the Rev. Dr. Bandinel, the Bodleian Librarian, Oxford, to the
Under-librarians and to the Assistants, for the free use of the
Junian transcript of Orosius, and for most ready and friendly
assistance in every case of difficulty.—To the Rev. Wm. Pulling,
M.A. F.L.S., Rector of Dymchurch, who, in an uninterrupted
friendly intercourse of many years, has generously allowed me
the advantage of his most extensive knowledge of languages;
and, in this work, for communicating the best information, from
Icelandic, Swedish and Danish publications.—To E. Thomson,
Esq., author of “A vindication of the hymn, Te Deum laudamus,”
editor of the Anglo-Saxon Paschal Homily of Ælfric with an
English translation, notes, etc., for collating the MSS., correcting
proofs, and for continued assistance.—To the Rev. H. S. Trimmer,
Vicar of Marston-on-Dove, for corrections in chronology, etc.—To
Robert Bigsby, Esq. LL.D., author of many valuable works, for
critical remarks.--To Sir Oswald Mosley, Bart. D.C.L., for the
loan of books,—and to all those friends who have given their
ready assistance in the progress of the work.
The Lodge, Islip, near Oaford,
October 16th, 1858.
THE INTRODUCTION:
OE
A SHORT ACC0UNT OF OROSIUS AND HIS WORKS,
INTRODUCTION.
IN the time of king Alfred, ORosius was so well known as an
historian, that his name was commonly used instead of the title
of his work. This is evident, from Alfred's first sentence,—
“Here beginneth the book which men call Orosius.” -
This compendious history of the world from the creation to
the year A.D. 416, written by Orosius, continued to be held in
the highest esteem, from the days of Alfred to the invention of
printing, for it was selected as one of the first works to be com-
mitted to the press. The first edition appeared in Germany, so
early as 1471*. After this, numerous editions” were published by
the most celebrated printers. It must be interesting to know the
origin of a work, that has attracted so much attention, and been
highly valued for so many ages—a work chosen by the first man
of his age, our GLORIous KING ALFRED, as a book worthy to be
translated by him into Anglo-Saxon—the English of his day—to
teach his people history. The origin and intention of this work
will be best shewn by a short biographical account of Orosius,
its author. -
PAULUS ORosius was a learned Spanish presbyter, born in the
latter part of the fourth century, at Tarragona', on the coast of
the Mediterranean. He was educated in Spain; but, being a
young man of great talents, the information to be acquired in his
1 Ab initio mundi usque in praesentem diem [A. D. 416]: Havercamp's Orosius
4to, Leyden 1767, l. VII, c. 43, p. 587. Apparently the same book published in 1738, with
only a new title page.
2 Impressus is liber est. . . Augustae a. 1471, per Johannem Schüszler. Haver. p.
XII. In the same page of Haver. the date is 1470: . . Florentissimae urbis Augustae . .
anno a partu virginis Mariae salutifero millesimo quadrigentesimo et septuagesimo ; circiter
Junii nonas septimas.
3 Fabricius says: Prela multum sudavit. Haver, adds: Sæpissime prela fatigavit
Orosius, p. xiii. º
4 Tarraconensem esse Orosium non dubitat Don Paolo Ignazio de patria Orosii edita
Hispanice Barcinone 1702, Fol. libro quadrigentarum paginarum, Fabricius, liber Iv, c. 3.


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INTRODUCTION. II
own country did not satisfy his inquiring mind. He had energy
enough to overcome any difficulty in the acquisition of knowledge;
he did not, therefore, hesitate to go to Africa, to benefit by the
instruction of S. Augustine, bishop of Hippo Regius, one of the
most able and voluminous writers of that age. There is great
difficulty in ascertaining how long Orosius remained in Africa,
under the instruction of S. Augustine, before he returned to Spain.
Some suppose that Orosius did not arrive in Africa before A. D.
414, when the Spanish bishops, Eutropius and Paul, sent him to
consult S. Augustine about the nature and origin of the soul and
several abstruse points of doctrine, which were held by the Priscil-
lianists and the Origenists. Orosius, about that time, wrote on
the subject, “Consultatio sive Commonitorium Orosii ad Augus-
tinum de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum.” In answer to
which, S. Augustine published—“Ad Orosium contra Priscillian-
istas et Origenistas.” These are both in the works of S.
Augustine.
In A. D. 415, S. Augustine recommended Orosius to proceed
to Palestine, that he might consult S. Jerome on some particulars
as to the origin of the soul, which Augustine could not satisfac-
torily explain. Jerome was then living at Bethlehem, and engaged
in translating the scriptures from the Hebrew and Greek originals
into Latin, which is the present vulgate or authorized version of
the Roman Catholics. S. Jerome was the most learned man, and
the most profound critic of the early church. The deference
paid by Augustine, in sending Orosius to Jerome for a solution of
what was too difficult for himself, is a proof of the high estimation,
in which he held S. Jerome's talents and learning. This letter of
introduction, S. Augustine sent, in his treatise, De ratione animae,
by Orosius to S. Jerome, to whom it.was most respectfully dedi-
cated. The letter is so honourable to them all, and so descriptive
of Orosius, that part of *s at least, ought to be inserted. -
“S. Augustine to S. Jerome—Behold, there has come to me a
religious young man, in catholic peace a brother, in age a son, in
rank a co-presbyter, Orosius—of active talents, ready eloquence,
ardent application, longing to be, in God’s house, a vessel useful
for disproving false and destructive doctrines which have killed
the souls of the Spaniards much more grievously, than the bar-
barian sword their bodies. He has hastened to us from the ocean
shore—expecting from report, that he might learn from me,
whatever he wished of those matters he desired to know ; but he
has not reaped the fruit of his labour. First, I desired him not
to trust much to fame respecting me: next, I taught him what I
could; but what I could not, I told him where he might learn,
and I advised him to come to you. In which matter, on his
12 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS.
having willingly and obediently acceded to my advice or com-
mand, I have asked him, on his coming from you, that he would
take us, on his way home.”
S. Jerome thanks Augustine, in his answer, for the dedication
and for sending a copy of the book by so celebrated a man as
Orosius, whom he gladly received, on account of his merits, as
well as from the introduction of S. Augustine."
That Orosius should have gained the respect and esteem and
the high praise of two men, like Augustine and Jerome, the
most eminent of their day for talents and learning, is a proof that
he was a man of no ordinary ability, and acquirements. But
Orosius was as estimable for his disposition and character, as he
was respected for his talents and erudition. Look at his conduct
and his writings.-He was a man of great liberality, and benevo-
lence, considering every country his home' and every man his
brother. Though zealous for the truth, and ready, at all times,
to defend what he believed to be true, he never descended to
uncharitable personalities, or gave way to hostile feelings even
against his most bitter opponents.” He had no desire to enter
upon disputed points, being a humble and practical christian";
but if drawn into discussion, it was his first wish to shew a friendly
regard for the person of his opponent, and then to bring his
strongest arguments against his errors. Under the influence of
these feelings he first came to Africa," and afterwards went into
Palestine.”
When Orosius was in Palestine, Pelagius and his disciple
Caelestius, were there, disseminating their doctrines,” with great
zeal. Orosius was called to oppose them in a synod, held at
Jerusalem July 30th, A. D. 415, before John, bishop of that
5 Haver. p. XXVIII, and XXXV.-S. Augustine's works, letter 165.—Du Pin's Biblio-
theca Patrum; or, A new History of Ecclesiastical writers, Folio, London, 1693, century
Wth, vol. III, Part I, p. 156.
6 Virum honorabilem Orosium, et sui merito, et te jubente suscepi. S. Jerome's
works, letter 94.—Du Pin, vol. III, Pt 1, letters 92 and 94, p. 94.
7 Orosius says of himself,-Inter Romanos, ut dixi, Romanus, inter Christianos
Christianus, inter homines homo. . . . Utor temporarie omni terra quasi patria. Haver.
l. v., c. 2; p. 289.
8 Odisse me fateor haeresim, non haereticum. Haver. p. 634.
9 Vos me participem certaminis vestri esse voluistis, ut auxiliator non auctor accederem.
Latebam siquidem in Bethleem, ignotus, advena, pauper. . . . . Traditus a patre
Augustino, ut timorem Domini discerem, sedens ad pedes Hieronymi : inde Hierusalem
vobis accersentibus vocatus adveni. Dehinc in conventum vestrum una vobiscum, Joanne
episcopo praecipiente, consedi. Haver. p. 590.
10 Nunc me, inquam . . . Africa excepit pace simplici, sinu proprio, jure communi.
Id. l. v, c. 2, p. 288.
11 See the last two paragraphs in page 11, and note 9.
12 “Pelagius mihi dixit, docere se, hominem posse esse sine peccato, et mandata Dei
facile custodire, si velit.” Respondit Pelagius, “ Hoc et dixisse me et dicere, negare non
possum.” Haver. p. 591. “Ego dixi hominem sine peccato.” Id; p. 600,—Ecce
INTRODUCTION. 13
city.” He then wrote his celebrated treatise, which he modestly
calls, “Apologia contra Pelagium de arbitrii libertate.” It is
appended to his History.”
Orosius remained in Palestine till the close of 415, for he was
induced by Heros, bishop of Arles, and Lazarus, bishop of Aix,
to present a memorial against Pelagius at the council," held at
Diospolis, the Lydda of Holy Scripture, on the 20th of
December in that year.
Orosius returned from Palestine to Africa, in accordance with his
promise," to visit his friend S. Augustine, bishop of Hippo Regius,
before he bent his course homeward to Spain. This must have
been in 416 ; for, in the autumn of that year, Orosius presented to
the African council of Milevis " the letters of Heros and Lazarus
against Pelagius.
Rome was captured and pillaged in A. D. 410, by Alaric king
of the Visi-Gothi, Wisi-Gothi or West-Goths, also known by the
name of Moeso-Goths, from their residence in Moesia. * These
Moeso-Goths were Christians, under the guidance of Bishop Ulphi-
las, a man of great learning and piety, who, with the view of
leading them to the fountain of his doctrine, translated the New
Testament from Greek, between A. D. 360 and 380, into the lan-
guage of the Moeso-Goths—the pure German of that period. It is the
earliest specimen of High-German now in existence, and prevailed
in the south or high part of Germany, as the Old-Saxon, the
nearest relative of the Anglo-Saxon, did in the north or low and flat
part of that country.” Great moderation and forbearance were
manifested by Alaric the Visi-Gothic king and his army in taking
Rome. Orosius gives a detailed account of the mercy shewn to
the Romans by the king of the West-Goths.” Alfred epitomized
this detail in the following simple style: “Alaric, the most
Christian and the mildest of kings, sacked Rome, with so little
violence, that he ordered no man should be slain, and that
Homo
Pelagius, qui ausus est profiteri, se esse sine macula atque peccato, Id. 601.
qui hoc potest, Christus est. Id. 603.
13. See the latter part of note 9.—Du Pin's History of Ecclesiastical Writers, Fol.
London 1693. vol. III, Pt 1, p. 221.
14. Haver. pp. 588—634.
15 Tom. II Conc. p. 1529–Landon's Manual of Councils, p. 207–209.—Dupin, vol.
III, Pt 1, p. 221, 222.
16 Augustimus rogavit eum (Orosium) ut abste [Hieronymo, JeroME] veniens per
nos ad propria remearet. Haver. p. XXXV.
17 Tom. II, Conc. p. 1537.-Landon, p. 410.-Du Pin, vol. III, Pt I, p. 222:—also p.
157, S. Augustine's 175th letter.
18 Bosworth's Origin of the English and Germanic Languages, VII, 2, 6, 7, 9, p. 114–
116.
19 Id. II, 4, p. 13: V, 1–10, p. 81–83.
20 Haver. l. VII, c. 39, p. 573–575.
2
14 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS.
nothing should be taken away, or injured, that was in the church-
es. . Soon after that, on the third day, they went out of the city
of their own accord. There was not a single house burnt by their
order.”
This sacking of Rome, however, afforded the Romans a pretence
for accusing Christianity of being the cause of the affliction and
ruin, which had befallen the empire. These heathens asserted that
Christianity had been injurious rather than beneficial to mankind,
alleging, that, before the coming of Christ, the world was blessed
with peace and prosperity; but that, since they had changed
their old religion for Christianity, victory had entirely forsaken the
Romans, and both their glory and empire had declined ; for, the
gods, filled with indignation to see their worship neglected, and
their altars abandoned, had visited the world with those plagues
and desolations, which were still on the increase. * S. Augustine
wrote his celebrated treatise, “The city of God,” to shew
the absurdity of this assertion, and to prove, by historical
facts, how much the world had been ameliorated by revelation.
This work, in defence of Christianity, appears to have been imme-
diately commenced by S. Augustine : it is full of matter and
profound erudition. It naturally occupied much of his thoughts,
and was a subject of discussion with his friends, especially with
Orosius. A man, so full of zeal as Orosius, would soon enter
warmly into the subject, and he was readily induced, at the request
of his friend, to write a work to prove from the facts of general
history, what S. Augustine had shewn from the history of the
Church—the city of God—that the preaching of ‘peace on earth
and good will toward men' could never be the cause of increas-
ing the misery of mankind. This is the origin of the compendious
History of the world by Orosius. It is written, on Christian
principles, as a defence or an apology of Christianity. The tone
pervading the work is that of a Christian, impressed with a proper
sense of justice and humanity, deprecating ambition, conquest and
glory, gained at the expense of human blood and human happiness.
This History of Orosius was undertaken at the request of S.
Augustine and dedicated * to him. Orosius commenced writing
about A. D. 410, when Honorius was emperor of the West, and
when S. Augustine had finished ten books of his City of God.”
21 See this translation of King Alfred's Orosius, b. VI, c. 38, § 1.
22 Mosheim’s Eccl. Hist., Cent. V, Pt 1, c. II, § 2.
23 Praeceptis tuis parai, beatissime pater Augustine. Haver. p. 1. Totum tuum [est], quod
ex tead te redit, opus meum. ID. p. 3.
24 Hanc historiam conscripsit Orosius, nimirum post Roman captam sub Honorio
Imperatore, anno Christi CCCCX. Quum ergo Augustinus jam decimum de Civitate Dei
perfecisset, atque jam undecimum conscriberet, tum Orosius noster haec scribere aggressus
INTROL)|UCTION. 15
Part of it was composed in Africa,” and it was probably finished
about A. D. 416, at which date the work closes.
The highest authorities continued to speak, in the strongest
terms, in favour of this History. From many others, one only is
here quoted. Pope Gelasius the First, in a council of seventy bish-
ops, held at Rome in A. D. 494, praised Orosius as a most learned
man, who had, with wonderful brevity,” written a work against
heathen perversions.
The reputation of this History was so great, in the time of
King Alfred, that he determined to transfer the substance of it
from the original Latin into Anglo-Saxon, for the benefit of his
subjects; but in doing this, he often imitated rather than trans-
lated, and frequently added new illustrative clauses, and sentences
of his own, and occasionally new paragraphs. At other times, he
abridged what appeared to him less important, and passed over
what was not to his purpose. Thus, by omitting the last four
chapters of the fifth book, and the first three with a few others in
the sixth, the king brought the substance of the fifth and sixth
books of the original Latin, into the fifth book of his Anglo-Saxon
work. Alfred's sixth book is, therefore, the seventh of Orosius,
in which most of the chapters are much abridged, and the last three
omitted. Alfred did not think the dedication and the first
chapter of Orosius adapted for his subjects, he did not therefore
insert them ; but he still kept up a unity of design in his work, as
will appear from the following short sketch of it.
In book I, he gives a geographical description of the whole
world, then known, with a summary of general history from the
earliest period to the building of Rome, A. M. 3251, and B. C.
753—Book II, after a reference to the creation, and the four
great empires, describes the foundation of Rome, the wars of the
Romans and Sabines, the affairs of Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, Leoni-
das, etc. and concludes with the capture of Rome by the Gauls,
A. M. 3608, and B. C. 396–Book III speaks of the affairs of the
Lacedaemonians, Persians, Romans, Gauls, Carthaginians, Latins,
Maecedonians, etc. and ends with the death of Seleucus about the
year A. M. 3714, and B. C. 290–Book IV contains the history
of Rome from the wars of Pyrrhus to the fall of Carthage, A. M.
3853, and B. C. 151.-Book V, including the Vth and VIth books
of Orosius, comprises the period from the taking of Corinth to the
birth of our SAVIOUR, A. M. 4004.—Book VI, the VIIth of Oro-
est. Fabricius. Haver, p. 4, note 24.—SEE, also, this edition of Alfred's Orosius, B. VI,
c. 37, § 1.
35 Nunc me Africa excepit. Haver. l. V. c. II, p. 288.
26 Orosium, virum eruditissimum, collaudamus, quia valde necessaria adversus pagan-
orum calumnias ordinavit, miraque brevitate contexuit. Haver. p. XXVIII.-Dupin, Tom.
III, Pt II, p. 175, and 180.
16 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS,
sius, recapitulates the succession of the four great empires, and
continues the history of Rome from the accession of Tiberius
Caesar, A. D. 14 to A. D. 416, A. M. 4420, including an account
of the greatest event of the age, the taking and sacking of Rome
by Alaric in A. D. 410.
In the first book especially, Alfred introduced much new matter
and added considerably to the geography of Europe.
These geographical additions prove that he had recourse to
original sourses for information. He then left his author and
stated, from the best authorities of his age, all the particulars of
Europe, that he could collect, filling up the chasm between the
time of Orosius, the commencement of the fifth century, and his
own, the end of the ninth century. -
This is the only geography of Europe, written by a contem-
porary, and giving the position of the Germanic nations, so early as
the ninth century.
Besides this geography of Europe, composed by Alfred, the king
inserts the very interesting voyages of Ohthere a Norwegian
navigator and of Wulfstan. Ohthere, “wishing to search out
how far the land lay due north, or whether any man dwelt to
the north,” sailed by the coast of Norway round the North Cape
into the White-Sea; * and afterwards into the Baltic.” Wulf-
stan's voyage was confined to the Baltic.” These voyages were
written by the king, from the relation of these intrepid navigators;
for, in the narration, Wulfstan uses a pronoun of the first person
lural. "
: p The simplicity of the narration bears the impress of truth, the
'former beginning thus –“ Ohthere told his lord, King
Alfred, that he dwelt north-most of all the northmen.” ”—Ohthere
was a man of great wealth,” and his strict adherence to truth in
his narrative may be concluded, from his refusing to vouch for
any thing, of which he could not bear personal testimony. He
says: “The Biarmians told him many stories both about their
own land, and about the countries, which were around them;
but he knew not what was true, because he did not see it himself.”
These important additions and separate essays of King Alfred,
are very interesting, as his original composition; and valuable,
because they contain information relative to the geography of
Europe, not otherwise to be obtained, and because they are authen-
tic pictures of the manners and of the political condition of a
great part of the north, in the ninth century. The following
literal English translation, from the Anglo-Saxon of King Alfred,
27. See b. I. c. 1, § 13. 28. Id. § 14—17. 29. Id. § 18, 19. 30. Id. § 20–23
31. Id. § 20. 32. Id. § 13. 33. Id. § 15. 34. Id. § 14.
INTRODUCTION. 17
is, therefore, not a mere translation of what Alfred selected from
Orosius; but an English version of the king's own Anglo-Saxon
additions and essays, with his abridgement, and occasional ampli-
fication, of the most interesting parts of the compendious universal
History of Orosius. The most striking of these will be pointed
out, in brief notes at the foot of the page, and a reference made
to the original Latin of those parts, which Alfred condensed,
translated, imitated, paraphrased or enlarged ; for he did not
hesitate to adopt any of these plans, when he thought that he
could improve the work, and make it more useful for his people.
These short notes are only intended for the general reader; they,
for the most part, give the result of investigations, rather than a
detail of the reason or authority for arriving at that result.
If then new views be given, or old opinions advanced, appa-
rently without satisfactory evidence being adduced, it is hoped
that the following reformed Anglo-Saxon text, with the appendage
of various readings, and more ample notes, will give the required
information.
K I N G
A L FR E D S A N G L O - S A X O N W E R S I O N
OF
0 R O S IUS,
CONTENTS
[Bóc I: CAPITUL I—XIV.]
HER ong NNEö SEo Bóc pe MAN
oRoSIUs NEMNEö.
I. [Huj ure yldran ealne Sysneymbhwyrft on preo todaeldon;
5 § 1–38.
§ II. Hu Ninus, Assyria [cyning], Ongan manna aerest ricsian on
Šysum [middangearde]; $ 1.-And hu Sameramis, his cwén, feng
to paem rice aefter him mid mycelre [rečnesse] and wraennesse;
2, 3.
to III. Hu paetheofonlice fyr forbaernde paet land, on paem waron
ëa twa byrig on getimbred, Sodome and Gomorre; $ 1, 2.
IV. Hu Telesci and Ciarsaë pa leode him betweenum ſwun-
non]; $ 1. •
W. #. Ioseph, se rihtwisa mon, ahredde Egypta folc aet paem
is seofon [geara] miclan hungre mid his [wisdome]; and hu hie
sióðan pone fiftan dael [ælce geare] ealra hira wastma hyra [cyn-
inge] to gafole gesyllab, after his [gesetnessel, § 1, 2.
VI. Hu on [Achaie], wearö micel flod on Ambicsionis dagum
paes cyninges; $ 1, 2.
20 VII. Hu Moyses laedde Israhela folc from AEgyptum of er Öone
Readan såe ; $ 1, 2. -
VIII. Hu on Egyptum wurdon, on anre niht, L. manna of slagen
fram heora agnum sunum ; $ 1.-And hu Bosiridus, se cyning, het
[dón] to geblote ealle Ša cuman, be hine gesohton; 2.-And
asymbºmanegra obra folca gewin; 3, 4.
IX. Hu Cretense and Athinense, Creca leode, him betweenum
wunnon; 1, 2. •
X. Hu Uesoges, Egypta [cyning], wolde him togeteon [ge] §one
suè-dael to, paet [is] Asia, ge Pºpe norð-dael, paet sind Scièpie;
10 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS.
§ 1.-Andhu twegen aepelingas wurdon [äfliemed] of Sciópium;
and ymbe [pa wif, pe mom Amozenas het; 2, 3, 4, 5.-And
ymbe pa] Gotan, pe him fore ondrédon, ge Pirrus, se reëa Creca
[cyning], gese Maera Alexander, ge. Iulius se Casere; 6.
XI. Hu Elena, paes cynges wif, wearö genumen on Laecedemo- .
nium paere byrig; $ 1, 2.—And hu Eneas, se cyning, for mid fyrde
Italie ; 3.
XII. Hu Sardanopolus was se sièmesta [cyning] in Asyria,
and hu hine beswāc Arbatus, his ealdormon; $ 1, 2.—And hu
êa [wifmen] bismredon hiera weras, pa hie fleon woldon; 3.− io
And hu se árgeotre geworhte anes fearres amlicnesse Saem aepe-
linge ; 4, 5. -
XIII. Hu. Pelopensium and [Atheniensium] pa folc him be-
tweonum wunnon; $ 1.
XIV. Hu Laecedemonie and Messiane him betweenum wunnon is
for hiera maegdena offrunga; $ 1–3: 4.
[Bóc II: CAPITUL I–VIII.]
I. Hu Orosius saede, paet ure drihten Öone aerestan man swièe
ryhtne and swièe godne gesceope; $ 1.-And ymb på feower
anwaldas pisses [middangeardes]; 2–6. 20
II. Hu Remus and Romulus, pagebropra, Romana burh ge-
timbredom on Italium; $ 1–3.
III. Hu Romulus and [Brutus] mid hwelcum mane higehal-
godon Roma; $ 1–4.
IV. Hu Romane and Sabine him betweenum wunnon; $25
1–4.-And hu Cirus wearö of slagen on Scióðium ; 5–8.
W. Hu Cambisis se cyning forseah Öa Egyptiscan deofolgyld;
§ 1.-And yimbe [Dariuses gewinn] ; 2.-And [Xercsis] and
Leonièan ; 3–9.
VI. And hu Romanum wearö an wundor ošewed, swelce se so
heofon burne; $ 1–5.
VII. Hu Sicilia leode waron him betweenum winnende ; $ 1, 2.
VIII. Hu Romane besaeton [Ueiorum] §a burh tyn winter ; Ś
1.—And hu Gallie of Senno abraecon Rome burh ; 2–6.
[Bóc III: CAPITUL I—XI.] . 35
I. Hu sio bismerlice sib and facenlice wearö betweenum Laece-
demonium and Persum ; Ś 1–6. -
II. Hu on [Achaie] wearö eorð-beofung; 1: 2.
III. Hu se micla man-cwealm wearö on Rome, on twegra con-
sula daege; $ 1, 2–And hu Marcus Curtius besceat on Öa gyniend-40
an eorêan; 3.
IV. Hu Gallie oferhergodon Romana land oë preo mila to paere
by rig , § 1.
CONTENTS. Book II; Ch. V–XI: Book IV; CH. I–VI. 11
W. Hu Cartaine aerendracan comon to Rome, and him frið
gebudon; $ 1 : 2–5.
VI. Hu Romane and Latine wunnon him betweenan; $ 1.—And
hu än nunne wearö cuco bebyrged; 2: 3.
, VII. Hu Alexander se [cyning] wan wiè Romanum, paes Ma-
ran Alexandres eam; $ 1.—And hu Philippus, paes Maran Alex-
andres faeder, feng to Maecedonia rice; 2–5.-And he him
geceas Biszantium pa burh: § 6: 7, 8.
VIII. Hu Caudenes Furculus, sio stow, wearö swièe widmaere
to for Romana bismere; $ 1, 2:3.
IX. Hu se Maera Alexander feng to Macedonia rice; $ 1–5.
—And hu he het summe [bisceop) secgan, on hys gewill, hwa his
faeder ware; 6.—And hu he Darium pone [cyning] of rwan;
7–9:10–18.-Andhu he sylf wearö mid attre acweald; 19, 20.
X. Hu, under twam consulum, woldon feower pa strengstan
peoda Romane oferwinnan; $ 1, 2–And hu se micla man-
cwealm gewearö on Rome; 3.−And hu hi him heton gefeccan
to Escolapius pone scin-lacan mid paere scin-laecan naeddran
4 : 5, 6.
XI. Hu, under twam consulum, wurdon Somnite and Gallie of
Senno paere byrig Romanum wièerwinman; $ 1.-And hu Alex-
andres heretogan hyra lif on unsibbe geendedon aefter Alexandres
dease; 2—12.
13
20
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL I—XIII.]
I. Hu Tarentine gesawon Romana scipo on Šam så yrnan, pa
hi plegedon on hyra. Theatrum; $ 1–6.
II. Hu pa manegan yflan wundor wurdon on Rome; $ 1, 2.
III. Hu man geseah riman meolc of heofenum, and weallan
blod of eorêan ; $ 1 : 2, 3.
IV. Hu on Romane becom mycel man-cwealm ; $ 1.—And hu
Caperone, sio nuane, wearö ahangen; 2.-And hu èa burh-leode
on Cartaina bliotan men hira godum ; 3.
W. Hu Himelco, Cartaina cyning, for mid fyrde on Sicilie; $ 1.
—And hu Hanna all man was .anwaldes girnende; 2. —And
s, hu Cartaine hierdon, paet se Maera Alexander haefde [äbrocen]
Tirum ba burh ; 3: 4, 5.
VI. Hu Sicilia folc and Pena wunnon him betweenan; $ 1.--
And hu Romane besaeton Hanniballan, Pena [cyning]; 2, 3.−And
hu Calatinus, se consul, for mid fyrde to Camerinan Sicilia byrg;
, 4.—And hu Punice gesetton eft pome ealdan Hannibalan paet
he mid scypum wiè Romane wunne; 5.—And hu Romane
foron on Africe mid prim hund scypa and pritigan; 6.—And
hu Regulus, se consul, of sloh pa ungemetlican naeddran; 7.—
And hu Regolus gefeaht wiè pry Pena cyningas, on anum ge-
23
30
12 - KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS,
feohte; 8, 9.—And hu Emilius, se consul, for on Africam mid
prim hund scypa; 10, 11.—And hu Cotta, se consul, of rher-
gode Sicilie; 12.—Hu twegen consulas foron on Affrice mid
prim hund scipa, ond hu, on preora consula daege, com Hasterbal,
Se niwa [cyning], to Libeum pam iglande; 13, 14.—And hus
Claudius, se consul, for eft on Punice; 15.-Andhu [Caius], se
consul, for on Affrice, and on pam [sã] forwearö; 16.-And hu
Lutatia, se consul, for on Affrice mid prim hund scipa; 17.
VII. Hu se ungemetlica fyr-bryne wearö on Rome; $ 1.—And
hu Gallie wurdon Romanum wièerwearde; 2.-And hu Sardinie to
Wunnon on Romanum, swa hi Pene gelaerdon; 3.−And hu
Orosius saede paet he ware cumen to pam godan tidum pe Ro-
mane eft fore gulpon ; 4.—And hu Gallie wunnon on Romane,
and Pene on oëre healfe; 5.—And hu twegen consulas fuhton on
Gallium; 6–8–And hu maenig wundor waron [gesewene]; is
9.—And hu Claudius, se consul, of sloh Gallia [XXX.M.]
VIII. Hu Hannibal, Pena cyning, besaet Saguntum Ispania
burh: § 1–And hu Hannibal, Pena cyning, abraec ofer Perenei
pa bedrgas; 2.-And hu Scipia, se consul, gefeaht on Ispanium;
3.—And humanie wundor gewurdon on paere tide; 4. 20
IX. Hu Hannibal beswac twegen consulas on hira gefeohte:
§ 1.-And hu Romane him gesetton tictator, and Scipian to
consule; 2.-And hu Romane sendon Lucius, pone consul, on
Gallie mid prim legion; 3: 4–6.
X. Hu Marcellus, se consul, for mid scip-here on Sicilie; $ 1 : as
2–6.-And hu Hannibal gefeaht wiè Marcellus, pone con-
Sul, pry dagas; 7.—And hu Hannibal bestael on Marcellus,
pone consul, and hine of sloh ; 8.-And hu Hasterbal, Hanni-
bales broëor, for of Ispanium on Italie; 9 : 10, 11.-And hu
Cartainum wearö frið alyfed fram Scypian, pam consule; 12. 30
XI. Hu Romana aeſtere gewin wearö geendod; $ 1.-And hu
Sempronius, se consul, wearö of slagen on Ispania; 2: 3–5.
—And hu Philippus, Macedonia cyming, offiloh Romana aerend-
racan; 6: 7–And hu paet Macedonisce gewin gewearö; 8.
–And hu Enilius, se consul, of rwan [Perseus, pone cyn- as
ing] ; 9.
XII. Hu Romanum wearð se maesta ege fram Sceltiferin,
Ispania folce; $ 1 : 2, 3.
XIII. Hu paet pridde gewin wearö geendod Romana and
Cartaina [cyninge]; $ 1–5. 40
[Bóc V: Capitul I—xv.]
I. Hú Orosius spraecymb Romana gylp, hū hi manega folc
oferwunnan; and hū hi [monege cyningas] beforan hiora trium-
phan wiš Romewerd drifon; $ 1 : 2, 3.
CONTENTS. Book V; Ch. II—XV: Book VI; Ch. 1–II. 13
II. Hü, on anum geare, wurdon pa twa byrig toworpene,
Cartaina and Corinthum; $ 1.—And hiſ Feriaatus, se hyrde,
ongan ricsian on Ispanium; 2, 3.—And hú Claudius, se consul,
geflymde Gallie ; 4: 5–7. And hū [Mantius], se consul, genam
a frið wiè Ispanie; 8.-And hū Brutus, se consul, of sloh Ispania
Syxtig |M.] manna; 9.-And hu an cild wearö geboren on
Rome; 10.
III. Hu Romane sendon Scipian on Ispanie mid fyrde; $ 1–3.
–And hu Craccus, se consul, wan wiè pa oëre consulas oë hi
10 hine of slogan; 4.—And hū &a peowas [wunnan] wyö pa hla-
fordas; 5.
IV. Hu Lucinius, se consul, se êe eac was Romana yldesta
bisceop, för mid fyrde ongean Aristomucuse pam [cyninge]; $ 1.—
And hu Antiochus, [Asia cyning], wilnode Partha anwaldes;
is 2.-And hu Scipia, se betsta Romana pegn, maende his earfeóu
to Romana wytum ; 3.−And hu Epna fyr upp afleow; 4: 5.
W. Hu [Romane] heton eft getimbrian Cartaina; $ 1.—And
hu se consul [Metellus] of rwan pa Wicingas; 2.
VI. Hu [Fauius], se consul, ofCrcom [Betuitusan], Gallia
20 cyning; $ 1.
VII. Hu Romane wunnon wiè Geowyrëan, Numedia [cyn-
inge]; $ 1.
[VIII. Hu Romane gefuhton wiè Cimbros, and wiè Teiitonas,
and wiè Ambrónos; $ 1.]
25 IX. Hu Romane agunnon unsibbe him betweenan upahebban,
on pam fiftan geare, pe Marius was consul; $ 1, 2.
X. Hu, of realle Italie, wearö ungeferlic unsib on pam syztan
geare, pe Iulius, se Casere, was consul; $ 1 : 2–4.
XI. Hu Romane sendon [Sillan], pone consul, ongean Metre-
so datis [Parthal cyning; $ 1 : 2–4.
XII. Hu Romane sealdon [Iuliuse], pam consule, syfan [le-
gian]; $ 1–3.−And hu Iulius besaet Tarcwatus, [Pompeiuses]
latteow, on anum faestene; 4, 5.—And hu Iulius gefeaht wiè
Potholomeus priva; 6–9.
as XIII. Hu Octauianus feng to Romana anwalde hyra unwil-
lum ; $ 1 : 2, 3.
XIV. Hu Octauianus, se Casere, betynde Ianes duru ; $ 1–4.
XV. Hu sume Ispanie leode waron [Agustuse] wièerwinnan;
§ 1 : 2, 3: 4, 5.
40 [Bóc VI: CAPITUL I–XXXVIII.]
I. Hu Orosius was [sprecende] ymbe pa feower anywaldas Šara
feower heafodrica pisses middangeardes; $ 1–7.
II. Hu Tiberius feng to Romana anwealde, se Casere, aefter
[Agustuse]; 1–3.
14 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS,
III. Hu [Caius] wearö Casere feower gear; $ 1–4.
IV. Hu Tiberius Claudius feng to Romana anwealde; 1–4.
V. Hu [Nero] feng to Romana anwalde; 1.
VI. Hu Galfa feng to Romana anwalde, se Casere; 1, 2.
VII. Hu Fespassianus feng to Romana anwalde; 1. 5
VIII. Hu Titus feng to Romana anwalde; 1.
IX. Hu Domitianus, Tituses broëor, feng to Romana an-
walde; 1.
X. Hu Nerua feng to Romana anwalde ; 1–3.
XI. Hu Adrianus feng to Romana anvalde; 1, 2. } {}
XII. Hu [Antoninus pius] feng to Romana anwalde; 1. -
XIII. Hu Marcus [Antoninus] feng to Romana anwalde mid
[Aureliuse], his brešer; 1–3.
XIV. Hu Lucius feng to Romana anwalde; 1. -
XV. Hu Seuerus feng to Romana anwalde; 1, 2. 15
XVI. Hu his sunu feng to rice [Antoninus]; I.
XVII. Hu Marcus feng to Romana anwalde; 1.
XVIII. Hu Aurelius feng to Romana anwalde; 1.
XIX. Hu [Maximinus] feng to Romana anwalde; 1.
XX. Hu Gordianus feng to Romana anwalde; 1. 20
XXI. Hu Philippus feng to Romana rice; 1.
XXII. Hu Decius feng to Romana rice; 1.
XXIII. Hu Gallus feng to Romana rice; 1, 2.
XXIV. Hu Romane gesetton twegen Caseras; 1, 2.
XXV. Hu Claudius feng to Romana rice; 1. 25
XXVI. Hu Aurelius feng to Romana rice: 1.
XXVII. Hu Tacitus feng to Romana rice; 1.
XXVIII. Hu [Probus] feng to Romana rice; 1.
XXIX. Hu Carus feng to Romana rice; 1.
XXX. Hu Dioclitianus feng to Romana rice; 1–9. 30
XXXI. Hu Constantinus feng to Romana rice, mid his twam
broprum; 1–3.
XXXII. Hu Iuuianus feng to Romana anvalde; 1, 2.
XXXIII. Hu [Ualentinianus] feng to Romana rice; 1–3.
XXXIV. Hu Ualens feng to Romana rice; 1–4. 3.
XXXV. Hu Gratianus feng to Romana rice; 1.-And hu
Brittannie namon Maximum heom to [Casere] of r his willan; 2.
XXXVI. Hu Đeodosius feng to Romana anwalde; 1.—And
hu [Ualentinianus feng] eft to rice; 2.
XXXVII. Hu Archadius [feng] to Romana rice, and Honorius to
to paem West-rice; 1–3. -
XXXVIII. Hu God gedyde Romanum his miltsunge 1–3.
5
KING ALFRED’S ANGLO-SAXON VERSION
OF
0 R O S I U. S.
[Bóc I: CAPITUL I.]
1. Ureyldran ealne Sysne ymbhwyrft Syses middan-geardes,
[cwasp) Orosius, swa swa Oceanus ymbligeš utan, Öone man
[garsecg hateč, on Öreo todaeldon; and hy pa pry daelas on
5 §reo tonemdon, Asiam, and Europam, and Affricam : peah Še
sume men Saedon paet paer naeran butan twegen daelas, - Asia,
and paet oper Europa.
2 Asia is befangen mid Oceanus—paem garsecge—supan, and
morëan, and eastan; and swa ealne pysne middangeard fram
10 paem east-daele healfne behaefö. ponne on paem norð-daele, paet
is Asia, on pa swièran healfe, in Danai paere ie, paer Asia, and
Europe [hiera land-gemircu togaedre licgaš;] and ponne of
paere ilcanie Danai, suð andlang Wendelsæs; and ponne wič
westan Alexandria paere byrig, Asia and Affrica togaedere licgaš.
is 3. Europe—hio onginé, swa ic aer cwab, of Danai paere ie, sio
is yrnende of norð-daele of Riffing paem bedrgum, pa sindon
neah paem garsecge, pe mon hateå Sarmondisc; and sio ea
Danai yrnö panon sub-rihte, on west-healfe Alexandres herga,
on in Rochouasco Saere Öeode. Hio wyrcö paet fenn, pe man
so hatep Meotedisc; and ponne forë mid micle flode, neah paere
byrig pe man hätet Theodosia, wyö eastan it on Šâ sæ floweb,
pe man haet Euxinus; and ponne mid langre nearonesse, suč
pānon be eastan Constantinopolim Creca byrigligeš, and ponne
forö penon (it on Wendel-sae.—Se west-sub-ende Europe land-
as gemirce is in Ispánia westeweardum aet paem garsecge, and
maest aet paem iglande, paette Gaëes hatte, paer scytse Wendel-
Sae up of paem garsecge; paer [eac) Ercoles syla standağ. On
paem ilcan Wendel-sà, [ond hire on] west-ende, is Scotland.
16 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS ; Book I: Cii. I $ 6–8.
4. Affrica and Assia hyra land-gemyrco onginnat of Alexandria,
Egypta byrig; and lić paetland-gemaere sué panon of r Nilus pa
ea, and swa of r AEthiopica westenne oppone sub-garsecg : and
paere Affrica norð-west gemaere is aet paem ylcan Wendel-sae, pe
of paem garsecge scyt, paer Ercoles syla standač; and hyre
riht west-ende is aet paem bedrge, pe man Athlāns nemmeč, and
aet paem iglande pe man haet Fortunatus.
5. Scortlice ic haebbe nu gesaed ymbe pa pry daelas ealles
ëyses middangeardes; ac ic wille nu, swa ic aer gehét, para
preora land-rica gemaere reccan, hä hy mid hyra wastrum 10
tolicgaš.
6. Asia ongean paem middele, on paem east-ende, paer licgeó
se muča tit on pome [garsecg, paere éa pe man hateå Gândis,
pone [garsecg] mon haet Indisc. Be Supan paem mučan, [wiè
pone garsecg, is se port pe mon haet Caligardamana.] Be is
supan-eastan pam porte is paet igland Deprobane, and ponne be
norðan paem, Gandis se muëa, paer paer Caucasis se beorh endaš,
neh paem garsecge, paer is se port Samera. Be norðan paem
porte, is se muða paere ie pe man nemmeå [Ottorogorre, pone
garsecg] man haet Sericus. 20
7, paet sint Indea gemaero, paer paer Caucasus se beorh is be
norêan, and Indus seo ea be westan, and seo Reade Sãe be suban,
and [garsecg] be eastan. On Indea lande is feower and feower-
tig óeoda, butan paem iglande Taprabane, paet haefö on him tyn
byrig, butan oërum manegum gesetenum iglandum. Of paere € 25
Indus, pe be westan eallum paem lande liè, betux paere é Indus,
and paere pe be westan hyre is Tigris hatte, pa flować buta sué
on pome Readan Sæ, and betwech paem twam ean synd pas land
Oracassia, and Parthia, and Asilia, and [Persièa,] and Media;
peah pe gewrita oft memnan ealle paland Media, oëöe Asiria; 30
and pa land sindon swyðe beorhte, and paer synd swyðe scearpe
wegas and stanige. para landa norð-gemaero syndon aet paem
beorgum Caucasus; and on sub-healfe seo Reade sãe; and on
paem lande syndon twa mycele ea Ipaspes and Arbis. On paem
lande is [XXXII] peoda ; nü haet hit man eall Parthia. 35
8. ponne west fram Tigris paere éa oë Eufrate pa ea, ponne
betweqx paem ean syndon pas land Babylonia, and Caldea, and
Mesopotamia. Binnan paem landum syndon eahta and twentig
peoda. Hyra norð-gemaero syndon aet paem bedrgum Tauro
and Caucaso, and hyra sub-gemaero licgač to pam Readan sé. 40
Andlang paes Readan sæs, paes daelespe paer norð scyt, lić paet
land Arabia, and Saben, and Eudomané, [Of paere éa Eufrate,
west op Sone Wendel-sé, and norð formeah oë Ša bedrgas, Še
man Tauris haet, oë paet land pe man haet Armenie, and eft sué
oë Egypte, manega peoda syndon paes landes; paet is Comagená, 49
OF EUROPE, ASIA AND AFRICA. 17
and [Fenitia,] and Damascéna, and Coelle, and Moab, and Amón
and Idiimei, and Iudéa, and Palestina, and Sarracene ; and peah
hit mon haet eall Syria. Đonne be norðan Syria sindon pa
beorgas, peman Tauros haet; and be norban paem bedrgum syn-
s donpaland Capadocia, and Arménie: and hióArmeniaisbe eastan
Capadocia; and be westan Capadocia, is pact land pe man haet
seo Laesse Asia: and be norðan Capadocia, is pact gefilde, pe
man haet Temeseras; ponne betux Capadocia, and paere Laessan
Asiam is paet land [Cilicia,] and Issaurio. Seo Asia, on aelce
10 healfe, hio is befangen mid sealtum wastere, buton on east-
healfe. On north-healfe is seo S㺠Fuxinus; and, on west-
healfe, seo sae pe man haet Proponditis, and Ellaspontus; and
Wendel-sà be suban. On paere ylcan Asiam, is se hyhsta
beorh, Olimphus.
is 9. Seo Egyptus, Še us near is, be morëan hyre is paet land
Palestine, and be eastan hyre Sarracene šaet land, and be wes-
tan hyre Libia paet land, and be suban hyre se bedrh, ēe
Climax [mon haet].-Nilus seo ea, hyre àwylme, is neah paem
clife paere Readan sæs; peah sume men secgan paet hyre
20 aewylme sy on west-ende Affrica, meah paem bedrge Athlans,
and ponne ful-raše paes sie east yrnende on paet sand; [ond
ponne besince eft on paet sand], and paer [neh] sy eft flowende
up of paem sande, and paer wyrcö mycelne sæ : and paer heo
aerest upwylp, hy hataş pa [land] men Nuchūl, and sume men
as Darā; and pomme of paem Sæ paer hio up of paem Sande [scyt,
heo is east yrnende fram east-daele, purh Ethiopica westenne,
º: man haet pa ea Ion oš Šone east-dael; and paer ponne
wyrö to miclum sae; and paer ponne besincö eft in on Šâ eorð-
an ; and ponne eft norð panon uppasprincó, neah paem clife
so wiè pone Readan såe, pe ic aer beforan saede. ponne of paem
àwylme, man haet paet waster Nilus pa ea. And pomme forë
[ponan west] yrnende, heo tolič on twa ymb an igland, pe
man haet Mereon; and panon norð bugende, ut on Öone
Wendel-Saë. ponne, on paem wintrigum tidum, wyrö se muèa
as fordrifen foran fram paem norðernum windum, paet seo ea biö
flowende ofer eall Egypta land; and hio gedeó mid paem flode
swièe pycce eorö-wastmas on Egypta land.—Sio fyrre Egyp-
tus liè east andlang paes Readan saes, on sub-healfe; and, on
east-healfe, [ond on sub-healfe) paes landes, lić [garsecg]; and,
40 on hyre west-healfe, is seo us neare AEgyptus : and, on paem
twam AEgyptum, [sindon] feower and twentig peoda.
10. Nu haebbe we awriten paere Asiam suč-dael: nu wille
we fon to hyre norð-daele ; paet is Sonne of paem bedrgum [pe
mon haet] Caucasus, pe we aer beforan spraecon, pa še be
* norðan Indea syndon; and hio onginna& aerest eastame of paem
3
18 KING ALFRED'S Olt ()SIUS, Book I. Ch. I $ 10–12.
garsecge; and pomme licgaš west-rihte oë Arménia bedrgas,
ſpel pa land-leode hi hataš Parcoadras: paer of paem bedrgum
wylöseo ea subweard [Eufrates]; and of paem becrgum pe
man Parcoadras haet, licgaë pa bedrgas west-rihte, pe man
Tauros haet, oë Cilium paet land. Ponne be morèan paem
beorgum, andlang paes garsecges, oppone norð-east-ende Öyses
middangeardes paer Bore seo eå scyt ut on Öone garsecg; and
panon west andlang paes garsecges, [opj Śone sas, pe man haet
Caspia, pe paer upscyt to paem beorgum Caucasus; paet land
man haet pa ealdan Scièöian, and Ircaniam. paes landes is
preo and feowertig peoda, wide tosetene for unwaestm-baer-
messe paes landes. pomme be westan paem sae Caspia, oë Do-
nais Ša ea, and oë paet fenn pe man haet Meotedisc; and
Some sub oë pome Wendel-såe, and op Sone bedrh Taurus;
and norð oš Šome [garsecg], is eall Scippia land binnan, peah
hit man tonemne on twa and on pritig peoda. Ac Śa land on
east healfe [Danais], pe paer neah syndon, Albani hy synd ge-
memned in latina; and we hy hataš nu Liobene:–Nu haebbe
we scortlice gesæd ymb Asia land-gemaere.
11. Nu wille we ymb Európe land-gemaere reccan, swamycel
swa we hit fyrmest witon.—Fram paere ea Danais, west of Rin
êa eå, (seo wylö of paem bedrge pe man Alpis haet, and yrnö
ponne norð-ryhte on paes garsecges earm, pe paet land utanymb-
liš, pe man Bryttannia haet);-and eft sub op Donua paea,
(paere aewylme is neah paere ea Rines, and is sióðan east yrnende
wiš [norpan] Creca land it on bone Wendel-sae);-and norð
op pone garsecg, pe man Cwen-sae haet: binnan paem syn-
don manega Śeoda; ac hit man haet eall, Germania.
12. ponne wyö norðan Dönua &wylme, and be eastan Rine
syndon East-Francan ; and be suban him syndon Swaefas, on
opre healfe paere ea Domua; and be suban him, and be eastan,
syndon Baegô-wäre, se dael pe man Regnes burh haet; and
rihte be eastan him syndon Beme; and east-norð sindon
Byringas; and be norðan him syndon Eald-Seaxan, and
be norèan-westan him syndon Frysan; and be westan Eald-
Seaxum is Ælfe-muða paere ea and Frysland ; and banon,
west-norð is paet land, pe man Angle haet, and Sillende,
and sumne dael Dena ; and be norðan him is Apdrede, and
east-norð Wylte, Še man [Haefeldan] haet; and be eastan him
is Wineda land, pe man haet Sysyle; and east-sub, of er sumne
dael, Maroaro ; and hi Maroaro habbağ, be westan him, Dyrin-
gas, and Behemas, and Baegware healfe ; and be suban him, on
oère healfe Donua paere ea, is paet land Carendre, suð oö Ša
beorgas pe man haet Alpis. To paem ilcan beorgum licgaë
Baegô-wara land-gemaere, and Swaefa; and ponne, be eastan
5
1
0.
5
35
40
43
BOUNDARI ES OF EUROPE : OHTHERE'S FIRST VOYAGE, $ 11—13. 19
Carendran lande, begeondan paem westenme, is Pulgara land;
and be eastan paem is Creca land ; and be eastan Maroaro-
lande is Wisle-land; and be eastan paem sind Datia, pa peiti
waron Gotan. Be [norêan-eastan] Maroara syndon Dalamen-
5 san, and be eastan Dalamensam sindon Horithi, and be nor-
ëan Dalomensam sindon Surpe, and be westan him sindon
Sysele. Be norðan Horiti is Maegôa lond, and be norðan
Maegôa lande [sindon] Sermende, oš Ša bedrgas Riffin.—And
be westan Suð-Denum is paes garsecges earm, pe lip ymb-
to utan paet land Brittannia; and be norðan him is paes saes earm,
pe man haet Ost-såe; and be eastan him, and be norðan him,
syndon Norð-Dene, aegbaerge on paem maran landum,ge on paem
iglandum ; and be eastan him syndon Afdrede; and be suban
him is AEife-muča paere ea, and Eald-Seaxna sum dael. Norð-
15 Dene habbaš him be norðan pome ilcan sa’s earm, be man Ost-såe
haet; and be eastan him sindon Osti Ša leode; and Afdraede be
suban. Osti habbaš be norðan him pone ilcan saes earm, and
Winedas and Burgendas; and be suban him sindon Haefeldan.
Burgendan habbağ pone ylcan sæs earm be westan him, and
20 Sweon be norðan; and be eastan him sint Sermende,and be suban
him Surfe. Sweon habbaš be suban him Šone sates earm Osti;
and be eastan him Sermende; and be norðan [him] of r Ša
westennu is Cwen-land; and be westan-noréan him sindon
Scride-Finnas, and be westan Norð-menn.
as 13. “Ohthere saede his hlaforde, Ælfrede [cyninge], paet he ealra
Norð-manna norèmest bude. He cwacă paet he bude on paem
lande norðeweardum wiš Ša west så. He saede Seah paet paetland
sy swyðe lang norð panon; ac hit is eall weste, buton on
feawum stowum, sticcemaelum wicial Finnas, on huntabe on
so wintra, and on sumera on fiscobe be Šare sæ. He saede paet
he, aet sumum cyrre, wolde fandian hu lange paet land norð-
rihte lage; oëöe hwæper aenig man be norðan paem westene
bude. pa for he norð-rihte be paem lande: let him ealne weg
paet weste land on paet steor-bord, and pa wid sæ on baec-bord,
35 pry dagas. pa was he swa feor norð swa pa hwael-huntan
fyrrest faraś. pa for he pa gyt norð-ryhte, swa [feor swal he
mihte, on paem oprum prim dagum, geseglian. Ba beah paet
land paer east-ryhte, ošče sio sae in on paet land, he myste
hwaeper; buton he wiste paet he paer bad westan windes, oböe
40 hwön norðan, and seglede panon east be lande, swa swa he mihte
on feower dagum geseglian. pa sceolde he [paer] bidan ryhte
norèan windes; forêan paet land paer beah sub-rihte, ošēe seo
sae in on paet land, he myste hwæper. Ba seglede he panon
suè-rihte be lande, swa swa he mihte on fif dagum geseglian.
As palaeg paer an mycel ea up in [on] paet land : pa cyrdon hy
20 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book I: Ch. I $ 14–16.
up in on Öa ea, forbaem hyme dorston foró be paere ea seglian
for unfriðe, forêaem paet land waes eall gebün, on oëre healfe
paere ea. Ne mette he aer nån gebün land, syööan he fram
hys agnum hame for; ac him was ealne weg weste land on
paet steor-bord butan fisceran, and fugeleran, and huntan, and s
paet [waaron] ealle Finnas; and him was a wid sæ on paet baec-
bord. Ba Beormas haefdon swièe well gebün hyra land, achi
ne dorston paer on cuman; ac Čara Terfinna land was eall
weste, butan paer huntan gewicodon, oëöe fisceras, oëöe fu-
geleras. -
14. Fela spella him saedon Öa Beormas, aegber ge of hyra
agenum lande, ge of paem [landum], pe ymb hy utan waran :
ac he myste hwaet paes soães was, forðaem he hit sylf ne ge-
seah. ... pa Finnas, him puhte, and pa Beormas spraecon neah
ân geóeode. Swièost he for Öyder, to-eacan paes landes sceaw- is
unge, forðaem hors-hwaelum, forðaem hi habbaš swyðe aepele
bân on hyra topum : pa teå hybrohton sume paem [cyninge];
and hyra hyd biö swièe göd to scip-rapum. Sehwael biö micle
laºssa ponne oëre hwalas: ne biö he lengra öonne syfan elna
lang; ac, on his agnum lande, is se betsta hwael-huntaš: pa 20
beoë eahta and feowertiges elna lange, and pa maestan, fiftiges
elna lange ; para, he saede, paet he syza sum of sloge syxtig on
twam dagum.
15. He was swyðe spedig man, on paem aehtum, pe heora
speda on beoš, paet is, on wildrum. He haefde pa gyt, Öa he as
bone cyningc sohte, tamra deora unbebohtra syx hund. pa
deor hi hâtaš hrāmas : para waron syx stacl-hranas, Ša beds
swyðe dy're mid Finnum, forðaem hy foë pa wildan hranas mid.
He was mid paem fyrstum mannum on paem lande, naefde he
peah ma öonne twentig hryöera, and twentig sceapa, and twen- so
tig swyna ; and paet lytle paet he erede, he erede mid
horsan : ac hyra àr is maest on paem gafole, pe Sa Finnas him
gyldaš; paet gafol biö on deora fellum, and on fugela feb-
erum, and hwales bane, and on paem Scip-rapum, pe beds of
hwaeles hyde geworht, and of seoles. AEghwilc gylt be hys ge- as
byrdum : se byrdesta sceall gyldan fiftyne mearöes fell, and fif
hranes, and an beran fel, and tyn ambra febra, and berenne
kyrtel oëöe yterenne, and twegen scip-rapas; aegber sy syxtig
elna lang, oper sy of hwæles hyde geworht, oper of sioles.
16. He saede Šaet norð-manna land ware swype lang and swyðe 40
smael. Eal paet his man aper oëöe ettan oëöe erian maeg, paet
liš wiè Ša sæ ; and paet is peah, on sumum stowum, swyðe clu-
dig ; and licgaë wilde moras wiè eastan, and wiè upp on emn-
lange paem bynum lande. On pam morum eardiağ Finnas; and
paet byne land is easteweard bradost, and symle swa norðor swa 45
OHTHERE'S SECOND VOYAGE 5 18, 19–WULFSTAN'S VOYAGE $ 20. 21
smaelre. Eastewerd hit maeg bion syztig mila brad, oppe
hwene braedre; and middeweard pritig oëöe bradre; and norðe-
weard, he cwacö, paer hit smalost ware, paet hit mihte been
preora mila brad to paem more; and se mor syöpan, on sumum
5 stowum, swa brad swa man maeg on twam wucum of rſeran ;
and, on Sumum stowum, swa brad swa man maeg on Syx dagum
oferferan.
17. Bonne is to-emmes paem lande sučeweardum, on oöre
healfe paes mores, Sweoland, op paet land norðeweard; and
10 to-emmes paem lande norðeweardum, Cwena land. pa Cwenas
hergiaë hwilum on Öa norð-men ofcr Öone mor, hwilum pa
morè-men on hy; and paer sint swièe micle meras fersce geond
pa moras; and berað pa Cwenas hyra scypu of r land on Öa
meras, and panon hergiaš on Öa norð-men. Hy habbač swyðe
15 lytle scypa, and swyðe leohte.
18. Ohthere saede paet sio scir hatte Halgoland, pe he on
bude. He cwacă paet nån man me bude be norðan him. ponne
is án port on subeweardum paem lande, pone man haet Sciringes
heal. pyder he cwacó, paet man me mihte geseglian on anum
20 monée, gyf man on niht wicode, and aelce daege haefde åmbyrne
wind; and, ealle Ša hwile, he sceal seglian be lande –and, on
paet steor-bord him, biö aerest [Isaland], and ponne ôa igland
pe synd betux [Isalande] and pissum lande. ponne is pis land
oö he cymā to Scirincges heale; and ealne weg, on paet bacc-bord
25 Norðweg. Wiè suèan pone Sciringes heal fylö swyðe mycel
så up in on Saet land ; seo is bradre ponne aenig man of rseon
maege; and is Götland on oëre healfe ongean, and sióða Sillen-
de. Seo sæ lić maenig hund mila up in on paet land.
19. And of Sciringes heale, he cwacö paet he seglode on fif da-
30 gan, to paem porte pe mon haet aet Hæpum, se stent betuh
Winedum, and Seaxum, and Angle, and hyrö in on Dene. Ba he
piderweard seglode fram Sciringes heale, pa was him on paet
baec-bord Dénamearc; and, on paet steor-bord, wid sæ pry
dagas; and, pá twegen dagas aer he to Haepun come, him was
as on paet steor-bord Gotland, and Sillende, and iglanda fela. On
paem landum eardodon Engle, aer hy hider on land [comon].
And hym was $ā twegen dagas, on Öaet baec-bord, pa igland,
pe in Denemearce hyraš.
20. Wulfstan saede paet he geföre of Hääum, paet he ware
40 on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum,_paetbaet scip was ealne
weg yrnende under segle. Weonoëland him was on steor-
bord; and on baec-bord him was Langa land, and Læland, and
Falster, and Scón eg; and pas land eall hyraš to Denemearcan.
And ponne Burgenda land was us on baec-bord, and på habbač
as him sylf cyning. ponne aefter Burgenda lande, waron us pas
22 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book I : CH. I $ 20–22.
land, pa synd hatene aerest Blecinga eg, and Meore, and Eow-
land, and Gotland, on bac-bord; and pas land hyrač to Sweon.
And Weonodland was us ealne weg, on steor-bord, oë Wisle-
müöan. Seo Wisle is swyðe myceleå, and hio tolič Witland, and
Weonodland; and Šaet Witland belimpeõ to E stum ; and seo 5
Wisle liè (it of Weonodlande, and lič in E'stmere; and se Est-
mere is huru fiftene mila brád. ponne cymeå Ilfing eastan in
Estmere of Šaem mere, Še Truso standeś in staše ; and cumaš (it
samod in Estmere, Ilfing eastan of Eastlande, and Wisle stièan
of Winodlande ; and ponne benimà Wisle Ilfing hire naman, and 10
ligeó of paem mere west, and norð on sā ; forêy hit man haet
Wisle-müša. paet Eastland is swyðe mycel, and paer biö swyðe
manig burh, and on aelcere byrig biö cyningc ; and paer biö swyðe
mycel hunig, and fiscaä ; and se cyning and pa ricostan men
drincaš myran meolc, and pa unspedigan and pa pedwan 15
drincaš medo. paer biö swyðe mycel gewinn betweonan him;
and me biö Šaer na-nig ealo gebrowen mid Estum, ac paer biö
medo genöh.
21. And paer is mid Estum Seaw, ponne paer biö man dead,
paet he liè inne unforbaerned mid his magum and freondum 20
monaö,-gehwilum twegen : and pa [cyningas] and pa oëre
heah-öungene men, swa micle lencg swa hi maran speda habbaš,
hwilum healf-gear, paet hibedè unforbaerned ; and licgaš bufan
eorðan on hyra husum : and ealle pahwile, pe paet lic biö inne,
paer sceal bedn gedrync, and plega, oš Šome daeg, pehi hime 25
forbaernaë.
22. ponne, by ylcan daege, hi hine to paem äde beran wyllab,
ponne todaelaö hi his feoh, paet paer to lafe biö aefter paem
gedrynce, and paem plegan, on fif oëöe syz, hwylum on ma,
swa swa paes feos andefn biö. Alecgaš hit Sonne forhwaga 30
on anre mile pone maestan dàel fram paem tune, ponne očerne,
Śonne paene priddan, oppe hyt eall aled biö on paere anre
mile ; and sceall bedn se lasta dael nyhst paem tune, Še se deada
man on lič. Bonne sceolom bedn gesamnode ealle Šâ menn,
êe swyftoste hors habbaš on paem lande, forhwaega on fif is
milum, ošče on syz milum, fram paem feo. ponne aernań hy
ealle toweard paem feo : Sonne cymeå se man, se paet swifte hors
hafaş, to paem aerestan daele, and to paem maestan, and swa aelc
aefter oërum, op hit biö eall genumen; and se nimb pone
laestan dael, se myhst paem tune, paet feoh gearneå : and ponne to
rideð aelchys weges mid Šan feo, and hyt motan habban eall;
and forêy paer bedè pa swiftan hors ungeföge dyre. And
º hys gestreon beoš pus eall aspended, ponne byrö man
ine tit, and forbaerneå mid his waspnum and hraegle : and
swièost ealle hys speda hy forspendaš, mid pan langan legere 15
ESTHONIAN CUSTOMS : OF GREECE, ITALY, GALLIA $ 20 –26. 23
paes deadan mannes inne, and paes pe hy be paem wegum
alecgaë, pe Šafremdan to aernab, and mimaš,
23. And paet is mid Estum peaw, paet paer sceal aelces ge-
Öeodes man beon forbaerned ; and, gyf par man àn ban findeč
* unforbaerned, hi hit sceolan miclum gebetan.-And paer is mid
Eastum an maegô, paethi magon cyle gewyrcan; and py paer
licgaš pa deadan men swa lange, and me fuliaë, paethy wyrcaä
pone cyle hine on ; and, peah man asette twegen faetels full
ealað, ošče wasteres, hy gedoë paet oper biö of rírorem, sam
10 hit Sy sumor, sam winter.
24. Nu wille we secgan be suban Dönua paere ea ymbe Creca
land, ſpej lip wyö eastan Constantinopolim, Creca byrig, is se
Sæ Propónditis : and be norðan Constantinopolim, Creca
byrig, scyt se sæ-earm up of paem sae west-rihte, pe man haet
15 Euxinus; and, be westan norðan paere byrig, Donua muða
paere ea scyt sub-east ut on Öone såe Euxinus; and, on sub-
healfe, and on west-healfe paes muëan, sindon Moesi, Creca
leode; and, be westan paere byrig, sindon Traci; and, be
eastan paere byrig, Macedonie : and, be supan paere byrig,
20 on Suð-healfe paes saes earmes, pe man haet Egéum, sindon
Athéna, and Corintus pa land: and, be westan-suèan Corinton,
is A chie paet land, aet paem Wendel-sae. pas land syndon Creca
leode. And be westan Achie, andlang paes Wendel-såes, is Dal-
matia paet land, on norð-healfe paes saes; and be norðan Dal-
25 matia sindon Pulgare, and Istria: and be suban Istria is se
Wendel-Saë, pe man haet Atriaticum ; and be westan pa bedr-
gas, pe man haet Alpis; and be norðam paet westen, paet is betux
Carendan and Fulgarum.
25. Donne is Italia land west-norè lang, and east-sub lang;
30 —and hit beliö Wendel-såe ymb eall utan buton westan-norèan.
AEt paem ende, hit belicgaš Ša bedrgas, pe man haet Alpis : pa
onginnač westane fram paem Wendel-sà, in Narbonense paere
Šeode and endiaş eft east in Dalmatia paem lande, aet paem sae.
26. pa land pe man haet Gallia Bellica.-Be eastan paem
35 is sio ea, pe man haet Rin, and be suban pa bedrgas pe man
haet Alpis, and be westan-suèan se garsecg, pe man haet Brit-
tanisca; and be norðan, on oëre healfe paes garsegges earme
is Brittannia paet land. Be westan Ligore is AEquitania land;
and be supan AEquitania is paes landes sum dael Narbonense;
40 and, be westan-suèan, Ispania land; and be westan garsege.
Be suban Narbonense is se Wendel-såe, paer paer Rödan seo eå
ut scyt; and be eastan him [Profentse], and be westan him
[Profentse] of eröa westenu, seo us nearre Ispania; and be west-
an him and morèan Equitania, and Wäscan be norðan. Pro-
* fentsé haefö be norèan hyre pa becrgas, pe man Alpis hæt, and
24 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS ; Book I: Ch. I $ 27–31.
be suban hyre is Wendel-sae ; and be norðan hyre and eastan
synd Burgende, and Wascan be westan.
27. Ispania land is pry-scyte, and eall mid fleote utanymbhaefd,
ge eac binnan ymbhaefd ofar Ša land, aegberge of paem garsec-
ge, ge of Šam Wendel-sae: ân Öaera garena lič suè-west ongean
paet igland, pe Gadés hatte; and oper east ongean paet land
Narbonense; and se êridda morè-west ongean Brigantia Gallia
burh, and ongean Scotland, of r Öone saes earm, on geryhte -
ongean paene muëan pe mon haet Scene. Seous fyrre Ispania,
hyre is be westangarsecg, and be morèan; Wendel-såe be suban ; 10
and be eastan seo us nearre Ispania; be norðan paere synt
Equitania; and, be norðan-eastan, is se weald Pireni, and be
eastan Narbonense, and be suban Wendel-såe.
28. Brittannia paet igland:—hit is norð-east lang, and hit is
eahta hund mila lang, and twa hund mila brad. ponne is be is
suban him, on oëre healfe paes sæs earmes, Gallia Bellica; and
on west-healfe, on opre healfe paes saes earmes, is Ibernia paet
igland; and, on norð-healfe, Orcadus paet igland. Igbernia,
paet we Scotland hataš, hit is on aelce healfe ymbfangen mid
garsecge; and foróðn pe sió sunne paergaeś near on setl, ponne 20
on oërum lande, paer syndon lyöran wedera, ponne on Brittan-
nia. ponne be westan-norðan Ibernia is paet ytemeste land, paet
man haet Thila ; and hit is feawum mannum cuè, for Öaere
ofer-fyrre.—Nú haebbe we gesaed ymbe ealle Europe land-
gemaero, hu hi tolicgaš. 25
29. Nu wille we ymbe Affrica, hiſ Ša land-gemaero tolic-
gaš-Ure yldran cwacdon paet hió ware se Sridda dael byses
middangeardes: naes nå forêām pe paes landes swa fela ware,
ac forêampe se Wendel-så hit haefö swa todaeled; forêan pe he
brycó swièor on Öone sub-dael, ponne he d6 on pone norð-dael; so
and sio hate haefö genumen paes sub-daeles mare, ponne se
cyle paes norð-daeles haebbe; forêon be aelc wiht maeg betwyö
cyle, ponne wič haete; for Šam pingón is Affrica, aegberge on
landum, ge on mannum, laesse Sonne Europe.
30. Affrica onginé, swa we aer cwaedon, eastan westwerd as
fram Egyptum, aet paere ié pe man Nilus haet. ponne is sio
eastemeste peod haten Libia Cirimacia; hire is be eastan sid
us, nearre AEgyptus; and be morèan Wendel-såe, [and be
stičan sed peód], pe man haet Libia AEthiopicum ; and be westan
Syrtes Maiores. 46)
31. Be westan Libia AEthiopicum, is sio us fyrre AEgyptus;
and be suban se garsecg pe man haet AEthiopicus; and be
westan Rogathitus. Tribulitania, sio biod pe man oëre naman
haet Arzuges:—Hio haefè be eastan hyre bone Sirtes Maiores,
and Rogathite pa land; and be norðan bone Wendel-Sé, be as
MAURETANIA : CYPRUS: CRETE: CYCLADES: SICILY. 25
man haet Adriaticum, and pa peode pe man haet Sirtes Minores;
and be westan Bizantium, oppone sealtan mere; and be suban
hyre Nâtabres, and Geothūlas, and Garamāntes, oë bone
garsego.
* 32. Bizantium sio peod, paer se becrh is Adrumetis, and
Seuges, and sio piod paer sio mycle burh is Cartaina, and
Numedia sio peod. Hi habbaš be eastan him paet land Syrtes
Minores, and pone sealtan mere; and be norèan him is Wen-
del-såe; and be westan him Mauritania; and be suban him.
"Uzera pa bedrgas; and be suban pam beargum pa simbel-
farendan AEthiopes, oë Sone garsecg-Mauritania —Hyre is
be eastan Numedia; and be norðan Wendel-såe; and be Westan
Malua sio ea; and be sučan Astrix, ymb Öa bedrgas, pa to-
daelaö paet [wastm]baere land and paet dead wylle sand, pe
“syppan lič suð on pone garsecg.—Mauritania, pe. man opre
maman haet Tingetana:-Be eastan hyre is Malua Sio ea, and
be norðan Abbenas, pa bedrgas, and Calpis, oper bedrh, paer
scyt se ende up of pam garsecge, betuh pan twam bedrgum
eastweard, paer Ercoles syla standač; and be westan him is se
* becrh Athlans, oë Some garsecg : and supan Öa bedrgas pe
man haet AEsperos; and be suban him Aulolum sio piod, ob
ºrweg-Nu haebbe we ymb Affrica land-gemaerco
gesaed. -
33. Nu, wille we secgan ymb pa y gland, be on pa Wendel:
* sae sindon.— Cipros paet igland, hit lić ongean Cilicia, and
Issaurio, on pam saes earme, pe man haet Mesicos; and hit is
an hund mila lang and fif and hund-syfantig, and an hund
mila brad and twa and twentig.—Creto paet, igland, him is be
eastan se sae pe man Afratium haet; and westan and be norèan
* Creticum se sæ; and be westan Sicilium, pe man oëre naman
haet Addriaticum : hit is an hund mila long and hund-syfantig,
and fiftig mila brad.
34. Bara iglanda, pe man haet Ciclades, para sindon preo
and fiftig : and be eastan him is se Risca sæ; and be suban se
* Cretisca; and be norðan se Egisca; and be westan Addriati-
CUl Iſl.
35. Sicilia paet igland is Śry-scyte. On aelces sceatan ende
sindon beorgas : pone norð-sceatan man haet Polores; paer is
seo burh meah Mesāna: and se sub-sceata hatte Bachinum ;
“ paer neah is sio burh Siracussāna: and pome west-sceatan man
haet Libeum, paer is sio burh meah pe man haet Libeum. And
hit is an hund and syfan and fiftig mila lang, sub and norð ;
and se pridda sceata is an hund and syfan and hund-syfantig,
west lang. And be eastan paem lande is se Wendel-sae, pe
“man haet Adriaticum ; and be supan, pam man haet Affricum ;
26 KING ALFRED's OROSIUs; Book I: Ch. II $ 1, 2.
and be westan, pe man haet Tirénum ; and be norðan is se sai,
pe aegper is ge-nearoge hreoh, wiè Italia pam lande.
36. Sardina and Corsica pā igland todaeleš an lytel saes earm, ºr
se is twa and twentig mila brad. Sardina is preo and pritti mila
lang, and twa and twentig mila brad. Him is be eastan se Wen- a
del-sae, pe man haet Tirrénum, pe Tiber sid ea utscyt on ; and
be suban, se sae peliö ongean Numedia lande ; and be westan
patwa igland, pe man haet Balearis; and be norðan Corsica
paet igland.
37. Corsica, him is Rome burh be eastan; and Sardinia be 10
suèan; and be westan pa igland Balearis; and be norðan Tus-
i. paet land. Hit is syxtene mila lang, and nygan mila
I’a,Ol.
38. Balearis, pa tu igland, him is be norðan Affrica, and
Gadés be westan, and Ispania be norðan.—Scortlice haebbe we is
nu gesaed be paem [gesetenum] iglandum, pe on Öaem Wendel-
sae sindon.
[Bóc I: CAPITUL II.]
1. AE'r pºem pe Rome burh getimbred waere prim hund
wintra, and Šusend wintra, Ninus, Asyria kyming, Ongan manna 20
aerest ricsian on Öysum middangearde; and, mid ungemaetlicre
gewilnunge anwaldes, he was heriende and feohtende fiftig
wintra, oë he haefde ealle Asiam on his geweald genyd, Suš,
fram paem Readan sāe, and swa norð, oppone sae, pe man haet
Euxinus; butan paem pe he eac oft-raedlice for mid miclum 25
gefeohtum on Scióðie, Ša norð land, pa Śe gecwedene syndon
êa heardestan men; peah hy syn, on pyson worold-gesaelpon,
pa inspedgestan; and hy Šá, under öaem pe he him on winnende
waes, wurdon gerade wig-craefta, peah hi aer hyra lif byl wetlice
alyfden. And hy him aefter paem grimme forguldon pone 30
wig-craeft, pe hy aet him geleornodon; and him Ša wearö
emleof, on hyra mode, paet hy gesawon mannes blód agoten,
swa him was para nytena meolc, pehy maest bi libbağ. And
he Ninus Soroastrem, Bactriana cyning, se cuče manna aerest
dry-craeftas, he hime oferwann and of sloh ; and pa aet myhstan as
he was feohtende wič Scióðie on ane burh, and paer wearö
of-scoten mid anre flane.
2. And aefter his deače Sameramis his cwen fengc aegber ge
to paem gewinne, ge to paem rice; and hio past ylce gewin, pe
hio hine on bespon mid manigfealdon firen-lustum, twa and 40
feowertig wintra was dreogende. And hyre Öa gyt to lytel
puhte paes anwaldes ée se cyningc aer gewunnen haefde ; ac
hio mid wiflice niše was feohtende on paet underiende folc
AEthiopiam, and eac on Indeas, pá nán man me àer ne syööan
&
N IN US AND SEMIRAMIS: SODOM AND GOMORRA H. 27
midgefeohte ne geförbuton Alexander. Hio was wilniende mid
gewinnum paet hio hy of rswiède, §a hed hit Šurhteon me
mihte. Sio gitsung pā, and pagewin waron grimlicran ponne
hy nii syn, foróón hy hyra name bysene aer ne cušan, swa men
s nu witon; ac on bilwitnesse hyra lif alyfdon.
3. Seo ylce cwen Sameramis, syööan paet rice was on hyre
gewealde, nales paet an paet hio [Öyrstende] was on symbel
mannes blodes; ac eac swelce mid lingemetlicre wraennesse
manigfeald geligre fremmende was, swa paet aelcme para pe hio
to geacsian myhte, paet kyne-kynnes was, hio to hyre gespon for
hyre geligernesse; and syööan hio hy ealle mid facne beswac to
deabe ; and pa, aet nehstan, hyre agene sunu hio genam hyre to
geligere; and, forêón pe hió hyre firen-luste fulgan ne moste,
butan manna bysmrunge, hio gesette ofer eall hyre rice, paet
is nán forbyrd naere aet geligere betwuh nånre sibbe.
[Bóc I: CAPITUL III.]
1. AEr Šam pe Rome burh getimbred ware pusend wintra
and an hund and syztig, paet wastmbaere land, on paem So-
dome and Gomorre, ša byrig, on waron, hit wearö fram heo-
20 fonlicum fyre forbaerned. Paet was betuh Arabia and Palestina:
Ša manigfealdan wastmas waron, forbam swipost Še Iordănis,
sio ea, aclce geare paet land middeweard ofarfleow mid fotes
picce flode; and hit ponne mid Šâm gedynged wearö.
2. pa was paet folc paes micclan welan ungemetlice bru-
25 cende, oš Šaet him on se micla firen-lust on innan aweox; and
him com of paem firem-luste Godes wraco, paet he eal paet land
mid sweflenum fyre forbaernde ; and sebèan Šaer was standende
water of r pam lande, swa hit paere ea flod aer gefleow; and
paes daeles se [daelj, se paet flod ne grette, ys gyt to daeg
so wastmberende on aelces cynnes blaedum; and Ša syndon
swype faegere and lustsumlice on to seonne; ac, ponne hig
man on hand nymö, ponne weorðað hig to aczan.
[Böc I: CAPITUL IV.]
1. AEr Saem pe Rome burh getimbred ware Šusend wintra
ss and hund-syfantig, Thelescises and Ciarsathi pa leode betuh
him gewin uphofon, and paet drugon op hi mid ealle of slegene
waron, butan swièe feawum. And swa peah paet paer to lafe
wearö para Thelescisa, hi hiora land of-geafan, and geforan
Rošum, paet igland, wilniende paet hi aelcum gewinne oëflogen
40 haefdon; ac hi Creacas paer onfundon, and hi mid ealle for-
dydon.
28 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book I: Ch. V $ 1, 2.
[Bóc I: CAPITUL V.]
1. AEr Šam pe Rome burh getimbred ware eahta hund
wintra, mid Egyptum wearö syfan gear se ungemetlica eorö-
wela ; and hi aefter Šaem waron on pan maestan hungre, oëre
syfan gear. And him på Ioseph, rihtwis man, mid godcunde ful-5
tumegehealp:—From Šaem Iosepe Sömpeius, se hæpenascop, and
his cniht Iustinus wa’ran Šus singende:–Ioseph, se pe [gingst]
was hys gebroöra, and eac gleavra of rhi ealle, paet him Ša
ondraedendum paem gebroörum, hygenamon Ioseph and hime
geSealdan cipe-monnum, and hi hime gesealdon in Egypta land."
Ba Saede he Sömpeius, paet he paer dry-craeftas geleornode :
and, of paem dry-craeftum, paet he gewunode monige wundor to
Wyrcenne; and paet he mihte swa wel swefn reccan ; and eac
paet he of Saem craefte Pharaone paem cyninge swa leof wurde.
And he saede paet he of paem dry-craefte geleornode godcundne"
wisdom, paet he paes landes wastmbaernesse para syfan geara
aer beforan Saede, and para opera syfan geara wadle, pe paer
aefter com; and hū he gegaderode on pan aerran syfan gearan
mid hys wisdome, paet he, pa aeſteran syfan gear, eall paet folc
gescylde wič pone miclan hungor; and saede paet Moyses ware *
paes Iosepes sunu; paet him waran fram hym dry-craeftas
gecynde ; forêon pe he monige wundor worhte in Egyptum ;
and for pasm [wole], pe on paetland becom, se scop was secgende
paet Egypti adrifen Moyses üt mid hys leodum; forðon saede
Sómpeius and pa Egyptiscan bisceopas, paet pa Godes wundor, " '
pe on hiora landum geworden waron, to pon gedon paet hi
hiora agnum godum getealde waron, paet sint diofol-gild, males
pam sočan Gode, forêon pe hiora godu syndon dry-craefta
lareowas. And paet folc nii gyt paet tacn Iosepes gesetnesse
aefterfylgeač, paet is, paet hi, geara gehwilce, pone fiftan dael 30
ealra hiora eorö-wastma paem cyninge to gafole gesyllab.
2. Waes se hunger, on Öaes cyninges dagum, on Egyptum,
pe mon haet Amosés, peah Öe hiora peaw ware paet hi ealle
hiora cymingas hetan Pharaon. On Saere ylcan tide ricsade
Baleſis, se cyning, in Assirin, paer aer was Ninus. On paem is
leodum, pe mom Argi haet, ricsade Apis, se cyningc. On paere
tide, maes nå mä cyninga anwalda, butan pysan prim ricum ; ac
syppan was sio bysen of him of realle world. Ac paet is to
wundrianne, paet pa Egypti swa lytle poncunge wiston Iosepe,
paes pe he hi aet hungre ahredde, paet hi hys cyn swa raóe 40
getinaredon, and hy ealle to mydlingum him gedydon. Swa
eac is gyt on ealre pysse worulde; peah God langre tide wille
hwam hys willan to forlaetan, and he ponne paes eft lytelre tide
polige, paet he sona forgyt paet göd paet he aer haefde, and
gečencö paet yfel paet he ponne haefö. 45
JOSEPH IN EGYPT: DEUCALION : THE PLAGUES OF EGYPT. 29
[Bóc I: CAPITUL VI.]
.1. AEr Öaem pe Rome burh getimbred ware eahta hund
Wintra, and tyn gearan, ricsode Ambictio, se cyning, in Athéna
Creca byrig. He was se pridda cyning, pé aefter Cicrope,
paem cyninge, ricsade, pe aerest was paere burge cyning. On
* pass Ambictiones, tide wurdon swa mycele water flod geond
ealle world,—and peah maest in Thasalia, Creca byrig, ymb
Pa begrgas, pe man haet Parnastis, paer se cyning Theuhaleón
ricsode,-paet formeah eall paet folc forwearö. And se cyningc
Theuhaleón ealle på pe to him mid scypum oëflugon to paem
"heorgum, he hi paer onfengc, and hi paer afedde. Be paem
Theuhaleón was gecweden, Swilce mon bispel sade, past he
Waere mon-cynnes tydriend, swa swa Noe was.
2. On paem dagum was se maesta man-cwealm in AEthiopian,
Affrica leode; swa paetheora feawa to lafe wurdon.—Eac, on
* paem dagum, was past Liber Pater of rwan pa undérigendan
Indea Śeode, and hi formeah mid ealle fordyde, aegberge mid
druncennysse, ge mid firen-lustum, ge mid man-slyhtum: peah
hi hine eft after hys daege heom for God haefdon; and hy sac-
don past he ware ealles gewinnes waldend.
20 [Bóc I: CAPITUL VII.]
1. AEr Öam pe Rome burh getimbred ware eahta hund
wintra, and fif wintrum, gewearö paet Moyses laedde Israhela
folc of Egyptum, aefter paem manegum wundrum, pe he paer
gedon haefde.—paet was paet forme, paet hyra water wurdon
25 to blode.—pa was paet aefterre, paet froxas comon geond eall
Egypta land, swa fela paet man me mihte man wedrc wyrcan, ne
männe mete gegyrwan, paet para wyrma maere emfela paem
mete aer he gegearwod ware.—pridde yfel was aefter pam,
paet gnaettas comon ofcr eall paet land, ge inne ge ute, mid
so fyr-Smeortendum bitum, and aegôaer ge på men ge banytenu,
unāblimendlice piniende waron.—pa was paet feorðe, paet ealra
scamlicost was, paet hundes fleogan comon geond eall paet
man-cyn; and hy crüpon paem mannum betuh pa peoh, ge
geond eall pa limu, swa hyt eac well gedafenode, paet God Śā
as maestan ofcrmetto genièrode mid paere bismerlicestan wrace and
paere unwedrölicostan.-paet fifte was hyra nytena cwealm.
—paet syxte was, paet eall folc was on blaedran, and pā waron
swièe hreowlice berstende, and pa worms utsionde.—paet sy-
feče was, paet &aer com hagol, se was wiè fyre gemenged, paet
40 he aegber sloh ge. Ša men ge Öa nytenu, ge eall paet on pam
lande was weaxendes and growendes.—paet eahtobe was, paet
gaerstapan comon, and fraeton ealle pagaers-cièas, pe bufan
30 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book I Ch. VIII $ 1.
paere eorêan waron; gefurbon pagaers-cièas, and pa wyrtru-
man sceorfende waron.—paet mygoëe was, paet paer com hagol
and swa mycel pysternesse, ge daeges ge nihtes, and swa
gedrefedlic paet hit man gefelan mihte-paet teoše was, paet
ealle Ša cnihtas and ealle Ša maedena, pe on paem lande frum- 5
cennede waron, wurdon on anre niht acwealde; and, peah
paet folc nolde àer Gode abugan, hy hwæðre på hyra unbances
him gehyrsume waron : swa swyðe Swahi aer Moyse and hys
folce paes utfaereldes wyrndon, swa micle hy waron geornran
paet hi him fram [flugen.] Ac seo hreowsung, pe him på ge- 10
wearö, swyðe raše on wyrsan gepanc gehwyrfed. Hraedlice
se cyningc på mid his folce him was aefter fylgende, and hy
gecyrran wolde eft to Egyptum. Se kyningc Pharón haefde
syx hund wig-wagna, and swa fela paes oëres heres was, paet
man maeg panon oncmawan, pa him swa fela manna ondredon is
swa mid Moyse waron : paet was syx hund pusenda manna!
Hwačre God på miclan Pharones menge gelytlode, and hyra
ofermaetan of-rmetto genyöerode; and, beforan Moyse and
hys folce, he Šone Readan sé on twelf wegas adrigde; paet
hi, drigan fotan, paene sae oferferdon. pa paet gesawon pa 20
Egypte, hy đa getrymedon hyra dryas, Geames and Mambres,
and getruwedon mid hyra dry-craeftum, paet hi on Öone ilcan
weg feran meahtan. Ea hi pā on innan paem Sæ-faerelde
waeron, pagedufon hi ealle, and adruncon. pact tacn nü gyt
is Örgyte on paes saes staše, hwaer para wig-wagma hweol 25
6n gongende waron. paet deč God to tacne eallum mon-
kynne, paet peah hit wind oëöe sæs flod mid sonde oferdrifen,
paet hit Seah biö eft swagesyne, swa hit aer was.
2. On paere tide, was sio ofcrimycelo haeto on ealre worulde,
males paet än paet men waron miclum geswencte, ac eac ealle 30
mytenu swyðe meah forwurdon; and Öa suémestan AEthiopian
haefdon bryne for Šaere haete; and Scippie pa norðmestan
haefdon ungewunelice haeton. pa haefdon monige unwise
menn him to worde, and to leasung-spelle, paet sio haete mare
for hiora synnum; ac sacdon paet hió ware for Fetontis for- as
scăpunge, anes mannes.
[Bóc I: CAPITUL VIII.]
1. AEr Šaem pe Rome burh getimbred waere syx hund
wintran and fif, in Egyptum, wearö on ànre miht fiftig manna
ofslegen, ealle fram hiora agnum sunum ; and ealle Ša men 40
comon fram twam gebroëran. papis gedon was, pa gyt ly-
fedan Ša gebroëra. Seyldra was haten Danaiis, pe paes yfeles
ord-fruma was ; se wearö of his rice adrāfed. And on Arge
paet land he fleonde becom. And his se cyning pàer Tenelaús
STORY OF THE DAN AIDES : OF BUSIRIS. 31
mildelice onfeng; peah he hit him eft mid yfele forgulde, pa
he hime of his rice adraefde.
2. On paem dagum on Egyptan was paes kyninges peaw
Bosirièis, paet ealle pa cuman, pe hine gesohton, he to blóte
5 gedyde, and his godum bebead.—Ic wolde nii, cwa.º. Orosius,
paet me Ša geandwyrdam, pa pe secgaš paet peos world synü
wyrse on Öysan Cristendome, ponne hió aer on paem há-
penscype, ware, ponne hi swylc geblot and swylc morè donde
waeron Swylc ic her aer beforan saede. Hwær is nu on aenigan
10 Cristendome, betuh him sylfum, paet mon him purfe Swilc
ondraedan, paet hine mon aenigum godum blote oëöe hwær
syndom ure godas, pe Swylcra mána gyrnen, Swilce hiora
wateron 1
3. On paem dagum Pérseus, se cyningc, of Creca lande in
1, Asiam mid fyrde for, and on Öa Śeode winnende was, op hi
him gehyrsume waron ; and paere peode operne naman ascóp
be him syluum, swa hi mon syööan het Persi. -
4. Ic wat geare, cwał Orósius, paetic his sceal her fela of r-
hebban, and pa spell pe ic secge ic hisceal gescyrtan,—forêon
20 pe Asyrie haefdom LX wintra and an hund and an pusend,
under fiftigan cyninga rice,—paet hit ná buton gewinne maes,
op paet Sarôanópolim of slegen wearö-and se anwald sióēan
on Maeśe gehwearf. Hwa is paet pe eall Sayfel, pehi donde
waeron, asecgean maege oëöe areccean l—Eác ic wille geswigian
as Tontolis, and Philopes, para scondlicestena spella ;-hū manega
bismerlica gewin Tontolus gefremede, syööan he cyningc
was ;-ymb pone cniht pe he meadinga genám Ganemépis ;-
and hū he his agenne sunu his godum to blote acwealde, and
hime him sylf sióðan to mete gegyrede.—Eác me sceal ačreotan
so ymbe Philópes, and ymbe Tardanus, and ymb ealra para
Troiana gewin to asecgenne, forêón on spellum and on leoë-
um hiora gewin cupe sindon. Ic sceall eac ealle forlaetan, pa
pe of Perseo and of Cathma gestede syndon; and eacha pe of
Thébani, and of Spartani gesaede Syndon. Eac ic wille geswi-
as gian para män-daeda para Lemniašum, and Ponthionis, paes
cyninges, hu hreowlice he wearö adrāfed of Othinéntium, his
agenre peode; and Atregsas and Thigespres hi hi heara
fºederas ofslogan, and ymb hiora hetelican forlignessa, ic hit
eall forlaete. Eac ic hit forlaete Adipsus, hū he aegber of sloh
40 ge his agenne faeder, ge his steop-faeder, ge. his steop-sunu.
Ön paem dagum, waron swa [ungemetical yfel, paet på men
sylf saedon, paet héfones tungul hiora yfel flugon.
[Bóc I: CAPITUL IX.]
1. AEr Šam Še Rome burh getimbred ware syz hund wintrum
32 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book I: Ch. X, $ 1, 2.
and syxtygum, wearö past ungemetlice mycle gefeoht betweeh
Cretense, and Atheniénse, paem folcum. And pa Crétense
haefdom Šone grimlican sige, and ealle pa aepelestan bearn para
Atheniensa hy genamon, and sealdon paem Minotatiro to
etanne, paet was healf mann healf léo. .* 5
2. On paem dagum was pact [Lapithe] and Thesali wieron
winnende him betweenan. ponne pa [Lapithe] gesawon. The-
sali paet folc, of hiora horsan, bedn feohtende wiè hi, ponne
hetan hihi Centauri, paet syndon healf hors, and healf men; for-
Śon pe hi on horse feohtan ne gesawon àer på. 10
[Bóc I: CAPITUL X.]
1. AEr Saem Še Rome burh getimbred ware feower hund
wintran and hund-eahtatigum, Uesogés, Egypta cyning, was
winnende of suð-daele A siam, oë Še him se maesta dael wearö
underöeoded. And he Uesoges, Egypta cyming, was syööan is
mid fyrde farende on Scióðie on Šâ norð-daelas, and his aerend-
racan beforan asende to paere peode, and him untweogendlice
secgan het, paet hi ošer scoldon, oëöe paet land aet him alysan,
oööe he hi wolde midgefeohte fordón and forhérgian. Hy him
på gescadwislice andwyrdon and cwacdon, “paet hit gemählic 20
ware, and ünrihtlic paet swa of rvlenced cyning sceolde win-
man on swa earm folc swa hi waron.” Hétan him Šeah paet
ândwyrde secgan,—paet him leofre ware wičhine to feohtanne
ponne gafol to gyldenne. Hi paet gelaeston swa, and sona Śone
cyningc geflymdon mid his folce, and him aefter folgiende 25
waeran, and ealle Egypta aweston, butan paem fen-landum
ānan. And pa hi hamweard wendon be westan paere ea Eu-
frate. Ealle A siam hy genyddon paet hi him gafol guldon,
and paer waron fiftyne gear paet land hergiende and westende,
op hiora wif him sendon aerend-racan aefter, and him saedon, so
“paet hi oëer dydan –oppe ham come, oppe hi him woldan
oöerra wera ceosan.”—Hi pa paet land forleton, and him hām-
weard ferdon.
2. On paere ylcan tide, wurdon twegen aepelingas aflymde of
Scióðian, Plenius and Scolopetius waran hatene; and geforan 35
paet land, and gebudon betwech Capadotiam and Pontum, neah
Šáre la’ssan Asiam ; and paer winnende waron, op paet hi him
paer eard genamon; and hi paer, aefter hraedlice tide, fram paem
land-leodum purh seara öfslegene wurdon. pā wurdon hiora
wif swa särige on hiora mode and swa swièlice gedrefed, aegber 40
ge para àpelinga wif, ge para operra manna, pe mid him of sle-
gene warran, paet hi wapna naman, to pón paet hi heora weras
wrecan Öohtan; and hi čá hraedlice aefter paem of slogan ealle Ša
wapned-menn, pe him on neaweste waron. Forêón hydydon
Jawaerdale M.J. Zage .33–34 Pi TV
(&, roceſſage 33

htc 1r ſtonblic Gyaº onorrup Şmb
ſpelc tofppecanne hyelchra hapūr, paſpa eanm epif
jſpa dotto; hdºonse&m pone ſnºw ºrcan eael
1%ahpatºrian m&l eatlá pºrº moban ‘paſſed bac
pºp urian eanspefahieronneab mysealleayacon
ea'ba teafena - calbeºrms to Funpon jøeºnbæm
1e broon tespºnse Crnºn ;” rerran ºn Pºeafina
unbrºerjeatlet apoſto o on hional aşār; pill pr;
phoºmbe yeºn on . Folmeah. c. punana Tfrary nume
mºnython ulcºrbmocó putzehnehic polmeal, topumum
Facne new nanu'lºemtſpoon havce-ba ean man firman
hue ſparanchebon
JMečheražff &z/.


AMAZONS, THEIR CUSTOMS AND CONQUESTS. 33
swä, pehi woldon paet pa oëre wif wacran emsarige heom, paet
hi syppan on him fultum haefdon, paet hi mã meahton hyra
weras wrecan. Hi Öa pa wif ealle togaedere gecyrdon, and on
paet folc winnende waron, and pa waspned-men sleande, op hi
* paes landes haefdom mycel on hiora anwealde. pa under öaem
gewinne, hy genāman frið wič Ša waspned-men. Syööan was
hiora öeaw, pact hi, aelce geare ymbe twelf monaö, tosomne
ferdon, and paer Öonne bearma stryndon. Eft ponne pa wif
heora bearn [cendon], ponne feddon hi pa maeden-cild, and
"slogon pa hyse cild: and paem maeden-cildan hi forténdon paet
swypre breost foran, paet hit weaxan ne sceolde, paet hi haefdan
py strengran scyte; forêon himon het on Creacisc Amazanås,
paet is on Englisc forténde. .
3. Hiora twä waran heora cwéna, Marsepia and Lampida
*waran hatene. Hy hyra here on twa todaeldon;–oper aet
hām bedn hiora land to healdenne,—oper titfaran to win-
nanne. Hy syööan ge-eodon Europam, and Asiam pone
maestan dael, and getimbredon Effesum pa burh, and monige
oère on paere lassan Asiam ; and sippan hiora heres Sone
* maestan dael ham sendon mid hiora here-hyöe, and pone
oëerne dael paer leton, paet land to healdenne, paer wearö
Marsepia, sio cwen, of slagen, and mycel paes heres pe mid
hyre baeftan was, paer wearö hyre dohtor cwén Sinope. Sio
ylce cwen, Sinope, to-eacan hyre hwætscype and hire moni-
* fealdum duguêum, hyre lif ge-endode on macgöhade.
4. On paem dagum was swa mycel ege fram paem wifman-
man, paet Europe né A'sia, ne ealle pa neah peoda, ne mihtan
apencan, ne acraeſtan, hū hi him wièstandan mihtan, aeröon hi
gecuron Ercol pone ent, paet he him sceolde mid eallan Creaca
* craeftum beswican. And peah me dorste he genešan paet he
hi mid fyrde gefore, aer he ongan mid Créaca scypum, pe mon
Dulmünus hæt, pe man segő paet än Scip maege an pusend
manna : and pa nihtes on ungearwe hi on bestael, and hi swièe
forsloh and fordyde: and hwæpere ne meahte hi paes landes
* benaeman. On paem dagum, paer waron twa cwena, pa
waeran geswedstra, Anthiopa and Orithia; and paer wearö
Orithia gefangen. AEfter hyre (feng] to paem rice Pentesilia,
sió, on paem Troianiscan gefeohte, swièe maere gewearö.
5. Hit is scondlic, cwacă Orosius, ymb swylc to sprecanne
“hwylc hit pa was, på swā earme wif [and swa elöeodge haefdon
gegan pome craeftgestan dàel, and pa hwatestan men ealles
pises middangeardes, paet was Asiam and Europe. pa hie
formeah mid-ealle aweston, and ealda ceastra and ealde byrig
towurpon : and aefter Šaem hie dydon aegber ge cyninga ricu
“settan, ge niwu ceastra timbredon; and ealle pa worold, on
34 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book I: Ch. XI $ 1.
hiora agen gewill onwendende waron, folneah C. wintra.
And swagemune men waron aelces broces, paette hie hit fol-
neah to nanum facne, ne to manum laše naefdon, paette pa
earman wifrnen hie swa tintredon.]
6. And nii Ša pa Götan coman of Šam hwatestan manman a
Germánia, pe aegber ge Pirrus, se reëa Creaca cyningc, ge
Alexander, ge Iulius, se craeftiga Casere, hi ealle fram him
ondredon, paet hi hi mid gefeohten sohte:—Hü ungemetlice gé
Romwäre bemurcniaš and besprecač, [paet] eow nii wyrs sie
on bysan Cristendome, ponne paem peodum pa ware, forêon Šâ 10
Götan eow hwön of rhergodan, and eowre burh abraecon, and
eower feawe of slogan And, for hiora craeftum and for hiora
hwætscype, eowra selfra anwaldes eowres unèances habban
mihtan, penii lustlice sibsumes frièes, and summe dael landes
aet eow biddende syndon, to pon paet hi eow on fultume been is
moton. And hit fler Öysan genoh aemetig laeg and genoh weste
and ge kys mane note naefdom. Hü blindlice monige peoda
sprecaë ymb pone Cristendom, paet hit nå wyrse sy ponne hit
aer ware;—paet hi nellaò gepencan, oëöe ne cunnan, hwaer
hit gewurde aer Šaem Cristendôme, paet aenig peod oëre hyre 20
willum friðes baede, buton hyre pearf ware; oëöe hwaer aenig
Šeod aet oëre myhte frið begitan, oppe mid golde, ošše mid
seolfre, oppe mid aenigan feo, butan he him underöeoded ware.
Ac syööan Crist geboren was, peealles middan geardes is sibb
and frið, males paet än paet men hi mihtan alysan mid fed of 2:
Šeowdome,ac eac Šeoda him betweenan, butan Öeowdome,
gesibsume waran. Hú wéne ge hwylce sibbe pa weras haef-
dom aer Šaem Cristendome, pomme hiora wif swa monigfeald yfel
donde waron on Öysan middangearde
[Book I: CAPITUL XI.] 30
1. AEr Šam Še Rome burh getimbred ware feower hund win-
tran and pritig wintra, gewearö paet Alexander, Priamises sunu,
paes cyninges, of Troiana paere byrig, genam paes cyninges wif
Monelaus, of Laecedemonia Creaca byrig, Elena. Ymb hi
wearö paet maere gewin, and pa miclan gefeoht Creaca and as
Troiana; swa paet Creacas haefdon M. Scipa para miclena dul-
muna; and him betweenum gesworan, paethi naefre moldan on
cyööe cuman, aer hi hebra teoman gewraecon. And hi Ša tyn
gear ymb Ša burh sittende waron and feohtende. Hwa is paet
ariman maege hwaet paer momcynnes forwearö, on aegbre hand, 40
paet Omerus, se scop sweetelicost, saede Forê6n nis me paes
pearf, cwacó Orosius, to secgenne, forêon hit langsum is, and
eac monegum cuš. peah swa hwilcne mon swa lyste paet
witan. raede on his bocum, hwilc ungetima, and hwilce tiber-
CY RUS CONQUERS THE MEDES. 35
messa, aegber ge on mon-slyhtan, ge on htingre, ge on scip-
gebroce, ge on mislicre forsceapunge, swa mon on spellum segö.
2. pa folc him betweenum fulle tyn winter pa gewinn
wrécende waron : gešence Śonne para tida, and nu pyssa,
* hwæper him bet lycian
3. Ba sona of Šam gefeohte was oper aefter fylgende.
Eneas mid hys fyrde for of paem Troamiscan gefeohte in Itá-
liam ; paet maeg man eac on bocum sceawian, hu manega
gewinn, and humanega gefeoht he paer dreogende was.
{ {} [Bóc I: CAPITUL XII.]
1. AEr Šaem öe Rome burh getimbred ware feower and
syxtig wintra, ricsade Sarpanápolus, se cyning, in Asiria, paer
Ninus se cyningc aerest ricsade, and Sarôanapolus was se siè-
mesta cyningc, pe on paem lande ricsode. He was swièe
* furèümlic man, and himésclic, and swyðe wraene, swa paet he
swièor lufade wifa gebaera, pomme waspned-manna. paet pa
onfunde Arbatus his ealdor-man, pe he geset haefde ofer Me-
Šas paet land, he ongan sirwan mid pam folce pe he ofer was,
hū he hine beswican mihte, and aspeon him fram ealle, pa pe
* he ondred paet him on fylste beon woldon. pa se cyning paet
onfunde, paet him man geswicen haefde, he Šâ hine sylfne
forbaernde ; and syööan haefdon Maeśe onwald of er Asirie.
Hit is unyàe to secgenne hi manega gewin syööan waran be-
tuh Maešum, and Caldeum, and Scióðian; ac paet mon maeg
* witan, ponne swa of ermaetlicu ricu onstyrede waron, hū manige
missenlice mon-cwealmas on pam [gewinnum] gewurdon.
2. AEfter öäm ricsade Fraortes, se cyning.c in Meðen.
AEfter Sem Fraðrte ricsode Diócles, se Maepa rice swièe gemi-
clade. Æfter Šam Diócle feng Astiai to rice, se maefde maenne
* sunu; ac he nam his nefan him to Suna of Persan paere Öeode,
Cirus was håten; se på mid pon pe he geweox, him pa of Sin-
cendum and pam Perseum, paet hi on his eames anywalde
waeron, and on Šara Meða, hi gewin uphofon. He Ša Astial se
cynge beóohte swièost to Arpelles his ealder-men, paet he,
* mid hys craefte, his nefan mid gefeohte wièstode; forêon pe
se cynge ne geniunde para manegra teonena, pe hiora aegber
oörum on àr dagum gedyde ; and hi se cyningchet hys sunu
ofslean, and hyme syööan pam faeder to mete gegyrwan.
peah hiora gewinn på gesémed ware. He base ealder-man
“ mid fyrde for ongean paem Perseum, and sona paes folces pone
maestan dael fleonde mid ealle forlaedde, and mid searwe paem
Perseo cyninge on ànwald gedyde; and, on pam gefeohte,
Maepa craeft and hiora duguè gefeol.
3. pa se cyning pact facn onfunde, pe se ealder-man wiè
36 KING ALFRED's orosius, Book I: Cn: xii. 4, 5.
hine gedon haefde, he beah gegaderode pone fultum, pe he på
mihte, and wiè pam nefan fyrde gelaedde: And he Cirus, Persa
cyningc, haefde priddan dael hys fyrd baeftan him, on paet
gerad, gif aenig ware pe fyr fluge, pe on paem gefeohte was,
ponne to paem folce pe paer baeftan was, paethine mon sloge ;
swaraöe swa mon hiora fynd wolde. pa peah hwæpere geby-
rede him, paet hi hwæt hwara gebligan to fleonne. Hi på
hiora wif him ongean yrnende [waaron; and hy swièe torn
wyrdon, and ahsedon; gif hi feohtan me dorstan, hwider hi
fleon woldon —paet hi oëer gener naefdom, buton hy on hyra 10
wifa hrif gewiten. Hi Ša hraedlice, aeſter paem pe på wif hi
swa scandlice geraeht haefdon, gewendon eft ongean pone
cyning, and ealne hys here geflymdon, and hine sylfne gefen-
gon. He på Cirus ageaf paem cyninge hys eame ealle pa are
pe he aer haefde, butan paet he cyngc naere: and he paet was 15
eall forsacende, forðon pe him Arpellas, se ealdor-man, ær to
biswice wearö mid hys agenre peode. Ac him Cirus his nefa
gesealde Ircăniam Ša peode on anwald to habbenne. paer
wearö Maepa onwald geendod: ac Cirus mid Perseum to paem
anwalde feng. Ac Śā by rig, pe on monegum peodum Maeśum 20
ãer gafol guldon, wurdon Ciruse to monegum gefeohtum.
4. On paem dagum wilnade sum aepelingc to ricsianne in
Argentine, paere peode, Falores was haten. He was of [Si-
cilia] paem lande, and mid ungemetlicre pinunge he was paet
folc cwilmende, to Öon paet hi him anbugon.—pa was paer 25
sum argedtere, se mihte dön missenlica anlicnessa. He Šâ se
geotere gebead paem aepelinge, forðon pe he him cweman
pohte, paet he him aet paere pinunge fylstan wolde, pe he paem
folce donde was. He på swa dyde, and geworhte anes fearres
anlicnesse of are to Ö6n, ponne hit hat ware, and mon Ša 30
earman men on innan dön wolde, hu se hlyn maest ware,
ponne hi paet susl paer on prowiende waron; and eac paet se
aepelingc aegber haefde ge his plegan, ge his gewill, pomme he
ëara manna tintrego of rhyrde. på paet på onhæt was, and
eall gedon swa se geotere paem aepelinge år behet, se aepelingcaº
paet pa sceawode, and cwacó:—“paet paem weorce nanum men
àer me gerise bet to fandienne, ponne pam wyrhtan pe hit
worhte.”—Het hine paniman, and paer on bescufan.
5. For hwi [besprecaë) nii men pas Cristenan tida, and
Secgaë, paet nå wyrsan tida syn, ponne på waran, pá peah [pel 40
hwā Wáre mid pam cyningum, on hiora gewill yfel donde,
paet hi swa Seah aet him ne meahton mid by name ăre findan
And nu cyningas, and Caseras, peah [pe) hwä wiè hiora willan
gegylte, hi peah for Godes lufan, be paes gyltes maeče, forgif-
nesse doš. 45
WAR OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS AND MESSENIANS. 37
[Bóc I: CAPITUL XIII.]
1. AEr Šam Še Rome burh getimbred ware pritig wintra
was paet Pelopensium and Athenientium, Creaca peoda, mid
eallum hiora craeftum, him betweenum winnende waron; and
5 hi to Ö6n swièe forslegene wurdon on aegôre hand, paet heora
feawe to lafe wurdon. On paere ylcan tide, waron eft opre
sièe pa wifmen winnende on Asiam, pe aer on Scióðian waron,
and hi swyðe awestan and forhergodan. -
[Bóc I: CAPITUL XIV.]
10 1. AEr Šaem Še Rome burh getimbred ware twentigum win-
trum, Laecedemonie and Mesiáne, Creaca leode. him betweenum
winemnde waran twenti wintra, forêon Mesiane noldon paet
Laecedemonia maegden-men mid hiora of reden, and hiora go-
dum onsaegden. Da aet nyhstan hi haefdon getogen eall Creaca
15 folc to paem gewinnum, pa Laecedemonian besaeton pa burh
[Maesiane] tyn winter; and ačas gesworan, paet hi naefre nol-
dan aetham cuman, aer hi paet gewrécen haefdon. Ba raeddan
hi him betweonum, and cwacdon, paet hi to raše woldon fultum-
lease bedn aet hiora bearn-teamum, pa hi paer swa lange pohton
20 to bednne, and [paet] mid hiora weddum gefaestnod haefdon;
and paet hi hiora feondum bet dyde ponne wyrs. Mid pam
gecwaden på, [paet] pape aer aet paem ačum naere, paet pa ham
[gelendon], and be eallan hyra wifum [bearma striendon].
And Öa opre sittende waran ymb Ša burh, oë hi hy gewunnene
25 haefdon; peah hi him lytle hwile gehyrsume waron.
2. Ac gecuran him aenne scop to cyninge of Atheniensem;
and eft mid fyrde foran wiè pa Messene. pa hi him melaehton,
pa getweenode hi hwæper hi wiè him [maehten]. Se hiora
cyning ongan Šâ singam and giddian ; and mid pam scop-leoče
30 hiora mod swièe getrymede, to $6m paethi cwadon paethi Me-
siana folce wièstandan [mehten] : hedra öeah wurdon feawe
to lafe on ačre hand; and paet Creaca folc fela geara him
betweonan dreogende waron, aegberge of Laecedemónia, ge of
Mesiáne, ge of Boétium, ge of Atheniéntium; and monige oëra
35 Šióda to pam ilcan gewinne getugon.
3. Nu is hit [scortlice] ymb paet gesaed, paet aer gewearö aer
Rome burh getimbred ware, paet was, fram frymöe middan-
geardes, feower Öüsend wintra and feower hund and twa and
hund eahtatig; and, aefter Šaem pe hió getimbred was, was
40 ures drihtenes [acennes] ymb syfan hund wintra and tyne.
Hér endağ sid forme bóc, and onginé sid aeſtere.
38 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book II: Cii. I 1–3.
[Bóc II: CAPITUL 1.]
1. Ic wene, cwacă Orosius, Šaet nån wis man ne sy, butan he
genoh géare wite, Saet God pone àrestan man rihtne and
gó'dne gesceop, and [eal] man-cymn mid him. And forêón pe
he paet gö'd forlét, pe him geseald was, and wyrse geceas, hit
God º. langsumlice wraecende was ; aerest on him [selfum,
and syööan on his bearman, geond ealme Sysne middangeard,
mid monigfealdum brocum and gewinnum : gé eac pas eorëan,
pe ealle cwice wihta bi libbač, ealle hire wastmbaero he gely-
tlade. Nú we witan paet ure drihten us gescóp: we witan eac
paet he ure reccend is, and us mid [ryhtlicran lufan] lufaş "
ponne aenig mon. Nú we witan paet ealle anwaldas from him
syndam : we witan eac, paet ealle ricu syndan fram him; foróðn
ealle anwaldas of rice syndon. Nu he Šara laessena rica rec-
cend is ; hu micle swièor wéne we paet he ofer pa maran sy,
pe on swa ungemetlicum anvealdum ricsedan. i 5
2. An was Babylonicum, paer Ninus ricsade:–paet oper
was Creaca, paer Alexander ricsade :-}}ridda was Affricanum,
paer Phtolome ricsedon :-Se feoróa is Romane, pe gyt ricsi-
ende sindon. pas feower [heafod-ricul sindon [on feower “
endum] pyses middangeardes, mid unasécgendlicre Godes
tacnunge. paet Babylonicum was paet forme, and on easte-
werdum :-paet aeſtere was paet Crecisce, and on norðewer-
dum.—paet pridde was paet Affricanum, and on subeweardum.
paet feorêe is Romane, and on westeweardum. Babylonisce “
paet aereste, and Romane paet sièmeste, hi waran swa faeder
and [sunu), ponne hi hiora willan motan well wealdan. paet
Crecisce and paet Affricanisce waran swa swa hi him hyrsu-
medon, and him underöeoded ware. paetic wille eac gescăd-
wislicor gesecgan, paet hit man ge6rnor agytan maege. 30
3. Se aeresta cyning was Ninus haten, swa we aer beforan
saedan : pa hine mon [ofslog], pa feng Sameramis his cwen to
paem rice, and getimbrede pa burh Babylonie, to pón paet hio
ware heafod eallra Asiria; and hit fela wintra sièëan on paem
stod, oë paet Arbātus Meða ealdor-man Sarôanapolum Babylonia *
cyningc of sloh. pa wearó Babylonia and Asiria anwald
ge-endod, and gehwearf on Méðas. On paem ylcan geare, pe
pis was, Procos, Numetóres faeder, ongan ricsian in Italia paem
lande, paer éft Rome burh getimbred wearö. Se Prócos was
Numetóres faeder and Mulieses, and was Siluián eam. Sio “
Siluie was Semuses modor and Romules, pe Rome burh ge-
THE FOUR EMPIRES. 39
timbredon.—paet wille ic gecyöan, paet pa ricu of names mannes
mihtum swa gecráftgåde me wurdon, ne for manre wyrde
butan fram Godes gestihtunge.
4. Ealle star-writeras secgea3, paet Asiria rice aet Ninuse
* begunne; and Romana rice aet Procóse begunne. Fram paem
aerestan geare Ninises rices, op paet Babilonia burh getimbred
was, waaran feower and syxtig wintra: eac of paem ilcan geare
Öe Prócos ricsode in Italia waran eac swylce feower and
syxtig wintra, aer mon Rome burh getimbrede. py ylcan
* geare pe Romana rice weaxan ongan, and myclian, on Procos
daege paes cyninges, Öy ylcan geare gefeol Babylonia and eall
Asiria rice and hiora anwald. AEfter Šaem pe mon hiora
cyningc of sloh Sarôanópolum, sièëan haefdom Caldei pa land
gebün on freodome, pe nyhst paere byrig waron, peah [pe]
* Máče haefde pone anwald ofar hi, oš Šaet Cirus Persa cyning
ricsian Ongan, and ealle Babylonia awéste, and eall Asirie and
ealle Máebe on Persa anwald gedyde. paet paswa gelamp paet
on paere ylcan tide pe Babylonia peowdome onfeng fram Cirüse
paem cyninge, paet [Roma] alysed wearö of Šeowdome para
* unrihtwisestena cyninga and Šara of rmodgestena, pe mon hét
Tarcuinie; and pa paet east-rice in Asiria gefeoll, pa eac paet
west-rice in Romana arás. -
5. Gyt sceall ic, cwacö Orosius, manigfealdlicor sprecan wiè
êa pe Secgaë, paet på anwaldas syn 6f wyrda maegenum gewor-
* dene, males of Godes gestihtunge. Hü emlice hit gelamp ymb
Šas twa heafod-ricu, Asiria and Romana, swa swa we àer saedon,
paet Ninus ricsade on [Öon] east-rice twa and fiftig wintra;
and aefter him his cwen, Sameramis, twa and feowertig wintra;
and on middeweardum hyre rice hió getimbrede Babylonia pa
* burh. Fram paem geare pe heó getimbred wearö, was hyre
anwald pusend wintra and an hund and syxtig and fulneah
feower, aer hio hyre anwaldes benumen wurde and beswicen
fram Arbåte hyra agenum ealdor-men, and Meða kyninge;
peah syööan ymb pa burh lytle hwile freodom ware butan
* anwalde, swa we aer saedon, fram Caldei pam leodum. And
swa eac Swylce wearö Rome burh ymb M wintra, and an hund
and syxtig and fulneah feower, paet Eallrica, hire ealldor-man,
and Gotona cyning, hyre anwaldes hibeniman woldan. And
hio hwæpere onwealh on hire onwalde aefter paem purhwunade.
“Beah aegber Öyssa burga purh Godes digelnessa pus getacnad
wurde :-AErest Babylonia, purh hyre agenne ealdorman, pa he
hyre cyningc beswac ; swa eac Roma, pahi hire agen ealdor-
man, and Gotona cyning, hyre anwaldes beniman woldon ; hit
º God for hiora Cristendome né geóafode,-naëer me for
“hiora Caseras, ne for hyra sylfra; ac hi ni gyt [ricsiende
40 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book II: Ch. II 1.
sindon], aegber ge mid hiora Cristendome, ge mid hiora
anwalde, ge mid hiora Caseran. - -
6. pis ic sprece nii for Öaem pe ic wolde paet på ongeåton,
[pe pāj tida ures Cristendomes leahtriaş, hwilc miltsung sióðan
was syöpan se Cristendom was; and hū manigfeald wól-baer- 5
mes paere worlde aer Šaem was;–and eac paet hi oncmawen hä
gelimplice ure God, on paem aerran tidum, pa anwaldas and Öa
ricu sette, se ylca se êe gyt settende is, and wendende aelce
anwaldas and aelc rice to his willan. Hü gelic angin på twä
by rig haefpon, and hugelice hiora dagas waran, aegber ge on 10
ëaemgöde, ge on Öaem yfele ! Achiora anwalda endas waran
swièe ungelice; foróðn Öe Babylonie mid monigfealdum un-
rihtum and firemlustum mid hiora cyninge, buton aelcre hrečwe,
libbende waron, paet hi hit ná gebetan moldan, aeröon hi God
mid paem maestan bismere ge-eatmedde; pa he hi [aegôres] be- is
nam, ge hiora cyninges, geheora anwealdes. Ac Romane mid
hiora Cristenan cyninge Gode Šeowiende waran, paet he him
for Öffem aegôres geuðe, ge hiora kyminges, ge heora anWaldes.
For Öaem magan hiora spraece gemetgian på pe Saes Cristen-
domes wièerflitan sind, gyf hy gemünan willaò hiora yldrena 20
unclaºnnessa, and hiora [wol-gewinna], and hiora monigfealdan
unsibbe, and hiora unmiltsunge, pehi to Gode haefdom, ge eac
him selfum betweonum; paethi mane mildheortnesse purhteon
ne mihton, aeröon him sio bot of paem Cristendome com, pe hi
nii swièost taelaö. 25
[Bóc II: CAPITUL II.]
1. Ymb feower hund wintra, and ymb feowertig, paes pe
|Troia] Creaca burh awested was, wearö Rome burh getim-
bred, fram twam gebroöran, [Remuse and Romuluse]; and
raēe aeſter Öan, Romulus hiora angin geunclansode mid his
broëor slege; and eac syphan mid his hiwunge, and his gefe-
rena : hwylce bysena he paer stellende was, mid paem pe hi
baedan Sabine pa burh-ware, paet hi him geuëan héora dohtra
him to wifum to haebbenne, and hi heam paera bena forwyrn-
dom. Hiswa Seah hiora unišances mid swicdome hi begeaton,
mid paem pe.hi baedan paet hi him fylstan mostan, paet hi hiora
godum be yö blótan, meahton, pa hi him paes getièodan, pa
haefdan hi him te wifum, and hiora faederum eft agyfan moldán.
Ymb paet wearö paet maeste gewin monig gear, op pe hi for-
meah mid ealle forslegene and forwordene waran on aegbere 40
healfe; paet hi mid manum pinge me mihtan gesemede wyrëan,
aer para Romana wif, mid hiora cildum, yrnende warangemang
[Öaem] gefeohte, and hyra faederum [waaron] to fotum feallende,
and biddende paet hi, for śara cilda'lufan, paes gewinnes sumne
3
O
3
5
REMUS AND ROMULUS BUILT ROME. 41
ende gedyden. Swa wedrölice, and swa mildelice, was Rome
burh on fruman gehalgod, mid broëor blode, and mid Sweora,
and mid Romuluses eame Numetóres, pone he eac of sloh, pa
he cyningc was, and hym sylf syööan to paem rice fengc.—
5 Dus gebletsode Romulus Romana rice on fruman,—mid his
broëor blode pone weall, and mid Šara Sweora blode pa
cyrican, and mid his eames blode paet rice. And sióðan his
agenne Swedr to deabe beswac, pa he hine to him aspeon, and
him gehét paet he his rice wič hine daelan wolde, and hine
10 under paem of slöh.
2. He Ša Romulus aefter Öysan underfeng Cirinensa gewinn,
para burh-warana; forêon pe he Ša gy't lytel land-rice haefde,
buton paere byrig anre. Forêon pe Romulus and ealle Rom-
ware oërum folcum unweoróe waron, forðon pe hi on cniht-
is hade waran oëra manna mydlingas. Ea hi pa haefdom
Cirinensa pa burh ymbseten, and paer mycelne hunger poliende
waran, pa gecwadan hy, paet him leofre ware, paet hi on
Šaemyrmèum hiora lif ge-endade, ponne hi paet gewinn forletan,
oëöe frið genaman. Hi paer Ša winnende waran, oë hi Ša
20 burh abraecom; and aefter paem wič Ša land-leode on aelce
healfe ünablinnendlice winnende waran, op hi paer ymbutan
haefdon monega byrig begitene.
3. Ac pa cyningas, Še aefter Romuluse ricsedan, waran
forcüşran and eargran ponne he ware, and paem folcum laëran
25 and ungetaesran, op paet Tarcuinius, pe we aer ymb saidon, pe
hiora eallra fracoğost was, aegôer ge eargost, ge wraenost, ge
ofermodgast,-[ealra] para Romana wif, pape he mihte, he to
geligre genydde; and his suna gepafode, paet he lag mid
Latinus wife, Lucretie hatte, Brutiises swedstor, pa hi on
so fyrde waron ; peah pe hi Romana brymuste waron to paem
cyninge. Hio pa Lucrétie hy sylfe for Šâm acwealde. pa
paet Latinus hyre [wer] geahsode, and Brütus hyre broëor, pa
forleton hi Ša fyrde, pe hi bewitan sceoldan; and pa hi ham
coman, pa adraefdom hy aegöerge Öone cyning, ge his sunu, ge
35 ealle pa pe paer cyne-cynnes waran, of Öy rice mid ealle.
Him Šâ Romane aeſter paem [latteowas] gesettan, pe hi Con-
sulas heton, paet hiora rice heolde an gear án man.
[Bóc II: CAPITUL III.]
1. AEfter Šaem pe Rome burh getimbred was twa hund
40 wintra and feower, paet Brutus was [se] forma consul. Ro-
mulus hiora forma cyning, and Brutus hedra forma consul,
wurdon emnreče.
2. Romulus sloh his broëor and his eam and his sweór.
Brutus sloh his fif sumā and his wifes twegen broëra forêan pe
6
42 KING ALFRED's OROSIUS; Book II: CH. Iv 5 1.
hy spræcom paet hit betere ware, paet Romane eft heora cyne-
cynne onfengon, swa hyaer haefdom ; forêam he hy het gebin-
dan, and beforan eallum pam folce mid besman swingan, and
syööan mid aexum hyra heafod of aceorfan.
3. Tarcuinius pā, pe aer Romana cyning was, aspeon Tüscea 3
cyning him on fultum, Porsénna was håten ; paet he pe eaš mihte
winnan wiè Brütuse, and wiè eallum Românum. He pa
Brütus gecwacó annwig wiè paene cyning embe heora feond-
scipe : ac him Tarcuinus oëerne pégn ongéan sende, Arrunses
sunu paes of rmodigan; and hedra paer aegöer oëerne of slöh. 10
4. AEfter pâm Porsenna and Tarcuinus, pa cyningas, emb-
saetan Römeburh, and hy eac begeâton, paer Mutius mære, an
man of paere byrig: he hy mid his wordum geegsode, pa hy
hine gefengon, pa pinedan hy hine mid pam, paet hy his hand
[forbaerndon], anne finger and anne, and hime secgan héton, is
hū fela para manna ware, pe wič pam cyninge Tarcuine
swièost wièsacen haefde. !. he paet secgan molde, pa ahsodon
hi hine, hu fela paer swylcera manna ware swylce he was.
pa sæde he heom, paet paer fela para manna ware, and eac
gesworen haefdon, paet hy oëer forleosan woldan, oëöe heora
agen lif, oëöe Porsennes, paes cyninges. på paet pa Porsenna
gehyrde, he paet setl and paet gewinn mid ealle forlét, pe he
àr preo winter dredgende was.
[Bóc II: CAPITUL IV.]
1. AEfter Šam was paet Sabiniscegewinn, and him [Romane] as
paet swyðe ondraedende waron, and him gesetton, paet hyra
ân latteow ware ponne hyra consul, paene pe hy tictatores
héton, and hi mid pam tictatore mycelne sige haefdom. Æfter
pam Romane betwux him sylfum, parican men, and pā earm-
ran, mycel gewinn upahöfan; and him paet to langsumre wrace 30
cóme, paer hi pe hračor gesémed newurdon. ... On pam dagum
waron på maestan ingetima on Românum, aegôerge on hungre,
ge on man-cweålme under pam twäm consulum, Tita and
Publia hatton; and hy hedra gefeohta, pa hwile, hy gereston,
peah hy paes hungres, and paes man-cwealmes ne mihtan, ac pass
manigfealdan yrmöa pa werigan burh swyðe brocigende waron.
AE'r pam pe seo wol ge-endod ware, Ueigentes and Etrusci pa
leoda, wiè Românum gewinn upahöfon, and wiè pam twäm
consulum, Marcüse and Grease. And pa Române him ongeån
foran, and heom betweenum ačas geswóron, paet heora nán 40
molde eft eard gesécan, butan hi sige haefdon. Baer waaron
Române swa swyðe of slågene, peah hy sige haefdon, paet hyra
ân consul, pe heom to läfe wearó, forsoc paene triumphan, pe
him man ongéan brohte, pa he hamweard was ; and sæde paet
SAB1 NE WAR AND THE FABIAN FAMILY. 43
hy hafdon bet gewyrhte paet him man mid heofe ongéan cóme
ponne mid triumphan.
2. paethy triumphan héton, paet was ponne hy hwylc folc
mid gefeohte ofercumen haefdom, ponne was heora peãw, paet
5 sceoldon ealle hyra Senatas cuman ongéan hyra consulas, aefter
pam gefeohte, syx mila fram paere byrig, mid craet-wasne, mid
gólde, and mid gimstanum gefraetwedum ; and hi sceoldan
bringan feower-fetes, twä hwite : ponne hi hamweard foron,
ponne sceoldon hyra senatas ridan on craet-wa-num wièaeftan
10 pam consulum, and pa menn beforan him dryfan gebündene,
pe paer gefangene waron, paet heora maeröa sceoldon pe
prymlicran beon. Ac ponne hy hwylc folc butan gefeohte on
hyra geweald genyddon, ponne hy hamweard waron, ponne
sceolde him man bringan ongéan, of paere byrig craet-watºn, se
15 was mid seolfre gegyred, and aelces, cynnes feower-fetes feos
ân, heora consulum to maeröe. paet was ponne tritimpheum.
3. Romulus gesette aerest manna sematum ; paet was ān
hund manna, peah heora aefter fyrste ware preo hund. på
wāron symble binnan Röme byrig wunigende, to pan—paet hy
20 hedra råd-peahteras waron, and consulas setton, and paet
ealle Române him hyrsumedon, and, paet hi bewiston eall paet
licgende feoh under anum hröfe, paet hi begeâton, oëöe on
gaſole, oëöe on hergunge, paet hy hit sióðan mihton him
eallum gemánelice to mytte gedon, pampe paer buton peowdóme
25 Wael’OI).
4. pa consulas, pe on pam dagum paet Sabinisce gewinn
underfengon, pe man hét eall hyra cynn Fabiáne, forban hit
ealra Româna aenlicost was and craeftegost. Nu gyt to daege
hit is on leoëum sungen, hwylcne demm hi Românum gefeol-
30 lan. Eäc pam manega ea syndon be naman memnede for pam
gefeohte ; and eac Ša geata, pe hi út of Röme byrig to pam
gefeohte férdon, him man [äscop] panaman, pe hygyt habbač.
AEfter pam Române cliran preo hund cémpena and syx, paet
sceoldon to anvige gangan wiè swa fela Sabina; and getruwe-
35 don, paet hy, mid heora craeftum, sceoldon sige gefeohtan; ac
Sabini, mid hedra searwum, hi ealle paer of slögon butan ánum,
se past lašspell aet häm gebodode.—Naes nã on [Romanum]
ānum, ac swa hit on sceop-leoëum sungen is, paet, geond eallne
middangeard, ware căru, and gewinn, and ége.
40 5. Cirus, Persa cyning, pe we aer beforan saedon, pa hwile pe
Sabini and Române wunnon on pam west-daele, pa hwile wann
he aegöerge on Scióðige, geon Indie, oë he hāfile maest eallne
paene east-dàel awest; and aefter pam fyrde gelaedde to Babi-
lonia, pe på welegre was ponne aenig oëer burh. Ac hine
as Gandes seo ea lange gelette paes of ríaereldes, for pam pe
44 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book II: Ch. IV. § 6, 7.
paer Scipa néron, paet is eallra ferscra watera mást, butan
Eufraté. pagebeotode ån his pégena paet he mid sinde pa ea
oferfaran wolde mid twam tymcenum, ac hine se stream for-
dráf. pagebeotode Cirus paet he his pegen on hyre swā ge-
wrecan wolde, pa he swa gram wearö on his mode, and wiè pas
eå gebolgen, paethi mihton wifmenn be heora cneowe oferwa-
dan, paer hec àr was mygan mila brād, ponne heo fléde was.
He paet mid dædum gelæste, and hi upforlét on feower hund
eå, and on syxtig, and syööan mid his fyrde paer of rſ6r;
and aefter pam Eufrate paea, seo is mást eallra ferscra watera, to
and is yrnende purh middewearde Babilónian burh. He hy
eåc mid gedelfe on menige ea uppforlét, and syööan mid eal-
lum his folce on paere eagang, on pa burh farende was, and
hi geraehte. Swā tīngelyfedlic is aenigum menn paet to gesec-
genne, hu aenig man mihte Swylce burh gewyrcan, Swylce seo is
was, oëöe eft abrecan.
6. Membráð, se ent, omgan aerest timbrian Babilonia; and
Ninus se cyning aefter him, and Sameramis his cwen hi geen-
dade aefter him, on middeweardum hire rice. Seo burh was
getimbred on fildum lande, and on swièe emnum; and hed 29
waes [swipe faeger on to locianne, and heó is swièe rihte feower-
scyte : and paes wealles mycelnyss, and faestnyss, is ungely-
fedlic to secgenne: paet is, paet he is L. elna brad, and II hund
elna heah, and his ymbgang is hund seofantig mila, and seofeb-
an dael anre mile; and he is geworht of tigelan, and of eorö-2s
tyrewan; and ymbutan bone weall is se maesta dic, on pam is
yrnende se [ungefoglecesta] stream: and, wiputan pam dice,
is geworht twegra elna heah weall: and bufan pam maran
wealle, of reallne pone ymbgong, he is mid stamenum wig-
husum beworht. Seo ylce burh Babylonia, seo pe maest was, 30
and aerest ealra burga, seo is nü laest and [westast]. Nu seo
burh Swylc is, pe aer was eallra wedrca [faestast], and wundor-
licost, and maerast, gelice and hed waere to bysne asteald
eallum [middangearde]; and eac swylce heo sylf sprecende
sy to eallum man-cynne and cweóe: –“ Nu ic puss gehroren 35
eom and aweg-gewiten : hwæt! gé magon on me ongitan and
oncmawen, paet gé manuht mid eow nabbač faestes me stranges,
paette purhwunian måge!”
7. On pam dagum, pe Cirus, Persa cyng, Babylonia abréc,
a was Cróesus se Lipa cyning, mid fyrde gefaren Babylonium 40
to fultume; ac på he wiste paet he him on nanum fultume
beon me mihte, and paet seo burh abrocen was, he him ham-
weard ferde to his agenum rice. And him Cirus was aefterfy-
ligende, oë he hine gefeng and of sloh.-Ond nu, ure Cristene
[Roma] besprycö, paet hyre weallas for ealdunge brosnian, 45
CY RUS SLAIN IN SCYTHIA BY TOMYRIS. 45
malaes na forêam pe hió mid forhergunge swā gebysmerad
waere, swā Babylonia was; ac hed for hyre Cristendome, nii
gyt is gescyld, paet aegberge heó sylf, ge hyre anweald, is ma
hreosende for ealddome, ponne of aeniges cyninges niede.
s 8. AEfter pam Cirus gelaedde fyrde on Scióðie, and him paer
ân gióng cyning mid fyrde ongean för, and his modor mid him,
Damaris. pa Cirus for of r paet land-gemaere, of r pa ea pe
hatte Araxis, him paer se geonga cyning paes of ríaereldes
forwyrnan myhte; ac he for pâm nolde, pi he mid his folce
10 getruwade, paet he hine beswican mihte, sièëan he binnan pam
gemaere ware, and wic-stowa name. Ac pa Cirus geaxsode,
paet hinese geonga cyning paer secan wolde, and éâc paet pam
folce seld-syne, and uncúpe waron wines drencas, he for pâm
of paere wic-stowe afor on àne digle stowe, and Šaer beaftan
15 forlet eall paet paer lièes was and swetes; paet pa se gionga
cyning swièor mycole wenende was, paet hy pâmon fleonde
waron, ponne hy aenigne swicdom cyūan dorstan. pa hy hit
paer swā āemenne gemetton hi paer på mid mycelre bliènesse,
buton gemetgunge, paet win drincende waron, oë hi hedra
20 sylfra lytel geweald haefdon. He pa Cirus hy paer besyrode,
and mid ealle of slöh. And syööan was farende paer paes cyn-
inges modor mid pam twam daelum paes folces wunigende was,
pa he pone priddan dael mid pam cyninge beswicen haefde.
Heó Sã, seo cwen Dameris, mid mycelre gnornunge ymb paes
25 cyninges slege, hyre suna, pencende was, hū hed hit gewrecan
myhte; and paet éâc mid daedum gelaeste, and hyre folc on
twä todaelde, aegberge wifmen, ge wapned-men, forêan pe paer
wifmen feohtaš swā same swä waspned-men. Hió, mid pam
healfan daele, beforan pam cyninge farende was, swylce hed
30 fleonde ware, oë hió hine gelaedde on an mycel slaed, and se
healfa dāl was Ciruse aeſterfyligende. paer wearö Cirus of.
slegen, and twa [hund pusendal manna mid him. Seo cwen
het på pam cyninge paet heafod óf aceorfan, and bewyrpan on
anne cylle, se was afylled mannes blodes, and pus cwacö:—
as “pii be pyrstende ware mannes blodes xxx wintra, drinc nu
pine fylle.”
[Bóc II: CAPITUL V.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh getimbrad was twa hund win-
tra and IIIIx, paette Cambis feng to Persa rice Cirüses sunu : se
40 mid pan pe he Egypte oferwon, gedyde paet man häºpen cyng
aer gedon ne dorste, paet was paet he heora godgyldum eallum
wipsûc, and hy aefter pam mid ealle toweårp.
2. AEfter him rixade Darius, se àwende ealle Asirige, and
Caldei eft to Perseum, pe àr fram him gebógene waron.
46 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book II: CH. W. § 3, 4.
AEfter pam he wann on Scióðie, aegber ge for Cirüses slege,
paes cyninges his maeges, ge éâc for pam pe him man paer
wifes forwyrnde. His heres was seofon hund pusenda pa he
on Scióðie for. Hwa-pere pa Scióðie noldon hine gesecan to
folc-gefeohte ; ac, ponne hygeond paet land to-farene waron, 5
hi ponne hy floc-maelum slogon. pa waron pa Perse mid
pam swype ge-egsode, and éâc ondredon paet man Šá brycge
forwyrcean wolde, pe aet pam gemaere was ; paet hy syööan
nystan hú hy pånon comon. He Ša se cyng, aefter pâm Öe
his folc swièe forslegen was, paer forlet hunde eahtatig pu- 10
senda be aeftan him, paethy pār pa gyt leng winnan sceoldan;
and he sylf panon gewāt on Öa laessan Asiam, and hy forher-
gode; and syööan on Maecedoniam, and on Ionás, Creca
leode, and pa hi butu of rhergode : and for syööan fyrr on
Crecas, and gewin up-ahöf wiè Athenienses, for pam hie Mae- is
cedoniam on fultume waron. Sona swā Atheniense wisten
paet Dárius hy mid gefeohte secan wolde, hi äcuron endleofan
pusend manna, and him ongean foran. And pone cyning aet
paere dune metton, pe mon hät Morotthome. Heora lad-
teow was håten Htesséus, se was mid his daedum Snelra ponne 20
he maegenes haefde ; se geworhte mycelne döm on pam ge-
feohte. pa wearö twa hund pusenda Persea of slegen, and Ša
oöre geflymed. pa eft haefde he fyrde gegaderod on Perseum,
and paet wrecan pohte, på geför he.
3. AEfter him feng his sunu to Persea rice Xersis. paet as
gewin, paet his faeder åstealde, he digellice for pam, fif gear,
scipa worhte, and fultum gegaderode. pa was mid him an
wraeccea man of Laecedemonia, Creca [byrg], se was haten
Damérač, se paet facn to his cyböe gebodade, and hit on anum
brede awrat, and syööan mid weaxe beworhte. Xersis, på he 30
ân Crecas for, hæfde his agenes folces VIII c pusenda; and he
haefde of oërum Šeodum abeden IIII c M. And he haefde scipa
paera mycelena dulmuna an M and II hund; and paera scipa
waron III M, pe heora mete baeron; and ealles his heres was
swylc ungemet, paet mon eače cweóan mihte, paet hit wundor as
wāºre hwar hy landes haefdon, paet hy mihton on gewician,
oööe wasteres, paethy mihton him purst of adrincan : swā peah
seó ungemetlice menigeo paes folces was pa y pre to ofcrwin-
nenne, ponne hed us synü to gerimenne, oëöe to gelyfanne.
4. Leonipa, Laecedemonia cyning, Creca burh, haefde IIII 40
pusend manna, pa he ongean Xersis for, on anum naerwan
land-faestene; and him paer mid gefeohte wièstod. Xersis
paet oper folc swa swièe forseah, paet he axode hwæt sceolde
aet swā lytlum werode mara fultum, butan pā āme pe him pār
àer abolgen was, on pam aerran gefeohte, paette was on Me-45
XERXES OVERCOME BY LEONIDAS AND THEMISTOCLES. 47
rothonia paere dune. Ac gesette pa men on aenne truman, pe
mon heora magas aer on pam lande sloh; and wiste paet hy
woldon geornfulran beon paere wrace, ponne oëre men: and
hy swā waron, oë hi ealle maest paer of slegene wurdon.
5 Xersis swipe him Ša of pincendum paet his folc swa forslegen
waes, he sylf pā paer to for mid eallum pam magene pe he paer
to gelaedan myhte; and paer feohtende waron III dagas, op
paera Perséa was ungemetlic wal geslegen. He hét pa paet
faeste land utan ymbfaran, paet him man sceolde 6n mä healfa
10 on feohtan ponne on ane. Leonièa paet pageaxsode, paet hine
mon swā beprydian wolde, he pânon afór, and his [fierd]
gelaedde on an oper faestre land, and paer gewunode oë niht;
and him fram afaran hét ealle pa burh-ware, pe he 6f oërum
lande him to fultume abeden haefde, paet hi hedm gesunde
15 burgan; for pâm he ne tipe paet ænig må folca for his pingum
forwurde, ponne he sylf mid his agenre peode. Ac he pus was
spreccende, geomriende –“ Nú we untweogendlice witan, paet
we tire agen lifforlaetan scolan, for pam ungemetlican feondscipe,
pe ure ehtende on syndon. Uton peah hwæðere acraeftan, hu
20 we heora an pyssa nihta magan maest beswican, and us sylfum
betst word and langsumast aet urum ende gewyrcan.” Hü
mycel paet is to secgenne, paette Leonièa mid vic manna VI C M
swā gebysmrade; sume of slöh, sume geflymdel
5. Xersis was pā aet twam cyrrum on pam lande swä
25 gescynd mid his ormaetum menigeo, he Šâ gyt priddan sipe
was wilniende, mid scipfyrde paet he paes gewinnes mihte
mare gefremman; and him Ionás, Creca leode, on fultum
gespeon. peah hi är of r heora willan him to gecyrdon, and
hi him geheton, paet hi paet gefeoht aerest mid him sylfum
80 purhteon woldon; peah hi him eft facen gelaestan, pa hy on
pam sæ feohtende waron.
6. Themestocles hatte Atheniensa ladteow : hy waron
cumen Leonièan to fultume, peah hy aet pam aerran gefeohte
him ne myhton to cuman. Se Themestocles gemyngade Ionas
as paere ealdan faehöe pe Xersis him to geworht haefde: hú he hy
mid forhergunge, and mid heora maga slihtum, on his geweald
genydde. He baed hi éâc paet hy gemundon paera ealdena
treowa, and paes (inárimedlican freondscipes, pe hi aegber
haefdon ge to Atheniénsum ge to Laecedemoniam aer on eald-
40 dagum ; and hy biddende was, paethy mid sume seara-wrence
from Xerse pam cyninge sume hwile awende; paethy [and]
Laecedemonie mostan with Persum paes gewinnes summe ende
gewyrcan; and hy him paere bene getigöedon.
7. papa Perse paet gesawon, paet him Šá frambugan, pehi betst
as getreowodon, paet him sceoldesige gefeohtan, hisylfe éâc fleonde
48 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book II: CH. W. § 8.
waeron ; and hedra paer wearpfela of legen, and [adruncem], and
gefangen. Xersis pegen was håten Marpónius, se hime was
georne lacrende, paet he mā hamweard fore, ponne he paer leng
bide, by laes aenegu üngepwarness on his agenum rice àhäfen
wurde; and cwacö paet hit gerisenlicre ware, paet he paetgewinn 5
him betaehte, mid pam fultume, pe paer to lafe på gyt was, leng to
winnenne; and saede paet hit pam cyninge [laessel edwit ware,
gif pam folce buton him pa gyt, misspeowe, swā him £r dyde.
Se cyning pa Xersis swipe gelyfedlice his pegene gehyrde, and
mid sumum daele his fultume panon àför. pa he pa hamweard 10
to paere ié com, pe he aer westweard het pa of ermetan bricge
mid stane ofer gewyrcan, his sige to tacne, pe he on pam sièe
purhteon pohte: pa was seo eå to Śān flède, paet he ne myhte
to paere brycge cuman. pā was pam cynge swipe ange on his
mode, paet našaer me he mid his fultume naes, ne paet he 6fer is
pa ea cuman me mihte: to-eacan pam he him was swipe ond-
raedende, paet him his fynd waeron aefter fyligende. Him på to
com an fiscere, and üneaše hine aenne ofer brohte. Hü God
pa maestan of-rmetto, and paet maeste anginn on swā heanlice
ofermetto genyperade, paet se pe him £r gepuhte, paet him nán 20
sæ wiphabban ne mihte, paet he hine mid scipum and mid his
fultume afyllan me mihte, paet he eft was biddende ånes lytles
troges aetanum earman men, paet he mihte his feorh generian.
8. Moróonius Xersis pegn forlét pascipa, pehy on faerende
waron, and för to anre byrig on Boetium, Creca londe, and hi 2s
abræc. Him mon paet aefter pam hraedlice forgeald, pa hi
mon geflymde, and swipe forsloh ; peah Öe Atheniensum se
sige, and sed réafung paes Persiscan feos to maran sconde
wurdon ; forðon syööan hi welegram waron, hi éâc bleačran
gewurdon. AEfter pâm Xersis wearö his agenre peode swipe
unwyrö, and hime his agen ealdorman Artabātus besyrode,
and of sloh. “Ealal" cwacö Orosius, “hillustbāerlice tida on pam
dagum waron, swā Swāpā secgaš, pe paes Cristendomes wiperfli-
tan synd; paet us nii aefter swylcum langian maege swylce på
waron, pá swā mycel folc, on swā lytlum fyrste, aet prim folc
gefeohtum forwurdon;–paet was nigon x hund pusenda of Persa
anra anwealde, buton heora wièerwinnum, aegôer ge of Sció-
êium, ge of Crecum.” paet tacnode Leonipa on his pam nextan
gefeohte and Persa, hwylc man-cwealm on Creaca londe was,
mid monigfealdum deabum, mid pam pe he spreccende was to 40
his geferum aet his undern-gereorde, aer he to Öam gefeohte
fore:–“ Uton nü brucan pyses undern-metes, swā på sceolon,
pe heora aefen-gyflon helle gefeccan sculon.” peah he på swä
cwade, he cwacă eft ober word: “peah ic ær sæde, paet we to
helle sceoldon, peah ne geortrúwige ic ná Gode, paet he us ne 4s
3
Q
3
5
WARS AND PRODIGIES AMONG THE ROMANS. 49
maege gescyldan to beteran tidon, ponne we mu on synd.
Leonipa saede paet pa tida pā yfele waron, and wilnade paet
him toweard beteran waron ; and nii sume men secgaë, paet
pā beteran waron, ponne nii synd. Nu hi swā twywyrdige
5 syndon; ponne waron aegber gode ge Sá aerran, swā Sume
menn nü secgaš, ge éâc pas aeſtram, swā hi aer saedon, and
naeron mä paere 6n pånce. Gif hi ponne soë ne saedon, ponne
naeron näpor gode,-ne på, ne nii.
9. “Nu we sceolon eft,” cwaeś Orosius, “hwyrfan near Roma,
10 paer we hit aer forlaeton; forbon ic me maeg eal på monigfeal-
dan yfel endemes àréccan ; swā ic ēac ealles pyses middan-
eardes nã māran daeles ne angite, buton paette on twam
anwealdum gewearp, on pam aerestan, and on pam sipemestan;
paet synd Asirige and Romane.”
15 [Bóc II: CAPITUL VI.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh [getimbred] was II hund
wintra and hund eahtatigum, by ylcan geare pe Sabini
Romane swā beswicon, pa hedra III hund and syx men of
aegbaerre healfe to anvige eodon, wearö mycel wundor on heo-
20 femum gesewen, swylc eall se hedfon [birnende] ware. pat
tacen wearö on Romanum swipe geswutelad mid pam mycelan
wól-bryne mann-cwealmes, pe him raße paes aefter com, swä
#. hy healfe belifene wurdon, and heora twegen consulas, pe
ièa haefdon : ge Öa aet nextan, pa Śe paer to lafe been moston,
25 waron to Öam meðige, paet hi ne myhton pa geſarenan to
eorêan bringan.
2. Sona aefter pam, ealle heora peowas wip på hlāfordas
winnende waron, and hi benamon heora heafod-stedes, paet
hi Capitoliam heton ; and hi miccle gefeoht ymb paet haefdon,
80 op hi of slogon pome aenne consul, pehi pā niwan geset haefdon.
peah Öa hlāfordas on pam énde häfdon heanlicne sige.—And
soma paes py aefterran geare, Romane wunnan wip [Fulciscil
paet folc, and paer wurdon swipe [forslaegene]; and se dél pe
paer to lafe was, wearö on an faesten bedrifen, and paer wurdon
as mid hungre acwealde, paer hedra pā ne gehulpe, papaer aet häm
waron ; mid pam pe hi gegaderodan eall mon-cynnes paet paer
laefed was, and genamon aenne earmne man him to consule,
paer he on his aecere eode, and his sulh on handa haefde;
and syööan to Fulcisci pam lande ferdon, and hi út forleton.
40 3. AEfter pam was an gear fullice, paet of reall Romana
rice seo eorêe was cwaciende and berstende. And aelce daeg
man cóm unărimedlice oft to pam Senatum, and him saedon fram
burgum and fram tumum on eorêan [besuncen]; and hy sylfe
waron aelce daeg on paere ondraedinge hwænne hi on Ša eorpan
50 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book II: Ch. VII $ 1, 2 : CH. VIII $ 1. [b. c. 452
bestincene wurdon. AEfter pam com swā mycel hete geond
Romane, paet ealle heora eorö-wastmas, ge éâc hi sylfe, neah
forwurdon. AEfter pam paer wearöse maesta hunger.
4. AEfter pam Romane gesettan him x consulas, paer hi är
twegen haefdon; to pân paet hi heora à bewiston. Heora àn 5
was Claudius haten, se him was onteonde ealdordóm of r på
oöre, peah hi him paes gepafiende nāron, ac wiè hine winnen-
de waron, oë Some fyrst pe hi sume to him gecyrdom, sume
noldon : ac swā on twa todaelde him betweonan wunnan, paet
hi forgeaton paera uttra gefeohta, pe him on [hende] waron, oë
ealle pacónsulas togaedere gecyrdom, and Claudium pone aenne
mid saglum ofbeoton : and syööan hedra agen land wergende
W3CrOn.
5. “Ygpelice,” cwaeś Orosius, “and sceortlice ic haebbe nige-
Saed hiora ingewinn, peah hi him waron formeah pa maestan and
Ša pleolecestan, paet éâc Eöna paet sweflene fyr tacnode, pa hit
tipp of helle geate asprang on Sicilia pam lande,-hwylce ge-
winn på waron, be pam penii syndon'—and Sicilia fela of sloh
mid bryne and mid stence. Ac syööan hit Cristen wearö, paet
helle fyr was syööan geswiprad, swa ealle ungetima waron, 20
paet hit nii is buton swylcum tacnungum paesyfeles pe hit #r
dyde, peah hit aelce geare sy bradre and bradre.”
[Bóc II: CAPITUL VII.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh getimbrade was III hund wintra
and ān, paette Sicilie ungerade waron him betweoman. And hi as
healfe aspeonon Laecedemonie him on fultum, and healfe
Athenienses, Creca peoda, be ºr aetgaedere wiè Perse winnende
waron. Ac syööan hi on Sicilium wumnon, hi_éâc syööan
betweenum him sylfum winnende waron, op past Darius Persa
cyning Laecedemonium on fultume wearö wip pam Athenienses 30
for Sam gewinnum his yldrena. Waes paet mycel wundor, paet
eall Persa anweald and Lecedemonia, paethi icó [mehton] Ah-
tene pa burh awestan, ponne hi paet folc meahton to heora wil-
lum [geniedan]!
2. And sona aefter pâm, by ilcan geare, Darius geför Persa as
cyng; and his twa suna ymb paet rice wunnon, Artecserses and
Cirus, oë heora aegöer paet maeste folc ongean oëerne geteah ;
and pa unsibbe midgefeohtum dreogende waron, oë Cirus of
slagen wearö, se paer gingra was.-On pam dagum, was an burh
in Affrica, seo was neah pam Sæ, où an Sæ-flod cóm, and hy
aweste, and pa menn adrencte.
[Bóc II: CAPITUL VIII.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh getimbrad was III hund wintra
I
0
I
5
B. c. 398] ROME TAKEN BY THE GAU LS. 51
and Lv, paette Romane besaeton Ueiórum pa burh x winter;
and him paet setl swièor derode, ponne pam pe paer inne
waron, aegber ge on cyle, ge on hungre; buton pam pe mon
oft hergode, aegöerge on hy sylfe, ge on heora land aet häm.
5 And hi pa hraedlice beforam heora feondum forwedröan sceol-
don, pár hi pa burh ne àbraecon mid pam craefte, pe pa scand-
licost was, peah he him eft se weorpesta wurde; paet was paet
hi fram heora wic-stowum under paere eorêan dulfon, oë hi
binnan paere byrig tipeodon ; and hi nihtes on frum-slacpe on
10 bestaelan, and pa burh mid ealle awestan. pysne myttan
craeft, peah he arlic naere, funde heora tictator, Camillis hatte.
2. Sona aefter pam wearö Romana gewinn and paera
Gallia, pe waron of Senno paere byrig, paet was āerest
for pam pa Gallia haefdon beseten Tusci pa burh. pa
15 sendon Romane àerendracan to Gallium, and hi baedon paethi
frið wip hi haefdom. pa on pam ylcan daege, aefter pam pe hi
piss gesprecen haefdon, fuhton Gallie on pa burh. pagesawon
hi Romana aerendracan on hi feohtende mid pam burh-warum,
hi for pam hi gebulgon, and Ša burh forleton, and mid eallum
20 hedra fultume Romane sohton. And him Uauius se consul
mid gefeohte ongean cóm, and éâc raše geflymed wearp eft in
to Rome byrig, and him Gallie waron aefterfyligende op hi
ealle paer binnan waron : gelice and mon måde mâwe, hy
wāśrom pa burh hergiende, and sleande, buton aelcere ware.
25 Baet tacen nü gyt cué is, on paere ea noman, paes consules
sleges Fauiuses.
3. “Ne wene ic,” cwacă Orosius, “paet aenig man atellan
maege ealne pone dem, pe Romanum aet pam cyrre gedon
wearö, peah hi pa burh ne forbaerndon, swä hi pā gedydon;
30 and Öa feawan pe paer to lafe wurdon, gesealdon M punda
goldes wip heora feore... And hi paet dydon forbăm swipost, pe
hi pohton paet hy, syööan heora underpeowas waron. And
sume binnan paet faesten obflugon, paet hi Capitoliam heton.
Hi pā eåc besaeton, oë hi sume hungre àcwealon, sume on
as hand eodon, and hi syppan oërum folcum him wip fed ge-
sealdon.”
4 “ Hu pincö eow nii,” cwacă Orosius, “pe paes Cristendomes
tida leahtriaš º Syppan Gallia it of paere byrig afóran, hū bliše
tida Romane aefter pam haefdon pā Śā yrmingas pe paer to
40 lafe wurdon, it of pam holan crupan, pe hy on lutedan, swä
bewopene swylce hy 6f oëerre worulde comon, ponne hi besa-
won on Öa besengdan burh and on. pa westan; paet him pa
waes syndrig ege, paer him fier was seo maeste wynn Eac
butan pam yfele, [nahton] hi napor ne paer inne mete, ne paer
45 ute freond.” *- - - -
52 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: CH. I $ 1. [B. c. 398
5. “paet waron pa tida, pe Romane nii aefter sicaä, and
cwepaë, paethim Gotan wyrsan tida gedon habbon, ponne hi aer
haefdom, and naeron on hy hergiende buton [prie dagas] : and
Gallie waron àer syx monaö binnan paere byrig hergiende, and
pa burh baernende; and him paetpa gyt to lytel yfel puhte, bu- 5
ton hi ſeachie] paes nãman benâme, paet himān folc naeron. Eft
pa Gotan paer laessan hwile hergedon, paet hi for paes Cristen-
domes àre, and purh Godes ége, paet hi naber me pa burh me
baerndon, ne paes pone willan naefdon, paet hi heora [noman]
hi benamon, ne para manne yfelian moldan, pe to [Öaem] Godes 10
huse opflugon, peah hi haečene waron; ac swièor miccle waron
wilniende paet hi gemong him mid sibbe sittan mostan. And
uneače mihte àr aenig pam Gallium [oëfleon] oëöe oöhydan.
And Ša Ša Gotan paer lytle hwile hergedom, ne mihte mon
buton feawa of slagenra geaxian. paer was gesyne Godes yrre, 15
pa hedra aerenan beamas, and hedra anlicnessa, pa hi ne mih-
ton fram Galliscum fyre forbaernede webröan; ac hi hefenlic
fyr aet pam ylcan cyrre forbaernde.”
6. “Newene ic,” cwacă Orosius, “nd ic lange spell haebbe to
secgenne, paetic hi on pysse bec geendian maege, ac ic oëere 20
onginnan sceal.”
[Bóc III: CAPITUL I.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh getimbrad was, III hund
wintra and LVII, on pam dagum pe [Gallie] Rome awest haefdon
pa gewearó seo maeste sibb and seo bysmorlecoste betwih is
Laecedemonium Creca londe and Persum. AEfter pam Še
Laecedemonie haefdon Perse oft of rvunnen, pagebudon him
Perse paet hi haefdon III winter sibbe wič hi, se pe paet wolde;
and se pe paet molde, paet hi woldon på mid gefeohte gesecan.
Hi pa Laecedemonie lustlice paere sibbe hyrsumedon for pam 30
lytlan ége, pe him mon gebead. On pan mon maeg swutole
oncrlawan hiſ mycelne willan hi to Öam gewinne haefdon, swä
heora scopas on heora leoëum gyddiende syndon, and on
heora leåspellengum. “Ne gepincö pe Swylc gewinn noht
lustbaere,” cwacö Orosius, “ne på tida pon ma, paette [him] his 35
feond maege swa eaše his mid wordum gestyran tº AEfter Šam
pe Laecedemonie haefdon of rwunnen Ahtene pa burh-hiora
agene leode—hy hi pa tipahófon, and winnan ongunnan on
aelce healfe heora, ge wip heora agen folc, ge wip Perse, ge
wiè Ša laessan Asiam, ge wip Ahtene pa burh, pehi är àwestan : 40
forêon pa feawan pe paer it oëflugon, haefdon eft pa burh
B. c. 397] WARS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 53
[gebune], and haefdom Thebäne, Creca leode, him on fultum
ăspeonen. Laecedemonie waron swa tipahafene, paetaegber ge
hy sylf wendon, geealle pameah peoda, paethi of rhi ealle miht-
on anweald habban. Ac him Ahteniense mid Thebäna fultume
5 wipstodon, and hi mid gefeohte cnysedon.
2. AEfter pam Laecedemonie gecuron him to latteowe,
Irc.clidis was haten, and hine sendon on Perse mid fultume,
wip hi to gefeohtenne. Him Ša Perse mid heora twam ealdor-
mannum ongean comon : oëer hatte Farnabüses, oëer Dissifar-
10 non. Sona swa paera Laecedemonia ladteow wiste, paet he wiè
pa, twegen heras sceolde, him pa raedlecere gepuhte paet he
wiè oëerne frið gename, paet he pone operne pe yp of reuman
mihte. And he swā gedyde, and his aerendracan to [pam]
oörum onsende, and him secgan hét, paet he geornor wolde
15 sibbe wip hine, ponne gewinn. He pase ealdor-man gelyfed-
lice mid sibbe paera aerenda onfeng; and Laecedemonie pa
hwile geflymdon pone očerne ealdor-man. -
3. AEfter pam Persa cyning benam pone ealdor-man his
scire, pe aer pam friðe onfeng aet Laecedemonium, and hi
20 gesealde anum wreccean of Ahténe Creca byrig, se was haten
Conón, and hine sende mid scip-hére of Persum to Laecede-
monium. And hi sendon to Egyptum, Laecedemonie, and him
fultumes baedon; and hi him gesealdon an c paera mycelena
prie-rebrenena. Laecedemonie haefdon him to ladteowe aenne
25 wisne man, peah he healt ware, se was haten Ageselaus; and
him to gylp-wórde haefdom, “paet him leofre ware, paet hi
haefdon healtne cyning, ponne healt rice.” Hisyphan on paem
såe togaedere foran, and paer swā ungemetlice gefuhton, paet hi
neah ealle forwurdan, paet napaer ne mihte on oërum sige
30 geraecan. paer wearö Laecedemonia anweald, and heora dom
alegen. “Ne wene ic,” cwacö Orosius, “paet [aenige] twegen
latteowas emnar gefuhton.”
4. AEfter pam Conón gelaedde fyrde eft on Laecedemonie;
and paet land buton paere byrig on aelcum pingum mid ealle
as aweste; paette på be är ute opra peoda anwealda gyrndon,
him Ša god puhte, paer hi [mehten] hy sylfe aet häm wiè
peowdom bewerian. Pissandor hatte [sum] Laecedemonia lat-
teow : he gesohte Conón mid scipum, pa he of Laecedemonium
for, and paera folca aegöer on oërum mycel wal geslogan.
40 paer wurdon Laecedemonie swā swièe forslagen, paethi nabor
naefdon syööan ne heora mämon, me heora anweald. Acheora
hryre wearö Ahténum to araernesse, paethi pone ealdan teoman
gewrecan mihton, pe him on àer-dagum gemaene was. And hi
and Thebäne hi gegaderedon, and Laecedemonie mid gefeohte
* Sohton, and hi geflymdon, and hi on heora burh bedrifon, and
54 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS, Book III. Ch. 1 $ 5, 6: Ch. II $ 1. [b. c. 377
syööan besaeton. pa burh-ware sendon Šá aefter Iesulause, pe
mid heora here was in Asiam, and baedon paet he tidlice hām-
weard ware, and hedra gehulpe. And he swā gedyde and on
Ahtene ſingearwe becoman, and hi geflymdon. Ahteniense
waeron på him swièe onqraedende, paet Laecedemonie ofer hi
rixian mihton swā hi aer dydon, for pam lytian sige, pe hi čá
ofer hi haefdon. Hi sendon Šá on Perse aefter Conóme, and
hine baedon, paet he him on fultume ware. And he heom paes
getièade, and hi mid micclum scip-here gesohte ; and hi Laece-
demonie maest ealle awestan, and hi to èan gedydon, paet hy."
hi sylfe leton aegôer ge for heane ge for unwraeste. Æfter
pam Conón gelemde to Ahtene paere byrig his eald-cyööe ; and
paer mid micclum gefeam para burh-leoda onfangen was ; and
he paer his sylfes lange gemynegunge gedyde, mid pan pe he
genydde aegöerge Perse ge Laecedemonie, paethi gebetton pa"
burh, pe hi är tobraecon;–and éâc paet Laecedemonie pare
byrig syööan gehyrsume waron, peah hi är lange heora
wièerwinnan waron. AEfter peosan gewinne gewearö paette
Perse gebudon frið eallum Creca folce : naes nå for pam pe hi
him aenigra goda upan, ac for pâm pe hi wunnon on Egypti, *
paethi mostan for him py bet pam gewinne fullgangan.
5. Ac Laecedemonie haefdom pa hwile maran unstillnessa,
ponne hi maegenes haefdon, and waron swièor winnende on
Thebane, ponne hi fultumes haefdon, and hloöum on hi stale-
don, oë hi abraecon Arcadum heora burh. AEfter pam
Thebane hi mid fyrde gesohton, and him Laecedemonie oëre
ongean brohton. pa hi lange fuhton, pa clypade Laece-
deſmonia] ealdor-man to Arcadium, and baedon paet hi paes
gefeohtes geswicon, paet hi moston Šá deadan bebyrian, pe
heora folces ofslagen waron. paet is mid Crecum peaw, paet
mid pam worde biö gecyped, hwaeber healf haefö pomme sige.
6. “Forpan ic wolde gesecgan,” cwacă Orosius, “hū Creca
gewinn, pe of Laecedemonia paere byrig aerest onstäeled was, -
and, mid spell-cwydum gemearcian,—aerest on Athéna pa burh,
and syööan on Thebāne, and syööan on Boeti, and syööan on
Macedonie; piss waron ealle Creca leode; and syööan on Öa
laessan Asiam, and på on pa maran; and syööan on Perse, and
syööan on Egypti. Ic sceal éâc py lator Romana istoria
asecgan, pe ic ongunnen haefde.”
[Bóc III: CAPITUL II.] 40
1. AEfter Šam pe Rome burh getimbrad was III hund
wintra and LXXVI, was in Achie eorö-beofung; and twa
byrig, Ebora and Elice, on eorêan besuncon. Ic maeg eac on
urum agnum tidum gelic anginn pam secgan, peah hit Swylc-
5
2
5
3
0
3
5
B. c. 370] AN EARTH-QUAKE IN ACHAIA—A PESTILENCE IN ROME. 55
ne ende nafde,-paette Constantinopolim, Creca burh, on
swylcere cwacunge was, and hyre gewitegad was 6f soëfaestum
mannum, paet heo sceolde on eorpan besincan; ac hed wearö
gescyld purh pone Cristenan Casere [Arcadiusan], and purh
* paet Cristene folc, pe on pam burgum was. paet getacnode
paet Crist is eaëmodegra help, and ofarmódigra fyll. Mare ic
pyses gemyngode ponne ic his mid ealle asaede : gif his hwä
sy lustfull mare to witanne, sece him ponne sylf.
2. Paet on pam dagum gewearö paette [Wulchi), and Falisci,
"pe aer waron Lxx wintra wiš Romane winnende, paet hi hi på
oferwunnon, and heora land oforhergodan. And raše aefter
pam Suttrian paet folc wacron hergiende on [Romane] op paere
burge geata. Hit Romane aefter Šam hraedlice mid gefeohte
and mid hergunge him forguldon, and hi geflymdon.
1 5 [Bóc III: CAPITUL III.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh getimbrad was III hund wintra
and LXXXIII, pa ša Laucius, pe oëre maman was haten Genutius,
and Quintus, pe oëre naman was haten Serfilius, pa hi waron
consulas on Rome, gewearð se miccla man-cwealm on pam
* lande,-nalaes swa hit gewuna is of untidlican gewyderum;
paet is of watum sumerum, and of drigum wintrum, and of
reëre lencten-hâtan, and mid ungemetlican haerfest-watan, and
aefter-[haetan] ; ac àn wind cóm of Calabria wealde, and se wol
mid pam winde. pes man-cwealm was on Romanum, fulle II
* geare, [ofer] ealle menn gelice : peah Öe sume deade waron,
sume uneače [gedrycnede] aweg comon. Op paet heora bis-
ceopas saedon, paet heora godas bâdon, paet him man worhte
anfiteatra, paet man mihte pone haeśeniscan plegan paer inne
dón and heora deofol-gyld, paet waron openlice ealle unclan-
** neSSa.
2. “Her me magon nü,” cwacó Orosius, “pá geandwyrdan, pe
paes Cristendomes wiperflitan syndon, hiſ heora godas purh
heora blótunge, and purh heora deofol-gyld, paes man-cwealmes
gehulpon ; buton paet hy me ongeaton mid hwylcum scin-
* craefte, and mid hwylcum lotwrence hit deofla dydon, naes na
se soča God, paet hi mid by yfele pa menn swencton, to §6n
paet hy gelyfdon heora offrunga, and heora deofol-gyldum.
And paethi panon moston to Öam sawlum becuman; and paet
hi moston tawian mid paere maestan bismrunge. Ac hedra
“anfiteatra, pa waron unarimede, and me nu maenigfeald to
asecganne; forbon, “pu, faeder Agustimus, hy hafst on pinum
bocum swetole gesaed ; and ic gehwam wille paer to taecan, pe
hine hys lyst ma to witanne.”
3. AEfter pyson, on pam ilcan geare, tohlād seo eoröe binnan
56 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: CH. IV: W $ 1–3. B. c. 365]
Rome byrig. pa saedon heora biscopas eft, paet heora godas
bædom paet him mon sealde anne cucene mann, pa him puhte
paet hy"heora deadra to lyt haefdon : and seo eorêe swaginiende
bād, oë paet Marcus, peoëre namon hatte Curtius, mid horse,
and mid waspnum, paer on innan besceat : and hed sióēan '
togaedere behlād.
[Bóc III: CAPITUL IV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was III hund wintra
and [LXxxviii), paet Gallie oferhergodon [Romana] land oë
[preo] mila to paere byrig, and pa burh mihton eaëe begitan,"
gif hypær ne [gewicadon]: for pam Romane waron swa forhte,
and swa &mode paet hy me wendon, paethy pa burh bewerian
mihton. Ac paes on morgen [Titus], heora ladteow, pe oëran
namon was haten Quintius, hy mid fyrde gesohte. Baer
gefeaht Mallius anvig, pe oëre namon was haten Tarcuatus,"
wiè anne Galliscne mann, and hine offiloh ; and Titus Quintius
pa oëre sume geflymde, sume of sloh. Be pam mon mihte
ongitan hwaet paer of slagen was, pa hedra fela busenda
[gefongen] was.
[Bóc III: CAPITUL V.] 20
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was IIII hund wintra
and twa, paet Cartaina paere burge aerendracan comon to Rome,
and him gebudon paethy frið him betweonum haefdom, forbon
hy Ón än land pa winnende waron, paet was on Benefente.
Mid pam pe pa aerendracan to Rome comon, pa com eac mid “
him seo of—rmäete heard-saelnes, and monegra peodayrmöa, seo
longe aefter pam weaxende was. Swa hit hefones tungel on
pam tidan cypende waron, paet hit was niht oë midne daeg ;
and, on Sumere tide, hit hagolade stanum of realle Romane.
2. On pam dagum, was Alexander geboren on Crecum, swa ”
swa an micelyst come ofer ealne [middangeard]; and Ocus
Persa cyning, pone mon oërum namon hét Artecsersis, aefter
pam pe he Egyptum forhergade, he geför sièëan on Iupana
land, and heora fela forhergade. Siôāan on Ircaniam pam
lande, he heora swièe feala gesette wièpone sæ, pemon Caspia”
hâtt; and hy paer gesettene sint git oë pisne daeg, mid bradum
folcum, on pam tohópan, paethysume sièe God panon adó to
heora agnum lande.—Siôöan Artecsersis abraec [Sidonem]
Fenitia burh, seo was pā welegast on pam dagum.
3. AEfter pam Romane angunmon paet Somniticum gewinn “
ymbe Campena land. Hy på lange and oft-raedlice ymb paet
fuhton, on hwe.orfendum sigum. pagettigon Somnite him on
fultum Pirrúsán, Epira cyning, pone maeston feond Romanum.
B. c. 344] TEMPLE OF JANUs —DECIUS MUs 57
º
pæt gewinn wearö hwaepresume hwile gestilled, forbon Púnici
wiè Romanum winnan ongunnon. t
4. “Siôöan paet gewinn ongunnen was, gif aenig mann sy,”
cwaë Orosius, “pe on gewritum findan maege, paet Iānas duru
* Sippan belocen wurde,--butan anum geare, and paet was for-
pam pe Romane ealne pone gear on mann-cwealme laºgan,—
aerest on Octauianus daege, paes Caseres.” paet hus haefdom
Romane to pam anum tacne geworht, paet on swylce healfe
swylce hy ponne winnende bedn woldon, swa sūč, swa norp,
swa est, swa west,-ponne undydon hy på duru, pe on på
healfe open was, paethy be pâm wiston hwider hy sceoldon.
And mid pam pe hy para dura hwylce opene gesawon, ponne
tügon hy hedra hraegl bufan cmeow, and giredon hy to wige :
and be pam wistan paethy wiè sum folc frið me haefdon. And
* ponne hyfrið haefdom, ponne waron ealle pa dura betymede,
and hy leton heora hraegl ofdune to fotum. Ac papa Octaui-
anus, se Casere, to rice feng, pa wurdon Iānas dura betymede,
and wearö sibb and frið ofer ealne middangeard.
5. AEfter pam pe Perse frið genamon wiè Romanum, sióðan
”gelicode eallum folcum, paethy Romanum underpeoded ware,
and heora àe to behealdenne. And swa swièe pone frið lufedon,
paet him leofre was, paethi Romanisce ciningas haefdon, ponne
of hedra agnum cynne. On pam was sweptole getacnad, paet
năn eorölic mann ne mihte swylce lufe, and swylce sibbe, of r
* ealne middangeard gedon, swylce pā was. Ac hed for pam
was, pe Crist on pam dagum geboren was, pe sibb is heofon-
ware and eorö-ware. pact eac Octauianus sweotole getacnode,
papa [Romane] him woldon offrian, swa swa hedra gewuna
was, and saedon paet seo sibb [of] his mihte ware. Ac he aeg-
" per fleah, ge på daed, ge pa saegene; and eac sylf sade, paet
seo daed his naere, me eacbeon me mihte names eorðlices man-
nes, paet ealre worolde swylce sibbe bringan mihte, paet twa
peoda ér habban me mihton; na paet laesse was, twa gemaegôa.
[Bóc III: CAPITUL VI.]
* 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was IIII hund wint-
rum and viii gewearö paet Romane and Latine wunnon. ... On
pam forman gefeehte wearö Romana consul ofslagen Mallius,
pe oërum namon was haten Tarcuatus; and heora oper consul,
e mon Decius het, and oprum namon Mure, his agenne sunu
“[he] of sloh, forbon he oferbraec hegra gecwid-rae.denne, paet
was paethy hacfdon gecweden, paethy ealle emlice on Latine
tengdon. Ac paer an it asceat of Latina werode, and anviges
baed ; and him paes consules sunu ongean com, and hime pºer
efsloh. For pam gylte [hiene eft hett his faeder of slean : for
# 0
- 8
58 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: Ch. VII $ 1, 2. [B. c. 344
paem slege] moldon Romane bringan pam consule pone trium-
phan, pe heora gewuna was, peh he sige haefde. -
2. On pam aeſteran geare paes, Minutia hatte an wifman, pe
on hedra wisan sceolde nunne been. Seo haefde gehåten hedra
gydenne Diánan paet heo wolde hyre lif on faemnanhade à lib- 5
ban. pa forlaeg hed hy sona. Hy pa Romane for pam
gylte pe heo hyre gehat aleah, swa cuce hy on eorðan bedul-
fon. And nii gyt to daege, pam gylte to tacne, mon haet paet
land [mán-feld], paer hymon by ride.
3. Rape aefter pam on paera twegra consula daege, Claudius, to
pe oërum mamon hatte [Marcellus, and Ualerius], pe oërum
mamon hatte Flaccus, Ša gewearö hit, “peh hit me scondlic
sy,” cwacö Orosius, “pact sume Romana wif on swylcum scin-
lace wurdon, and on swylcum wodum dreame, paethy woldon
aelcne mann, ge wif ge waspned, paera pe hy mihton, mid attre is
acwellan, and [hit] on mete oëöe on drince to gepicganne
gesyllan.” And paet lange donde waron, aer paet folc wiste
hwānon paet yfel come, buton paet hy saidon paet hit ufane
of paere lyfte come, [aerpon] hit purh aenne peowne mann
geypped wearö. pa waron ealle pa wif beforan Romana witan 20
gelaöode, paera was III hund and Lxxx; and paer waron ge-
mydde paethy paet ilce pigedon, paethy &r oërum sealdon; paet
hy paer-[ryhte] deade waron beforan eallum pam mannum.
[BCc III: CAPITUL VII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes IIII hund wintra 25
and XXII, Alexander, Epirotarum cyning, paes maran Alexan-
dres eam, he mid eallum his maegene wič Romane winnan on-
gan, and aet Somnite gemaere, and Romana gesaet, and pa
mihstan land-leode on aegôre healfe him on fultunn geteah, oë
Somnite him gefuhton wiè, and pone cyning [ofslogon].-‘‘Nu 30
ic pises Alexandres her gemyndgade,” cwab Orosius, “nu ic
wille eac paes maran Alexandres gemunende bedn, paes opres
nefan, peh ic ymbe Romana gewinn on pam gear-gerime forë
[ofer] pact geteled haebbe.” -
2. Ic sceal hwæpre eft gewendan, paetic [hwelcne] hugu dael as
gesecge Alexandres daeda; and hu Philippus, his faeder, IIII
hund wintrum aefter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes, he
feng to Maecedonia rice [on] Crecum, and paet haefde xxv
wintra; and binnan paem gearum he ge-eode ealle pa cyne-
ricu pe on Crecum waron. An was Atheniense, oëer was 40
Thebäne,—III was Thesali, IIII Laecedemonie, v [Focenses],
—v1 Mesii, vii Macedonie, paet he aerest haefde. Philippus pa
he cniht was, he was Thébanum to gisle geseald Paminunde,
pam strongan cyninge, and pam gelaeredestan Philósofe, fram
B. c. 359] PHILIP, KING OF MACEDONIA. 59
his agnum brešer Alexandre, pe Laecedemonia rice på haefde,
and mid him gelæred wearö, on pam prym gearum, pa he paer
waes. pa wearö Alexander of slagen, his broëor, from his
agenre meder, peh heó hyre operne sunu eac aer of slöge for
s hyre geligernesse; and hed was Philippuses steop-modor. pa
feng Philippus to Maecedonia rice, and hit ealle hwile on miclan
pleo and on miclan earfeóan haefde ; paet aegôer ge him mon
titane of.oërum lande him on wann, ge eac paet his agen folc
ymb his feorh syrede, paet him pa aet nihstan leofre was, paet
10 he lite wunne, ponne he aet ham ware. His forme gefeoht
was wit Atheniense, and hy ofErwomn; and aefter pam wiè
Hiliricos, pe we Pulgare hataš; and heora maenig pusend of-
sloh, and heora maestan burh ge-eode Larisän. And sióðan
on Thesali he paet gewinn swipost dyde, for paere wilnunge pe
15 he wolde hy him on fultum geteon, for hedra wig-craefte, and
for pon pe hy, cušon on horsum ealra folca betst. And aerest
hy pa aegberge for his ege, ge for his 6lecunge, him to gecyr-
don. He pa gegaderade mid heora fultume and mid his
agenum, aegôer ge [ridendra, ge gangendra, unofer Wunnend-
20 lice here.
3. AEfter pam pe Philippus hæfde Atheniense and Thesali
him underpieded, he begeat Aruhes dohtor him to wife, [Ma-
losorum] cyninges, Olimphiaye heo was hatenu. Aruhes
wende paet he his rice gemiclian sceolde, pa he his dohtor Phi-
25 lippuse sealde; ac he hime on paere [wenunge] geband, and him
[Öaet] on genam paet he sylf haefde, and hime sióðan forsende,
oö he his lif forlet. Aºfter pam Philippus feaht on Othonó pa
burh, on Thebana rice; and him paer wearö paet ober eage
mid anre flan ut ascoten. He hwæðre pa burh gewann, and
30 eall paet mann-cynn acwealde, paet he paer inne mette. And
aefter pam mid his searwum he ge-eode eall Creca fo'c, forbon
heora gewuna was, paet by woldon of aelcere by rig him sylf
anweald habban, and man ſočerre] underbyded beon, ac
waron him swa betweenum winnende. pa bacdon by Philip-
as pus, aest of anre byrig, ponne of operre, paet he him on fultume
ware, wi& pape him on wunnon. pomme he pa of erswièed
haefde, pe he ponne on winnende was, mid pam folce pe hine aer
fultumes baed, ponne dyde he him agöer to gewealdon : swa
he belytegade ealle Crece on his geweald.
40 4. pa Crece paet pa undergeatan, and eac him swièe of pin-
cendum, paet hy an cyning, swaypelice buton aelcom gewinne
on his geweald beprydian sceolde, gelice and hi him peowiende
waron; he hy eac oërum folcum oft-raedlice on peowot sealde,
pe àr man folc ne mihte mid gefeohte gewinman,—hy pa ealle
As wiè hine gewinn uppahoſon; and he hine ge-eatmedde to pam
60 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III : Ch. VII $ 5, 6. [b. c. 359
folce, pe he him paer heardost andred, paet waron Thesalii,
and on hy gelec paet hy mid him on Théme wunnon. Da hy
to pam gemaere comon mid hedra fyrde, pa haefdon hy heora
clusan belocene, pa Philippus paer binnan me mehte, paet he
his teonan gewraece, he pā wende on pa ane pe him pa getry we
waron, and heora burh gefor, and paet folc mid ealle fordyde;
and heora hergas towearp, swa he ealle dyde, pe he ahwer mette,
ge eac his agene; oë paet him pa bisceopas saedon, paet ealle
godas him yrre waron, and wièwinnende. And peah hy him
ealleyrre [waaren] on pam xxv wintrum, pe he winnende was 19
and feohtende, he nā [oferwunmen] me wearö. AEfter pam he
geför on Capodotiam paet land; and paer ealle pa cyningas
mid [biswice] of sloh. SiôSan ealle Capodotiam him gehyrsu-
medon; and hime sióðan wende on his Öry gebroöra, and
aenne of sloh; and pa twegen oëflugon Ön Olinthum pa burh,
seo was faestast and welegast Maecedonia rices. And him
Philippus aefter för, and pa burh abraec, and pa bropor of sloh,
and eall paet paer inne was. pa pry gebroöra naeron mä Phi-
lippuse gemedred ac waron gefaedred.
5. On pam dagum, on Thracia pam lande, waron twegen "
cyningas ymb paet rice winnende, pa waron gebroëra. pa
sendon hy to Philippuse, and baedon paet he by ymbe paet rice
gesemde, and on paere gewitnesse ware, paet hit emne gedaeled
waere. He pa Philippus to heora gemote com mid micelre
fyrde, and pa cyningas begen of sloh, and ealle pa witan, and 25
feng him to pam ricum bām.—AEfter pam Atheniense baedon
Philippus, paet he heora ladteow ware wič Focenses pam folce,
peh hy &r heora [clusan] him ongean beluce, and paet he oper
paera dyde, oppe hy gesemde, oppe him gefultumade paethy hy
oferwinman mihtan. He him pagehét paet he him gefultuman 30
wolde, paet hy hy of rwunnon. Eac aet pam ilcan cirre baedan
Focense his fultumes wiè Athene. He him pagehét paet he hy
geseman wolde. Siôan he [buta] pa clusan on his gewealde
haefde, på dyde he him eac pa ricu to gewealdan ; and his here
geond pa byrig todaelde, and him bebead, paethy paet land as
hergiende waron, oë paet hy hit aweston; paet pam folce was
[aegpres] wa, ge paethy paet maesteyfel forberan sceoldon, ge eac
º hy his sciran né dorstan. Ac he ealle paricostan forslean
ét, and pa oëre—sume on wraec-siè forsende,-sume on opra
mearca gesette. Swa he Philippus pa miclan ricu geniperade: 40
peh pe àr anra gehwelc wende, paet hit of r monige oëro and-
weald habban mihte, paet hy pa aet nihstan, hy sylfe to nohte
bemaetan.
6. Philippuse gepuhte aefter pam, paet he on lande ne mihte
pam folce mid gifum gecweman, pe him on simbel waron mid 4:
5
l
5
B. c. 339] THE CONQUEST'S OF PHILIP.-ATHEAS, KING OF SCYTHIA. 61
winnende: ac he scipa gegaderade, and wicingas wurdon, and
sona aetanum cyrre an c and eahtatig ceap-scipa gefengon. pa
geceas he him ane burh, wiè pone sé, Bizantium was [hatenu)
to pón paet him gelicode paethy paer mihton betst binnan frið
* habban; and eac paethy paer gehendaste waron [on] gehwylc
land panon to winnanne. Ac him pa burh-leode paes wiècwac-
don. Philippus mid his fultume hy besaet and him on wann.
Seo ilce Bizantium was aerest getimbred fram Pausánia Laece-
demonia ladteowe; and aefter pam fram Constantino, pam
"Cristenan Casere ge-ieced, and be his namon heo was geha-
tenu Constantinopolim; and is nü paet heahste cyne-setl, and
heafod ealles east-rices. AEfter pampe Philippus lange pa burh
beseten haefde, pa of Puhte him paet he paet feoh to sellenne
naefde his here, swa hy bewuna waron. He pa his here on tii
” todaelde : sum ymb pa burh saet, and he mid sumum hlööum för
and manega byrig bereafode on Cherānisce Creca folce ; and
sióēan for on Scióðie, mid Alexandre his suna, paer Athéas se
cyning-rice haefde, pe àer his gepofta was wiè Isöriána gewinne,
and på on paet land faran wolde. Achy pa land-leode wič
* paet gewarnedon, and him mid fyrde ongean foran. Da paet pa
Philippus geahsode, pa sende he aefter maran fultume to pam pe
pa burh ymbseten haefdon ; and mid eallum maegene on hy for.
peh pe Scióðie haefde maran manna maenige, and hy selfe
hwaitran waron, hy peah Philippus besirede mid his lott-
* wrencum, mid pam pe he his heres priddan dael gehydde, and
him self mid waes; and pam twam daelum bebead, swa hy [feoh-
tan] ongunnon, paethy wiè his flugon; paet he sióēan mid pam
priddan daele hy beswican mihte, pomme hy tofareme waron.
paer wearö Scióðia xx M of slagen and gefangen wifmanna and
"wapmanna; and paer was xx M, horsa gefangen; peh hy paer
nán licgende feoh ne metton, swa hy aer gewuna waron, ponne
hy, wal-stowe geweald ahton. On pam gefeohte was aerest
anfunden Scióðia wann-speda. Eft pa Philippus was panan
cyrrende pa of for hyne opere Scippie mid lytelre fyrde, Triba-
* balle waron hatene. Philippus him dyde heora wig unwedrö,
oö hyme an Cwene sceat purh paet peoh, paet paethors was dead,
pe he on ufan saet. Đa his here geseah paet he mid py horse
afeol, hy pa ealle flugon, and eall paet here-feoh forleton, pe hy
ârgefangen haefdom. Waespaet micel wundor, paet swa micel here
“for paes cyninges fylle fleah, pena år pam fleon molde, peh his
monn fela pusenda of sloge, Philippus mid his lott-wrence, pa
hwile pe he wund was, alyfde eallum Crecum, paet heora
anwealdas moston [standanl him betweenum, swa [hie] aer on
eald-dagum dydon. Ac sona swa he gelacnod was, swa her-
“gade he on Athéne, pa sendon hy to Laecedemonium, and
62 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: Ch. VIII. § 1. [b. C. 339
baedon paethy gefrynd wurdon, peh hyaer longe gefynd waron ;
and baedon paethy ealle gemaenelice cunnodon, mihtan hy
hyra gemaenan feond him fram adon. Hypa sume him getipe-
don, and gegaderodon maran mann-fultum ponne Philippus
haefde: sume for his ege me dorstan. Philippuse gepuhte på,
paet he leng mid folc-gefeohtum wiè hyme mihte; ac oftraedlice
he was mid hloöum on hy hergende, and ombutan syrwende, oë
hy eft totwasmde waron, and pa on ungearewe on Ahtene mid
fyrde geför. AEt pam cyrre wurdon Atheniense swa walhreow-
lice forslagen and forhymed, paethy na sióðan names anWealdes 10
hyme bemaetan, ne nånes freðdómes.
7. AEfter pam gelaedde Philippus fyrde on Laecedemonie, and
on Thebane, and hy micclum tintregade, and bismrade, oš
hy mid ealle waron fordón, and forhyned. AEfter pam pe
Philippus haefde ealle Crecas on his geweald gedom, he sealde his
dohtor Alexandre pam cyninge, his agenum maege, pe he aer
Epirá rice geseald haefde, pa on pam daege plegedom hy of
horsum, aegöerge Philippus ge Alexander, pe he him his dohtor
sillan wolde, ge Alexander his agen sumu, swa hedra peaw aet
swylcum was, and eac maenige opaere mid him. pa Philip-
puse gebyrede paet he for pam plegan ut of pam mann-werode
arad, pa mette hine [his] eald gefana sum, and hine of stang.
8. “Ic mat,” cwacö Orosius, “for hwi eow Romanum syndon pa
aerran gewinn swa welgelicod and swa lustsumlice on leoë-cwi-
dum to gehyranne ; and for hwy. ge pa tida swelcra broca swa 25
wel hergeač; and nii peh eow lytles hwæt swelcra gebroca on
becume, ponne [gemaenaël ge hit to pam wyrrestan tidum, and
magon hy swahreowlice wepan, swage magon paera oëra blièe-
lice hlihhan. Gif gé Swylce pegmas sind, swylce gé wenaë that
ge sien, ponne sceoldon gé swa lustlice eowre agenu brocu aref-30
man, peh hylaessan syn, swage héora sind to gehyranne. ponne
puhte eow pas tida beteran, ponne pa, forbon eowre brocu nū
laessan sindon ponne heora pā ware; forbón Philippus was xxv.
wintra Creca folc hymende, aegôer ge heora byrig baernende, ge
heora folc sleande, and sume on [elpiodige] forsendende; and 3
eower Romana brocu, pegé paer ealmeg drifaš, naes buton pry
dagas. Philippuses yfel mihte peh pa gyt, be sumum daele
gemetlic pyncan, aer se swelgend to rice feng, Alexander his
sunu.-peh ic mü his [daeda} sume hwile gesuwian scyle, oë ic
Romana gesecge, pe on pam ilcan tidum gedone waron.” 40
[Bóc III: CAPITUL VIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes IIII hund wintra
and xxvi-gum : Caddenes Furculus set stöw gewearö swièe maere,
and git to daege is, for Romana bismere... paet gewearö after
5
I
5
2
0
sº
5
B. c. 321] THE ROMANS DISGRACED AT FURCULAF CAUDINAE. 63
pam gefeohte, pe Romane and Somnite haefdom, swa we aer
beforan Saedon, pa para Somnite xx M of slagen wurdon, under
Fauia pam consule. Ac Somnite aet oprangefeohte mid maran
fultume, and mid maran warscipe, to Romana gemetinge
coman, ponne hy aer dydon, aet paere stowe pe mon het Calide-
mes Furculas. And paer Romane swièost for pam [besierede]
waron, pe him paet land uncușre was, ponne hit Somnitum
ware; and on tingewis Ón àn nyrewett beforan, oë hy. Somnite
utan beforan ; paet hy, sióðan oper sceoldon, oppe for mete-
10 lieste heora lif aleton, oppe Somnitum on [hand] gan. On pam
anwealde waron Somnite swa bealde, paet se aepeling pe heora
ladteow was, Pontius was haten, het ahxian pome cyning, his
faeder, pe paer aet häm was, hwæper him leofre ware, pe he hy
ealle acwealde, pe hy libbende to bismre gerénian hete. Hy
15 pase aepeling to pam bismre getawade, pe på on pam dagum
maest was, - paet he hy bereafode heora claša and heora
waepma; and VI hund gisla on his geweald underfeng, on paet
gerad, paet hy him sièpan éce peowas waron. And se aeśeling
bebead sumum his folce, paet hy gebrohton Romana consulas,
20 [ond hedra witan aet heora agnum londe], and him beforan
drifan swa swa niedlingas, paet heora bismer py mare ware.
2. “Geornor we woldom, “cweó Orosius,” [iowraj Romana
bismora bedn forsugiemde ponne secgende, paer we for eowre
agenre gnornunge moste, pe gé wip pam Cristendome habbaš.
25 Hwact! gé witan paet gé gyt to-daege waron Somnitum peowe,
gif ge him ne lugon eowra wedd, and eowra apas, pe gé him
seoldon : and ge murciniać nü for pâm pe monega folc, pe gé
anweald ofor haefdom, moldon eow gelaestan, paet hy eow
behéton ; and mellaò ge penceam, hū laš eow sylfum was, to
30 laestanne eowre aëas pam peofer eow anveald haefdon 1"
3. Soma paes on pam aeſteran geare, forbraecon Romane
heora apas, pehy Sommitum geseald haefdon; and mid Papiria
heora consule, hy mid firde gesohton, and paer deadlicne sige
geforan; for påm pe aegôer paera folca was paes gefeohtes
as georn,--Somnite for pam anvealde, pe hy on aegôre healſe
haefdon, and Romane for pam bismere, pe hy aer aet him
geforan; oë Romane gefengon Somnita cyning, and heora
faesten abraecom, and hy to gafol-gyldum gedydon. Se ilca
Papirus was aefter pam gefeohte mid Romanum swylces domes
40 beled, paet hy hime to pon gecoren haefdom, paet [he] mid
gefeohte mihte pam maran Alexandre wièstandan ; gif he eas-
tane of Asiam Italiam gesohte, swa he gecweden haefde.
[Bóc III: CAPITUL IX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was IIII hund
5
64 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: Ch. IX. § 2, 5. [B. c. 336
wintrum and xxvi. feng Alexander to Maecedonia rice aefter
Philippuse, his faeder; and his aerestan pegnscipe on pon
[gecypde], pa he ealle Crecas mid his snyttro on his geweald
geniedde,-ealle på pe wič hime gewinn upahofon.
aet wearö aerest from Persum, på hy [sealdon] Demos- 5
tanáse pam Philósophe licgende feoh, wiè pam pe he gelaerde
ealle Crecas paet hy Alexandre wièsocon. Athéne budom
gefeoht Alexandre. Ac he hy sona forsloh and geflymde, paet
hy sièëan ungemetlicne ege fram him haefdon ; and Thebana
faesten abraec, and mid ealle towearp, paet aer was ealra Creca 10
heafodstol. And sièëan eall paet folc on ellpeode him wiè
feoh gesealde; and ealle pa oëre peoda, pe on Crecum waron,
he to gaſol-gyldum gedyde buton Macedoniam, pa him [aest]
to gecyrdon. And panon was farende [on Illirice], and on
Thracii, and hy ealle to him gebigde. And sièëan he gaderade is
fyrde wiè Perse; and, pa hwile pe he hygaderode, he of sloh
ealle his magas pe he geraecean mihte. On his feče here
waeron xxxii M., and paes gehorsedan fifte healf M, and scipa an
hund and eahtatig.—“Nat ic,” cwacö Orosius, “hwaeper mare
wundor was, pe [paet] he, mid swalytle fultume, pone maestan 20
dael pises middangeardes gegan mihte, pe paet he mid swa
[lytle] werode, swa micel anginnan dorste.” g
3. On pam forman gefeohte, pe Alexander gefeaht wiè
Darius an Persum, Darius haefde syx hund M folces: he wearö
peh swièor beswicen for Alexandres searewe, ponne for his is
gefeohte, paer was ungemetlic wal geslageri Persa; and
Alexandres naes namá ponne hund twelftig on pam raede here,
and migon on pam fešan. pa afór Alexander panon on Fri-
gam, Asiam land, and heora burh abraec and towearp, pe mon
haet Sardis. på saede him mon paet Darius haefde eft fyrde so
gegaderod on Persum. Alexander him paet pa ondred for
paere nearewan stowe, pe he på on was; and hraedlice for pam
ege panon àför of r Taurasan pome bedrh ; and ungelyfedlicne
micelne weg on pam daege geför, oë he com to Tharsum, paere
byrig, on Cilicium pam lande.
4. On pam daege he gemette ane ea seo haefde ungemetlice
ceald water, seo was Ciênus haten. pa ongan he hyme
bašian paeron swa swatigne, pa for pam cyle him gescruncan
ealle aedra, paet him mon paes lifes ne wende.
5. Raše aefter pam com Darius mid fyrde to Alexandre. 40
He haefde III hund pusenda fepena and an hund M. gehorsedra.
Alexander was pa him swièe ondraedende for paere miclan
maenige, and for paere lytlan pe he sylf haefde; peh pe he aer
mid paere ilcan Darius maran of roome. Baet gefeoht was
gedon mid micelre geornfulnesse of pam foleum bam, and paer as
35
b. c. 336–331] THE BATTLES OF ALEXANDER AND DARIUS. 65
waeron pa cyningas begen gewundod. paer was Persa x M
ofslagen gehorsedra, and eahtatig M febena, and eahtatig M
gefangenra ; and paer was ungemetlice [micell licgende feoh
funden on pam wic-stowum. Đaer was Darius modor gefan-
s gen, and his wif, seo was his sweoster, and his twa dohtra.
£)a bead Darius healf his rice Alexandre wič pam wif-mannum;
ac him molde Alexander paes getipian.--Darius pa gyt priddan
sièe gegaderade fyrde of Persum, and eac of oërum landum
pone fultum, pe he him to aspanan mihte, and wiè Alexandres
to for pahwile pe Darius fyrde gaderade, pa hwile sende Alex-
ander Parmeniónem, his ladteow, paet he Darius scip-here
aflymde, and he sylf for in Sirium ; and hy him ongean comon,
and his mid eaëmodnessan onfengan ; and he peah ma pelaes
heora land of rhergade; and paet folc, sum paer sittan let-
is sume panon adraefde,-sume on ellpeode him wiè feo gesealde.
6. And Tirus, på ealdan burh and pa welegan, he besaet, and
tobraec, and mid ealle towearp, forbon hy him lustlice onfön mol-
don. And sióðan for on Cilicium, and paet folc to him genydde;
and sióðan on Roëum paet igland, and paet folc to him genydde,
20 And aefter pam he for on Egypti, and hy to him genydde; and
paer he het pa burh atimbrian, pemon sióðan be him het Alex-
andria. And sióðan he for to pam hearge pe Egypti saedon
paet he ware Amones heora godes, se was Jobéses sunu hedra
oôres godes, to pön paet he wolde beladian his modor Nectané-
2s buses paes drys, pe mon saede paet heo hy wiè forlaege, and
paet he Alexandres faeder ware. pa bebead Alexander pam
hápenan bisceope, paet he becrupe on paes Amones anlicnesse,
pe inne on pam hearge was, aer pam pe he and paet folc hypaer
gaderade, and saede hiſ he him an his gewill beforan pam folce
so andwyrdan sceolde, paes he hyme acsade. Genoh sweetolice us
gedyde nii to witanne Alexander, hwylce pa haepenan godas
sindon to wedrpianne, paet hit swièor is of paera bisceopa [ge-
hlote], and of heora agenre gewyrde, paet paethy secgaš, pomme
of paera goda mihte. -
ss 7. Of paere stowe, for Alexander priddan siðe ongean Darius,
and hy aet Tharse paere byrighy gemettan. On pam gefeohte,
waeron Perse swa swièe forslagen, paet hy hedra miclan anweal-
des and longsuman hy sylfe sióēan wiè Alexander to nahte
[ne] bemaetan, pa Darius geseah paet he oferwunnen beon
40 wolde, pa wolde he hine sylfne on pam gefeohte forspillan, ac
hine his pegmas ofter his willan fram atugon, paet he sippan was
fleonde mid paere fyrde, And Alexander was xxxiii daga on
paere stowe, ér he pa wic-stowa and paet wal bereafian mihte,
And sióðan for an Perse, and ge-edde Persipulis pa burh, heora
45 cyne-stol, Seo is gyt welegast ealra burga. Đa saede mon Alex-
66 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: Ch. IX $ 8–11. [b. c. 331
andre, paet Darius haefde gebunden his agene magas mid gyl-
denre raccentan. Ba for he wič his mid syx M manna, and
funde hine anne be wege licgean, mid sperum of sticod, healf
cucne. He pa Alexander him anum deadum lytle mildheort-
nesse gedyde, paet he hime het bebyrigean on his yldrena byrig,
pe he sióðan nănum ende his cynne gedon molde, me his wife,
ne his meder, ne his bearnum, ne paet ealra laest was, his ging-
ran dohtor, he molde buton haeft-nyde habban ; seo was lytel
cild.
8. Uneaše maeg mon to geleafsuman gesecgan, swa maenig-10
feald yfel swa on pam prim gearum gewurdon, on prim folc-
gefeohtum, betweqx twam cyningum : paet waron fiftyne hund
pusend manna, paet binman påm forwürdon ; and of pam ilcan
folcum forwurdon lytle ār, swa hit her beforam secgö, nigontyne
hund pusend manna, butan miclan hergungum, pe binnan pam
prim gearum gewurdon on monigre peode: paet is paet Asirie
eall seo peod awest wearö fram Alexandre, and monega byrig
on Asiam, and Tirus seo maere burh eal toweorpenu, and
[Cilicial paetland eall awest, and Capadotia paet land, and ealle
Egypti on peowote gebroht, and Roëum paet igland mid ealle
awest, and monig opre land ymbe Tauros pa muntas.
9. Nâlâs paet än paetheora twegra gewinn, pa ware on pam
est-ende pises middangeardes; ac, on emn påm, Agiðis Spar-
tana cyning, and Antipater, oper Creca cyning, wunnon him be-
tweonum; and Alexander Epiria cyning, paes miclan Alexand-2s
res eam, se wilnode paes west-daeles, swa se oper dyde paes east-
daeles, and fyrde gelaedde in Italiam, and paer hraedlice of slagen
wearö. And on paere ilcan tide, Zoffirion, Ponto cyning, [in
Scippie] mid fyrde geför, and he [and his] folc mid ealle pār
forwearö. Alexander, aefter Darius deape, gewann ealle Man- so
dos, and ealle Ircaniam ; and, on [Šaere] hwile pe he paer winn-
ende was, frefelice hine gesohte Minothéo, seo Scióðisce cwen,
mid prym hund wif-manna, to pón paethy woldan wiè Alex-
ander and wiè his maerestan cempan bearma strynan.
10. AEfter pam, wann Alexander wiè Parthim pam folce, sº
and he hy meah ealle of sloh and fordyde, aer he hy gewinnan
mihte. And aefter pam he gewonn Drancas paet folc, and Eur-
getas, and Paramomenas, and Assapias, and monega oëra peoda,
pe gesetene sind ymbe pa muntas Caucasus, and par het ane
burh atimbrian, pe mon sièëan het Alexandria. 40
11. Naes his scimlac, ne his hergung on pa fremdan ane, ac
he gelice sloh and hynde pa, pe him on siml waron midfarende
and winnende. Æst he of sloh Amintas, his modrian Sunu, and
sióēan his broëor, and pa Parmenion his pegn, and pa Filiotes,
and pa Catulusan, pa Eurilohus, pa Pausanias, and monege as
5
|
5
2
6
b. c. 331–329] ALEXANDER'S FRENZY-H IS CONQUESTS IN INDIA. 67
oère, pe of Maecedoniam ricoste waron; and Clitus, se was
aegöerge his pegn, ge àer Philippuses, his faeder. pa hy sume
sipe drunche aet heora symble saeton, pa ongunnon hy, treahti-
gean hwæper mâ maerlicra daeda gefremed haefde, pe Philippus,
5 pe Alexander, pa saede se Clitus for ealdre hylde, paet
Philippus má haefde gedon ponne he. He pa Alexander
ahleop for paere saegene and of sloh hime. To-ecan påm, pe he
hymende was aegöerge his agen folc, geočera cyninga, he was
sin pyrstende mannes blodes.
to 12. Raše aefter pâm, he for mid fyrde on Chorasmas, and on
Dacos, and him to gafolgyldum hy genydde. Chalisten pone
Filosofum he of sloh, his emn-sceolere, Še hy aetgaedere gelae-
rede waron aet [Aristotolese] hedra magistre, and monega
menn mid him, forbón hy moldan to him gebiddan swa to
is hedra gode. -
13. AEfter pam, he for on Indie, to pón paet [he] his rice ge-
braedde oë pone east-garsecg. On pam sièe he ge-eode Nisan,
India heafod-burh, and ealle pa bedrgas pe mon Dédolas haett,
and eall paet rice Cléoffiles paere cwene ; and hy to geligre
20 genydde, and for pam hire rice eft ageaf. AEfter pam pe Alex-
ander haefde ealle Indie him to gewyldon gedon, buton anre
byrig, seo was ungemetan faeste, mid cludum ymbweaxen,
Ša ge-ahsode he paet Ercol se ent, paer was togefaren on àr-
dagum, to pön paet he hy abrecan pohte: ac he hit for pam né
25 angann, pe paer was eorö-beofung on paere tide. He pa Alex-
ander hit swièost for pam ongann, pe he wolde, paet his maer-
êa waron maran ponne Ercoles; pell pe he hy [mid] micle
forlore paes folces begeate. +.
14. After pam, Alexander haefde gefeoht wiè Porose, pam
30 strengstan Indea cyninge. On pam gefeohte waron pa maes-
tan blodgytas on aegôre healfe paera folca. On pam gefeohte
Pöros and Alexander gefuhton anwig [of] horsum. pa of sloh
Poros Alexandres hors, pe Bucefall was håten, and hine sylfne
mihte, paer him his pegmas to fultume ne comon : and he haefde
as Poros monegum wundum gewundodne, and hime eac gewildne
gedyde, syööan his pegnas him to comon : and him eft his rice
to forlet for his pegenscipe, py he swa swièe was feohtende
angean hime. And he Alexander him het sióšan twa byrig
atimbrian : oper was hatenu be his horse Bucefal, oper Nicéa.
40 15. SiôSan he for on [Raestas] paleode, and on Cathénas,
and on Presidas, and on [Gangeridas] ; and wiè hy ealle ge-
feaht, and ofºrwonn. pa he com on India east-gemaera, pa
cóm him paer ongean twa hund pusenda [monna] gehorsades
folces; and hy Alexander uneaše oferwomm, aegöerge for paere
as sumor hâte, ge eac for pam oftraedlican gefeohtum. SiôSan
68 KING ALFRED's OROSIUS; Book III: Ch. IX $ 16–19. [b. c. 327–323.
aefter pam he wolde habban maran wic-gtowa, ponne his ge-
wuna èr ware; forbón he him sièëan aefter pam gefeohte
swièor an saet, ponne he aer dyde.
16. After pam, he for üt on garsecg, of pam muëan pe seo
eå was hatenu Eginense, on an igland, paer Siuos pact folc s
and Iersomas on eardodan; and hy Ercol paer £r gebrohte,
and gesette; and he him pa to gewildum gedyde. Æfter pam
he for to pam iglande, pe mon paet folc Mandras haet, and
Subagros; and hy him brohtan angean ehta hund M fepena,
and Lx M. gehorsades folces; and hy lange waron paet dreo-
gende, aer hedra aper mihte on oprum sige geraecan, ær Alex-
ander late unwedrölicne sige geraehte.
17. Æfter pam, he geför to anum faestene. pa he paer-to
com, pa ne mihton hy maenne mann on pam faestene utan ge-
Seon. Ba wundrade Alexander hwi hit swa £menne ware ; 15
and hraedlice pone weall self of relomm, and he paer wearö
fram pam burh-warum inn abröden ; and hy his sióðan waron
swa swièe ehtende, Swa [hit] is ungeliefedlic to secgenne, ge
mid gesceotum, ge mid stāna torfungum, ge mid eallum heora
wig-craeftum,_paet swa peah ealle pa burh-ware ne mihton to
hine aenne genydan, paet he him on hånd gan wolde. Ac pa
him paet folc swièost on prang, pa gestop he to anes wealles
byge, and hime paer awerede. And swa eall paet folc wearö
mid him anum agáeled, paet hy paes wealles name gyman ne
dydan, oë Alexandres pegmas to emnes him pone weall abrae-
can, and paer inn comon. Baer wearö Alexander purhscoten
mid anre flan underneopan oëer breost–Nyte we nii, hwæper
sy swipor to wundrianne, pe paet hi he ana wiè ealle pa burh-
ware hine awerede,-pe eft, pa him fultum com, hiſ he purh
paet folc geprang, paet he pone ilcan of sloh, pehine ár purh-
sceat; pe eft paera pegma onginn, pa hy ontweogendlice wendon
paet hedra hlāford ware on heora feonda gewealde, oëöe cuca,
oööe dead, paet hy swa peah moldan paes weall-gebreces ge-
swican, paet hy heora hlāford né gewraecon, peh pe hy hine
mečigne on [cneowum] sittende metten. 35
18. SiôSan he pa burh haefde him to gewyldum gedon, pa for
he to oëre byrig, paer Æmbira se cyning on wunade. paer for-
wearö micel Alexandres heres for [ge-aetredum] gescotum.
Ac Alexandre wearö on paere ilcan niht on swefne an wyrt
oöywed; pa nám he pa on mergen, and sealdehy pam gewun-40
dedum drincan, and hy wurdon mid pam gehaeled; and sióðan
a burh gewann.
19. And he sièëan hwearf hamweard tö Babylonia. paer
waron aerendracan on ambide of ealre wedrolde: paet was
fram Späneum, and 6f Affrica, and of Gallium, and of ealre as
l
0.
2
5
3
30
B. c. 323] ALEXANDER POISON ED AT BABY LON. 69.
Italia. Swa egefull was Alexander, pá pa he was on Indeum,
on easte-weardum pisum middamearde, paet på fram him adre-
dan, pā wateron on westeweardum. Eac him comon aerendracan,
ge of monegum peodum, pe nān mann Alexandres geferscipes
5 me wende, paet mon his namon wiste; and him friðes to him
wilnedon. Ba git pa Alexander hām com to Babylonia, på
git was on him se maesta purst mannes blodes. Ac papa his
geferan ongeatan paet he paes gewinnes pa git geswican
molde, ac he saede paet he on [African] faran wolde, pa geleor-
10 nedon his byrelas him betweenum, hū hy him mihton paet lif
oëpringan, and him gesealdan attor drincan : pa forlet he
his lif.
20. “[Eala]!” cwacó Orosius, “on hiſ micelre dysignesse
memn nu sindon, on pyson Cristendome ! Swa peah pe him
is lytles hwaet inepe sy, hu earfoëlice hy hit gemäenað! Oper
para is, oëöe hy hit myton, oëöe hy hit witan myllab, an hwel-
can brocum pa lifdon pe aer him waran. [Nü] wenaë hy hii
pam ware pe on Alexandres [onwalde] waran, pa him på swa
swièe hine andredan, pe on westeweardum pises middangeard-
20 es waran, paethy on swa micle nepinge, and on swa micel
ungewis, aegôer ge on saes fyrhto, ge on westennum wildeora,
and wyrm-cynna missenlicra, ge on peoda gereordum, paet hy
hine aefter friðe sohton on easteweardum pysan middangearde.
Ac we witan georne, paethy nu må for yrhpe, nãper ne durran
25 ne swa feor [frið) gesecean, ne furpon hy selfe [aet ham], aet
heora cotum werian, ponne hymon aetham secö : ac paet [hie
magon paetjhy pas tida leahtrien.”
[Bóc III: CAPITUL X.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was IIII hund win-
so tra and L,~under pam twam consulum,_pe oper was haten
Faulus, and oëran namon Maximus, and under pam pe Cwin-
tus was haten, and oëran namon Decius, on hedra consulatu,
on Italium feower pastrengestan peoda, hy him betweenum ge-
spraecan—paet waran Umbri, and prysci, and Somnite, and
as Gallie—paet by woldon on Romane winman. And hy him
paet swièe ondredan, hū hy wiš him eallum endemes mihte ;
and georne siredon hi hy hi totwasman mihtan, and geweal-
demne here on prysci, and on Umbre sendon an hergunge, and
paet folc to amyrramme. [pa] hy paet geacsedan, pa wendan
40 hy him hamweard topón paethy hedra land beweredan. Ond
Romane pa hwile mid heora maran fultume, pe hy aet ham
haefdon, foran ongean Somnite, and ongean Gallie. , Baer, on
pam gefeohte was Cwintus se consul of slagen; and Fauius,
se oper consul, aefter paes opres fylle, sige haefde, paer wearö
* Somnita and Gallia feowertig M of slagen, and seofon M
70 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: CH. X, § 2–5. [B. c. 295.
Romana, on pam daele pe Decius on of slagen was, ponne
saede Libius paet Somnita and Gallia ware oper healf hund M
ofslagen paera fepena, and seofon M. gehorsedra. -
2. “Eac ic gehyrde to soëum secgan,” cwacö Orosius, “paet
hit ná naere on pam dagum mid Romanum buton gewinne, 5
oööe wič oëra folc, oppe on him selfum, mid monigfealdum
wólum and mann-cwealmum : swa swa hit på was.”
3. Da [Fauius], se consul, of pam gefeohte hāmweard for,
pa dyde mon pone triumphan him beforan, pe heora gewuma
was ponne hy sige haefdom. Ac se gefea wearö swièe raše on
heora mode to gedraefednesse gecirred, pa hy gesawon pa dea-
dan menn swa piclice to eorpan beran, pe paer aer aet ham
waeran; forbón pe paer was se micla mann-cwealm on paere
tide.
4. And paes ymb an gear, Somnite gefuhton wiè [Roma- is
num], and hy geflymdon, and hy bedrifan into Rome byrig.
Andhraedlice aefter pam, Somnite awendan on oëre wisan aegber
ge heora sceorp, ge eall hedra waspn of r-sylefredan, to tacne
paethy oper woldan,—oööe ealle libban, oëöe ealle licgean. On
pam dagum, gecuron Romane Papirius him to consule, and raße 20
paes fyrde gelaeddan ongean Somnitum, peh be heora bisceopas
fram heora godum saedon, paethy paetgefeoht [forbuden.] Ache
Papirius pa bisceopas for paere segene swièe bismrede, and paet
faereld swa peah geför; and swa wedrölicne sige haefde, swa
he aer unwedrölice paragoda bisceopan 6ferhirde. paer wearö 25
Somnita twelf M of slagen, and IIII M gefangen. And raóe
aefter pam maerlican sige, hy wurdon eft geunrett mid mann-
cwealme, and sewaes swa ungemetlic, and swa langsum, paet hy
pá aet nihstan witende mid deofol-craeftum sohton hiſ hy hit
gestillan mihtan, and gefetton Escoláfius pone scin-lacan mid 30
paere ungemetlican maedran, pe mon Epièaúrus het; and onli-
cost dydon swylce him naefre aer pâm gelic yfel on ne become,
me aefter pam eft né become.
5. py aefterran geare paes, Fauius hedra consul, pe oërum
namon was haten Gurius, gefeaht wiè Somnitum, and heanlice
hamweard oëfleah. pa woldan senatus hine aweorpan, forbón
he paet folc on fleame gebro.hte; pa baed his faeder, was eac
Fauius haten, paet pa senátus forgeafon pam suma pone gylt,
and paethy [gebiden] paet he moste mid pam suna aet opran
cirre wič Somnitum mid heora ealra fultume; and hy him paes
getyöedon. pa bebeadse faeder pam consule, paet he mid his firde
ongéan fore ; and he beaftan gebād mid sumum pam fultume.
pa he geseah paet Pontius, Somnita cyning, haefde pone consul
his sunu besired, and mid his folce utan befangen, he him pa
to fultume com, and hine swièe geanmette; and Pontius, Som-45
I
0.
3
5
4
0.
B. c. 323–-280.] ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 71
nita cyning, gefengon. Paer wearö Somnita xx M of slagen, and
III. M. gefangen mid pam cynige, paer wearö Romana [gewinnj
and Somnita ge-endod—forbón pe hy hedra cyning gefengon—
paethy &r dreogende waron Lvii.11 wintra. -
* 6. Baes on oërum geare Curius se consul mid Romanum
gefeaht wiè Sabinan, and heora ungemet ofsloh, and sige haefde,
bepon mon mihte witan, pa he [ond] på consulas hy atellan ne
mihton.
[Bóc III: CAPITUL XI.]
10 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes IIII hund win-
trum and LXIII, pa pa Dolabella and Domitius waron consulas
on Rome, pa Lucani, and Bruti, and Somnite, and Gallie of
Senno, angunnon wič Romanum winnan. Ba sendon Romane
aerendracan to Gallium ymb frið. pa of slogon hypa aerendra-
is can. Pa sendon hy eft Cecilium, heora pretorium, mid firde
paer Gallie and Bryti aetgaedere waron; and he paer wearö
ofslagen, and paet folc mid him paet was xviii M. Swa oft
[swaj Galli wiè Romanum wunnon, swa wurdon [Romane]
gecnysede. “Forpon, gé Române,” cwacö Orosius, “ponne gé
20 ymb paet än gefeoht ealmeg ceoriaš pe eow Götan gedydon,
hwi nellaò gé gepencan pa monegan aerran, peeow Gallie oft-
raedlice bismerlice purhtūgon '"
2. Ic sceal eac [gemyndgian], be sumum daele, paes pe
Alexandres aeſterfylgendas dydon on pam tidan, pe pis ge-
2s wearö on Rome byrig: hú hy hi sylfe mid missenlican gefeoh-
tum fordydon. —“Hit is,” cwač he, “pam gelicost, ponne ic
[his] gepencan sceal, pe ic sitte on anre heahre dine, and
geseo ponne on smepum felda fela fyra byrnan; swa of reall
Maecedonia rice, paet is of realle pa maran Asiam, and of er
so Europe pone maestan [dael] and ealle Libium, paet hit nā [naes]
buton héte and gewinnum. pa pe under Alexandre fyrmest
waeran, paer paer hy aefter him rixedan, hypaet mid gewinnum
awestan, and paer paer hy maeran, hy gedydan pome maestan
ege, swylce se biteresta Smic upp astige, and ponne wide tofare.
as 3. Alexander XII gear pisne middangeard under hym prysm-
de, and egsade; and his aeſterfolgeras XIIII gear hit sippan
totügon, and totaeran, gelicost påm ponne seo leo bringö hun-
gregum hwelpum hwæt to etanne : hyponne gecypač on pam
âte, hwylc heora maest maeg [gehrifnian].
40 4. Swa ponne dyde Pholoméus, Alexandres pegma an, pa he
togaedere [gesweop) ealle Egyptum, and Arabia; and Laum-
enda, his oper pegn, se befeng ealle Asirie, and Thelenus
[Cilician], -and Filotos Hiliricam,_and, Iecrapatas pa maran
Mepian,—and Stromen pa laessan Mepian,—and Peróice pa
72 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS, Book III. Ch. XI $ 5, 6: [b. c. 323–280.
laessan Asiam.—And Susana . . . —pa maran Frigan, and Anti-
gonus, Lician, and Pamphiliam, and Narhcus, Cariam, and
Leonontus pa laessan Frigam,_and Lisimachus Thraciam,_
and Eumen Capadotiam and Paflagoniam.—And Seleucus
haefde ealle pa aepelestan memn Alexandres heres; and on s
léngöe mid him he begeat ealle pa east land; and Cassander pa
cempan mid Caldeum. And on Pactrium, and on Indeum,
waron pa ealdor-menn, pe Alexander gesette; and paet land,
betux pam twam ean, Induse and Iðasfene haefde Itaxiles.
And Ithona haefde calonie, pa peode on Indeum ; and Parapa-
menas haefde Uxiarches, aet paes beorges ende Caucasus; and
Arathasihedros haefde Siburtus; and Stontos haefde Dranceas
and Areas pa peoda and Omintos haefde Atrianus; and Si-
chéus haefde Sostianus paet folc; and Itacanor haefde Pârthos,
and Philippus Ircănus; and Fratafermis haefde Arménie; and 15
Theleomommos haefde Maeśas; and Feucestas haefde Ba-
bylonias; and Polausus haefde Archos, and Archolaus Me-
sopotamiam.
5. Eall hedra gewinn awacnedon aerest fram Alexăndres
epistole, forbón pe he paeron bebead, paet monealle pā wraeccan 20
on cybpe [forlete), pe on pam landum waron, pe he aer sylf
gehergad haefde, pa noldan Crecas pam bebode hiran, forbón
hy ondredan, ponne hy hy gegaederedon, paet hy on him
gewræcan pa teoman pe hy aer mid him gepoledan. Gé eac
wièsocon, paethy leng wiè Laecedemonium hyran noldan, paer 25
heora heafod-stól was. And raše paes Atheniénse gelaeddan
XXX M folces and twa hund scipa angean Antigone, pam cyn-
inge, pe eall Creca rice habban sceolde, forbón pe he paes
aerendes aerendraca was fram Alexandre. And gesetton him
to ladteowe Demostenón, pone filosofum; and asponon him so
to fultume Corinthum pa burh-leode, and Sihomas, and Margas;
and besaetan Antipatrum, pone cyning, on anum faestene,
forbón pe he was Antigone on fultume. paer wearö Leostenas,
oöer heora ladteowa, mid anre flan of scoten. pahy fram paere
byrig hamweard waron, pa metton hy Leonantius pe sceolde as
Antipatrúmé to fultume cuman; and paer of slagen wearö.
AEfter pam Pérôica, pe palaessan Asiam haefde, ongan winnan
wiè Ariāta Capadoca cyninge, and hine bedraf into anum
faestene. And pa burh-ware selfe hit onbaerndon on feower
healfa ; paet eall forwearö paet paer binnan was. 40
6. AEfter pam Antigones and Pérpica gebeotedan, paet hy
woldan him betweenum gefeohtan; and lange ymb paet siredan,
hwaer hy hi gemetan woldan. And monig igland awestan on
pam geflite, hwæper hedra mihte maran fultum him to getéon.
On pam anbide Pérôica for mid fyrde on Egyptum, paer Ptho- as
l
0
B. c. 323–280] AEEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS–ANTIGONUS, EUMENES. 73
lomeus was se cyning, forbón pe him was gesæd, paet he wolde
Antigone fylstan pam cyninge. pa gegaderade Phtoloméus
micle fyrde ongeån him. pa hwile pe hy, togaedere-weard
fundedan, gefuhton twegen cyningas, Neptólomus and Umé-
snis; and he Uménis geflymde Neptólomus, paet he com to
Antigone, pam cynincge, and hine speon paet he on Uménis.
timmyndlinga mid here become. pa sende Antigones hime
sylfne, and his operne pegn Polipercón mid miclan fultume,
paet hy hime [beswiceden]. pa geåhsode paet Uménis,
10 and forsaetade hy, paer paer hy gepoht haefdon, paet hy hine
besaetedon, and hy begen of sloh, and pa opre geflymde.
AEfter pam gefeaht Pérôica and Ptholomeus, and paer wearö
Peróica of slagen. AEfter pam wearö Maecedonium cuč, paet
U men, and Pison, and Ilirgus, and Alceta, Peróican bropor,
15 woldan winnan on hy, and fundon paet Antigones him sceolde
mid fyrde ongean cuman. On pam gefeohte, geflymde
Antigones Uménis, and hine bedräf into anum faestenne, and
hine paer [hwile] besaet. Đa sende Uménis to Antipatre pam
cyninge, and hine fultumes baed. Đa Antigones paet ongeat,
20 pa forlét he paet setl : ache Uménis him wende fram Antigones
ham-faerelde micelra intreowäa, and him to fultume àspon pa
e àer waron Alexandres cempan, pa weran hatene Argirás-
piðes, forbón pe ealle heora wapn waran of rsylefrede. pa on
pam tweon, pe hy swa ungeorne his willan fulleddon, pa
25 becom him Antigones mid fyrde on, and hy benaemde aegôer
ge heora wifa, ge heora bearma, ge heora eardes, ge ealles paes
licgendan feds, pehy under Alexandre begeatan; and hy sylfe
tineaše oëflugon to Uméne. AEfter pam sendon hy to
Antigone ymb heora pact maeste bismer, and hime baedon, paet
so he him ageáfe paet he aer on him bereafode. pa onbead he
him, paet he him paes getygöian wolde, gif hy him Uménes,
pone cyning, pe heora hlaford pa was, gebundenne to him
brohte; and hy paet gefremedan swä. Ac he heora eft aegôer
ge mid bismere onfeng, ge hy eac on pone bismerlicostan eard
as gesette, paet was on pam ytemestan ende his manna; and him
swa peah manuht agiſan molde, paes pe hybéna waron.
7. Æfter pam Euréðica Aripeiises cwen, Maecedonia cyn-
inges, hed was pa pam folce monig yfel donde purh Cassander,
hire hlafordes pegn, mid pam heo haefde dyrne geligre; and
40 under pam heo gelaerde pone cyning, paet he hine swa upp
ãhöf, paet he was bufan eallum pam pe on pam rice waron to
pam cyninge. And heó gedyde mid hyre lare, paet ealle
Maecedonie waron pam cyninge wièerwearde, oë hy fundon
paethy sendon aefter Olimpiaşum Alexandres meder, paet heo
43 him gefylste, paet hy mihtan aegôer ge pone cyming, ge pa
l
74 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book III: CH. XI 5 S. Ep. c. 323–280
cwene him to gewildum gedon. Heo pa Olimpia&e him to com
mid Epira fultume, hire agenes rices, and hire to fultume àbaed
Eácedan Molosorum cyning. And hybütu of sloh, ge pome cyn-
ing, ge pacwene, and Cassander of fleah. And Olimpiabe feng
to pam rice, and pam folce fela lapes gedyde, pa hwile pe hed 5
pone anweald haefde. Da Cassander paet geacsade, paet heó pam
folce lapade, pa gegaderade he fyrde, pa hed paet geaxade,
paet paes folces was swa fela to him gecirred, pane [getriewde]
heó paet hire wolde se oper dael gelastfull bedn; ac [hio]
genam hire smore Roxan, Alexandres lafe, and Alexandres to
sumu Ercoles, and fleah to pam faestene pe Fiónam was haten.
And Cassander hire aefter for, and paet faesten äbraec, and
Olimpiaëum of slöh. And pa burh-leode očbrudon pa snore
mid hire suna, pa hy ongeatan paet paet faesten sceolde abrocen
bedn, and hy sendon on [oëer] faestre faesten. And Cassander 15
hy het paer besittan; and him ealles paes anvealdes wedld
Maecedonia rices.
8. Da wende mon paet paet gewinn ge-endad ware betweqx
Alexandres folgerum, pa pā waran gefeallen pe paer maest ge-
wunnon :-paet was Pérôica, and Umen, and Alcièen, and 20
Polipércon, and Olimpiaşas, and Antipater, and manege oëre.
Ac Antigones, se mid ungemete girnde anwealda of r oëre,
and to pam faestene for, paer Alexandres läf was, and his sunu,
and hy paer begeat; to pön paet he wolde paet pa folc him by
swièor to buge, pe he haefde heora eald hlafordes sunu on his 2s
gewealde. SiôSan Cassander paet geahsade, pa gepoftade he
wiè Ptholomeus, and wiè Lisimachus, and wiè Seleticus, pone
east cyning, and hy ealle winnende waran wiè Antigones, and
wiè Demetrias, hys sunu, sume on lande, sume on wastere.
On pam gefeohte, gefeoll se maesta dael Maecedonia duguêe so
on aegôre healfe, peah hy sume mid Antigone ware, sume mid
Cassandre. pair wearö Antigones geflymed, and his sunu.
AEfter pam Demetrias, Antigones sunu, gefeaht on scipum wiè
Ptholomeus, and hine bedräf on his agen land. AEfter pam
Antigones bebead, paet mon aegôer hete cyning ge hine, ge hys 35
sunu; forbón pe Alexandres [aefter] folgeras māśram ér pâm
swagehatene, buton ladteowas. Gemong pam gewinnum, An-
tigones him ondred Ercoles, Alexandres sunu, paet paet folchine
wolde to hlaforde geceosan, forbón pe he ryht cyne-cynnes
waes: het pa aegôer of slean, gehine, ge his modor. pa paet 40
på ſopre] pry geahsodan, paet he hy ealle beswican pohte, hy
pa eft hy gegaderedan, and wiè [hiene wunnon]. på ne dor-
ste [Cassander] sylf on pam faerelde cumon for his pam nihstan
feomdum, pe him ymb waran, ac sende his fultum to Lisi-
mache, hys gepoftan, and haefde hys wisan swièost bepoht to 45
B. c. 323–289] ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS–CASSANDER, LYSIMACHUS. 75
Seleuctise; forbón pe he monige [anwealdas] mid gewinnum
ge-eode on pam east-landum, paet was aerest Babylonie, and
Patriane. Æfter pom he geför on Indie, paer nån man, ær ne
sièëan, mid fyrde gefaran ne dorste, buton Alexandre. And he
5 Seleticus genydde ealle paladteowas to hys hyrsumnesse; and
hy ealle Antigones and Demetrias, his sumu, mid fyrde gesohton.
On pain gefeohte was Antigones ofslagen, and his sunu of pam
rice àdræfed.—“Ne wene ic,” cwacă Orosius, “paet aenig ware
pe paet atellan mihte, paet on pam gefeohte geför.”
to 9. On paere tide geför Cassander, and hys sunu feng to pam
rice Philippus. pa wende mon eft oëre sièe, paet paet gewinn
Alexandres folgera ge-endod ware. Ac hy sona paes him be-
tweonum wunnon. And Seleticus, and Demetrias Antigones
sumu, him togaedere gepoftedan, and wiè pam prim wunnon,
15 Philippiise Cassandres suna, and wiè Ptholometise, and wiè
Lisimachüse; and hy pact gewinn på paeslicost angunnon, pe
hy hit #r me ongummon. On pam gewinne, of sloh Antipater
his"modor, Cassandres lafe, peh be hed earmlice hire feores to
him wilnode. Ba baed Alexander hire sumu Demetrias, paet
20 he him gefylste, paet he his modor slege on his breper gewre-
can mihte; and hy hyme raše paes of sogon.
10. AEfter pam gewunmon Demetrias, and Lisimachus; ac
Lisimachus [ne] mihte Demetriase wièstandan, forbón pe Dörus,
Thracea cyning, him eac onwann. pa was Demetrias on paere
25 hwile swièe [pearle] geanmett, and fyrde gelaedde to Ptbolo-
meuse. Pa he paet geahsode, pa begeat he Seleticus him to
fultume, and Pirrus Epira cyning. And Pirrus him for pam
swièost fylste, pe he him sylfum facade Maecedonia onweald.
And hy pa Demetrias of pam [rice] adrifan, and Pirrus to feng.
30 AEfter pam Lisimachus ofsloh hys agenne sunu, Agathoclen,
and Antipater his apum. On pam dagum, [Lisimachia] seo
burh besanc on eorðan mid folce mid ealle. And aefter pam
pe Lisimachus haefde swa wiè his sunu gedom, and wiè his
aôum, pa onscunedon hyme his agene leode, and monige fram
35 him cyrdan, and S leucus speonan, paet he Lisimachus be-
swice. Đa gyt me mihte se mið betux him twam gelicgean, peh
heora på mä ma ne lifde, paera pe Alexandres folgeras waron.
Ac swa ealde swa hypa waron hy gefuhton. Seleucus haefde
seofon and hund seofontig wintra; and Lisimachus haefde preo
40 and seofontig wintra. paer wearö Lisimachus ofslagen ; and,
paes ymb preo niht, cóm Ptholomeus, pe Lisimachus his swe-
oster haefde and dygellice aefter Seleucuse for, pa he ham-
weard was, oë hys fyrd tofanen was and hime of sloh.
11. pa was seo sibb and seo mildheortnes ge-endad, pe hy
45 aet Alexandre geleormedon; paet was pact hy twegen, pe paer
76 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: Ch. I $ 1–3. [b. c. 280
lengste lifdom, [haefdon] xxx cyninga of slågen,_heora agenra
eald geferena, and him haefdon sióðan ealle pa anwealdas, pe
hy ealle àr haefdom. Gemong pam gewinnum, Lisimachus
forlét hys xv suna: sume he sylf of sloh, sume on gefeohtum
beforan him sylfum mon of sloh. 5
12. “Byllicne gebroporscipe,” cwacă Orosius, “hy healdan
him betweenum, pe on anum hirede waran afedde and getydeſ
paet hit is us mü swièor bismre gelic, paet we paer bespecač,
and paet paet we gewinn nü hataš, ponne us fremde and ell-
peodige on becumab, and lytles hwæt on us [bereafiağ), and
us eft hraedlice forlaetað; and mellaò gepencan hwy!c hit på
waes, pa nán mann me mihte aet oërum hys feorh gebycgan;
ne furpom paet på woldon [gefriend] been, pe waron gebroöra
of faeder and of meder!”—[Ond her endaš sid pridde boc, ond
onginé seo feorpe.] 1 5
1
0.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL I.]
1. AEfter Šam Še Rome burh getimbred was cccc wintrum
and LXIIII-gum, paet Tarentine paet folc plegedon binnan
Tarentam heera byrig, aet heora peãtra, pe paer binnan geworht
was, pa gesawan hy Romana scipa on paere sæ yrnan. Pa *
hraedlice coman Tarentine to hedra agnum scipum, and pa
oöre hindan offoran, and hy ealle him to gewildum gedydon
buton v. And pa pe paer gefangene waran, hy tawedan mid
paere maestan unieónesse; sume of slogan, sume of swungon,
sume him wiè feo gesealdan. Ba Romane paet geahsodan, pa “
sendon hy aerendracan to him, and bacdan paet him mon ge-
bette, paet him pār to aebylgöe gedon was. pa tawedon hy
eft pa aerendracan mid pam maestan bysmere, swa hy pa oëre
àr dydon, and hysippan ham forletan.
2. AEfter pam foran Romane on Tarentine; and swa clasne "
hy namon heora fultum mid him, paet heora proletarii ne mos-
ton him baeftan beom. paet waron på pe hy gesette haefdon,
paet sceoldan be heora wifum bearma stryman, ponne hy on
gewin foran. And cwacdon paet him wislicre pubte, paethy på
né forlure pe paer it fore, haefde bearn se pe mihte. Hy på “
Romane comon on Tarentine, and paer eall awestan paet hy
gemettan, and monega byrig abræcon.
3. Ea sendon Tarentine [aeghwar] aefter fultume, paer hy him
aeniges wendon. And Pirrus, Epira cyning, him com to mid
pam maestan fultume, aegôer ge on gang-hére, ge on rād-here, “
[ge ån scip-here]. He was on pam i. gemaersod ofor
B. c. 280–272] PYRRHUS ASSISTS THE TARENTINES. 77
ealle oëre cyningas, aegöerge mid his miclan fultume, ge mid
his rêd-peahtunge, ge mid his wig-craefte. Forpam fylste
Pirrus Tarentinum, forbón pe Tarente seo burh was getimbred
of Laecedemonium, pe his rice pā was. And he haefde Thesali
* him to fultume, and Maecedonie; and he hāfde xx elpenda to
pam gefeohte mid him, 'pe Romane àr name mé gesawon. He
was se forma mann, pehy aerest on Itálium brohte. He was
eac, on pam dagum, gleavast to wige, and to gewinne; buton
pam anum, paet hime his godas and his diofol-gyld beswicon, pe
" he begongende was, pa he hi ahsode his godas, hwaeber hedra
sceolde on [oprum] sige habban, pe he on Romanum, pe Ro-
mane on him, Ša andwyrdan hi him tweolice and cwacdon :-
“pu haefst, oëöe naefst.”—paet forme gefeoht, paet he wič
Romanum haefde, hit was in Compania, meah paere ea pe mon
* Lisum haet. pa aefter pam pe paer on aegôre healfe micel wal
slegen was, pa het Pirrus don pa elpendas on paet gefeoht.
ióðan Romane paet gesawan, paet him mon swylcme wrénc to
dyde, Swylcne hy aer ne gesawon, ne secgan ne hyrdon, pa flu-
gon hy ealle buton anum menn, se was [Minutius] haten : he
* genečde under anne elpend, paet he hine on pone mafelan
ofstang. É)ä sièëan he yrre was and gewundod, he of sloh
micel paes folces: paet aegöerge på forwurdon, pe him on ufan
waeran, ge eac på oëre elpendas sticade and gremede, paet på
eac maest ealle forwurdon, pe paer on ufan waron. And peh
* pe Romane geflymed [waaren], hy waran [peh] gebylde, mid
pam paethy wiston hiſ hy to pam elpendan sceoldan. On pam
gefeohte was Romana XIIII M of slagen fepena, and hund eah-
tatig and vill hund gefangen; and paera gehorsedra waran
ofslagen III hund and an M.; and paer waron VII hund guêfa-
* nema genumen. Hit naes ná gesæd hwæt Pirruses folces ge-
feallen ware, forbón hit naes peaw on pam tidum, paet mon
aenig wal on pa healfe rimde, pe ponne wyldre was, buton
paer pyläes ofslagen ware, swa mid Alexandre was, on pam
forman gefeohte pe he wič Darius feaht, paer naes his folces nã
*ma of slagen ponne nigon. Ac Pirrus gebicmede eft hu him [sel
sige gelicode, pe he ofer Romane haefde, pá he cwacó at his
godes dura, and hit swa pár 6n awrāt:—“Banc hafa pú, Iofes,
paetic på moste oferwinnan, pe àr waron unoferwunnen; and
ic eac fram him of erwunnen eom.” pa ahsedon hine his peg-
“nas, why he swa heanlic word be him sylfum gecwäede, paet he
oferwunnen wäre. pa andwyrde he him and cwac 5 – Gyf
ic gefare eft swylcne sige aet Romanum, pomme mágic sièëan
bütan aelcon pègne Créca land sécean.” paet wearö, eac Ro-
manum on yfelum tăcne oëywed aer pam gefeohte, pa hy on
“fyrde waron, paet paes folces sceolde micel hryre been ; Śa
78 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: Ch. I $ 4–6 [b. c. 280–272
punor of slöh xxIIII hedra fodrera, and [pal oëre gebrocade
ãwég comon.
4. AEfter pam gefuhton Pirrus and Romane in Abulia paere
peode, paer wearö Pirrus wund on oëran earme, and Romane
haefdon sige, and haefdom geleórnod má craefta, hū hy pa elpen-
das beswican mihton, mid pam pe hinámon treowu, and slógon
on operne ende monige scearpe isene maeglas, and hy mid flexe
bewundon, and onbærndon hit, and bepyddon hit ponne on
pone elpend hindan, paet hyponne foran wedende aegôer ge
for paes flexes bryne, ge for paera naegla sticunge; paet aet
[aelcon) på forwürdon aerest pe him on ufon waram, and sióðan
paet oëer folc wacram swa swièe sleande, swa hy him scildan
sceoldan. On pam gefeohte was Romana ehta M of slagen, and
XI [guêfonan] genumen. And Pirruses heres was xx M of sla-
gen, and hys guéfana genumen.—Ba wearö Pirruse cué, paet
Agóthocles [Siraccusa] cyning paera burh-leoda was geſaren
on Sicilia pam lande. Da för he pider, and paet rice to him
genydde.
5. Sóna swā paet gewinn mid Romanum ge-endod was, swä
waes paer Seo monigfealdeste wol mid mann-cwealme, ge eac 20
paet nånuht berendes, me wif né nyten, ne mihton manuht
libbendes geberan,—paet hy pā aet myhstan waron ortreowe
hwaeper him aenig mann eac acuman sceolde. pa wende
Pirrus fram Sicilium aeft to Romanum, and him ongéan cóm
Cürius se consul. And hedra paet pridde gefeoht was on 25
Lucaniam on [Arosinis] paere dune. peh pe Romane sume
hwile haefdom swipor fleåm gepoht ponne gefeoht, aer pon hy
gesawon, paet man pa elpendas on paet gefeoht dyde; ac sióðan
hy pa gesawon hy hi gegremedan, paet hy pa waran swièe
[sleande] pe hy fylstan sceoldan: and Pirruses here wearö for
pam swièost on fleãme. On pam gefeohte Pirrus haefde hund
eahtatig M febena, and v M. gehorsedra; and paer was xxxvi
M of slagen, and IIII hund gefangen. AEfter pam Pirrus for [of]
Italium, ymb v geår paes pe he ºr paer on cóm. And rače paes
pe he hām cóm, he wolde abrecan Argus pa burh ; and paer as
wearö mid amum stame of worpen.
6. After pam pe Tarentine geahsodan paet Pirrus dead was,
pa sendon hi on Africe to Cartaniginiensés aefter fultume, and
eft wit Romanum wunnan: and rače paes pe hy togaedere
comon, Romane haefdon sige. pår onfundon Cartaginigenses
past him mon of rswipan mihté, beh hy nán folc àr mid
gefeohte oferwinnan ne mihte.—Gémong pam pe Pirrus wiè
Romane winnende was, hy hasfilon ehta legian. Da haefdom
hy pa eahteban Regiense to fultume gesette. på mé getruwade
se ehtaëa dél paera legian, paet Romane Pirruse wièstandan is
5
I
0
l
5
3
0
4
()
B. c. 269] BAD OMENS IN ROME–AN EARTHQUAKE. - 79
mihte, angummon på hergian and hynan på pe hy fripian sceol-
dan. Pa Romane paet geahsodan, pa sendon hypider Genutius
heora consul mid fultume, topón paet he on him gewraece, paet
hy på slogon and hyndon pe ealle Romane fripian woldon;
5 and he pa Swagedyde. Sume he of sloh, sume geband and
hām sende; and paer waran sióðan witnade, and sióðan pa
heafda mid ceorf-aexum of acorfena.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL II.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was cocc wintrum
10 and LXXVII, gewurdon on Rome payflan wundor. paet was
aerest, paet pånor tosloh hyra hehstan godes his Iofeses, and
eac paere burge weall micel to eorêan gehreas:–and eac paet
pry wulfas on anre niht brohtan anes deades mannes lichoman
binman pa burh, and hyme paer sióēan stycee-maelum tobrudon,
is oë pa menn onwocan, and üt urnon; and hy sièëan onweg
flugon. On pam dagum gewearö, paet on anre dune neah
Rome byrig tohlād seo edröe, and was byrnende fyr upp of
paere eorðan;—paet on aelce healfe paes fyres seo eorêe was fif
aecera braede to axsan geburnen.
20 2. Sóna pås on pam aeſterran geare, gefor Sempronius se
consul mid fyrde wiè Péncentes Italia fole. pa mid pam pe
hy hi getrymed haefdon, and togaedere woldan, pa wearö eorè-
beofung, paet aegôer paera folca wende untweogendlice, paet
hy sceoldan on pa eorêan besincan. And hy peah swa ſon-
25 dra-dendlice] gebidan paet se ege [ofergongen ] was ; and paer
sióðan walgrimlice gefuhton. pār was se maesta blod-gyte
on aegôre healfe paera folca: peh pe Romane sige [haefden pa
feawa pel pár to lafe wurdon. paer was gesyne paet seo eorö-
beofung tacnade pa miclan blod-dryncas, pe hyre mon on paere
30 tide to forlét.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL III.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was IIII hund win-
trum and LXXX, gemong pam oërum monegum wundrum, pe
on pam dagum gelumpan,—paet mon geseah weallan blód of
as eorëan, and rinan meolc of heofenum. On pam dagum, Car-
taginigenses sendon fultum Tarentinum, paet hype eaš mihton
wiè Romanum. pa sendon Romane aerendracan to him, and
hy ahsedon for hwy hy paet dydon; pa oësworan hy pam
aerendracan mid pam bismerlicestan ače, paet hy him næfre
40 on fultume naeron; peh pe på aôas waran near mâne ponne
soče.
2. On pam dagum, Ulcinienses and Thrusci pa folc formeah
ealle forwurdon for heora àgnum dysige; for pam pe hy
80 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. VI $ 1, 3. [b. c. 323–320
sume heora peowas gefreðdon, and eac him eallum wurdon
to milde and to forgifene. pa of puhte heora ceorlum, paet
manpa peowas freode and hy holde. pa wièsåwan hy pam hla-
fordum, and papeowas mid him, oëhy wyldran waron ponnehy.
And hysióðan mid ealle of pam earde adrifon; and him to wifum
dydon pape àr waran heora hlaefdian. Pa sióēan gesohtan
på hlāfordas Romane, and hy him gefylstan, paet hy eft to
heora agnum becomon.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL IV.]
1. AEfter pam be Rome burh getimbred was [IIII hunde io
wintrum ond Lxxxi), becom on Romane micel mann-cwealm,
paethy pa aet nyhstan ne ahsedan hwaet paera geſarenra ware,
achwaet heora ponne to lafe ware. And eac pa deofola pe hy
on symbell wedrpedon, hy amyrdom, to-eacan pam oprum mo-
nigfealdum bismrum pe hy laerende waron, paethy ne cuðan is
ongitan paet hit Godes wracu was. Ac heton pa bisceopas
paethy sacdon pam folce, paet heoragodas him waron yrre, to
pam paet hi him pa git swièor of redon, and blotten, ponne
[hie] aer dydon.
2. On paere ilcan tide, Caperronie was håtenu hedra goda 20
nunne. pagebyrede hyre paet heó hy forlaeg. Hy pa Ro-
mâne for pam gylte hy ahengan, and eac pone pepone gylt mid
hire geworhte, and ealle på pe pone gylt mid him wiston, and
mid him hálon.—Hü wene we nü Romane him sylf pyllic wri-
ton and setton for heora [agnum] gylpe and heringe ; and 25
peah, gemong paere heringe, pyllica bismera on hy sylfe aså-
don Hú wéne we hú monegra maran bismra hy forsygedon,
aegôer ge for hedra agenre lufan and land-leoda, ge eac for
heora sematum ege 2
3. BE CARTAIMA GEwinne. “Nu we sculon fön, “ cwacă Oro- 30
sius, ymb pact Punica gewinn, paet was of pam folce of Cartaina
paere byrig, seo was getimbred fram Elisann pam wifmen [LXXII]-
tigum wintrum aer Rome burh. Swa some paera burh-warana
yfel, and hedra bismeres wearö lytel ásaed and awriten, swa swa
Trógus and [Iustinus] saedon, [heora] star-writeras; for pon pe 35
heora wise 6n naenne saºl wel ne geför, našer me innan fram him
sylfum, ne utane fram oërum folcum.” Swa peah to-eacan pam
yfelum, hy gesetton, ponne him micel mann-cwealm on becom,
paethy sceoldon menn heora godum blotan. Swa eac pa deofla,
pe hy on gelyfdon, gelaerdon hy, paet pape paer [on unhaele] to
waeran, paet hy hale for hy cwealdon. And waron pa menn
to pon dysige, paet hi wendon paethy mihton paet yfel mid
pam gestillan; and pa deofla to pon lytige, paet hy hit mid
pam gemicledan; and, forbon be hy swa swièe dysige waron,
m. e. 395] HISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS-HIMILCO. 81
him com on Godes wracu on gefeohtum to–eacan obrum yte-
lum, paet was oftost on Sicilium and on Sardinium pam ig-
landum, on pa hy gelomlicost wunnon. AEfter pam pe him
swa oftraedlice mislamp, paet hy angumnon hit witan hedra
A ladteowum and hedra cempum heora earfeóa, and him bebudon
paethy on wraec-sipas foram and on ellpiede. Raše aefter pam
hy baedan, paethy mon to heora earde forlete, paet hi moston
gefandian hwaeśer hy heora médsélpa of rswièan mihton. pa
him mon paes forwyrnde, pa gesohtan hy ſhiel mid firde.
to On paere hergunge, gemette [sel yldesta ladteow Maceus, his
agenne sumu, mid purpurum gegyredne on bisceophade. He
hine på for pam gyrelan gebealh, and he [hiene] of rſ6n hét
and ahón, and wende paet he for his forsewennesse swelc sceorp
werede, forbon hit naes peaw mid him paet ænig oper purpu-
is ran werede, buton cyningum. Raše aefter pam hy begeatan
Cartaina pa burh, and ealle pa aeltaewestan ofslogon, pe paer
inne waron, and pa oëre to him genyddon. Ba aet mihstan,
he wearð sylf besyred and of slagen. pis was geworden on
Cirüses daege Persa cyninges.”
20 [Bóc IV: CAPITUL V.]
1. AEfter pam Himelco, Cartaina cyning, geför mid fyrde
on Sicilie, and him paer becom swa faerlic yfel, paet pa menn
waron swa rače deade swa hit him on becom, paethy pa aet
nihstan hy, bebyrgean ne mihton; and [he] for pam ege his
as unwillum [ponan] wende, and ham för mid pam be pār [to
lafel waron. Sóna swa paet forme scip land gesohte and paet
egeslice spell gebodade, swa waron ealle pa burh-ware Cartagi-
nigenses mid swièelice heafe and wópe onstyred,—and aelc
ahsiende and frinende aefter his frynd; and hy untwegendlice
so manra treowba him me wendon, buton paet hy mid ealle for-
weorêan sceoldan. Mid pam pe på burh-ware swa geomorlic
ângin haefdon, pa com se cyning sylf mid his scipe, and land
gesohte mid swièe |lyperlicum] gegyrelan; and aegôer ge he
sylf ſwepende] hamweard for, ge paet folc, paet him ongean cóm,
ss eall hit him wepende hämweard folgode. And he se cyning
his hånda was ſuppweardes] braedende wič paes heafones, and
mid of erheortnesse him was waniende aegôer ge his [agene]
heard-saelpa, ge ealles pass folces. And he på gyt him sylfum
gedyde paet paer wyrst was : pa he to his inne com, pa he paet
40 folc pær lite betynde, and hine aenne paer inne beleac, and hine
sylfne of sloh.
2. AEfter pam was sum welig mann binnan Cartaina, se
was haten Hänna, and was mid ungemete paes cynedomes
gyrnende; ac him gepuhte past he, mid paera witena willum,
|
$2 KING ALFRED'S OROS] US; Book IV: Ch. V $ 3, 4. [E. c. 308
him ne mihte to cuman, and him to raede genam paet he hy
ealle to gereordum to him [gehete], paet he hy sióðan mihte
mid attre acwellan. Ac hit gewearð purh pā āmeldad, pe he
gepoht haefde, paet him to pare daede fylstan sceolde. pa he
onfunde paet paet cuč was, pa gegaderade he ealle pa peowass
and pa yfelan menn pe he mihte, and pohte paet he on pa
burh-ware on ungearewe become; ac hit him wearö aeror cuč.
pa him aet paere byrig ne gespeow, pa [gelende] he mid xxiiII
M to anre operre byrig, and pohte paet he pa abræce. pa haefdon
pa burh-leoda Mauritâne him to fultume, and him ongean to
comon butan faestene, and Hannan [gefengonj, and pa oëre
geflymdon; and paer sièëan tintregad wearö. AErest, hine
man swang, pasticode him mon pa egan tit; and sióðan him
mon sloh pahānda of, pa paet heafod. And eall his cynn mon
ofsloh, by laes hit mon uferan [dogore] wréce, oëöe aenig oper is
dorste eft Swylc onginnan. Disgewearö on [Philippuses] daege
paes cyninges.
3. AEfter pam hyrdom Cartamienses paet se méra Alexander
haefde abrocen [Tirum] på burh, seo was, on àr-dagum, heora
yldrena èpel; and ondredon paet [he eac to him cuman wolde]. 20
pa sendon hy pider Amilchor, he ora pone gleavestan mann,
paet he Alexandres [wisan] besceawode; swa he hit him eft
ham onbead, on anum brede awriten; and, sièëan hit awriten
wäes, he hit of erworhte [mid] weaxe. Eft pa Alexander gefa-
ren was, and he ham com, pa tugon hine paere burge witan, 25
paet he heora swicdomes wiè Alexander fremmende ware; and
hine for paere tihtlan of slogon.
4. AEfter pam Cartanienses wunnon on Sicilie, pár him
seldon teala gespeow, and besætan heora heafod-burh–Sirac-
cuses was hatenu. på mé onhâgode Agathocle heora cyninge, so
paet he wičhy mihte buton faestene gefeohtan, ne eac paet hy
ealle mihton for meteleste paer binnon gebidan; ac leton heora
fultum paer binnan beon be pam daele, [paet] hi aegôer mihton
ge heora faesten gehealdan; ge eac paet på mete haefdon pa
hwile. And se cyning, mid pam oërum dæle, on scipum för ss
on Cartamiense: and hy raše paes forbaernan hét, pe he to
lande geför, forbón he molde paet his fynd hedra éft aenigne
anweald haefde, And him paer raše faesten geworhte, and was
paet folc panon (it sleánde and hymende, oë paet Hanna, paes
folces ober cyning, hyme aet pam faestene gesohte mid xx M. 40
Achine Agathocles geflymde, and his folces ofsloh II M, and
him aefter fylgende was oë v mila to paere byrig Cartaniense,
and paer oëer faesten geworhte. And paer ymbútan was her-
gende and baernende, paet Cartaniense mihton geseon, of heora
byrig, paet fyr and pome teónan, ponne hy on före waron. 45
B. c. 264—242.] FIRST PUNIC WAR–HANNO. 83
5. Ymbe pone timan pe pis was, Andra was håten, Agatho-
cles bropor, pone he aet häm on paere byrig him be aeftan
let,_he besirede paet folc pehi embseten haefdon on anre niht
ungearewe, and hit maest eall of sloh; and pa oëre to scipan
* obflugon. And raße paes pe hy ham comon, and paet spell cuš
wearö Cartainiensum, swa wurdon hy swa swièe forbóhte, paet
malaes past an paet Agothocle manega byrig to gafol-gyldum
wurdon, ac eac hy him heap-maelum sylfe on händ eodon;
swa eac Fefles, se cyning, mid Cereme his folce, hine eac ge-
"sohte. Ac Agathocles gedyde untreowlice wiè hime, paet he
hine on his warum beswäc, and of sloh : swa him eac sylfum
sióðan aefter lamp. Gif he Śa pā āne untreowüa ne gedyde,
from pam daege he mihte butan broce ealra Cartaina anweald
begitan. On paere hwile, pe he pone unraed purhteah, Amicór,
* Pena cyning, was mid sibbe wiè his farende, mid eallum his
folce. Ac betux Agathocle and his folce wearö ungeraednes,
paet he sylf of slagen wearö. AEfter his dease foran éft Car-
tainienses on Sicilie mid scipum. Pa hy paet geahsedon, pa
sendon hy aefter Pirruse, Epira cyninge, and he him sume hwile
”gefylste.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL VI.j
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes cocc wintrum
and Lxxxiii, sendon Momertine, Sicilia folc, aefter Romana ful-
tume, paet hy wiè Péna folce mihte. pa sendon hy him
25 Appius Claudius, pome consul, mid fultume. Eft pahy togae-
dereweard foran mid heora folcum, pa flugon Pene; swahy eft
sylfe saedon, and hys wundredan, paet hy aer flugon àer hy
togaedere genealaehton. For pam fleame, Hanna, Pena cyning,
mid eallum his folce, wearö Romanum to gafol-gyldum, and
so him aelce geare gesealde twa hund talentana seolfres: on aelcre
anre [talentan] was LXXX punda.
2. AEfter pam Romane besaetan pome yldran Hannibalan,
Pena cyning, on Argentine, Sicilia byrig, où he formeah hüngre
swealt. pa com him Pena oper cyning to fultume mid scip-
as here, Hanna was haten, and paer geflymed wearö. And
Romane sièëan paet faesten abraecan, and Hannibal se cyning
on niht it oëfleah mid feawum mannum, and Lxxx scipa
gegaderade, and on Romana land-gemaero hergade. On på
wrâce fundon Romane aerest paet hyscipa worhtan, paet gefre-
40 mede Duulius heora consul, paet paet ängin wearö tidlice
purhtogen, swa ſpaette] after syxtigum dagum paes pe paet
timber acorfen was, paer waron xXx and c gearora, ge mid
maeste, ge mid segle. And oëer consul, se was håten Cornelius
Asina, se geför on Liparis paet igland, to Hannibale to sundor-
84 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: Ch. VI, § 3–7. [b. c.264—242.
spraece mid xvi scipan, pá of sloh he hime. Swā paet på se oëer
consul gehyrde Duulius, swa geför he to pam iglande mid xxx
scipum, and Hannibales folces III hund of sloh, and his xxx
scipa genam, [and] XIII on S㺠besencte, and hyne sylfne
geflymde. 5
3. AEfter pam Púnici, paet sindon Cartaniense, hy gesetton
Hännonan of rheora scipa, swa Hännibales was air, paet he
bewerede Saròiniam and Corsicam pa igland wiè Romanum :
and he rape paes wiè hy gefeaht mid scip-here and of slagen
wearö. 10
4. paes on pam aefteran geare, Calatinus se consul for mid
fyrde, to Camerinam Secilia byrig ; ac him haefdom Pene pome
wég forseten, paer he 6fer pone munt faran sceolde. på genam
Calatinus III hund manma mid him, and on anre digelre stowe
pone munt of rstáh, and pā memn afârde, paethy ealle ongeån
hine waron feohtende, and pome weg letan butan ware, paet seo
fyrd sióēan paer purhfor. And pār wearö paet III hund manna
ofslagen, ealle buton pam consule anum : he com wund āweg.
5. AEfter pam Pünice gesetton eft pone ealdan Hannibalan,
paet he mid scipum on Romane wunne; ac eft pa he paer her-20
gean sceolde, he wearö raše geflymed, and on pam fleame
hyne oftyrfdon his agene geferan.
6. AEfter pam Atilius se consul aweste Liparum and Melitam,
Sicilia igland. AEfter pam foran Romane on Affrice mid IIII hund
scipa and pritigum. Ba séndon hy heora twegen cyningas him
ongeån, Hannan and Amilcor, mid scipum. And paer wurdon
begen geflymed, and Romane genāmon on him LXXXIIII Scipa;
and sióēan hy abraecon [Clupeam] hedra burh, and waron her-
gende oë Cartaina hedra heafod-burh. -
7. AEfter pam Regulus, se consul, underfeng Cartaina 30
gewinn. pa he aest pider mid fyrde farende was, pagewicode
he neah anre ea, seo was haten Bagráda, pa com of pam
wastere än naedre, seo was ungemetlice micel; and pa menn
ealle of sloh pe neah pam wastere comon.
BE pRRE NAEDRAN. Bā gegaderade Regulus ealle pa scyt- as
tan pe on pam faerelde warom, paethy mon mid flanum of r-
cóme; ac, ponne hy mon sloh oëöe sceat, ponne glad hit on pam
scillum, swylce hit ware smeče isen. Ba het he mid pam
palistas, mid pam hy weallas braecan ponne hy on faestenne
fuhton, paet hire mon mid pam pvyres on wurpe. Da wearö 40
hire, mid anum wyrpe, an ribb forod, paet heo sièëan maegen me
häfde hy to gescyldanne, ac raše paes hed wearö of slagen;
forbón hit is naedrena gecynd, paet heora maegen and heora
feče biö on heora ribbum, swa ošera ſcreopendraj wyrma biö
on heora fotum, pa hedgefylled was, he hét hy behyldan, as
I
5
2
5
B. c. 264—242.] FIRST PUNIC WAR.—HAMILCAR. 85
and pa hyde to Rome [bringan], and hy pár to maeröe
apénian, forbón heo was hund twelftiges fota lang.
8. AEfter pam, gefeaht Regulus wiè pry Pena cyningas on-
anum gefeohte,_wiè twegen Hasterbalas, and se pridda was
* haten Amilcor, se was on Sicilium, him to fulturme gefett.
On pam gefeohte was Cartainiensa [xvil] M of slagen, and [v]
M gefangen, and LXI] elpendas genumen, and LXXXII tuna him
eodan on hand.
9. pa aefter pam pe Cartainiense geflymde waron, hy wilne-
"don fripes to Regule; ac eft pa hy ongeatan, paet he unge-
metlic gafol wiè pam friðe habban wolde, pa cwacdon hy, paet
him leofre ware paet hy, on swylcon niče, deat formame,
ponne hy mid swylcan niede frið begeate. pa sendon hy
aefter fultume, aegöerge on Gallie, ge on Ispanie, ge on Laece-
” demonie aefter Exantipúse pam cyninge. Eft pa hy ealle
gesomnad waran, pa bepôhtan hy ealle heora wig-craeftas to
Exantipüse; and he sièëan pa folc gelaedde, pār hytogaedere
gecweden haefdon, and gesette twa folc diegellice on twa
healfa his, and pridde be aeftan him, and bebead pam twam
* folcum, ponne he sylf mid pam fyrmestan daele wič paes aefte-
mestan flüge, paet hy ponne on [Reguluses] fyrde on twa
healfa pwyres onföre. Paer wearö Romana xxx M of slagen,
and Regulus gefangen mid v hund manna. pes sige gewearö
Punicum on pam teočan geare heora gewinnes and Romana.
* Raše paes Exãntipus for éft to his agnum rice, and him Romane
ondred, [forbon] hy for his lare aetheora gemittinge beswicene
wurdon.
10. AEfter pam, [AEmilius] Paulus, se consul, for on Affricam
mid III hund scipa to Clépeam pam iglande, and him comon
” pår ongean Punice mid swa fela scipa; and paer geflymde
waron, and heora folces was v M of slagen, and hedra Scipa
XXX gefangen, and IIII and an hund [adruncen]. And Romana
was an c and an M offilagen, and heora scipa IX adruncen. And
hy on pam iglande faesten worhtan; and hy paer eft Pene
*gesohton mid heora twam cyningum, pa waran begen Hannan
hatene, paer hera waron Ix M of slagen, and pa oëre gefly-
med. Mid paere here-hyöe Romane oferhlaestan heora scipa,
pa hy hamweard waron, paet heora [gedeaf CC and xxx, and
Lxx wearö to lafe, and uneače genered, mid pam paethy maest
“ealle it awurpon paet paer on was. e
11. AEfter pam (Amilcor], Pena cyning, for on Numedian
and on Mauritaniam, and hy of rhergade, and to gafol-gyldum
gesette, forbón be hy ºr Regule on hand eodan. Paes ynb
[III] gear Sérfilius Cepio, and Sempromius Blesus, pa consulas,
“foran mid III hund scipa and Lx-gum, on Affrice, and on Car-
86 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: Ch. VI. § 12–16. [b. c. 264—242.
taniensum monega byrig abraecon; and sióðan mid miclum
pingum hamweard foran, and éft heora scipa of rhlaestan, paet
heora gedurfon L and C.
12. AEfter pam Cotta, se consul, for on Sicilie, and hy ealle
[oferhergeade]... paer waron swa micle mann-slyhtas on aegôre
healfe, paethy mon aet mihstan bebyrgean ne mihte.
13. On Luciuses daege Heliùses, paes consules, and on Me-
telliises Gaiuses, and on Fortises Blacidiises, com Hästerbal, se
niwa cyning, of Cartainum on Libeum paet igland mid xxx M ge-
horsedra, and mid xxx-gum [elpenda] and C-gum, and raëe paes"
gefeaht wiè Metellus, pome cyning. Ac sióðan Metellus paſſelpen-
das] of reom, sièëan he haefde eac raše paet oëer folc geflymed.
AEfter pam fleame, Hasterbal wearö of slagen fram his agnum
folce.
14. pa waron Cartainiense swa of rcumene and swagedre-"
fede betux him sylfum, paet hy hi to manum onwealde me
bemaetan ; ac hy gewearö, paet hy woldan to [Romanum]
friðes wilnian. pa sendon hy Regulus, pone consul, pone hy
haefdon mid him fif winter on bendum, and he him geswór on
his goda namon, paet he aegôer wolde ge paet aerende abeodan *
swa swa hy hine heton, ge eachim paet ändwyrde eft gecypan.
And he hit swa gelaeste, and abead paet aegôer paera folca oërum
ageafe ealle pa memn pe hy gehergad haefdon, and sióðan him
betweenum sibbe heoldan. And aefter pam pe he hit aboden
haefde, he hy halsode, paethy manuht paera aerenda ne under- “
fengon, and cwacö, paet him to micel aewisce ware, paethy swa
emmlice wrixledon; and eac paet heora gerisna naere paet hy
swa heane hy gepohtan, paet hy hedra gelican wurdan. pa,
aefter pam wordum, hy budon him paet he on cyööe mid him
wunode, and to his rice fenge. pa andwyrde he him, and "
cwacă, paet hit ná geweorêan sceolde, paet se ware leoda cyn-
ing, se pe àer was [folce] peow. pa [he eft to Cartainum com,
pa] asaedan his geferan hú he heora aerenda abead, pa forcur-
fon hi him pa twa aedran on twa healfa paera [eagena], paet
he aefter pam slapan ne mihte, oë he swa searigende his lif forlét. ”
15. AEfter pam, Atilius Regulus, and Nallius Ulsca, pa con-
sulas, foran on Cartaine on Libeum paet igland mid twam hund
scipa, and paer besætan án faesten. pa befor hine pār Hänni-
bal, se geonga cyning, Amilcores sunu, paer hy ungearewe
buton faestene Sætan; and paer ealle of slagene waran buton “
feawum. AEfter pam, Claudius, se consul, for éft on Punice;
and him Hannibal ſit on Sæ ongean cóm, and ealle of sloh butan
xxx scip-hlaesta, pa oëflugon to Libeum pam iglande: paer
waes ofslagen IX M, and xx M gefangen.
16. AEfter pam för Gaius Itinius, se consul, on Affrice, and “
B. c. 264—242.] FIRST PUNIC WAR. —HAN NIBAL. 87
mid eallum his faerelte on sæ forwearö. paes on pam aefterran
geare, Hannibal sende scip-hére on Rome, and paer ungemetlic
gehérgadon.
17. AEfter pâm, [Lutatia], se consul, for on Affrice mid III
5 hund scipa, to Sicilium, and him Punice paer wiè gefuhton.
paer wearö Lutatia wund purh oëer cneow. paer on mergen
cóm Hänna mid Hännibales fyrde, and him pār gefeaht wiè
Lutatia, peh he wund ware, and Hannan geflymde, and him
aefter för, oë he com to Cinam paere byrig. Raše paes comon
no eft Pene mid fyrde to him, and geflymde wurdan, and of-
slagen II M.
18, pa wilmedon Cartaine oëre sièe fripes to Romanum; and
hy hit him on paet gerad geafan, paet hy him Siciliam to né
tugon, ne Sardiniam ; and eac him gesealdon pár onufan III M
is talentana aelce geare.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL VII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred wæs v hund wintrum
and VII, wearö ungemetlic fyr-bryne mid Romanum, paet nån
mann myste hwānon hit com. pa paet fyr ſhiel alet, pa wearö
20 Tiber seo eå swa fledu, swa hed naefre àr maes, ne sióēan ; paet
heó maest eall genom paet binnan paere byrig was paera manna
andlyfene, ge eac on heora getimbrum. On pam dagum, pe
Titus Sempronius and Gratias Gaius waron consulas on Rome,
[hiſ] gefuhton wiè Faliscis pam folce, and heora of slögon XII M.
25 2. On pam geare wurdon [pa] Gallie Romanum wiperwearde,
e mon nü haett Langbeardas; and rače paes heora folc to-
gaedere gelaeddon. On hedra pam forman gefeohte, was
Romana III M of slagen; and on pam aeſtran geare, was Gallia
IIII M ofslagen, and II M gefangen. pa Romane hamweard
so [foran], pa noldan hy don pone triumphan beforan heora
consulum, pe heora gewuma was [poune] hy sige haefdon ;
forbón pe he aet pam aerrangefeohte fleah ; and hy paet sióðan
feala geara on missenlicum sigum dreogende waron.
3. papa Titus Mallius, and Torcwatus Gaius, and Atirius
as Bubulcus waran consulas on Rome, pa ongunnon Sardinie,
swa hy. Pene gelaerdon, [winnan] wiè Romanum; and raëe
oferswiède waron. AEfter pam, Romane wunnon on Cartaine;
forbón pe hy frið abrocen haefdon. Da sendon hy, tua hedra
aerendracan to Romanum aefter friðe; and hit abiddan Ine
40 mihtan. pa aet pam priddan cyrre, hy sendon x hedra [ield-
stena] witena, and hy hit abiddan ne mihton. Æt pam
feorêan cyrre, hy sendon Hännan, heora pone unweorêestan
pegn, and he hit abead.
4. “Witodlice,” cwacö Orosius, “nd we sindon cumen to
88 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS, Book IV: Ch. VII $ 5–9. [B. c. 235
pam gódan tidum, pe us Romane oëwitaš; and to paere geniht-
sumnesse, pehy us ealnig fore gylpaë, paet tire ne sien påm
gelican. Ac frine hy mon ponne, aefter hiſ [monegum] wint-
rum seo sibb gewurde, paes pe hy aest (insibbe wič monegum
folcum haefdon 2 ponne is paet aefter L wintra and cocc. Ah-
sige ponne éft hiſ lange seo sibb gestode 2 ponne was pact an
eñr.”
§ 5. Sona paes, on pam aeſterran geare, Gallie wummon wiv
Romane; and Péne on opre healfe. “Hü pincă eow m
Romanum, hū seo sibb gefaestmod ware 2 hwaeśer hed si pam to
gelicost, pe mon nime anne eles dropan, and drype on an
mycel fyr, and pence hit mid pam adwaescan ponne is wen
swa micle swipor, swa he pencö paet he hit adwaesce, paet he
hit swa micle swièor [ontydre]. Swa ponne was mid Roma-
num, paet an geår paethy sibbe haefdom, paethy under pare
sibbe to paere maestan sace become.”
6. On hedra pam aerestan gewinne, Amilcor, Cartaina cyning,
pa he to Romanum mid fyrde faran wolde, pa wearö he fram
Spenum bebridad and of slagen. On pam geare, Ilirice of slogan
Romana aerendracan. AEfter pam, Fuluius Postumius, se 20
consul, for pâm on hi fyrde gelaedde, and fela of slagen wearö
on aegôre healfe, and he peah sige haefde.
7. Sona paes, on pam aefterran geare, gelaerdan Romana
bisceopas swylce niwe raedas, swylce hy full oft £r ealde
gedydon, pa him mon on preo healfa on winnende was, - as
aegöerge Gallie be supan muntum, ge Gallie be norðan mun-
tum, ge Péne,—paet hy sceoldan mid mannum for hy hedra
godum blotan, and paet sceolde beon an Gallisc waspned-mann,
and ān Gallisc wifmann. And hy på Romane, be paera bis-
ceopa lare, hy swa cuce bebyrgdon. Ac hit God wraec on him, 30
swa he fier ealneg dyde, swa 6ft swa hy mid mannum offredan;
paet hy, mid heora cucum [onguldon] paethy ungyltige cweal-
don, paet was aerest gesime on pam gefeohte pe hy wiè
Gallium haefdom, peh pe heora agenes fultumes ware eahta
hund M, buton oërum folcum, pehy [him] haefdon to aspo-
men,_paethy raše flugon, paes [pel hedra consul ofslagen wäs,
and heora oëres folces III M. paet him pa gepuhte swylc paet
maeste wal, [swylc] hy 6ft àr for noht haefdom. Æt hedra
oöran gefeohte, was Gallia Ix M offilagen.
8, paes on pam priddan geare, Mallus Tarcuatus and Fuluius 40
Flaccus wairon consulas on Rome. Hy gefuhton wiè Gallium
and hedra III M of slogon, and v1 M gefengon.
9. On pam aefterran geare, waran monige wundra gesewene.
A n was paet on Picéno pam wuda an wille weoll blode; and
on Thrácio pam lande, mon seah swylce se heofon burne; 45
l
pº.
o
3
5
B. c. 218–201] SECOND PUNIC WAR–HANNIBAL. 89
and on Ariminio paere byrig was niht oë, midne daeg; and
wearö swa micel eorö-bedfung, paet on Cária and on Rópum
pam iglandum, wurdon micle [hryras], and Colósus gehreas.
10. py geare, Fiaminius, se consul, forseah pa sægene, pe
5 på hlyttän him saedon, and him logan, paet he aet pam geteohte
he come wič Gallie ; ac he hit purhteah, and mid weoróscipe
ge-endade, pār was Gallia vil'M of slagen, and [XVII].M. gefan-
gen. AEfter pam, Claudius, se consul, gefeaht wiš Gallie, and
heora of sloh xxx M ; and he sylf gefeaht wiè pone cyning
to anvig, and hine of sloh, and Megelän pa burh ge-eode. Æfter
pam, wunmon Isprie on Romane; pa sendon hy, heora consu-
las ongeån, Cornelius and Miniitius. paer was micel wal
geslagen on aegôre healfe, and I'strie wurdon peh Romanum
underpeodde.
15 [Bóc IV: CAPITUI, VIII.] -
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred wæs [w hunde
wintrum ond xxxiii), Hannibal, Pena cyning, besget Saguntum,
Ispania burh, forbón pe hy on simbel wiè Romanum sibbe
heoldon]; and pár wies sittende viii monaö, oë he hy, ealle
20 hungre acwealdé, and pa burh towearp, peh pe Romane heora
aerendracan to him sendon, and hi firmetton paethi paet gewin
forleton; ac he hy swa unwedrölice forseah, paet he heora sylf
onseon molde on pam gewinne, and eac on monegum [oërum].
AEfter pam, Hännibal gecyède pone niš and pone hete, pe he
25 beforan his faeder geswear, pá he nigon-wintre cniht was,
paet he maefre me wurde Romana freond.
2. papa Publins Cornelius, and Scipa Publius, and Sempro-
nius Longus, pa hy waron consulas, Hannibal abraec mid
gefeohte ofer pa bedrgas, pe mon hätt Perenei, pa sindon
so betwyx Galleum and Ispaneum. And sippan he geför of er pa
monegan peoda, oë he com to Alpis pam muntum, and pær
eác ofer abraec, peh him mon 6ftraedlice mid gefeohtum wiè-
stode, and pone weg geworhte ofer [munt Iof]. Swa, ponne he
to pam syndrigum stane com, pomme het he hine mid fyre
85 on haetan, and sièëan mid mattucum heavan ; and mid pam
maestan geswince pa muntas of ríðr. His heres was ān [c] M
fepena, and xx M. gehorsedra.
3. pa he haefde on pam emnette gefaren oë he com to
Ticénan påre ea, pa com him pār ongeån Scipio se consul,
40 and paer frecenlice gewundod wearö, and eac of slagen ware,
gif his sunu his ne gehulpe, mid pam paet he hyme foran för-
stod, oë he on fleame fealh, paer wearö Romana micel wal
geslagen. Heora [Öaet] acftre gefeoht was aet Trefia paere ea;
and eft waron Romane forslegen and geflymed. Đa paet
* Semprónius hirde, heora oper consul, se was on Sicilium mid
12
90 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: Cii. VIII $ 3, 4; Ch. 1.x s 1. [b. c. 218–201
fyrde, gefaren, he ponan aför, and begen pa consulas waron
mid fyrde ongean Hannibal; and heora gemitting was [eft]
aet Trefia paere éa, and eac Romane geflymed, and swièor
forslagen, and Hannibal gewundod. AEfter pam for Hannibal
ofer Bârdan pone bedrh, peh be hit ymbe pone timan waron s
swa micel snaw-gebland, swa paet aegôer ge paera horsa fela
forwurdon, ge pa elpendas ealle buton anum ; ge pa menn
sylfe uneaše pone cyle genæsan. Ac for pam he genečde
swièost of r pone munt, pe he wiste paet Flamineus, se consul,
wende paet he buton sorge mihte on pam winter-setle gewunian, is
pe he pa on was, mid pam folce pe he pa gegaderad haefde,
and untweogendlice wende paet man naere [pel paet faerelt ymbe
pone timan anginnan dorste oëöe mihte, for[pæm] ungemet-
lican cyle. Mid pam pe Hännibal to pam lande becom, swa
gewicode he on anre dygelre stowe, neah pam oërum folce, is
and sum his folc sende gind paet land to baermanne and to
hergeanne; paet se consul was wenende paet eall paet folc
ware geond paet land tobraed, and piderweard farende was,
and pencende paet he hy on paere hergunge beswice; and paet
folc buton truman laedde, swa he wiste paet paet oëer was, oš 20
paet Hannibal him com pvyres on mid pam fultume pe he
àetgaedere haefde, and pone consul of slog, and paes oëres folces
xxv M, and VI gefangen; and Hannibales folces was twa M
ofslagen. AEfter pam Scipia se consul, paes oëres Scipian
broëor, was monega gefeoht donde on Ispanium, and Magó-25
nem Pena ladteow gefeng.
4. And momega wundor gewurdon on paere tide. Ærest
waes, paet seo sunne was swylce heo ware eall gelytladu.
Oper was, paet mon geseah, swylce Seo sunne and se mona
fuhton. pas wundor gewurdon on Arpis pam lande. And on 30
Sardinium mon geseah twegen scyldas blode swastan. And
Falisci paet folc hy gesawan, swylce seo heofon ware tohliden.
And Athium paet folc him gepuhte, [pa] hy hedra corn [ripon],
and heora cawlas afylled haefdom, paet [ealle] pa ear waron
blodige. 35.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL IX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes v hund wint-
rum and XL, pa pa Lucius Amilius, and Paulus Publius, and
Terrentius Uarra, pa hy waron consulas, hy geforan mid firde
ongean Hännibal; ac he hi mid pam ilcan wrence beswac, pe 40
he aet heora àerrangemetinge dyde, and eac mid pam niwan pe
hy aer me cušan, paet was, paet he on faestre stowe let sum his
folc, and mid sumum för ongean ! consulas; and, raße paes pe
hy to somne comon, he fleah wiè [para pe] paer baeftan waran,
b. c. 218–201] SECOND PUNIC WAR–HANNIBAL'S VICTORY. 91
and him pa consulas waron aefter fylgende, and paet folc
sleande, and wendon paet hi, on pam daege, sceoldan habban
pone maestan sige. Ac rape paes pe Hännibal [to] his fultume
cóm, he geflymde ealle pa consulas, and on Romanum swa
micel wasl gesloh swa hedra naefre maes, ne ár ne sièëan, aet
anum gefeohte,_paet was XLIIII M, and paera consula twegen
ofsloh, and pone priddan gefeng; and pa on daeg he mihte
cuman to ealra Romana anvealde, paer he forê geföre to paere
byrig. Æfter pam, Hännibal sende ham to [Cartaina] preo
10 midd gyldenra hringa, his sige to tácne. Be pam hringum,
mon mihte witan hwaet Romana duguêe gefeallen was ; for-
pón pe hit was peaw mid him on pam dagum, paet nån Óper mé
moste gyldenne hring werian, buton he aepeles cynnes ware.
2. AEfter pam gefeohte, waron [Romane] swa swièe for-
pohte, paet Celius Metellus, pe pa hedra consul was, ge ealle
heora senatus, haefdon gepoht, paet hy sceoldon Rome burh
forlaetan, ge furéon ealle Italian. And hy paet swa gelaeston,
gif him Scipia né gestyrde, se was paera cempena yldest, mid
pam pe he his sweorde gebraed, and swór past him leofre
waere, paet he hine sylfne acwealde ponne he forlete his faeder
épel; and saede eac paet he paera aelces ehtend wolde been,
swa swa his feondes, pe paes wordes ware, paet fram Rome
byrig pohte. And he hy ealle mid pam genydde, paet hy
apas sworan, paet hy ealle aetgaedere woldon ošče on
heora earde licgean, oëöe on hedra earde libban. AEfter pam, hi
gesettan Tictator, paet he sceolde bedn herra of r pa consulas,
se was haten Decius Iunius. He naes buton xvii wintre. And
Scipian hy gesetton to consule; and, ealle på men, pe hi on
peowdome haefdon, hy gefreodon, on paet geräd, paethy [him]
apas sworan, paet hy him aet pam gewinnum gelaeston. And
sume pape heora fregean moldan,—ſoppe hie me anhagade paet
hie mehten], -ponne guldon hi pa consulas mid hedra gemae-
man feo, and sippan freodan ; and ealle pape fordenede waron
àr pam, oëöe hy sylfe forworht haefdom, hy hit eall forgeafon,
wiè pam pe hi him aet pam gewinnum fulleodan. paera manna
waes v1 M, pa higegaderad waron. And ealle Italiam geswican
Romanum, and to Hännibale gecyrdon, forbón pe hy waron
orwene [hwaeśer] aefre Romane to hedra onwealde become.
£)a geför Hannibal on Benefente, and hy him ongeån cómon,
40 and him to gecirdon.
3. AEfter pam, Romane haefdom gegaderad IIII legian heora
folces, and sendon Lucius Postumius, pome consul, on pā Gallie,
pe mon nü Långbeardas haet, and paer of slagen wearö, and paes
folces fela mid him. AEfter pam, Romane gesetton Claudius
43 Marcellus to consule, se was ār Scipian gefera. He for
5
i
5
2
()
2
5
3
()
3
5
92 KING ALFRED's OROSIUS; Book IV: Ch. x s 1, 2. [b. c. 218–201
dearninga mid gewealdeman fultume, on pone ende Hannibales
folces, pe he sylf on was, and fela paes folces ofsloh, and hime
sylfne geflymde. Da haefde Marcellus Romanum cuè gedon,
paet mon Hannibal geflyman mihte, peh pe hy aer tweode
hwaeśer hine mon mid aenigon man-fultume geflyman mihte. 5
4. Gemong pam gewinnum, pa twegen Scipian, pe pa wacron
consulas, and eac gebroëor, hy waron on Ispanium mid fyrde,
and gefuhton wiè Hasterbale Hannibales faederan, and hine
ofslogon; and his folces XXX M, Sume of slogon, sume gefen-
gon : sewaes eac Pena oper cyng. 10
5. AEfter pam, Centenus Penula, se consul, baed paet senatus
him fultum sealdon, paet he mihte Hännibal mid gefeohte
gesecean; and he paer of slagen wearö, and viri M hys folces.
AEfter pam, Sempronius Graccus, se consul, for eft mid fyrde
ongean Hannibal, and geflymed wearö; and his heres was mi- 15
cel wal of slagen.
6. “Hü magon nü Romane,” cwacö Orosius, “to soče gesec-
gean, paethy på haefdon betran tida ponne hind habban, pa hy
swa monega gewinn haefdon endemes [underfongen ] —án was
on Ispania; oper on Maecedonia; pridde on Capadotia; feorêe 20
aetham wiè Hannibal; and hi eac oftost geflymde wurdon, and
gebismrade. Ac paet was swièe sweptol, paet hi pā waron
beteran pegmas ponne hy, nii sien ; paet hypeh paes gewinnes
geswican moldon, ac hy oft gebidan on lytlum stapole, and on
unwenlicum, paethy pā aet nihstan, haefdom ealra paera amweald, 25
pe àr neah heora haefdom.”
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL X.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was v hund wintrum
and XLIII, paet Marcellus Claudius, se consul, for mid scip-here
on Sicilie, and begeat Siraccuses, heora pa welegestan burh, 30
peh [he] hi aet pam aerran faerelte begitan ne mihte, pa he hy
beseten haefde, for Archimépes craefte [sumes] Sicilia pegnes.
2. On pam teočan geare, paes pe Hännibal wonn on Italie, he
for of Campaina pam lande, oô preo mila to Rome byrig, and
aet paere ea gewicode, pe mon Annianus hæt, eallum Romanum 35
to pam maestan ege, swa hit mon on paera waspned-manna
gebaerum ongitan mihte, [huj hy afyrhtede waran, and
agálwede, pa pa wifmen urnon mid stanum wiè paera wealla,
and cwacdon paethy på burh werigan woldon, gif pa waspned-
men me dorstan. paes on morgen, Hannibal for to paere byrig,
and beforan pam geate his folc getrymede, pe mon haet Col-
lina. Ac pa consulas moldan hy selfe swa earge gepencean,
swa hi pa wifmen är forcwacdon, paet hy hi binnan paere byrig
werigan me dorstan; ac hy hi butan pam geate ongean Hanni-
bal trymedon. Ac pa hy togaedere woldon, pa com swa un-
4
0.
B. c. 218–201.] SECOND PUNIC WAR–THE TWO SCIPIOS SLAIN. 93.
gemetlic rén, paet heora nán ne mihte names waspnes [geweal-
dan]; and forbăm toforan. pa se ren ablón, hy foran eft
togaedere; and eft wearö ošer swylc ren, paet hyeft toforan.
pa ongeat, Hannibal, and him sylf saede, peh pe he wilniende
5 ware and wenende Romana onwealdes, paet hit God me
gepafode.
3. “Gesecgaš me nii Romane,” cwacö Orosius, “hwaenne paet
gewurde, oëöe hwāra àer pam Cristendôme, oppe gé, oëöe očere
aet aenegum godum mihton ren [abiddan], swa mon sióðan
10 mihte, sióðan se Cristendöm was, and nu gyt magon monege
gó de aet urum haelendum Criste, ponne him pearf biö. Hit
was peah swièe sweotol, paet se ilca [Crist], se be hieft to
Cristendome onwende, paet se him pone rén to gescildnesse
onsende, peh hi paes wyröe naeran, to-ſpon] paet hy sylfe, and
15 eac monige oëre purh hy, to pam Cristendome, and to pam
Sopan geleafan, become.”
4. On pam dagum pe pis gewearö, waron twegen consulas
ofslågen on Ispania: pa waron gebroëor, and waron begen
Scipian hätene. Hy wurdon beswicene fram Hasterbale, Pena
20 cyninge.—On paere tide, Quintus Fuluius, se consul, ge-egsade
ealle payldestan menn, pe on Campina waron, paet hy hi
sylfe mid attre acwealdon. And ealle payldestan menn, pe
waeron on Căpu paere byrig, he of sloh, forbón pe he wende paet
hi woldon Hannibale on fultume bedn, peh pe pa senatus him
25 haefde pa daed faeste forboden.
5. Pa Romane geahsedom paet pa consulas on Ispanium
ofslagen wurdon, pa ne mihton pa sematus naenne consul under
him findan, pe dorste on Ispanie mid fyrde gefaran, buton paera
consula oëres sunu, Scipia was haten, se was cniht. Se was
30 georne biddende, paet him mon fultum sealde, paet he moste
on Ispanie fyrde gelaedan; and he paet [faerelt] swipost for
pam purhteah, be he pohte paet [he] hys faeder and his faederan
gewraece, peh pe he hit faeste wič [pa] senatus haele. Ac Ro-
mane waram paes faereltes swa geornfulle, peh pe hy swièe
35 gebrocode waron on heora licgendan feo, pehi gemaene haef-
don, for pam gewinnum pe hy pa haefdom on feower healfa,
paethy eall him gesealdon paet hypa haefdon pam faerelte to
fultume, buton paet aelc wifman [haefde] ane yndsan goldes,
and [an] pund seolfres, and aelc waspned-man anne hring and
40 ane hoppan.
6. Pa Scipia haefde gefaren to paere niwan by rig Cartaina,
pe mon nü Cordofa haet, he besaet Magönem, Hannibales
broëor; and forbón pe he on pa burh-leode on ungearewe
becom, he hi on lytlan fyrste mid hungre on [his] geweald
45 genydde, paet him se cyning sylf on hand eode; and he ealle
94 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV -CH. X s. 7–9. [B. c. 218–201
pa oëre sume of sloh, sume geband, and pone cyning gebun-
denne to Rome sende, and monege mid him paera yldestena
weotena. Binnan [Öaere] byrig was micel licgende feoh fun-
den : sum hit Scipia to Rome sende,-sum he hit hét pam
folce daelan. 5
7. On paere tide, for Leuinus, se consul, of Macedonia on
Sicilie mid scip-here; and paer ge-eode [Agrigentum] pa burh,
and gefeng Hännonam hedra ladteow ; and sièëan him eodan
on hand xi, burga ; and xxvi he ge-eode mid gefeohte. On
paere tide, Hännibal of sloh Gneus Fuluius pone consul on
Italium, and eahta M mid him. AEfter pam, Hanniball feaht [wiè
Marcellus] pone consul pry dagas: py forman daege, pa folc
feollan on aegöre healfe gelice; py aefteran daege, Hannibal
haefde sige; by priddan daege haefde se consul. Æfter pam,
Fauius Maximus, se consul, for mid scip-here to Tarentan paere
byrig, swa Hannibal nyste, and pa burh on niht abraec, swā på
nystan, pe paer inne waron; and Hannibales ladteow of sloh
Cartolon, and xxx M mid him.
8. paes on pam aefteran geare, Hannibal bestael on Marcellus
Claudius, bone consul, paer he on fyrde saet, and hine of sloh, 20
and his folc mid him. On pam dagum, Scipia geflymde Has-
terbal on Ispanium, Hannibales opærne broöor; and paes
folces him eode on hand hund eahtatig burga. Swa lää was
Pena folc Scipian pa he hy geflymed haefde, swa peh be he hy
sume wiè feo gesealde, paet he paet wedrö molde agan, paet him
mon wiè sealde, ac hit oërum mannum sealde. On pam ilcan
geare, beswāc eft Hannibal twegen consulas, Marcellus and
Cirspinus, and hy of sloh.
9. pa Claudius Nerone, and [Marcus Livius] Salinatore
waeran consulas, Hasterbal, Hannibales bropor, for mid fyrde
of Ispanium on Italia [Hannibale] to fultume. pageahsedom
pa consulas paet aer aer Hannibal, and him ongean comon, swa
he [Swal pa muntas of rſaren haefde, and paer haefdon lang-
sum gefeoht, aer paera folca aper flage. paet was swièor on
pam gelang, paet Hasterbal swa late fleah, forbón pe he elpendas 35
mid him haefde; and Romane haefdon sige. par wearð Has-
terbal of slagen, and LIII M [his] heres, and v M gefangen. pa
héton pa consulas Hasterbale paet heafod of aceorfan, and
âworpan hit beforan Hannibales wic-stowe. Ba Hannibale
cuð was, baet his broëor of slegen was, and paes folces swa fela to
mid him, pa wearô him aerest ége fram Romanum, and geför
on Bruti baet land. pa haefde Hannibal and Romane an gear
stilnesse him betweenum, forbón pe på folc bátu on féfer-adle
mid ungemete swulton. On paere stilnesse, Scipia ge-eode
ealle Ispanie, and sióðan com to Rome, and Romanum to ràºde 45
I
()
5
l
2
5
30
O
B. c. 218–201] SECONI) PUNIC WAR–SCIPIO ROUTS HANN IBAL. 95
gelaerde, paet by mid scipum fore on Hannibales land. pa
sendon [Romane] hine, paet he paes faereltes consul ware;
and rate paes pe he on Pene com, him com ongean Hänno se
cyning, unwaerlice, and paer wearö of slagen. On paere tide,
5 Hannibal feaht wiè Semprónius pome consul on Italiam, and
hine bedräf into Rome byrig. *
10. AEfter pam, foran Pene ongean Scipian mid eallum heora
futume, and ſwic-stowa) mamon on twam stowum, neah paere
by rig, pe mon Utica het: on oëre waron Pene,—on oëre
10 Numeše, pe him on fultume waran, and gepoht haefdon paet
hy paer sceoldan winter-setl habban. Ac sióðan Scipia geah-
sode paet pa foreweårdas waron feor pam faestenne gesette,
and eac paet [paer] name oëre near nåran, he på dygellice
gelaedde his fyrde betuh pam weardum, and feawa menn to
15 oërum paera faestenna ónsende, to pón paet hy his aenne ende
onbaerndon, paet sièëan maest ealle pe pår binnan waran,
waeron wiè paes fyres weard, to pon paet hy hit acwencan
pohton. He på Scipia, gemong pam, hy maest ealle of sloh.
pa paet pa oëre onfundon, pe on pam oërum [faestenne] waron,
20 hi waron floc-maelum pider-weard pam oërum to fultume;
and hy Scipia was ealle pa niht sleande, swa hy ponne comon,
oš daeg ; and sièëan he ſhiel slöh, of er ealne [pone] daeg,
fleonde. And heora twegen cyningas, Hasterbal and Sifax,
oöflugon to Cartaina paere byrig, and gegaderedan pone fultum,
25 pe hi pā haefdom, and ongeån Scipian cómon, and eft wurdon
geflymed into Cartaina. Sume oëflugon to Crétan pam iglande;
and him Scipia sende scip-here aefter, paet monsume of sloh,
sume gefeng. And Sifax wearö gefangen, heora oëer cyning,
and sippan was to Rome on racentan sended.
30 11. On pam gefeohtum, waron Pene swa forhynde, paet hy
ná sióðan hy wiè Romane to nahte ne bemaeton ; and sendon
on Italie aefter Hannibale, and baedan paet he him to fultume
come. And he him wepende paere bene getygèade, forbón
pe he sceolde Italiam forlaetan, on pam preoteoban geare [paes}
35 pe he aer Ón com; and he ealle ofsloh, pe of pam landum his
men waron, and mid him of r så moldan.
12. pa he hāmweard seglede, pa hét he anne mann stigan
on pone maest, and locian hwaeper he paet land gecneowe, paet
hi toweard waron. pa sæde he him, paet he gesawe ane to-
40 brocene byrgenne, swylce heora peaw was paet mon ricum
mannum bufan eorëan of stanum worhte. pa was Hamnibale,
aefter heora haepeniscum gewunan, paet ändwyrde swièe laš;
and him unpanc saede paes andwyrdes, and ealne pone here he
hét mid pam scipum panon wendan, pe he [aer to]...gepoht
45 haefde, and up comon aet Leptan pam tune, and hraedlice for
96 RING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: CH. Xſ $ 1, 2. [b. c. 201
to Cartaina and biddende was past he moste wič Scipian
sprecan, and wilniende was paet he frið betweqx pam folcum
findan sceolde. Ac hy hedra sundor-spraece, pe hy betweox
pam [folcum] togaedere-weard gespraecon, to unsibbe brohton,
and hy to gefeohte gyredon. And raße paes pe hi togaedere 5
comon, Hannibales folc wearö gefly med, and xx M of slagen, and
v hund and eahtatig elpenda, and Hannibal oëfleah feowera sum
to Apramétum pam faestenme. Pa sendon pa burh-leode of
Cartaina aefter Hannibale, and cwa.ºdon ſpaet] him selest ware,
paethy frièes to Romanum wilnade, papa Gaius Cornelius to
and Lentulus Publius waron consulas, wearö Cartainum frið
alyfed fram Scipian, mid paera [Senata] willan, on paet geräd,
paet pa igland Sicilia and Sardinia hirdon to Romanum, and
paet hy him aelce geare gesealde swa fela talentana seolfres,
swa hy him ponne alyfde; and Scipia het v hund heora scipa is
tip atéon, and forbaernan, and sióðan to Rome hamweard for.—
pa him mon pone triumphan ongean brohte, pa eode paer mid
Terrentius, se méra Cartaina sceop, and baer haett on his
heafde, forbón Romane haefdon på niwlice gesett, paet på pe
haett beran moston, ponne hy [hwelc] folc ofer wunnen haefdom, 20
paet på moston aegôer habban ge feorh ge freodom.
[Bóc IV: CAPITUL XI.]
1. AEfter pampe Rome burh getimbred was v hund wintrum
and L. was ge-endad paet aeftere Punica gewinn and Ro-
mana, paet hy dreogende waran XIII, winter. Ac Romane 25
raēe paes oëer ongunnon wiè Maecedonie. pa hlütan pa
consulas, hwylc hedra paet gewinn aerest underfön sceol-
de, pa gehleåt hit Quintius Flaminius, and on pam ge-
winne monega gefeoht purhteah, and oftost sige haefde, oë
Philippus hedra cyning fripes baed, and hit him Romane alyf- 80
don; and sièëan he for on Laecedemonie, and Quintius Flami-
nius genydde begen pa cyningas, paet hy sealdon heora suna
to gislum. Philippus, Maecedonia cyning, sealde Demetrias hys
sunu, and [Nauièa], Laecedemonia cyning, sealde Armenán his
sunu. And ealle pa Romaniscan menn, pe Hännibal on Crece as
geseald haefde, him bebead se consul, paethy eall hedra hea-
fod bescearon, to tácne paet he hy of peowdome àdyde.
2. On paere tide, Subres, and Cenomanni pa folc hy togae-
dere hy gesomnodan for Amilcores lare, Hannibales [broöor],
pone he aer on Italium him beaeftan forlét; and sióðan foran 40
on Placentie and on Cremone på land, and hy mid ealle awes-
ton. pa sendon Romane pider Claudius Fuluius, pone consul,
and he hy uneaše oferwann. AEfter pam Flamineus, se con-
Sul, gefeaht wiè Philippus, Maecedonia cyning, and wiè Thráci,
B. c. 195] ANTIOCHUS, THE SYRIAN, AT WAR WITH THE ROMANS, 97
and wiè Ilirice, and wiè monega oöre peoda, on anum gefeohte,
and hy ealle geflymde. paer was Maecedonia ehta Mofslagen,
and VI M gefangen. AEfter pam, Sempronius, se consul, wearö
ofslagen on Ispania mid ealre his fyrde. On paere tide, Mar-
* cellus, se consul, wearö geflymed on Etruria pam lande, pa
com Furius, oëer consul, him to fultume, and sige haefde; and
hy sióðan paet land eall awestan.
3. Papa Lucius Ualerius and Flaccus Marcus waron consulas,
pa ongan Antiochus, [Siraj cyning, winnan wiš Românum, and
it of Asia on Europe mid fyrde gefor. On paere tide, bebudon
Romane paet mom Hannibal, Cartaina cyning, gefenge, and hine
sióēan to Rome brohte, pa he paet gehyrde, pa fleah he to
Antiochise, Siria cyninge, paer he on tweogendlican onbide
was, hwæper he wič Romanum winman dorste, swa he on gun-
is nen haefde. Achine Hannibal aspón, paet he paet gewinn léng
ongan. 9a sendan Romane Scipian Affricanus, hedra aerend-
racan, to Antiochuse, pa het he Hannibal, paet he wič pa
aerendracan spraece, and him geandwyrde, pa hi manre sibbe
ne gewearö, Öa côm aefter pam Scipia, se consul, mid Clafrione,
20 oërum consule, and Antiochuses folces ofsloh xl. M. Baes on pam
aefteran geare, gefeaht Scipia wiè Hannibal ute on sæ, and sige
haefde, Da Antiochus paet gehyrde, pa baed he Scipian fripes,
and him his sunu ham onsende, se was on his wealde, swa he
myste hu he him to com; butan, swa sume menn saedan, paet
25 he sceolde bedn on hergunge gefangen, ošče on wearde,
4. On paere firran Ispanie forwearö Emilius, se consul, mid
eallum his folce fram Lusitaniam paere peode. On pam dagum,
forwearö Lucius Beuius, se consul, mid eallum his folce fram
Etusci pam leodum ; paet paer man to lafe [me] wearö paet hit to
30 Rome gebodade.
5. AEfter pam, Fuluius, se consul, for mid fyrde on Crece to
pam bedrgum, pemon Olimphus hæt, pa was paes folces fela on
an faesten oëflogen. pa, on pam gefeohte, pe hy paet faesten
brecan woldan, was fela Romana mid flanum of scotod, and
35 mid stanum oftorfod. Pase consul ongeat, paethy paet faestem
abrecan ne mihton, pa bebead he sumum pam folce, paet hy
fram pam faestenne aforam, and pa oëre he het paethy wiè paera
oöerra flugan ponne paet gefeoht maest ware, paethi mid pam
aloccodan (it pape paer binnan waran. On pam fleame, pe pa
40 burh-ware eft wiè paes fastenes flugon, heora wearö of slagen
XL M, and pape pacr to lafe wurdon, him on hand eodan. On
ſpam dagum, for Marcus, se consul, on Ligor paet land, and
geflymed wearö, and his folces ofslagen IIII M.
6. pa pa Marcus Claudius, and Marcellus Quintus waron
* consulas, Philippus, Maecedonia cyning, of sloh Romana aerend-
9S KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book IV: Ch. X [I $ 1 [B. c. 151
racan, and sende Demetrias his sunu to pam senatum, paet he
paet yrre gesette wič hy; and, peh pe he swagedyde, pa he
ham com, Philippus het his operne sunu paet he hine mid
attre acwealde, forbon pe he teah hine paet he hys ungerisna
spraece wič pa senatus. On paere ilcan tide, Hannibal his
agnum willan hine sylfne mid attre acwealde. On paere tide,
oöiewde Fulcania paet igland on Sicilium, paet naes gesewen är
pa. On paere tide, Quintus Fuluius, se consul, gefeaht wiè pa
fyrran Ispanie, and sige haefde.
7. Da pa Lapidus Mutius was consul, wolde seo strengste to
peod winnan on Romane, pe mon pa het Basterne, and nii hy
mon het Hungerie : hy woldan cuman Persetise to fultume,
Maecedonia cyninge. pa was Donua seo eå swa swièe oferfro-
ren, paethy getruwedon paethi of r pam ise faran mihton; ac
hi maest ealle paer forwurdon. 15
8. Ba pa P. Licinius Crassus and Gaius Casius waron con-
sulas, pa gewearö paet Maecedonisce gewinn, paet mon eaše
maeg to pam maestan gewinnum getellan; for pam pe, on pam
dagum, waron ealle Italie Romanum on fultume, and eac
Phtolomeus, Egypta cyning, and Argeatus, Capadotia cyn- 20
ing, and Emenis, Asia cyning, and Masinissa, Namepia
cyning. And Perseuse, Maecedonia cyninge, him waron on
fultume ealle Thraci and Ilirice. And rače paes pe hytó somne
comon, Romane wurdon geflymed ; and raße paes, aet oërum
gefeohte, hy wurdon eac geflymed. And aefter pam gefeohtum, 25
Perseus was ealne pone gear Romane swièe swencende, and
sióēan he for on Ilirice, and abraec Sulcanum heora burh, seo
was Romanum underpeod; and micel paes mann-cynnes, sum
acwealde,-sum [on] Maecedonie ladde. Æfter pam, gefeaht
Lucius Emilius, se consul, wiè Perseus, and hine oferwomn, 30
and his folces ofsloh xx M ; and he sylf aet pam cyrre oëfleah,
and raëe aefter pam gefangen wearö, and to Rome broht, and
paer of slagen. And monega gefeoht gewurdon, on pam dagum,
on monegum landum, paet hit nii is to longsum eall to [gesec-
genne]. 35
[Bóc IV: Capitui XII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was vi hund win-
trum, pa pa Lucius Lucinius, and Lucullus Aula wacron con-
sulas, wearö Romanum se maesta ége fram Sceltiferin, Ispania
folce : and nanne mann naefdon, pepider mid fyrde dorste to
gefaran, buton Scipian pam consule, se was aefter pam faerelte
Affricanus håten, forbón be he pa oëre sièe pider for på män
oper me dorste ; peh pe Romane haefde geworden, hwene ár,
paet he on Asiam faran sceolde; ac he monega gefeoht on
5
2
3.
B. c. 149–146] THIRD PUNIC WAR-SCIPIO AFRICANUS. 99
Ispanium on missenlicum sigum purhteåh. On pam dagum,
Serius Galua, Scipian gefera, gefeaht wiè Lusitaniam, Ispania
folce, and geflymed wearö.
2. On pam dagum, bebudon Romana godas pam senatum.
5 past mon Theatrum worhte him to plegan; ac hit Scipia oft-
radlice ham abead, paet hy hit me angunnon; and eac sylf
Sæde, pa he ham of Ispanium cém, paet hit ware se maesta
ūnrēd, and se maesta gedwola. Hy pa Romane, for his ci-
dinge, and purh his lare, oferhyrdon pam godum ; and eall
to paet feoh, paethi paertosamnod haefdom, pehy wiè pam sylum
and wiè pam worce syllan woldan, hy hit wiè oörum pingum
sealdan.--Nu maeg pam Cristenan gescomian, pe Swylc deofol-
gyld lufia' and begongaš, pase, pe. Cristen naes, hit swa swièe
forseah, se pe hit fyrörian sceolde, aefter hedra agnum ge-
15 WUII] all.
3. AEfter pam, Serius Galua for eft on Lusitanie, and frið
[genam] wiè hy, and hy under pam frièe beswäc. Seo dàd
wearö formeah Romanum to pam maestan hearme, paet him nān
folc ne getruwode, pe him underpeod was.
20 [Bóc IV: CAPITUL XIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was v1 hund win-
trum and II, pa pa Censorinus Marcus and Mallius Lucius
waron consulas, pa gewearö paet pridde gewinn Romana and
Cartaina; and gewearö pa senatus him betweenum, gif hy mon
25 priddan siðe oferwunne, paet mon ealle Cartaina towurpe.
And eft sendon Scipian pider, and he hi aet heora forman ge-
feohte geflymde, and bedraf into Cartaina. After pam, hy
baedan friðes Romane, ac hit Scipia molde him alyfan wiè
nanum oërum pinge, buton hy him ealle heora wapeno agea-
30 fon, and pa burh forleton, and paet man ne sæte hyrex milum
neah. AEfter pam pe paet gedon was, hy cwacdon paet [him]
leofre ware, paet hy mid paere byrig aetgaedere forwurdon,
ponne hi mon buton him towurpe. And him eft waspeno
worhton pape isen haefdon; and pa penaefdom, hy worhton,
35 sume of seolfre, sume of treowum, and gesetton him to cyn-
ingum twegen Hasterbalas.
2. “Nuic wille,” cwacă Orosius, “secgan hulucu hed was : —
hyre ſymbegong was xxx mila); and eall hed was mid sæ
utan [befangen], butan prim milum. And se weall was xx
40 fota picce, and xL [elna] heah ; and paer was binman ošer
laesse faesten, on pam sæs clife, paet was twegra mila heah.
Hy pa Cartainienses aet pam cyrre, [pal burn aweredon, peh
pe Scipia £r fela paes wealles tobrocen haefde, and sièëan ham-
weard for.”
p
o e *
• *

100 KING ALFRED's OROSIUS, Book V: Ch. I $ 1. [B. c. 146.
3. Pa pa Gneo Cornelius, and Lentulus Lucilius waron.
consulas, pa for Scipia priddan siðe on Affrice, topón pact he
pohte Cartainan towedrpan. And pa he paer to com, he was
vi dagas on pa burh feohtende, op pa burh-ware baedon paethy
moston beon heora underpeowas, pa hy [hie] bewerian ne mih- 5
ton. pa het Scipia ealle pa wifmenn [aerest utgān], paera was
xxvi M ; and papa waspned-menn paera was xxx M. And se
cyning Hasterbal hine sylfne acwealde, and his wif, mid hyre
twam sunum, hi sylfe forbaernde for paes cyninges deabe. And
Scipia het ealle pa burh towedrpan, and aelcne hiewe-stán to- 10
beatan, paet hy to manum wealle sièëan me mihton. And
seo burh inneweard bárm xvi dagas, ymb VII hund wintra paes
pe heo £r getimbred was.
4. pa was paet pridde gewinn ge-endod Punica and Romana,
on pam feorêan geare paes pe hit #r ongunnen was: peh pe is
Romane haefdon aer langsum gemot ymbe paet, hwæðer him
raedliere ware, pe hipa burh mid eaile fordydon, paethy a siè-
ëan on pa healfe frið haefdom, pe hy hi [stondan forleten, to
pón paet him gewinn eft poman awóce, forbón hyondredan gif
hi hwilum ne wunnon, paet hy to raße aslâwedon and ā- 20
eargadon.
5. “Swa paet eow Romanum nu eft cuč wearö, sióðan se
Cristendöm was,” cwacö Orosius, “paet ge eowra yldrena hwet-
stan forluron, eowra gewinna, and eowres hwætscipes; forbon
ge syndon nü titan faette, and innan hlaene; and eowre yldran 25
waron titan hlaene, and innan faette, stronges modes and faestes.
Ic nát eac,” cwacó he, “hii mytt ic pa hwile beo pe ic pas word
sprece, buton paet ic min geswync amyrre. Hit biö eac ge-
ornlic, paet mon heardlice gmide pone hnescestan mealm-stan,
aefter pam paet he pence pone selestan [hwet-stan] on to geraecan- 30
me. Swa ponne, is me nii swièe earfeóe heora mód to ahwet-
tanne, nu hit náčor mele been ne scearp me heard.”
[Bóc V: CAPITUL I.]
1. “Ic wat,” cwaeś Orosius, “hwaet se Româna gilp swièost
is, forbón pe hi manega folc oferwunnan, and [monege] cyn- as
ingas beforan heora triumphan oftraedlice drifan. paet sindon
ba [godan] tida, pehy ealne weg fore gilpap; gelicost pam pe
hi mú cwadon, paet pa tida him anum gesealde waran, and
máran eallum [folcum]; ac, paer hi hit georne ongitan cušan,
ponne [wisten hie, paet hie waron ] eallum folcum gemaene. 04
Gif hi ponne cwečap paet på tida gode waron, forbón ſpel hipa
ane burh welige gedydan, ponne magon hi rihtor cwečan,
º paet [waaren pa] ungesaeligestan, forbón pe purh paere anre
urge wienceo wurdon ealle opre to waidlan gedone.
s. c 146] CARTHAGE AND CORINTH DESTROYED. 101
2. Gif hi ponne paes ne gelyfan, acsian ponne Italia, hyra
agene land-leode, hu him pa tida gelicodon, pa hi man sloh and
hynde, and on oëre land sealde xx wintra and c.
3. Gif hi ponne him ne gelyfan, acsige ponne Ispanie, pe
‘paetylce waran dreogende twa hund wintra, and manige opre
peoda; and eac pa manegan cyningas, hu him licode, ponne hi
man on geocon, and on racentan, beforan heora triumphan
drifon, him to gilpe, wiè [Rome] weard; and syphan on carcer-
num lagon, ſop] hi deabe swulton. And hi manige cyningas
"geswenctam, to pón paet hi eal gesealdon paethi ponne haefdon
wiš heora earman life. Ac forbón hit is us uncué and ungely-
fedlic, forbón pe we synd on pam friðe geborene, pe hy på
uneaše heora feorh mid geceapodon. paet was syphan Crist
geboren was, paet we waron of aelcon peowdome alysede, and
* of aelcon ege, gif we him fulgangan wyllab.”
[Bóc V: CAPITUL II.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred was vi hund win-
trum and v1,-paet was py ilcan geare pe Cartaina toworpen
was, aefter hyre hryre—Gneo Cornelius and Lentulus Lucio
” towurpon Corinthum, ealra Creaca heafod-burh. On hyre
bryne, gemultan ealle pa anlicnessa togaedere, pe paer binnan
waeran, ge [gyldene], ge sylfrene, ge aerene, ge cyperene, and
on pyttas besuncon. Git to daege, man hät Corinthisce fatu
ealle pe paerof geworhte waran, forbón pe hi sint faegeran and
* dyrran ponne aenige obre.
2. BE THAM YRDE UARIATO :—On pam dagum, was ān hyrde on
Hispanium, se was Uariatus haten, and was mycel peof-man;
and on paere stalunge he wearö reafere; and, on pam reaf-lace,
he him geteah to mycelne man-fultum, and manige tunas
"oferhergode. Æfter pam, his werod weox to pón swièe paet he
manige land forhergode, and Romanum wearö micel ege
fram him, and Uecilius, pone consul, ongean hine mid
fyrde sendan, and he paer geflymed wearö, and his folces
se maesta dael of slagen. AEt oërum cyrre, pyder for Gaius
Folucius, se consul, and eac geflymed wearö. AEt priddan
* cyrre, pyder for Claudius, se consul, and pohte paet he Romana
bysmor gebetan sceolde, ac he hit on pam faerelde swyðor
geycte, and uneače sylf aweg com.
3. AEfter pam, Ueriatus gemette, mid prim hund manna, Ro-
mana an M on anum wuda, paer was Ueriatuses folces hund
“seofontig of slagen, and Romana III hund, and pa oëre gefly-
mede wurdon. On pam fleame, wearö an [Ueriatuses] pegen
pam oprum to lange aeſterfylgende, oë man his hôrs under him
ofsceat, pa woldan på oëre ealle hine aenne of$lean, oëöe
102 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V: Ch. II, § 5–8. [B. c. 146–140
gebindan, pa slöh he anes mannes hors mid his sweorde, paet
him wand paet heafod óf. Siôban was eallum pam oërum swa
mycel ege fram him, paet hi hine [leng] gretan ne dorstan.
4. AEfter pam, Apius Claudius, se consul, gefeaht wiè Gaelle,
and paer geflymed wearö; and raße paes eft fyrde gelaedde wič
hi, and sige haefde, and heora of sloh v1 M. pa he hamweard
waes, pa baed he pact man dyde beforan him pome triumphan ;
ac Romane him untreowlice his forwyrndon, and hit under paet
ladedon, forbón pe he aºr aet pam oërum cyrre sige naefde.
5. BE pam MANN-cweALME:—AEfter pam, was swa mycel 10
man-cwealm on Rome, paet paer nån liten-cumen man cuman
né dorste, and manige land binnan paere byrig waran butan
aelcum yrfewearde. Hi witon peah paet paet yfel of reode
butan geblote, swa pa manegan àer dydon, pehi wendon paet
hy mid heora deofol-gyldum gestyred haefdom. Butan tweon, is
gif hi pa blotan mihtan, hi woldan secgean paet him heora
godas gehillpan. Ac hit was Godes gifu, paet ealle på lågon,
pe hit don sceoldan, oë hit sylf of ereode. -
6. AEfter pam, Faulus, se consul, for mid fyrde ongean Feriatus,
and geflymed wearö. Se consul gedyde eallum Romanum pa 20
bysmerlicestan daede, pa he aspeon of Scippium syx hund
manna to him his gepoftena; and, pa hi him to coman, he hét
him eallum pa handa of aceorfan.—AEfter pam, Pompeius, se
consul, for on Numentinas, Ispania peode, and geflymed wearö.
Ymbe feowertune geår paes pe Ueriatus wiè Romane [winnan] 23
ongan, he wearö fram his agenum mannum of slagen; and swa
oft swa hine Romane mid gefeohte gesohton, he hi simle ge-
flymde. Paer dydan peah Romane lytle treowpa, paet him pa
waran laše and unwyröe, pe heora hlaford beswicon, peah pe
hi him leana to paere tide wendan. 30
7. Ic sceal eac nyde para manegra gewinna geswigian, pe on
pam east-landum gewurdan : his me sceal apreotan for Romana
gewinnum.—On paere tide, Metridatis, Partha [cyning], ge-eode
Babiloniam, and ealle pa land pe betweqx pam twam [eaum]
waron Hidiise and I’dasfe, pa waran aer on Romana anwealde. 35
And sióðan he gebraedde his rice east oë Indea gemaero; and
Demetria, Asia cyning, hine twiwa mid fyrde gesohte. Æt oë-
rum cyrre, he wearö gefly med; aetoprum, gefangen. He was
on Romana anwealde, forbon pe hi hine paer gesettan.
8. AEfter pam, Mantius, se consul, for on Numentine Ispania 40
folc, and paer was winnende, oë he nam frið wiè paet folc; and
syööan hine aweg bestael. pa he ham com, pa heton hine
Romane gebindan, and gebringan beforan Numentia faestenes
geate. på načer né hine pa eft ham laedan me dorstan, pehine
pyder laeddan, me his pa onfön moldon, pehine man to brohte: as
tº
tº º
lº Q
• , 2 " ... •
B. c. 137.] SCIPIO SENT to SPAIN. 103
ac swièe hreowlice swa gebend he on anre stowe beforan pam
geate was wuniende, op he his lif forlét.
9. On pam dagum, Brutus, se consul, of slöh Ispania folces
Lx M, pa waran Lusitäniam on fultume; and raše paes he for eft
* on Lusitánie, and hyra of sloh L. M., and v1 M gefeng. On pam
dagum, for Lapidus, se consul, on pa nearan Ispanie, and
geflymed wearö, and his folces was ofslagen v1 M ; and pa pe
paer aweg coman, hi oëflugon mid pam maestan bismore.
Hwa-Ser Romane hit witon [nu] aenigum men to secganne,
"hwaet heora folces on Ispaniam on [feawum gearum] forwürde,
ponne hi fram gesaelgum tidum gilpaş, ponne waron pa him
sy]fum på ungesaeligestan
10. Papa Seruius Fuluius and Flaccus Quintus waron consulas,
wearö on Rome an cild geboren, paet haefde feower fet, and
* feower handa, and feower [eagan], and feower earan.-On pam
geare, asprang up Etna fyr on Sicilium, and mare paes landes
forbaernde ponne hit aefre àer dyde.
[Bóc V: CAPITUL III.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred wacs vi hund wintrum
* and xx, papa Mantius gedyde pome yfelan fryö on Numántiam,
swa hit Romane [selfel sadon, paet, under heora anwealde, nān
bysmorlicre daed ne gewurde, buton on pam gefeohte aet
Caúdenes Furculus; pa sendon Romane Scipian on Numántie
mid fyrde. Hi [sindon] on pam norð-west-ende Ispania, and
* hi hi [selfel aer pam mid IIII M, [aweredon] feowertyme winter,
wiè Romana XL M, and oftost sige haefdom.
2. pa besaet hi Scipia healf gear on heora faestene, and hi to
pon gebrocode, paet him leofre was pact hi hi sylfe [formečdon],
ponne hi pa yrmpa lencg prowedon. pa se Scipio onget paet
"hi swylces modes waram, pa het he sum his folc [feohtan] on
paet faesten, paethi mid pam paet folc ut aloccodan: pa [waaron
pa] burh-ware to pon fagene, and to pon bliče, paethy feohtan
mostan, and, gemang pam gefean, hi hi [selfel mid ealað ofer-
drenctan, and utyrmende waron aet twam geaton. On paere
* byrig was aerest ealo-geweorc [ongunnen], for pon pe hi win
naefdon. On pam swicãome, wearö Numéntia duguè gefeallen,
[ond] se dael, pe paer to lafe wearó, forbaerndon ealle på burh,
forbon pe hiné učon paet heora fynd to heora ealdan gestreo-
non fengon, and aefter pam hi hi sylfe on pam fyre forspildon.
* 3. pa se Scipio hine hamweard wende of pam lande, pa com
him to an eald man, se was Numentisc. pa fraegn se Scipio
hine, on hwy hit gelang ware paet Numentie swaraße ahnesco-
don, swa hearde swa hiſ lange waran. pa saede he him, paethi
waran hearde, pahwile pe hi hedra anraednesse geheoldan him
104 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V: Cii. IV $ 1–3. [b. c. 131
betweman and ănfealdnysse, and sona swa hi him betwee-
mum ungeraednesse tipāhofon swa forwürdon hi ealle. pa
wearö pam Scipian paet andwyrde swièe andrysne, and eallum
Romanum witum : for pam andwyrde, and for pam wordum, hi
wurdon swièe mid ge-egesode, pa he ham com, for pon pe hi pa
haefdom ungeraednysse him betweenum.
4. On pare tide, Creaccus was haten an para consula, and he
winnan ongann wiè ealle pa oëre, op hi hime of slogon.
5. And eac on paere tide, on Sicilium pa peowaswunnan wiè pa
hlafordas, and uneače oferwunnene wurdon, and VII M of slagen
àr man hy gebigan mihte. And aet paere anre byrig, Mintur-
man, heora man ahéng fifte healf [hund].
[Bóc V: CAPITUL IV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romeburh getimbred was vi hund wintrum
and xxi, Lucinius Crassus, se consul, -he was eac Romana
yldesta bisceop, he geför mid fyrde ongean Aristonoctise, pam
cynincge, se wolde him geagnian palaessan Asiam, peh pe hi àr
Attalis, his agen broëor, haefde Romanum to boc-lande geseald.
Crassuse waron manige cyningas of manegum landum to ful-
tume [cumene:–an was of Nicomedia, oper of Bippinia, 20
pridda of Ponto, feorpa of Armenia, fifta of Argeate, sixta
of Cappadocia, seafoëa of Filimine,—eahtepa of Paflogo-
niam.] And peah hwaepere raße paes pe hi togaedere coman,
se consul wearö aflymed, peah pe he mycelne fultum haefde.
pa paet Perpéna gehyrde, se ošer consul, he på hraedlice fyrde 25
gegaderade, and on pone cynincg [ungearone] becom, pa his
fyrd eall tofaren was, and hine bedraf into anum faestene; and
hine besaet oë hine ealle pa burh-leode ageafan pam consule,
and he hine het syphan to Rome bringan, and on carcerne
[bescufan], and he paer laeg oë he his lif forlet. 30
2. On paere tide, Antiochuse Asiria cyninge, gepuhte paet he
rice genoh naefde ; and wilnode paet he Parthe begeate, and
pyder för mid manegum pusendum. And hine pār Parthe
ypelice oferwunnan, and pone cyning [ofslogan], and him paet
rice geahnedon; forbon Antiochus ne gymde hwaet he haefde sº
manna gerimes, and me nam name ware [hulice] hi waaram,
forbon heora was mā forcuèra ponne aeltaewra. -
3. On paere tide, Scipia, se besta and se selesta Romana
witena, and pegema, maende his earfeóa to Romanum witum,
paer hi aet heora gemote waron, for hwi [hie] hine swa un- 40
wyrôme on his ylde dydan,—and ahsode hi for hwi hi noldon
gepencean ealle, pa brocu, and pa geswinc pe he for heora
willan, and eac for [hiera] neod-pearfe fela wintra dreogende
waes unarimedlice oft-sièum ;-and hū he hi adyde of Hanni-
5
0
l
5
B. c. 125–1 l l ; SCIPIO'S DEATH : M ETELLUS : JUGURTHA. 105
bales peowdome, and of manigre opre peode; and hu he him
to peowdome gewylde ealle Ispanie, and ealle Affrice. On
paere ilcan miht, pe he on daeg pas word spraec, Romane him
gepancedon ealles his geswinces, mid wyrsan leane ponne he to
s him ge-earnod haefde, pa hi hine on his bedde asmoredan and
aprysemodan, paet he his lif alet.—Eala Romane! hwä maeg
eow nd truwian, page swylc leån dydon eowrum pam getry-
westan witan. - -
4. Da pa Emilius [Orestes] was consul, Etna fyr afleow tip
to swa brad and swa mycel, paet feawa para manna mihte been
eard-faeste, pe on [Lipara] waron pam iglande, pe paer [nihst]
waes, for paere haete and for pam stence. Ge ealle pa clifu, pe
neah paere sæ waron, [forburnon] to ahsan, and ealle pascipu
formultan, pe [neah] pam sẠfarende waron. Ge ealle pa
is fixas, pe on pam sæ waron, acwäelan for paere haetan.
5, papa Marcus Flaccus was consul, coman gaerstapan on
Affrice, and aelc [wuht] forscrufon, paes pe on pam lande was
weaxandes and growendes. [AEfter paem, com an wind, ond
forbleow hie ut on sāe..] AFfter pam pe hi adruncene waran,
20 hi wearp seo sæ àp ; and sippan maest eall forwearö, paet on
pam lande was, ge manna, ge mytena, ge [wildeoraj, for pam
Stence. -
| Bóc V: CAPITUL V.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana buruh getimbred was vi hund
as wintrum and [xxvii.], papa Lucius Mella, and Quintus Flami-
neus waron consulas, pa gewearö pam pa senatus, paet man eft
sceolde timbrian Cartaina. Ac paere ilcan niht pe man on
daeg haefde pa buruh mid stacum gemercod, swa swa hi hi pa
wurcean woldan, [wulfas ātugan pa stacan tip, ond pa men
so forleton paet] weorc for pam, and lang gemot [ymb paet] haef-
don, hwaeper hit tacnode pe sibbe, pe unsibbe; and hy hi swa
peah eft getimbredan.
2. On paere tide, Metellus, se consul, for on Belearis paet
land; and ofºrwann pa wicingas, pe on paet land hergodan,
as peah pe paera land-leoda [eac fela forwurde.
[Bóc V: CAPITUL VI.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred was vi hund
wintrum and [xxvii.1], Faulus, se consul, gemitte Betuitusan,
Gallia cyning, and hime mid lytlum fultume ofer.com.
40 - [Bóc V: CAPITUL VII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred was vi hund
wintrum and xxxv, papa Scipia [Nasical, and Lucius Calfur-
14
1 ()6 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V. Ch. VII s 1, 2. [b. c. 111–105
nius waran consulas, Romane wunnon wiè Geowedröan, Nu-
mepa cyning. Se ilca Geoweoróa was Mecipsuses maeg, Nu-
mepa cyninges, and he hime on his [geogoëe] underfeng, and hine
fedan hét, and lacran mid his twam sunum. And pa se cyning
geför, he bebead his twam sunum, paet hi paes rices priddan
dael Geowedrpan sealdon. Ac, sippan se [pridda] dael on his
gewealde was, he beswac begen pa [Suna]: oëerne he of slöh,
operne he adrāfde, and he sióðon gesohte Romane him to
friðe, and hi sendon Calfurnan, pone consul, mid him mid
fyrde. Ac Geoweoróa geceapode mid his feo aet pam consule,
paet he paes gewinnes lytel purchteah. AEfter pam, Geowedröa
com to Rome, and digellice geceapode to pam sematum, to
anum and to anum, paet hi ealle waron ymbe hime twywyrdige.
pa he hine hamweard of paere byrig wende, pa tälde he Ro-
mane, and hiswièe bismorode mid his wordum, and sæde --" paet
man näne burh me mihte yö mid feo geceapian, gif hyre aenig
man ceapode.”
2. Baes on pam aefteran geare, Romane sendon Anilius
[Postumius], pone consul, mid Lx M ongean Geoweorêan.
Heora gemittincg was aet Colima paere byrig, and paer waaran 20
Romane oferwunnen: and sippon lytle hwile hi genamon frið
him betweonum, and sippon maest ealle Affrice gecyrdon to
Geoweorpan. AEfter pam, Romane sendon eft Metellus mid
fyrde ongean Geowedröan ; and he sige haefde aet twam cyrrum.
And aet priddan cyrre, he bedraf Geowedröan on Numepian his 2s
agen land, and hine genydde paet he sealde Romanum preo hund
gisla; and he peah sippon na pelaes ne hergode on Romane. pa
sendan hieft Marius, pone consul, ongean Geowedrèan, a swa ly-
tigne, and [äswa braegdenne] swa he was ; and för to anre byrig,
gelicost pam pe he hi abrecan pohte. Ac sona swa Geoweorêa wo
haefde his fultum to paere byrig gelaed ongean Marius, pa forlet
he Marius paet faesten, and for to oprum paer he geahsode paet
Geowedröan gold-hord waes, and genydde pa burh-leode, paet
hi him eodan on hand, and him ageafon ſeall] paet licgende feoh,
paet paer binnan was. pa ne getrywode Geoweoróa his age- as
num folce ofer paet, ac gepoftude [him] wiè Bohān, Mauritania
[cyning], and he him com to mid miclum man-fultume, and
oftraedlice on Romane stalode, oë hi gecwacdan folc-gefeoht
him betweenum. To pam gefeohte, haefde Bohó Geoweorêan
gebroht to fultume Lx M. gehorsedra buton fetan. [Naes na] 40
mid Romanum, àer ne sippan, swa [heard] gefeoht swa paer
was, for pon pe hi wurdon on aelce healfe utan befangen; and
heora eac maest forbon forwearö pe heora [gemitting] was on
sandihtre dune, paet hi for duste me mihtan geseon hiſ hi hi
behealdan sceoldan. To [eacan] pam, hi derode aegper ge 4s
5
i
()
l
5.
B. c. l l l –105] JUGURTH IN E WAR . MARIUS. 107
purst ge hate, [ond] ealne pone daeg waron paet patiende op
niht. pa on mergen, hi waaron paet ilce donde, and eft waron
on aelce healfe utan befangen, swa hi är waron. And pa hi
swièost tweode hwæðer hi aweg coman, pa gecwadan hi paet
5 hisume hi beaftan waredon, and sume puruh ealle pa truman
utan afuhtan, gif hi mihton. Da hi swa gedon haefdom, pa
com an rén and swièe, paet Mauritanie waron mid pam gewer-
gode, forbon be heora scyldas waron betogene mid [elpenda]
hydum, paet hi hedra feawa for pam wetan ahebban [mehton]:
10 and for pam [geflymedej wurdon, forbón be elpendes hyd wyle
drincan wastan gelice and spinge deş. paer wearö Mauritania
ofslagen [Lx M ond an hund] manna. AEfter bam, Bohógenam
frið wiè Romanum, and him Geóweoróan gebundenne ageaf;
and hine man dyde sippan on carcern, and his twegen suma, oë
is hi paer ealle acwäelon.
[Böc V: CAPITUL VIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe ſRome] burh getimbred was vi hund
wintrum and XLII, pa pa [Mallius] and Quintinus waron con-
sulas, Romane gefuhton wiè Cimbros, and wiè Teutonas, and
20 wiè Ambrónos—pas peoda wacron on Gallium—and paer ealle
ofslagene wurdon, buton x mannum, paet was xi, M. And
paer was Romana of slagen hund eahtatig M, and hedra consul,
and his twegen suna. AEfter pam, pa ylcan peoda besaetan
Marius, pone consul, on anum faestene, and hit lang fyrst was
25 aer he ut faran wolde to gefeohte, àer him man saede, paet hi
woldan faran Ön Italiam, Romana land. Ac sióēon, he him
for to, it of pam faestene. pa hi hi on anre dune gemetton,
pa maende paes consules folc to him heora purst, pe him ge-
tenge was, pa andwyrde he him, and cwacö:—“Eače we
30 magon geseon on opre healfe urra feomaa, hwaer se drinca [is]
gelang, pe us nyhst is ; ac, for pam pe hi us near synd, we
[him] me magon buton [gefeohte to cuman].” paer haefdon
[Romane] sige; and paer was Gallia of slagen, twa hund pu-
senda and heora ladteow, and hund eahtatig M gefangen.
35 [Bóc V: CAPITUL IX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred was vi hund win-
trum and XLV, on pam fiftan geare pe Marius was consul, and
eac pa mid [Romanum) was sib of oprum folcum, pa ongunnon
Romane pa maestan säce him betweenon tiparaeran : “peah ic
40 hit nd sceortlice secgan scyle,” cwacö Orosius, “hwā paes ordfru-
man Waeron.” --
2. Paet was aerest Marius, se consul, and Lucius, and Apul-
cius, and [Saturninus], paethi adraefdon Metellus, pome consul,
108 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V: Ch: X & 1–4. [E. c. 101–9].
on elpeode, se was consul ăr Marius. Hit was [pal swièe
of pincende pam oprum consulum, Pompeiuse and Catán, peah
pe hi mid paere wrace pam [adraefdan] on nanum stable
beom me mihtan ; hi peah purhtugon paet hi of slogon Lucius
and [Saturninus], and eft waran biddende paet Metellus to 5
Rome moste; ac him pa gyt Márius and Fürius forwyrndan.
And him på sippan se feondscipe was betweenum wezande,
peah pe hit hi openlice cyöan ne dorstan, for paera sena-
tum ege.
[Bóc V: CAPITUL X.] } 0
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred was vi hund
wintrum and Lxi,-on pam vi geare pe Iulius se Casere was
consul, and Lucius Martius, wearö, ofter ealle Italia, unge-
färlic unsib, and openlice cuš betuh Iuliuse and [Pompeiuse];
peah hi hit #r swièe him betweenum dyrndon. And eac, on 15
pam geare, gewurdon manige wundor on manegum landum.—
A n was, paet man geseah swylcean fyren hrincg morpan cumen
mid mycolum swege.—Oper wearö on Tarentam paere byrig aet
anre feorme, ponne man pa hlāfas wrat to picgenne, ponne arn
paer blód ut.—paet pridde was, paet hit hagolade [seofon niht] zo
daeges and nihtes of realle Romane;—and, on Somnia pam
lande, seo eorpe tobaerst, and panon tip was byrnende fyr wiè
paes heófones, and man geseah, swylce hit ware, an gylden
hrincg 6n heofonum, braddre ponne sunne, and was fram pam
heofone bradiende nišer oë pa eorpan, and was eft farende wič as
paes heofones.
2. On paere tide, Pincende paet folc,and Uestine, and Marse,
and Peligni, and Marrucine, and Somnite, and Lucani, hi ealle
gewearö him betweenum, paet hi woldan Romanum geswican,
and of slogon [Gaius] Seruius, Romana ealdor-man, se was mid sº
aerendum to him asended. On pam dagum, aweddan pa ny-
tena and pa hundas, pe waran [on] Somnitum.
3. AEfter pam, gefeaht Pompeius, se consul, wiè [eal] pa
folc, and geflymed wearp. And Iulius se Casere, gefeaht wiè
Marse pam folce, and geflymed wearö. And rače paes, Iulius 35
gefeaht wiè Somnitum and wiè Lucanum, and hi geflymde.
AEfter pam, hine man het Casere. pa baed he, paet man pome
triumphan him ongean brohte, pa sende him man ane blace
hacelan ongean, him on bysmor, for triumphan. And eft hi
him sendan ane tunecan [ongean], pape hi togeheton. Paet 40
he ealles buton àringe to Rome ne com.
4. AEfter pam Silla, se consul, Pompeiuses gefera, gefeaht wiè
Esernium pam folce, and hi geflymde. Æfter pam, gefeaht
Pompeius wiè Pincentes pam folce, and hi geflymde, pa
B. c. 91–88] JULIUS CAESAR —-POMPEY: MARIUS—SULLA. 109
brohtan [Romane] pone triumphan ongean Pompeius mid mi-
celre wyröfullnysse, for pam lytlan sige, pe he pa haefde, and
moldon, Iuliuse nanne weoróscipe don, peah he maran daede
gedon haefde, buton ane tunican; and heora gewinn mid pam
* Swièe [ge-iecton]. . After pam, Iulius and Pompeius abraecon
[Asculum] pa burh on Maersum, and paer of slogon ehtatyne
M. AEfter pam, gefeaht Silla, se consul, wiè Somnitum, and
heora of sloh xviii M.
[Bóc V: CAPITUL XI.]
" 1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred waes vi hund
wintrum and LXII, paet Romane sendon Sillan, pone consul,
ongean Metridatis, Partha [cyning]. pa of puhte paet Mariuse,
pam consule, Iuliuses eame, paet man paet gewinn him betae-
cean molde, and baed paet man him sealde pone seofoëan con-
” sulatum, and eac paet gewinn; for pon hit was peaw mid heam,
paet man ymbe XII monaö dyde aelces consules setl anum pyle
hyrre, ponne hit #r was. Ba Silla geahsode, on hwylc gerad
Marius com to Rome, he pa hrædlice mid eallre his fyrde wič
Romeweard farende was, and Marius bedraf into Rome byrig
* mid eallum his folce; and hine syppon pa burh-leode gefengon
and gebundon, and hine sippon pohton Sillan [agifan]. Ac he
fleah paere ilcan niht of pam bendum, pehine man on daege
gebende; and sippon fleah sub of ºr sæ on Affricam, paer his
fultum, maest was ; and raše eft was cyrrende wič Rome-
** weard. Him waron twegen consulas on fultume, Cinna and
Sertorius, pa waron simble aelces yfeles ordfruman.
2. And raše paes pe pa senatus gehyrdon paet Marius to
Rome nealaehte, hi ealle ut flugon on Greaca land aefter Sillan
and aefter Pompeiuse, pyder hi pa mid fyrde getarene waron.
* pa was [Silla] mid mycelre geornfulnesse farende of Grecum
wiè Romeweard, and wiè Marius heardlice gefeoht puruhteah,
and hime geflymde, and ealle of sloh binnon Rome byrig, pe
[Mariuse] on fultume waron. Raše paes, ealle pa consulas
waran deade buton twam. Marius and Silla geforan him
* sylf; and Cinna was ofslagen on Smyrna Asia byrig; and
Sertórius was ofslagen on Ispania.
3. Da underfeng Pompeius Partha gewin, forbón Metreda-
tis, heora cyning, teah him to palaessan Asiam, and eall Creaca
land; ac hine Pompeius of eallum pam lande aflymde, and
“hine bedraf on Armenia, and him aefter fylgende was oë hine
oöre men of slogon, and genydde Archalāus pone lateow, paet
he was his underpeow.—“Hit is nü ungelyfedlic to secgenne,”
cwaeó Orosius, “hwaet on pam gewinne forwearö, paethi waron
dreogende xl wintra, aer hit ge-endod beon mihte, aegberge on
| 10 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V: Ch. XII $ 1–4. [B. c. 88—55
peoda forhergunge, ge on cyninga slihtum, gé Ön hungre.”
4. pa Pompeius hamweard was, pa noldan [him pa lond-
leode] paet faesten [äliefan] aet Hierusalem. Him waron on
fultume xxii cyninga. pa het Pompeius paet man paet faesten
braece, and onfuhte daeges and nihtes, simble [anleg] aefter 5
oöre unwerige, and paet folc mid pam abrytan, paet hi him on
hand eodan ymbe pry monéas pass pe hi man àer [ongon].
aer was Iudea of slagen XIII M, and man towearp pome weal
niöer oë pome grund; and man laedde Aristopolus to Rome
gebundenne : se was aegöerge heora cyning ge heora bisceop. 10
[Bóc V: CAPITUL XII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Röme burh getimbred was vi hund win-
trum and Lxvii, Romane gesealdon Caiuse [Iuliuse] seofon
legion, topón paet he sceolde fif winter winnan on Gallie.
2. AEfter pam pe he hi of rwunnen haefde, he for on Bryt- is
tonie paet igland, and wiè pa Bryttas gefeaht, and geflymed
wearö on pam lande, pe man haet Centland. Raše paes, he
gefeaht wiè pa Bryttas eft on Centlande, and hi wurdon afly-
mede. Heora pridde gefeoht was neah paere ea pe man haet
Temese, meah pam forda, pe man haet Welinga ford. AEfter 20
pam gefeohte, him eode on hand se cyning and [pal burhware,
pe waron on Cyrnceastre, and sièëon ealle pe on pam iglande
W321°OI).
3. AEfter pam, Iulius for to Röme, and baed paet him man
brohte pone triumphan ongean. pa bebudon hi him, paet he as
cóme mid feawum mannum to Rome, and ealne his fultum
beaftan him lete. Ac, pa he hamweard for, him coman on-
gean pa pry ealdor-memn, pe him on fultume waron, and him
saedom paet hi for his pingum adraefde waron; and eac paet
ealle pa legian, pe on [Romana] onwealde waron, waron Pom-so
peiuse on fultume [gesealde, paet he be faestlicre gewin mihte
habban wiè hine. Ba wende eft Iulius to his agenum folce;
and wepende, maende pa unăre pe man him buton gewyrhton
dyde, and swièost para manna pe for his pingum forwurdon.
And he him aspeon to sippan pa seofon legian pe waron on 35
Silömöne pam lande.
4. pa Pompeius, and Cato, and ealle pa senatus paet gehyr-
don, pa foran hi on Greacas, and micelne fultum gegaderodan
on Thraci paere dune. pa for Iulius to Rome, and tobraec
heora madm-hiis, and eall gedaelde [his firde] paet paer inne was. 40
“paet is unalyfedlic to secganne,” cwacö Orosius, “hwaet paes
ealles was.” AEfter pam, he for to [Massiliam] paet land, and
paer let preo legian beaftan him, topón paethi paet folc to him
genyddon; and he sylf, mid pam oërum daele, for on Ispanie,
B. c. 55— ‘8] JULIUS CAES AR–POMPEY. 1 | 1
paer [Pompeiuses] legian waron mid his prim latteowum ; and
he hi ealle to him genydde. Æfter pam, he for on Creaca
land, paer his Pompeius, on anre dune, onbād mid [xxx-gum
cyningum), buton his agenum fultume. Ba for Pompeius
* paer Marcellus was, Iuliuses latteow, and hime ofsloh mid
eallum his folce. AEfter pam, Iulius besaet Tarquatus, Pom-
peiuses latteow, on ànum faestene, and him Pompeius aefter för.
paer wearö Iulius gefly med, and his folces feala forslagen, forbam
pe him man feaht on, [on] twa healfa : on opre healfe Pom-
"peius, Ón obre healfe se ladteow. Siôāan för Iulius on The-
saliam, and paer [eft] his fultum gegaderade.
5. pa Pompeius pact gehyrde, pa for he him aefter mid
ungemaetlicum fultume. He haefde [eahta ond] hund eahtatig
[cóortăna], paet we nü truman hataë, paet was, on pam dagum,
* [fif] hund manna, and an M. pis eall he haefde buton his
agenum fultume [ond] butan Catone his geferan, and buton
para senatuses. And Iulius haefde hund eahtatig coortana.
Heora aegôer haefde his folc on prim heapum, and hi sylfe
waron on pam midmestan, and pa oëre on twa healfa hedra.
* pa Iulius haefde aenne paera daela geflymed, pa clypode Pom-
peius him to ymbe Romane ealde gecwydraedene, peah pe[he] hi
sylf gelaestan ne pohte: “ Gefera, gefera, gemyne paet puure
[gecwedraedenne ond geferraedenne to longe me oferbrec).”
pa andwearde he him, and cwacö: “On [sumre] tide, pu ware
* min gefera; and, for pam pe pu nu me eart, me is eal leofost
paet pe is lašost.” paet was seo gecwydraeden, pe Romane
geset haefdom, paet heora nán oëerne on pone andwlitan me
sloge, paer paer hi aet gefeohtum gemetton.
6. AEfter pam wordum, Pompeius wearö geflymed mid
"eallum his folce; and he sylf sippan oëfleah Ön Asiam mid his
wife, and mid his bearnum; and syööon he for on Egyptum,
and [him] fultumes baed aet Pholomeuse pam cyninge. And
raēe paes pe he to him com, he him het paet heafud of [aceor-
fan], and hit syööon het Iuliuse [onsendan], and his hring mid-
* Ac, pa man hit to him brohte, he was maenende pa daede mid
miclum wope, forbon he was ealra manna mildheortast on pam
dagum. AEfter pam, Pholomeus gelaedde fyrde wiè Iuliuse,
and eall his folc wearö geflymed, and he sylf gefangen ; and
ealle pa men Iulius het ofslean, pe aet paere lare waran paet
“man Pompeius ofsloh; and he swa peah eft forlet Ptholomeus
to his rice. AEfter pam, Iulius gefeaht wiè Ptholomeus priva,
and aet aelcon cyrre sige haefde. -
7. Æfter pam gefeohte, ealle Egypti wurdon Iuliuse under-
peowas, and he him syppon hwearf to Rome, and eft sette
“senatus; and hine sylfne man gesette paet he was [hierral
1 l 2 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V: CH. XIII $ 1, 2. [b. c. 55–44
ponne consul, paet hi hetan tictator. After pam, he for on
Affrice aefter Catóne pam consule. pa he paet geahsode, pa
laerde he his sunu paet he him ongean fore, and hine him to
friðe gesohte:—“Forpon”—cwaë he—“pe ic wat, paet nån
swa god man ne leofaş, swa he is, on pisson life, peah pe he 5
me sy se lašosta; and for pon eac ic ne maeg findan aet me
sylfum, paet ic hine aefre geseo.” AEfter pam [wordum] he
eode to paere burge weallum, and fleah it of r, paet he eall
tobaerst. Ac, pa Iulius to paere byrig com, he him was swyðe
[waniende] paet he to him cucon ne com, and paet he swylcon 10
deabe swealt.
8. AEfter pam, Iulius gefeaht wiè Pompeiuses genefon, and
wiè manige his magas, and he hi ealle of sloh, and sippon to
Rome for; and pāºr was swa andrysne, paet him man dyde
feower sipon pone triumphan pa [he] ham com. Sippon he
for on Ispanie, and gefeaht wiè Pompeiuses twam sunum ; and 15
pær was his folc swa swièe forslagen, paet he, sume hwile,
wende paet man hine gefön sceolde; and he for paere ondráčd-
inge paes pe swièor on paet werod prang, forbón pe him was
leofre paet hime man of sloge, pomne hine man gebünde.
9. AEfter pam, he com to Rome, and ealle pagesetnyssa pe 20
pær to strange waron and to hearde, he hi ealle gedyde
leohtran and lièran. Hit pa eallum pam sematum of pincendum,
and pam consulum, paet he heora ealdan gesetmyssa tobrecan
wolde, ahleopon på ealle and hine mid heora met-seaxum
ofsticedon [inne] on heora gemot-erne. para wunda was [xxIII.] 25
[Bóc V: CAPITUI, XIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Romana burh getimbred waes vii hund
wintrum and [x], feng Octauianus to Romana anwealde, heora
unpances, aefter Iuliuses slege, his maeges, forbón pe hine 30
haefde Iulius him £r mid gewritum gefaestnod, paet he aefter
him to eallum his gestreonum fenge; forbón pe he hine for
maegraedene gelaerde and getyde. And he syppon [v] gefeoht wel
cynelice gefeaht and purhteah, swa swa Iulius his maeg dyde
àer:—án wiè Pompeius, Loðer wiè Antonius, pone consul, sº
pridde wič Cassus, [ond wiè Brutus], feorêe wiè Lepièus,
peah pe he raše pæs his freond wyrde; and he eac gedyde
paet Antonius his freond wearó, paet he his dohtor sealde
Octauiane to wife, and efic paet Octauianus sealde his sweostor
Antoniãse. - 40
2. Sippon him geteah Antonius to gewealdum ealle Asiam.
AEfter pam, he forlet Octauianuses sweostor, and him sylfum
onbead gewinn and [openne] feondscipe. And he him het to
wife gefeccean Cleopatran, pacwene, pa haefde Iulius ær, and
B. c. 44–49] VICTORY OF AUG.—DEATH OF ANTONY ANI) CLEOP. i 13
hire forbam haefde geseald eall Egypta. Raše paes, Octauianus
gelaedde fyrde wič Antonius; and hine raše geflymde paes pe
hi togaedere coman. paes ymbe preo niht, hi gefuhton ut on
sæ. Octauianus haefde xxx scipa, and co para micelra pryre-
5 örena, on pam waron farende eahta legian. And Antonius
haefde hund eahtatig scipa, on pam waran farende x legian ;
for pon swa micle swa he lacs haefde, swa micle hi waaron be-
teran and maran; forbon hi waaron swa geworht, paethi man
me mihte mid mannum of erhlässtan, paet hi [naeren] tyn fota
to heage bufan wastere. paet gefeoht wearö swièe maere; peah pe
Octauianus sige haefde, pār [Antoniuses] folces was ofslagen
XII M, and Cleopatra, his cwen, wearö gefly med, swa hi togae-
dere coman, mid hire here. AEfter pam, Octauianus gefeaht
wiè Antonius, and wiè Cleopatran, and hi geflymde. paet
15 was on paere tide [Calendas] Agustus, and on pam daege pe
we hataš hlaf-maessan. Sippon was Octauianus Agustus ha-
ten, forbon pe he, on paere tide, sige haefde. -
3. AEfter pam, Antonius and [Cleopatra] haefdon gegaderad
scip-here on pam Readan såe; ac, pa him man saede paet Oc-
20 tauianus pyder[-weard] was, pa gecyrde eall paet folc to Oc-
tauianuse, and hi sylfe oëflugon to anum [tune] lytle werode.
Heo pa Cleopatra het adelfan hyre byrigenne, and paer on
innan eode, ſpa hed paer on gelegen was, pa het heo miman
[ipnalis] pa naedran, and don to hire earme, paet heo hi abite,
25 [forbon pe hiere puhte paet hit on paem lime unsarast ware],
for pon pe paere maedran gecynd is paet aelc uht paes pe heo abit,
sceal his lif on slaepe ge-endian. And heo [paet] for pam dyde
[pe) heo molde paet hi man drife beforan pam triumphan wiè
Romeweard. pa Antonius geseah paet hed hi to dease gy-
30 rede, pa of sticode he hine [selfne], and bebead paet hine man
on pailcan byrgenne to hire swa [somcucre alegdel. pa Oc-
tauianus pyder com, pa het he niman oëres cynnes madran,
Uissillus is haten, seo maegateon aelces cynnes attor üt of men,
hi gif man tidlice to [bringöl, acheo was forðfaren är he pyder
as come. Sippon Octauianus begeat Alexandriam Egypta heafod-
burh, and mid hire gestreone he gewelgode Rome burh [swaj
swièe, paet man aelcne ceap mihte be twam fealdum bet [geceap-
ian], ponne man àer mihte.
[Bóc V: CAPITUL XIV.]
40 1. AEfter pam pe [Rome] burh getimbred was viſ hund
wintrum and fif and xxx, gewearö paet Octauianus Ceasar, on
his fiftan consolato, betynde Ianes duru; and gewearö paet he
haefde anweald ealles middangeardes, pa was sweotole getac-
mod, pa he cniht was, and hine man wiè Romeweard laedde
15
114 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book V: CH. XV $ 1–4. [b. c. 27—A. p. 1.
aefter Iuliuses slege. py ilcan daege, pe hine man to consule
sette, [gewearöl paet man geseah ymbe pa sunnan swylce an
gylden hring; and, binman Rome byrig, wedll an wylle ele
ſealne] daeg. On pam hringe was getacnod, paet on his da-
gum sceolde wedrpan geborem se, [se] pe leohtra is and sci- 5
nendra ponne seo sumne pa ware; and se ele getaenode milt-
sunge eallum man-cynne. Swa he eac maenig tacen sylf gedyde,
pe eft gewurdon, peah he hi unwitende dyde 6m Godes bysene.
2. Sum was aerest,-paet he bebead ofar ealne middangeard,
paet aelc maegô ymbe geares ryne togaedere come, paet aelc man to
py gearor wiste [hwaer he gesibbe haefde]... paet tacnode,-
paet, on his dagum, sceolde bedn geboren se, [se] pe us ealle
to anum maeg-gemote gelaöop, paet bip on pam towerdan life.
3. Oper was, paet he bebead, paet eall man-cyn ane sibbe
haefdom, and an gåfol guldon. paet tacnode,-paet we ealle is
[sculon aenne geleafan habban], and aenne willan godra wedrca.
4. pridde was, paet he bebead, paet aelc parape on aelpeo-
dignysse ware, come to his agenum gearde, and to his faeder
éple, ge peowe, ge frige; and se pe paet nolde, he bebead paet
man på ealle of sloge, para waron VI M, pa hi gegaderadze
waron. paet tacnode,-paet us eallum is beboden, paet we
sceolon cuman of pisse worulde to ures faeder éple, paet is to
[heofon-rice]; and se pe paet mele, he wyrö aworpen and of-
slagen.
[Bóc V: CAPITUL XV.] 25.
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was v11 hund wint-
rum and xxxvi, wurdon sume Ispaniae leoda Agustuse wičer-
winman. º ondyde he éft Ianes duru, and wiè hi fyrde laedde,
and higeflymde, and hi syphon on anum faestene besæt, paethi
sippon hi sylfe sume of slogon, sume mid attre acwealdan,— so
[sume hungre àcwaelan].
2. After pam, maenige peode wunnon wiè Agustus, aegber
ge Ilirice, ge Pannonii, ge. Sermenne, ge maenige oëre peoda.
Agustuses latteowas manega micle gefeoht wiè him purhtugon,
buton Agustuse sylfum, àer hi ſhiel of reuman mihtan. 35.
3. AEfter pam, Agustus sende Quintillus, pone consul, on
Germanie mid prim legian ; ac hedra wearö aelc of slagen, bu-
ton pam consule anum. For paere daede, wearö Agustus swa
sarig, paet he oft unwitende sloh mid his heafde on pone wah,
ponne he on his setle sét; and pone consul he het ofslean. 40
AEfter pam, Germanie gesohton Agustus ungenydde him to
fripe; and he him forgeaf pone niö, pe he to him wiste.
4. AEfter pam, eall peos woruld geceas Agustuses frið and
his sibbe; and eallum mannum manuht swa god me puhte, swa
B. c. 2182—A. D. 14.] THE FOUR CHIEF EMPIRES. 115
hi to his [hyldo] becoman, and paet hi his underpeowas wur-
don. Ne forêon paet aenigum folce his [agenuſ àe gelicode to
healdenne, buton on pa wisan pe him Agustus bebead. pa
wurdon Iánes duru eft betyned, and his loca rustige, swa hi
5 maefre àr naron. On pam ilcan geare pe pis eall gewearö, paet
wäes on pam twam and feowertigban wintre Agustuses [rices],
pa wearö se geboren, se pe pa sibbe brohte ealre worulde; paet
is, ure Drihten Haelende Crist.
5. “Nu ic haebbe gesaed,” cwacö Orosius, “fram frympe
10 pisses middangeardes, hiſ eall man-cyn ongeald paes aerestan
mannes symma mid miclum teonum, Fond witum]. Nu ic wylle
eác foró gesecgan, hwylc miltsung, and hwylc gepwarness
sippon was, sippon se Cristendöm was, gelicost pam pe
manna hedrtan awende [wurden], forbon pe pa aerran ping
is ágoldene waron.”—Her endaš seo v böc and onginé seo vi.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL I.]
1. “Nu ic [wille,” cwacă Orosius], on foreweardre [pisse] vi
béc, “gereccean, paet hit peah Godes bebod was, peah hit strang
waere, hu emlice pa feower anvealdas para feower heafod-rica
20 pisses middangeardes gestodon.”
2. paet aereste was on Asirium, on pam eastemaestan an-
wealde, on Babylonia paere byrig; seo gestod tuwa seofon hund
wintra on hire anwealde, aer heó gefeolle,_fram Nindse, heora
àrestan cyninge, op [Sardanopolim], heora mehstan,—paet is
25 [III] hund wintra and an M.
3. pa Cirus benam Babylonia hire anwealdes, pa ongan
aerest Romana weaxan.—Eäc, on pam dagum, was past norðe-
meste micliende on Maecedoniam, paet gestod lytle [leng]
ponne vii hund wintra, fram heora aerestan cyninge Canone,
so [op] Perseus, heora aeftemestan.
4. Swa eac on Affricum, on pam subemestan, Cartaina seo
burh, heo gefeoll eac ſymb| VII hund wintra, and ymbe lytelne
fyrst,-paes pe ſhiel aerest Dipase wifman getimbrede, oë hiéft
Scipia towearp se consul.
as 5. Swa eac Romana, se is maest and westemeste, ymbe VII
hund wintra, and ymb lytelne eacan, com mycel fyr-cyn, and
mycel bryne on Rome burh, paet paer binnan [forburnon] xv
tunas, swa mán man [myste] hwānon paet fyr com; and paer
forwearö maest eall paet pår binman was, paet pår uneabe aenig
40 [grot] staðoles oëstod. Mid pam bryne, heo was swa swièe
forhymed, paet hed [naefre] sippon Swilc naes, aer hi Agustus éft
116 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: CH. II $ 1. [A. D. 1–14
swa micle bet getimbrede, ponne heo [æfre] ºr ware, by geare
pe Crist geboren was, swa paet sume men cwacdan, paet heo
ware mid gim-stanum gefractewod, pone fultum and paet
weorc Agustus gebohte mid fela M talentana.
6. Hit was eac Sweotole gesyne, paet hit was Godes stihtung 5
ymbe para rica onwealdas, papa Abraháme was gehaten Cris-
tes cyme, on pam twam and on feowertigan wintra paes pe
Ninus ricsode on Babylonia. Swa eac eft on pam sipemestan
anwealde and on pam westemestan, paet is Rome, wearð se ilca
geboren, pe àer Abrahame gehaten was, on pam twam and
feowertigepan geare paes pe Agustus ricsode ; paet was sippon
Rome burh getimbred was viſ hund wintra and twa and fiftig.
7. Sippon gestod Rome burh twelf winter, mid miclum
welum, pa hwile pe Agustus [pal eaëmeto wiè God geheold, pe
he ongunnen haefde: paet was, paet he fleah and forbead paet
hine man god hete, swa mán cyning molde, pe àr him was, ac
woldon paet man to him tobaede, and him ofrede. Ac paes on
pam twelftan geare, Gaius, his genefa, for [of] Egyptum on
Syriae, hit haefde Agustus him to anvealde geseald,—pa molde
he him gebiddan to pam aelmihtigum Gode, [pal he to Hieru-
salem com. pa hit man [Agustuse] saede, pahérede he pa of r-
metto, and manuht ne lehtrade. Rape paes, Romane onguldon
paes wordes mid swa miclum hungre, paet Agustus adraf of
Rome byrig healfe pe paer binnan waran. Da wearp eft Ianes
duru undon, for pon pe pa latteawas waron Agustuse of mane- as
gum landum ungerāde, peah paer nan gefoht puruhtogen ne
wurde. -
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL II.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was vii hund win-
trum and LXVII, feng Tiberius to rice se Cesar, aefter Agustuse. so
He was Romanum swa forgyfen and swa milde, swa him nan
anwealda maes Äer pam, op Pilatus him onbead fram Hierusalem
ymbe Cristes tacnunga, and ymbe his martrunga, and eac paet
hine maenige for god haefdon. Ac pa he hit saede pam sena-
tum, pa wurdon hi ealle wič hine swyðe wièerwearde, forbón as
pe hit man ne saede [him] aeror, swa hit mid him gewuna was,
paet hi hit syööon mihton eallum Romanum [cypan]; and
cwacdon paet hi hime for god habban noldon. pa wearö Ti-
berius Romanum swa wrač and swa heard, swa he him aer was
milde [ond iepel, paet he formeah maenne paera senatussa ne let 40
[cucne], me para twa and twentigra manna, pe he him to ful-
fume haefde acoren, paet [hiſ] his rād-peahteras waron, pa man
het patricius. Ealle ba he het ofslean, buton twam ; ge, his
agene twegen suna. Hü God papa maestan of rmetto gewraec
I
0
§
l
2
0
A. D. 14–37] ROMAN EMPERORS–TIBERIUS : CALIGULA. 117
on pam folce, and hū swièe hi his onguldon fram heora agenum
Casere ! peah hit eallum pam folce on oërum landum swa
swièe gewrecen né wurde, swa hit oft £r was.
2. On pam XII geare Tiberiuses rices, wearö eft Godes wracu
5 Romanum, pa hi aet heora theatrum waron mid heora ple-
gon, pa hit eall tofeoll, and hedra of sloh xx M. “Wyróigre
wrace hi forwurdon pa.” cwacö Orosius, “paet pahedra synna
sceoldon hrywsian, and daed-bóte don, swièor ponne heora
plegan begān, swa hedra gewuna was āśr pam Cristendome.”
10 3. On pam eahtateopan geare his rices, pa Crist was onhān-
gen, wearö mycel peosternys of realne middangeard, and swa
mycel eorö-beofung, paet cludas feollan of muntum; and paet
paera wundra maest was, pa se mona ful was, and paere sunnan
fyrrest, paet heó pa apystrade. Æfter pam [Romane] acweal
15 don Tiberius mid attre. He haefde rice xxIII wintra.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL III.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was vii hund wint-
rum and Lxxxx, wearö Gaius Gallica Casere IIII gear. He
waes swièe gefylled mid unpeãwum, and mid firen-lustum, and
20 eall he was swylce [Romane] pā wyröe waron, forbón pe hi
Cristes bebod hyspton, and hit forsawan. Ac he hit on him
swa swièe wraec, and hi him swa laše waron, paet he oft
wiscte, paet ealle Romane haefdom aenne sweorom, paet he hime
rapost forceorfan mihte; and mid ungemete maenende was,
2s paet paer på naes swilc sacu Swilc paer oft aer was ; and he
sylf for oft on oëre land, and wolde gewin findan ; ac he ne
mihte, buton sibbe.
2. “Ungelice waronpa tida,” cwacö Orosius, “sippon Crist
geboren was, sippon man ne mihte unsibbe findan; and, ær
30 pam, [hie] man ne mihte mid nanum pingum forbugan.”
3. On pam dagum, cóm eac Godes wracu of r Iudam, paet
hi aegôer haefdon ungepwarnesse, ge betweenum him sylfum,
ge to eallum folcum ; swa peah heó was swipost on Alexand-
ria paere byrig, and hi Gaius het ut adrifan. pa sendon hy
as Filionem, heora pome gelaeredestan man, topón, paet he him
sceolde Gaiuses miltse [ge-aerendian]. Ac he ſhiel for paere
gewilnunge swyðe bysmorade, and bebead paethi man on aelce
healfe hynde paer man ponne mihte, and bebead paet man
afylde diofol-gylda pa cyricean aet Hierusalem,-paet man his
40 agen dioful-gyld paer to middes asette, paet was his agen an-
licnes. And Pilatus he haefde on preatunga, op he hine sylfne
ofstang.—He gedemde urne Drihten to deabe.
4. Raše paes, Romane of slogon Gaius [slapendme]. 9a
I 18 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. IV, $ 1–4. [A. D. 37–42
funde man on his [maëm-huse] twa cysta, pa waron attres
fulle; and on opre was ān gewrit, pár waron on awritene
ealra paera [ricestena] manna [noman], pe he acwellan pohte,
paet he hi ; laes forgeate. pageåt man paet attor it on pome
sæ, and raše paes pār com tip mycel wal daedra fisca. AEgöer 5
was swièe gesyne, [ge] Godes wracu, paet he paet folc costian
let, ge eft his [miltsung], pa he hi fordon né lét, swa hit Gaius
gepoht haefde.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL IV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was vii hund wintra 10
and xcv, pafeng Tiberius Claudius to Romana anwealde. On
pam aerestan geare his rices, Petrus, se apostolus, com to Ro-
me, and paer wurdon aerest Cristene men purh his lare. pa
woldon Romane of slean Claudius, for Gaiuses pingum his
maeges, paes aerran Caseres, and ealle pape paere maegbe waron. Is
Ac, mid pon pe hi paes Cristendômes onfengon, hi waron swa
gepwére and swagesibsume, paethi ealle forgeafon pam Casere
pa fashpe pe his maeg haefde wip hi [aer] geworht; and he for-
geaf him eallum ſpact] unriht and paet facen, paet hi him don
pohton. º -
2. On paere tide, gewearö eac oper tacen, on Romana an-
wealde, sippon him se Cristendom to com, paet was, paet Dalma-
tiae woldon gesyllan Scribanianuse pam latteowe heora cynerice,
and sippon wiè Romane winnan. Ac, pa hi gesomnad waron,
and hime to cyninge don woldon, pa ne mihtan hi pa guðfanan 25
upahebban, swa hedra peaw was, ponne [hie] anvealdas
setton; ac wurdon him sylfum wièerwearde, paet hi hit a fre
ongunnon, and Scribanianus ofslogon.—“AEtsace nu,” cwaeč
Orosius, “se pe wylle, oëöe se pe durre, pact paet angin naere
gestilled for paes Cristendomes [gode], and gesecge hwar [aenig) so
gewin £r pam Cristendome swa gehwurfe, gif hit ongunnen
Wáre.”
3. Oper wundor gewearö eac py feorpan geare Claudiuses
rices, paet he sylf for aefter gewinne, and nan findan ne mihte.
On pam geare was mycel hungor on Siria, and on Palestina, sº
buton paet Elena, Ætiubéna cwen, sealde pam munucum corn
genoh, pe waron aet Hierusalem, forbón pe hed pā was niwlice
Cristen.
4. On pam fiftan geare Claudiuses rices, wearö 6pywed an
igland betuh Therām and Theräsiam, [v] mila brad, and fif 40
mila lang.—On pam [seofeban] geare his rices, wearö swa
mycel ungepwarnes on Hierusalem, betuh pam pe pår Cris-
tene maeran, paet paer waron xxx M of slagen, and aet pam
geate oftreden; swa nán man myste hwānon Seo wroht cöm.—
20
a. d. 42–69] ROMAN EMPERORS–CLAUD. : NERO : GALBA : VESPAS.: 119
On pam migepon geare his rices, wearö mycel hungor on Rome,
and Claudius het it adrifan ealle pa Iudeas, pe paer binnon
waeron. Æfter pam, [Romane] witon Claudiuse pone hungor,
pe him getencge was ; and he wearö him swa gram, paet he
5 hét ofslean paera senatorum xxxv, and paera oëra preo hund,
pe pår yldeste waron. AEfter pam, [Romane] hine acweal-
don mid attre.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL V.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was vii.I hund
10 wintra and Ix, feng Nero to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde
XIIII gear. And he haefde gyt ma unpeãwa ponne his eam
haefde àer Gaius. To-eåcon pam maenigfealdum bismrum pe
he donde was, he het aet sumon cyrre onbaernan Rome [burg],
and bebead his agenum mannum paet hi simble gegripon paes
15 licgendan feos, swa hi maest mihtan, and to him brohton,
ponne hit man it oëbrude. And gestod him sylf on pam
hyhstan torre, pe paer binnan was, and ongan wyrcean sceop-
leop be pam bryne, se was v1 dagas byrnende and VII niht.
Ac he wraec his ungewealdes, aerest on paere byrig hedra mis-
20 daeda—and sippon on him sylfum, pa he hine of stang—paethi
Petrus and Paulus gemartredan. He was manna aerest ehtend
Cristenra manna. AEfter his fylle wearö para Casara maegö
oöfeallen.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL VI.]
as 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was viii hund wint-
rum and xxiiII, feng Galfa to Romana anwealde. Paes on pam
vil monée, hine of sloh Othon àn man, and him to pam an-
wealde feng.
2. Sona swa Romane aerest Cristenra manna ehton, swa
so [hit] Nero 6nstealde, swa wurdon ealle pa folc hedra wièer-
winnan, pe be eastan Siria waron; ge, eachi sylfe him be-
tweonum haefdom ungeraednesse. Uitellus, Germana cyning,
gefeaht priva wiè Othon, and hine of sloh on pam priddan
monpe paes pe hi winnan ongunnon.
35 [Bóc VI: CAPITUL VII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was Dccc wintra
and xxv, feng Uespassianus to Romana anwealde. Ba wearö
eft sib of realne Romana anweald. And he bead Titãse, his
suna, paet he towearp paet tempel on Hierusalem, and eallepa
40 burh–ſforbón] pe God molde, paethi pone [Cristendôm leng]
myrdon—and forbead paet man našer eft ne timbrede. And he
fordyde para Iudea endlufon sipon [hund] M,-sume he of
120 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. VIII, IX, X. [A. D. 69–96
sloh, sume on oëer land gesealde,-sume he mid hungre ac-
wealde. Æfter pam, man dyde him twam pone triumphan,
Uespassiane and Tituse. Seo ànsin wearö mycel wundor Ro-
manum, forbon pe hi är me gesawan twegen men aet somne
paer on sittan. Hy betyndon Ianes duru. AEfter pam, Ues- 5
passianus gefor on titsihte, on pam IX geare his rices, on anum
tune buton Rome.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL VIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was vin hund win-
tra and xxix, feng Titus to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde 10
twa gear. He was swa godes willan, paet he saede, paet he
forlure pone daeg, pe he noht on to gode ne gedyde. He geför
eåc on pam ilcan tune pe his faeder dyde, and on paere ilcan
adle.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL IX.] 15
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes vin hund win-
tra and xxx, feng Domicianus to Romana anwealde, Tituses
bropor, and hit haefde xv gear. He wearö eft ehtend Cristenra
manna; and was on swa micle ofermetto astigen, paet he bead
aet man on gelice to him onbugan sceolde swa to gode. 20
And he bebead paet man IoHANNES, pone apostol, gebrohte on
[Bothmose] pam iglande, on wraec-sipe fram oërum Cristenum
mannum. And [he] bebead paet man acwealde eall Dauides
cyn, to pón, gif Crist pagit geboren naere, paet he sippon nä
geboren ne wurde; forbón witegan saedon, paet [he of paem] 25
cynne cuman sceolde. Æfter pam bebode, he wearð sylf un-
wyrölice of slagen.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL X.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was Dcco wintra
and xlvi, pa feng Nerfa to Romana anwealde; and, for pam peso
he eald was, he geceas him to fultume Traianus pone man.
pagespaecom hi him betweonum, paet hi woldon [onwendan]
ealle pagesetnessa, and ealle pagebodu, pe. Domicianus haefde
àer geset, forbon pe he him was ār bam lač; and heton eft
IoHANNEs gebringan aet his mynstre on Effesum, fram pam as
woruld-yrmpum pe he hwile on was.
2. pageför Nerfa; and Traianus haefde pone anweald xix
gear aefter him. And he underpeodde Romanum ealle pa folc
pe him niwlice geswicen haefdon; and [he] bebead his ealdor-
mannum, paethiwaron Cristenra manna ehtend. pa saede him to
hiora àn, Plenius was haten, paet he woh bude, and miclum on
pam syngode. He hit pahrádlice eft forbead. -
3. On paere tide, waron Iudei on miclum geflite and on
A. b. 117–161] ROMAN EMPERORS–HADRIAN: ANTONINUS : AURELIUS. 121
micelre unsibbe wič pa land-leode, paer paer hi ponne waron,
op heora fela M forwurdon on aegbre hand. On paere tide,
Traianus geför on utsihte on Seleutia paere byrig.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XI.]
5 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was Dcco wintra
and LXVII, feng Adrianus to Romana anwealde, Traianuses
genefa, and hine haefde xxi wintra. And raše paes pe him
Cristene bec cupe waron, purh aenne para apostola geongrena,
Quadrātus was haten; he forbead ofºr ealne his anweald, paet
10 man nanum Cristenum men me abulge. And gif aenig Cristen
agylte, paet se ponne ware beforan him [gelaedd], and [heſ
him ponne demde sylf, swa him riht puhte.
2. He wearö pa Romanum swa leof, and swa wedrö, paethi
hine nānuht me heton buton faeder; and, him to weoróscype,
is hi heton his wif Casern. And he het ofslean ealle pa Iudeis-
cean men, pe waron on Palestina, paet man het Iudea land,
forbon pe hi Cristene men pinedon. And he bebead paet man
timbrede on paere stowe Hierusalem pa burh, and paet hi
mon sippon hette be naman Eliám.
20 [Bóc VI: CAPITUL XII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DCCC wintra
and Lxxxviii, feng [Antoninus] to Romana anwealde, pe man
opre naman het Pius. And him sealde Iustimus se Philosophus
àne Cristene b6c for heora freondscipe. Sippon he pageleor-
25 nod haefde, he wearö Cristenum mannum swa leof, and swièe
hold op his lifes ende.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DccCC and III
wintra, feng Marcus [Antoninus] to Romana anwealde, mid
so his breper Aureliuse. Hi waaron pa aerestan men pe Romana
anweald on twa todaeldon, and hi hine haefdon XIIII gear. And
hi bebudon paet man aelcne [Cristenne] man of sloge. AEfter
pam, hi ha-fdon mycel gewin wiè Paröe, forbon pe hi haefdon
awest ealle Capedociam, and Armeniam, and ealle Siriam.
as AEfter pam, hi genamon frið wiè Parthe; and him sippon be-
com on swa mycel hungor, and micel man-cwealm, paet hedra
feawa to lafe wurdon. -
2. AEfter pam, [him becom] on paet Denisce gewin, mid
eallum Germanum. pa on pam daege, pehi feohtan sceoldon,
40 him com an swa mycel haete, and swa mycel purst, paet hi him
heora feores me wendon. pa baedan hi pa Cristenan men, paet
hi hedra on sume wisan gehulpon, and ongeatan pact hit was
16
#22 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. XIV—XVII. [A. p. 177—217
Godes wracu. pa abaedan hi aet pam aelmihtigum Gode, paet
hit swa swièe rinde, paet hi haefdon water genoh on ufon paere
dune; and paet paer [was] swa micel pumor, paet he of sloh feala
M manna gemang ſpasm] gefeohte.
3. Ba aefter pam ealle [Romane] wurdon Cristenum man-s
num swa holde, paet hi on manegum templum awritan, paet
aelc Cristen man haefde frið and sibbe; and eac, paet aelc paera
moste Cristendome onfon, se pe wolde. And Antonius forgeaf
eall paet gafol, paet man to Rome syllan sceolde, and hét for-
baerman paet gewrit pe hit on awriten was, hwaet man on geare to
gyldan sceolde; and paes on pam aeſtran geare he geför.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XIV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DCCCC wintra
and xxx, feng Lucius Antonius to rice, and hit haefde XIII gear.
He was swyðe yfel man ealra peawa, buton paet he was céne, is
and oft feaht anvig. And feala para senatorum he het ofslean,
pe paer betste waran. AEfter pam, an pumor tosloh heora Ca-
pitolium, [paet hus] pe heora godas inne waron, and heora
deoful-gyld; and heora biblipeca warö [onbaerned] fram pam
ligette, and ealle heora ealdan béc [forburnon] paer inne. paer 20
was an swa micel dem geburnen, swa on Alexandria was
paere byrig, on hedra biblipecan, paer forburnon feower hund
M boca.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XV.]
I. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was Dccoc wintra 2:
and XLIII, feng Seuerus to Romana anvealde, and hine haefde
XVII gear. He besaet Piscenius on anum faestenne, oë he him
on hand eode; and he hine sippon het ofslean, forbon he wolde
ricsian on Sirie and on Egypte. Æfter pam, he of sloh Albi-
nus pone man on Gallium, forbon be he eac wolde on hime so
WII]Ila, Il.
2. Sippon he for on Brytannie, and pār oft gefeaht wiè Peoh-
tas, and wiè Sceottas, 3°r he [pal Bryttas mihte wič hi bewe-
rian; and het aenne weall pwyres of er eall paet land asettan
fram sá oë sæ. And raše paes he geför on Eofer-wic ceastre. 35
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XVI.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was Dccco wintra
and LXII, feng his sunu to rice Antonius, and hit [haefdel VII
gear. He haefde twa geswedstor him to wifum. He haefde
folc gegaderad, and wolde winnan wiè Parthe; ac he wearö 40
ofslagen, on [paem faerelte], fram his agenum mannum.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XVII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DCCCC wintra
a. d. 217–244) ROMAN EMPERORS–MAXIMINUS : GORDIANUS : PHILIP. 123
and Lxx, feng Marcus Aurelius to Romana anwealde, and hine
haefde feower gear. Hine of slogon eac his āgene men, and his
modor mid.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XVIII.]
5 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DCCCC wintra
and LXXIIII, feng Aurelius Alexander to Romana anvealde, and
hine haefde xvi gear. And Mammea, his seo gode modor,
sende aefter [Origenise], pam gelaeredestan maesse-preoste, and
heo wearö sippon Cristen fram him, and wel gelaered; and
to gedyde paet hire sunu was Cristenum mannum swype hold.
He gefor mid fyrde on Perse, and ofsloh [Xersan] hedra cyn-
ing. Æfter pam, he forlet his lif on Magestan paere byrig.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XIX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DCCCC wintra
is and [Lxxxvii), feng Maximus to Romana anwealde. He be-
bead eft paet man Cristene men brocude, and paet man pa
gódan Mämmeam gemartrode, and ealle pa preostas pe hire
folgedon, buton [Origenis] : he oëfleah on Egypte. And Max-
imus ofsloh his [agen] ealdor-man, on pam priddan geare his
20 rices, on Aquilegia paere byrig.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was DccCC wintra
and xc, feng Gordianus to rice. And hit haefde v1 gear. He
ofsloh pa twegen [gebroëorj, pe àr Maximus ofslogon; and
25 he sylf rape paes gefor.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXI.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was Dcccc wintra
and XCVII, feng Philippus to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde
vil gear. He wearö digellice Cristen, forbon he eawunga me
30 dorste. On pam III geare his rices hit gewearö, swa hit God
gestihtade, paet was ymb am pusend wintra paes pe Rome burh
getimbred was, paet aegôer ge heora Casere wearö Cristen, ge
eåc paethi pa miclan feorme pigedom, Cristes pances, aet paes
Caseres palentsan, pehi är aelce geare pigedon aet hedra deoful-
as gyldum, [deofla ponces; paet was, paet ealle [Romane] woldan
ymb XII monač [bringan] togaedere pome selestan dael hedra
goda gegearod to heora geblote, and heora sippon feala wucena
aetgaedere brucan.—AEfter pam, Decius, an rice man, beswac
pone Casere, and feng him sippont o pam an wealde.
40 [Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
124 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. XXIII–XXV. [A. D. 251–268
IIII, feng Decius to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde III
gear; and sona gedyde sweptol tacn, paet he Philippus àr
besyrede, mid pam paet he hét Cristenra manna ehtan, and
manige gedyde to halgum martyrum. And gesette his sunu
to pam anvealde to him, and rače paes hi wurdon begen aet
Somne of slagen.
[Böc VI: CAPITUL XXIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
VIII, feng Gallus Ostilianus to rice, and hit haefde twa gear.
pa wearö eft Godes wracu on Rome; swa [lange] swa sed "
Lehtnes] was para Cristenra manna, swa lange him [was]
ungemaetlic man-cwealm getenge, paet nån hús naes binnan
paere [byrigl, paet hit naefde paere wrace angolden.
2. AEfter pam, Emelianus ofsloh Gallus, and haefde him pome
[anweald]. paes eac, on pam priddon monpe, hine man of sloh."
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXIV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and x,
pa gesettan [Romane] twegen Caseras: oper was mid Emili-
tum pam folce, Ualerianus was haten; oper was binnan Rome
byrig, Gallienus was haten. pa sceoldon on simbel bedn win-"
mende, paer hit ponne pearf was. pa bebudon hi begen Cris-
tenra manna ehtnysse, ac hraedlice on hi begen becom Godes
wracu. Ualerianus for mid fyrde ongean Saphan, Persa cy-
minge, and pār gefangen was ; and sippon he was Sapán pam
cyninge to pam gesett, oë his lifes ende, paet he sceolde swa ”
oft stupian, swa he to his horse wolde, and he ponne se cyning
haefde his hric him to hlypon.
2. And pam opran, Gallianuse, waron maenige folc on win-
mende, paet he his rice mid micelre [unweorónessel, and mid
micelre uneašnysse gehaefde. Ærest Gearmanie, pe be Donua "
waron, forhergodon Italiam op Referman pa burh ; and Swaefas
forhergodon ealle Galliam ; and Gotan of rhergodon [eall
Crecal land, and pa laessan Asiam ; and Sermenne genyddon
ealle Datie fram Romana anwealde; and Hunas forhergodon
Pannoniam ; and Parthe forhergodon Mesopotamiam, and ealle *
Siriae. To-eacon pam, Romane haefdon gewin betuh him sylf-
um. AEfter pam, Gallienus wearö of slagen on Mediolane
paere byrig, fram his agenum mannum.
[Böc VI: CAPITUL XXV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and “
xxv, feng Claudius to Romana anwealde, py ilcan geare, he
oferwan Gotan, and hi adraf lit of Creacum. And him [Ro-
A. D. 270–282] ROMAN EMPERORS–AUREL. : TACITUS: PROBUS; CARUS. 125
mane] gedydon anne gyldenne scyld paere daede to wearömynte,
and āme [gyldene] anlicnysse, and [ähengon] hi tip on heora
Capitolium. Paes on pam aeſtran geare he geför, and his bropor
Quintillus feng to pam anwealde; and paes on pam xvii daege
she wearö of slagen.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXVI.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred waes M wintra and
XXVII, feng Aurilius to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde v
gear and vi monaö,-and adraf Gotan be morpan Donua, and
it panon for on Syrie, and hi genydde éft to Romana anwealde.
And sippon he for on Gallie, and of sloh Tetricum pone man,
for by [pe] he hi him teah to anvealde. Æfter pam, he be-
bead Cristenra manna ehtnysse, and raše paes was ofslagen.
[Böc VI: CAPITUL XXVII.]
15 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
XXXII, feng Tacitus to Romana anwealde; and paes on pam vi
monpe he wearö of slagen on Ponto lande.—AEfter pam Floriam
feng to pam anWealde, and was ofslagen, on pam priddan
monpe, on Tharsa pam lande.
20 - [Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXVIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
XXXIII, feng [Probus] to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde VI
gear and IIII monpas. And he adyde Hunas of Gallium, and
he of sloh Saturninus, pe aefter [paem] anwealde wan. AEfter
25 pam, he of sloh Proculus, and Bonorum, pa gyrndon eac aefter
pam anwealde. Æfter pam, he wearð sylf of slagen [on] Syr-
mie paere dine.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXIX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
30 XXXIX, feng Carus to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde twa
gear, and gefeaht twywa wiè Parthe, and ge-eode heora burga
twa, pa waron on Tigris stape paere ea. Rape paes, hine of sloh
ān punor, and his sunu Numerianus feng to pam an wealde, and
rape pass hine of sloh his [agen swedr].
35 [Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXX.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
XLI, feng [Dioclitianus] to Romana anwealde, and hine haefde XX
wintra. He gesette under him gingran Casere, Maximus was
haten, and hime sende on Gallie, forbon pe hi [pal niwlice haefdon
40 gewin tipahafen, ac he hi [pa] eapelice ofer.com. On pare
126 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. XXX $ 2, 5. [A. D. 284–303
tide, waron Dioclitiae pry cymingas on winnende:–Caucarius
on Bretlande,-Achileus on Egypta lande,-and Marseus of
Persum. pa gesette he III Caseras under him :-ān was
[Maximianus, -oper [Constantius, – priddal Galerius. Max-
imianus he sende on Affrice, and he oferwan heora wiperwin-3
nan. [Constantius] he sende on Galliae, and he oferwan Ala-
maniae paet folc, and sippon he ge-edde Brittaniam paet igland.—
And he sylf Diaclitianus for on AEgypte, and besaet Achileus
pone cyning viii monpas on Alexandria paere byrig, oë hine pa
burh-leoda him ageafon, and [he] sippon of rhergode ealle 10
AEgypte.—And Galerius he sende on Perse, and gefeaht tweowa
wiè Marseus, pone cyning, paet heora mapor naefde sige. AEt
heora priddan gefeohte, Gallerius wearö gefly med, and mid
micelre fyrhtnesse com to Dioclitiane; ac he his afeng mid
micelre unwyrönesse, and hine hét yrnan on his agenum pur-15
puran feala mila beforam his raedwaene. Æfter pam pe his mod
was mid pam bismre ahwaet, he for eft on Perse, and hi ge-
flymde, and Marseus gefeng, and his wif, and his bearm. pa
onfeng [Dioclitianus Galeriuse] wedröfullice.
2. Dioclicianus and Maximianus bebudon ehtnysse Cristenra 20
manna, LDioclicianus eastene, and Maximianus westene;
and, for pam gebode, wurdon feala martyras on x [wintral
fyrste.
3. Pa gewearö hi him betweenum, paethi woldan pa anweal-
das forlaetan, and pa purpuran alecgan, pe hi weredam, and 25
woldon heora dagas on seftnesse ge-endian ; and paet swage-
lastan. Dioclicianus gesaet on Nicomedia paere [byrig), and
Maximinianus gesæt on Mediolane paere byrig. And letan pa
anwealdas [to Galeriuse] and to [Constantiuse], and hi hime
todaeldon sippon on twa-Galerius [nom] Ilirice, and begeon- 80
don pam pone east-ende, and pone maestan dael pisses middan-
geardes.—And [Constantius] nam ealle Italie, and Affricam, and
Ispanie, and Gallie, and Bryttanie; ac he was hwön gyrnende
pissa woruld-pinga and micelra anwealda, and for pam he forlet
his agenum willan Italiam, and Affricam to Galleriuse. page- 85
sette [Galerius] twegen cyningas under him —Oper was haten
Seuerus, pam he gesealde Italiam, and Affricam ; and [Max-
imianus] he gesette on pa east-land.
4. On pam dagum, [Constantius, se mildesta] man, for on
Bryttanie, and , pár geför; and gesealde his suna paet rice, ſo
Constantinuse, pone he haefde be Elenan his ſciefese].
5. pa wolde Maxentius, [Maximianuses] sunu, habban pome
anweald on Italiam. pa sende Galerius him ongean Seuerus
mid fyrde, pe him se anweald aer geseald was, and he pār be-
swicen wearö fram his agenum mannum, and oſslagen neah is
A. D. 306–330] ROMAN EMPERORS–DIOCL. : MAXIMIAN : CONSTANT. 127
Rafenna paere byrig. pa Maximianus geahsode paet his sunu
feng to pam anvealde, he bahraedlice forlet pa burh, pe he on
geseten was, and pohte his sunu to beswicanne, and [him]sippon
fon to pam anvealde; ac, pa hit se sunu afunde, pa adraefde
* he pome faeder, and he fleah on Galliae, and wolde Constantinus
[beswican], his apum, and habban him paet rice; ac hit on-
funde his dohtor, and hit Constantinuse gesaede, and he hine
geflymde sippon on Masiliam, and he paer of slagen wearö.
6. Pa gesealde Galerius Luciniuse Italiam and Affricam, and
"he het ealle pa Cristenan, pe pår beste waron, [gebringan] on
elpeode. Æfter pam, he wearö on micelre untrumnesse, and
him to gehet manige lacceas, and hyra nán him ne mihte bedn
on nanum gode; ac him saede hyra àn, paet hit ware Godes
wracu. pa hét he paet man pa Cristenan men eft gebrohte on
* hyra earde, aelcme paer he aer was ; swa peah he geför on paere
mettrymnysse, and Lucinius feng to pam anvealde.
7. Æfter pam, wearö gewin betuh Constantinuse and Max-
entiuse; and raše paes Constantinus ofsloh Maxentius binnan
Rome, aet paere [brycg pe) man Moluia haet.—On pam dagum,
* Maximinus bebead Cristenra manna ehtnysse, and raße paes geför
on [Tharsal paere byrig.—On pam dagum, Lucinius bebead paet
nán Cristen man ne come on his hirede, ne on his faerelde; and
rape paes wearögewin betwech him and betweoh Constantinuse,
and oftraedlice [gefeoht], oë Constantinus gefeng Lucinius, and
*hine sippon het beheafdian, and sippon feng to eallum Ro-
mana anwealde.
8. On pam dagum, Arrius, se maesse-preost, wearö on ged-
wolan ymbe pome rihtan [geleafan]. Ymbe pone teonan, was
gegaderod preo hundred bisceopa and ehtatyne, hine to of r-
flitenne, and to amansumianne.
* 9. On pam dagum, Constantinus ofsloh Crispum his sunu,
and Lucinius his sweostor sunu, paet man man myste hyaetse
gylt was buton him anum. AEfter pam, he underpeodde him
sylfum manige peoda pe àer waron [Romanum) ungewylde;
and het atimbrian ame burh on Grecum, and het hi be him
* hatan Constantinopolim. He het aerest manna paet man
cyricean timbrede, and paet man beluce aelc deoful-gyld-hus.
He geför ymbe an and prittig wintra paes pe he rice haefde, on
anum tune neah Nicomedia paere byrig.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXI.]
* 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
xci, feng [Constantius] to pam anwealde mid his twam broprum
Constantine, and Constante; and he [Constantius] hit haefde
[xxIIII] wintra. Hi wurdon ealle pagebropru on pam Arianis-
128 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Ch. XXXI-XXXII. [A. D. 337–363
can gedwolan. Constantinus and Constans wunnon him be-
tweonum, oš [Constantinus] wearö of slagen. AEfter pam,
Magnentius ofsloh Constans, and feng him to pam rice, Ipaet]
wäes Galliam, and Italiam. On pam dagum, Ilirice gesettan
Ueteromonem pome man to hyra anwealde, to pon paet hisippon 5
mihton winnan wiè Magnentiuse; and hi hine myddon to leor-
nunga, peah he gewintrad ware; ac [Constantius] hine be-
naemde aegöerge paes anwealdes, ge paere purpuran pe he we-
rede, ge paere [scole] pe he on leornode. Æfter pam, he
gefeaht wiè Magnentiuse, and hine geflymde, and bedraf into
Lucchina paere byrig, and he hine sylfme sippon of ticode.
AEfter pam, [Constantius] gesette Iulianus to Casere under
him, se was āer to diacone gehalgod, and sende hine on Galliae
mid fyrde; and he hraedlice oferwan ealle pa pe on Gallie
wunnon, and was aefter paere daede swa tipahafen, paet he
wolde ealne Romana anweald him geagnian, and mid fyrde
waes farende, paer [Constantius] was mid opere fyrde wič Par-
the pa he paet geahsode, and him ongean weard was, pa
geför he on pam faerelde.
1
0
I
5
2. And Iulianus feng to pam anvealde, and hime haefde än zo
gear and eahta mompas. pa was he sona geornfull, paet he
wolde digolice pone Cristendom [onwendan], and forbead
openlice paet man name faeste b6c me [leornode], and Saede eac
aet nån Cristen man ne moste habban naenne his underfolgopa,
and hi mid pam pohte beswican. “Ac ealle hi waaron paes 25
wordes, swa we hit eft secgan gehyrdom,” cwacp Orosius, “paet
him leofre was se Cristendom to beganne, ponne his scira to
haebbenne.”
3. AEfter pam, he gegaderode fyrde, and wolde faran on
Perse, and bebead ponne he éft ware eastene hamweard, paet 30
man haefde antiteatrum geworht aet Hierusalem, paet he mihte
Godes peowas on dön, paethi deor paer inne âbitan. Ac God
gewraec on pam faerelde swièe gedafenlice on pam arleasan
men his [arlease] gepoht, mid pam paet hine gemitte àn man,
pa he for fram [Ctesiphonte] paere byrig, gelicost pam pe he is
flyma ware, and him saede, paet he hine mihte ladan puruh
paet westen, paet he on Perse on ungearuwe become. Ac, pa
he hine to middes paes westenes haefde gelaedd, pageswac he
him, paet nan man myste paes faereldes hwar he com; ac foran
hwearfiende geond paet westen, paet he myste hwar he tit 40
sceolde, oë paes folces was fela forworden, aegberge for purste,
ge [for haete]. 9a com him ongean an uncué man, and
[ofstang] Iulianus.
A. p. 363–364] RomAN EMPERORS–JOVIAN : VALENTINIAN: VAL ENS 129
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXII.]
1. AEfter pam be Rome burh getimbred wæs M wintra and
an hund and xvii, feng Iuuinianus to Romana anwealde.
Hine man geceas on pam westenme py ilcan, diege, be man
• Iulianus ofstang. He gesealde Persum Nissibi pa burh, and
healfe Mesopotamiam baet land, wiè pam paet hi mostan of
pam lande buton laše.
2. On pam vin monpe paes pe he to pam anvealde feng, he
wolde faran on Ilirice, pa was he sume niht on anum miw-
to cilctan huse, pa het he betan paer inne mycel fyr, forbon hit
waes ceald weder, pa ongan se ceale mid ungemete stincan,
pa wearö [Iuuinianus] mid pam braepe of smorod.
[B6c VI: CAPITUL XXXIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
is [an hund and xvii.1], feng Ualentinianus to Romana anwealde,
and hine haefde xi gear. He was āer pam Iulianuses cempena
ealdor-man. He him bebead paet he forlete pone his Cristen-
dom oppe his folgoë, pa was him leofre past he forlete his
folgoë, ponne pone Cristendom. Ac him gefylste God eft to
20 maran àre, pa he palaessan for hi lufe forlet, and paet he paes
ilcan rices ahte geweald, pe his wiperwinna år ahte.
2. Rape paes, he gesealde Ualente his breper healf his rice;
and he het ofslean [Procopius] pe pa ricsian wolde, and manige
opre mid him. Ualens was gelaered fram anum [Arrianiscan]
25 bisceope, Eudoxus was haten; ac he hit hael swièe faeste wič
his bropor, forbon he wiste, paet he hit on him [wrecan] wolde,
gif he onfunde paet he on oprum geleafon ware, on oprum he
sylf was; for pon he wiste hu faestmod he was ār on his
geleafon, pa he la’ssan anweald haefde.
so 3. On pam ilcan geare, Gödenric, Gotena cyning, gedyde
feala martyra on his peode Cristenra manna. On pam dagum,
Ualentinianus genydde eft pa Seaxan to hyra agenum lande,
pa hi woldon winnan [on Romane] : pa waron eard-faeste
neah pam garsecge. And Burhgendum [he] gestyrde eac, paet
as hi on Gallie me wunnon. Mid pam him was swipost gestyred,
paet him man gehet fulluht. On pam x1 geare his rices, Ser-
menne hergodon on Pannoniam : pa he pyderweard was mid
fyrde, pa geför he on blod-ryne.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXIV.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and c
and xxix, feng Ualens, Ualentinianuses bropor, to Romana
40 anwealde; and Gratianus, Ualentinianuses sunu, feng to Italia
anwealde, and to Gallia, and to Ispania under Ualense. He
17
130 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: CH. XXXIV, XXXV. [A. D. 364–378
pa Ualens oëywde openlice, paet he aer digelice gehyd haefde,
swa paet he bebead paet munucas, pe woruldlice ping forgân
[sculon ], and waspna gefeoht, paet hi wapna namon, and mid
pam fuhton, and yfel dydan mid oprum mannum. And sende
on AEgypte, and het towyrpan ealle pa munuc-lif pe his bropor *
àer gestapelode; and sume pa munucas he het ofslean,—sume
on elpeode [fordrifan].
2. On pam dagum, Firmus was haten sum man on Affricum,
se was paer wilniende paes an wealdes. pa sende Ualens pyder
peodosius his ealdor-man mid fyrde,-paes godan peodosiuses tº
faeder, pe éft was Casere. On pam faerelde, Firmus was
gefangen, and forë gelæded to [sleanne); pa baed he sylf paet
hine man ær gefullode. And pa he gefullod was, he was,
puruh paes maesse-preostes lare, pehine fullode, on swa fullan
geleafon heofun-rices, paet he cwacö to pam folce—“Dop mu is
swage willan; ” and him sylf leat forë, paet him man asloh
paet heafod of; and wearö Cristes martir.
3. On pam dagum, Gratianus gefeaht on Gallium wiè Ala-
manne pam folce, and hyra fela M of sloh. On pam priddan
geare his rices, pa he paet maeste woh dyde wič pa Godes 20
peowas, pa adrifon hine Gotan it of hyra earde; and hi foron
sippon of r Donua pa ea on Ualenses rice, and wilnodan to
him, paet hi mostan on his rice, [mid] fripe gesittan. pa of er-
hogode he paet he him ačer dyde, oëöe wyrnde, oppe tipode; ac
hi let sittan paer paer hi woldon. Ac his [gereſan] and his 25
ealdor-men nyddan hi acfter gafule, and micel geflit haefdon
ymb paet, op pa Gotan hi mid gefeohte geflymdon.
4. pa Ualens paet geahsode on Antiochia [paere] byrig, pa
wearö he swièe sarig, and gepohte his misdaeda, hu hi hine
baedan rihtes [geleaſan], and fullwihtes baepes; and he him sº
sende Arrienisce bisceopas to lareawum, and gedwol-men, swa
he sylf wacs; and hwæt he haefde Godes peowum on oft-sipas
to laše gedon. Het peah sendan aefter, paer he aenne lib-
bendme wiste, peah he paet late dyde, and him sippon het
ge-ārian.-On pam feorpan geare his rices, he feaht wiè Gotan, 35
and geflymed wearö and bedrifen on aenne tun, and wearö on
anum huse forbaerned. Paer was swièe riht dom ge-endod,
paet hi pone woruldlice forbaerndon, pe hi pohte baernan on
ecnysse. -
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXV.] 40
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
c and xxxiii, feng Gratianus to Romana anwealde, and hime
haefde vi gear;-and gesette Theodosius him to fultume, for-
pon him gepuhte paet pa peoda, pe hyra winnan waron, waron
A. p. 378–380] ROMAN EMPERORS–GRATIAN: THEODOSIUS: EUGENIUS. 131
to swièe gestrangode, paet hi man leng ne mihte mid gefeoh-
tum of erswièan. Ac Theodosius genam frið wiê hi; and, on
paere sibbe, he ladde Athanaricus, hira cyning, mid him to
Constantinopolim paere byrig, and pār rače pæs his lif ge-
* endode. Rape, paes pe. Gotan ongeatan hu god. Theodosius
waes, aegberge hi, geealle [pal peoda pe on Scippium waron,
gecuron his frið.
2. On pam dagum, gecuron Bryttannie [Maximus] him to
Casere ofer his willan, se ware wyrpe ealra Romana anwealda,
10 for his maenigſealdum dugupum, buton paet he pa wiè his
hlaford wan for opra manna lare. And rape paes, he for in
Gallie, and Gratianus ofsloh, and Ualentinianus, his bropor, he
adraf lit of Italiam, paet he opfleah to Theodosiuse.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXVI.]
is 1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and c
and xxxviii, feng Theodosius to Romana anwealde, and hime
haefde x1 gear. He haefde VI gearum £r, anweald ofar pa east-
daelas. He pa Theodosius was pencende hu he Gratianus his
hlaford gewrecan mihte, and eac his bropor on pam anvealde
20 gebringan, and fyrde gelaedde on Italia, pár Maximus mid
fyrde abād aet Aquilegia paere byrig, and his ealdor-men,
Andregatia, haefde beboden pa clusan to healdenne; ac se
ealdor-man hi betaehte liprum mannum to healdenne, and
[puhte] him sylf on scipum to farenne east ymbutan, and
as ponne bestelan on Theodosius hindan. Ac mid pam pe he fram
paere clusan afaren was wiè parascipa, pa com Theodosius pār
to, and funde paer aet feawa manna, pa waronyfele and earge;
and he hi raše aweg apywde, and pa clusan tobraec, and
sippon för of r pa muntas, op he com to Aquilegia, and Maxi-
so mus ofsloh. pa paet se ealdor-man gehyrde, pa adrencte he
hine sylfne. Huypelice God ge-endode paet micle gewin, mid
hyra twegra fylle, pe Maximus and his ealdor-man haefdom
ūp-ahafen mid manegum peodum !
2. AEfter pam, feng eft Ualentinianus to his rice. And paes
as ymb twa gear, pa he on [Gallie] com, hine of smorode Ambogaes-
tes, his ealdor-man, and hime sippon mid rapum be pam Swed-
ran tip-aheng, gelicost pam pe he hime sylfme unwitende haefde
awirged. And gesette Eugenius to [paem] rices naman, paet
he Casere ware and feng him sylf to pam anwealde; for pam
40 he ne mihte sylf habban paes anvealdes maman, forby he na’s
Romanisc; ac laerde pone operne paet he deoful-gyld georne
be-eode, pa gelaedde éft Theodosius fyrde wič him twam to
paere ilcan clusan, pe he aer haefde wič Maximus. pa sende
Theodosius Gotena fultum beforan him, paet [hie] pa clusan
132 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS; Book VI: Cri. XXXVII. § 1–3 [A. p. 380–395
tobraecon; achi wurdon uton ymbfaren of pam muntum, and
ealle of slagen: paet waron x M. pa for Theodosius pyder-
weard, and wiste paethine man wolde mid pam ilcan wrence
bepridian. pa hi togaedereweard foran, pa pohton Eugenius
and Arbogestes, paet hisceoldan aerest of pam muntum hi ge- s
bigean mid heora flana gesceotum ; [ac him onsende God
swelcne wind ongean, paet hie ne mehton from him naenne flan
asceotan, ac aelc com oper para oëöe on hi sylfe, oëöe on pa
eorpan. And Theodosius haefde pone wind mid him, paet his
fultum mihte [maestra] aelcne heora flana on heora feondum 10
afaestnian. paer wearö Eugenius ofslagen, and Arbogaestes
ofstang hine sylfne. Æfter pam, Theodosius for on Italiae :
pa he com to Maegolange paere byrig, page-endode he his lif,
and betaehte his twam sunum pone anweald.
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXVII.] 15
1. “AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
C and XLIX, feng Archadius to anvealde to paem east-daele, and
hine haefde XII gear; and Honorius to pam west-daele, and mugit
haefó,” cwacó Orosius.
2. And, forbam pe hi geonge waron, he hi betaehte his 20
[twam) ealdor-mannum to bewitanne : Archadius was betaeht
Rufinuse, and Honorius was betaeht Stilecan. Achi [gecyö-
don] rače paes hwylce hlaford-hyldo hi pohton to [gecypanne]
on heora eald-hlafordes bearnum, gif hi hit purhteon mihton.
Rufinus wolde habban him sylf pone anweald paer east; and is
Stileca wolde syllan his suna pisne her west. And, for pam
feondscipe, he forlet Gotan on Italiae, mid hedra twam cymin-
gum, Alrican and Raedgotan; and pohte sippon, paet folc
oferſunden ware, paet hi syphon woldon eall paet he wolde;
and wende eac paet he pam Gotan paes gewinnes mihte rape so
gestyran, forbam he of heora lande geboren was. Raše paes,
Alrica wearö Cristen, and Raedgota haepen purhwunode, and
daeghwamlice was blotende deoful-gyldum mid man-slihtum,
and simle him was leofost, paet pa wacron Romanisce.
3. “Nú git, eow Romane maeg gescamian,” cwacó Orosius, as
“ paet gé swā [heamlic] gepoht sceoldon on eow geniman for anes
mannes ege, and for anes mannes geblote, [paet] gesaedan paet
pa haepenan tida waron beteran ponne pa Cristenan, and eac
paet eow sylfum ware betere paet ge eowerne Cristendom
forleton, and to pam haepeniscean peawum fengan, peeowre to
yldran ér be-eodan. Ge magon eac gepencean hu hean he
éft wearö his geblota, and his deoful-gylda, pe he on lyfde, pa
page hine [gebundenne haefdom], and hime sippon atugon swa
A. p. 410] ALARIC SACKED ROME. 133
swage woldon, and ealne his fultum, paet was, swa swa ge
sylfe saedon, twa c M, swa eower nån ne wearp gewundod.”
[Bóc VI: CAPITUL XXXVIII.]
1. AEfter pam pe Rome burh getimbred was M wintra and
* c and IIII and sixtegum, God gedyde his miltSunge on Roma-
num, papa he heora misdaeda wrecan let, paet hit peah dyde
Alrica, se Cristenesta cyning, and se mildesta. And he mid
swa lytlum nipe abraec Rome burh, paet he bebead paet man
manne man ne sloge,_and eac paet man nanuht ne wanode, ne
10 me yfelode paes pe on pam cyricum ware. And sona paes, on
pam priddan daege, higeföran lit of paere byrig heora agenum
willan; swa pær me wearð nån hus heora wyllan forbaerned.
2. paer genam Hettulf, Alrican maeg, Honoriuses sweostor,
is paes cyninges, and sippon wiè hine gepingode, and hi him to
wife genām. Sippon saetan pa Gotan paer on lande,-sume be
paes Caseres willan,—sume his unwillan : Sume hi foran on
Ispaniae, and paer gesaetan,—sume on Affrice.
THE END OF THE ANGLO-SAXON TEXT.
NOTES AND WAR I 0 US READ IN GS
TO
T H E A N G L 0 - SA X 0 N T EXT
OF
() R () SIU S,
THE Anglo-Saxon printed text is based upon the Cotton manuscript, which
is in the British Museum and marked Tiberius B.I. Where there are evident
mistakes or omissions in the Cotton, they are corrected by the Lauderdale
manuscript, now in the possession of John Tollemache Esquire, M.P., a con-
nexion of the Duke of Lauderdale. Every word, clause, or sentence, taken from
the Lauderdale, is inclosed in brackets [ ]; in short, every word varying from
the Cotton is thus inclosed, the particulars being given in the following notes.
The exact reading of both manuscripts is, therefore, easily discovered; or
rather, it is at once evident by the mode of printing the text, for whatever is
not included in brackets is from the Cotton, and every word in brackets is from
the Lauderdale, unless otherwise mentioned in the notes.
As the font, from which the Anglo-Saxon text of this work is printed, did
not contain any accented capital letters, a separate accent has been generally
placed after the accented capitals, as in PAGE 34, 34 f Elena; but, when the
accent would remove the following letter too far from the capital, the accent
has sometimes been placed before the capital, in accordance with what is often
found in the MSS., as in PAGE 54, 37 b 'Asiam. *
In L and C, the contraction j is generally used for ond, and; but it is often
written, in full, and, ond. In these cases, L uniformly writes ond, and C gene-
rally and; therefore, the j of L has been printed ond, and the J of C and,
In the few instances, where C writes ond, the ond is, of course, retained in the
printed text.
The punctuation of both manuscripts is very imperfect and often confused;
but this refers particularly to the Cotton, which has been altered in punc-
tuation, in accents, and often in orthography and in grammatical construction,
by a more recent hand than that in which the original manuscript is written.
Judging from the form of the letters, colour of the ink, etc. these alterations
appear to have been made several centuries after the writing of the Cotton,
and yet before the knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon idiom had entirely passed
away. The Lauderdale is very sparing in its punctuation and accents, but
upon the whole accurate: the Cotton is very profuse in both, but it often
2 NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS,
appears to be erroneous. The scribe of the Cotton generally used our period
or full stop, for our present comma, semicolon and colon; and often for our
period. For our full stop or period, he used a semicolon (;), or a colon (:), and
sometimes an inverted semicolon (), and more frequently a colon, with a dash
after it. To prevent this confusion, it has been deemed advisable to adopt the
modern English punctuation in printing the Anglo-Saxon text.
In the notes, however, all the quotations from the Lauderdale and the Cotton
manuscripts, are made to represent those manuscripts as nearly as possible, in
their peculiar punctuation, accents, letters, and in the division of words. In
all these respects the scribes have made absurd mistakes: even these are left
unaltered in the quotations, that scholars, to whom almost exclusively the
various readings are useful, may see the exact state of the manuscripts.
In referring to the printed Anglo-Saxon text, throughout the following
various readings and notes, it must be observed, that the PAGES are given in
thick figures, and the lines in thin figures, and the succession of the words in
each line is denoted by small Italic letters: the first word by a, the second by
b, the third by c, and so on, in alphabetical order. Thus 2 a denote line 2,
word 1; and 7 d denote line 7, word 4, because d is the 4th letter in the alpha-
bet. When two Italic letters are used, with a short dash between them, these
two letters include the two extreme words of the text referred to, as well as the
intermediate word or words. Thus PAGE 16 7 d-g refer to pe man haet Fortu-
nátus, which are in page 16 line 7, words 4 and 7, namely the extreme words pe
and Fortunātus, and the intermediate words man haet. Again, 12 a-14e refer
to the same page, to line 12 and word a or 1, and to line 14 and word e or 5,
including not only the extreme words Asia and Indisc, but all the inter-
mediate words.
ABBREVIATIONS.
A. S. stands for Anglo-Saxon.
bv. . . . . written above the line.
C . . . . the Cotton MS. Tiberius B. I, and its reading.
C f. 2 or f. 2 a stands for the Cotton MS. folio or leaf 2, and a the first or right-hand page of
this second leaf. -
C; f, 3 b . . . . the Cotton MS. folio or leaf 3, and b the second or left-hand page
- of this third leaf.
C H . . . . the transcript of the Cotton MS. by Hampson.
C, L or C and L. . . . the reading both of the Cotton and Lauderdale MSS.
ENG. or Eng. . . . . the ENGlish or English translation, in the same paragraph.
Hav, or Haver. . . . Havercamp's ed. of Oros. 4to. Leyden 1767.
L stands for the Lauderdale MS. and its reading.
I, p . . . the page of the Lauderdale MS.
L B . . . the Lauderdale MS. quoted by Ballard in loco.
OBOS, or Oros. stands for the Latin original of Orosius by Haver.
p stands for page.
wd. . . . . read.
rh . . . . in a recent hand and ink.
w . . . . wanting or omitted.
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS
BOOK III.
CH. I. 36 b–d sio bysmerlice sibb L.
II. 38 c achie C.
III. 39 d monn cwealm L.-40.j genigendan L.
IV. 42 b gallia L.-e—h lond on III mila L.
PAGE 11. W. 1 a L p 3.—be cartaina aerend
Wracan L.
VI. 39 betweenum L.-4e cuca L.
VII. 5 d kyming C.—e—g wonn wit, romane L.
–7 e read Macedonia C.—g ond L.-8 d
burg L.
VIII. 10 c read bysmere C.
IX, 12.fbisceo C : biscep L.-13 f darius L.-
* kyning C.—i of rvon L.
X. 15 a C f. 2 b.—16 h man w L.-17.j–18 a
gefeccean to L-18 g scinlacan L.
XI. 21 fond L.-22 b héretogan.—22 d lif L.
—g read ge-endedon.
BOOK IV.
CH. I. 25 a-26 b Hutarentine gesawan romano
scipa on 8am sat pahie plegedon L.-25 i
yrnan w L.
III. 28 a-29 c. This title is printed from C,
though the order of the clauses varies from
the text, in p 79, 34 f-35 f. The title in L
Žs—Humon ge seah weallan blod of eorpan
ond rinam meolc of heofonum. The clauses
are thus arranged in the body of the work,
both in C and L.
IV. 31.f-32 fond hubaburg leode on cartaina
bleoſton] men hiora godum L. In the MS.
bleo is at the end of the line, and ton is evi-
dently omitted by the scribe.
W. 34 de än mon L.-34 g L, p 4.—35 ;
a broken C.—36 c burg L.
WI. 37 h be tweonum L.-38 g kyning.—42 b
C. f. 3.−42 g hunda L.-èxxx. L.-43 e of slog
L.—44 f III. L.
PAGE 12. 1 a enilius C.—1j–2 c and 8 g-j
To PAGE 9–12: CONTENTs, BK. I—Iv, C.H. VI.
PAGE 9. 1 a-e Inserted, throughout the work
by the editor, like the head lines, to facilitate
reference. 2 a Cotton MS. folio 1.—2 a-3 b
w L.
I. 4 a Lauderdale MS. page 1–4 a Huw C.
–4 a-f Hu ure ieldran ealne bisne middan
geard L.
II. 6d kyninge C.—7 b middan g C.—g cwen
L.—8 h faestnesse C.
III. 10 cheofonisce L.-g lond L.-11 f-h so-
dome ond go morre L.
IV. 12 b–d thelesci ond ciarsæt hi L.-i wun-
nam C.
V. 15 a seofan T-h gearon C.—a wisdome—
15 i-17 d hu hie sippan ealra hiora wastma
bone fiftan dael alce geare heora cyninge to
gafole ge sellaò L.—16 efaelce geare w C.—
% kyninge C.—17 g gesette C.
WI. 18 c achiae C.—h ambictiones L.
VIII. 22 : monna L.-23 a b from hiora L.-
23 g bosiridis L-24 a don C.—i ge sohtan
L–25 a-e ymbe monegra operra folca ge
winn L.
IX. 26 d athaniense L.-h betweenu C.
X. 28 d kyning C.—h gew C.—28 i C f. 1 b.
—29 d e isaia C : is asia L.-j sint L.
PAGE 10. 1,f aflymde C.–2 c-3 b pa wif be
man het amathenas and ymbe 8a C.—3 g an-
dredan L.-l Creca w L-4 a kyning C.
XI. 5 h i on lacedomonia L.-6 i gefor L-7 a.
aread on Italie.
XII. 8 a L. p 2.-8 f kyning C.—10 b wifman
C.—11 a ond L.-d argeotere L.-h on lic-
messe L.
XIII. 13 b pelo pentium C.—d athinentium C.
XIV. 15 d mesiane L.-16 b hiora L.
BOOK II.
CH. I. p 10, line 20 a on wealdas L.-e mid-
dang C.
II. 21 e—22 c page brobor getimbredan rome
burg on italiam L.
gehalgodan C.
W. 27 g h egyptiescan diofolgield L.-28 h deo-
[C. f. 2] folgyld.—28 c d darius gewin C.—
jº exercis C. &
VI. 30 g opiewed L.
VIII. 33 dueiorem C.—34 c galliae L.
mid. III. hunde scipa L.-è of r heargede L.
III. 23 d brutos C.—h i higehalgedon L: hi
–5 c kyning C.–2 d-5 g. L has transposed
these clauses thus;—ond hu .II. con sulas
foran mid .III. hunde scipa on affrice ond hu
cotta se consul of r heargede sicilie. Ond hio
on priora consula daege com hasterbal se niwa
cyning to libeum paem iglande–6.j gaius C:
L.—7 h sae C. -
4 NoTES AND WARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 12, 18: CONTENTS, BK. IV, V, CH. XV.
VII. 11 c romane L.-12 g-j topºem godan
tidan L-15 d monig L.-ggesewen C.—16.f
ofslog L.-h. [xxx.M.) w C, but given in p
89, 9 c.
VIII. 18 a burg L.-èf Pena cyning w L.-
20 c monige L.
IX. 21 c beswāc C.—21 g hedra L.-22 a L p
5: also C f. 3 b. — 22 h scípian C. — 23 e
him gesetton L.-24 d legian L.
X. 25 e för L.-28 e of slog L.-h asterbal L.-
30 d-h aliefed from scipian paem consule L.
XI. 31f read ge-endod.—31 a-f Hu romane
afterre ge winn ond sunica [..for punica]
wearö ge-endod L. — 33 de maecedoniacyng
L.—g romano L.-35 c emilius L and C, for
AEmilius.-f of rvon L. —g—i persus bone
cyning C.
XIII. 39 f read ge-endod. — 40 b kyninge C,
but better leave out kyminge, as it is w in L:
the English will then be:—How the third war
of the Romans, and of the Carthaginians, was
ended.
BOOK W.
CH. I. 42 a Hu L and C, but the Hū, and 42 gh
hū hí, are accented here, and hú in p 13, 1 a,
2 e, 3.f. 4 d, and 5 e, on the authority of the
Table of Contents, printed in these notes after
Bk. W: ch. xv.–42 d-43 fymbe romano gielp
hu hie monega folc ofer wunnon. Ond hu hie
monege cyningas L.-42 : Manega, to agree
with folc ought to be manege, but as C has
manega, and L. monega, both ending in a, here
and in the body of the work, the manega of C
is allowed to stand in the teat.—43 ef manega
kyningas C.—44 c rome weard L.
PAGE 13. II. If-i patwa byrg toworpena L.
2 f-3 a ueriatus sehierde on gon L.-ENG.
p 23, 25 e Viriathus:-4 e mantris C.—5 i–6 b
of slog ispania B. m. L-5.j C f. 4.—6 b w C.
III. 10 g, w L and C, but wunnan, for wunnon,
is inserted in the teaſt from the Contents,
printed in these notes after Bk. W: ch. xv.–
h wip L.
IV. 12 b ENG. Licinius.-13 h kyninge C. —
14 d e assia kyning C.—17 a L p 6.
W. 17 b romana C.—18 d metallus C.—e ofer
won L: Ofer wann C.
VI. 19 b uauius C.—e ofercöm L.-:f betwitus
an C.
WII. 21 c-e waron wip geo weorban L. —
g cyning C.
VIII. This title is neither in L nor C : it is taken
from the body of the work, p 107, 19 b–20 b,
and conformed to the other titles by prefix-
ing Hu.
IX. 25 c on gun non L: agunnan C: in the
Contents inserted in these notes, after Bk. W:
ch. xv, ongunmon C.—25 fg be tweonum tip
ahebban L.
X. 27 fg ENG. unnatural war.—gh unsibb on
pam siextan L.
XI. 29 e willan C.—30 b parhta C.
XII. 31 d ga iuse L, for guliuse: iuse C. The
scribe of C appears to have omitted the first
part ga or gul, and to have copied only the
last iuse.—31 h legan C.—32 f tarquatus L.-
g pompeius C. —33 a ladteow L.-d faestenne
L.—37 a C f. 4 b.
XIV. 37 d secare L.
XV. 38 d leode w L: thus, the L text seems
to be the more grammatical—sume ispanie
waron some Spaniards were. The regular
construction of C would be—sume ispanisce
(or ispania) leode waron some Spanish people
(or of the Spaniards) were: or as in the text,
p 114, 27 e—g sume ispaniae leoda some of the
people of Spain.-38 fagustos C.
Besides the table of Contents of Bk. W: ch.
i—xv : at p 12, 42 a-p 13, 39, taken from C
folio 3 b–4 b, there is another table in C,
occupying from folio 81, 19 to the bottom of
folio 81 b. As it differs from the other table,
and will be a specimen of C, the whole of it is
here printed, like the other notes, with a strict
regard to the division of words, as well as to
the letters and points of the MS.
C f. 81 line 19.—Bk.V. ch. i. Hú 6rosius spraec
ymbe romana gylp hi hi monega folc ofer
wunnan. hti hy monega cyningas beforan hyra
triumphum : wit, rôme weard drifan.
II. Hū on anum geare wurdon pa twa byrig
toworpene. cartago and corinbum. and hú
uariatus se hyrde ongan rixian on ispanian.
and hú claudius se consul geflymde gallie, and
hū mantius se consul. genam frið wiè ispanie.
and hū brátus se consul of loh ispania lx. m.
and hu [G f. 81 blan cyld wearö geboren on
rôme.
III. Hu romane sendon Scipian on ispanie mid
fyrde, and hu craccus se consul [wan]* wił pa
oöre consulas oë hi hine of s]logon". and hu
pa peowaswunman wit pahlafordas.
IIII. Hu lucinius secsulse be eac was romana
yldesta bisceop for mid fyrde ongean aris-
tonocuse pam cyninge. and hu antiochus asia
cyning wylnode partha onwealdes. and hu
scipio se besta romana begen mande his
earfoëa to romanum. and huebna fyr afleow.
.U Hu romana hetan eft getimbrian cartaina.
and hucsul metellus of rwan Pa wicingas.
a Not in MS., but inserted from p 13, 9.f.
b The MS. has opplogon for orrlošon.
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 18, 14: CONTENTS, BK. V, VI, CH. xxxvi II. 5
.VI Hu fauius se consul ofcroom betuitusan
gallina cyning.
VII Hu romane waron wił geowebröan mu-
mebia cyninge.
VIII Hu romane ongunnon unsibbe him bete-
onan up ahebban on pam fiftan geare be marius
was consul.
•IX: Hu of realle italia wearö ungefaerlic unsib
on pam sixtan geare be iulius se casere was
consul.
.X Hu romane sendan sillan bone consul ongean
metredatis partha cyninge.
XI: Hu romane sealdan gainse pam consule
.VII. legian. and hu iulius besaet tarquatus
pompiuses ladteow on anum faestene, and hu
iulius gefeaht wił, tholomeus.IIIa.
.XII Hu octauianus se casere feng to romana
anwealde heora unwyllum.
XIIII Hu octauianus se casere betynde ianes
duru.
.XV Hu sume ispania waron agustes wiser-
winnan.
Ends at bottom of f 81 b of C.
BOOK WI.
CH. I. 41 d read sprecende C.—h on waldus L.
—42 b heafed rica C.
II. 43 d-f toromano anywalde L.-44 a agus-
tus C.
PAGE 14. III. 1 b gaius L and C.
IV. 2 e—g toromano an walde L.
W. 3 a-c Huner onfeng C, for Humero feng.
—d—f toromano an walde L.
VI. 4 b galua L.-de toromano L.
VII. 5 b uespasianus L.-de toromano L.
VIII. 6 de to romano L.
IX. 7 fg to romano L.
X. 9 b nerfa L.-de toromano L.
XI. 10 b ENG. Hadrian,—d e toromano L.
XII. 11 b c pompeius C and L. — ef toro-
mano L.
XIII. 12 b c antonius C and L.-ef toromano
L.—13 a aurelius C.
XIV. 14 d e to romano L.
15 L p 7–XV. 15 d f toromano rice L.
XVI. 16 g antonius C and L.
XVII. 17 d e toromano L.
XVIII. 18 d e toromano L.
XIX. 19 b maximus C and L.—d e toromano L.
XX. 20 ef toromano rice L.
XXI. 21 d e toromano L.
XXII. 22 d e toromano L.
23 C f. 5.—XXIII. 23 de toromano L.
XXV. 25 d e toromano L.
XXVI. 26 b ENG. Aurelian.
XXVIII. 28 b brobus C.
XXXI. 31 d f toromana onwalde L. —32 a.
brob; or brop; C, for brobrum.
XXXII. 33 b iuuinianus L.-ENG. Jovian.—
j rice L. -
XXXIII. 34b ualentinus C.—ENG. Valentinian.
XXXV. 36 b ENG. Gratian.—37 a brettanie L.
—c maximianum L. – ENG. Maximus. –f
kasere C.
XXXVI. 38 b theodosius L.-d-:f toromana on
walde L.-39 b c ualentinus fengc C.
XXXVII. 40 b c archiadus fenge C: altered to
archadius, adius bv. rh i.
XXXVIII. 42 cºf ENG. shewed his mercy to.
—f mild sunge L.
Besides the table of Contents of Bk. WI: ch.
i-xxxviii, at p 13, 40 a-p 14, 42 f, taken
from C, folio 4 b–folio 5, there is another
table, in C, folio 94, 15—folio 95, 2, of which
the following is an exact copy, both as to the
division of words, and the letters and points
of the MS.
C. f. 94 line 15.-.I Hu orosius was sprecende
ymb pa .IIII. anwealdas para.IIII. heafodlica
pises middangeardes.
.II. Hu tiberius feng to romana anwealde se
CàSere.
.III Hu gaius wearö casere feower gear.
.IIII Hu tiberius claudius feng to romana
anwealde.
.W. Hu nero feng to romana anwealde.
.VI Hu galua feng to romana anwealde se
CaSere.
.VII Hu uespassianus feng to romana an-
wealde.
.VIII Hu titus feng to romana anwealde.
.IX Hu domitianus tituses broëor feng to ro-
mana anwealde.
.X Hu merua feng to romana anwealde.
.XI Hu adrianus feng to romana anwealde.
[C f. 94b] .XII Hu pompeius feng to romana
anwealde. -
.XIII Hu marcus antonius feng to romana
anwealde mid aurelius his breóer.
.XIIII Hu lucius feng to romana anwealde.
.XV Hu seuerus feng to romana rice.
.XVI Hu his sunu feng to rice antonius.
.XVII Hu marcus feng to romana anwealde.
.XVIII Hu aurelius feng to romana anwealde.
.XIX Hu maximianus feng to roma anwealde.
.XX Hu gordianus feng to romana anwealde.
.XXI Hu philippus feng to romana rice.
.XXII Hu decius feng to romana anwealde.
.XXIII Hu gallius feng to romana rice.
.XXIIII Hu romane gesettan twegen caseras.
.XXV Hu claudius feng to romana anwealde.
.XXVI Hu aurelius feng to romama rice.
6 NoTES AND various READINGS To PAGE 14–16: BK, I, CH. I, § 6.
.XXVII Hu tacitus feng to romana anwealde.
.XXVIII Hu probus feng to romana rice.
.XXIX Hu curus feng to romana anwealde.
.XXX Hu diocitius feng to romana rice.
.XXXI Hu constantinus feng to romana an-
wealde mid his .II. broëran.
.XXXII Huiuuinianus feng to romana rice.
.XXXIII Hu ualentinianus feng to roma an-
wealde.
.XXXIIII Hu ualens feng to romama rice.
.XXXV Hu gratinianus feng to romana an-
wealde. and hu brettannie namon maximianus
him to casere ofer his willam.
.XXXVI Hu theodosius feng to romana rice
and hu ualentinianus feng eft to amwealde.
XXXVII Hu archadius feng to romama rice
and honorius to pam west rice.
.XXXVIII Hu god gedyde romanum his milt-
Sunge.
Ends at f 95, line 2 of C.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE 15. § 1. 1 a. The Books and Chap-
ters are divided exactly as in the manu-
scripts; but the various subjects of the Chap-
ters are subdivided by the editor into para-
graphs and numbered, to facilitate reference.—
The L includes our first 4 paragraphs in one.
Our next 9—from 5 to 13 inclusive—are com-
prehended in the second paragraph of L.-
The first paragraph of C ends with our third;
the 2nd is commensurate with our 4th; and
the 3rd paragraph of C contains ours from 5 to
23, both inclusive; but in the body of the page
of C, a new subject is often indicated by a red
letter: in these cases, our paragraphs begin at
thered letter, as in § 10,13,14,16,17,182nd 20.
1 a-d See notes to p 9, 1 a-e.
2 a L p 8: Cf. 5 b.
2 a. The A. S. text, from p 15, 2 a to p 18, 27 a,
is, in substance, translated from the Latin of
OROs. Book I: ch. 2. Haver. p 10–23. Alfred
omits the dedication and ch. i. of Orosius. See
ENG. Introduction, p 10, note 1; and p 29,
note 1.
§ 1. 2 a. — 3 b. Ure ieldran ealne bisme ymb
hwyrft pises middangeardes cwacp orosius L.
–3 a cwast C.—e oceńnus C: oceanus L.-
* man w L.-4 a b garsego hatač C: garsaecg
hate’8 L.-ºf-j and hú hy papry daelas C: ond
hie ba brie daelas L.-5 e europem L: etiropam
C.—6 c saden L.-7 d eñropa C: europe L.
§2. 8 e oceano L-h, be before h, bo. rhi C:
w L.-11j read ié C.—12 b-e L: toggedere
ligcgač C.—fond L-13 c read ié.—d danai
C.—e read Wendel-sås.—14 i licgea3 L.
§ 3. 15% read ié.—16 friffeng L.-j In C, the
i is often converted into y by a recent scribe.
Here the original sindon is converted into
syndon; but the second or fine stroke of y is
evidently made by a subsequent scribe, as is
seen from the lighter colour of the ink, the
crowded letter, and also from the form it gives
to the y. The i, in Anglo-Saxon, is without a
dot, but the y has it, and to supply it to the y
an accent is put over the y, and the word is
absurdly made syndon. This change of i into
y is very frequent in C; but, as it is by a
recent hand, and the i of the original scribe is
always retained in our text, this change of
the letter need not be subsequently mentioned.
—18 b c irnö bonan L.-21 b C f. 6.-21 f-
22d wił, eastan át on pasāflowes bemon haett
euxinus L.-21 i read Öa C.—24 b read panon.
—c—e ut on wendel-sà L.—26 fgáčes C.—i.
sciet L-k wendel sa C : wendel-så L.—27g
eac w C.—j stonda8 L-28 d ond w C.—ef
on hyre C.
| PAGE 16. § 4. 1 a. The second paragraph of
C begins here. Affrica, the first word, is a
little farther from the left margin than the
other lines. A is a red letter.—c—e asia hiera-
land ge mircu L.—2 b–3 a burge ond lige6
bact londgemaere subponanofernilus pa eff, L.-
4e L p 9.—5 g h syla stondač L.—6 b west
énde C : westende L.-g—i bemon athlans L.
—7 d-g pemon haet fortunatus L.
§ 5. 8 a., C begins the 3rd paragraph here. The
first word, Scortlice, like 1 a, is indented, or
is a little farther from the left margin than
the other lines. S is a red letter.—In L,
Scortlice begins also with a capital, written
with the same ink as the rest of the MS.
Scortlice begins a line, which projects a little
more into the left margin than the other
lines, and thus indicates the second paragraph.
—8 f-h ymb pa prie L.-10 d-11 a gereccan
hu hie mid hiera wastrum to licgeaº, L.-10 h.
hyra C.
§ 6. 12 a-14e asia ongen 8aem middel daele on
baem east ende bar lige6 se mupa ut on bone
garsecg bare ié bemon hate’8 gandis bone
garsecg mon haet indisc. L.-13 f garsego C.
—h read ea.—14 b garsegc C.—e indisc C:
indisc L.-14 j-15 i wit, bone garsegc. is se
port caligardámana. C.—15 f_h be mon haet L:
w C.—16 a suban-[C f. 6 bl eastan.—16 d is
C.—d f is bact igland L. –17 c-k gandes
muban barbaer caucasis se becrg endač L.—
18 h-19.j se port samera be norban pam porte
isse muba paere ié bemon nem neº, ottorogorre
L.—19ſ readié.-19.j-20 a oëcorogorre, bone
garsego C. |
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 16–18: BK. I, CH. I, § 11. 7
§ 7. 21 c india L: ſndea C.—i becrg L.-22 c
indus C.—c—e indus seo eå L.—23 b garsege
C.—23 e—24 a. On indea londe is ºxliiii L.-
23 f indea C. — 24 c buton L. – 24 k—25 f
‘x' byrg buton oberum monegum gesetenum
iglondum: L-25 f Chas—iglandum. of baere
é indus—with only (...) a comma after iglan-
dum; while L makes (:) the common full stop,
and begins the next word with a capital, thus
—iglondum: Of paere ie indus. The original
Latin of Orosius begins the sentence like L–
A flumine Indus etc. Haver. p 14–25 : éa,
the a in rhi, and therefore omitted.—26 h-l
lige6 betux pare ie indus L.-26 a, l indus C.
—27 c pó C.—28 e—29 a. and be tux paem
twam ean sindon pas land arocasia L.-29 g
passièa C.—i meðia L-30 a-i beh be ge
writo oft nem men ealpa lond mepia L.-31 e—?
swipe bedrhtte ond par sint-L. The Latin is
—situ terrarum montoso et aspero. Haver.
p 14, 5. Beorhte 31 f, C; and beorhtte L
may be an unusual derivative of beorh a
mountain.-32 c stan ihte L.-33 f h se reada
sac L.-33 j–34 f on 8aem londe sindon twa
micla ea L.-34 e read mycele.—35 c twa and
twentig C ; but L has XXXII, which agrees
with the Latin—In his sunt gentes triginta
dua. Haver. p 14, 8.
§ 8. 36 a-37 c bonne west from tigres bare ié
op eu frates pa ea bonne betux pam ean L.-
36 e C f. 7 36 f read ea.—38 e—39 d sindon
•XXVIII &eoda hedra norð ge maero sindon
L.—39 d L. p 10.—40 d-41 d hiera sub ge-
maero licgeač topæm readan Sá. Ond long
bas redan sºs L-41j–42 f Scytlige6 bact
land arabia ond sabei ond eudomane L.-42.f
Eudomane; Eudaemon. Hav.p 14 n.46; from
e? well, and Sãuos a people, tribe: a happy
or well located people. Hence, Arabia Felix.
42 g—i. ofar baere eff, C: Of paere ié L.-42 i
zead ea C.—43%–44 c bemon taurus hæt L.-
45 e monege L.
PAGE 17. 1 b uenicia C.—1j–3 e amon ond
idumei ond iudei ond palestina ond sarracene
ond peh hit mon haet eal syria. L.-4 b—e
bemon tauros hatt L.-5 d-f capodocia ond
armenie L.-6 a capodotia L.-6 i–7 c bemon
haett seolaesse asia L.-8 f capodocia L.-9 e
cilia C.—11 a-e read healfe. On norð-healfe
C.—11 b–12 On norb healfe isseo Sá euxinus
ond onwest healfe se sæ bemon haett propon-
ditis ond ellaspontus L.-13 c C f. 7b.—13 i-
14c se hehstabeorg olimpus L.-13.j hyhsta C.
§ 9. 15 a Sio C.—b agyptus L.-16 a palastine
L–17 i–18.j hire se bedrg bemon haet climax.
Ililus seo efi hire aewielme is neh L.-171–18 c
§e climax hatte C.—18 i is C.—19 ed readan
så C.—19 e—20 b beah sume men secgen baet
hire aewielme sie L.-21 a-23 d ond bonne fol
rače pass sie east irnende on paet sond ond
ponne be since eft on pact sand ond paer neh
sie eft flo wende up ofbam sande L.-21 a-
30 i : ENG. p 33, 11–20. That rivers sank
into sand, was a prevalent opinion long after
the time of Alfred, but a recent traveller
says, “There is, I am convinced, no such
thing in the country (Africa) as a river run-
ning into sand and becoming lost. This
phenomenon, so convenient to geographers,
haunted my fancy for years; but I have
failed in discovering any thing except a most
insignificant approach to it.” Missionary
Travels and Researches in South Africa, by
JDavid Livingstone, LL.D. London, 1857,
p 68.-21 k—22f; w C.—22 i, w C.—23 j-24 h.
ond par hio aerest upwieló hie hatağ baland
men nuchul L.-24f, w C.—25%–27g he up
ofbam Sonde scyt he is east irnende from east
daele burh a thiopica westenne ond paer mon
haet baeaion L.-25 m cymb C.—27 a Lp 11.
—29 fg bonan up aspryngö L.—30 f-i hit
aerbeforan saade L.-30%–31.foffaem aewielme
mon hast pact water nilus L.-31 k—32 b foró
west panon C.—32 k—33 e pemon haet meroen
ond bonan L-37 fread lande C.—37 g–38 d
Seo fyrre a gyptus lib east ond long L-37 i
C f. 8.-39 b–d, w C.—39 h gar segc C.—40g h
meåre egyptus C.—41 c is C.
§ 10. 42 fasian L. —43 c-44 c to hire norð
daele bact is bonne of paem becrgum he mon
haet caucasus L.-43 l–44 b w C.—44 h sacdon
L.—44 k—45 c benorban india sindon L.-45 b
Índea C.—45 e hie L.
PAGE 18. 1 e—2 e west ryhte ob armenia
beorgas be baland leode hi hatač L.—2 a, w
C.—3 e eufraté C.—37–4 c be mon parcoadras
haºtt L.-4 h-5 g be montauros hatt opcilium
paet lond bonne L.-6 b ondlang L–7f scyt
L.—8 a-9 a bonan west ondlong bass garsecges
op bone sº bemon haett caspia L.-8 fon C.—
9 b—d pepar up scyt L.-99 read beorgum.—
9 i–10 b paet lond mon haett L.-10 i londes
L.—12 k danais L-13 h-j be mon haett L.
—14 g L p 12.-14 beorg L.-15 e garsege
C.—15 lond L-15 k—16 b behhit mon L.-
16.j—l ac pa lond L-16 m C f. 8 b.-17 a-c
read east-healfe Danais C.—17 c danais L.-
17 d-18 a be bar nihst sindon albani hisint
genemde L.-18 e—19 f wehie hatab nu liubene
nu habbe we scortlice gesaed ymbe asia lond-
gemaero L-18 h read nă C.
§ 11. 20 a-28 i mu wille we ymbe europe lond
8 NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 19, 20 : BEC. I, CH. I, § 14.
gemaere areccean swa micel swawe hit fyrmest
witon; From baere ié danais west oprim pa ea
seo wilö of paem bedrge be mon alpis hatt ond
irnö bonne norb ryhte on pass garsecges earm
be pact lond uton ymb lić bemon bryttania
haett ond eft sub oë donua paea paere a wielme
is neah rines ofte paere ie (near the bank of
the river Rhine) ond is sibban east irnende
wiè norban crecalond ut on bone wendelsé
ond morp oppone garsecg bemon cwen Sæ haet
binnan paem sindon monega peoda ac hit mon
haet eall germania L.-26 b norban w C.—26?
OROS. p 23. The Anglo-Saxon, from 26 -28 c,
and 29 a to p 23, 10 e, is not in the original
Latin of Orosius, but written only in Anglo-
Saxon by king Alfred. See ENG. p 35, note2;
and p 57 note 88.
§ 12. 29 a-34 a poli wit, norban donua aſ:
wielme ond be eastan rine sindon east francna
ond besuban him sindon Swafas on opre healfe
paere ié donua ond be suban him ond be eastan
sindom baeg ware se dal pemon reg nes burg
haett ond ryhte be eastan sindon bacme ond
east norb sindon byringa L.-35 d-37 h sin-
don frisan be westan eald seaxum is alfe mupa
paere ie ond frisland ond ponan west norð is
pact lond pemon ongle haet L.-38 d dene L.-
h him C.—j afārede L-39 b-f wilte bemon
hae feldan haett L-39 e a feldan C.—40 b-g
wineda lond bemon haett sysyle L. — 40 c
Cf. 9.—40ſ–4le ofer sum dal maro ara ond
hie maro ara L.-42 e beg ware L.-43 e ie
L.—44 b–45 b bemon alpis hast to paem ilcan
beorgan licgač beg waraland gemaro L.-
45 e and w L.
PAGE 19. 1 b c londe begeondam L.-2 fl.
p 13.−2 k—3c maro ara londe is wisle lond L.
–3 h-5 b sint datia pa be Iu waron gotan be
norpan eastan maro ara sindon dala ment san
ond be eastan dala ment san sindon horigti
ond be norban dala ment san L.-4 c d be
eastan norðan C.—f syndam C.—g dulamensan
altered to dalamensan C.—6 sindon w L.-
7 d-g horoti is maegba land L-8 a-h maegba
londe ser mende op ba bedrgas riffen L.-8 c
sindon w L,C.—8 i and w L.-10 d-11 d bret-
tannia ond benorban him is pass sºs earm
bemon haetost sº L.-11 l him w L-12 a-c
sindon norð dene aegber L.-13 f-14 e sindon
afdrede ond besupan him is alfe mupa paere ié
L.—14 c read AElfe muča.—14 j-15 f norð
dene habbat benorban him bone L.-15 j–
16 a bemon haet ost sa L.-The East or Bal-
tic sea, in opposition to west sá, 27 efon the
west of Norway and Denmark—16 k afrede
L.—17 f G f. 9 b.-17f him C.—17 f-18 c
him bone ilcan saes earm ond winedas ond bur-
gendan L-19 c-f bone sacs earm L-19 d
ylcan w L.-22 g—23 c benorpan him of rba-
westenne iscwenland L.-22 i, w C.—24 a
scride finne L.-24 e morp menn L: norð-
menn C.
§ 13, 25 a Oht here C : ohthere L. Opposite
to ohthere in L, on the right margin, rh i, is
written—Hie incipit Periplus Ohtheri.-25f
kynincge C.—25 g–26 c paet he ealra norð
monna norb mest bude L.-27 g—28 e he saede
peah paet land sie swipe lang morp poman L.-
27.j baet w L.-29 c stycce maelum L-g hun-
toče L.-30f fiscabe L.-j hè C.—31 d cirre
L.—gh hu longe L.-k morp ryhte L-32f
mon L.-j westenne L.-33d hé C.—33j him
C.—34 a L p 14.—34 iſ wid sa L : the same
as 27 ef, west sač.—35 a prie L.-36 a-37 a
firrest farab pafor he bagiet norb ryhte swafeor
swahe meahte L-36 j k feor swa w C.—36 l
hé C.—37 g–38 a ge siglan babeag past land
L.—geseglian. Šabeah paet land C.—38 d-40!
oppe seo Sağ in on 8ast lond henysse hwæðer
buton he wisse &at he 8ar bâd westan windes
ond hwon norban ond siglde &a east belande
swaswahe meahte L.-40 b C f. 10.—40 k he
C.—41 d-43 a ge siglan basceolde he 8aer
bidan ryht norban windes for 8am baet land
beag paer sub ryhte. Obbe seo sá L.—41 h
bar w C.—43 a sae C : să L.—g mysse L.-
43 3–44% basiglde he ponan sub ryhte belande
swaswahe mehte on fif dagum ge siglan L.-
45 e—k micel ea up in on paet land L.-45 g
tip C.—45 i on w C.—45 l—n pacirdon hie L.
PAGE 20, 1 a-2 b up in on 8a ea forbaem hie
nedorston forb bi baere ea siglan forun fripe L.
—2 h-3 b gebun on obre healfe pare eas L.-
3 e—4 d he aer nån gebun land sippan he from
his agnum hám för L.-5 c-6 d butan fiscerum
ond fugelerum ond huntum ond paet waron
eall finnas L.-6 b waran C.—7 c : 14 h : in
L, the first stroke of m has been scratched
out, making beor nas, but the space between
r and n, in 7 c, and the faint trace of the
first stroke of m in 14 h, and the m being
clearly written in 11 f, shew that the word, in
these three cases, was originally bedrimas.-7
e—i swipe welgebūdhira land L.-9d húntan C.
§ 14. 11 i–12 k of hiera agnum lande ge of
pasm landum be yimb hieutan waron. L.-12.f
lande C.—13 h-k forbaem hehit self L: for-
Saem he hit sylf C.—15 a ban gebeode L.-
15 c.—16 g swipost hefor Öider to eacan bass
landes sceawunge forbaem horschwaelum for-
^aem hie habbat swipe L.-17 c-18 c hiora
topum pate& hie brohton sume pasm cyninge
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 21, 22: BK. I, CH. I, § 22. 9
ond hiora hyd L.-17 k cyninege C.—18 a C
f. 10 b.-18 c hyd is the last word of the 7th
leaf, or 14th page of L. The next 8 leaves,
or 16 pages, have been torn out; L, therefore,
begins again at page 31 of the manuscript.
Commencement of the defect in the
Lauderdale MS.
At the bottom of this 14th p of L is written —
“Hic desiderantur VIII folia, quae suppedi-
tari possunt e Cod. Cottoniano.” At p 10 of
the Junian transcript of Orosius, Dr. Marshall
has made the following note: “Hic incipit la-
cuna in Cod. MS. Lauderdal. qua laborat usque
ad cap. ix: lib. I.” The printed text, from
this place, that is from page 20, 18 c to p. 31,
42 h, is, therefore, entirely dependent on C.
The preceding quotations from L are so precise
and ample, as to give complete clauses, which
often differ from C only in the accenting or
in the spelling of the words. This precision
seemed to be necessary in the first part of the
collation, to shew the exact state of L. When
the MS. of L. begins again, as at p 31, 42 h,
the references to it will be more limited, and
chiefly confined to various readings. An ac-
curate facsimile copy was made from C of the
matter contained in the 8 missing leaves, and
placed in L by me, at the request of the
owner, John Tollemache, Esq., M.P., Helming-
ham Hall, Suffolk, Sep. 29th, 1856. A more
minute account of the facsimiles will be found
in the preface, where L is described. In con-
sequence of this defect in L, the following
notes, to p 31, 42 h, can only refer to C.
§ 14. 18 h-j scíp rapum. se hwæl C.—19 g :
22g hé C.—22 hi syxasum C.; hence Rask's
division into syx asum is not impossible, but
he thinks asum stands for ascum. See ENG. p
44 note 46. Gough says—“If I were to pro-
pose a different reading, it should be that of
pyxa for ryxa, which might be easily mistaken
by a copier, and then it would be some fishes.”
Gough's manuscript notes in his copy of Oro-
sius, in the Bodleian Library, Oaford, p 23.
As these alterations are from conjecture, and
do not seem to remove all the difficulties, I
have allowed the C text, the only MS. we
have of this part, to remain unaltered. See
more in ENG. p 44 note 46.
§ 15. 24 a hé C.—25 g wildeorum C. Some
have supposed the word to be wild-deorum;
but there must then be another d, and the eo
are of little authority, being bo. rh i. Dr. In-
gram, with more reason, takes wildrum to be
the dat. pl. of wildra, the comparative of
wild, referring to aehtum in the preceding
line. Lecture, p 62 note k.-25 m hé C.—38.f
scíp rapas C.
§ 16. 40 a Hé C.—41 a C f. 11.—41 d his C.
PAGE 21. § 17. 15a–ec.
§ 18, 16 a Oht here C.—i hē C.—18 h bonne
C; but evidently an error: the construction
requires bone.—18%–19 a sciringes heal C.—
19% geseg- [C f. 11 bllian.—22 c him C.—
22.f 1pa land C: 23 d 1pa lande C : the rea-
Sons for inserting 1ra land or Isaland and Isa-
lande in the text. See ENG. p 46 note 54.—
24 dºf to scirineges heale, for sciringes as in
18 k, and 25 e.—25 a-e norð wege bi wiè
sučan. The e is joined to weg and bi is writ-
ten above, but they are both r h i, and cor-
rupt the text.—28 b l–29 a-d, C has Seo saï
lić manig hund mila up in on paet land. and
of Sciringes heale. The S, in Seo, is a red
capital letter, generally indicating a new sub-
ject, but the paragraph evidently begins as in
the text.
§ 19, 29e hé C.—30.j sé C.—31 h in C.—l he
C.—32 i–33 b on paet baec bord. déna mearc
C.–36 fread hi.—36.j-37f coman and hym
was 64twegen dagas C.—38 b c in to dene
mearce C : to bo. rh i, and unnecessary.
$ 20. 39 d : i hē C.—42 j–43 d lab land. andfal-
ster. and scón eg C.—43 b C f. 12.—45 i is C.
PAGE 22. 3 d is C.—7 b is C.—11 k hit C.—
14 d fiscnaë C ; the n is bv. rh i, and unne-
cessary.—15 fün spedigan.—18 b Here Wulf-
stan’s voyage ends, in Hakluyt's Navigations,
Vol. I, p 6, 1598.
§ 21. 19 a-p 23, 8 d This is the remainder of
Wulfstan’s voyage, printed first by Sommer in
his Dict. Saa.-Lat. Angl. Oaxon 1659, under
Gedrync. Somner omits the last sentence p
23, 8 e-10 e.—20 b hê C.—20g his C.—21 a
C f. 12 b.—21.f kyningas C.
§ 22. As some have had a difficulty in compre-
hending the extraordinary Horse-racing de-
scribed in this paragraph, the following illus-
tration is given with the hope of making more
clear this strange division of property.
* Very small and light boats, probably somewhat of
the same kind as are still used in Wales and Ireland.
These wicker-boats, coracles, carragh, corrach, or
corgw, are to be seen on the Wye, Teivy, and other
rivers in Wales, and among the inlets of Clew Bay in
Ireland. The coracle resembles the section of a wal-
nut shell. It is made of basket-work, or hoops covered
with hides or pitched canvas; “the dimensions are
about 5 feet by 4, and the weight, when dry, from 30
to 50 lbs.” The boatman can therefore readily carry
his tiny bark on his back by means of a cord or strap
attached to the seat, and passing over his forehead.
“Sometimes 100 such coracles may be seen afloat to-
gether on the Teivy in the height of the salmon sea-
son.” Cliff’s book of South Wales, 12mo 1848 p 305:
Family Friend 1851 Vol IV p 188.
10
NOTES AND WARIOUs READINGS TO PAGE 22–26: BK. I, CH. II, § 1.
WIMiles V IW III IIMiles IMile 1 2 3 4 56
| | | © Cº a e s
62 d c b 0.
Where the The 6 parts
Horse-men of the pro-
assemble. perty, placed
within one
mile.
The 5 or 6 parts of the property are laid
within one mile, a c of the town: the largest
part c, farthest from the town, and the small-
est part a nearest. The Horse-men assemble
5 or 6 miles from the property, at d or e, and
run towards c.; the man who has the swiftest
horse, coming first to 1 or c, takes the first
and largest part. The man who has the
horse coming second, takes part 2 or b, and
so, in succession, till the least part, 6 or a, is
taken. Each then takes away, as his own,
the part he has gained.—27 d daege, the e is
* h i, but right, as indicated by by ilcan.—
35 h, and in the facsimile fol 12 b, 11.f read
forhwaga-37 g sé C.—k swiftoste P−41.f
^an for Šam.—42d C f. 13.—43 b hys C.
PAGE 23. § 23. 8 e-10 e Omitted by Som-
ner, see § 21–19 a.
§ 24, 11 a to p 26, 17 b partly taken from
OROS. I, 2.—12 b be bo. rh i, and the sense
requires it.—14 e àp C.—20f C f. 13 b.
§ 25. 32 g innrbonense C : the second n has
been changed into a, making inarbonense, in-
stead of inserting an a to make in narbo-
IlêI\Sę.
§ 26, 42 g : 43 a profent sa for profentsé 44%.
44 d C. f. 14.
PAGE 24. 1 c : & hyre C.
§ 27, 9 i ús C. -
§ 28, 22 j–23 a brettan- [C f. 14 b) nia.—24 c
haëbbe C.
§ 29. 29 2: 30g he C. r
§ 30. 38 b is has been unnecessarily inserted by.
r h i.-38 e aegyptus C.—38 h-39 c Not in C,
but seems necessary for the sense. *
§ 31. 42 k—43 f read be westan Rogathítus,
Tribulitania sio peod, pe—on the west of the
Troglodyta, the country Tripolitana, which.
—43 e Originally biod, but the i has been con-
verted into e r h i.-43 g hyre C.
PAGE 25, 1 c C f. 15.-4 a-5 e C has the
punctuation thus—bizantium; sio biod.—5 a-
h ENG. The country Byzacium contains the city
Adrumetum and Zeugis—Oros. has, Byza-
cium, Zeugis et Numidia. . . . Byzacium ergo,
ubi Adrumetus civitas: Zeugis ubi Carthago
magna, Numidia ubi Hippo Regius sunt—In
Map, for Zeuge, read Zeugis.
§ 32. 5 c read biod, as the original i has been
altered to e rh i.-5 efse becrh the hill, ram-
part, citadel, or city, just such as Adrumetum
was, “whose site formed an amphitheatre over-
looking the sea, surrounded by strong walls.”
P.S. Dr. Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman
Geog. Barrington has absurdly printed sæ
beorh, and Mr. Thorpe suggests sa burh in
direct opposition to C.—5 h adrumétus C.—
6 e Altered to Seo rh i-11e–g gar secg mau-
ritania hyre–Oros. Haver. p 31, 7–11, has,
—Stifensis et Caesariensis Mauritania habent
ab Oriente Numidiam, a septentrione mare
Nostrum, ab occasu flumen Malvam, a meridiè
montem Astrixim, qui dividit inter vivam ter-
ram et arenas jacentes usque ad Oceanum; in
quibus et oberrant Gangines AEthiopes. Tin-
gitana Mauritania ultima est Africae.-13 g
ENG. read Astrix.—14 c wasm C, for wastm.
—14 h : read dead-wylle.—15 e—g bone gar-
secg mauritania. C.—16 c tingetána C.—17 c
ENG. Abennis.-21j Altered to peod r h i.
§ 33. 25 ö C f. 15 b.—26 i mesicos C : OROs.
Haver. p 32, 4 quem Issicum sinum vocant:
quem Issicum, contracted qm issicum, isicum,
qm esicum, or esicus, mesicus. Note 204.—
29 fread Arfatium C.—31 c-32d Oros. has—
Habet in longo millia passuum centum sep-
tuaginta duo, in lato quinquaginta. Haver. p
32, 10, 11.-31 h Originally lond; but r h i
properly altered to long.
§ 34, 34 d-ºff Oros. Haver. p 32, 13 ab occi-
dente mari Icario, i.e. mari Ionio.
§ 35. 41 e read seo C.—42 a hit C.
PAGE 26, 2 g h In facsimile for hreo. wiłs
wead hreo; wit, C.—2 g–3 chreoh; wit, italia
pam lande. Sardina. and corsica C; but Oros.
properly begins the sentence with Sardinia.
§ 36. 3 d read pa C.—4 i is C.—5 d C. f. 16.
§ 37. 10 i sardine C.
§ 38. 15 h sceortlice, e is bv. rh i.-16 e gese-
tenessum C, for gesetemum, see p 16, 25 e.
CHAPTER II.
18 a-d Inserted by editor to facilitate reference.
§ 1. 19 a Oros. I, 4. Alfred has not translated
Oros. I, 3 into A. S.—19 a f AE’REAEMBE-
ROMEBVRHGEtimbred. The first is a large
green capital, accented: the other capitals,
filling the first line of the MS. are smaller
capitals in red ink-19 b c read &aem öe C.—
20 a. The Anglo-Saxons, like other northern
nations, reckoned their years by winters; be-
cause, from the intense cold and great length
of the winter, it occupied most of their atten-
tion and their feelings.-20 c read busend C.
—22e hergiende, for herigende C, g, bo. 2 h :
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 27–31 : BK. I, CII. VIII, § 2,
11
—23 ché C.—23 h his C.—25e hé C.—26 b-e
on scióðie; Ba norð C.—26 d read pa C.—
28 b in spedegestan C, e, bo. rh i.-28 if he
hiom C, o, bo. rh i.-30 a. alyfeden, e, bo. rh i.
–30 d him C.—30h for-[C f. 16 bloulden
C.—31 a anwig, an, bo, r h i.—31 h hiom C,
o, bo. rh .—34 a hé C.—35 b c hé híne C.
§ 2. 38% In facsimile, for fenge read fenge C.
—40 d bespeon, e, bo. rh i.-41 g read pa C.
—44 e indeas C.
PAGE 27. 2 g—i hió hít Šurhteon C, r pro-
perly written bo. rh i.-3 h waron be C, be,
bv. rh i.—4f hyre, the e properly altered to
a, rh i.
§ 3. 7 g 8yrstede C.—9 a b manigfealde for-
ligre, e, for, rh 7, and ge in geligre expunged
by a point below ge.—10 a C f. 17.-10 i
gespeon C, e, bo. rh i.-13 f hyre C.–14 d-
15 h Oros. is more earplicit—Praecepit, ut in-
ter parentes ac filios nulla delata reverentia
naturae, de conjugiis adpetendis ut cuique libi-
tum esset, liberum fieret. Haver. p 39, 4–6.
CHAPTEB III.
§ 1. 17 a OROS. I, 5: Genesis xix, 24, 25.—
17 c read Še C.—22 a seo C.
§ 2. 24 b In facsimile, for rar read paer C.—
25 de him 6n C.—26 a hiem C, e, bo, r hi.—
26 i hē C.—28 f hit C.—29 d dael C : though
at is without an accent, I have not hesitated
to accent it in the text, as it is accented in
other places; and it seems especially neces-
sary here to distinguish dail, es; m. A part,
from dael, es; m. pl. dalu. A valley, especially
as the words are in immediate connection.
CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. 34 a OROS. I, 7. Alfred omits ch. 6
of Oros. –34 c read 8e C.—34 fge-[C f.
17 bl timbred.—34 h busend C.—35 e read
ciarsathi: ci arsat. hi C, most absurdly divided
and accented. The absurdity is increased by
the change of hſ into hy rh i.—36 c àphófon
C.—38 de hi hióra, unnecessarily altered to
hy heóra rh i.
CHAPTER W.
PAGE 28. § 1. 1 a. OROS. I, 8. — 1 c read
^e C.—5 e 8á C.—5 j göd cunde C. —7 a
his C.—7 c iustinus C.—7.7 ginst C.—8 k
hiom C, o, bo. rh i.—9 h híne C.—10 b ciape-
monnum C, a, bo. rh i.-10 e hine C.—11 a
Ba C.—11 e º f hé C.—12 b Of C.—12 f: 16 c
hé C.—16 i C f. 18.-18 e hé C, bo. rh i.-
18 h pan C, for pam.—19 e hé C.—21 h hym
C.—22 d hé C.—23 d wolde C.—28 b read
sopan C.
§ 2. 32 e read bas C.—37 fanwealde C, e,
bv. rh i.-38 f heam C, eo, bo. rh i.-40 e
C f. 18 b.-43 b hys C.—43 g : 44 c : 45 i hē
C.—44 g god C, o, with a double accent.—
45 fponne C. -
CHAPTER VI.
PAGE 29. § 1. 1 a. OROs. I, 9. — 1 c read
§e C.–2 f In facsimile, for ambictno read
ambiccio. – 6 d woruld C, u, bo. rh i. —
7 j then halé on C, read here and 9 a. Theu-
haléon.—9 f him C.—10 b : 11 i hé C.
§ 2. 16 a ſndea C.—16 : hi C.—17 h C f. 19.
—18 b híne C.
CHAPTER VII.
§ 1. 21 a OROS. I, 10. – 21 c read Še C. —
23 hé C.—24 i ealle bo. rh i. — 28 c d hé
ge gearwon C, n altered to d, rh i.—30 &
8á C.—31 a un à ablinnendlice C, for un-
āblinnendlice, with which the teact must agree.
–36 d fif C, but te is properly inserted by.
ºr h i.-38 e—g bact wyrms utsigonde bo. rh i,
but unnecessary, for literally it is—waron
berstende, and pa worms utsionde were burst-
£ng, and then oozing out corruption. —39 d
Tead bar C.—40 a hé C.—ºf read menn.—41 c
C. f. 19 b.
PAGE 30. 1 j wyrttruman C.—2 a-c Oros.
I, 10, Haver. p 55, 17, 18 Locustarum nubes,
exhaustis Omnibus, ipsas quoque radices semi-
num persequentes.—3 d pyspernes C.—5 l
frumcennede bo. rh i.-7 h beh hwæðre C,
beh bv. rh i.—7 j hedra, eo, bo. rh i.—9 c
utfaeredel C, l properly altered to s, rh i.-
10 e fulgen C, but an 1 is inserted after f by.
* h i, and the following l expunged by a point
under it, making flugen.—10 j hiom, o, by.
* h .-12 g heam, eo, r h i.-14 c wig wagma
C.—15 f hiom, o, bo. rh i.—17 a beh hwae&re
C, beh bv. rh i.—17 f méngé C.—19 c and
he C.—22 h C f. 20.—23 f read 84 C.—24 j
nu C.—25 a ſs C.—25 b Örgyte C, v. Orgeate,
orgete: Junius suggests ongyten—26 b gon-
gende C, o, altered to a, rh i.-26.j monkynne
C, o, altered to a, rh i.-27 d: 28 b hit C.—
27.j sonde C, o, altered to a, rh i.
§ 2. 29.j–30 a worulde; Nales C.–30 h. i ges-
wencte Ac C.
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 1. 38 a OBos. I, 11. – 38 c read Še C.—
39 g 6n C.—j read fiftig C. — 42 h. ENG.
p 69, 40, 41 note 2, read—Reference is here
made to the 50 sons of Ægyptus, and the
50 daughters of his twin-brother Danaus.
The daughters of Danaus were given in mar-
riage to their cousins.—44 ché C.
PAGE 31. 1 d he bo. rh i.-2 a hé C.
§ 2. 3 c C f. 20 b.-5 c read hys C.—j orosius
C.—6 b mé C.—9 c ic bo. rh i.-11 c hine C.
C *
12
NOTES AND VARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 82–85: BK. I, CH. XII, § 2.
—fg godum to, blote ge do, to ge do, bo. rh 3.
12 i hióra C.
§ 4, 18 a. ORos. I, 12.—18 e Orósius.-18h his
C.—19 i read hſ C.—22 h anweald, e, bo. rh i.
23 b matóe C.—e is C.—25 e Scond C, o, altered
to a, r h i.-26f hé C.—27 i C f. 21-28 b
hu C.—29 a b hine him C.—% ačreotan C, y
is written above eo r h i.-31 efforbon 6n C.
—; 6n C.—32 d read cube C.—33 f: 34 c :
36 g 6f C.—33 l read Še C.—36 d. h4 bo. rh i.
–37f ENG. Thyestes.—37 i heóra C.—38 e
hióra C.—39 e hit C.—i hé C.—40 b : f: ; his
C.—41 fut gemetlica C.
FIere the Lauderdale MS. recommences.
CHAPTER IX.
§ 1.-44 a OBOS. I, 13. L. p 31. The L begins
again here. See Notes to page 20, 18 c.—
44 h : siex hunde L.
PAGE 32. 1 & 1x gum L.-frnicel L.
§ 2. 6f 7 fláphite C.—7 c C f. 21 b.—9 a-c
heton hi hie L.-93 and C, bo. rh i.—10 c-f
hie on horse [hie] feohtan L ; the last hie bw.
CHAPTER X. -
§ 1. 14 a OROs. I, 14. — 12 h–13 a iiii hunde
wintrum L.-15 e hé C. — 17 c àscende L.-
17 h : 23 d him C, i, altered to hedm, om
r h i.—18 e očer erased L-19 k = 22 j : 25 g
hím C.—23 h hine C.—24 e read Hí C.—30 a.
read oë—30 h. L. p 32.-31 e : h read o'Söe
C.—32 b C. f. 22.—32 e read &a C.
§ 2. 34 a OROs. I, 15.—37 h : oppe altered to
ob bat C.—37 i past w L-38c genamón C.—
39 d Öfslegene, C, ne bo. rh i.-h hióra C.—
43 c patte L.-l wéras C.
PAGE 33, le patte L.-5 g onwalde L.-8 ef
bearma striendon L: bearn astryndon C.—9 c
kendon C.—f read hy.—12.j amazasanas L.
—13 a C f. 22 b.
§ 3. 15 e read here.—15 g tu L.-16 e L p 33.
17 e europe L: etiropam C.—18 b dál L.-
19 easióm C.—20 f hióra C.—23 a 24 e
hyre C.
§ 4, 26.j–27 b wifmonnum. baette L. — 27 c
eñrope C.—29f hé: 30 g : j : 31f. C.—31 if
These were uakpā, TAoſa, or vies uakpal the
large or war ships of the Greeks. They were
the Longae naves, the long war ships of the
Romans, which had often more than 50 rowers.
What Oros. calls longas naves, Alfred trans-
lates Dulmºnus 32 a. Mr. Thorpe thinks this
is a corruption of the Norse dromundr; but
he does not give any explanation of the word.
All that is said of it, in Rask's Lexicon Island-
icum Haldorsonii, is this—Dromundr, n.
Dromon, navis genus: Et skib af usaedvanlig
störrelse og egen bygningsmaade a ship of
wncommon size, and peculiar construction.
(See Orkneyānga Saga, Köh. 1780. S. 298.)
–32 g h an äne scip C, e, bo. rhi : on an scip
L.—34% híeom, eom bv. rhi.-35 d gewſn.—
35 i paet L-36 b ge sweostor L-37 e fengc
C.—37f C f. 23.
§ 5. 39 a OROS. I, 16.-39 a b Hít is C.—40 5
hit C.–From 40 i to p 34, 4b, w C. All that
there is in C, is—bá swā earme wifmen. hy
swa tintregedon. And ni 8a ba gétan coman
C.–40 i-page 34, 4 e L [L. p 33, 26 a to page
34, 4 cl.-40 —p 34, 4 a, w C. What is be-
tween the brackets, in the text, is literally
copied from L; except—and 41 e : 42.f. 43 d ?
g; 44 b : 45f, where it would be better to
tead ond, as it is always so written in L,
when uncontracted. The only stops in L are
a point after 45 a thus, settan. and page 34
after 1 e thus, waron. and before and after 1 g
thus, ‘C’ See the facsimile.
PAGE 34. 1 d on- [L. p 34] wendende.
§ 6, 8 b–g paet hi hie mid gefeohten L.-8 ef
mid gefeohte C.—9 a romwáre C.—9 e bas C.
–99—i nu wyr sie L.-14.j landes w L.-
16 c : 20 a hit C.—17 f me haefdon L.-20 g :
21j aenigu L.—21 e hyre C.—24 c C f. 23 b.
—24 : gearder C : middangrds L.-25 c Ilalés
C.—27 e gé C.—28f hióra C.—29 c 6n C.
CHAPTER XI.
§ 1.-31 a OROS. I, 17. —31.j wintran w L. —
32 c XXXgum L.-:f baette L.-h priámises
C.—33a L. p 35.—33c: 34b 6f C.—35d gewſn.
—39.j is C.—% baette L.-40 e méncynnes
C.—42 g hit C.—43 g mån C.
PAGE 35, 2 e C f. 24: fosceapunge C.—2 g
món C.—j sagö L.
§ 2. 3 efful X. L.-5 a hwæðran L-5 b–d
hine bet lycian w L.
§ 3. 6 a. OROs. I, 18.—7 a €neas C.—8 k scea-
wigean L.-9f hé C.
CHAPTER XII.
§ 1. 11 a OROs. I, 19. — 14h hé: 15 j : 17 f.;
18d.: k = 19 b : 20 as 21g : C.—15 a furpumlic
luxurious, gratifying the appetite or stomach,
Pfrom pumle viscera, Som.—16 d gebaero L-
17 c his C.—19 c híne: 21 i : C.—216 L. p 36.
—21 e him, C.—ºf hafde C.—22 h asſrie C.—
26 e gewinne C.
§ 2. 27 h C f. 24 b.-28.f sé C.—29c Sam w
L.—29fastiaſ C.—30 e his C.—31; hé: 34; ;
39 g : C.—33 ef meða. Ac hi C.: meba. Ac
hie L. Though Ac is both in L and C, it is
superfluous, and therefore omitted in the text.
—33% ſiphofon C.—34 e ENG. Harpagus.-
NOTES AND VARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 36–42: BK. II, CH. III, § 4, 13
37 b ðn C.—42 d 6nwald C, 6, altered to 4,
r h i.—43 d hióra C.
§ 3. PAGE 36. 1 a hine C.—d hé: j : 2 i ;
14 b : 15 b : g : k C.—2f read fyrd.-7 c C f.
25.—8 a hióra C.—8 fg waron; and w C.—
9 a L. p 37.-10 i hi C.—13 h hine C.—16 e
híom C, o, bo. rh i.-16f ENG. Harpagus.-
19 d-fread ge-endod: ac Círus C.—20 g 6n C.
§ 4. 22 a OBos. I, 20.—23 g hé: 24 h : 26 h :
27 g : 28 c : k = 29 d. 33 k : C.—23.j cilicia C.
25g him.—27 h; 28 d. C.—26 b Argeotere L.
—27 fpe w L.-28 g pinunge L.-30 a C f.
25 b.—30 g hit C.—32f 6n C.—32 l sé: 35 d
C.—33 a 6pelinge C.—33 e : h his C.
§ 5. 39 c beswica & C.—40 l ; 43 g be w C.—
41 g hióra: 43.j C.—41 i L p 38.
CHAPTER XIII.
PAGE 37. § 1. 2 a OBos. I, 21.-5 k heóra C.
CHAPTER XIV.
§ 1. 10 a ORos. I, 21. — 10 a C f. 26. — 10 a
read Ár.—18 d hióra C.—14 b &n sagden
C.—15 flaccedemonia L. — 16 a maese C.—
17; read Ba.—20 d ?. 22 c read paet.—20 f
hióra C.—g wendum L-22,f :#r L-23 a
gelendan C, but l altered to w in the original
hand and ink.-23 e hyra C.—g h bearn as-
trynde C.—24 oëöe C: oë L.
§ 2. 27 l genealaehton C, ge, bo. rh i.—28 b
getweqde L.-h mihte C.—ff hióra C.—29 d
L. p 39.—30 % híom, om, bu. r h i.—31 d
mihte C.—31 e heóra C : w L.-32 c C f.
26 b.
§ 3. 36 de scortlic ymbe C, e, bo. but in the
original hand and ink-36.h paette L-38.j
ànd C.—39 b eñhtatig C.—40 cakennes C.
HOOK II: CHAPTER I.
PAGE 38. 1 a. OROS. II, 1. — 1 l hé: 4 as
10 b : 13 g : 14?: C.—2 a genöh L.-d paette
L.—3 a 4 c, o has a double accent in godne
C.—3 b read gescéop C.—3 dealle C.—4f:
11% him C.—5 # syluum C.–8.; hé C, bo.
*h i.-9 c wé: j : 11 e : 12 b : 14 g : C.—9% :
10 g is C.—10f C f. 27.—10 iſ rihtlican bin-
gan C.—11 c món C.—14 b is C.—15 de un-
metlican onwealdun L.
§ 2. 18 a L. p 40.—18 b ptolome L.-h pae C.
—20 e heafodlicu ricu C.—20 g—21 a feower
éndas C.—27 b suna C.—30 d hit C.—30 g
ongietan L-30 h mage w L.
§ 3. 31 a OROS. II, 2.—31 h wé C.—32 c hine
C.—e sloh C.—33 b rice C.—34 e G f. 27 b.-
34 f hit C.—41 c remuses L.
PAGE 89. § 4. 4e āsīria C.—6 h burg L.-
7 g I, p 41.-14.j be w C.—15.j C f. 28.-
16|f Åweste L.-h read ealle C.—18 eºf pé
babylänia C.—19 d romána C.—22 c roma L.
§ 5. 27 b OROS. II, 3.−27 e Sone C.—34 a beh
pe L.-35.j and w L.-37.f.g. patte alrica L.
–38 d hyre C.—39 b L. p 42-39 b hwa-[C
f 28 blpere.—39 c on wealg L.-h paem w L.
—40 a peh be L.-41 i hé C.—42 a hyre C,
wead hyre.—42 h read hi C.—i hire C.—44 d
hióra C.—45 h read hi.—k syndricsiende C.
PAGE 40, 2e caserum L.
§ 6, 3 longeaten L.-4 a b be ba L: bá če C.
–7c gód C.—9f his C.—10.5 read hafdon.—
11 5 gode, o, with two accents C.—16 c hióra :
17 a - 19 d. C.—16 f C f. 29.—17 b cristenan,
e, bu. rh i.-19 i read paes C.—21 d wól ge-
winnan C.–22 d unmilt-[L p 43] sunge. —
22 d inmiltSunge L.-23 e : 24 l read hi C.—
24 c aeróaem L.
CHAPTER II.
§ 1. 27 a OROS. II, 4. — 28 a troiána C. —
29 e—g remus and romulus C.—30 c &an w L.
–30 e : 35 e hióra C. — 32 d hé C. — 34 e
habbanne L-g hi C.—35 i hi C.—37.jge-
tygºedon L. —38 d read to C.—38 k C f. 29
b.—39f gewin C.—39.j be w L.—42 d read
wif C.—43 a pan C.—b gefeohtum L. B.—f
waron w C.—44 d read hi C.
PAGE 41. 3 g hé: 4 as C.—4b cyning L-k
feng L-7 i ond L.-8 k aspón L.-9 c L p
44.—9 de hé hís C.—l hine C.
§ 2. 11 a hé: 12 e : C.—15 e niedlingas L.-
18 e C f. 30.—18 e geendodon L.-22 d be-
gietena L.
§ 3. 24 e hé: 27 h; 28 h : C.—26 a hióra C.—
26 b eallra w L.-27 b ealla C.—28 a ligre L.
—d his C.—29 g pe L.-32 d werr C.—36.f
under lätteowas C.
CHAPTER III.
§ 1. 39 a OROS. II, 5. — 39 e read Še C. —
39 h–40 d II' hunde wintrum ond ‘IIII"
patte L.-40 a L p 45.-40 g se w C.—41 c
C f. 30 b.—41 c & From here to p 44, 14 h,
C is written by another scribe, as is evident by
the form of the letters and accents. Compare
PLATE III CoTTON MS. with PLATE II.
PAGE 42. 2 h hé C.
§ 3. 5 a read Tarcuinus C : tarcuinius L.-5 b
bá C, w L.-h read aspéon C : aspón L.-69
haten L.-6 hé: 7 h : C.—6 k l ie & mehte L.
—8 can wig L.-e bone L.-g ymb L-9 d
tarcuinius L-g on gean L-10 c ofer mod
gan L.—3 of slog L.
§ 4. 12 g bar L: bar gif C ; gif squeezed in at
the end of the line-13 e hé: 17 e : 18.j: 19es
C.—13.j read ge-egsode C.—14 a f hſne C.
—k his C.—l read hánd C.—15 a barndon C.
14
NoTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 43–48: BK. II, CH. v., § 8.
—18 c read hiC.—19.j ware w L-21 a C f.
31. -
CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. 25 a ORos. II, 5. — 25 i romána C. —
26 c read ondrédende C. —26 h-28 a hfran
ladteow bonne hiera consul ware, bone 6e hie
tictator heton. This is chiefly from L, and
seems to be the best text.—26 % hírân L.-
27 a L p 46.—27.j tictatores L.-31 b par L:
bar gif C ; gif bo. rh i. See 12g.—31,f me,
before gesémed, is expunged by points or dots
underneath.-32 dungetina L.-41 i read Paer
C.—42 d forslaegene L.-44f C f 31 b.—44f
hé C.
PAGE 43. 1 , heafe L.
§ 2. 11 f heóra.—12 c L p 47.-14.jsé C.
§ 3. 23 d herg-[C f. 32] unge.—23 g hit C.
§ 4, 28.j diſge C.—29 a hit C.—31 d read pa
C.—32 e à gescéop C.—33 syx cempan C.—
37.j romane C.—38.j gind L.
§ 5, 40 a OROS. II, 6–42 a hé C.—h Índie C.
—43 d L. p 48,-44 g—i aenigu operu burg L.
—44 k hine C.—45 a-g gandes seo pass of r
faereldes longe gelette L. Gandes Gyndes
(Töväes Herod. I, 189) a river of Assyria,
running into the Tigris.
PAGE 44, 2% hé C.—2.j C f 32 b.—4 g his
C.—5 d hé C.—7 k read fléde C : fledu L.—
9 d sixtig eff, C, but with points under as if to
be expunged: ea w L.-9 f read syööan.—
11 h. hô C.—14% ºf Here the original scribe
of C begins to write again. See p 41, 41 c.—
14.j L B : secgenne C.
§ 6, 17 a Babyloniam a Nemrod gigante fun-
datam ... multi prodidère. Oros. p 102, 3.−
18 k read ge-endade.—21 b read swipe.—d an
L B.-22 e—g firmitas et magnitudo Oros. p
102, 6–24 e ymbgong L B.-26 & dic L.-
26.j C f. 33.—27 c ungefotlicosta C.—30 c L
p 49.—30 hpé C.—31.j westas C.—32% fastas
C.—34 b middanearde C.—d éác C.—38 c
maege L.
§ 7. 40.j babilonium C.—41 e hé C.—41 h hy
C: hie L.-ENG. p 44, 42 b for pleasing read
flensing or cutting off the blubber.—44 g
ofslog L.-45 a romána C.—45 b read bes-
prych C.
IPAGE 45. 3 b is C.
§ 8. 5 a OROS. II, 7–6.j C f. 33 b.—6 l him
C.—8 d bar C.—9 dhé: h : 10c : h : 13 h : 20
e: 23 b : C.—10 d. 12 b híne C.—11 : geah-
sade L.-17.j: 25 & hit C.—18 d ge-II, p 50]
-metton.—27 a ti L-31 d C f. 34.—32 c-e
ENG. p 87 g h read two hundred thousand,-
32 de Both L and C have twa busend,-but
hund must be inserted, for ORos. has—Du-
centa millia, Haver. p 105, 9.-35 b pé C.
CHAPTER W.
§ 1. 38 a OROS. II, 8. – 40 d hé : 41 h : C. —
41 b gedæn.
§ 2. 43 e Sé C.—43 h asiriae L.—44 h him C.
PAGE 46. I ché; 9.f. 12 b : 23 f: 24 g C.—
2.j him C.—2 k man w L.-2 l L. p 51.-4 h
híne C.—10 a 20 h his C.—12 d ponon L B.-
12 l for-[C f. 34 b) hergode.—16 h wisten C
bv. rh i : w L.—20 d Miltiades ei bello prae-
fuit Oros. Haver. p 108, 3, 4.—21 d sé C.—
23 c-fºa he eft hafde L.
§ 3. 25 a ORos. II, 9.—25 d his ; 29.f. 31 e :
34.j: C.—26f hé: 30.j: 31 l ; 32.j: C.—26.j v.
C.—27 c ond L.-28 b man w L.-28.f burh
C.—28 g : 29 b sé C.—31 c read for C.—32 d
zead peodum C.—34 e hedra C.—34t I, p 52.
—37 k C f. 35.—38 b ungemätlice C.—38.f
was bo. rh & C : w L.—39 d is C.
§4. 41 d hé: 43 h : C.—41 fexersis L.-42 c :
44% hím C.
PAGE 47. 2 j wiste CH-4 fºg maest ealle
L.—5 c : 14 b hím C.—5 d 8á C.— 5 g : 15 k
his C.—5 h folc bo. r h i C.–6 b hê : ºn : 8 g :
11 e : 13.j : 15 c : 16 e: j : C.—8 c was C.—10?
geascade L.-11j fyrde C.—12 d opér C.—
16 & C f. 35 b.—17 d wé: 18 a C.—19 d on
bv. rh & C : w L.-20 c-21 h Neque expec-
tandum, vel hostem, vel diem, sed occasione
noctis perrumpenda castra, commiscenda
arma, conturbanda agmina fore. Oros. p 111,
6, 7.-20 de pisse niht L.-21 d longsumast
L B.-21 i L p 53.—23 e and sume C, but
and bw. rh 7, and is unnecessary.
§ 5. 24 a OROS. II, 10.—26.f hé C.—27 d:
28h him C.—28f heóra C.
§ 6. 35 k he C.—41; and w C.—42 a Laecede-
mo-[C f. 36] nie.—43 b and w L.
§ 7. FAGE 48. 13 adruncan C.—2% híne: 21
g: C.—3 d he ; ; 5 ; ; 10 i : 12 j : 13% : 15 e :
l: 16 h; 21 f. 22 f. 23 g; C.—4e ſingepwarnes
L.—4g his; 9 g : 12 e : 14 l; 17 d: C.–5 e :
7 e hit C.—7 a winnende C.—7 g h cynge
laste C.—10f bonan L-11 a L p 54–12 m
sípe C.—16 i him: 17 c : 20f: j : C.—20 d sé
C.—21 k C. f. 36 b. -
§ 8. 24 a ORos. II, 11.-27 isé C.—29 i blić-
ran C. —31 chine C.—31 d = 41 d his C.—
40g he 41 g : 43 i : 45.j: C.—41 c I, p 55-
42 : sceolom, e, bo. rh & C : sculon L.-43 e
ENG. p 91, 35% or more literally, to hel-
warum to the inhabitants of hell. No. 427
Lambeth MSS. quoted by the Rev. Dr. Hewrt-
ley, Margaret Prof. of Divinity, Oaford, in
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO
PAGE 49–56: BK. III, CH. Iv, s1, 15
his Harmonia Symbolica.-44 l wé C.—45 h
góde C.—45 k is C.—45 l C f. 37.
PAGE 49. 1 g w8 C.—3 a him C.—6 g after-
ran L.-7 b–e na`ere an pance L.-8c gode
C.—8 de ne pá w L.
§ 9. 9 a. ORos. II, 12.—10 b wé C.
CHAPTER VI. -
§ 1. 16.f getimbrad C.—20g byrnenne C.—25.j
in C, ge is cancelled, and foró bo. rh i.
§ 2. 27 b C f. 37 b.-30 d L. p 56.—32 i fucísci
C.—32 i–33 ab ENG. p92, 17 gh read Wolscian
nation.—33 g forslege C.—35 e heóra C.—35.j
gif baer C, gif bo. rhi-37 h him C.–38 b
hé C.—h his C.
§ 3. 40 a ORos. II, 13.—42f pam bv. rh & C ;
w L.-43g besuncan C.—43 à read hi C.—
44%. The C scribe erroneously wrote on 6a
eorpa eorban; and in correcting, crossed out
eorban instead of eorpa. L has properly—on
ba eorpan.
PAGE 50. 1d read pám C.—3 a furwurdon C.
§ 4, 6 e him C.—7 k C f. 38.—10 d uttrá. C.—
10 : hendae C.
§ 5. 14 a OROS. II, 14.—14 a Iepelice L.-149
haëbbe C.—16b read pleolicestan.—14% - 21 b
hít C.—18% L p 57.—20 fswā C.—20h un-
getíma C : ungetina L. – 21 d is C. – 21 fº
swelce tacnung L.
CHAPTER VII.
§ 1. 24 a OROS. II, 15. – 26 b asponan L.-
31 d his C.—32 i myhto C.—33e C f. 38 b.-
34b genydon C.
§ 2. 35 a Abridged from OROS. II, 18. —36 d
*II. C.—39 d paer L, C, but query paera for
pára of them.
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 1. 43 a OROS. II, 19.—43 à hunde L.
PAGE 51. 7 d hé: 11 c : C.—7 e him C.—8 e
I, p 58.
§ 2. 15 c C f. 39.—23 b pa bar C, ba bo. rh i.
—23 h; maid mawe L.-23 i máwé C.
§ 3. 28 d demm L.-31 c hedra C.—34 ac-
waslan L. A
§4. 39 b L. p 59. – 40b C f. 39 b. – 44 d
nahto C.
PAGE 52. § 5. 2d.; 7 b : gottan, t, bo. rh i.
—3 h; prydas C, for bry dagas.-6 cd eachie
L, w C.—9.j namon C.—10.j čaem L: pam C.
—13 g oëfleon w C and L, but inserted by
Junius, and necessary for the sense—15 cd
ofslagenre geahsian L.-16; hefenisc L.
§ 6. 19 a-21 b. Written in the same letter and
ink in L as the rest of the MS; but in C, it is
written in a smaller and thinner letter than
the other part of the MS.—20 b Cf. 40–20%
read ge-endian.
BOOK III: CHAPTER I.
§ 1. 23 a ORos. III, 1.—L p 60. – 24 h gallia
C. – 24 i roma L. — 35.7 read him. — 39 c
heóra C. — 40 g ahténe. —41.j C f. 40 b. —
44 b ENG. p.52, 44 b–45 k read The Elbing
comes from the east, out of Esthonia, and is
absorbed by the larger stream of the Nogat.
PAGE 53. I a gebogene C.–2 a 4sponen C.
§ 2. 10 i hē : 11j : 12f; 13 c : 14 h : 15f C.—
11 c heras feohtan C, but feohtan is in the
margin rhi, and unnecessary: w L.-12 e L
p 61.-13.j pam C, bo. rhi : w L-16 h lace-
demonia C.
§ 3. 21 c hine C.—25 d hé C. — 25 g sé C. —
26 c gielp worde L.-28 g ungemetlice L.-
31 h a nig C.—32 a lat-[C f. 41] teowas.
§ 4. 36 g mehte C.—37 e read sum.—38 b hé
C.—41 d = j heóra C.—45b L. p 62.
PAGE 54. 2.; hé: 8 d. 14 a k : C.—4e C
f 41 b.—8 e héom C.—14 c his C.—14 i pan
w L.
§ 5. 22 a OROS. III, 2.—28 a Laecede-[L p 63]
monia. In L, laccede is the last word of p 62,
sheet IIII. In beginning the next page, and
sheet, the scribe seems to have forgotten to
finish the word, as he began p 63 with ealdor
mon. The scribe of C writes the incomplete
word laccede just as L, though it comes in the
middle of a line in C. This is presumptive
evidence, amidst many other proofs, that C
was copied from L.-28 g C f. 42.
CHAPTER II.
§ 1. 41 a OROS. III, 2-44 g gecgan C, altered
to secgan rh i : gesecgan L.
PAGE 55. 2 e hyre C.—4f arcadiusas C.—5.j
getacnad L.-7 e : j his C.—8 g him C.—h
bónne C.
§ 2. 9 g fulchi C.—10f Cf.42b.—12hrome C.
- CHAPTER III.
§ 1. 16 a L p 64: OROS. III, 4.—20 b males L.
—22 b lencten haete L.-e ungemaetre L-23 a.
aefter haeóan C : haeban L, but evidently for
haete, an. f. heat.—23 b éc C.—256 for C.—fy
beh be L.-j waron and C, but and bo. rhi.
—26 c gedrehte C.
§ 2. 31 g ba C.—32d synton LB. — 36 C C
f. 43.−39 h at C: L, but better ac.—40 d
tinárimede L.-43 a hine C.
§ 3. 44 a OROS. III, 5.
PAGE 56. 3 h I, p 65.
CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. 8 a. OROs. III, 6. – 9 b lxxviiI C. —
9e read of rhergedon. —f roman C. — 10 a.
‘IIII C : L. Oros. has—ad quartum ab urbe
lapidem, Haver, p 159, 20; but preo is adopted
16 NOTES AND VARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 57–61: BK. III, CH, VII, § 6.
in the teat, as it is in the table of contents;
and Livy has—ad tertium lapidem.—lle
gewäcodan C.—13 e morgenne L.-ftidus C.
—16.fhine C.—19 a gefagen C.
CHAPTER W.
§ 1. 21 a OROs. III, 7.-21; Cf. 43b.—22 b
'II' C.—24 a-d hie nan land L.-26 d heard
salnesse L.-27 & tangel, u over a rh i C.—
29 b c on sumre at one time, L.
§ 2. 31 h middan eard C.—33 f hé: 35 b : C.—
33.j iudana L.-35 d swięew L.-36 g giet L.
—36% L p 66.-38g siponem C.—39 i dágum
C.
§ 3. 40 a OROS. III, 8.—43 fread mastan C.
PAGE 57. 2 b romane C.
§ 4, 3 f C f. 44.—4 i ianas C.—j dura L.-7
a—d aer eft octauianus daege L.-The following
note is by my friend E. Thomson, Esq.-3 f-
7 d gif aenig man sy, &c. . . aer eft Octauianus
daege; . . . if [there] be any man, &c. ... until
the day of Octavianus—(Literally) before the
day of Octavianus Caesar again (afterwards).
—The hypothetical particle gif, is equivalent
to a negative, as in Ps. 89, 35. I will not lie
unto David—Gyf Dauide ic lege.—L says
“The door of Janus was not shut, after the
beginning of that war, (with an exception
scarcely worth notice,) until the time of
Octavian.” That is, It was first shut in his
day. This is virtually denied by C.—“If
there be any one, who can find . . . that it
was shut first in the time of Octavianus.”—
The obvious and undeniable sense is, that no
man can find it so; but the fact is, and L.
vouches for it, “No man, who will read the
history of Rome, can miss it.” C is the
affected and inadequate representative of the
original, while L, Alfred's contemporary, is
proved to be correct, from internal evidence,
and the collation of other MSS. of the 9th
or 10th centuries. E.T.-10 fandydan L.-
12 b mić, L.
§ 5. 23.j L. p 67.—24 g lyse C : lufe L-26 i
bé C. — 28 c romana C.—g swa w L.-28 i
C f. 44 b.—29 g on C.—31 c his C.
CHAPTER WI.
§ 1. 35 a OROS. III, 9,-40 a he w C.—44 e-p
58, 1 b taken from L.
PAGE 58. § 2. 4 c read wisan C.—5.jk #
libban L: alibban C.—6 f séna w L.-7 ef
beot aleag L.-9 b manfeld C. * *.
§ 3. 10 a ORos. III, 10.—10g Cf. 45.—ll e-g
marcellius and ualerianus C.—13 b L. p 68.--
16c hit w C.—18; hit C.—19e aer C.—21h
and w L.-23 c ryhte w C.
CHAPTER WII.
§ 1. 25 a OROS. III, 11.-30% of loh C.—33?
gear rime L.-34 a oë C.
§ 2. 35 a OROS. III, 12.—35 h alcne C.—37 :
C f. 45 b.-38 e and C.—39f hé: 43 a. d: C.
–40 d crecum L: grecum C.—41 e IIII' waes
C.—h folcenses C. — 42 i Phipilpus. – 43 b
L p 69.-43 d he w L.-44 be strenuissimum
imperatorem Oros. p 168, 1.
PAGE 59. 1 i hēfle C–2 e weard C.–2 *
hé: 10 a e : 14 c : 15 a C.—4 e hyre C, but
zead hyre.—7.j him C.—8 d londum L.-8 f
6n C.—8% hís: 9 b : 17 f: j : C.—9b his agen
C, but agen w L.-12 c wé C.—14.j gewil-
nunge L.-16 h folcafeohtan C,L, but feohtan
bv. rhi, in L. See p 53, 11 c, and note.—17 b
bá C.—17 l him C.—18 h Cf.46.—19 a agene
L.—d ridende C.—f gongendre L.
§ 3. 22 c hé; 24 c : 25 d. 27 b : 31f: 35 ; ;
36 7 - 38 e : C.—22 e arues L.-j malosolum
C.–23 c olimphiade L.-d hed w L.-24 d
his C.—25 e hine C.—25 h wununge C.—26 a
Šaet w C.—27 d lif L.-j čn C.—k thona L.-
28 bat w L.-31 d his w L.-e searewan L.
31 k L. p 70:-34 d betwenum C.—35 e oper
C.—f underpied L.-38 i gewealdon L, for
gewealdum : wealdan C.
§ 4. 41 g After ypelice, L has formeah.-43 e
of oºrum C, but of w L.-45 b C f. 46 b.-
45 b : g hine C.—f hé C. -
PAGE 60. 1 c hé: 5 d. 7 f: C. — 1 d him :
9 b : j : C.—1 g ondred L.-1.j thesalí C.—
2.7 mathene L.-3 g firde L.-k heóra C.—4 h
mihte.—6 e geför L.-8 f bact w L.-9 c irre
L.—10 c ware C.—11 e oferwunn C.—? bam
w L-13 b his swice C.—13 c : 15 b of log L.
–14 h i prie gebroëor L. — 16 g L p 71. —
19 b-e ge medren acwacronge facderen L.
§ 5. 21 d ric L.-22 h hé: 27 c : 30 h : 34 d ?.
40 d. C.—25 foſslog L-26 b C f. 47–26 f
bam L.-28 e clusa C.—h belucen L.—31 c-e.
hie hie oferwunnen.—31 d hy C.—33 e buta
w C.—34.j gewealdon L.-34 l; 38 c his C.—
36 d. baet w L.-36 f hit C.—37 a aegöer C.—
b waa L.-38 k ricestan L.-41 i—l ofcrimonig
opru anwald L.
§ 6.44 a OROS. III, 13.—44f hé C.
PAGE 61.1 ché; 3 b : 13 g : 21 e : 25 e : 37 b :
44f: 45 b : C.—2 k I, p 72.-3 a ceas C.—
3 k read haten C: hatenu L.-4 h–5 a bar
mehten betst frið binnan habban L-5 i on
w C.—6 b G f. 47 b.-7.jk anwann L.-13 e
him C.—15 ö and sum, but and w L.-18 f
gepohta L.-18 his driana L.-23 j mon
menie L.-239. Over maenige is weredes r h i.
NoTES AND VARIOUS READINGs to PAGE 62–68: BK. III, GH, Ix, $17.
17
—26 l feohton C.—30 a waspned monna L.-
30 d C f. 48.-31 bewuna L.-33 a L p 73.
—34 d for C.–40 c cyningas C.—40 d fylle
w L.-43 c standon C.—g hie w C.
PAGE 62. 1 g hy C, bu. rh i.—5 d his w C.—
7 a hé C.—9 b C f. 48 b.—10 g na w C.
§ 7. 12 a OROS. III, 14. — 12 e fird L. — 13 f
tintrade L.-14 a read hy.—b mid w C. —
efordón L-16 i hé: 21 d, C.—18 g Lp 74.
18 h-19 b he his dohtor him sellan wolde L.-
22 e his w C.
§ 8. 27 c maenaë C.—e hit C.—29 k read paet
C: pac L, for past.—30 howre C.—31 h heóra
C, but read heora.—33 d heóra C.—33 g Cf. 49.
35 g ellpeode C.—h forsende C, L.-36 g ealneg
C, altered—ealne daeg—öv, rhi.-39 c : lic C.
jº daed C.—a gesugian L.
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 1. 42 a OROS. III, 15.-43 ab ond VI ond xx
gum L.-43 d furculas L.
PAGE 63. 1 i wé C.—2 c L p 75.—2 e somnita
L.—6 : besierede L, perf. of besyrian to en-
snare: bismere C.—8 g närewett C, nä altered
to ny rh nirewett L.-10 d alaetan L.-h
ahánd C.—11j heóra C.–12 g ascian L.-
13 d C f. 49 b.-13 l hé: 16 d. C.—14 h
gerenian L-18 d him C.—20 a-g on heora
agnum landum C.
§ 2. 22 d cwast, L-fiowra C, L, for eowra-
23 g w8 C.—25 g to dºge C.—26 e alugen L.-
27 a sealdon L.-30 a gelaestanne L.
§ 3. 33.j L. p 76.—38 e C f. 50. — 40 a beléd
L.—jhy C.—41 h hé: 42g C.
CHAPTER IX.
§ 1. 44 a OROS. III, 16.
PAGE 64. 2 faresta C.—3 a gecydde C.—c
hé C.—g his ; 17 b C.—4 a geniendde C, altered
to genydde bo. rh i. —f hine C. — h tipaho-
fon L.
§ 2. 5% sceoldon C.—6 hé: 8 d. 157; 16 h; |
20 e : C.—11 ? him C.—13 ; est C, for aest,
acrest first.—14 g an milirice C. annili rice L.
19 g orososius C.—19 h C f. 50 b.-20 d bact w
C.—f g swa mid L.-21 b L. p 77-22 a.
lytlan C.
§ 3. 23 c aerestan L-28 e fepa C.—31 him
C.— 32 e : 34 h hé C.—33 g beorg L.-34 a
micel L. -
§4. 36.j ſingemettlice L : ungemetlicne C.
§ 5. 41 e busenda w L.-43 l he C.—44 d
C. f. 51.
PAGE 65.3 fmicel w C.—5 l dohtor L-7 a.
ah L.-9 a L p 78.—9 d hé: 11 f: 13 g : C.
9 e him C.—12 a gefiemde L.-13 deap mod
messum L.-15 a sum L.
§ 6. 16 hé: 29 e : C.—17 a sibban tobraec L.-
20 m—21 fond paet het pa burg atimbran L.-
23 d amones L: ámones C.—i Jiobéses C.—
24 b C f. 51 b.—29 a gegaderede L.-f him
C.—h his C.—k pam w L.-31 i godas C.—
32 e hit C.—k gehlööe C.—34 b bara L.
§ 7. 35 a OBOS. III, 17-38 c longsumon C.—
39 a new C.—39 g hé: 40 d : 43 d : C.—39 i
L p 79.-40 e hine C.—44% persibulis L.
PAGE 66. 1 b–h Literally—that his own re-
lations had (haefde for haefden) bound Darius:
In Latin—quod Darium tenerent vinctum sui
propinqui. 1 g agene w L.-2 b racentan C,
altered rh 3 to racentegan: racentan L.- 3 c
C f. 52.-: tosticad L.-4b hé: 5 d. 6 b : 8 c :
C.–4 e him C.—5 e hine C.—6 k - 7 Z his C.
§ 8, 16 h is C.—19 a cacilia C. •
§ 9. 22 a OROS. III, 18.-g twegea L.-23 h
agidis L.-25 f L. p 80.—26 b eam w L.-K.
C f. 52 b.-28 i–29 d cyninges in scibbie mid
firde geför L.-28.j–29 a in scibbie w C.—
28j–29 a ENG. p 114, 35 h read army into
Scythia.-29 f_i hé his and folc C, and, bo. rhi,
evidently put, in haste, after his, instead of
before it.—29 l pºr w L-31 g obre C.—j hé
C.–32 d hine C.—f minotho L.-33 h heo L.
§ 10, 36 b hé: j : 37 e : C.—36 f of log L.—
37 k euergetas C.—38 e aspanias L. — 39 a
bé C.
§ 11. 41 e his C.—42 a hé C.—43 c Ailst C, for
aerest first.
PAGE 67. 1 isé C.—5 i hyldo L.-65 Cf. 53.
–6 b mare L.-6 g : 7 k he C.—7 a-h áhleop
ond hiene for pare sagene of slog he alexander
to ecan L.
§ 12. 11 b L. p 81.-h healisten L.-12 b hê C.
—d his C.—13 d aristolose C.
§ 13. 16 a OROS. III, 19.—16.j he w C.—16% .
26%his C.—17 h hé: 23 c : 24 e : j : 25 i ; 26 h :
27 h C.—20 e hire C.—21 d indie C.—27.j
mid w C.
§ 14, 32 e C f. 53 b.—f on C.—34b baer gif C.
–34 c him : 38 f: C.—34 d his; 36 e: C.—
34 k he 37 g : 38 d C.—35 f hine C.—36 a
dyde C : gedyde L.
§ 15. 40 e raestan C. — 41 c persidas C. —f
geangeridas C.—43 b him C.—43 e L p 82.
—h monna w C.
PAGE 68.1 g read wic-stowa C.—2 e hé:
3 e : C. -.
§ 16.4c hé: 7 d: C.—7 c and w L.-7 e : 9 d
him C.—10 h lang C.–12 b C f. 54.
§ 17. 16 h hé: 28 h : 29% - 30 e C.—17 h his
C.—18 e his C.—21 d bonne L.-25 g him C.
—27 e paet ober C.—28 L. p 83.—31 i read
18
NoTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 70–73: BK. III, CH. XI, § 6.
untweogendlice C : in tweogend L.-34 d
heóra C.—k hine C.—35 c cmeowu C.
§ 18. 36 f C f. 54 b.—37 fread Ambira-37 l
read forwearö C.—38 fatredum C.—40 a
oöywed.—40 d hé C.
§ 19, 43 a ORos. III, 20.—bhé C.—44d āmbide.
45 faffrica C.
PAGE 69. 1 h hé: 9 c : C. — 2 h him : 3 g :
10 h : C.—8 h giet L-9 h affrica C.
§ 20. 13 a Eale C.—15 e L p 84–15 h hit :
16 e : C.—16 m C. f. 55.—17 : hú C, L-18 f
walde C.—i him C.—% swa w L.-19 d past
The C.—21 a ungewiss L-25 d firò C, for
frið.-jk at ham w C.—26 c hie werian L.-
26 l—27 c w C.
CHAPTER X.
§ 1. 29 a OROS. III, 21. — 30 j k haten was
L. — 31 c d oëren aman L. — 32 ef oºre
noman. — 32 i : 41 e héora C. — 32 j read
[feorban] consulatu, feorban w C.—33 e stren-
gestān C, est, bo. rh i.—33 h : 53.j : 40 b him
C.—36.j mehten L.-39 e past C: e—h pa hie
baet geascedon L.-40 p ENG. p 69, 40 p read
AEgyptus.-ENG. p 69, 41 g : k read Danaus.
—42 e C f. 55 b.—43 à faius C: fauias L.
PAGE 70. 2 c L p 85.
§ 2. 4 c hierde L.-5 a hit C.
§ 3. 8 b fumus C, L.-10 g sé C.—h géféa C.—
13 b–e forby baer was L.
§4. 15 a ORos. III, 22. —i romanam C.—17.f
awendan aefter pann L.-18 b héora C.—19
ealle w L.-20 e—h him to consule papirius L.
—22g C f. 56. — 3 bude C. — k he C. — 25 f
biscepum L.-28 c sé C.—29f deofoles craef-
tum, es, bo. rh i.
§ 5. 34 d read paes pe. — 34 g L p 86.—35 d
ENG. p 120, 6 c read Gurges.—36 d e wolde
àn senatus L.-36 f hine: 45 e : C.—37 a há:
39 f: 41%; 42 d: 43 b : 44.j C.—37 e fleame C,
e, bo. rhi-37 i hſs: 44 a C.–38 de base-
nátu C, the stroke over u, denoting an m, is
altered into s, bo. rh i, making senátus: pa
senatum L.—39 d biddan C.—l oërum L.-
40.j him: 44% : C. —44? befagen C. —45 g
geanmette, gean-mette, ? from gean-métan,—
To meet, find or gain again.—2. To encourage,
please. See also III, 11 § 10; p 75, 25 d.
PAGE 71. 2.j C f. 56 b.-2.j gewinn C.—3 g
héora C.
§ 6. 7 a read be bon C.—7 g ond w C.—8 a
mihtan C.
CHAPTER XI.
§ 1. 13 d ymbe C. — 16 h hé C: w L. — 18 a
swa w C.—h romana neh C, but h, bu. rh i.
—199 L p 87–21 d gépencan C.
§ 2. 23 a OROS. III, 23.−23 d gemyndgan C.
—25 e—g hi hy he hſ C: hu hie hie L.—26.f
hé C.—27 a read his w C.—28 e om L.-30 a.
eūrope C.—b C f. 57.-d daele C.—i hit C.—
jk nánés C: nanaes L.
§ 3, 4. These paragraphs in L are—
§ 3. Alexander XII gear bisne middan geard
under him prysmde j egsade. J his aeſterfol-
geras feowertiene geår hit sibban totugon J
totaron pam gelicost bonne seo leo bringö his
hungregum hwelpum hwæt "to etanne hie
$onne gecyöač on Saem aete hwelc hedra
maest maeg gehriffiian.
§ 4. swa bonne dyde ptholomeus alexandres
begma an ba he to gaidere ge sweop ealle
egyptum j arabia J laudamenda his oper pegm
se be feng ealle asirie J thelenus cilicium
filotos hiliricam j ecrapatas pa maran meðian
j stro men palaessan meðian J perdice pa
la’ssan asiam J susana pamaran frigan j anti-
gonus liciam j pamphiliam J nearchus cariam
7 hedmontus palaessan frigan j lisimachus
thraciam J. eumen capadotiam J paflagoniam
7 se leucus hapfde ealle paac Selestan men
alexandres heres j on lengöe mid him he
begeat ealle ba east lond j cassander pacempan
mid chaldeum j on pactrium j on indeum
waron &a ealdor men be alexander ge sette
J 6aet lond betux baem twam eam induse ]
ičasfene haefde itaxiles jithona haefde calonie
pa peode on indeum j parapemenas J hafde
uxiarches at paes beorges ende caucasus )
aracha sihedros haefde siburtus J stontos hafd
branceas j areas papeoda j omintos haefde
atrianus J sicheus hafde satianos past folc j
itacanor haefde parthos 1 philippus ircanus j
fratauernis hafde armenie j theleo mom mos
hafde mebas J feucestas hafde babylonias J
po laus us hafde archos j archolaus mesop-
otamiam. L p 87, 16–88, 10.
§ 3. 36 h geår L-37 de pasm gelicost L.-:
bringö his L, but his bv. rhi C.—39f geh-
wyrfbnian C.
§ 4. 40 i hé C.—41 b gesceop C.—42 e sé C.—
43 a cilicium L: ciciliam C.—44 h perdice L.
PAGE 72. 2 d pamphilian C: pamphiliam L.
—f read Nearchus L: narchus C.—7 c chal-
deum L-8 a L p 88.—11 ? and ara, and C.
—13 a C f. 57 b.
§ 5. 20 d he 21.j; 28 j : 33 c : C. — 20 k
wreccan C.—21 c lete C.—25 e wič w L.—33 d
read was C.—37 i ongann C.—38 b ariarata L.
—39 a C f. 58.—40 c L p 89.
PAGE 73. $6.1% hé: 5 c : h : 20 c : g : 301;
33 h : C.—8 e begn w L. — h micle L.-9 c
híne: 17 d C.—9 d beswícendan sic, with three
dots C.—14 a eumen L-180 hwile w C.—
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 74–81 : BK. IV, CH. IV, $3.
19
20 b C f. 58 b. — 20% from L. – 21 a ham-
farelte L B.-23 deall C, L.-27 h L. p 90.-
28 h hy w L.-30 e—h he him on him L-f
air w L.-è gereafode L.-31j him C.–33 c
zead hy C.—36 g pé C.
§ 7.37 b bam &e L-e euredica L-41 chéC.
—44 e Olimpi–IC f. 59] abum.
PAGE 74. 1 d read gewildum,_h olimpade
L.—2 d hire: h : C.—7 e hé C.—8? triewde
C.—9e sé C.—k hio w C.—10 a genom L.-
11,f L p 91.—15 foëre C.
§ 8, 19 d pa we L, we bo. — 20f timen C:
eumen L.-21 a polipércnon C.—c olimpiadas
L. — 22 c sé: 30 e C. — 24 h hé: 25 e : 26 h :
39 g : 41.f. C. — 25 d C f. 59 b. — 32 b-h
Antigonus in eo bello cum filio Demetrio,
vincitur. Oros. Haver. p 206, 8, 9.—32 g his :
43 is 44 h : C. — 35 & hine: 40 g : C. — 35%
hys C.—36e after w C.—40 a was w L-41 b
obre w C.—42e L p 92.—42f-h wiłł winnan
C.—43 b cansander C.
PAGE 75. 1d hé: 3d 4.j: C. — 1 f an-
wealdes C.—3b and aefter C, and w L-3.j
C f. 60–5 g hys C.
§ 9. 18 i hire C.—20 a há: 20 e : C.—20 b him
C.—21 e hyne C.
§ 10. 23 a sílimachus C.—b read ne C.—24 c
him: 28 e C.—25 c pearle w C.—dgean-mett,
See III, 10 $ 5; p 70, 45 g. – 26 c hé: h :
28 d. 35 g : 42 i : C. — 26.j L p 93. – 28 g
C f. 60 b.-29 g rice L, w C.—31% lisimachus
C, L.-34 dhyne C.—34 e his C.—36 g read
níö C.—37 b pá w L.-38 a fic C.—39 e hund
C bo. rh i.-43 d hys C.—43 f read tofaren
C.—43.j paer of sloh L, paer w C.
PAGE 76. § 11. 1 c hapfdon L, w C.
§ 12. 7 de ån anum L.-8 b hit: 11 ?: C.—
8 c is C.—d is C.—8 f C f. 61.—9 d wé C.—
10f hwæt C.—10 i geréfač C.—11 h. hwylc C.
—13f gefryn C. — 13.j gebroëor L. — 14f-
15 c L.
BOOK IV: CHAPTER I.
§ 1. 17 a ORos. IV, 1 ; L p 94, 5–17 h-18 d
feower hunde wintrum ond feower ond siex-
tegum paette tarentine L.-20h 8am L-23 a
buto L.
§ 2. 32 c be aeſtan L-33 d heóra C.—33 e C
f. 61 b.—37 a metton L.
§ 3.−38 d aegwar C : aegwern L-39.j L. p95.
—40.j raede here L.-41 a-c L, w C.—41 d
Hé C.
PAGE 77. 2 a his : 4d: 9e: h : 10%: 39.j: C.
—3 d pé: 6 e: C.—4% thesalium L.-5 g hé:
6%; 7 k : 10 a e : 11g : 13; ; 20f: 21 d =
34 d. 36 d. 40 c : C.—9 d hine: 20 g.: 39 i ;
C.—10 b begonde L.-10 & godas w L.-11 c
on&rum C.—12 d and Ša L, and w C.—12 g
him C.—14 c hít C.—17 & C f. 62.—19 i mi-
nuntius C.—20 a genedde L.-d elpent L.-
25 d ware C.—g be C.—29 b L. p 96.—35 k
sew C.—37.f pâr w L.-40 b read hwy C.—
41 i C f. 62b.-42 beft gefare L-42 fast C.
—45.j čaw L.
PAGE 78. 1 g read pa C.
§ 4. 4 e read wind C.—g pam oëran C, bam o,
bv. rh i : pam w L. — 9 f bonne waran L:
waran w C.—11 a aelcán C.—12 efswa swięe
w L-14 a enlefan L.-b guófonon C.—c L
p 97. — 16 b sirraccasa C. — d pa L. — 17 g
hé C. t
§ 5, 19 a OROS. IV, 2. — ? oretreowe C : or-
triewe L.—23 b him C.—23 e C f. 63.−25 e
héora C.—26 arosiuss C.—27 i pan L-30 a.
Slealde C.—31.j hund w L.-33 k to C.—34 g
hé: 35 b : C.—36 c ane L.
§ 6. 37 a OROS. IV, 3. – 38 e āfrice L.-40f
anfundan L.-g cartaginenses L.-41 b hie L.
—43 h L. p 98.
PAGE 79. 1 a mehte L.-h bé C.—2 h C f.
63 b.—3 g hé : 5 b : C.—7 c ceorfaexsum L.
CHAPTER II.
§ 1. 9 a. OROS. IV, 4.—14 e hyne C.
§ 2. 24 k andraedende C.—25 f of rgán C.—
25 h L. p 99.—27.j–28 b haſde. ba feawan C.
—28 b be w C.—28 d C f. 64.—29.g. hyre C.
CHAPTER III.
§ 1. 32 a OROS. IV, 5.—33 g monegum w L.-
34 f-35 f See note p 11, 28 a-29 c. — 40 e
naere L.
PAGE 80. 5.j-6 g w L.
CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. 10%–11 e 'ccce’ wintrú, and lxxx. C. —
12 d gºt C.—h hwæt C.—14f C f. 64 b.—16c
hít C.—g L. p 100-19 a hy C, bo. rhi.
§ 2. 21 d hyre C.—23.j hiere L-25 e héora C.
—fahgenum C.—27 d wé C.
§ 3. 30 a OROs. IV, 6. — 30 a-c w L. — 32.j
‘lxxxii. C.—35 c itistinianus.-e heora w C.—
40 e gelaer-[C f. 65] don C.—40% lonhálede
C.—43 e dleofla C.—k hit C.
PAGE 81. 2 g Lp 101,–86 hwæðer, h, bo.
+h & C.—d heóra C.—9 h hie w C.—10 e se,
rh 3 at end of line C.—10 his C.—11 h hé:
12 h : 18 a C.—12 a hine C.–12 g-j and he
oferfón C : ond hiene ofer fön L.-14 b forbon
pe L.-c hit C.—17.j čt C.
I)
20
NoTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 82–87: BK. IV, CH. VII, § 2.
CHAPTER V.
§ 1. 21 a OROs. IV, 6–23f hit: 35 b : C.—
24 g he w C.—24 k Cf.65 b.—24% hís: 32? :
36 a 37 h; 39 : ; C.—25 b bonan L, w C.—
25 k to lafe L, w C.—29 i un tweogend lice L.
—31 i geomor-[L p 102]lic.—33 d lyperlican
C.—33; hé: 35 h : 38 g : 39 g : m : C.—34 a
sylfw L.-b wepende w C.—36 d uppweardnes
C n expunged by a dot or point under it.-
37 i agenne C.—39 d wyrrest L-40f hine:
!: C.
§ 2. 43 g–44 a unge mete girnende pass cyne
domes L.-44 f hé C.
PAGE 82. 1 d read tâ C.—h read to C.—1 &
hé: 2 h; 3 k = 4 k : 5 h : 6f: k = 8.j: 9?: C.
—2 f gehét C. — 3 e hit: 7.f. 15 d . C.—3 f
wearö L.—7 d C f. 66.—7 g him: 85 : C.—
8 : gelende L, C ; altered to gewende in C.—
11,f gefungon C.—15 fg on uferan dagum C,
on bo. rh i : uferan dogore on an after day L.
16 c L p 103.—16 c d swelc anginnan L-h
philippus C.
§ 3. 19 c trium C.—20.6 L puts the Runic let-
ter épel, instead of writing the word-20f-k
hy efic to him cumon woldon C.—22d witan
C.—22 g hé: 26 b : C.—22 h hit: 23 i : C.—
24 e mid C, bo. rh i. — 25 i híne C. — 26 d
Swilcdomes C, but the l rightly expunged by
à, point under it.
§ 4, 31 b hê: 36.j: C.—32.j C f. 66 b. —33 h
be C.—36 b cartainense L.-37 g his C.—40 e
at C.—41 b híne C.—45 b L. p 104.
PAGE 83. § 5. 2 d hé: 10 ; ; 12 e : 13 d. 14
J. : 17 b : 19 h : C.—5 f hy w L.-9 e cyng L.
—10 c agothocles C.—10 g hine: 11 a C.—
13 f C f. 67.-14 a begietan L-17 g his C.
CHAPTER VI.
§ 1. 22 a OROS. IV, 7–23 & ‘lkxiii. L.-24 g
mehte L: feohte bo. rh & C. — 26 c-e mid
heora folcum w L.-29 e his C.—31 b talen-
tana C.
§ 2. 32 d L. p 105. —33 h hé C. — 37 hi ond
hund eahtatig L.-39 h C 67 b.-40 b diiulius
C: diulius L.-41 c bact C.—f read daga as it
is so in C and L.-42 b écorfen L.-43 h sew
L.—44 bc sé géfór C.
PAGE 84. 19 he 2.f: C.—1 h hine C.—4 c
zead and C.
§ 3. 7.j hé C.—8 b sardianiam L.-9f hy w L.
§ 4. 11 a OROS. IV, 8.-12 g him C.—13 d hé
C.—16 d—17 d w L.
§ 5. 20 bhé: k = 21 c : C.—22 a hyne C.—22e
C. f. 68.
§ 6. 23 c L p 106. –24; read III or brim,
though C has IIII, and L feower, for Oros. has
—cum trecentis triginta navibus, and, in the
table of contents, L gives—mid brim hunda
scipa ond mid xxx,−and C–mid prim hund
‘Scypa and pritigan. Hence the ENG. has—
three hundred and thirty ships.-25 f hy w L.
–28 e ālpeam C: alpeam L.-fheóra C.
§ 7. 30 d sé C.—31 c he 32 a C.
35 a-c w L-36 e faerelte L B.-38 c hit C.—
38 g read Ba C.—38 hé C.—39 h hiſ bv. rhi
C.—40 chire: 41 a C.—43 g hedra C.—44%
cleopendra C.
PAGE 85. 1 f brigan C.—2f twelf-[Cf. 68b
tiges. - *
§ 8, 6.f VII C and L, but Oros.-caesa sunt
Carthaginiensium septemdecim millia p 237,
20-6.j In C it is XV, but L has properly VX,
that is V from x = V, and Oros. has also—
quinque millia p 237, 21.—7 d xI L, but C has
IX, and Oros.-decem et octo, p 237, 21.
§ 9, 9 & ORos. IV, 9–10% he 20c: C.—10 !
L. p 107.—12 h niede L.—12; fornome L.-
16 d bohtan L.-21 g regules C.—23 c gefagell
C.—23 h-j biss gewearb L.-26 b forbonne C.
—26 e his C.—26 g at C.
§ 10. 28 cenilius L., C.—29 e Cf.69-31j–32b
hiora twentig gefan L-31 k Scipaw L.-32%
adrucen C.—38 gh gedraftwa.co. C : gedeaf
'II' C C. L.
§ 11. 41 c àmicor C : amilcor L.-43b Lp 108.
—43 d hybv. rh i.-44 a VI C, but Oros. has
—tertio anno p 240, 1.-45 i äfrice C.
PAGE 86. § 12. 5 a forhergade C.—6 e àt C.
§ 13. 7 d iliuses L.-9 C69 b.-10 e helpenda
C.—11.7 helpendas C.
§ 14, 15 a OROS. IV, 10. — 17 c hie L. — 17 §
ramanum C.—19; hé; 24%; 25% , 29%. 33 f.
35 a h : C.—20 e noman L.—21 d hine C.—
22 c hít: 24 i : C. — 28 g heóra: 33 g : C. —
30 d his C.—31 b L. p 109.—32 b sé C.—32f
aread folce C : L.-32 7–33 a w C.—32 k of L.-
34 c hím C.—34% egan C.—35 g C f. 70.
§ 15. 36.f mallius L.—38 híne C.
PAGE 87. § 16. 1 fse L.-2: read ungemet-
lice L: ungemetlic C.
§ 17. 4 c lutalia C.—6ef burh oëer L: burh
past oëer C.—6 h read paes C.—6 & om L.-8c
hé C.
§ 18. 12 a OROS. IV, 11. – 13 b hit C. — 13 k
siliciam C.
CHAPTER VII.
§ 1. 17 : C f. 70 b.-18 h L. p 110-19 d hít
C.—19 & hie w C.—22 e hedra C.—24 a hi bo.
* h : C : w L.
§ 2. 25 a OROS. IV, 12. — 25 e ba bo. rhi
C. — 26 d hatt C. — 30 a waran C. — 30 ;
MOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 88–94 : BK. IV, CH. X, § 8.
21
heóra : 31 c : C.—32 c read hi: he C.—32 d
at C.
§ 3. 36 e winnon C.—38 f hafdon C.—39.g
hít : 41 e : 43 d : C.—40 c àt C.—40 k ylde-
stan C.—41 fabid-[C f. 71] dan.-43 ché C.
§ 4. 44 ef wé síndon C.—44f sendon L.
PAGE 88. 2 e ealneg L : aefre rh i, bo. ealnig
C: 31 d.—3 i monega C.–4f pé C.
§ 5. 8.7 read wiè C.—9 d L. p 111.-9.j read
nü C: ná w L-12 e hit: 13 i : C.—13 e hé:
13 h : l ; C.—14e ontyndre C, altered rh i
to ontendre.
§ 6. 17 a OROs. IV, 13.—17% cynig L.-18 b
hé: 18% - 22 e : C.—20 ef the A. S. has the
two names as one consul, but Oros. gives two
consuls — Fulvio Posthumioque consulibus.
Haver. p 248, 6, 7–21 b for C.
§ 7. 24 d C f. 71b.—24 g fol L-32f guldon
C.—34 e heóra: 36 h : C.—35 h him w C.—
369 he C.—38c read swylc C: L-38 h noht
C, o changed to a rh i.-387 AEt. C.
§ 8, 40 h I, p 112.—42 cd III: M L : ‘III hund
“M” C.
§ 9. 43 g wundor L.-44 de In Piceno flumen
sanguine effluxit, Oros. p 250,13.—44e wicéno
C.—45 fgeseah L.
PAGE 89. 1j diſeg C. — 2 c-j Tunc magno
terrae motu Caria et Rhodus insulae concussae
sunt. Oros. p 250, 16, 17.—3e hrūras C.
§ 10. 5 i hé: 6 f. 9.f. C.— 5.j Cf. 72. — 6 g
hít C.—7 ?? L. : Oros. decem et septem millia
p 251, 3: XV C.—13 fisprie, L, C.
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 1. 16 a OROS. IV, 14. — 16 h-17 c L : VI.
hund wintröm and XXIII C.—18 d. pew L.—
18 i–19 a romane sibbe healdan C.—19 hé:
22 c : ; ; 24%; 25 f. 26 b : C.—20.j héora C.
—21 b c him to L.-21g badon by. , h : C :
firmetton L. —23.j oörum w C. — 26 a L
p 113.
§ 2. 28.fconsulas w L. — 30 d spaneum L. —
30g he 31 d: 33% : 34 h : C. — 33 g h L:
munti for C.—34 h C f. 72 b.—34 & hine C.—
36f His C.—36 h wæs w L.-36 i-kān ‘M’ C,
L, but a C appears to have been omitted, for
Oros. has—centum millium peditump 252, 17.
§ 3. 38 b hé: 41.j: 42 c : C.—39 a ticenan L.
—41 k hyne C.—43 c &at w C.—g àt C.
PAGE 90.1ehé: 8h; 9.f. 10c : 11b : j : 15b :
19 d. C.—1 e àfor L.-2 : aefter C.–59 hit
w L.-k waren L, but query was or ware.—
12g paet C : baette L.-13 e L p 114–13 h
pón C.—15 g C f. 73.−16.f read geond C :
gind L: See 18 b.-18 b gind L: See 16.f-
23 e gefengon L.
§ 4, 27 a OROs. IV, 15-30 a fuhte L.-33 g
paet C.—i héora C.—k ripan C.—34 g eall C.
CHAPTER IX.
§ 1. 37 a QRos. IV, 16.-40 d hé: 41 a 42 h :
C.—41 b c àet heóra C.—41 e gemetingge L.
–42 d coöon L.-44 h-j read paera [pe par].
PAGE 91. 1 b C f. 73 b.—1b him C.—1 h L
p 115.—3 i on C.—4 b hê : 7.j : 8 g : 13 f: C.
5 l at C.—77 dag C.—9 h carina C.—12 c
hit C.
§ 2. 14e romana C.—17 c furbum L.-19 b past
L.—19 a hé: 20 d = h : 21 f. 23 d. 26 d. C.
— 19 d his ; 22 c : C. — 20 d hine C. — 21 a.
Oebel L.-22 b swa w L.-25 a héora: f: C.
—28 b hy CH.-28 e C f. 74.—29.j hy C.—
31 g–32 b oë hine an gode. baet hymihton C.
–31; L p 116.-38 b hwæðre C.
§ 3. 43 d longbeardan L-44 d him C.
PAGE 92. 2 c hé C. — 3 d hafde C. — 5 b
híne C.
§ 4, 10 b C 74 b.-10g cyning L.
§ 5. 12 e hé: 13 c : C.—14 d craccus C, L.-
16 c geslagen L.
§ 6. 18 h Lp 117-19 funderfongon C.—199
'I' C.—21 a £t: 25 e C.
CIIAPTER X.
§ 1. 28 a OROs. IV, 17.—31 b be C.—31 l hé
C.—32f sume C.
§ 2. 33 k he C.—35 a £t C.—36 f hit C.—37 d
originally hi, altered rh i to hy C.—40 b C
f. 75.
PAGE 93. 1ſ gewealden C.—2g rén L-2 %
L p 118.-4.j hé C.
§ 3. 7 g hwonne L.-9 a £t: 11 b : C.–9 e
rén L. —f abbiddan C.—11j Hít C.–12 h.
Crist w C.—13 h to C.—14 g h read to pon C.
—14 h ponne C.
§ 4. 19 dwaron L. —21 c ieldestan L. – 219
campaina, L-22 b C f. 75 b.—23.j hé C.—
25 a haefden L.
§ 5. 27 b waron L-30 i hé: 31f. 32 d: 33d :
C.—31 h faerelde C.—32 g he L : w C.–33 e
hit C.—33 g L p 119.-33 h paw C.–37.j on
bam L.-38 fread hafde C.—39 b ‘I’ C.
§ 6.41 a ORos. IV, 18.-42 f hé: 43 e : 45 k.
C.—44.j his w C.
PAGE 94. 3 a witena L.-c bara C-46 C
f. 76.-4 iſ he hit C.
§ 7.6.f sé C.—7 g read agrigentum C.–8.fg
read Sióðan. — 10 i ön C.–11 k-12 a mid
macerellis C.
§ 8.—19 f L. p 120-20 e hé: 24 e : l ; 25.f.
C.—20.j hine C.–26 d ac he L.-28 e read
hy C.
22
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 95–100: BK. IV, CH, XIII, § 5.
§ 9. 29e marcolia C,L-31 e hannile C.—329
C f. 76 b.-32 h him C.—33 a hÉ C.—33 b
swa w C.—34.j swipost L-36 h i baer was L.
—37f his w C.—39 a £weorpan C: L.
PAGE 95. 2 brome C.—2 e hé: 3 e : C.–4 b
L. p 121-4 ef of slagen wearö L.-5 ö ge-
feaht L.
§ 10. 7 c d pene foran L.-8c wicstowe C.—
13 d read bar C.—13 i hē; 18 b : C.—15 i his
C.—16 a on-[C f. 77] barndon.—16.fbé C.—
17.j hit C.—19.j faestenna C.—22 b dág C.—
f hie L: w C.—j read bone C.—26g ENG. p
150, 33 b read Crete.—28 g hòora C.—29 b
sippan L: w C. 4
§ 11. 30 a OROS. IV, 19.-32% hé: 35 b : C.
—33 fg pare bene w L.-34 b he w L.-j pass
w C.
§ 12. 37 b hê; g : 38 g : 39f: ; ; 43%; 44 h :
C.—37 d L. p 122,-44 iſ aer to L: w C.—45 b
C. f. 77 b.
PAGE 96.4 b gefeohtum C, gee bo. rh i.-
4e and to C, and w L.-7 a-d ‘D’ ond LXXX:
L.—9f paet w C.—h soelest L.-10 f wilnaden
L.—12.fsematuses C.—14fgesealden L.-15 c
him C.—e aliefden L.-20 fswylc C.
CHAPTER XI.
§ 1. 23 a OROS. IV, 20: L p 123.−24 d-h ge
endad punica paet aefterre ge win L.-27 e
heóra C.—27 d-g acrest bact ge winn under
fenge L.-28 b C f. 78.—30 g h hit him C.—
34 e Nauiča w C.—37 f hé C.
§ 2. 38 d read Subres [ond Eudi] L.—38 d-f
Insubres, Boii atque Caenomani. Oros. p 270,
6, 7–39 b hy w L.-39 h breóer C.—40 b hê :
43 b : C. — 40 k foran C, bo. rh i. – 43 c
hiene L.
PAGE 97. 5 de wearö geflymed w L.
§ 3. 9 dasiria C.—9 i C f.78 b.—11 b Lp 124.
—11 g gefenge w L and a blank left.—12 h
hierde L.-15 k leng me L-23 & gewealde L.
–24 iſ su men L.-25 h. aet L.
§ 4. 29 read me C. -
§ 5. 34 de romana fela L.-36 i C f. 79.—39.j
fleam L.-42 g L p 125.
PAGE 98.4 k ungerismo L.-5 d senatos L.
—f his C.—7 b fulcani C.
§ 7. 10 cºf C, L; but Oros. has—Lepido et
Mucio consulibus, p 275, 1—the A. S. there-
fore, should be—Lepidus and Mucius waron
consulas, hence ENG. The present text, how-
ever, is retained as it is both in C and L.-
12 c hungarie L.-:f cumon C, for cuman: w
L-13 h swa w L.-15 be maest ealle w L.
$ 8. §7.9 C f. 79 b. — 18 d maestum L. — 20 e
argeatas L-21 c eumenis L-25 egefliemede
L–28k Lp 126–290 on w c.—g is C—
! Secganne C.
CHAPTER XII.
s". 87 a Onos. IV, 21–42 e hé; 44.5 s h : C.
PAGE 99. 1 b c ond on mislecum L.-2 a read
Servis C.—2 e C f. 80.
§ 2. 6 c abead C, bo. rh i for is written, mak-
ing forbead: onbead L-6f hit: 13.j: C.—
7 c hé C.—87 his C.—10f gesomnad L.-13 d
bigonga & L.—13 gh sepe cristen C : sew L.-
13 kl swa swięe w L.
§ 3. 17 a genamom C. — 18 h L. p 127.-19 d
bé C.—funderpeow L.
CHAPTER XIII.
§ 1. 21 a OROS. IV, 22.—24 e senatos L.-259
Cartaina w L.-26.j héora C.—31 k him w C.
—32 a C f. 80 b.
§ 2. 37 b ic C.—g See p 104, 36 h and note.—
38 a hyre C.—38 b-e ymbeganges ºxxx' brad
C.—39 b begangen C.—40 e ealna C.—j binan
C.—41 twege L.-42 g pam C.
PAGE 100. § 3. 1 a OROS. IV, 23.−2 k he
3 f: C.—3 h to L: w C.—5 g hie w C.—6 h :
aerest utgán L: w C.—7 a b L : XXXVI "M. C.
8 b L. p 128.— 8 c híne C.
§ 4, 15 h C f. 81. — 16e gemót L. — 18 jk
standon forletan C.—199 onwoce L.-hforbon
pe L.
§ 5–22.jsé C.—27 e eac w L.-27 e he 30 d ?
C.—28 g amirre L-29 h : ENG. p 156, 33.f
Malmstone is placed by geologists at the bot-
tom of the chalk formation, which is divided
into—
1 Upper, soft, white chalk, containing flints.
2 Lower, hard, grey chalk, without flints.
3 Chalk marl, also called Malm.—Transact. of
Geol. Soc. Lond, 2nd Series Vol. IV, part 2,
p 256; and Diacon's Geology.
Professor Phillips says in a letter to the editor
—“Malm is still used to denote a rock in the
South-Saxon region about Petersham. As a
member of the cretaceous system, it is often
difficult to separate from the chalk, the lower
part of which, generally called chalk marl,
rests upon green sand, and often passes so
gradually into it, that the two are scarcely
separable. Thus it appears in Buckingham-
shire and Bedfordshire, where at Tattinghoe
it has been quarried from the earliest times.
This rock at Tattinghoe, though perishable,
has been extensively used in building, and is
rather full of fine grit, so as to be fit for
smoothing or polishing wood. That it was
actually used by joiners for this purpose, I
cannot declare, from a remembrance of what
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 101–105: BK. V, CH, IV, $ 3.
23
was said by my uncle, W. Smith, but it seems
to me to be so. He told me, in walking along
the passages in Woburn Abbey, that the stone
was gritty, and capable of polishing wood, in
proof of which, he drew the wood of his cedar
pencil along the wall. I think this was accom-
panied by the statement, that it was actually
used in polishing. The word “Malm” is also em-
ployed in the vicinity of Aylesbury to desig-
nate a soft chalky stratum above the Portland
rocks.”—30 h. hwestan C.—31 d e is mé C.—
31 l àhwettanne L.-32 c hít C.—d nawber L.
After 32.j,-in C f. 81, line 19—to the end of
f.81 b, there is a table of contents to Book W.
as it differs from the table at the beginning,
(p 12, 42 a-p 13, 39 e) it is printed entire in
the notes following p 13, 38.f.
IBOOK W : CHAPTER I.
§ 1. 34 a OROS. V, 1.—34 a C f. 82.—352 ma-
nega C.—37 b godcundan C.—39 c folce C.—
40 b-f waron hi C.—40 d L. p 129.-41 k be
w C.—43 c d Sá waran C.
PAGE 101. § 2. 3 c on w C.
§ 3. 49 ascien L.-6 i locode C, o altered to i,
bv. rh i ; licade L.-7 fracentum L.-8 fro-
mane C.—9 c oë Se C : 8e w L.-10 h–l twice
given in C.—11 b hêora C.—e read earman C.
—g hit C.—12 ef sint on L.-13 d mid w L.
—14 h C f. 82 b.
CHAPTER II.
§ 1. 17 a OROS. V, 3.—17 d e rome burg L.-
20 e The first sentence of the original Latin
is very clear—Anno ab urbe condita sexcen-
tesimosexto, hoc est, eodem anno, quo et
Carthago děleta est, Cn. Cornelio Lentulo, L.
Mummio Coss-ruinam Carthaginis eversio
Corinthi subsecuta est. Haver. p 289, 23–25.
22 c gyldenne C.
§ 2. 26 a OROS. W, 4.—26 b read BAM. C.—
26 a-d BE BAM YRDE UARIATO w L.-27 d
ueriatus L.-28 e hé: 29 a 30 % : 36.j : 37 e.
C.—29 b him C.—29 i I, p 130.—33 i hſs C.
—35 a. Folucius w L.-37 b gewrecan L.-
f hit C.—37.7–38 fgeſecte swípor ond uneabe
self com aweg L.
§ 3. 41 b C f. 83.—j gefliemde L.-42 b wur-
don w L.-h feriatus C.—43 h his C.—44 a
L: officeat C, of a bo. rh i.-g hine C.
PAGE 102. 1 d hé C.—3 h leng w C.
§ 4. 6 k he 7 d: 9 d. C.—7 ? him : 8 c : C.
$ 5. 10 a-c BE BAM MANN-CWEAIME w L.-
13 g paet ilce L.-17 a godas w L.-17 d hit:
18 b C.—18 e L p 131.
§ 6. 21 b dyde altered to daede C : daed L.-
21 d hé: 22 l; C.—21 e aspón L-21f C f.
83 b.—22 c him: ; ; C.—24 b for w C.–25;
winnan w C.—28 d beah w L.-30f dade L.
§ 7. 32 a pam w L-33 g cynicg C.—34.j eán
C.—35 b–d induse ond ipasſe L.-36 e he .
38 i : C.—37 a demetrias L-37 e tuwa L.
§ 8. 41 g hé: 42 f: C.—41 h genom L-44 e
híne: m : 45 i : C.—45 e C f. 84.
PAGE 103. 1.fhé C.—2 efhé his C.
§ 9. 3 a OBOs. V, 5–4 k he C.—5 f L p 132.
–7 d his C.—9 e hit C.—e nu w C.—10 b
heóra C.—gh feawa gearon C.
§ 10. 13 a OROs. V, 6–15 e eagon C.—16 fg
on Sicilium w L.
CHAPTER III.
§ 1. 19 a OROs. V, 7.-21b hit C.—d sylf C.
–24 d syndon C.—25 c sylf C.—i aweardedon
C, with a point under a, eapunging it and
'making awerdedon.
§ 2. 27 c C f. 84 b.—28 k formebde C.—29 h se
w L.-30 g hé C.—i his C.—% feohton C.—
31 l–32 a waron paw C.—33 h sylf C.—35 e
ongunnon C.—36.f read numentia C.—37 a.
ond w C.—37 b L. p 133.−37 i for bardon
L.—38 k l eald gestreonum L.
§ 3. 40 a OROS. W, 8.-40 a-c pa scipia L.-
40 d hine: 42 a C.—41% se w L: sé C.—
44 b hearde w L.
PAGE 104. 3 b pam w L.-3 e andwearde, ea
altered to y, in the original hand and ink-
8 –4 b ealle romana weotan L-4 e—5 d and-
Wyrde mid wordum swipe ge egsade L.-5 f
hé C.
§ 4. 7 a. OROS. W, 9.-7 k he C : he w L.
§ 5. 9 f G f. 85.—10 g h ’VI: mº L-12 g hun-
dred C.
CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. 14 a OROS. V, 10.—15 g hé C : he w L.-
16 c hé: 24 g : 25 h : 29 b : 30 c : C.—18 a
attalis L-18 b his ; 26 i : C.—20 b–23 a cu-
men. an was nicomedia. twegen of bithinia.
pry of panto. IIII of armenia. W. of argeata.
VI. of capadocia. VII. of filímine. VIII. of
paflagónia. C.—24 d gefliemed L-25 % L p
134.—26 funwaerne C.—27 b eall w L.-28 a.
hine: 29 c : C.—28 e ealle w L.—29 b he w L.
–30 a besceufon C.
§ 2. 31 easia L-31 i hé: 32 g : 35 h : C.—
33 g hine C.—34 f of loh C.—35 e new L.-
35 g C f. 85 b.—36 h L: hwylce C; See p 99,
36 g.—37 b héora C.
§ 3. 38 f=39 d betsta romana begn mande L.
–40 g for w L.-è hie L: w C.—j híne C.—
41 c his C.—42 h he 44f. C.—43 e hiera L:
to C.—44 c -sióum w L.
PAGE 105. 1j hé: 3 e : 6 c : C.—1% hím C.—
24
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS TO PAGE 106–110: BK. W., C.H. XII, § 2.
2 e ispaniae C.—2i and pa on C.—3 d-j w L.
—4 e—5 c w L-5 f hine C.—6 d his C.
$4.9 d aerest C: orestestes L.-11, d livara
C.—f niht C.—13 b pam L.-e forburnan L:
forburnen C.—14 c peah C.—15 a fiscas L.
§ 5. 16 a OBos. W, 11–16 g L. p 135.-17 d
uht C.—e forscurfon L.-g C f. 86.-18 d-
19e w C.—19.j adruncenne C : ádruncme L.
—21 & wildeor C.
CHAPTER W.
§ 1. 24 a OBos. W, 12.—de rome burg L.-
25 c ºxxIIII. C.—26f pam w L.-27 b c ge-
timbran cartainam L.-29 c-30 b pa tugon
wulfas ba stacon tip. pa for hi paet C.—30 if
ymb baet w C.
§ 2. 33 a OROs. V, 13–35 b be w L.-e eac
w C.
CHAPTER VI.
§ 1. 37 a ORos. W, 14.—38 c ºxxVII: C, L,
but Oros. XXVIII.
CHAPTER VII.
§ 1. 41 a OROs. V, 15.-42 g nusica C.—j fur-
nius L.
PAGE 106. 1 d on rome L.-h numedia L. B.
–3 h geoče C.—4 d tyhtan L B.-5 b hé:
7 c : , ; 8 e : 11 b : 14 b : C.—6 b geweorpan
L.—6 c C f. 86 b.-6 g priddan C.–79 sunu
C.—8 i L p 136.-13 h waron w L.-14 c
híne C.—16 d new C.
§ 2. 19 a mostämus C: mostumius L-20 e
colima L.-24 e hé: 25 e : 29 g : 30 d = 32 a.
j: C.—27g by L-29c–e a swa bredende C.
–30 Å. C. f. 87-32 g h toprum C.—34 i ealle
C.—36 g him w C.—37 a cynicge C.–40 f
gehor-[L p 137] sedra-ij Nasna L: w C.—
41c naes Är C, naes bv. rhi.-41 g read heard
C.—43 h mitine C.—45 d econ C.
PAGE 107. 1d read and C.–6 a but á fuhten
L.—9; ylpendan C.—9f-h w L.-9.j mihta
C.—10 d gefiemde L: geflymed C.–10 fo f.
87 b.-11ef spynge dé6 L-12 b-f x1 m.
and “I hund C.—12 g manna w L.
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 1. 17 a OBos. V, 16.—17 d romane C.—17 –
18 a hunde wintra L.-18 f pallius C.—19 b-
20 b Taken as the title to Ch. VIII p 13. See
note to Ch. VIII.—21 e mon L.-22 c romane
L.—e hund w L-24 f fºstenne L.-24 h hit
C.—25 b hê C.—25 de wolde faran L.-26 a
wolden L.-g Lp 138.-29.j wé C.—30 k his
C.—32 a hi C.—32 e—g gefeahte to cumon C.
—33 a romana C.—34f hund w L.
CHAPTER IX.
§ 1. 36 a OBos. W, 17–38 d romana C.—39.g
C. f. 88.
§ 2. 43 c saturius C.
PAGE 108. 1% pa L: swa C.—2 a obbyn-
cende L.-3.0 adrāfdon C.—5 b saturnius C.
—8 c hit C.—8 c d hie hit L.
CHAPTER X.
§ 1. 11 a OROS. W, 18.-12 k care L-13 h
Italia w L.-14 i pompeniuse C.—17 a L p
139–189 tarentan L-19 g wrát L.—20.jk
w C.–24 a hring L.-g C f. 88 b.
§ 2. 28 a b weligmi C.—d marruéme C.—29 c
betweenon C.—30 c canis C.—31 d onsended
L.—j nietenu L.—32 g an C.
§ 3. 33 heal w C.—34 h cesar L.-35 g And w
L.—37 i hé C.—38.7 bloce, o altered to a
rh i ; blace L.-40 e ongean w C.—40 iſ read
toge heton, past.
§ 4, 43 h paem L.
PAGE 109. 1 b romana C.—2 h hé: 3 g : C.
–3 i I, p 140-5 b gesettan C.—6 a ofculum
C.—e marsum L.
CHAPTER XI.
§ 1. 10 a OROS. W., 19.—10 a C f. 89.—11 d
Paette L.-12 d cynincge C.—13 i–14 b molde
him be ta-can L.-15 g be hit L: be w C.—
18 e hé C.—19 & burg L.-21 h agifon C.—
22 a fealh L.-22 d read nihte C.—m read
dag C.—23 africam C.—23 h-24 c w L.-
24.j rômeweard C. H.
§ 2. 27 a OROs. V, 20.—j tow L.-28 efut aflu-
gon L.-30 c sillan C.—31 g gefeaht L.-
33 a marius C.—33 i C 89 b.-35 f I, p 141.
§ 3. 37 a OROS. VI, 4.—38 g bam C. H.-40 a
hine C.—d armenie L.-41 farhalaus L.-h
latteow L.-42 a hé C.—f is bo. rh i.—g ná
w L.-43 c hwæt C.
PAGE 110. 1 a bedde C : peoda L.
§ 4. 2 a OROs. VI, 6.-2 g–3 a ba lande C.—
3 d alyfon C.—5 h onlag C.—6 h aprytton L.
—7 k began C.—9% aristobolus L.
CHAPTER XII.
§ 1. 12 a ORos. WI, 7.—12 iſ hunde wintra L.
—13 g iulius C.—14 a legan L.-d hé C.
§ 2. 15 a OROs. VI, 9.—k bryttoniae C : bret-
anie L.-16 d C f. 90.—18 e eft w L.-g L :
centland C.—k gefliemede L.-19.g. baera C.
—20 b–h. This is one of Alfred’s important
additions to Orosius. This battle is men-
tioned by Caesar, about 54 years B.C. Then
by Orosius about A.D. 416. They both speak
in detail of stakes being driven into the
Thames, but do not mention the place.
Though Alfred gives a very short abridgment
of Orosius, in his A. S. translation about A.D.
893, he is the only one who points out the
locality, as being “near the ford called Wal-
lingford.”—20 e L p 142-hwelenga ford L.
—21j paw C.—22 d cirenceastre L.
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 111–115: BK. v., CH. xv, § 5.
* 25
§ 3. 24 a OROs. VI, 15-25 f onbudon L.-
25 j hé: 31f. C.—26 i his; 34 h : C.—30 b–
31f pa legian waron pompeiuse on fultume
geseald. be on romane onwealde waron. baet
hé C: pa legean waron pompeiuse tofultume
ge sealde be on romana anwalde waron. Pat
he L.—33 g man w C.—33 g h him mon L.-
35 c-f him sipčan āspon to L.-36 a read
Silomóne.
§ 4. 37.j hierdon L.-39 a and on C.—% abraec
I.—40 b maºm his L.-fg L: w C.—41 e
gesecganne L.-42 c C f. 90 b.-e hā C.—g h
to samariam C: on marisiam L.-44 k ispa-
niae C. -
PAGE 111. 1 b pompeius C.—g twam L.-2 a
hé C.—g And aefter L.-3.7–4 a "Xxx" cynin-
gan C.—4f L p 143.−8 c Iulius w L-9 f
on w C.—k healfe w L.-10 d healfe w L.-
11 deft w C.
§ 5. 13 ef w C.—e—h octoginta et octo Oros. p
420, 4.—14 a coortana L: cóoratána C.—
15 a b of hund C.—16 c L : w C.—19 d mid-
mestam C: L.-21 e romana L.-21 k w C.—
23 a-ggeferaedenne and cwydrae.denne to lange
ne oferbraec C.—23 b C f. 91.—24 h sumere
C.—25 h new L.-26 c d lapost is L.-f was
w L.—28 e àt C.
§ 6. 32 b his C.—32 e àt: 39 h : 42 b : C.—
33 n officeorfon C.—34 b L. p 144.—34 g on-
sendon C.
§ 7.43 a OROS. VI, 16-45.j hyrre C.
PAGE 112. 1 i hé: 2 g : 3 f: 5 n : 7.j: C.—
2 c caton L.-4 b C f. 91 b.—5 c man w L.-
6.7 mag C.—l &t C.—7 d híne C.—7 i worde
C.—10 a maenende C, bu. rh i.
§ 8, 12 g nefan L-13 f he w L.-15f he w C.
—17 hé C.—18 d hine: 20 c.; g : C.
§ 9. 21 a OROS. VI, 17.—21 a L p 145.-25 f
híne C.—26 b inne L: w C.—e ge mot arne
L.—? XXIII: L, and Oros. has—viginti tribus
vulneribus, p 426, 1: KXVII. C.
CHAPTER XIII.
§ 1. 28 a OROs. VI, 18.—29 c ºx: L: Oros.
has—x p 428, 20: ‘lxx. C.—30 & hine: 32 j :
C.—31 d C f. 92-31 i hé: 32 : : 37 c : C.—
32 a him.—33 h IIII C.—33 h-35 a 'v' ge-
feoht ungeferlice purhteah.. swa iulius dyde
aer. L.-35 e ān was L-36 a oper L.-d-f
w C.—g pridde L.-37 h wurde L.-38 fond
paet L-39 a iuliuse L.
§ 2.-41 a OROs. VI, 19.—41 f gewealdon L.
42 c hé C.—43 d opene C.—43 à read hét.—
44 c cleopatron L.
PAGE 113. 1 efealle egypti L-3.j ut w L.
—6 b hund w L.-7 e hé: 17 d: C.—9 h naº-
ran C.–9.j I, p 146.—11 e octauianuses C.L.
—11,f C f. 92 b.—13 g read hi C.—14 ecleo-
patron L.-15 a was w L.-e kl. C.
§ 3. 18e clopatran C: cleopatro L-20 c byder
weard L: pyder ward C, ward bo. rh ..—
21 c read hi C.—21 h tune w C.—21 i lytlum
C.–22.fhyre: 24 g hire: 31f. C.—24 a tip
nális C.—25 a-k L: w C.—27 i paet w C.—
28 a paet C.—30f selfne L: in margin rh & C.
—j hine C.—31 h : somcucre alede C, cu, bo.
r h i-32 f hé C.—34 ab read gif hí.—f
brincó C.—f gefaren L.-36 j swa w C.—
37 k cepian C.
CHAPTER XIV.
§ 1. 40 a OROS. VI, 20.—40 a C f. 93.−40 d
romane C.—42 c consulato L.-42 d L. p 147.
—44 ché C.
PAGE 114. 1 h hine C.—2 a dyde L.-b ge-
wearö w C, L.-è swyla C.—3 b hring L:
ring C.—4 a ealn C.—4.j his C.—5.fse w C.
—8 fread hi.
§ 2. 9 e hé C.—10% man w L.-11 d-g hwar
hi sibbe haefdom C.–12 c his C.—i se w C.—
13 d gelapab L.
§ 3. 14 b is I.-d hé C.—15 c àn C.—16 a-d
seculon. aenne geleafon habbon C.
§ 4, 18 g earde L.-19 k he C.—20g C f. 93
b.-23 a heofenum rice C.
CHAPTER XV.
§ 1. 26 a OROS. VI, 21-26 g was w L.-27 e—
g See note to p 13, 38 d.—27 i wiper wearde
L.—28 k l fird ge ladde L.-29 b read hi C.
—30 h. atre L.—31 a-c w C.
§ 2. 32 d peoda L.-32 h L. p 148,-33.f ser-
mende L.-35 f hie L: w C.
§ 3. 39 ché: 40ſ C.
§ 4.43 a OROS. VI, 22.-43 c-e eall peos wo-
rold L: peos woruld eall C.
PAGE 115. 1 d hyldon C.—i hſs C.—2 c fer-
pan L.-h agenum C.—? C. f. 94.—3 e read
wisan C.—4 d faeste L.-6 i rice C.—7 a .30a
C.—8 d haslend C.
§ 5. 11 fg w C.—14 d wurden w C.—15 c-k
Her enbap (for endab) sio sixte boc j on-
gin & seo siofoče L. As the Vth book of
Alfred's A. S. translation contains book V and
VI of the original Latin of Orosius, L says, in
relation to the original,—Here the sixth book
ends, and the seventh begins,—that is, of the
Latin original.
After 15 k,-in C folio 94, line 15 to folio 95,
line 2 inclusive, there is a table of contents
to Book VI. As it varies from the table
printed p 13, 40 a-p 14, 42.f. it is given en-
tire in the notes following p 14, 42.f.
26
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGs To PAGE 116–120: BK. VI, CH. VII, § 1.
BOOK WI: CHAPTER I.
§ 1. 17a OROs. VII, 2-17 a Cf. 95.-17 a Nu
w L, a space being left for ornamental letters.
—c—e L: WWLLE CWAEE) OROSIS C.—h
read pisse C.—iseofepan L-18 d hit: j : C.
—19 c emmlice L.
§ 2. 22 h L. p 149.—24 d sarpanoplum C.—
25 a f*III hund wintra and an in C, L; but
Oros. has—post mille quadringentos . . . an-
nos p 455, 12.
§ 3. 26 ef hiere onwealde L.-28 d macedo-
niam C: macedonium L.-h leng L: w C.—
30 a on C.
§4. 32 e ymb L: binne C, r h i at the end of
the line.—32.j ymb L-33 b pass C.—d hie
L: heó C.
§ 5. 35 h read westemest C: westmest L.-
36 h-37 e micel fyrbryne on rome burg L.-
—37 forbarn C.—38 e read myste C.—39 k
C 95 b.-40 a groht C.—c ačstod L.-41 a
forhynend C: forhiened L.-d read naefre C.
—h & read ºr hi C.—j k eft agustus L.
PAGE 116. 1 g read a fre C, L.
§ 6. 7 h feowerteopan L.-8 e OROS. VII, 3.—
9 h roma L. º
§ 7, 14 f be C. — 15 g hé: 20 i ; 21.j: C.—
16 m L. p 150.-17f gebaede L.-18 h of L:
w C.—19 e him C.—20 h : be hé C.—21 f
aguste C.—22 b C f. 96-26 g gefeoht C.
CHAPTER II.
§ 1. 29 a OROs. VII, 4.—31f and w C.—32 a.
onwald L.-33 g martyrunga L.-34 h hé :
39 7: 40 e : 41 i : 43 e C.—34 hít: 36 b : * :
C.—35 h swyðe w L.-36 f héom C, bo. rh i.
—37 h cy&on C.—40 b c ond iebe w C.—41 a.
cucume C.—41j him.—42 e hi w C, L.
PAGE 117. 2.f.g. folcum of L: folcum on C.
§ 2. 4 d C f. 96 b.-f L p 151.-5 ed read hſ
at C.—7 h pa be C : pe w L.-8 b hºwyrsian
C, altered to hryvsian, r and w in the origi-
mal hand and ink.-9 b begān w L.
§ 3. 10 e his C.—ff ahangen L.-14 h romana
C.—15 e hé C.
CHAPTER III.
§ 1. 17 a ORos. VII, 5.—18.j hé: 20 b : 21 h :
22 k : 23 i ; 25 m : C.—20 e romana C.—21 e
hít: ; ; C.—22 a swa w L.-239 Sweoran L.-
23.j híne C.
§ 2. 28 b read waron pa C.—29 d C f. 97.—
29 h findon C.—30 b hie L: w C.—? forbu-
gon C.
§ 3. 31 e read eac C.—32 a hi C.—35 b L p
152. – 35 h hé: 36 fºr 41 d = ?: 42 b : C.—
36 d gearndian C.—36 g hie L: w C.—39 a
tead fifylde C. H.-39 e dºt C.—g ond bact L.
–40.j agen w L-41j híne C.
§4. 43 f slapende C.
PAGE 118. 1 e read mapm huse C.—3 e rice-
stera C.—e namon C.—3 g hé: 6 h : 7 g : C.
–4 a ful L.-5 ö and w C, L: j deadra C.—
6 d ge L: w C.—k costigan L-7e miltsunge
C.
CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. 10 a OROS. VII, 6. – 10 h–11 b DCCXCV
Oros. p. 466, 25.-11 b xcI. L.-12 f C f. 97
b.—15 : pāre C.—k ware C.—18 : aer L: w
C.—19 dba C.—19.j-20 a he him dén pohte
L.
§ 2. 24 e L p 153.−25 l guðfonan L-26 c
heóra C.—g hie L: w C.—h onwaldas L.-
28 e oësace L.-29 b se se L.-30 a gestlled
C.—e godes C.—i aeni C. -
§ 3. 34 c hé C.—35 h stria C.—36 d. aet iubena
L.—37 d at C.—k niwilice C.
§ 4. 40 b Cf. 98.—f v L; seofon C.—41 b long
L.—e feoróan C, but Oros. says—anno sep-
timo, p 469, 12.—g his C.—43 b waron L.-
j ñt C.
PAGE 119. 1 d gare C.—2b gaius L.-c hét C.
—e adrifon C.—3 d romana C.—4 f hé: l ; C.
—5 e triginta quinque, Oros. p. 470, 3.−69
romana C.
CHAPTER W.
§ 1. 9 a. OROS. VII, 7.—10.j híne: 20 i : C.—
10 k ha-fle L: an erasure in C, and ha-fae
* h .-11 c and w L.—11 d hé: 13 a d:
19 b : 20 h : C.— 11 g be ma L. — 11.j hís:
14 c : C.—12 a háčfde C.—13 e was C.—f Ét
C.—i onbærnan C.—13.j L p 154—13 k by-
rig C.—20 k—21 d. This clause would make
the sentence more clear, if it were placed
after misdaeda (20 a), as by Junius, Elstob
and Ballard, and in ENG., but it is not sanc-
tioned by the MSS., for both L and C have
the arrangement given in the text.—21 e C f.
98 b.—23 a of feallen L.
CHAPTER VI.
§ 1. 25 a OROS. VII, 8.—26 e galua L.-27 c
hine C.
§ 2. 30 a hit L: w C.—34 d read hi C.—e
winnon C.
CHAPTER VII.
§ 1. 36 a OROs. VII, 9.—38 i bebead L-39 c
hé C.—40 b fordón C.—40 iſ L-40 i-41 a
cristendôm mierde leng L: cristendome lencg
myrdon C.—41 e mon L.-42 c-g iudena ºx1:
hund m: L.-42 fread hund C.
PAGE 120. 2d L p 155.-39 pa micel L.-
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 121–124: BK. VI, CH. XXII, § 1.
27
4 c be to L.-j čt C.—5 d Hi C.—j wespania-
nus L.-69 nigepam L.
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 1. 9 a C f. 99.-10 e titus C.—11 fgódes C:
gódes L.-l hé C.–12 efhé naht C.—i göde
C. -
CHAPTER IX.
§ 1. 16 a OROS. VII, 10.—17 e domitianus L.
—18.j hetend L-19 f micle on C : on w L.
—19.7 he 24 k ; 26 g : C.—197–21 a w L.-
20 g onbugon C.—22 a thomore C.—23 e he
L: w C.–24 e-m crist geboren nacre ba giet.
paet he nasippan L.-25 h.j L: of C.—26 i
him sylf C, him bv. rh i.
CHAPTER X.
§ 1. 29 a OROS. VII, 11.-31 a he w L-32 c
hí C.—i towendon C.—34 e hé C.—35 a-e
ºiohannes aet his mynstre gebrengan L.-35 b
L p 156.—c àt C.—35 & C f. 99 b.-36 a.
woruld w L.
§ 2. 37 a OROs. VII, 12.—37 f haefde L: ha-
don C, altered to haefde bo. rh i.—37 i X: L,
but Oros. has—decem et novem, p. 486, 5.—
38 e hé: 42 c C.—39 c níwlice C.—g he w C.
—41 a hforá. C.—42 d hit C.
§ 3. 43 e iudan L.
PAGE 121. 1 e lande C, the e ea punged by a
dot, prick or point underneath the e—h read
hí C. e
CHAPTER XI.
§ 1. 5 a OROs. VII, 13.−6 b xIVII: L : Oros.
DCCCLXVII, p. 488-7 f wint C.—11 c sé C.—
h L: w C.—; L : w C.
§ 2. 13 k hí: 15 a C.—14 c né C.—d read hé-
ton C.—15 g hé: 17 h C.—16.j iudena L.-
17 a-fln L, this clause comes after Iudeis-
cean men (16 b).-18 c operre L-19 a C f.
100.-19 chétte C.—19 f helium L.
CHAPTER XII.
§ 1. 21 a OROs. VII, 14.—22 b LXX*VIII, *bv.
r h i C.—22 d rompeius C; pompeius L.-24 g
L. p 157.—24 h hé C.—25 g—i swa leof and
w L.
CHAPTER XIII.
§ 1. 28 a OROs. VII, 15.—29 d antonius C, L.
—31f read hſ C: w L.-32 a. and 33.j hi,
read hi C.—32 f cristene C.—33 g parthe L.
34 a awést C.
§ 2. 38 ed hi becoman C.—39 i feohton C : ge
feohtan L.-40 c on L.-:f read hate C.—419
read hi C.—42 can L-42.j híb C.
PAGE 122. 1 b wrácu C.—e read hi C.—ºf £t
C.—2 a hit C.—d rínde.—f read hi C.—3 e
was L. : w C.—3 k C f. 100 b.-4 d paem L:
so C. -
§ 3. 5 de romana ealle C.—11 the C.—j agie-
fan L.
CHAPTER XIV.
§ 1. 13 a OROS. VII, 16.—13 i wintra w L.-
15 a L p 158.-15.j hé C.—17 f pam w L.-
i tā slóh C.—18 b c L : w C.—19 d biblio-
theoco L.-19 e read wearö C.—f forbaernend
C.—h pam w L.-20 e ealdon C.—g forburnan
C.–21 b & L.-e L: demn C.
CHAPTER XV.
§ 1. 25 a OROS. VII, 17.—25 fg was getim-
bred L.- 27 episceninus L.-j k he him C.—
28 c eóde C.—ef hé híne C.—29 he w L.-
30 b C f. 101.—30fforbón C.—h hé C.
§ 2. 32 b hê : 33 f: C.—33 g pa L: w C.—%
wead hi C.—35 k eofer wic C.
CHAPTER XVI. -
§ 1. 37 a OROS. VII, 18.-37 a AEter L.—38%
haedde C, d bo. rh i.—40f on L.-è hé C.—
41 c d pam faelede C, eapunging l by a point
wnder it, and writing r and 1 bo., faelede is
altered to farelde r h .
CHAPTER XVII.
§ 1. 43 a Aºter L.
CHAPTER XVIII.
PAGE 123. § 1. 5 a L p 159.-6 d aurelius-
nus C.—7 c d C, L, but Oros. tredecim annis,
p 507, 4.— 8 c oriense C. — 10 c híre.—11 ;
persan C.—12 e forlet C.—i magentsan L.
- CHAPTER XIX.
§ 1. 14 a OROS. VII, 19.—15 b L: I.xxxvii.
Oros. p. 509: Ixxxvi C.—16 h C f. 101 b.—
17 i hine C.—18 c orienis C.—18 d he w I.-
18 h–19 e Ond maximus ofslog his agen ealdor-
mon L.-19 b of slóh C.—d agene C.
CHAPTER XX.
§ 1. 23 l and he C.—24 d gebroëro C.—25 a.
hé C.
CHAPTER XXI.
§ 1. 27 a OBos. VII, 20–29 h hé C.—30 d
briddan L.-33 c hí: 34 d. C.—33j àt 34 i ;
38 a C.—35 b–7 deofla ponces bact was past
ealle romane woldon L: past was deofla pances.
bat ealle romana woldan C.—36 d. bringon C.
37 a godra L-37 c-e to hedra geblote w L.
—38 a gºt gaedere C, L.-38 i I, p 160–39 fg
read sippon to C : sip; on w L.
CHAPTER XXII.
§ 1. 41a ORos. VII, 21-416 pam w L.
PAGE 124. 2 g C f. 102.-3 c bam be L.-.
e hé C.—5 ! :#t C.
IE
28
NOTES AND WARIOUS READINGs To PAGE 125, 126: BK, VI, CH. xxx, § 4.-
CHAPTER XXIII.
§ 1. 10 read lange C: longe L.-11 a ehtinge
C, eh is in the original hand, and tinge on an
erasure r h i.—11 ? was L: w C.—13 b burig
C: byrige L.
§ 2. 15 a read anveald C.
CHAPTER XXIV.
§ 1. 17 a OROS. VII, 22.-18 c romana C.—
18 f-20 d These clauses are transposed in L:
the clause 19 y—20 d stands first in L, and
then 18f-19 f. The ENG. follows L.-22 i
cóm L.—23 cyning L.—25.j hé C.—25%–
26 a swa oft sceolde L.-27.fhliepam L.
§ 2. 28 b c bam obrum L-fmonog L.-28 i
winemde C.—29 h inwearömesse C.—30 c C f.
102 b.—30 e germaniae.—31 b forhergedon C.
32 g—33 a ealle grecon C.—34 a L p 161.
CHAPTER XXV.
§ 1. 40 a OROS. VII, 23.
PAGE 125. 1 a romana C.—2 b an L-c gyl-
denne C.—f hengon C.—h hi w L.
CHAPTER XXVI.
§ 1. 8 c aurelius L.-12 b c read bype C.—d hé
C.—13 h wearb L.
CHAPTER XXVII.
§ 1. 15 a OROS. VII, 24.—16 g C f. 103.—17 g
paem lande L.-18 g of slagen pa’s C.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
§ 1. 22 c brobus C, L.-23 a ger L.-d monaö
L B.-h minas L. B.-24f paem L: w C.—
25,f bororum L-26 i read on syrmie C.
CHAPTER XXIX.
§ 1. 29 a L p 162.-31 d tuwwa L.-34 fg
sweqrtor C.
CHAPTER XXX.
§ 1. 36 a OROS. VII, 25.-37 c dioclicianus C.
—e romano L.-39ſ pa L: w C.—40 a ge-
winn C.—ºf pa L: w C.
PAGE 126. 1 c dioclicie L.-g winende C.—
2 c and achileus L.-d of L.-e eypta C.—3 f
causeras C.—4 a maximus C.—b constantinus
pridde C.—5 e affricam L-5 f C f. 103 b.—
5g hé: 6 h : 7 f: C.—6 b constantinus C.—
8 d dioclitianus.-10 e he w C.—f sippan L.—
12 b marserius C.—14 b fyrfhtnesse C.—14 i
onfeng L-15 d hine C.—? anum L.-j pupu-
ran C.—18 c marseus L. : C.—19 b c dioclicius
ualeriuse C.—d weorºlice L.
§ 2. 20 a. AEfter paem dioclitianus L.-20 e
ehtnys-II, p 163] se.—21 c eastane L.-:f wes-
tane L.-22 e gewurdon L.-g martyra L.-
j wintrum C.
§ 3. 25 h read hy C.—27 g burig C.—27 h-28f)
w L.-28 a maximianus C.—d mediolane C.
—29 b c w C.—29f constantinuse C.—30 a C
f. 104.—f L: w C.—32 c constantinus C.—
32 fitaliae C.—33 a. ispaniae C.—e galliae C.—
36 b galius C.—37 i maximinus C.
§ 4. 39 d-fcom constantinus mildeortesta C,
for mildheortesta.-41 h ciefese L: wife C,
written upon an erasure. The original word
in C was ciefese, cifese or cyfese, as is evident
from the letters fese being still legible. There
can be little doubt that Alfred, misled by the
word concubina improperly used by Orosius,
translated it ciefes. The word ciefese remains
in L, the older MS: and, in C, it has appa-
rently been altered to wife by a subsequent
hand. The probable reason for this alteration
will soon appear.—It has been proved that
Helena was the lawful wife of Constantius,
and that their son, Constantine the Great,
was born in wedlock. (Tillemont, Histoire des
Empereurs, vol IV, Note 1. Constantin. )
The facts are briefly these. When Constan-
tius was raised to the dignity of Caesar, or the
second rank in the empire, he was obliged to
divorce his wife Helena, that he might marry
Theodora, the step-daughter of his friend and
patron, the emperor Maximian. This divorce
is of itself a proof that Helena was the lawful
wife of Constantius. Yet the friends and
flatterers of Constantius and Theodora inti-
mated that Helena was never married. The
Greek historian Zosimus, a pagan, prejudiced
against Christians, as is shewn in his account
of the conversion of Constantine the Great,
gave currency to the report that the Chris-
tian Helena was not the lawful wife of Con-
stantius. The history of Zosimus spread and
gave permanency to this false report. It was
so prevalent as to mislead Orosius, who says—
(Constantius) Constantinum filium ex concu-
bina Helena . . . reliquit. VII, 25, Haver. p
529, 10, 11. Orosius was implicitly followed
by Bede, who uses the same words—Hic (Con-
stantius) Constantinum filium ex concubina
Helena reliquit. I, 8, Smith p 47, 27, 28.
Alfred, in translating Orosius into A. S. states,
in our text, that Constantius gave the empire
to Constantine, his son,-and then, closely
following Orosius, he says—bone he haefde be
Elenan his ciefese—whom he had by Helena.
his concubine. In subsequently translating
Bede, Alfred softens down the Latin concu-
bina by using wif, instead of ciefes thus—
(Constantinus) was of Elena pam wife acenned
—Constantine was born of the woman Helena.
I, 8, Smith p 479, 31. To make the A. S.
manuscript of Oros. to agree with the A.S. of
-NoTES AND WARIOUS READINGS To PAGE 127, 128: BK. VI, CH. xxxi., § 2. 29
Bede, or perhaps with the intention of proving
that Helena was the wife of Constantius, the
ciefese of the original scribe of C has been
altered by a later hand to wife. If the latter
was intended, the object of the interpolator
has not been fully accomplished, for his alter-
ation of ciefese to wife only moderates or
softens the meaning. The word wif in A. S.
is sometimes used, in a restricted sense, to
denote a married woman, in the sense of our
present word wife; but the general meaning
of wff is woman; mulier, foemina. In this
sense it is put in opposition to man. The A.S.
term for a lawful wife is dºw, e, f a female
bound by law, a wife; conjux legitima, uxor
justa. An example or two will be sufficient
proof.-Se man, be his riht àwe forlát and
oper wif nim8, he biö ºw-bréca—the man,
(vir) who forsakes his lawful wife (suam legi-
timam uxorem) and takes another woman
(aliam mulierem) he is an adulterer. Ecg.
Poen. II, 8; Thorpe p 184. Gif hwylc man
wiè obres riht ºwe ham'8, oppe wif wił, Opres
gemaeccan, faeste VII gear—If any man (vir)
commit adultery with the lawful wife (cum
legitima uxore) of another, or a woman (mu-
lier) with the husband of another, let him (or
her) fast seven years. Ecg. Poen. II, 10:
Thorpe p 186.-There can be no doubt then,
that Orosius was misled by the false rumour,
and the statement of Zosimus, that Helena
was not married to Constantius, and that
Bede, copying Orosius, fell into the same
--~~~ lºat-h using the word concubina. In
error, GGCI; tışi ** * * * * * * * * *
translating Orosius into A. S. Alfred literally
follows the Latin text, and states that Helena
was the concubine, ciefes of Constantius.
Though Alfred, in his subsequent version of
Bede, styles her wif, the woman, he does not
call her £w, the lawful wife of Constantius.
Ciefes is, therefore, given in the A. S. printed
text, on the authority of the best MS., and be-
cause it was the word used by Alfred to repre-
sent the concubina of the Latin Orosius. In
translating, the word is necessarily retained,
both in the A. S. and Eng., but this note is
intended to correct the historical error, as
Helena was £w, the lawful wife, and not the
concubine of Constantius.
§ 5.42 a ORos. VII, 28.—d maximianus C.—
44 c-fse him seanweald C.
PAGE 127. 1 a refanne L. — 2 e hé: l ; 5 a.
e: 7 : ; 8.f. C.—3.j hé C.—4g hit C.—4.j
anfunde L.-6 a beswicon C : L.-e L: hab-
...bon C.—7.f constantius L.-gasaede L-8 a |
afliemde L. - -
§ 6.9 d L. p 164.—9 d lucinuse L.-9 h C f.
104 b.—10 f b& C. — 10 h betst L. —j ge-
bringon.—11 d hé: 14 d. 15 e : C. — 12 de
monigne lace L.-13 a on w L.-b name L.-
c göde.—14 i men w L-16 c lucius L.
§ 7. 19 b at C.—d by rig C, L.—e be L: pār
C.—21 b tharra C.—h lucinus L.--24 b of
tradlica L.-c gefeaht C.
§ 8. 27 d The Canons of Ælfric thus speak of
the condemnation of Arius—Da gegaderode
he (Constantinus) sinoë, on pare ceastre Nicéa,
preo hund bisceopa and eahtatyne bisceopas,
of eallum leodscipum, for pass geleafan trym-
minge. . . . Hyamansumodon pár bone masse-
preost Arrium, forban be he molde gelyfan bact
paes lifigendan Godes sunu ware ealswa mihtig
swa se maera fader is. Dafordemdon hy ealle
bone deofles mann; ac he molde geswícan
aerpam be him sáh se innoë eall éndemes àt,
pa pa he to gange eode—He (Constantine)
then (A.D. 325) gathered together a synod, in
the city Nice, (apud Niceam, urbem Bithy-
niae. Oros.) of three hundred and eighteen
bishops, from all nations, for confirmation of
the faith. . . . They there ea communicated the
mass-priest, Arius, because he would not be-
lieve that the Son of the living God was so
mighty as the great Father is. Then they all
condemned the devil’s man ; but he would not
leave off, till, in the end, his inward parts all
fell out, when he went to ease nature. III:
Thorpe, vol II, p 343, 344–28 e geleafon C.
—28 h ENG. About this mischief or crime:
timan L-29 g hine C.—30 damansumian L.
§ 9. 335 was C.—34b C f 105–34g romane
C.—35 g crecum L.-j read hi C.—36 a hatan
L: haton C.—c hé : 38.j: C.—d read hét :
bebead L.-37 h hus w L.-38 c ymbe C.—
39 e L p 165. --
CHAPTER XXXI.
§ 1. 41 a ORos. VII, 29.—42 c : 43 f constan-
timus C. — h his C. — 43 e hé C. —44 a L:
viginti quatuor, Oros, p 541, 10: XXIII C.—
44c hí C. -
PAGE 128. 2 c constantinus Oros. p 542, 9:
constans C, L.-3.j past L: pa C.—5.j read
hí C.—7 ché; 8.j: 9.f. 11 e : 18 c C. — 7 g :
12 c : 17 d constantius Oros : constantinus
C, L.-9 d read scole C.—j pam w L.-10 e
híne: 11 f: C.—11 a lucthina C.–12 c con-
stantinus C.—13 d aerpaem L.-14 f G f. 105
b.-14 h : pá pá C : pa pa L.-15 f daedae L.
—16 d anwealde C : onwald L.-17 d read
constantius C.—19 a b he geför L.
§ 2, 20 a OBos...WII, 30–21 d monaö L.-
30 NoTES AND various READINGs to PAGE 129–182: BK. VI, CH, xxxvi.1, § 3.
g hé: k C.—22 e onwendon C.—23 d read
náne C.—h lornode C.—23.j Aperto praecepit
edicto, ne quis Christianus docendorum liber-
alium studiorum professor esset. Oros. Haver.
p 545, 6–8. – 24 i his C. —j sunderfolgeba
L.—25 bhí : i C.—26 c d wé hít C.—26 e eft
w L.-g hierdon L.—27 fl, p 166.
§ 3. 29c hé: 30 e : 31%: 35b. A 36 g : 37 d:
38 a. 39 i : 40f; i. — 30 h. eastane L.-31 e
àt C.—32 fg read hiſ de&r.—jabite L.-34 c
arleasa C.—35 e actesifonte C, L.-36 e read
séde C.—h híne: 38 b : C.—37 h ingearuwe
C.—39 c read mán: e myste C.—39 g C f. 106.
—h hwár: l föran C.—40 a hwearfiende C.—
42 b c eac for hungre C.—43 a of sloh C.
CHAPTER XXXII.
PAGE 129. § 1. 2 a OROS. VII, 31–6 f bám
C.—g be L.-h read hi C.—i mosten L.
§ 2. 8 c eahto pan L-g hé: l ; 9 g : 10 e : C.
–9 & nicealtan L-10 b read hise C.—d read
hét C.—k forbón C.—12 c iuuinius C, L.-g
OSSmorod C.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
§ 1. 14 a ORos. VII, 32.-14 h-15 d Mcxvi.II
Oros. p. 548, 4: 'm' wintra and xoVIII C, L.
—16 d endlefan L-fhé: 17 f. 18.j; 20 m.
—17 b L. p 167.-19.ggefylsted L.-20% read
his C.—20 i lufan L.
§ 2. 22 h C f. 106 b.-23 b hé: 25 f. 26 d = g :
27 b : e : l ; 28 d = h : 29 c.—23 c read hét C.
—e percopiosus C.—f pépá C.—24 i arrianisco
C.—25 ö eudoxius L.-g hit: 26 h : C.—26 e
forbón: 28 c : C.—k wrecon C.—27 h gelea-
fan L.-28 fg read hi fastmód C.
§ 3. 33 b read hi 35 i : C. —d winnon. — ef
wiè romana C.—34f his C.—35 g pam be C.
–36 d. gehét C.—h enleftan L-38 f Subita
effusione sanguinis, quod Graece apoplexis
vocatur, Oros. p 550, 9, 10.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
§ 1. 40 a OROS. VII, 33.—41 eualerianuses C.—
43.j hé C.
PAGE 130. 1 f hé: 2 c : C.—3 a sceoldan C.
—f read hi C.—4 b C f. 107.—4 b fuhte L.-
e dyde L.-5 d read hét C.—7 c fordrifon C.
§ 2. 9 b wearö L.—10 a theodosius L.-10 d-
11 a w L.-11 i I, p 168.-12.f sleane C.—
i hé: 13 g : j : 15 d . C.—13 a hſne: 14f. C.
13 d gefulwade L.-h gefulwad L.-14 g ge-
fulwad L-14.j–15 a fullum geleaſan L.-17 g
martyre L.
§ 3. 19e hyra C.—20 b his C.—20 e hé: 24 b : d -
C.—20 h w8h C.—21 de hine gétan C.–22.j
wilnedon L-23 c : 25 a , 27.f read hi C.—
23 h : read mid fribe C.—l of rhode L-24 a
hógode C.—25.j gerefon C.
§ 4, 289 C f. 107 b.-28 g baer C.—29 b hê :
32 a f: 35 h : C.—29 i read hú C.—j read
hí: 38 b : g : C.—30 c geleafon C.—32e hwæt
C. — 33 c gedæn L.—33.j–34 b anigne wiste
libbendne L.-33% libbendene C.—34 f to late
L-35 a géárian C.—i gefeaht L.-37 b read
hūse C.—g ryht L.
CHAPTER XXXV.
§ 1. 41 a OROS. VII, 34.—44 i witer winnan
L: gewinnan C, ge rh i on the left margin.-
j waren L.
PAGE 131. 1 e read hiſ C. — 3 i hím C. — 4 b
I, p 169.-5 g read hi C.—6 g pa L: w C.
§ 2. 8f Maximus Oros. p 556, 14: maximianus
C, L.-9.j read anwealda C : onwaldes L.-
10 b hís: j : C. — 10 e C f. 108. — 10 g hò :
11j : 13 f : C. — 11 b wann C, n bo. rh i. —
| 11; he w L.-l on L.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
§ 1. 15 a OROs. VII, 35.—18 g : 31 c read hú
C.— 18 h he 25 j : C.—20f italie L.-21 b
bád L.-i ealdor-men C.—23 b read hſ: 28 c
C.–24 a bohte C.—27 e àt C.—g men L.-
28 e aweg w L. —f ápewde L. — 31 h read
mycle C.—32 d pa L.
§ 2. 34 g his C. — 35 d C. f. 108 b. – 35 e hé;
37 f.; 40 a j : C.—35 g gallium C.—35.j of.
smórode C.—37f-38 a he hiene self awierged
L.—37 g hine C.—38 f paes C.—h noman L.-
39 d L. p 170–39 k forbon be L.-40 i forby
C.—40% was L.-44 b gotene L.-g hi C.
PAGE 132. 1 c read hi: 4 c : 5 d = ? : 8 , , C.
–6 f-8 a L: w C.—8.j selfe L: sylf C.—9.j
his C.—10c maestne C.—13 b hê C.—e mage-
lan L. : magelange C.—14 b betahte L.-g
onwald L.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
§ 1. 16 a OROs. VII, 36.—16 f C f. 109.—17 i
bam C.—18 fonorius L. -
§ 2.-20 a OROS. VII, 37, 38. — 20 d hiſ: h :
22 h : 23 f. 24 f. 29 d : C.—21 a II C.—22?
gecyödon C.—23 cal baºs hwilce C.—23 e hiaf-
ord-hyldo L: hlaford-hylda C.—i cybonne C.—
24g hit C.—25 c habban C.—26 g hér C.—
27 b hê : 29 i : 30 e : 31 c : C. — 28 b alrican
C.—drádgotan C.—29 c L p 171.-30 de pact
he, in margin rhi-32 a alríca C.—eradgota
C.—34g pá C.
§ 3. 36 d read heanlic C.—j for C.—37 b read
ége C.—g geblóte C.—h be C.—i gé: 39 g C.
—39 h eower L-41 hi hā hèan C.—41; hé:
42 i C.—42c Cf. 109 b.-42% gelifde L.-43 a
híne: g : C.—43 de gebundene haefdan C.
coRRECTIONS, &c. 31
CHAPTER XXXVIII. aforam I.-k agnum L.-12 a willum L.—g
read his C.
PAGE 133. § 1. If his C.—l gé C.—4 a OBos. § 2. 13 a OBOs. VII, 40–13 b genom L-c
VII, 39.-5 h his C.—6 d hé: 7 is C.—7 e héttulf—f onorius L.-g swostor L. — 14 i
cristena L.-8c nípe C.—9 a b naenne mon L. read hi C.—15b nam L.-d Saeton L.-16?
–9 d read slóge C.—11 d read hi C.—11 e foron L.-17 d gesaeton L.
CORRECTIONS IN PREFACE.
p xii line 4 c read 1654.
, xxxi , 37.j , 1698.
, xxxii , 4 e-j , also of this college.
, xxxv , 37 g h dele a year.
CORRECTIONS IN THE PLATES, MAPS, AND THE FACSIMILES.
Plate III, C, 4 i for geeways read gecweb.
IN THE MAP OF EUROPE.
Jor Sarmondisc read Sermendisc.
The southern boundary of Cwén-sà (White Sea), and the Sermendisc Garsecg (Gulf of Finland),
and the east of Ost-sé (the Baltic Sea), and the Lake Ladoga and Onega ought to have been
in very faint outline, or in dots, and not coloured, as these parts were not definitely known in
the time of Alfred.
IN THE MAP OF AFRICA.
JFor Astrix read Astrix M.
, Zeuge ,, Zeugis.
CORRECTIONS IN THE 8vo. AND 4TO. FACSIMILEs.
Pl. I. 15f for epel read Épel.
I, p 1, 4 e , nonp , nopp.
I, p 1, 15 c ,, p16 ,, pré.
C f. 12 b. 11,f ,, forhwaega , forhwaga.
C. f. 16. 12 a , Æ , AE'.
C f. 16 b. 9 d , fenge ,, fengc.
C f. 17. 16 b , raer 2, paer.
C. f. 18 b. 9 b , ambicno , ambuccio.
CORRECTIONS IN ME. HAMPSONPS ESSAY.
The signatures must follow thus–1, 3, 4, 5 etc. and the paging 7, 8, 17, 18 etc. as sig. 2 and
pp 9–16 were omitted by the compositor.
p 4, 19 c.—e read Obadiah Walker, Master of University College,
p 25, 18; , proceeded.
p 25, 34 b , Warnefeld.
LITERAL ENGLISH TRAN SLATION
A.
OF
KING ALFRED’S ANGL10-SAXON WERSION
OF
THE COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF THE WORLD
BY
0 R O S I U. S.

C 0 NT ENTS,
Book I.
Here beginneth the book, which men call OROSIUs.
CHAPTER I.
How our elders divided all the globe into three parts, $ 1, 5.
* [The boundary of Asia, § 2, 6.—of Europe, § 3–of Africa,
i. 4.—of India and Parthia, § 7.—of Babylonia, Mesopotamia,
alestine, Armenia, Syria, Phoenicia, etc. § 8.—of Egypt, $ 9.-
of the south of Asia, § 10.
Extent of Alfred's GERMANIA, § 11.—of the East Franks, Bava-
rians, Bohemians, Frisians, Danes, Angles, Old-Saxons, etc. § 12.
The first voyage of Ohthere $13.—Of the Biarmians § 14.—
Ohthere a rich man, $ 15.-Of the country of the Northmen,
§ 16-Of Sweden, § 17.
Ohthere's second voyage, § 18. He sails into the Baltic, § 19.
Wulfstan's voyage, § 20–Customs of the Esthonians, con-
cerning the dead, § 21.-Horse races, § 22. Of keeping the
dead, § 23.
1 What is placed between the brackets is not in Anglo-Saxon; it is inserted to complete
the Table of Contents. A.

18 KING ALFRED’S OROSIUS.
Of Greece, § 24.—Of Italy, § 25. —Of Gallia Belgica, § 26.
Of Spain, § 27. – Of Britain, $ 28.
Extent of AFRICA, § 29, 30, 31–Of Byzacium, Carthage, Nu-
midia, § 32.
Islands in the MEDITERRANEAN, Cyprus, Crete, § 33.−The Cy-
clades or Dodekanista, § 34.—Of Sicily, § 35.—Of Sardinia, § 36.
—Of Corsica, § 37.—The Balearic Islands, $38.]
CHAPTER II.
How Ninus, king of Assyria, first began to reign over the men
of this world, $1.—And how, after him, Semiramis, his queen,
with great severity, and profligacy, seized the government, § 2, 3.
CHAPTER III.
How the fire from heaven burnt up the land, on which the two
cities, Sodom and Gomorrah, were built, § 1, 2.
CHAPTER IV.
How the inhabitants of Candia and Scarpanto fought with each
other, $1.
CHAPTER W.
How the righteous man, Joseph, saved the people of Egypt
from the seven years' great famine by his wisdom; and how they
afterwards, according to his appointment, gave every year the fifth
part of all their fruits to their king as tribute, § 1, 2.
CHAPTER WI.
How in Achaia, there was a great flood in the days of king
Amphictyon, § 1, 2.
CHAPTER VII. -
How Moses led the people of Israel from Egypt over the Re
Sea, § 1, 2. ;
CHAPTER VIII.
How, in one night, there were fifty men slain in Egypt by
their own sons, $ 1.—And how Busiris, the king, commanded to
CONTENTS. Book I; CH. IX—XIV: Book II; CH. I, II. 19
sacrifice all the strangers, who visited him, $2; and about the
contention of many other people, § 3, 4.
CHAPTER IX.
How the Cretans and Athenians, people of Greece, fought with
each other, § 1, 2.
CHAPTER X.
How Wesoges, king of Egypt, would subdue both the south
part which is Asia, and the north part, which is Scythia, § 1.-
And how two noblemen were banished from Scythia, and about
the women, who are called Amazons § 2-5.-And about the
Goths whom Pyrrhus, the cruel king of Greece, and Alexander
the Great, as well as Julius, the emperor, dreaded, § 6.
CHAPTER XI.
How Helen, the king's wife, was taken in the city of Lacedae-
mon $1,2–And howking Æneas went with an army into Italy, $3.
CHAPTER XII.
How Sardanapalus was the last king of Assyria, and how
Arbaces, his chief officer, deceived him, $ 1, 2.—And how the
women upbraided their husbands, when they wished to flee, § 3.−
And how the brass-founder formed an image of a bull for the
prince, § 4, 5.
CHAPTER XIII.
How the Peloponnesians and Athenians fought with each other,
§ 1.
: CHAPTER. XIV.
How the Lacedaemonians and Messenians fought with each
other, on account of the offerings of their maidens, $ 1–3: $4.
Book II: CHAPTER I.
How Orosius said, that our Lord created the first man very
upright and very good, § 1–And about the four empires of the
world, § 2–6.
CHAPTER II.
How the brothers, Remus and Romulus, built the city of Rome
in Italy, § 1–3.
20 - KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS,
CHAPTER III.
With what wickedness, Romulus and Brutus dedicated Rome,
§ 1–4.
CHAPTER IV.
How the Romans and Sabines fought with each other, § 1–4.
And how Cyrus was slain in Scythia, § 5–8.
- CHAPTER V.
How king Cambyses despised the Egyptian idols, $ 1.-And
concerning the wars of Darius, $ 2.—And of Xerxes and Leonidas,
§ 3–9.
CHAPTER VI.
And how a wonder was shewn to the Romans, as if the heavens
were burning, $ 1–5.
CHAPTER VII.
How the people of Sicily were fighting with each other, § 1–2.
CHAPTER VIII.
How the Romans beset the city Veii, ten years, $ 1–And how
the Senonian Gauls (Galli Senones) stormed the city Rome, §
2–6.
Book III: CHAPTER I.
How a disgraceful and crafty peace was made between the
Lacedaemonians and Persians, $ 1–6.
CHAPTER II.
How there was an earthquake in Achaia § 1: § 2.
CHAPTER III.
How the great pestilence was in Rome, at the time of the two
Consuls, $ 1, 2—And how Marcus Curtius plunged into the
yawning earth, § 3. -
CHAPTER IV.
How the Gauls ravaged the Roman territories to within three
miles of the city, $ 1.
CHAPTER V.
How the Carthaginian ambassadors came to Rome, and
offered peace, § 1 ; $ 2–5.
CONTENTS. Book III; Ch. VI—XI: Book IV; Ch. I–III. 21
CHAPTER VI.
How the Romans and Latins fought with each other, $ 1. And
how a nun (vestal virgin) was buried alive, 2–3.
CHAPTER VII.
How king Alexander, uncle of the great Alexander, fought with
the Romans, $ 1. And how Philip, father of the great Alexander,
took the sovereignty of Macedonia, 2–5. And chose Byzantium
for his Capital, 6–7, 8.
CHAPTER VIII.
How the place, Furculae Caudinae, became well known for the
disgrace of the Romans, $ 1, 2:3.
CHAPTER IX.
How the great Alexander took the sovereignty of Macedonia,
§ 1–5.-And how he told a certain priest to say, according to
his wish, who was his father, 6.—And how he overcame king
Darius, 7–9 : 10—18.—And how he himself was killed with
poison, 19, 20.
CHAPTER X.
How, under two consuls, four of the strongest nations wished
to overcome the Romans, $ 1–2.-And how the great pestilence
was at Rome, 3.— And how they told them to fetch AEsculapius,
the magician, with the magical snake, 4: 5, 6.
CHAPTER XI.
How, under two consuls, the Samnites, and the Senonian Gauls
became enemies of the city Rome, § 1.-And how, after Alexan-
der's death, his generals ended their lives in strife, 2–12.
Book IV: CHAPTER I.
How the Tarentines saw ships of the Romans sail on the sea,
when they were playing in their theatre, § 1–6.
- CHAPTER II.
How the many evil wonders happened in Rome, § 1, 2.
CHAPTER III.
How milk was seen to rain from heaven, and blood to spring
from the earth, § 1 : 2, 3.
3
22 KING ALFRED’S OROSIU S.
CHAPTER IV.
How a great plague came upon the Romans, $ 1.—And how
Caperome, the nun (vestal virgin) was hanged, 2.-And how the
townspeople of Carthage sacrificed men to their gods, 3.
CHAPTER V.
How Himilco, king of the Carthaginians, went with an army
into Sicily, $ 1.-And how a certain man, Hanno, was yearning
for power, 2. — And how the Carthaginians heard, that the
great Alexander had stormed the city Tyre, 3: 4, 5.
CHAPTER VI.
How the people of Sicily and Carthage fought with each other,
§ 1.-And how the Romans beset Hannibal, king of the Carthagi-
nians, 2, 3–And how Collatinus, the consul, went with an army
to Camarina a town of Sicily, 4—And how the Carthaginians
fixed again that the aged Hannibal should fight against the Romans
with ships, 5.—And how the Romans went into Africa with three
hundred and thirty ships, 6.-And how Regulus, the consul, killed
an immense serpent, 7.—And how Regulus fought with three Car-
thaginian kings, in one battle, 8, 9.-And how Emilius, the consul,
went into Africa with three hundred ships, 10, 11.—And how
Cotta, the consul, ravaged Sicily, 12.-How two consuls went
into Africa with three hundred ships, and how in the time of three
consuls Asdrubal, the new king, came to Lilybaeum in the island
[of Sicily, 13: 14.—And how Claudius, the consul, went against
the Carthaginians again, 15.-And how Caius, the consul, went
into Africa and was cast away in the sea, 16.-And how Lutatius,
the consul, went into Africa with three hundred ships, 17.
CHAPTER VII.
How the immense fire happened at Rome, $ 1.—And how the
Gauls withstood the Romans, 2.-And how the Sardinians made
war on the Romans, as the Carthaginians advised them, 3.—And
how Orosius said, that he was come to the good times, of which
the Romans afterwards boasted much, 4.—And how the Gauls
warred against the Romans, and the Carthaginians did so, on the
other side, 5.—And how two consuls fought with the Gauls, 6, 7,
8.—And how many wonders were seen, 9– And how Claudius
the consul, slew thirty thousand Gauls, 10.
CHAPTER VIII.
How Hannibal, king of the Carthaginians, beset Seguntum, a
CONTENTS. Book IV; Ch. IX—XIII: Book V; CH. I, II. 23
city of Spain, § 1–And how Hannibal, king of the Carthaginians,
broke over the Pyrenean mountains, 2.—And how Scipio, the con-
sul, fought with the Spaniards, 3.—And how, many wonders hap-
pened at that time, 4. -
CHAPTER IX.
How Hannibal deceived two consuls in their battle, § 1.-And
how the Romans appointed a dictator, and Scipio as consul, 2–
And how the Romans sent Lucius, the consul, into Gaul, with
three legions, 3, 4: 5, 6.
CHAPTER X.
How Marcellus, the consul, went with a fleet against Sicily, $ 1 :
2–6.-And how Hannibal fought against Marcellus the consul,
three days, 7.-And how Hannibal stole upon Marcellus, the con-
sul, and slew him, 8.—And how Asdrubal, Hannibal's brother,
went from Spain into Italy, 9: 10, 11–And how peace was
granted to the Carthaginians by Scipio, the consul, 12.
CHAPTER XI.
How the second war of the Romans was ended, § 1.-And how
Sempronius, the consul, was slain in Spain, 2: 3–5.-And how
Philip, king of Macedon, killed an ambassador of the Romans,
6: 7.—And how the Macedonian war arose, 8.—And how Emi-
lius, the consul, overcame Perseus, the king, 9.
CHAPTER XII.
How the greatest fear came upon the Romans, from the Celti-
berians, a people of Spain, $ 1 : 2, 3.
CHAPTER XIII.
How the third war of the Romans, with the king of the Car-
thaginians, was ended, § 1–5.
Book V: CHAPTER I.
How Orosius spoke about the boast of the Romans, how they
overcame many people ; and how they drove many kings before
their triumphs towards Rome $ 1 : 2, 3.
CHAPTER II.
How, in one year, the two cities, Carthage and Corinth,
were destroyed, § 1–And how Veriatus, the shepherd, began to
reign in Spain, 2, 3.−And how Claudius, the consul, routed the
24 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS.
Gauls, 4: 5–7.-And how Mancinus, the consul, concluded a
peace with Spain, 8.-And how Brutus, the consul, slew sixty
thousand Spaniards, 9.-And how a child was born in Rome, 10.
CHAPTER III.
How the Romans sent Scipio into Spain, with their military
force, § 1–3.−And how Gracchus, the consul, contended with
the other consuls till they slew him, 4.—And how the slaves con-
tended with their masters, 5. g
CHAPTER IV.
How Lucinius, the consul, who was also chief priest of the
Romans, went with an army against Aristonicus the king, § 1–
And how Antiochus, king of Asia, wished for the severeignty of
the Parthians, 2.—And how Scipio, the best officer of the Romans,
complained of his hardships to the Roman senators, 3.—And how
the fire of Etna ascended, 4: 5.
CHAPTER V.
How the Romans afterwards ordered Carthage to be rebuilt,
§ 1.-And how the consul Metellus subdued the pirates, 2.
CHAPTER VI.
How Fabius, the consul, overcame Bituitus, king of the
Gauls, $ 1.
CHAPTER VII.
How the Romans contended with Jugurtha, king of the Numi-
dians, $ 1, 2. -
CHAPTER VIII.
How the Romans fought with the Cimbri, and with the Teu-
tones, and with the Ambrones, § 1.
CHAPTER IX.
How the Romans began to raise contention (civil war) among
themselves, in the fifth year, that Marius was consul, § 1, 2.
CHAPTER X.
How there was deliberate war, over all Italy, in the sixth year
that Julius Caesar was consul, § 1: 2–4.
CONTENTS. Book V ; Ch. XI-XV: Book VI; Ch. I–VI. 25
CHAPTER XI.
How the Romans sent Sylla, the consul, against Mithridates,
king of the Parthians, $ 1 : 2–4.
CHAPTER XII.
How the Romans gave seven legions to Julius, the consul,
§ 1–3–And how Julius beset Torquatus Pompey's general,
in a fortress, 4, 5,-And how Julius fought with Ptolemy three
times, 6–9.
CHAPTER XIII.
How Octavianus seized upon the empire of the Romans,
against their wish, $ 1 : 2, 3.
CHAPTER XIV.
How Octavianus Caesar shut the door of Janus, $ 1–4.
CHAPTER XV.
How some Spaniards were adversaries to Augustus, $ 1 :
2, 3 : 4, 5.
Book VI: CHAPTER I.
How Orosius spoke about the powers of the four chief empires
of this world, § 1–7.
CHAPTER II.
How Tiberius Caesar succeeded to the empire of the Romans,
after Augustus, $ 1–3. -
CHAPTER III.
How Caius was emperor four years, $ 1–4.
CHAPTER IV.
How Tiberius Claudius succeeded to the empire of the Ro-
mans, $ 1–4.
CHAPTER V.
How Nero succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $1.
CHAPTER WI.
How Galba the emperor succeeded to the government of the
Romans, $ 1, 2.
26 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS,
Chapter VII.
How Vespasian succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER VIII.
How Titus succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER IX.
How Domitian, brother of Titus, succeeded to the empire of
the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER X.
How Nerva succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1–3.
CHAPTER XI.
How Adrian succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1, 2.
CHAPTER XII.
How Antoninus Pius succeeded to the empire of the Romans,
§ 1.
CHAPTER XIII.
How Marcus Antoninus succeeded to the empire of the Ro-
mans, with his brother Aurelius, Š 1–3.
CHAPTER XIV.
How Lucius succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XV.
How Severus succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1, 2.
CHAPTER XVI.
How his son Antoninus succeeded to the government, § 1.
CHAPTER XVII.
How Marcus succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XVIII.
How Aurelius succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XIX.
How Maximinus succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XX.
How Gordianus succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
CONTENTS. Book VI; Ch. XXI-XXXIV. 27
CHAPTER XXI.
How Philip succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XXII.
How Decius succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XXIII.
How Gallus succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $ 1, 2.
CHAPTER XXIV.
How the Romans appointed two emperors, $ 1, 2.
CHAPTER XXV.
How Claudius succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $1.
CHAPTER XXVI.
How Aurelius sncceeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How Tacitus succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $1.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
How Probus succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XXIX.
How Carus succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans, $ 1.
CHAPTER XXX.
How Diocletian succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans,
§ 1–9.
CHAPTER XXXI.
How Constantine succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans,
with his two brothers, $ 1–3.
CHAPTER XXXII.
How Jovinianus succeeded to the empire of the Romans. § 1, 2.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
How Valentinianus succeeded to the sovereignty of the Ro-
mans, $ 1–3.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
How Valens succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans,
§ 1–4.
28 KING ALFRED'S OROSIUS.
CHAPTER XXXV.
How Gratianus succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans,
§ 1.-And how the Britons took Maximianus for their emperor
against his will, § 2.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
How Theodosius succeeded to the empire of the Romans, $ 1.
—And how Valentinian afterwards succeeded to the sovereignty, 2.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
How Arcadius succeeded to the sovereignty of the Romans
[in the East, and Honorius to the sovereignty of the West, § 1–3.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
How God exercised his mercy on the Romans, $ 1, 2.
AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION
OF
K|N G A LF RED 'S
A N G L 0-S AX0 N V E R S 10 N 0 F 0 R D S I US
Book I, CHAPTER I."
1. Our elders, said Orosius, divided into three parts, all the
globe of this mid-earth, as it is surrounded by the ocean, which
we call Garsecg “; and they named the three parts by three
names, Asia, and Europe, and Africa: though some said there
were but two parts, one Asia and the other Europe.
2. ASIA is encompassed by the ocean—the garsecg—on the
south, north and east; and so, on the east part, contains one half
of this mid-earth. Then on the north part of Asia, on the right
hand", in the river Don, there the boundaries of Asia and Europe
1 Alfred omits the dedication of Orosius to S. Augustine, and the first chapter, on the
origin of history and of misery from Adam [initium miseriae hominum. Haver. p. 6—10.]
The royal translator commences with, l. I, c. 2, of Orosius;–Majores nostri orbem totius
terrae, oceani limbo circumseptum, triquadrum statuere. Havercamp's edition, Leyden
4to 1767; p. 10: v. Introduction, p. 10, note 1.
2 Grimm, Kemble, etc. write går-secg, literally a spear-man, the ocean; homo jaculo
armatus, oceanus.--Mr Kemble adds, “it is a name for the ocean, which is probably deriv-
ed from some ancient myth, and is now quite unintelligible.”—Ettmüller gives the word,
thus:—Gârsecg, es; m. Carex jaculorum; vel, vir hastatus, i.e. oceanus.
Mr Hampson suggests, that the myth of an armed man,—a spear-man,—being employed
by the Anglo-Saxons, as a term to denote the Ocean, has some analogy to the personification
of Neptune holding his trident. He then adds: “Spears were placed in the hands of the
images of heathen gods, as mentioned by Justin.—Per ea adhuc tempora reges hastas pro
diademate habebant, quas Graeci sceptra dixere. Nam et ab origine rerum, pro diis immor-
talibus veteres hastas coluere; ob cujus religionis memoriam adhuc deorum simulacris
hastae addumtur. l. xliii: c. 111.
3 In tracing the frontier of Asia from north to south, the Don is on the right hand.
4
30 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § 3.
lie together; and, from the same river Don, south along the
Mediterranean Sea, towards the west of the city Alexandria, Asia
and Africa lie together.
3. EUROPE begins, as I said before, at the river Don,” which
runs from the north part of the Rhipaean mountains, which are
near the ocean, called Sarmatian. “ The river Don runs thence
right south, on the west side of Alexander's altars to the nation of
the Roxolani." It forms the fen which is called Maeotis, [Sea of
Azov); and then runs forth, with a great flood, near the city
called Theodosia [Kaffa), flowing eastward into the Black Sea;
and then, in a long strait, south easterly, where the Greek city
Constantinople lies, and thence out into the Mediterranean Sea.—
The south-west boundary of Europe is the ocean, on the west of
Spain, and chiefly at the island Cadiz, where the Mediterranean
Sea shoots up from the ocean ; where also, the pillars of Hercules
stand. On the west end of the same Mediterranean Sea is Scotland
[Ireland].'
4 Oros. l. I: c. 1, p. 11.-The river TANAIs or Don, which Alfred calls Danai, was
supposed by ancient geographers, as stated by Orosius, and repeated by Alfred, to have its
source in the northern parts of the Rhipaean mountains. [T& ‘Putrala ôpm, and ‘P ital.]
It is difficult to ascertain the precise locality of these mountains, as ancient writers give
a diversity of opinions : Arrowsmith places them in Lat. 52 degrees 45 minutes, E. Long.
37 degrees. It is now known, that the Don has its source in the small lake Ivanofskoe, in
the government of Toula, Russia, about 54 degrees N. Lat. and 37 degrees E. Long.
5 Sarmatico oceano, in Orosius; Alfred calls it, Sarmondisc garsecg.—ForsTER says
—“It is pretty clear, that the Sarmondi must be the Sauromatae or Sarmatae.” They
dwelt in the northern part of Europe, and were supposed to extend to the northern ocean.
Alfred follows Orosius, who gives the vulgar and erroneous opinion of his time. The
Sermende are mentioned in Book I, CH. I, § 12, note 25.
6 Roxolani, a people of European Sarmatia. They dwelt north of the sea of Azov, in
a part of the country now inhabited by the Don Cossacks.
7 This last sentence is an addition by Alfred. In early times, Ireland was called
Scotland. In paragraph 28, Alfred says, “ Ireland, we call Scotland.”—Ireland was
exclusively called Scotia or Scotland, from the fifth to the tenth or eleventh century. The
first we hear of the Scoti or Scots, is as a people inhabiting Ireland. In the fifth century,
they contended with the Hiberni, the earlier inhabitants, and soon gained supreme power,
and gave their name to the country. About A. D. 503, a colony of these Scoti, having
given their name to Ireland, emigrated to North Britain, gained influence there, and also
imposed their name on that country. Skene's Highlands of Scotland, 2 vol. 8vo, 1837.
But Ireland is north of Spain. Ancient geographers placed Ireland much more to the
south, and Alfred, being guided by them, speaks of it, as being on the west of Spain.
Orosius erroneously says—Hibernia insula, inter Britanniam et Hispaniam sita. Haver. p.
28.-Correct information was not supplied, till after the time of Alfred. Though, in most
cases, he was in advance of his age, yet in regard to the position of Ireland, he appears to
have fallen into the error of the time.
THE THREE PARTS OF THE WORLD. 31
4. The division between AFRICA and Asia begins at Alexandria,
a city of Egypt; and the boundary lies thence south, by the river
Nile, and so over the desert of Ethiopia to the southern ocean.
The north west limit of Africa is the Mediterranean Sea, which
shoots from the ocean, where the pillars of Hercules stand; and
its end, right west, is the mountain, which is named Atlas, and the
island called Canary."
5. I have already spoken shortly about the three parts of this
mid-earth; but I will now, as I promised before, tell the bounda-
ries of these three regions, how they are separated by water.
6. Over against the middle of Asia, at the east end, there the
mouth of the river, called Ganges, opens into the ocean, which
they call the Indian ocean. South from the river's mouth, by the
ocean, is the port they call Calymere.” To the south-east of the
port is the island of Ceylon ; and then to the north of the mouth
of the Ganges, where mount Caucasus ends, near the ocean, there
is the port Samera." To the north of the port is the mouth of
the river, named Ottorogorre." They call the ocean Chinese.
7. These are the boundaries of India, where mount Caucasus
is on the north, and the river Indus on the west, and the Red
Sea" on the south, and the ocean on the east. In the district
8 Orosius says, Insulae quas Fortunatas vocant; Haver. p. 12. But Alfred only names
one island.
9 Orosius has Caligardamna; and Alfred Caligardamana, [about N. Lat. 10 degrees,
15 minutes, E. Long. 79 degrees, 50 minutes]. Asia ad mediam frontem orientis habet in
oceano Eoo ostia fluminis Gangis, a sinistra promontorium Caligardamna, cui subjacet ad
Eurum insula Taprobane: e qua oceanus Indicus vocari incipit, a dextra habet Imai mon-
tes, ubi Caucasus deficit, promontorium SAMARAM [See § 10, note 17]: cui ad aquilonem
subjacent ostia fluminis OctoRogoRRE : ex quo oceanus SERICUs [pro Sericus vulgari
errore SYRICUs quidam edidit. HAVER. p. 13, note 33] appellatur. L. I. c. II. Haver. p.
12, 13: 21.
10 The modern names of places are given in the translation, except where the old name
is almost as familiar as the modern designation. When the position, or present name can-
not be discovered, there is no alternative, but to retain the word used in the Anglo-Saxon
text, and to add the various readings in the notes. Thus Alfred has Samera, and Orosius,
Samara, Somora, Samarae and Samarata. See § 6 note 9; also $ 10 note 17–Sometimes,
however, the modern names are put in brackets immediately after the ancient name, as in
§ 3, Maeotis [Sea of Azov). .
11 The Ottorocorrae were in the N. E. of Tibet, about N. Lat. 34 degrees 20 minutes—
E. Long. 99 degrees; and, according to Arrowsmith and Cluverius, the river Ottorocorre
was in the same locality. See § 6 note 9, also, § 10, note 17.
12 The Red Sea, in ancient geography, comprehended not only the present Red Sea, but
what we now call the Persian gulph, and the Arabian Sea: thus, the Tigris, as well as the
Indus, are said to run into the Red Sea, and the whole country between the Indus and the
Tigris, is described as having the Red Sea for its southern boundary.
32 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § 7, 8.
of India are forty four nations; and, besides many other
inhabited islands, the island of Ceylon, which has in it
ten towns. The river Indus lies to the west of the district :
between the river Indus, and that which lies to the west of it,
called Tigris, both of which flow south into the Red Sea, between
these two rivers, are these countries, Arachosia, [Candahor,
and Parthia and Assyria, and Persia, and Media; " though writers
often name all these countries Media or Assyria; and they are very
mountainous, and there are very sharp and stony ways. The
northern boundaries of these countries are the Caucasian moun-
tains; and on the south side, the Red Sea. In these countries
are two great rivers, Hydaspes [Jhylum], and Arabis [Pooraleej.
In this dictrict are thirty two nations: now it is all called Parthia.
8. Then west from the river Tigris to the river Euphrates,
between the rivers, are these countries, Babylonia and Chaldea,
and Mesopotamia. Within these countries are twenty eight
nations. Their northern boundaries are the mountains Taurus,
and Caucasus, and their southern boundaries lie to the Red Sea.
Along the Red Sea, the part that shoots to the north, lies
the country of Arabia and Saba [Saade], and Eudomane.” From
the river Euphrates, west to the Mediterranean and north almost
to the mountains, which are called Taurus, to the country which
they call Armenia, and again south to Egypt, there are many
nations in these districts; that is, Comagena, and Phoenicia, and
Damascus, and Coelle, and Moab, and Ammon, and Idumea, and
Judea, and Palestine, and Saracene; though it is all called Syria.
Then to the north of Syria are the mountains, called Taurus; and
to the north of the mountains, are the countries of Cappadocia,
and Armenia. Armenia is to the east of Cappadocia. To the
west of Cappadocia is the country called Asia the Less. To the
north of Cappadocia, is the plain of Themiscyra.” Then, between
Cappadocia and Asia the Less, is the country of Cilicia and Isauria.
13 This involved sentence is very much shorter and clearer in Orosius.—“A flumine
Indo, quod est ab oriente, usque ad flumen Tigrim, quod est ad occasum, regiones sunt
istae.—Aracosia, Parthia, Assyria, Persis, et Media. Haver. p. 14.—Arachosia is, S. E of
Cabul, about N. Lat. 30 degrees 45 minutes, E. Long. 65 degrees 30 minutes. Arrowsmith.-
Arachosiae, nunc Candahor, populi Margyetae qui ante Arimaspi, postea Euergetae dicti,
Sydri, Roplutae, Eortae. Urbes Arachotus, Alexandria, quae ad Arachotum ponitur fluvium.
CLuverii Introduct. Geog. Amstel. 4to 1729. l. V: c. XIII: § IV, p. 550. ,
14 Orosius has “Arabia Eudaemon.” HAver. p. 14.
15 Themiscyra, in the north west of Pontus [Roum] in Asia Minor : about N. Lat. 41
degrees: E. Long, 36 degrees 56 minutes. Arrowsmith.
OF THE BOUNDARIES OF SOUTH ASIA AND OF AFRICA. 33
This Asia is, on every side, surrounded with salt water, except on
the east. On the north side is the Black Sea; and, on the west,
the Sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles; and the Mediterra-
mean Sea, on the south. In the same Asia, the highest mountain
is Olympus.
9. To the north of the nearer Egypt is the country of Palestine,
and to the east of it, the district of the Saracens, and to the west
the country of Libya, and to the south the mountain called Cli-
max.-The spring of the river Nile is near the cliff of the Red
Sea; though some say that its spring is in the west end of Africa,
near the mountain Atlas; and then soon running on sand to the
east, it sinks into the sand. Nigh there, it flows up again, from
the sand, and there forms a great sea. Where it first springs up,
the men of the country call it Nuchul, and some Dara. Then,
from the sea, where it shoots up from the sand, it runs easterly
through the desert of Ethiopia, and there it is called Ion, as
far as the east part; and there it becomes a great sea. It
then sinks again into the earth ; and, north of that, afterwards
springs up, near the cliff by the Red Sea, which I formerly men-
tioned. Then, from this source, the water is called the river Nile.
Running thence onward to the west it separates into two, about
an island which is called Meroe; and thence bending northward,
flows out into the Mediterranean Sea. In the winter time, the
river at the mouth is so driven back by the northern winds, that
it flows over all the land of Egypt; and by this flooding very
thick crops are produced in the land of Egypt.—The farther
Egypt lies east along the Red Sea, on the south side. On the east
and South parts of the country, lies the ocean ; and, on its west
side, is the nearer Egypt. In the two Egypts are twenty four
nations.
10. We have already written about the south part of Asia :
now we will take the north part of it; that is from the mountains
called Caucasus, of which we have before spoken, and which are to
the north of India. They begin first on the east from the ocean,
and then lie right west to the mountains of Armenia, which the
people of the country call Parachoathras". There, from the south
of these mountains, springs the river Euphrates; and, from the
16 Parachoathras, Arrowsmith, Alfred writes it Parcoadras. Orosius describes it as,
“mons Armeniae inter Taurum et Caucasum.” Haver. p. 19.
34 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § 10, 11.
mountains called Parachoathras, extend the mountains of Taurus
right west, to the country of the Cilicians. Then " to the north
of the mountains, along the Ocean to the north-east of this mid-
earth, there the river Bore shoots out into the ocean ; and thence
westerly along the ocean to the Caspian Sea, which there shoots
up to the mountains of Caucasus. That district they call Old
Scythia, and Hyrcania. In this district are forty three nations
widely settled, because of the barrenness of the country. Then,
from the west of the Caspian Sea unto the river Don, and to the
fen called Maeotis, [Sea of Azov); and then south to the Medi-
terranean Sea, and to Mount Taurus; and north to the ocean is
all the country of Scythia within ; though it is separated into
thirty two nations. But the countries, that are near, on the east
side of the Don, are named Albani in Latin ; and we now call
them Liobeme.—We have thus spoken shortly about the boun-
daries of Asia.
11. Now we will speak, as much as we know, about the boun-
daries of EUROPE.-From the river Don, westward to the river
Rhine, (which springs from the Alps, and then runs right north
into the arm of the ocean, that lies around the country called
Britain ;)—and again south to the river Danube, (whose spring is
near the river Rhine, and which afterwards runs east, by the
country north of Greece, into the Mediterranean Sea ;)— and
17 This is a description of the north and east of Asia, or rather, as Orosius states, “ab
oriente ad septentrionem.” Alfred has so much abridged this description, and included so
large a space, in few words, that it is not easy, from the A. S. text alone, to ascertain the
locality of the places, which he mentions. The original Latin of Orosius [from p. 19 to 22
of Haver.] is more full and satisfactory : from the text and the following extract, it will be
seen, that the river Bore was supposed to be near the promontory of the same name, on the
north or north-east coast of Asia. Its name alone would indicate this position, it being in
Latin Boreus, and in Greek 8ópetos northern. A short extract from Orosius will make
all plain.-A fonte fluminis Gangis usque ad fontes fluminis OTToRogoRRAE [see § 6, note
II] qui sunt a Septentrione, ubi sunt montani Paropamisadae, mons TAURUs: a fontibus
OTToRogoRRE usque ad civitatem OTTOROGoRRAM, inter Hunnos et Scythas et Gandaridas,
mons Caucasus. Ultimus autem inter Eoas et Pasiadras, mons Imaus, ubiflumen CHRYSoR-
RHoAs, et promontorium SAMARA orientali excipiuntur oceano. Igitur a monte Imao, hoc
est, ab imo Caucaso, et dextra orientis parte, qua oceanus Sericus tenditur, usque ad pro-
montorium Boreum, et flumen Boreum, inde tenus Scythico mari, quod est a septentrione,
usque ad mare Caspium, quod estab occasu, et usque ad extentum Caucasi jug m, quod est
ad meridiem, Hyrcanorum et Scytharum gentes sunt quadraginta dua, propter terrarum
infoecundam diffusionem late oberrantes. l. I ; c. II. Haver. p. 21, 22.
1 Into what is now called the Black Sea, which Alfred considered a part of the
Mediterranean. Snorre calls it a gulf of the Mediterranean, in the first chapter of his
Heimskringla. In other places, Alfred mentions the Black Sea, under the name Euxinus.
t’i - * . . . . . . . * ." . . . . . . . . ; x * * , ; } . * : * - gº & Tº º , , # ~,
IłAsK’s Aſhandlinger, Köbeuilas 1, 1931, vol. I, p. 332, note c.
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(3)
OF THE BOUNDARIES OF EUROPE. 35
north to the ocean, which is called the White Sea : within these
are many nations; but they call it all, Germania. “
12. Then to the north, from the spring of the Danube, and to
the east of the Rhine are the East Franks ; and to the south of
them are the Suabians, on the other side of the river Danube. To
the south and to the east are the Bavarians," that part which is
called Ratisbon. ' Right to the east of them are the Bohemians;
and north-east are the Thuringians. To the north of them are the
Old Saxons, * and to the north-west of them are the Friesians. To
the west of the Old Saxons is the mouth of the river Elbe and
Friesland. From thence, north-west is the country called Anglen,”
and Zealand" and some part of Denmark. To the north are the
2 From this place to the end of § 23, Alfred leaves Orosius, and gives the best inform-
ation that he could collect. It is the king's own account of Europe in his time. It is not
only interesting, as the composition of Alfred, but invaluable, as an historical document,
being the only authentic record of the Germanic nations, written by a contemporary, so
early as the ninth century.
3 The Cwen-sae' of Alfred. The plain detail, which Ohthere gave to king Alfred, [$ 13]
can scarcely be read by any unprejudiced person, without coming to the conclusion, that
Ohthere sailed from Halgoland, on the coast of Norway, into the White Sea. See § 13, and
note 39. The Germania of Alfred, therefore, extended from the Don on the east, to the
Rhine and the German ocean on the west; and from the Danube on the south, to the White
Sea on the north.
4 Alfred's Germania embraced nearly the whole of Europe north of the Rhine and the
Danube. Its great extent will be seen by the countries mentioned, in the notes from 5 to
39, and in the text. See also the end of note 3, and CLUveiti I Introductionis in universam
Geographiam, Libri VI, Amstelaedami 4to 1729. Lib. III, Cap. 1. DE veteri GERY:ANIA,
p. 183–186, and the map of Europe, p. 72.-Also the very learned work—Cluverii
Germania antiqua. Lugd. Batavorum. Elzevir. Fol. 1616: Lib. I : cap. XI. DE MAGNI-
TUDIND GERMANIE ANTIQUE, p. 94–98, and the map, p. 3.-Also CELLARII Geographia
Antiqua. Cantab. 4to 1703. p. 309—313.−Warnefried's Hist. Longob. l. I: c. I.
5 The locality of the East-Franks is not given with great precision : it probably varied
at different periods. Alfred speaks here indefinitely of their dwelling east of the Rhine,
and north of the source of the Danube. They were called East-Franks to distinguish them
from the Franks in the west, inhabiting Gaul.
6 A. S. Baegôware the Bavarians.
7 Regnesburh the district as well as the city of Ratisbon, on the Danube—Beme the
Bohemians.
8 A. S. Eald-Seaxe, and Eald-Seaxan THE OLD SAxons, inhabiting the country between
the Eyder and the Weser, the parent stock of the Anglo or English-Saxons, and therefore
of great importance in the mind of Alfred; for he speaks of other countries, as they are
located in regard to the Old Saxons. They were a very warlike and powerful people,
who once occupied the whole north-west corner of Germany.
9 Anglen, the country between Flensburg and the Schley, whence the Angles came to
Britain. Thorpe's An.
10 In A. S. Sillende ZEALAND, or SEELAND, in Danish Sjalland, the largest island in the
Danish monarchy, on the eastern shores of which Copenhagen is built.
36 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § 12.
Afdrede," and north-east the Wylte, * who are called Haefeldan.
To the east of them is the country of the Wends”, who are called
Sysyle; “and south-east, at some distance, the Moravians.” These
Moravians have, to the west of them, the Thuringians, and Bohem-
ians, and part of the Bavarians. To the south of them, on the other
side of the river Danube, is the country, Carinthia, "[lying] south
to the mountains, called the Alps. To the same mountains
extend the boundaries of the Bavarians, and of the Suabians;
and then, to the east of the country Carinthia, beyond the desert,
is the country of the Bulgarians; " and, to the east of them, the
11 The Laud M.S. always has Afdrede [p. 12, 1. 23 1: 13, 11e, 14g] Cotton has Afdrede
in fol. 9a, l. 21g : Afdraede, fol. 9a, 25d; and Apdrede, in fol. 8b. 24g. Alfred's Afdrede,
were the Obotriti or Obotritae, a Slavonic tribe, who, in the 9th century, dwelt north of the
Old-Saxons, and occupied the western, and the greater part of what is now the Duchy of
Mecklenburg. HAMPson, Notes AND QRs. No. 17, p. 257. Thorpe's An. Glos.
12 The Wylte, or Wilte, were a Slavonic race, that occupied the eastern part of
Mecklenburg, and the Mark of Brandenburg. Eiginhard says, “They are Slavonians who,
in our manner, are called Wilsi, but in their own language, Welatibi.” [VIT. KAR. MAGN.
and ANNAL. FRANcoR. ANN. 822.] The name, as Eiginhard has noticed, is Slavonic, and
is an adoption of welot or weolot A GIANT, to denote the strength and fierceness which made
them formidable neighbours. HAMPson.—Why the Wilti were sometimes called Heveldi
[Alfred's Haefeldan, LAUD. p. 12, l. 24g: ae'feldan C. C. fol. 8b, 25c) will appear from their
location, as pointed out by Ubbo Emmius: “WILsos, Henetorum gentem, ad HAveLAM trans
Albim sedes habentem.” [RER. FR1s. Hist. l. IV, p. 67] Schaffarik remarks; “Die
Stoderaner und HAvola NER waren ein und deselbe, nur durch zwei namen unterscheidener
zweig des WELETEN stammes.” Albinus says: “Es sein aber die richten Wilzen Wender
sonderlich an der HAvel wonhaft.” They were frequently designated by the name of
LUT1c1, as appears from Adam of Bremen, Helmold, and others. The Slavonic word LIUTI
signified wild, FIERCE. ET.c. Being a wild and contentious people, they figure in some of
the old Russian sagas, much as the Jutes do in those of Scandinavia. It is remarkable
that the names of both should have signified giants or monsters. Notker, in his Teutonic
paraphrase of Martianus Capella, speaking of other Anthropophagi, relates that the WILTI
were not ashamed to say, that they had more right to eat their parents than the worms.
S. W. SINGER. Notes AND QRs. No 20, p. 313.
13 In. A. S. Wineda land, Weonod-land, Winod-land, c. Wineda lond, L. The
country of the VENED1 or WENDs, which at one time comprehended the whole of the south
coast of the Baltic, from the mouth of the Vistula to the Schley.—The Greeks called the
Slavonians ‘Evetot the Romans, Venetae, Veneti, Vineti, Venedi : and the Germans,
Wenden, Winden. R. T. HAMPson.
14 Sysyle, v. note 23.
15 A. S. Maroaro, the Slavi Maharenses or MoRAvLANs, from the river Marus or
Maharus, which runs through their country, and into the Danube a little below Vienna.
16 A. S. paet land Carendre. The present Duchy of CARINTH1A, perhaps formerly
inhabited by Slavi Carenthani, or Carentani. ForstER.
17 In A. S. Pulgara land, the country of the Bulgarians, comprehended the present
Moldavia, and Bulgaria, on both sides the Danube. Bulgaria was south of Dacia. Eigin-
hard says an embassy came in A. D. 824 to Charlemagne from the Abotritae, “qui vulgo
Praedenecenti vocantur, et contermini Bulgaris Daciam Danubio adjacentem incolunt.
In Bk III, ch. 7, § 2, Alfred adds Iliricos, pe we Pulgare hatağ, Illyrians whom we call
Bulgarians.
KING ALFRED'S DESCRIPTION OF EUROPE. 37
country of the Greeks.” To the east of the country Moravia, is
the country of the" Wisle, and to the east of them are the Dacians,
who were formerly Goths. To the north-east of the Moravians
are the Dalamensan,” and to the east of the Dalamensan are the
Horithi,” and to the east of the Dalamensan are the Surpe,” and to
the west of them are the Sysele.” To the north of the Horiti is
Maegtha-land,” and north of Maegtha-land are the Sermende” even
to the Rhipaean mountains.—To” the west of the South-Danes
18 Creea land, the Byzantine empire and not ancient Greece, which is mentioned in a
subsequent paragraph,
19 Wisle is the river Vistula. Wisleland is the country about the source of the Vistula,
a part of Poland called Little Poland.
20 Dalamensan, Dalamensae, a Slavonic race, who dwelt in Misnia, on both sides of
the Elbe.
21 Horithi, Horiti, C.—Horigti, L. A Slavonic race, placed by Alfred to the east of the
Slavi Dalamenti, who occupied the district north-east of Moravia with the Surpe, Serbi, or
Servi, on their north, and the Sysele, Siculi, another Slavonic race, on the west. See note
23. R. T. Hampson, Notes and Qrs, No 17, p. 258.—S. W. Singer says, The Horiti of
Alfred are undoubtedly the Croati, or Crowati of Pomerania, who still pronounce their name
Horuati, the h supplying the place of ch. Nor does it seem unreasonable to presume that
the Harudes of Caesar (De Bel. Gall. I, 31, 37, 51) were also Croats; for they must have
been a numerous and widely spread race. They are also called Charudes, 'Apoſſes.
The following passage from the Annales Fuldenses, A. 852, will strengthen this supposition;—
“Inde transiens per Angros, Harudos, Suabos, et Hosingos . . . Thuringiam ingreditur.”
Notes and Qrs, No 20, p. 314.
22 Surpe, Surfe, Sorabi, or Soravi, Sorbi, or Servi, Serbi, or Servi, a Slavonic race inhabit-
ing Lusatia, Misnia, part of Brandenburg, and Silesia. Forster.
23 Are the Sysele, Sysyle, the Szeklers, or Siculi ? A part of the Hungarians is called
Szekler, pronounced Sekler. In the work, known as that of the Notary of king Bela, we
have :—“Siculi, qui primo erant populi Attilae regis,” Not. c. 50. Also—“Tria millia
virorum, eadem de natione (Hunnorum) . . . metuentes ad Erdewelwe confinia
videlicet Pannonicae regionis se transtulere, et non Hunos sive Hungaros, sed me illorum
agnoscerentur esse residui, Siculos, ipsorum autem vocabulo Zekel, se denominasse perhi-
bentur. Hi Siculi Hunorum prima fronte in Pannoniam intrantium etiam hac nostra
tempestate residui esse dubitantur per meminem, quum in ipsorum generatione, extraneo
nondum permixta sanguine et in moribus severiores et in divisione agri caeteris Hungaris
multum differre videantur.” Thwrocz, ap. Schwandtn. p. 78. Dr Latham's Germ. of
Tacitus, Epileg. ciii.-Porthan says, the Sysyle dwelt in the South-eastern part of Newmark.
See Porthan's Swedish Trans. and notes. Also, Rask's Danish Trans. p. 344, note a.
24 Maegôa-land is north of the Horithi, and perhaps a part of Great Poland, and East
Prussia, or the Polish province of Mazovia. An.
25 Sermende a people to the north of Maegtha-land, and to the east of the Burgundians,
inhabiting the modern Livonia, Esthonia and part of Lithuania.
26 Alfred, having described the continent north of the Danube, goes to the islands and
countries of the East-Sea or Baltic, including the Cattegat, first coming to Denmark.
Porthan remarks, that the king seems to turn the north a little to the east, and to speak of
North and South Denmark, as separated by the East-Sea or Baltic, for Alfred expressly
says, the North-Danes are “on the continent and on the islands,” that is in the province of
Halland, and of Skaney or Schonen, on the continent, the present South west of Sweden,
and on the islands Zealand, Moen, Falster, and Laland. To the South-Danes he assigns
38 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § 12.
is the arm of the ocean, which lies around the country of Britain :
and to the north of them is the arm of the sea called the Baltic” ;
and to the east and to the north of them are the North-Danes,”
both on the continent and on the islands : to the east of them
are the Afdrede”; and to the south of them is the mouth of the
river Elbe, with some part of the Old Saxons.” The North-
Danes have to the north of them the same arm of the sea called
the Baltic” : to the east of them are the Esthonian population;
and the Afdraede to the south. The Esthonians" have, to the
north of them, the same arm of the sea, and also the Wends” and
Burgundians”; and to the south are the Haefeldan.” The Bur-
gundians have the same arm of the sea to the west of them, and
the Swedes” to the north : to the east of them are the Sermende,”
and to the south the Surfe.” The Swedes have, to the south of
them, the Esthonian arm of the sea ; and to the east of them the
Sermende” : to the north, over the wastes, is Cwen-land,” and to
the islands Langland, Funen, Arroe, Alsen, as well as the provinces of Jutland, Schleswig and
part of Holstein. Rask, p. 348, note c.—Mr Thorpe thinks that the South-Danes inhabited
the south of Jutland; and the North-Dames, North-Jutland, the Danish islands and pro-
bably Scania.
27 In A. S. Ost-sae or East-Sea, included the Cattegat as well as the Baltic. It was
called Ost-sae in opposition to the sea, on the west of Denmark and Norway.
28 v. note 11. 29 A. S. Eald-Seaxan, v. note 8.
30 Esthonians, AEstii, Osti, Esti, a Finnish race—the Estas of Wulfstan [note 72] and
Osterlings of the present day. They dwelt on the shores of the Baltic, to the east of the
Vistula. An.—See also Dr Latham's Germ. of Tacitus, p. 166–171, and Prol. p. liii.
31. Note 13.
32 Burgendas, Burgendan, Burgundiones, the Burgundians, who occupied the north part
of Germany, east of the Upper Vistula, or the district between the Vistula and the river
Bug.—Pliny [H. N. IV, 14] writes, “Germanorum genera quinque : Vindili, quorum
pars Burgundiones, etc.” Dr Latham's Germ. of Tacitus, Epileg. p. lvi.
33. Haefeldan, AE feldan, v. note 12.
34. Sweon, Sweoan, Suiones, Sueones, the Swedes,
35. Surfe, Surpe, &c. v. note 22.
36. Cwén-land. The country east and west of the Gulf of Bothnia, from Norway to the
Cwén or White Sea, including Finmark on the north. Malte-Brun says that the inhabitants
of Cwén-land were a Finnish race. They were called Quaines, and by Latin writers Cayani.
Gerchau maintains, in his history of Finland, 1810, that the Laplanders only were called
Finns, and that they were driven from the country by the Quaines. “They settled in Lap-
land, and on the shores of the White Sea, which derived from them the name of Quen Sea
or Quen-vik.” . . . Adamus Bremensis happened to be present at a conversation, in which
king Sweon spoke of Quen-land or Quena-land, the country of the Quaines, but as the
stranger's knowledge of Danish was very imperfect, he supposed the king had said Quinna-
land, the country of women or Amazons; hence the absurd origin of his Terra Feminarum,
mistaking the name of the country, for quinna a woman. Malte-Brun's Universal Geog.
Edin. 1827, vol. VI, p. 495.-Dr Latham's Germania of Tacitus, 174, 179,
OHTHERE'S RESIDENCE AND VOYAGE. 39
the north-west are the Scride-Finns,” and to the west the North-
rmen.”
13. Ohthere” told his lord, king Alfred, that he dwelt northmost
37 The Scride-Finnas of Alfred,—Crefennae of Jornandes, for Screde-Fennae, Scriti-
finni of Procopius, seem to have inhabited the present Russian Lapland, and the country
around; and to have extended into the modern Swedish Finland. In short, they appear to
have occupied the country to the north and west of the White Sea. They were called
Scride, Skriče Finnas, Striding Finns, from their swiftness in passing over frozen snow,
on their skates.—Skríša kann eg 4 skiöum, I can stride on skates. Dahlmann's Forschun-
gen auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte, Erster Band, p. 452. Altona, 12mo, 1822. Rask,
note i, p. 352.-The Scride-Finns were a branch of the Ugrians or Finns, who were a
distinct race occupying Lapland, Finland, Esthonia, and Hungary. In Hungary, the
Finn population is of recent introduction, the present Ugrian indigenae being the Lapps,
Finlanders and Esthonians. Dr Latham's Germ. of Tacitus, Proleg. XXXVII, and
178, 179.
38 These Northmen were Norwegians. The Northmanna land generally comprehended
the present Norway, the chief locality of Northmen. But by Northmen, as the name im-
plies, may be understood, men that dwelt in the north. [See more in Note 40.] They
spoke the Old Norse language [norraena] which was common to Denmark, Norway and
Sweden. In A.D. 874 it was conveyed to Iceland by Ingolf, and his followers, the first
Norwegian settlers in Iceland. Norse was also the language of the Faroe Isles, Green-
land, &c. The nearest representative of this old Scandinavian or Norse language, once
pervading the north-west of Europe, is the present Icelandic, which, from its northern
locality, has undergone so little change, that the oldest documents are easily read by the
present Icelanders. See Origin of the English, Germanic, and Scandinavian languages,
p. 145.
39 This name has been written Octher, Othere, Ottar, and Ohthere. The last is the
only correct mode of writing it; for the Laud. MS. has Ohthere, and the Cotton MS. has
the same orthography, but the word is divided into Oht here, indicating its derivation from
oht fear, dread, and HERE an army. Rask observes, that the A. S. ht answers to the Icl.
tt, and ere to the Icl. ari and ar, and thus is formed the well known old Norse name, Ottar
the dreadful, timendus, metuendus, from Icl. 6tti timor, metus.-Ohthere was a Norwegian
nobleman of great wealth and influence, anxious to state nothing, but that to which he
could bear personal testimony. It appears impossible for any one to read this simple nar-
rative, without being convinced, that this daring Northman is giving a detail of his voyage,
on the west and on the north coast of Norway into the White sea. leeland had already
been discovered by Gardar, the Dane, in A.D. 860, and it was colonized by Ingolf, a Norr
wegian, in 874. Greenland was discovered in 877 and inhabited by Northmen soon after.
Accustomed as these Northmen were, to the most daring enterprises, it was not likely that
Ohthere one of the most powerful, adventurous, bold and inquiring of them, should come
to the renowned king of England, to relate the events of a common voyage. Ohthere had
made discoveries, which he communicated to the king, and Alfred thought them of such
importance, that he wrote and inserted this detail of them in his Geographical and His-
torical view of Europe. It has always been considered an extraordinary voyage. On its
first publication by Hakluyt, in 1598, it was acknowledged, as every unprejudiced reader
must now allow, that Ohthere doubled the north cape, and entered the White Sea. “The
voiage of Octher made to the north-east parts beyond Norway, reported by himselfe vnto
Alfred, the famous king of England, about the yere 890.” Hakluyt's Principal Naviga-
tions, Voiages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the English Nation, &c. page 5, Fol. 2nd
Edn. London, 1598. Again, a little below, Hakluyt says:—“Wil it not, in all posteritie,
be as great renowne vnto our English Nation to haue bene the first discoverers of a sea
beyond the North cape [neuer certainly knowen before] and of a conuenient passage into
40 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. 1, § 13.
of all Northmen.” He said that he dwelt northward, on the land
by the west sea." He said, however, that the land is very long
thence to the north; but it is all waste [desert], save that in a few
places, here and there, Finns reside,-for hunting in winter, and in
summer for fishing in the sea. He said, that, at a certain time,
he wished to find out how far the land lay right north; or whether
any man dwelt to the north of the waste. Then he went right
north near the land: he left, all the way, the waste land on the
r
#
right,” and the wide sea on the left, for three days. Then was
he as far north as Whale-hunters ever go. He then went yet
right north, as far as he could sail in the next three days. Then
the land bent there right east, or the sea in on the land, he knew
not whether; but he knew that he there waited for a western
wind, or a little to the north, and sailed thence east near the land,
as far as he could sail in four days. Then he must wait there for
the huge Empire of Russia by the bay S. Nicolas and the riuer of Duina? &c.” Id. p. 5.-
The subsequent editors and translators of Ohthere's voyage are of the same opinion as
Hakluyt.—Sir John Spelman and Oxonienses Alumni, in 1678:—Bussaeus, in 1733:—
Langebek in 1773:-Daines Barrington, and J. R. Forster, in 1773: Forster again in
1786 in his Hist. of voyages and discoveries in the north.-Ingram, in 1807.-Rask, in
his notes to his Danish translation, published in 1815, expressly says—“Ohthere was the
first who undertook a voyage to Beormia [Permia] or sailed round the North-cape, and
all Lapland,” &c. note k. p. 352—355.-Dahlmann, in 1822, states that Ohthere sailed
into the White Sea.—Mr Thorpe comes to the same conclusion, in 1846.-Malte-Brun,
before Rask, Dahlmann, and Thorpe, speaks, in 1812, of Ohthere's northern voyage from
Halgoland in Norway [see note 52 and text] to the White Sea; and south to Schleswig;
and also of Wulfstan's voyage from Schleswig to Truso in Prussia. [Note 63.] Through the
liberality and kindness of S. W. Singer Esq. the reader is presented with an extract from
Précis de la Géographie Universelle, of the celebrated Malte-Brun:—“Othere retraçait ses
voyages depuis le Halogaland en Norwége, jusqu’à la Biarmie à l'est de la mer Blanche;
et, d'un autre côté, le long des cötes Norwégiennes et Danoises par le sund, jusqu' à la ville
de Haethum ou Schleswig. L'autre relation était celle d'un voyage du Danois Wulfstan,
depuis Schleswig jusqu'à Truso, ville de commerce dans le pays d' Estum ou la Prusse.
Tom. I, Liv. XVII, p. 382. Paris, 8vo, 1812.
40 Norðmen dwelt on Norðmanna land which extended, on the west coast of Norway,
from the district [scir,J of Halgoland [Note 52] to the south of Sciringes heal, [Note 53]
probably as far south as the river Gotha-Elf, both the branches of which enter the Cattegat
not far from Gottenburg. The Norðmanna land is also called by Ohthere [Norðwege]
Norway, which was on his left when sailing from Halgoland to Sciringes heal. These
particulars are all drawn from Ohthere's simple narrative. Malte-Brun, in his Précis de la
Géog. Univers., speaking of the country of Northmen, says, in p. 383, “La Norwége ou
Northmannaland consistait dans la côte occidentale de la Scandinavie depuis la rivière
Gotha jusqu'à Halogaland. Les côtes méridionales se mommaient Viken, c'est à dire le
golfe; c'est là qu’il faut chercher la ville de Kiningsheal, le Koughille moderne, nommé
Scyringes-heal par une faute de copiste.” S. W. Singer.
41 A. S. West-sae", the sea to the West of Norway, in opposition to the Ost-sae", or the
Baltic. See Note 27.—A. S. Steor-bord, star-board, the right hand. Baec-bord, the left
hand.
OHTHERE'S VOYAGE : THE BIARMIANS. 41
a right north wind, because the land bent there right south, or
the sea in on the land, he knew not whether. Then sailed he
thence right south, near the land, as far as he could sail in five
days. There lay then a great river up into the land : they turned
up into the river, because they durst not sail beyond it, on
account of hostility, for the land was all inhabited, on the other
side of the river. 2-He had not before met with any inhabited land,
since he came from his own home, but the land was uninhabited
all the way on his right, save by fishermen, fowlers and hunters,
and they were all Finns; and there was always a wide sea on his
left. The Biarmians” had very well peopled their land, but they
durst not come upon it : the land of the Terfinns” was all waste,
save where hunters, fishers or fowlers encamped.
14. The Biarmians told him many stories both about their own
country and about the countries which were around them; but,
he knew not what was true, because he did not see it himself. The
Finns and the Biarmians, as it seemed to him, spoke nearly the
same language. He chiefly went thither, in addition to the seeing
of the country, on account of the horse-whales, [walruses],”
42 The Biarmians inhabited the country on the shores of the White Sea, east of the river
Dwina. Alfred calls them Beormas. They were called Biarmians by Icelandic Historians,
and Permiaki by the Russians, and now Permians. In the middle ages, the Scandinavian
pirates gave the name of Permia to the whole country between the White Sea, and the
Ural. Malte-Brun's Univer. Geog. Vol. VI, p. 419. In an Icelandic MS. on Geography,
written in the 14th century, Beormia and two Cwenlands are located together. Kvenlönd .
II, ok ero pau norðr frå Bjarmalandi. Duae Quenlandiae, quae ulterius quam Bjarmia
boream versus extenduntur. Antiquitates Americanae, p. 290.-Haldorsen's Lexicon
Islandico-Latino-Danicum, edited by Rask, has—“Biarmaland, Biarmia, quae ob perpetuas
nives albicatur, Bjarmeland, Permien. Biarmia ortum versus ad mare album vel gandvikam
sita est.”
43 Terfinna land, the country between the northern point of the Bothnian Gulf and the
North Cape. An.
44 One particular reason for Ghthere's sailing northward was to capture the Walrus,
which was, and still is to be found in abundance in the White Sea about Archangel, and
the coast of the country of the Biarmians. This is additional evidence to what was advanc-
ed in Note 39, to prove that Ohthere doubled the north cape and entered the White Sea, that
his first voyage was not into the Baltic, where the Walrus is scarcely ever found, but into
the White Sea. [Forster's notes in Barrington's Orosius, p. 243.] We have Forster's
opinion confirmed by the best Zoologists of the present day. Mr Broderip assures me in a
letter, “I do not think it likely that Ohthere, a Norwegian, would go into the Baltic to
take the Walrus.--I do not believe that Walruses or Whales were ever so numerous in that
sea, within the time of authentic history, as to attract the attention of fishers.”
Ohthere seems to have been a plain practical man, and to have described every thing
just as he saw it. Alfred exercised his usual talent and judgment, in implicitly following the
simple detail of the narrator; for, he was as fully aware as the most scientific of the
present day, that he who most closely observes and describes nature, cannot wander far
42 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. 1, § 14.
because they have very good bone in their teeth: of these teeth
they brought some to the king; and their hides are very good for
ship-ropes. This whale is much less than other whales: it is not
from scientific truth. They were, therefore, upon the whole, correct in associating the
monstrous Whale, and the smaller Horse-Whale, Sea-horse or Walrus, in the same class of
animals; for both the Whale and the Walrus suckle their young, have warm blood, and
are viviparous, and aquatic. The great Linnaeus was the first to place the Whale in the
class of Mammalia, in allusion to which a gentleman, who has written much and well on
Zoology, Mr Broderip, has properly remarked—“Here then we find the decisive step taken,
with the unflinching firmness of a master mind, relying upon the philosophical principles
that demanded the separation, and no longer yielding to popular prejudice by calling that
a fish, which Linnaeus knew to be a mammiferous animal.” May not this remark be
applied to our glorious Alfred, and to this intrepid and close observing Northman, Ohthere,
who first placed the Whale and Walrus in the same class of animals I have the authority
of Linnaeus, as well as of Mr Bell, one of the Secretaries of the Royal Society, whose zoolo-
gical works are known over the whole of Europe, for saying, that the Walrus belongs to the
same class as the Whale, that is to the Mammalia, but to a very different order. The
Horse-whale or Walrus belongs to the Carnivora, and to the family Phocadae or Seals,
although the structure and arrangement of the teeth remove it far from the more typical
forms of this order. The bulky proportions of the body, the aquatic habits, and the modi-
fication of the limbs into paddles give a general resemblance to the cetacea, which might
well lead observers, unacquainted with the details of their structure, to consider them as
more nearly allied than they really are.
Mr Broderip, in writing to me, says:—You are, in my opinion, right in giving Ohthere's
“hors-hwael” as the Walrus, Morse, or Sea-horse.—Bell (British Quadrupeds p. 288)
writes—“The knowledge of this chase,” (that of the Walrus) “says Pennant, is of great
antiquity: Octher the Norwegian, about the year 890, made a report to King Alfred,
having, as he says, made the voyage beyond Norway for the more commoditie of fishing
of Horse Whales; which have in their teeth bones of great price and excellence, whereof
he brought some on his return to the king.” Hakluyt's Coll. Voy. I, 5.—Bell, then, thus
continues.—“The above quotation leads to some observations upon the Etymology of the
different names which have been given to this animal.—Horse-Whale is a literal translation
of Whal-ros, in Norwegian Hwal-ros. Rosmar, another Norwegian name, appears to be a
compound of the Teutonic Ros horse, and the Latin mare, the sea. Morse is from the
Russian Morss; the Lapponic name being Morsk.”—Charleton, physician to Charles 2nd,
in his Onomasticon Zoicon, small 4to London, 1668, thus writes of the Walrus.-VII.
Walrus, aliis Mors, Danis et Islandis Rosmarus (quod in Septentrionali oceano saltem
reperiatur, ut credit Ol. Wormius, in Musaeo) non nullis Vacca marina, nobis the Mors or
Sea-cow, (quia monstrosum animal est et amphibium, bobus nostratibus, ubi adolevit, inter-
dum majus.) Cute tegitur pilosa, nec a vitulo marino multum abhorrente. Dentes duos
habet, e superiori maxilla propendentes, et ante recurvos ; cubiti nonnunquam longitudine,
quorum usus ac pretium ebori comparatur. Ex iis enim varia conficiunt, annulos contra
Spasmum [Cramp-Rings], manubria gladiorum, framearum et cultorum; &c. -
Mr Broderip has given the following precise information. The length of the Walrus is
from 10 to 15 feet, girth 8 or 10 feet, and upwards. Length of the tusks, when cut out of the
skull, generally from 15 to 20 inches, sometimes 30, and their weight from 5 to 10 lbs.
Other facts have been communicated by the Rev. W. Scoresby D. D. The tusks of the
Walrus, which are hard, white and compact ivory, are employed by dentists in the fabrication
of teeth. The skin is used for defending the yards and rigging of ships from being chafed
by friction against each other. When cut into shreds and plaited into cordage, it answers
admirably for wheel ropes, being stronger and wearing much longer than hemp. In
ancient times, most of the ropes of ships, in northern countries, appear to have been made
OHTHERE'S VOYAGE. : WHALE-HUNTING. 43
*.
longer than seven ells;” but, in his own country, is the best
whale-hunting : they are eight and forty ells long, and the largest
fifty ells long; of these, he said, that he [was] one of six, [who]
killed sixty in two days.”
of this substance. Arctic Regions and Whale Fishery, 2 vols 8vo; and a neat little vol.
with the same title, published by the Tract Society at the moderate price of 10 pence, p.
164.
Dr Scoresby speaking of the common Greenland Whale, Mysticetus, observes that the
size has been much overrated. Authors of the first respectability give a length of 80 to 100
feet to the Mysticetus, and that some specimens were found of 150 to 200 feet in length, or
still longer. Even Linnaeus has given 100 feet. Some ancient naturalists have gone so
far, as to assert, that whales have been seen of above 900 feet in length. Dr Scoresby,
like Ohthere, speaking from what he had known and seen, makes this statement—“Of three
hundred and twenty two individuals, in the capture of which I have been personally con-
cerned, no one, I believe, exceeded 60 feet in length, and the largest I ever measured was
58 feet, from one extremity to the other, being one of the largest in appearance, that I
ever saw.—The greatest circumference of these Whales is from 30 to 40 feet.” Id. p. 140, 141.
“The largest sort of Whale is, however, not the Mysticetus, but the Physalus. This is
probably the most powerful and bulky of created beings. In comparison with the Mysti-
cetus, the Physalus has a form less cylindrical, a body longer and more slender. . . . . Its
length is about 100 feet, and its greatest circumference 30 or 35 feet. . . . A whale, pro-
bably of this kind, 101 feet in length, was stranded on the banks of the Humber about the
middle of September 1750.” Id. p. 152—154.
45 In giving the size of the Horse-whale, or Walrus, and of the Whale, Ohthere would
most probably calculate by the measure of Scandinavia, the Ell of Norway, Sweden and
Denmark. Molbeck, in his Dansk Ordbog, thus defines it: — “Alen, et vist laengdemaal,
som deles i 24 tommer . . . Tomme een 12te fod, ogeen 24de alen,” . . That is, Ell, a certain
measure of length, which is divided into 24 inches . . . An inch one 12th of a foot, and one
24th of an ell. Alfred followed the calculation of Ohthere, who says that the Horse-whale or
Walrus is 7 ells long, that is 14 feet, and the Whales 48 ells, and the largest 50, that is, 96
feet, and the largest 100 feet long. These calculations approach very nearly to those
given by Mr Broderip and Dr Scoresby, in Note 44.
46 Every translator has found a difficulty in this passage, as it appeared impossible for
6 men to kill 60 whales in two days. The earliest translators understood it in its plain and
obvious meaning. —“Hakluyt gave it in 1598. He affirmed that he himself was one of
the six, which, in the space of three days, killed threescore.” The Oxford Alumni
in 1678—“Dixit se sextum fuisse, qui sexaginta bidui spatio interfecerit.”—Porthan ad-
hered to the literal sense, in his Swedish translation, in 1800. Af dessa sade han, at han sjelf
sjette dédat sextio paa tvaa dagar.—For six men to kill 60 whales, of the larger sort, in two
days, appears most extraordinary, though in the time of Alfred, whales seem to have been
more plentiful in the northern than they now are in the southern ocean; yet, in the latter,
eleven have been killed one morning, as will appear by the following extract from “The
Log-book containing the proceedings on board the Barque Gipsy, commanded by John
Gibson, owners Almon and James Hill, Esqrs, 13 Austin Friars, London. “Cruising from
Sooloo Archipelago towards Japan—Tuesday May 31st, 1836. All these 24 hours moderate
breezes and fine weather. Ship's head N. E. at 6 a. m. saw whales at 7 a.m. Lowered the
boats at 9 a. m.; struck and killed ELEven. At noon the boats employed collecting
the whales to the ship.”
I have so great an objection to conjectural criticism, that I have retained the text of the
Cotton MS. though it is the only MS. known to exist, that contains this clause. At the
same time I ought not to omit the emendation of the A. S. text suggested by my friend, the
44 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. 1, § 15.
15. He [Ohthere] was a very wealthy man in those posses-
sions in which their wealth consists, that is in the wilder [animals].
He had, moreover, when he came to the king, six hundred
tame deer of his own breeding.” They call these rein-deer:
of these, six were decoy-deer, which are very valuable among
Finns, because with them they take the wild-deer. He was
amongst the first men in the land, though he had not more than
twenty horned cattle, twenty sheep and twenty swine; and the
little that he ploughed, he ploughed with horses. But their
revenue is chiefly in the tribute, that the Finns pay them, which
tribute is in skins of animals, feathers of birds, in whale-bone, and
ship-ropes, which are made from the whale's hide, and from the
late Professor Rask—Instead of the Cotton reading syxa sum, he proposes syx asum, or as-
cum ; and translates it in Danish, 1815,-4 Athan med 6 harpuner (eller 6 skibe) drabte 60
paa 2 dage,” i. e. that he with 6 harpoons (or 6 ships) killed 60 in two days.-Asum d. pl. of
aes, or as, Lat. aes; and ascum of aesc a ship.–Dahlmann, in 1822, supposes Ohthere to mean
6 large ships; and, therefore, gives it in his German translation, “Dassermit sechs grossen
schiffen ihrer sechzig in zwei tagen tådtete.”
Feeling it difficult to come to a satisfactory conclusion; and being anxious to obtain the best
information on the subject, I wrote to the Rev. W. Scoresby, D.D. F.R.S. &c. an old college
friend,—a man of great scientific acquirements, who published a most interesting work, on
the Arctic Regions, and the Whale-fishery in 1820, and in early life had been engaged in cap-
turing no less than 322 whales. See note 44.—To the following queries; 1st, Is it possible that 6
men could kill 60 whales in 2 days? 2dly, Could 60 be killed in 2 days with 6 harpoons, as Rask
suggests’ 3dly, Could 6 ships be so employed, as to kill 60 in 2 days? He replied—1. I do not
conceive it at all possible, that 6 men could kill 60 Whales of the large size [Balaena Mysti-
cetus] in two days. I know of no instance of even one whale having ever been killed, of
the largest size, by a single boat's crew of 6 or 7 men. Ordinarily 3 or 4 boats, with 18 to
25 men, are deemed necessary for the capture of a single whale—2. It might be possible, if
the whales were sunning in vast numbers, in any of the bays of the Arctic regions, that 60
might be killed by 6 harpoons, and men in proportion, say 36 to 40 men. But, I may add,
though whales have been met with occasionally, in great numbers together, no such feat as
this, I am persuaded, had ever been performed by the crew of one ship containing 6 or 7
boats and 50 men. A single whale may, on an average, cost about 3 hours for its capture,
with 4 to 6 boats. If two, therefore, or three, were constantly under attack, at the same
time, and neither accident nor failure happening, it would be a wonderful feat for 50 men
with half a dozen or eight harpoons, to capture half the number specified 1–3. Six ships,
with their ordinary complement of men and boats, might, no doubt, be so employed, if the
Whales were very numerous and the circumstances, as to ice or position, favourable, as to
kill 10 large Whales a piece in two days. In Whales of a small size, this proportion has
often been reached; but never, that I am aware of, where the kind was of the largest.
The pleasing process, indeed, so interferes with the enterprize of slaughter, that more than
half a dozen, of any size, is seldom killed at once. I have known 10 or 12 within one
period of unceasing exertion.” Upon the whole, then, it appears that the proposed
emendation of the text does not remove the difficulty, and it is, therefore, best to retain
the Cotton reading, as represented in the present translation.
47 Tamra deora, unbebohtra, syz hund.—Literally, Of tame deer, unbought [non
emptus, Ettmüller] untrafficked or traded in, six hundred.
OHTHERE'S WEALTH.—THE COUNTRY OF NORTHMEN. 45
seal's. Every one pays according to his means : the richest must
pay fifteen skins of th9, marten, and five of the rein-deer, and one
bear's skin, aud º: of feathers, and a bear or otter-skin
kirtle, and two ship-ropes, each sixty ells long, one made from
the whale's hide, and the other from the seal's.
16. He said that the country of Northmen was very long and very
narrow. All that can be either pastured or ploughed lies by the
sea, and that, however, is in some places, very rocky; and, on the
east, lie wild mountains" along the inhabited land. In these
mountains [wastes] Finns dwell; and the inhabited land is broadest
eastward, and always narrower more northerly. Eastward it
may be sixty miles" broad, or a little broader, and midway thirty
or broader; and northward, he said, where it was narrowest, that
it, might be three miles broad to the waste, and moreover, the
waste, in some places, [is] so broad that a man may travel over
it, in two weeks; and in other places, so broad that a man may
travel over [it, in six days.
17. Then, over against this land southward, on the other side
of the waste, is Sweden," extending to the north; and over
against the land northward, is Cwena land.” The Cwenas some-
times make war on the Northmen over the waste ; sometimes the
Northmen on them. There are very large fresh water meers
beyond the wastes; and the Cwenas carry their boats over land
into the meers, and thence make war on the Northmen. They
have very little boats, and very light.
18. Ohthere said that the district in which he dwelt was called
48 Rask translates it:—Der ligger vilde Fjælde östen for og oven for langs med det
beboede Land. Afhandlinger, p. 313, 315.-Dahlmann:—Im Osten liegen wilde Gebirge,
hoch äber und långs dem angebauten Lande; p. 425.—Mór denotes waste land generally,
a moor, heath: waste land from rocks, hence a hill, mountain: &c.
49 Rask observes, when Norway is reckoned 60 miles wide, in the broadest part and 3
miles in the narrowest, it is evident that the king used the exact phrase of Ohthere, and did
not alter it, as on another occasion, to agree with the Anglo-Saxon measure. See note 74.
One mile of the Northman, Ohthere, contained about 5 Anglo-Saxon miles, hence the broad-
est part would be about 300 miles and the narrowest 15. Rask's Afhandlinger, 8vo,
Köbenhavn, 1834: vol. I, p. 379, note r—A Danish mile is 4.68 English, and a Swedish
mile is 6.64 English miles.
50 A. S. Sweoland. The country of the Sweons, the Suiones of Tacitus. The names Suedia
or Suecia, and Svidiodar, or Svithiodar, as applied to the Swedes, occur in their earliest
annals. Wheaten, and Crichton's Scandinavia, vol. I, p. 24.
51 See note 36.
6
46 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. 1, § 18.
Halgoland.” He said that no man abode north of him. Then
there is a port, on the south of the land [Norway], which is
called Sciringesheal.” Thither he said, that a man could not
sail in a month, if he anchored at night, and every day had a fair
wind. All the while he must sail near the land.—On his right
hand, is first” Iceland, and then the islands which are between
52 Halgoland, a division [scir] of the northern part of ancient Norway. Ohthere dwelt
in the most northerly part of it: to the north of his residence, the country was uninhabited.
Even at the present day, this district is called Helgeland. It is in Nordland, or Northland,
in the province of Trondhiem, or Drontheim, pronounced Tronyem. Drontheim is now
the most northerly province of Norway, extending from 62 deg. to 71 deg. 10 min. N. Lat. It is
divided into Trondhiem Proper, Nordland, and Finmark. Nord or Northland was the most
northerly part inhabited in Ohthere's days. Helgeland is now the southern district of
Nordland, and lies on the coast between the island Leköe, N. Lat. 65 deg. 10 min.,
and Cape Kunnen near the arctic circle. The Kiólen range of mountains, separating
Helgeland from Sweden, is about 60 miles from the sea; and, in some places, not so far.
Helgeland has a rocky coast of considerable elevation. The interior is filled by mountains
rising from 1000, to 1500 feet. A considerable portion of the land might be cultivated,
but agriculture is often neglected, because fishing offers greater advantages. This is more
particularly the case in the islands, on the coast of Helgeland, which rise to an elevation of
2000 and to 4260 feet. Such is Helgeland in the present day.—In this wild district,
Ohthere first saw the light. He was brought up amid stupendous mountains, and exposed
to the severity of the climate in the care of herds of deer, and in superintending the rude
culture of the land. From a child he was not only accustomed to the exertions and perils
of the chase in the Norwegian Alps, but to brave the dangers of the vast waves of the
Northern Ocean, raging amongst the exposed and elevated islands, and the high, rocky
shore of Norway. Thus educated amid the magnificent scenery of Halgoland, and inured
to danger, Ohthere was well prepared for a daring enterprise, such as his exploring voyage
to the most northerly regions. It was a voyage worthy of Ohthere, and deserving the
permanent record which Alfred—the first man of that age—has here given of it.
53 This is a minute description of Ohthere's second voyage. His first was to the remote
north : this voyage is to the south. The first place he mentions is a port “on the south of
this land [Norway], called Sciringesheal.” Judging from Ohthere's narrative, Sciringes-
heal seems to be in the Skager Rack, near the Fiord or Bay of Christiana. Snorre Sturleson,
an Icelander, born in 1178, in his Ynglinga Saga, ch. 49, places Sciringesheal in Westfold,
on the west side of the bay of Christiana. The note, appended to Professor Rask's Af-
handlinger, published by his son, in 1834, concludes, “Thus, it cannot be doubted, that
Skiringssal really existed at that time, [the age of Snorre, and that it is the same that
Ohthere and king Alfred call Sciringesheal.” vol. I, p. 384.—Ohthere says to the south of
Sciringesheal is a very great sea, apparently the Cattegat, opposite to which was Jutland,
and then Zealand. Sailing from Sciringesheal to Haddeby near Schleswig, Ohthere said
he had Denmark on his left, that is Halland and Skaane [Scania], the early seat of the
Danes. Then, two days before his arrival at Schleswig, taking a westerly course, he had
Jutland on his right. As he mentions islands on his left, it appears that he sailed between
Moen and Zealand. An. -
54 The Cotton MS., the only one that contains this part of Ohthere's voyage, has Ira-
land. Though I have the greatest objection to conjecturale mendations of a text, in this
case, after reading the context, and all that commentators have written upon it, I prefer
substituting Isaland for Iraland. To what Dr Ingram and Rask have advanced to justify the
insertion of Isaland in the text, it may be added that Ireland was generally called Scotland
from the fifth to the eleventh century [v. note 89]. If any other name was used, it was
OHTHERE'S SECOND VOYAGE.-HALGOLAND–SCIRINGESHEAL. 47
Iceland and this land [Britain]. Then this land continues till he
comes to Sciringesheal; and all the way, on the left, [is] Nor-
way.” To the south of Sciringesheal, a very great sea runs up
into the land: it is broader than any man can see over; and
Jutland” is opposite, on the other side, and then Zealand. This
sea lies many hundred miles up into the land.
19. He said that he sailed in five days, from Sciringesheal to
the port which they call” Haddeby [near Schleswig], which stands
Ibernia or Igbernia; thus, when Alfred is speaking of Britain, he adds, “Ibernia paet
igland,”—and, “Igbernia, paet we Scotland hataš.” In Alfred's translation of Bede, Hi-
bernia is used, as Ybernia is, in the earliest part of the Saxon Chronicle. In the year 891,
Dr Ingram inserts Hibernia in the text, and gives Yrlande in the notes, as the reading of
the Cot. MS. But this is taken from a collation by Junius of one of the latest MSS. and
which Dr Ingram says is of the least authority, because the writer has taken great liberties
in using “his own Normanized dialect.” Yrlande occurs again in the year 918, and in
1051, and 2, but these two instances do not invalidate the assertion of Alfred, just cited,
that in his days Igbernia was called Scotland. Alfred confirms this, by adding to his
translation of Orosius in § 3—" On the west end of the Mediterranean Sea is Scotland.”
Though wrong, as to geographical position, this is an additional proof that our Ireland was
called Scotland in the time of Alfred.—Upon the whole then, I prefer inserting Isaland in
the text.
Langebek and Porthan retained Iraland in the text and Forster sanctioned this reading,
but they all thought erroneously, that Scotland was intended. Dr Ingram, in his Inaugural
Lecture, published in 1807, preferred reading Isaland, and gives his reasons thus; “I suspect
that the true reading in the original, instead of Ira-land, [i. e. Scotland] should be Isa-
land, lseland, (or, as it is sometimes improperly written, Iceland.) How frequently the
Saxon letters p and r have been confounded and interchanged, is well known to every
person conversant in the language. As Ohthere sailed from Halgoland, Iseland was the
first land to his right, and then the islands of Faroe, Shetland, and Orkney, between Iseland
and this land [i. e. England]; then this land continued on his right hand, till he entered
the Baltic, which he soon afterwards describes very accurately, as running up many hun-
dred miles into the land, and so wide that no man could see over it.” p. 79, note q.—Rask
in 1815, reprinted in 1834, gives Isaland in his A. S. text, and a long note to the same
effect, in p. 319, note 2, of his Afhandlinger.
Professor Dahlmann in his Forschungen 1822, thinks that Ireland was intended, and that
Ohthere spoke of Ireland indefinitely, placing it more to the north, and on his right hand.
He has a long and interesting article in No 4 of his Erläuterungen, “Iraland, oder lsa-
land?” He gives a very fair statement of the opinions of Langebek, Porthan, and Rask,
p. 443–449.-After all, I prefer Isaland, notwithstanding what Dahlmann and others have
written. -
55. A. S. Norðweg, in Saxon Chronicle 1028, Norðweg and Norweg; in 1045 and 7 Nor-
weg, so in 1058, &c. In 1066 Norweg and Norwéi ; and in 1070 Norwaeg. Literally, the
north way or way to the north. Pliny, l. IV, c. 16, calls it, Nerigon, and Malte-Brun suggests
Nor-Rige, kingdom of the north, or rather, assuming Nor to be a gulf, kingdom of gulfs.
Geog. vol. VIII, 517.
56. A. S. Góðland, the country of the Hreth Goths: Jótland, Jutland. An.-Zealand,
A. S. Sillende—v. note 10. The old name of Zealand was in Danish Sia-Lund, a forest
near the water, from sia sea, and lund a forest. Now sia, sea, or Zea-land, Sea land, land
surrounded by the sea: like the Dutch Zee-land, Sea-land, from zee the sea.
57. A. S. pe mon haet aet Haeºšum, which Porthan translates, som kallas Haethum, which
48 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. 1, § 19.
in the midst of the Winedi,” Saxons, and Angles, and belongs to
the Danes. When he sailed thitherward from Sciringesheal, then
Denmark " was on his left; and, on his right, a wide sea for three
is called Haethum. Rask more properly translates it—“som man kalder Hedeby,” p. 321
and 323, and Dahlmann, “den man zu Hädum [at Haedum, Hedaby] nennt.” p. 427.
Rask observes, that it is customary, especially in Icelandic, to put a preposition before the
name of a place, which is then to be in the dative case; as in Icl. 1 Ripum, and occasionally
in A. S. as, aet Hae"&um. These dat. plur. may be read, as in the singular. The sing.
Hae"8, is the Icl. heiðr, now heiði a heath; hence its Icl. and old Danish name Heiðaby’r, or
Heiðabær, present Hedeby, from modern Danish, hede a heath, and by a town. Langebek
has rightly explained, pemon haetaet Haeºšum, quem vocant Haethe. Rask, p. 374, note n.
Hae'8e is mentioned, in connection with Schleswig, by Ethelweard about two centuries
after Alfred; and, in the subsequent half century by William of Malmsbury as in the follow-
ing extracts.-Ethelweard or Elward, is known only by his Chronicle or History of the Anglo-
Saxons. He says he was descended from Ethelred, the brother of king Alfred. We are
not informed when his book was compiled, but he was still alive in 1090 [Wright's Biogra-
phia Britannica Literaria, Vol. 1, p. 522]. This Ethelweard says that, “Anglia vetus sita est
inter Saxones et Giotos, habens oppidum capitale, quod sermone Saxonico Sleswic nuncupa-
tur, secundum vero Danos Haithaby.” Chronicorum Ethelwerdi Libri Quatuor: v. Rerum
Anglicarum Scriptores post Bedam praecipui [edited by Saville]. Fol. Francof 1601, pp.
831–850. What Ethelweard has stated, is confirmed by that “great lover of truth,” Wil-
liam of Malmsbury, who died about 1143. He says—“In oppido quod tunc Slaswick,
nunc vero Eitheisi [al. Hurtheby] appellatur, est autem regio illa Anglia vetus dicta, unde
Angli venerunt in Brittanniam, inter Saxones et Giothos constituta.”
Alfred says “Se [Hae’ée] stent betuh Winedum, and Seaxum, and Angle, and hyrë in on
Dene.” This agrees with the locality of Schleswig. The A. S. Hae&e and the subsequent
Eitheisi, Haithaby, and Hurtheby are in the preceding extracts associated with Schleswig.
The termination -by is Danish, and signifies a town. There is a place on the south of the
river Schley, opposite Schleswig, engraved in the map of Mercator in 1623, Haddebuy, and
called by Rask Hedeby, by Dahlmann Hedaby and by others Haddeby. This is concluded
to be the Hae’8e of Ohthere, Wulfstan and Alfred—Dr Ingram adds, “At Haethum, a port
by the heaths, afterwards changed into Haithaby, and called to this day Haddeby, is situa-
ted on the south side of the river Schley, opposite to Schleswig, which having since become
of greater importance, has eclipsed the fame of its ancient rival. Hence Sir J. Spelman,
Somner, Lye, and others, following the authority of Ethelweard, a Saxon writer, have con-
sidered At-Haethum, or Haddeby, to be the same with Schleswig.” Inaugural Lecture, p.
109, note k.
58 Winede, the Venedi or Wends, who, at one time, occupied the whole coast from the
Schley in Schleswig, South Jutland, to the Vistula in Prussia. An. v. Note 13, and 64.
59 A. S. Denamearc, [see note 65] That is, the provinces of Halland, Scania or Schonen,
the early seat of the Danes. Halland and Schonen are in South Gothland, in Sweden,
having the Cattegat, the Sound, and the Baltic for its maritime boundaries. v. note 53.
60 A. S. Engle aer hi hider on land comon, the Engles before they came hither on land, i.
e. into Britain. Alfred expressly states here, that the Engles before they came to Britain
dwelt not only in Jutland, but in Zealand and many islands. Hence we conclude that the
Engles or Angles came hither not only from Anglen, in South Jutland, between Schleswig
and Flensburg, but from the Danish islands. The majority of settlers in Britain were the
Engles, and from them we derive not only our being, but our name, for England is
literally, Englaland, the land or country of the Engles. The Engles were the most power-
ful and energetic of the tribes, that constituted the great Saxon confederacy, which, in the
third and two following centuries, had the greatest extent of territory in the north west of
Germany. The Saxon confederacy increased, till it possessed the vast extent of country
OHTHERE'S SECOND VOYAGE-SCIRINGESHEAL–HADDEBY. 49
days; and, the two days before he came to Haddeby, he had on
his right, Jutland, Zealand, and many islands. The Angles dwelt
in these lands, before they came into this country." And, these
embraced by the Elbe, the Sala, and the Rhine, in addition to their ancient territory between
the Elbe, and the Oder. Bosworth's Origin of the Eng. and Germ. lang. and nations, p.
14—17.—It will be evident, from the following authorities, as well as from the testimony of
Alfred given in the text, that in the seventh century, and in the time of Alfred, Schleswig
was considered the locality from which England received its chief population. It will be
interesting to see what Bede says, on the population of England, confirmed by the A. S.
version of Alfred, and by the A. S. Chronicle. “Advenerant autem de tribus Germaniae
populis fortioribus, id est, Saxonibus, Anglis, Jutis. De Jutarum origine sunt Cantuarii et
Victuarii, hoc est, ea gens quae Vectam tenet insulam, et ea quae usque hodie in provincia
Occidentalium Saxonum Jutarum natio nominatur, posita contra ipsam insulam Vectam.
De Saxonibus, id est, ea regione quae nunc antiquorum Saxonum cognominatur, venere
Orientales Saxones, Meridiani Saxones, Occidui Saxones. Porro de Anglis, hoc est, deilla
patria quae Angulus dicitur et ab eo tempore usque hodie manere desertus inter provincias
Jutarum et Saxonum perhibetur, Orientales Angli, Mediterranei Angli, Mercii, tota
Nordanhymbrorum progenies, id est, illarum gentium quae ad Boream Humbri fluminis
inhabitant caeterique Anglorum populi sunt orti. Duces fuisse perhibentur eorum primi duo
fratres Hengist et Horsa; e quibus Horsa postea occisus in bello a Brittonibus, hactenus in
Orientalibus Cantiae partibus monumentum habet suo nomine insigne.” Smith's Bede, Fol.
Cambridge 1722, lib. i, ch. 15, p. 52.-Alfred's Saxon translation of which is : “Comon
hi of prim folcum pam strangestan Germanie, paet of Seaxum, and of Angle, and of
Geatum. Of Geata fruman syndon Cantware, and Wihtsaetan, paet is seo peod pe Wiht
paet Ealond onearda8. Of Seaxum paet is of pam lande pe mon hate’8 Eald-Seaxan, coman
East-Seaxan, and Suð-Seaxan, and West-Seaxan. And of Engle coman East-Engle and
Middel-Engle, and Myrce, and eall Norðhembra cynn, is paet land pe Angulus is nemned
betwyh Geatum and Seaxum. Is saed of paere tide pe hi panon gewiton oë to daege paet hit
weste wunige. Waeron pa aerest heora latteowas and heretogan twegen gebroëra, Hengest
and Horsa.” Id. p. 483.
The Saxon Chronicle gives the following account: “An. ccc.cxLix. Her Martianus and
Valentinianus onfengon rice, and ricsodon v11 winter. On heora dagum Hengest and
Horsa, from Wyrtgeorne gelačode Brytta cyninge to fultume, gesohton Brytene on pam
staeśe, pe is genenned Ypwines-fleot, aerest Bryttum to fultume, ac hy eft on hy fuhton.
Se cing het hi feohtan agien Pihtas, and hiswa dydan, and sige haefdon swa hwar swahi
comon. Hi Pa sende to Angle, and heton heom sendan mare fultum, and heam seggan
Brytwalana nahtnesse, and paes landes cysta. Hi pa sendon heom mare fultum, pa comon
pa menn of prim maegôum Germanie, of Eald-Seaxum, of Anglum, of Iotum.
“Of Iotum comon Cantware and Wihtware [past is seo maeið penu eardaš on Wiht, and
paes cynn on West-Sexum, pe man nu gyt het Iutna-cynn. Of Eald-Seaxum comon East-
Seaxan, and Suð-Seaxan, and West-Seaxan. Of Angle comon, se á siè8an stod westig betwix
Iutum and Seaxum, East-Engle, and Middel-Angle, and Mearce and ealle Norðymbra.
Heora here-togan waron twegen gebroëra, Hengest and Horsa.”
Though the Friesians are not named by Bede, as forming part of this migration to Bri-
tain, it is probable, from their locality in the north west of Germany, that many of them
may have accompanied the Angles, Saxons, and other tribes to this Island. But we are
not left in doubt, on this subject, for Procopius, who lived two hundred years nearer the
Saxon expedition to Britain than Bede, expressly states, in his fourth book on the Gothic
war, that Britain was peopled by three nations, the Britons, the Angles, and the Friesians
['Ayyūot kal Øploratoves]. This is the opinion still prevalent among the Friesians
and Dutch. They even claim Hengist as their country-man; and the old Chroniclers are
at a loss whether to make Hengist a Friesian or a Saxon. Maerlant, the father of Dutch,
50 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. 1, § 20.
two days, the islands," which belong to Denmark, were on his left.
20. Wulfstan” said that he went from Haddeby, that he was
in Truso" in seven days and nights, that the ship was running
all the way under sail. He had Weonodland,” [Mecklenburg
and Pomerania] on the right [star-board, and Langland, Laaland,
Falster and Sconey, on his left, and all these lands belong to
Denmark.” And then we had," on our left, the land of the
Burgundians" [Bornholmians], who have their own king." After
or rather Flemish Poets, for he was born in Flanders about 1235, speaks of him, thus:–
Een hiet Engistus een Vriese, een Sas,
Die uten lande verdreven was;
One, a Saxon or Friesian, Hengist by name.
From his country was banished in sorrow and shame.
SPIEGEL HISTORIAL, C. XV, p. 16.
Thus again :—
Engistus wart dus onteert,
Ende is in Vrieseland gekeert.
Hengist was thus so much disgraced,
That he, to Fliesland, his steps retraced. Tom. III, p. 29.
The Chronicle of Maerlant is founded upon the Speculum Historiale of the Monk Vicentius,
who wrote about the year 1245. Bosworth's Origin of the Eng. and Germ. Lang. and
Nations, p. 15, § 4, note f : p. 52, § 50, note f : p. 53, § 52.-Latham's Germania of
Tacitus, Epileg. p. CXXII, and 117.-Also, Latham's English Language, 3rd Edm, for
Friesians and Jutes.
61 These are the islands Moen, Falster, Laaland, &c.; he, therefore, sailed between
Zealand, Moen, &c.
62 Forster says—“Wulfstan appears to have been a Dane, who, perhaps, had become
acquainted with Ohthere in the course of his expedition, and had gone with him to England.”
Northern Voyages, p. 69, note 73.
63 Truso, a town on the shore of the mere or lake Drausen, or Truso, from which the
river Ilfing [Elbing] flows in its course towards the town of Elbing [v. note 75]. Forster
says:—“There is at this time, a lake between Elbing and Prussian Holland, called Truso,
or Drausen, from which, probably, the town Truso . . . took its name.” Forster's Northern
Voyages, 4to, 1786, p. 69, note 74.
64 Weonošland the country of the Wends on the coast of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, &c.
in Prussia [see notes 13 and 58.J.—A. S. Langa-land, the long island
beautiful island.
A. S. Scóneg, the
65 Denmark from daim low, mark ground, land, country. Malte-Brun's Geog. Vol.
VIII, p. 577.-A. S. Dene-mearc-Dene The Danes, Dene from denu a plain, vale, valley;
and mearc a boundary. The Saxon Chronicle in 1005, 1023, 1035, has Denemearc;
Denmearc, in 1019, 1075; Daenmarc, in 1070; Denmarc, in 1070 and 1119. In Danish,
mark signifies a country; hence Denmark the low country of the Danes.—Finmark the
country of the Finns. Forster says;–“ Wulfstan [Alfred] is the most early writer hitherto
known, who mentions this name. Notes to Barrington's Orosius, p. 257, note 36.
66 Waeron us, literally erant nobis. The pronoun of the first person plural, we and us,
proves that Wulfstan is relating to the king his own account of their voyage.
67 Burgenda land is the Icl. Burgundarhólmr of which the present Dan. and Swed.
name Bornholm is a contraction. Rask's Afhandlinger, p. 374, note o.
68 And på habbat himsylf cyning, literally, and who have to themselves a king.
WULFSTAN'S VOYAGE FROM HADDEBY TO TRUSO. 51
the land of the Burgundians, we had," on our left, those lands that
were called first Blekingey,” and Meore, and Oeland and Goth-
land; and these lands belong to Sweden. And we had Weonod-
land, on the right, all the way to the mouth of the Vistula. The
Vistula" is a very large river, and near it lie Witland" and Weo-
nodland; and Witland belongs to the Esthonians.” The Vistula
flows out of Weonodland and runs into the Frische Haff” [Est-
69 A. S. Blecingaaeg, the province of Bleking, on the southwest of Sweden.—Meore,
the Upper and Lower Moehre, in the province of Smoeland or Smaland, also in Sweden.—
Eowland and Gotland, the two islands on the coast of Sweden, Oeland and Gothland.
70 A. S. Wisle, in Polish Wisla. German Weichsel ; by other nations, and by Latin
writers, it is called Vistula. Before reaching the Baltic, the Vistula first divides into two
branches, the smaller and eastern branch of which, called the Neugat or Nogat, runs north
easterly, and discharges itself into the Frische Haff [see note 73]. The larger or western
branch, after flowing 35 or 40 miles farther, again divides, about 9 miles from Danzig, into
two branches, the smaller of which runs easterly into the Frische Haff, the main stream
of the Vistula taking an opposite direction, discharges itself into the Baltic at Weichsel-
münde, north of Danzig. So there are, at least, three great branches of the Vistula, the
Nogat at the commencement of the great Werder; the second, above Danzig : this second
branch and the Nogat run into the Frische Haff, and the third passes by Danzig into the
Baltic. Jornandes, de reb. Get. c. 3, correctly describes this river. He speaks of Scancia
thus:–“Haec a fronte posita est Vistulae fluvii; qui Sarmaticis montibus ortus, in con-
spectu Scanziae septentrionali oceano trisulcus illabitur: for, besides the smaller streams of
the Nogat, this river has three great branches. The most westerly is near Danzig; the
easterly branches just described, enter the Frische Haff, with the Elbing. v. note 76.
71 Porthan says that Witland is a part of Samland in Prussia. In old times it extended
to the eastern bank of the Vistula. The monk Alberik, who lived a century and a half after
Alfred, is the first that mentions Witland.—“In Prutia [Prucia], quae est ultra Pomera-
niam, Episcopus Mutinensis, missus a Papa legatus, ingenio et sapientia sua, non fortitudine,
multos paganos ad fidem attraxit. . . . Erant autem hoc anno, in illis partibus, quinque
tantummodo provinciae paganorum acquirendae: ista videlicet, de qua agitur, Prutia
[Prucia], Curlandia, Lethonia, Withlandia, et Sambria. Rask's Afhandlinger, p. 375, note
q.—Witland was celebrated for its amber at the time of the Crusades, it was still called
Witland. Forster's North. Voyages, p. 70.-Professor Voigt, in his Geschichte Preussens
von den ältesten Zeiten, Königsberg, 1827–39, advances many arguments to prove, that
part of Witland has been absorbed by the Frische Haff,-that Witland, not only occupied
the north-eastern part of the Frische Haff, from the old castle of Balga or Honeda, but ex-
tended far into the sea on the west and north of Samland. The space is marked in his
map. See note 76.
72 A. S. Estum dat. pl. of Este, or Estas of Alfred, mentioned in note 30 and its text.
These Esthonians or Osterlings dwelt on the shores of the Baltic to the east of the Vistula.
An.
73 A. S. Estmere, [est east, mere a lake] the present Frische Haff or fresh water
lake is on the north of east Prussia. Hav or Haff signifies a sea, in Danish and Swedish.
It is written Haff in German and it is now used to denote all the lakes connected with the
rivers, on the coast of Prussia and Fomerania. The Frische Haff is about 60 miles long, and
from 6 to 15 broad. It is separated by a chain of sand banks from the Baltic sea, with
which, at the present time, it communicates by one strait called the Gat. This strait
is on the north east of the Haff, near the fortress of Pillau. Malte Brun's Univ. Geog.
Vol. VII, p. 14. This Gat, as Dr Bell informs me, “seems to have been formed, and to
be kept open by the superior force of the Pregel stream.” This gentleman has a perfect
52 : OROSIUS ; Book I: CHAP. I, § 20.
mere]. The Frische Haff is, at least, fifteen miles” broad. Then?”
the Elbing” comes from the east into the Frische Haff, out of
the lake [Drausen] on the shore of which Truso stands; and
[they] come out together into the Frische Haff, the Elbing from
the east, out of Esthonia; and the Vistula from the south out of
Weonodland. Then the Vistula takes away the name of the
Elbing, and runs out of the lake into the sea, by a western [open-
ing] on the north [of the Frische Haff); therefore, they call it
the mouth of the Vistula.--"Esthonia [Eastland] is very large, and
knowledge of the Frische Haff, and the neighbourhood, as he received his early education
in the vicinity, and matriculated at the University of Königsberg, near the west end of the
Haff. I am indebted to Dr Bell for the map of the celebrated German Historian, Professor
Voigt, adapted to his “Geschichte Preussens von den ältesten Zeiten, 9 vols 8vo, Königs-
berg, 1827–39.” In this map, there are four openings from the Frische Haff to the Baltic.
“It is certain,” says Malte-Brun, that in 1394 the mouth of one strait was situated at Loch-
sett, 6 or 8 miles north of the fortress of Pillau.” Voigt's map gives the year, 1311. Id.
vol. VII, p. 15. The next is the Gat of Pillau, at present the only opening to the Baltic,
with the date 1510. The third Gat, marked in the map with the date 1456, is about 10 or
12 miles south west of Pillau; and the fourth, without any date, is much nearer the west end
of the Frische Haff.
74 It is evident, that Alfred has here altered the measure of Ohthere, the Northman, and
has made it to agree with the Anglo-Saxon miles. Hence, the dimensions of Estmere, given
by Alfred, perfectly accord with those of the Frische Haff of the present day, as mentioned
in the preceding note. See also note 49.
75 Literally, Then comes the Elbing from the east into Estmere [the Frische Haff] from
[out of] the mere, on the bank of which Truso stands [or, which Truso stands upon the bank
of [i. e. the lake of Drausen.]. Truso, therefore, was on the border of the lake Drausen, and
not of the Estmere or Frische Haff. The river Elbing [Ilfing] flows from the lake Drausen
towards the town of Elbing. Rask's Afhandlinger, p. 379 and 380, notes.—W. note 63.−
Hence Rask has translated this passage into Danish—Ilfing löber Östen fra ind i det friske
Hav, og kommer fra den Sö, paa hvis Braed Truso staar.” Id. p. 325.—Dahlmann trans-
lates it—“Der Ilfing [Elbing] läuft von Osten in das Esthenmeer von der See her, an des-
sen Gestade Truso steht.” p. 428.
76 A. S. Ilfing, the river Elbing in Western Prussia, to the east of the Vistula. The
Elbing flows from the small lake Drausen to the town of Elbing called also Elbinga, in
Polish Elbiag or Elblag, and urbs Drusinia. Malte Brun says:—“The flourishing and
commercial town of Elbing, is built on a low and fruitful valley : its name is derived from the
small river Elbach, which issues from the lake of Drausen.” Univer. Geog. Vol. VII, p.
23.—W. note 75.
77 Wisle máča, the mouth of the Vistula. The most westerly stream of the Vistula,
which flows into the Baltic, a little to the north of Danzig, is still called in German, Weich-
selmünde [v. note 70]. Forster observes, every thing that Alfred here mentions, incon-
testably shews, that Wulfstan had an intimate and personal knowledge of what he was stat-
ing. The Elbing came out of Esthonia and from the east, so far as regards that arm of the
Elbing, which ran from east to west, into the Nogat the eastern branch of the Vistula; but
the Vistula comes [sã8an of Winodlande] out of Weonodland from the south. The two rivers,
the eastern branch of the Vistula, and the Elbing, flow together under the former name,
and enter the Frische Haff. This Haff or lake extends from west to north, that is in a
north-easterly direction and flows into the Baltic at Pillau. Forster then adds:—“It is
FRISCHE HAFF-TRUSO—ESTHONIA. 53
there are many towns, and in every town there is a king. There
is also very much honey and fishing. The king and the richest
possible, that this, as well as the western arm, may have formerly borne the name of
Weichselmünde or the mouth of the Vistula.” Northern Voyages, p. 71 note 83.
Barrington translates it:—“The Ilfing, having joined the Wesel, takes its name, and runs
to the west of Estmere, and northward, into the sea, when it is called the Wesel's
mouth.” p. 17.
Dr Ingram's translation is, “Then the Weissel deprives the Ilfing of its name; and,
flowing from the west part of the lake, at length empties itself northward into the sea;
whence this point is called the Weissel-mouth.” Lect. p. 81.
Rask gives the whole passage thus: Ilfing löber Östen fra ind i det friske Hav, og kom-
mer fra den Sö, paa hwis Braed Truso staar, de löbe begge tilsammen udi det friske Hav,
Ilfing 6sten fraud af Estland og Vejksel sónden fraud af Wenden, da betager Vejkselen
Ilfing dens Navn, oglöber fra bemaeldte friske Hav nordvest paa udi Söen, derfor kalder
man dette [Udlöb] Wejkselmundingen. Afhandlinger, p. 325.
Dalhmann translates the same passage :—“Der Ilfing [Elbing] läuft von Osten in das
Esthenmeer von der See her, an dessen Gestade Truso steht; sie strömen beide gemeinsam
ins Esthenmeer aus, Ilfing aus Osten von Esthland, und die Weichsel aus Süden von Wen-
denland; und hier benimmt die Weichsel dem Ilfing seinen Namen, und strömt aus dem
[Esthen-] Meere nordwestlich in die See; davon nennt man das Weichselmünde.” For-
shungen, p. 428.
The literal translation of the last sentence of the A. S. text is, Then the Vistula deprives
the Elbing of its name, and flows out of [of paem mere, from or out of the mere or lake: v.
note 75] the Lake or Haff, west and north into the sea; therefore, they call it the mouth
of the Vistula.
This would seem to imply, that there were then two openings from the Frische Haff, one
on the west, and the other on the north. This supposition is not impossible; for, in different
ages, there have been four openings from the Frische Haff to the Baltic, one of which was
near the western extremity of the Haff. [v. note 73.] But these two openings do not
accord with the conclusion, where the singular is used, “therefore, they call it, the mouth
of the Vistula.”
Rask and Dahlmann, seeing this difficulty, have given a different translation of “west
and nor&’’; Rask gives “nordvest,” and Dahlmann “nordwestlich.”—They appear to admit
of only one gator opening, and that on the north-west, towards the present Weichselmünde,
on the west of the Haff, but without authority from the A. S. text, and without a reference
to history to prove there was such a gat on the west.
Though the translation I have given in the text, does not accord with the present locality
of Weichselmünde, and it is not translated verbally; yet, I think, it gives the plain
meaning. I allude to the latter part of the sentence: and flows out of the Lake [the
Frische Haff) west and north into the sea; that is, flows out of the gat or opening at
Pillau, on the west side of the most northerly part of the Frische Haff, which is west of
Koningsberg.
The great difficulty here is to ascertain whether there is any truth, in what Forster sug-
gests, that the gat of Pillau was called Weichselmünde, as well as the western branch of
the Vistula, which flows into the Baltic to the north of Danzig. This uncertainty, with some
other difficulties, has led to several suggestions, one of which is by W. Bell Esqr. Dr Phil.
who thinks that the Truso of Wulfstan is the present Dirschau about 30 miles south of
Danzig, and 4 west of the Vistula. He supposes, that the Baltic may have extended so far
up the valley of the Vistula, that Dirschau may have been on the shore of the Baltic, in the
54 oRosius, Boox I: Char. I, § 21, 22.
men drink mare's milk,” but the poor and the slaves drink
mead.” There is very much war among them; and there is no
alº-brewed by the Esthonians, but there is mead enough.
There is also a custom with the Esthonians,” that when a
man is dead, he lies, in his house, unburnt with his kindred and
friends a month, sometimes two; and the king and other
men of high rank, so much longer according to their wealth,
remain unburnt sometimes half a year; and lie above ground in
their houses. All the while the body is within, there must be
drinking and sports to the day, on which he is burned.
22. Then, the same day, when they wish to bear him to the
pile, they divide his property, which is left after the drinking and
sports, into five or six parts, sometimes into more, as the amount
of his property may be. Then, they lay the largest part of it
within one mile from the town, them another, then the third, till
it is all laid, within the one mile; and the least part shall be
nearest the town in which the dead man lies. All the men,
who have the swiftest horses in the land, shall then be assembled,
about five or six miles from the property. Then they all run
towards the property; and the man, who has the swiftest” horse,
comes to the first and the largest part, and so each after the
other, till it is all taken : and he takes the least part, who runs
to the property nearest the town. Then each rides away with
time of Alfred. See his Ein versuch, den Ort Schiringsheal, &c. p. 8. This supposition seems
to be surrounded with very great difficulties.
78 Forster observes:—This mare's milk was not merely milk, but milk which had under-
gone a kind of fermentation, and was changed into a species of brandy, such as the inhabi-
tants of the desert plains of Asia Media drink in great quantities, calling it kumyss. . . .
Adam of Bremen [$ 138] says, that the ancient Prussians ate horse-flesh, and drank the
milk of their mares to intoxication ; and Peter of Duisburg [$ 80] relates of these people,
that at their feasts, they drank water, mead, and mare's milk. Northern Voyages, p, 71,
note 85.
79 Mead, even so early as in the ninth century, had the name of Medo, medu and meodo
in Anglo-Saxon; in the Lithuanian tongue it is called Middus; in Polish, Miod; in Rus-
sian, Med; in German, Meth. Hence it appears probable that mead is a beverage of great
antiquity, as the name, by which it is known, is exactly the same in languages of so differ-
ent an origin. With these it is perhaps worth while to compare the Greek verb pºeffigo
I intoxicate, from ué6v wine. Id. p. 72, note 86.
80 The following particulars, relating to the manners of the Esthonians n the ninth cen-
tury, the preservation of which we owe to the diligent pen of King Alfred, form a valuable
supplement to the short sketches of aboriginal manners delineated by Caesar and Tacitus.
Ingram's Lect. p. 82, note e.
81 In A. S. pact swifte hors, for paet swiftoste, the swiftest.
ESTHONIAN CUSTOMS, HORSE-RACES, BURNING THEIR DEAD. 55
the property, and may keep it all; and, therefore, swift horses
are there uncommonly dear. When his property is thus all
spent, then they carry him out, and burn him with his weapons
and clothes.” Most commonly they spend all his wealth, with
the long lying of the dead within, and what they lay in the way,
which the strangers run for and take away.
23. It is also a custom with the Esthonians, that there men of
<ss-as-º-ºrºtº-
every tribe must be burned; and, if any one find a single bone
unburnt, they shall make a great atonement.”—There is also
among the Esthonians, a power of producing cold; and, there-
fore, the dead lie there so long, and decay not,” because they
bring the cold upon them. And if a man set two vats full
82 That the ancient Prussians burnt their dead, and buried them together with their
horses, weapons, clothes, and valuable possessions, appears from a treaty concluded through
the mediation of the Archdeacon of Liege, in quality of the Pope's Legate, between the
German Knights and the newly converted Prussians, wherein the Prussians expressly promise
never in future to burn their dead, nor bury them with their horses, arms, clothes and va-
luables. Forster's Northern voyages, p. 72, note 88.
A similar custom is mentioned, in Caesar's Commentaries, as prevailing in Gaul :—“ Fun-
era sunt pro cultu Gallorum magnifica, et sumptuosa; omniaque, quae vivis cordi fuisse ar-
bitrantur, in ignem inferunt, etiam animalia; ac, paulo supra hanc memoriam, servi, et
clientes, quos ab iis dilectos esse constabat, justis funeribus confectis, una cremabantut.”
De Bello Gallico, l. VI, c. 19.-The custom of burning the dead, vexpokavatia, Or Crenna-
tion, was almost universal, among rude nations, from the age of Homer to that of Alfred.
Ingram's Lect. p. 83, note h.
83 The A. S. gebétan to atone for, or to make atonement, is similar to the Icl. boeta,
Swed. bode, to reconcile: miclum dat. pl. multo, used adverbially. The atonement,
sacrifice or offering, did not apply merely to the individual, but to his whole race, as is
evident by the pl. hisceolan they shall. The meaning, as Rask says, is this:—“Saa skulle
de udsone det med et stort offer.” Thus shall they atone for, or expiate this, with a great
offering, sacrifice, or atonement. Afhandlinger, p. 381, note oe.
Atonement is at-one-ment, an expressive English compound, from atone, to set at one, to
reconcile, make peace. Thus the Greek of St. Paul, in the Acts—cal avvijaa’ev attoºs
eis eipſumu, Ch. VII, 26, is in our version, “and would have set them at one again”: this
follows Tyndale's translation of 1534—and wolde have set them at one agayne.-He made
the Jewes and the Gentiles at one betwene themselues, euen so he made them both at one
with God, that there should be nothing to breake the atonement. Udal. Ephesians, C. 2.
84 *áš Fletcher, who was ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to Russia, gives an
account of the same practice continuing in some parts of Moscovy. “In winter time,
“when all is covered with snow, so many as die are piled up in a hovel in the suburbs like
“billets on a wood stack; they are as hard with the frost as a very stone, till the spring-
“tide come and resolve the frost, what time every man taketh his dead friend, and com-
“mitteth him to the ground.” See a note to one of Fletcher's Eclogues, p. 10, printed at
Edinburgh, in 1771, 12mo. See also a poem written at Moscow, by G. Tuberville, in the
first volume of Hakluyt, p. 386, where the same circumstance is dwelt upon, and the
reason given, that the ground cannot be dug. Bodies, however, are now [1773] buried at
56 OROSIUS; Book I, CHAP. I. § 24, 25.
of ale or of water, they cause that either shall be frozen over,
s whether it be summer or winter.”
24. Now will we speak about GREECE, on the south of the
river Danube.* The sea, Propontis, lies on the east of Constan-
tinople, a city of the Greeks. On the north of Constantinople,
the arm of the sea shoots up right west from the Euxine; and,
on the north-west of the city, the mouth of the river Danube
shoots out south-east into the Euxine sea; and, on the south
and on the west side of the mouth, are the Moesians, a tribe of
Greeks; and, on the west of the city, are the Thracians; and
on the west" of these, the Macedonians. On the south of
the city, and on the south side of the arm of the sea which
is called Archipelago [AEgaeum], is the country of the Athe-
nians and of Corinth. To the south-west of Corinth is the
country of Achaia, by the Mediterranean Sea. These countries
are peopled by Greeks. On the west of Achaia, along the Medi-
terranean, is the country Dalmatia, on the north side of the sea;
and on the north of Dalmatia are the Bulgarians, and Istria. On
the south of Istria is that part of the Mediterranean Sea, which is
called Adriatic; and on the west, the Alpine mountains; and
on the north, that waste, which is between Carinthia and the
Bulgarians.
25. Then the country of ITALY,+ extends a long way north-west,
and south-east;-and all around it lies the Mediterranean Sea,
save on the north-west. At that end, it is bounded by the
Moscow during the winter. D. B. — As the poem of G. Tuberville, to which Mr
Barrington refers, in Hakluyt, is addressed to so great a poet at Spenser, the reader may
perhaps be amused with the following specimen, relating to the subject.
Perhaps thou musest much, how this may stand with reason,
That bodies dead can uncorrupt abide, so long a season I
Take this for certain trothe ; as soon as heate is gone,
The force of colde the body binds as hard as any stone,
Without offence at all, to any living thing;
And so they lye in perfect state, till next returne of springe.”
INGRAM’s LEcT. p. 84, note m.
85 This power, so much admired by King Alfred, of producing cold either in summer or
in winter, by which the putrefaction of dead bodies was prevented, and ale and water were
frozen, must have been effected by some sort of ice-house, and this, every Prussian of any
consequence had in, or near his house. Forster's Northern Voyages, p. 73.
86 A. S. and be eastan paere byrig, and on the east of the city, note 89.
* Partly from Oros. l. I, c. 2, Haver. p. 23, 24; see note 88.
+ Partly from Oros. l. I, c. 2, Haver. p. 24.
OF GREECE, ITALY, GALLIA BELGICA, AND SPAIN. 57
mountains called the Alps: these begin on the west, from the
Mediterranean Sea, in the country Narbonensis, and end again on
the east in the country of Dalmatia by the [Adriatic] Sea.
26. The countries called GALLIA BELGICA *:—on the east of
these is the river Rhine, and on the south the mountains called
the Alps, and on the south-west the ocean which is called Britan-
nic; and on the north, on the other side of the arm of the ocean,
is the country Britain. On the west of the Loire is the country
Aquitania; and, on the south of Aquitania, is some part of the
country Narbonensis; and on the south-west the country of
Spain; and, on the west, the ocean. On the south of Narbo-
mensis is the Mediterranean Sea, where the river Rhone empties
itself; and, on the east of it, Provence; and on the west of it,
over the wastes, the nearer Spain [Hispania Citerior], and on the
west and north, Aquitania; and Gascony on the north. Pro-
vence has, on the north of it, the Alps; and on the south of it is
the Mediterranean Sea; and, on the north and east of it, are the
Burgundians, and on the west the Gasconians.
27. The country of SPAIN + is three-cornered, and all encom-
passed with water by the Atlantic * ocean without, and by the
Mediterranean Sea within, more than the countries named be-
fore. One of the corners lies south-west, opposite to the island,
called Cadiz, and another east, opposite the country Narbonensis,
and the third north-west, towards Betanzos, a city of Galicia,
and opposite Scotland [Ireland], over the arm of the sea, right
against the mouth of the river called the Shannon. As to that
part of Spain,” more distant from us, on the west of it, and on
the north is the ocean, on the south the Mediterrannean Sea, and
on the east the nearer Spain; on the north of which are the
* Oros. l. I, c. 2. Haver. p. 25. + Oros. l. I, c. 2. Haver. p. 25, 26.
87 Literally:—and all encompassed with water without, and also encompassed within,
more than [ofer over, above, more than] those lands [pa land those lands, or countries
Provence, Aquitania, and Gallia Belgica] both by the ocean and by the Mediterranean
Sea.
88 It must be recollected, that Orosius is supposed to speak, and not Alfred.—The
royal Geographer, indeed, appears to have deserted Orosius entirely, as an insufficient
guide, till he came to those territories, which are situated to the south of the Danube.
This, therefore, is the only part of his description which can be strictly considered as a
translation. The division also of all Europe into the countries lying north and south of
the Danube, so clear and simple, which is completely original, shews how much we owe to
King Alfred. Ingram's Lect. p. 86, note q. -
58 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § 28, 29.
Aquitani, and on the north-east the forest of the Pyrenees, and
on the east Narbonensis, and on the south the Mediterranean
Sea. º
28. The island BRITAIN.—It extends || a long way north-east;
it is eight hundred miles long, and two hundred miles broad. On
the south of it, and on the other side of the arm of the sea, is
Gallia Belgica; and on the west part, on the other side of the
sea, is the island Hibernia”; and on the north part, the Ork-
ney islands $. Ireland, which we call Scotland, is on every side
surrounded by the ocean; and because it is nearer the setting of
the Sun than other lands, the weather is milder there, than in
Britain. Then on the north-west of Ireland, is that outmost land
called Thule; and it is known to few because of its great dis-
tance.—Thus, have we spoken about the boundaries of all Eu-
rope, as they lie.
29. Now, we will [speak] of AFRICA,” and how the boundaries
lie around it.—Our elders said, that it was the third part of this
mid-earth, not because there was so much of the land, but be-
cause the Mediterranean Sea has so divided it : because it breaks
more into the south part than it does into the north ; and the
heat has taken more hold on the south part, than the cold has on
the north; and because every creature can better withstand cold,
than heat; for these reasons, Africa is less than Europe, both in
land and in men.
t Pyrenaei saltus a parte septentrionis. Oros. l. I, c. II. Haver. p. 26, 8.-A. S. Be
norèan eastan is se weald Pireni.
| Britannia oceani insula, per longum in boream extenditur. Oros. l. I, c. II. Haver.
p. 27, 4.
89 Ibernia, Hibernia, Igbernia, now Ireland, was denominated Scotland from about the
fifth to the eleventh century. The Scoti were first heard of, as inhabiting Ireland. As
they imposed their name on Hibernia, so in settling in North Britain they gave it the name
of Scotland, which it still retains. [See note 54: Also Alfred's Orosius $ 3 mote 7] Bede
says, “Haec [Hibernia] proprie patria Scottorum est.” l. I, c. 1; p. 42. So in Alfred's
translation. This [Hibernia] is agendlice Scotta epel. id. p. 474.—Diodorus Siculus calls
Ibernia, 'Ipts, Strabo "Iépum, 'Iepvis vàoros, Ptolemy 'Iovépuia, Pomponius Mela Ju-
verna, Claudian Ierna. In the names Iris, Ierna, Juverna, Hibernia, the native Irish,
Eri or Ir is discoverable. The Irish, to indicate a country, prefix Hy, or Hua denoting
“the [dwelling of the] sons, or family of.” In prefixing Hy to a name beginning with a
vowel, a consonant is often inserted, thus; Hy-V-Each, the country or descendants of Each
or AEacus. This prefix requires a genitive, which in Eri is Erin ; and thus, all the vari-
ations in the name seem to be accounted for, as Eri, or Ire-land; Hy-b-ernia, Hibernia;
—Hy-ernis, Iernis.
§ Orcadas insulas habet. Oros. l. I, c. II. Haver. p. 27, 10–A. S. Orcadus past igland.
* Oros. l. I: c. II. Haver. p. 28, 29.
OF BRITAIN.—LIBYA, EGYPT, NUMIDIA, MAURETANIA. 59
30. On the east, Africa begins, as we said before, westward of
Egypt, at the river Nile. Then the most easterly country is
called LIBYA t CYRENAICA; on the east of it is the nearer Egypt,
and on the north the Mediterranean Sea, [and on the south the
country] that is called Libya. AEthiopum; and on the west the
Syrtis Major.
31. On the west of Libya AEthiopum is the farther Egypt :; and
on the south the sea which is called Æthiopic; and, on the west
the Troglodytae. The country Tripolitana, which is also called
Arzuges:–It has, on the east of it, the Syrtis Major, and the
country of the Troglodytae; and on the north the [part of the]
Mediterranean Sea, which is called Adriatic, and the country
which is called Syrtis Minor; and, on the west, to the salt lake,
Byzacium ; and, on the south of it to the ocean, the Natobres,
and Getuli, and Garamantes.
32. The country ByzACIUM, in which is the city Adrumetus, and
Seuges, and the great city Carthage, and the region of Numidia.
They have, on the east of them, the country Syrtis Minor, and
the salt lake; and, on the north of them, is the Mediterranean
Sea; and, on the west of them, Mauretania: and, on the south
of them, the mountains Uzera; and, on the south of the moun-
tains to the ocean, the ever-wandering Æthiopians.—Mauretania:
—On the east of it is Numidia; and, on the north, the Mediter-
ranean Sea; and, on the west, the river Malva; and on the
south, Astria, about the mountains, which separate $ the fruit-
bearing land, and the barren whirling-sand, which then lies south
all the way to the ocean.-Mauretania is called also Tingitana.
On the east of it, is the river Malva; and, on the north, the
mountains, Albenas, and Calpe another mountain, where the end
shoots up from the ocean, between the mountains eastward, where
the pillars of Hercules stand; and, on the west of them to the
ocean is the mountain Atlas; and, on the south, the mountain
called Hesperium; and, on the south of them to the ocean, the
country Aulolum.—Thus have we spoken about the landmarks
of Africa.
+ Oros. l. I: c. II. Haver. p. 29. - f Oros. l. I: c. II. Haver. p. 30.
| Bisacium, Byzacena Regio, Bučáktov, Ávčarcºs Xºpa the south part of Tunis. Oros.
l. I: c. II. Haver. p. 30.
§ Qui dividit inter vivam terram et arenas jacentes usque ad Oceanum.—Tingitana
Mauritania ultima est Africa. Oros. l. I: c. II. Haver. p. 31.
60 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. I, § , 33–36.
33. Now, we will speak about the islands, which are in the
Mediterranean Sea.—The island CYPRUs lies opposite Cilicia and
Isauria, on the arm of the sea which is called Issicus. It is a
hundred and seventy five miles long, and a hundred and twenty
two miles broad.—The island, CRETE:—On the east of it, is the
sea which is called Carpathian; and westerly, and on the north,
the Cretan Sea; and, on the west, the Sicilian, which is also called
the Adriatic. It is a hundred and seventy miles long, and fifty
miles broad.
34. Of the islands, called CycLADES", there are fifty three. On
the east of them, is the Icarian sea; and, on the south, the Cre-
tan; and, on the north, the AEgaean; and, on the west, the
Adriatic.
35. The island, SICILY || is three-cornered. At each corner there
are hills”: the north corner is called Pelorus, near to which is
the city Messina: the south corner is called Pachynum, near
which is the city Syracuse; and the west corner is called Lily-
baeum, near which is the city Lilybaeum. On the north and south,”
it is a hundred and fifty-seven miles long; and the third side,
along the [east] * is a hundred and seventy seven. On the east
of the land is [that part of] the Mediterranean Sea, which is
called Adriatic; and, on the south, that which is called African ;
and, on the west, what is called Tyrrhenian; and, on the north,
is the sea, which is both narrow and rough, towards Italy.
36. The islands, Sardinia § and Corsica are separated by a little
arm of the sea, which is twenty two miles broad.—SARDINIA is
+ Oros. l. I: c. II, Haver. p. 32.
I ‘O'Ioatkos cóAtos Issicus sinus; Issicum sinum vocant. Oros. l. I: c. II, Ha-
ver, p. 32.
T Insulae Cyclades sunt numero quinquaginta tres. Oros. l. I: c. II, Haver. p. 32.--
They were called kvKAdóes, because they lay €u kūkāg in a circle.
| Oros. l. I: c. II. Haver. p. 33.
90 A. S. becrgas, Oros. promontoria, from promontorium. i. e. mons in mare prominens.
91 There is not in the text, the usual accuracy observed in giving the dimensions of this
island. Dr Smith gives them thus:– “The north and south sides are about 175 miles each
in length, not including the windings of the coast; and the length of the east side is about
115 miles.” Classical Dict. of Geog. &c. 8vo. 1850.
92. A. S. west-lang. Here seems to be some mistake; for, the north and south-west sides
having been named, there only remains the east to be mentioned. The scribe seems to
have erroneously written west-lang instead of east-lang.
§ Oros. l. I, c. II: Haver. p. 33, 34.
B. c. 2182] SICILY, SARDINIA, CORSICA, BALEARES : NINUS. 61
thirty three miles long, and twenty two miles broad. On the
east of it, is [that part of] the Mediterranean Sea, which is called
Tyrrhenian, into which the river Tiber flows. On the south is
the sea which lies towards the country of Numidia; and, on the
west, the two islands which are called Baleares; and, on the
north, the island Corsica.
37. CoRSICA:—On the east of it is the city of Rome; and, on
the south, Sardinia; and, on the west, the Balearic islands; and,
on the north, the country of Tuscany. It is sixteen miles long,
and nine miles broad. -
38. The two islands, BALEARES : *—On the [south]” of them,
is Africa; and Cadiz on the west, and Spain on the north.-We
have now spoken shortly about the inhabited islands, that are in
the Mediterranean Sea.
Book I: CHAPTER II.i.
1. One thousand three hundred years before the building of
Rome, [B. C. 2053: Clinton, B. C. 2182.] Ninus, king of
Assyria, first began to reign in this mid-earth; and, from an
immeasurable longing for power, he harassed and fought for fifty
years, until he had brought all Asia under his sway, from the
Red Sea on the south, to the Euxine on the north. He, more-
over, often went with great armies into the north country of the
Scythians, who are said to be the hardiest of men; though, in
worldly goods, they are the poorest. Whilst he was fighting with
them, they became skilful in the arts of war,” though before they
lived a peaceable life. They afterwards bitterly repaid him for
the art of war,” which they had learned from him; and, in their
* Oros. l. I: c. 2. Haver. p. 34.
93 A. S. be norèan.
# Oros. l. I: c. 4. Haver: p. 37–39. The 3rd chapter of Orosius, “De diluvio sub
Noé,” Alfred has entirely omitted.
I Before the building of Rome 1300 years, add 753 years, from the foundation of Rome
to the birth of Christ, make 2053 years, B. C., according to Orosius.-Blair says, the
kingdom of Assyria began under Ninus, B. C. 2059; but Clinton states, that the Assyrian
Chronology of Ctesias, according to Diodorus, gives B. C. 2182, for the beginning of the
Assyrian empire. Then, B. C. 2182, take 50 years, the reign of Ninus, make 2132 years
B. C. for the death of Ninus, and the beginning of Semiramis's reign. She reigned 42 years;
and, therefore, [from 2132 take 42, make 2090] she died B. C. 2090. As these dates
appear to be the most correct, they are given in the text, and at the head of the page.
Clinton's dates are generally adopted for the Chronology of Greece and Rome. See An
epitome of the civil and literary chronology of Greece, etc. by Henry Fynes Clinton Esqr.
M. A. late Student of Christ's Church. 8vo. Oxford, 1851. pp. 101–114.
2 A. S. wig-craefta, war-crafts. 3 A. S. wig-craeft, war-craft.
8
62 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. III, § 1. [b. c. 2182
minds, it was as agreeable to see the shedding of man's blood, as
it was to see the milk of their cattle, upon which they mostly
lived. Ninus overcame and slew Zoroaster, king of the Bactrians,
who was the first man, that knew the arts of the wizzard." At
last, when he was in a city fighting against the Scythians, he was
there shot dead with an arrow.
2. After his death Semiramis, his queen, succeeded, both to the
war and to the kingdom. For forty two years, she carried on
the same war, which she brought upon herself by her manifold
wicked desires. Still, the power, which the king had gained,
seemed too little for her; and, therefore, with womanly zeal, she
fought against the harmless people of Ethiopia; and against the
Indians, with whom no man but Alexander, either before or since,
went to war. She wished to overcome them in war, though she
could not accomplish it. Such desires and wars were then more
fearful than they now are, because they before knew no example
of them, as men now do ; for they lived a harmless life.
3. The same queen Semiramis, after the kingdom was in her
power, was not only always thirsting for man's blood; but also,
with unbounded profligacy, formed plans for such manifold lewd-
ness, that she enticed to her bed every one of those, that she
knew to be of the king's family, and afterwards, with guile, put
them all to death. Then, at last, she took her own son to her
bed; and, because she could not fulfil her wicked desire without
the infamy of mankind, she published, over all her kingdom, that
there should be no bar to marriage between any kindred.
Book I: CHAPTER III.”
1. One thousand one hundred and sixty years before the build-
ing of Rome, [B. C. 1913: Blair, B. C. 1897] the fruitful land,
on which were the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, was burnt up
by fire from heaven. That [land] was between Arabia and Pales-
tine. There was an abundance of fruit, chiefly because the river
4 A. S. dry-craeftas, wizzard-crafts.
* Oros. l. I: c. 5. Haver. p. 40–43.—Alfred omits the first part of this chapter, which
relates to Pentapolis [IIevrátroMs] the five “cities of the plain” [Gen. XIII, 12] of sou-
thern Jordan, Sodom, Gomorrah, Adama, Zeboim and Zoar, all of which, except Zoar, were
destroyed, and the valley in which they stood was buried beneath the waters of the Dead Sea.
Pentapolis is mentioned in the Book of Wisdom, X, 6, where Lot is said to have escaped
catašáatov trip IIevratróNeos. The other parts of this chapter, Alfred has much
abridged.
B. c. 1897] REIGN OF SEMIRAMIS: SODOM AND GOMORRAH BURNT. 63
Jordah, every year, overflowed the mid-land with water a foot
deep ; and thus manured it.
2. Then the people immoderately enjoyed this great wealth,
till great sensuality waxed within them ; and, for this sensuality,
God's wrath so came upon them, that he burnt up all the land
with sulphurous fire. Afterwards there was standing-water over
the land, through which the river formerly flowed. The part of
the dale, which the flood did not reach, is to this day fertile in
fruits of every kind; and they are very fair, and pleasant to look
1 This isnot in the original Latin of Orosius, as edited by Havercamp, but the edition
of 1471 by Schuszler [see Introduction p. 10 note 2] contains the whole sentence. This
would lead to the conclusion, that Alfred translated from a MS. connected with that from
which Schuszler printed [See ch. XIV, § 3, note 1]. The edition of 1471 inserts—“Spectes
illic poma virentia et formatosuvarum racemos, ut edentibus gignant cupiditatem, si carpas,
fatiscunt in cinerem, fumumque excitant, quasi ardeant.”—Hegesippus, and S. Ambrose
make the same statement, in almost the very same words: see Hegesippus, or Egesippus,
De bello Judaico et urbis Hierosolymorum excidio, Paris, 1511. Book IV, ch. 18.
Though PoMUM is employed to denote any kind of fruit, as an apple, pear, plum, peach,
cherry, grape, olive, nut, etc. [Valpy's Etym. Dict.] like the Spanish and Italian pámo, yet
pómo, in these languages, is particularly used, as the French pomme, only for the fruit of the
apple tree. Hence perhaps, the Latin poma has been taken in its restricted sense, to sig-
nify apples. Hence also, the expression poma Sodomitica has been translated the Apples
of Sodom, and the prevalent impression that the fuit of Sodom here alluded to, as well as that
by which Eve was tempted, was an apple. -
It is pretty clear, that the poma Sodomitica gave rise to the strange story, that all the
fruits, growing near the Dead sea, though beautiful to the sight, dissolved into smoke and
ashes, when they were gathered. This exaggerated story, though alluded to by Strabo, seems
to have been first generally propagated by Josephus, who, however, affirms, that he had it
from eye-witnesses. His words are these—"Eatt 8è kāv Toſs kápTo's a Troöläu dvayev-
vogéumv, ſiðeiv) of Xpóav påv Šxovoſt toſs éðoötuous juotav, Spey'rapévov Šē
Xeporiu eis katvöv čva)\!ovtat kal Tébpav Tó pèv 8) Tepi Tàu Xoëopºrtv
plv6evópeva totaúTmu éxet Triotiv &Tö Tijs ôºreos. Insuper et in fructibus cineres
renascentes, qui specie quidem et colore edulibus similes sunt, manibus autem decerpti in
favillam et cinerem resolvuntur. Atque his quidem, de terra Sodomitica narratis, ejusmodi
fides habetur ex testibus oculatis. Flavii Josephi de bello Jud. Lib. IV, cap. VIII, § 4.
Hudson, p. 1195, line 40. -
The fruit is mentioned by Pliny, I. V., c. 17: Solinus c. 36 and others have given the same
story as Josephus, with some alterations and additions. Tacitus says-“Terramgue ipsam
specie torridam vim frugiferam perdidisse. Nam cuncta sponté edita, aut manu sata, sive
herbae tenues aut flores, ut solitam in speciem adolevère, atra et inania velut in cinerem
vanescunt.” Hist. l. V, c. 6.—Syr John de Maundeville, in his “Voiage and Travailes"
written about 1322, gives the story thus.-And there groweth trees, that beareth fruit of
fair colour, seemeth ripe, and when men breaketh it, they findeth them nought but ashes,
in tokening that, through vengeance of God, those cities were burnt with fire of hell.—
This diversity of description seems to have arisen from the indefinite expressions of the
promulgators of the story—the Kaptrös of Josephus, and the pomum of others. It has
been previously stated, that pomum was used to denote an apple, a plum, grape, etc.
Though there is much exaggeration on the subject, there must have been some truth in it,
for Moses speaks of the fruit of Sodom, in the ears of all the congregation of Israel, and surely
he would not have mentioned this extraordinary fruit, if his hearers had not known of its
64 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. III, § 2. [B. c. 1897
upon ; but, when they are taken into the hand, they turn to
ashes.
existence. Moses only mentions the “vine of Sodom,” and that metaphorically, in the
following manner-" But their vine, [is] of the vine of Sodom, and of the field of
Gomorrah; their grapes [are] the grapes of tº poison, their clusters are bitter: their
wine is the poison of dragons.” Deut. XXXII, 32. *
Michaelis, in his Recueil, Quest. 64; and suppl. ad Lex. Heb. p. 345, says, that the
vine of Sodom is the Solanum or night-shade, which bears a considerable resemblance to
the vitis or white, vine, in its leaves and fruit, which is vinous but poisonous, and which
the Arabs call Hºri +s Ev. F ox-grapes. See Parkhurst's Hebrew Lex, under |El.
In the Solanum, night-shade, or fox-grape, though resembling the vine, there is nothing
like explosion, nothing like smoke and ashes, as Hasselquist remarks, “except when the
fruit is punctured by an insect [Tenthredo], which converts the whole inside into dust,
leaving nothing but the rind entire without any loss of colour.” Therefore, Dr Robertson
objects to the Solanum, and thinks that the Asclepias gigantia vel procera of Botanists
|Sprengel Hist. Rei Herbar. I. p. 252] is more in accordance with the ancient story,
especially as, in Palestine, it is peculiar to the shores of the Dead Sea, while the Solanum
J.
is found in other parts of the country. The Asclepias, called by the Arabs 3:30) el-6sher,
was seen by Dr Robertson about the middle of the western shore of the Dead Sea. He
thus describes the fruit of the Asclepias or ösher. “Externally it greatly resembles a
large smooth apple or orange, hanging in clusters of three or four together; and, when
ripe, it is of a yellow colour. It was now fair and delicious to the eye, and soft to the
touch ; but, on being pressed or struck, it exploded with a puff, like a bladder or puff-ball,
leaving in the hand only the shreds of the thin rind, and a few fibres.”—“It must be
plucked and handled with great care to preserve it from bursting.” Josephus states in the
preceding Greek quotation that “there are still to be seen ashes reproduced in the fruits,
which indeed resemble edible fruit in colour; but, on being plucked with the hands, are
dissolved into Smoke and ashes.” Dr Robertson then observes, “In this account, after a
due allowance for the marvellous, in all popular reports, I find nothing which does not
apply almost literally to the fruit of the Ösher, as we saw it.”
We noticed several Ósher trees, the trunks of which were six or eight inches in diameter,
and the whole height from ten to fifteen feet. They had a grayish cork-like bark, and
long oval leaves. See Dr Robertson's Biblical Researches in Palestine, &c. 3 vols. 8vo.
London vol. II, p. 235–238.
Dr Robertson seems to have been influenced by the popular opinion that this fruit of
Sodom was an apple—the Hebrew Thºn an apple, or rather the citron, lemon or orange.
The Honourable Mr Curzon, in his recent and most interesting work—“Visits to the
Monasteries of the Levant,” thinks he has discovered this fruit of Sodom in what had the
appearance of a plum. His account of the discovery is so graphic, that it must be given
in his own words. “We made a somewhat singular discovery, when travelling among the
mountains to the east of the Dead Sea, where the ruins of Ammon, Jerash, and Adjeloun
well repay the labour and fatigue encountered by visiting them. It was a remarkably hot
and Sultry day : we were scrambling up the mountains through a thick jungle of bushes
and low trees, which rises above the east shore of the Dead Sea, when I saw before me a
fine plum-tree, loaded with fresh blooming plums. I cried out to my fellow traveller, “Now,
then, who will arrive first at the plumtree?’ And, as he caught a glimpse of so refreshing
an object, we both pressed our horses into a gallop, to see which would get the first plum
from the branches. We both arrived at the same moment, and each snatching a fine ripe
plum, put it at once into our mouths; when, on biting it, instead of the cool, delicious,
juicy fruit which we expected, our mouths were filled with a dry, bitter dust, and we sat
under the tree upon our horses, sputtering, and hemming, and doing all we could to be
relieved of the nauseous taste of this strange fruit. We then perceived, and to my great
delight, that we had discovered the famous apple of the Dead Sea, the existence of
B. c. 1823; 1715] of CANDIA: JOSEPH IN EGYPT. 65
Book I: CHAPTER IV.”
1. One thousand and seventy years before the building of
Rome [Orosius B. C. 1823], the people of Candia (Telchines]
and Scarpanto [Carpathus] began a war, and carried it on, till
they were all slain, save very few. However, those Candians,
that were left there, gave up their land and went to the island of
Rhodes, hoping that they had fled from all war, but there the
Greeks found them and utterly put an end to them.
Book I: CHAPTER V.i.
1. Eight hundred years before the building of Rome [Orosius B.
C. 1761 : Blair, B. C. 1715], the Egyptians had very great fertility
in their land, for seven years; and afterwards, they were in the
greatest famine for the next seven years. Then Joseph, a righte-
ous man, helped them by divine aid. Of this Joseph, Pompeius,
the heathen bard, and his follower Justin, thus said:—Joseph
was the youngest of his brethren, and also the wisest of them all;
so that the brethren, being afraid, took Joseph and sold him to
chapmen, and they sold him into the land of Egypt. Pompeius
also said, that he there learnt the arts of magic, and that by these
which has been doubted and canvassed since the days of Strabo and Pliny, who first
described it; but, up to this time, no one had met with the thing itself, either upon the
spot mentioned by the ancient authors, or elsewhere. I brought several of them to
England.” -
This deceitful apple is a kind of gall-apple, about 2 inches long, produced by a small
insect. “A kind of oak-gall, formed by an insect upon the branches of a species of ilex,
and is the only fruit or apple hitherto met with by travellers, which answers the description
of the ancient writers, though the gourds of the colchicum, solanum melongena called
abeschaez, the Ösher plant—have been by some thought to be the one in question.”
After taking into consideration, what travellers have written, on this subject, it is
difficult to determine, which is correct, and what particular fruit is meant when we speak
of the apple or rather the fruit of Sodom. There seems to be some ground for the state-
ment of Josephus, that the fruit “dissolved into smoke and ashes,” if his informant had
seen the gall-apple, mentioned by Mr Curzon as like “fresh blooming plums.” But even
the fruit itself, as well as the sort of fruit, is doubtful. Neither Maundrell nor Carne could
see or hear any thing of the Apple of Sodom, and neither they nor Lord Bacon believed
that it had any existence. The scriptural statemant, as to the “vine of Sodom,” cannot be
doubted, and it seems to be followed by Orosius in his “formatos uvarum racemos.” In
this case, the Solanum would appear to be the fruit [not the apple] of Sodom alluded to,
and mentioned by Michaelis and Hasselquist, especially...if what the latter has said be
considered, that when the fruit of the Solanum is punctured by an insect, the whole inside
is converted into dust, without any loss of fulness or colour.
* Alfred has omitted the sixth chapter of Orosius, Comparatio cladis Sodomiticae et
Romanæ, Haver. p. 43, 44; and, in this IV chapter, he comprises the VII Chap. of Orosius,
Haver. p. 45–47.
f Oros. l. I: c. 8, Haver. p. 48–51.
I Justin, l. XXXVI, c. 2.
66 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. VI, § 1. [b. c. 1715
arts he used to work many wonders, that he could thus well
explain dreams; and that, therefore, by this art he became very
dear to Pharaoh, the king. He [Pompeius] said that he [Joseph]
by the art of magic had so learned divine wisdom, that he had
foretold the fruitfulness of the land for those seven years, and the
want of the next seven years, that came after; and how, by his
wisdom, he stored up in the former seven years, so that during
the following seven years, he supported all the people in the great
famine. He said that Moses was Joseph's son,” and that the arts
of magic were naturally from him, because he wrought many
wonders among the Egyptians. For the plague, which came
upon the land, the bard said that the Egyptians drove out Moses
with his people; because, Pompeius and the Egyptian priests
said that the godlike wonders, which were wrought in their land,
were ascribed not to the true God, but to their own gods, which
are idols, because their gods are teachers of the arts of magic.
The people still keep up this token of Joseph's law, because,
every year, they give up, as tribute to the king, the fifth part of
all the fruits of the earth.
2. The famine in Egypt was in the days of the king, who is
called Amasis, though it was their custom to call all their kings,
Pharaoh. At the same time, Belus reigned in Assyria, where
Ninus was before. Among the people, called Argives, Apis reign-
ed as king. At that time, there were not any kings, except in
these three kingdoms, but afterwards their example was followed
over all the world. It is a wonder, that the Egyptians felt so
little thanks to Joseph for his having rid them of the famine, that
they soon dishonoured his kindred, and made them all their slaves.
So also it is still, in all the world: if God, for a very long time,
grant any one his will, and he then takes it away for a less time,
he soon forgets the good, which he had before, and thinks upon
the evil which he then hath.”
Book I: CHAPTER VI.*
1. Eight hundred winters and ten years before the building of
2 Orosius has :—Filius Joseph Moyses fuit [non secundum carnem, sed secundum na-
turam, quia filius Mambre fuit Moses;] quem praeter paternae scientiae haereditatem etiam
formae pulchritudo commendabat. l. I: c. 8. Haver. p. 48, 49, and note 10.
3 This is one of those beautiful moral conclusions of Alfred, which he so frequently adds
to his version of Boethius.
* Oros. l. I: c. 9. Haver. p. 51, 52.
B. c. 1563; 1558] AMPHICTYON, DEUCALION: MOSES, EGYPT. 67
Rome [Orosius, B. C. 1563), Amphictyon, the king reigned in
Athens, a city of the Greeks. He was the third king that reigned
after Cecrops, who was the first, king of that city. In the time
of this Amphictyon, there was so great a flood over all the
world,—though most in Thessaly, a Grecian city, about the
mountains, called Parnassus, where king Deucalion reigned,—
that almost all the people perished. King Deucalion received all
those, that fled to him in ships to the mountains, and fed them
there. Of this Deucalion, it was said, as a proverb, that he was
the parent of mankind, as Noah was.
2. In those days, there was the greatest pestilence among the
Ethiopians, a people of Africa; so that few of them were left.—
It was also, in those days, that Liber Pater overcame the harm-
less people of India, and almost brought them to an end, either
by drunkenness, by lusts, or by manslaughter: nevertheless,
after his days, they had him for a god; and they said that he
was lord of all war.
Book I: CHAPTER VII.*
1. Eight hundred and five years, before the building of Rome
[B. C. 1558: Blair, B. C. 1491], Moses led the people of Israel
out of Egypt, after the many wonders, that he had done there.--
The first was, that their waters became blood.—Then, the second
was, that frogs came over all the land of the Egyptians, so many
that no work could be done, nor any meat cooked, that there
was not nearly as much of the vermin, as of the meat, ere it was
cooked.—After that, a third evil was, that gnats came over all
the land, both within and without, with fire-smarting bites, and
gave endless pain to man and beast.—Then, the fourth was,
what was most disgraceful of all, that dog-flies' came over all
mankind; and they crept upon men, between the thighs, and
over all the limbs, as it was well fitting that God should bring
low the greatest pride, with the most vile and disgraceful punish-
ment.—The fifth was the death of their cattle.—The sixth was,
that all the people had blisters, which painfully burst, and then
* Oros. l. I. c. 10. Haver. p. 52–57.
1. A. S. Hündes fleogan, literally hound's or dog's flies. Orosius wrote:—Post muscas
caninas, etiam per interiora membrorum horridis motibus cursitantes, acerbeque inferentes
tam graviora tormenta quam turpia. Haver. p. 55,-In Exod. VIII, 21, it is translated,—Ic
send eall fleogena cynn.
68 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. VII, § 2. [B. c. 1558
putrid matter oozed out.—The seventh was, that there came
hail, which was mingled with fire, so that it slew both the men
and the cattle, as well as all that was waxing and growing in the
land.—The eighth was, that locusts came and ate all the blades
of grass, that were above the earth; and also gnawed the germs,
and roots.-The ninth was, that there came hail, and so great a
darkness, both by day and night, and so thick that it might be
felt.—The tenth was, that all the young men and all the maidens,
who were the first-born in the land, were killed in one night;
and, though the people would not before bow down to God, they
now unwillingly yielded to him. As they before hindered Moses
and his people, from going away, so now they were much more
eager that they should go from them. But their repentance
very soon turned to a worse resolve. The king then, with his
people, quickly followed after them, and wished to turn them
back to Egypt. Pharaoh the king had six hundred war-chariots,
and so great was his other army, that we may know why those
were afraid, that were with Moses: there were six hundred
thousand men However, God lessoned Pharaoh's great multi-
tude, and brought low their overweening pride,-and dried up
the Red Sea into twelve ways, before Moses and his people,
so that they went over the sea with dry feet. When the Egyp-
tians saw that, then their magicians, Geames, and Mambres,'
encouraged them; and they trusted, that, through their arts of
magic, they might go the same way. When they were within
the passage of the sea, then were they all overwhelmed and
drowned. The mark, where the wheels of the war-chariots went,
is still to be seen on the sea-shore. God gives this as a sign to all
mankind : though the wind, or sea-flood, cover it over with sand,
yet it is seen again, as it was before
2. At that time, there was such excessive heat in all the world,
1. These names are the addition of Alfred. He evidently refers to the 2nd of Timothy,
III, 8, which the Vulgate gives, “Iannes et Mambres restiterunt Moysi.” Our authorized
version has, “Jannes and Jambres withstood Moses.” The names are not given in Exodus
VII, 11, but St Paul quotes them from the old records of the Jews. The Targum of Jona-
than ben Uzziel writes them “Janis and Jambris.”: the Babylonian Talmud, “Joanne and
Mambre.”—Wiclif's version of A. D. 1380 has, Iammes and Manbres agenstoden Moises—
Tyndale in 1584, Cranmer in 1539, and the Geneva in 1557, have, “Iannes and Iambres:”
the Rheims in 1582 has, “Iannes and Mambres"—and our authorized version of 1611 has,
“lannes and Iambres.” The Iammes or Jammes and Mambres of Wiclif, and of the Vul-
gate, in Anglo-Saxon times, would be Alfred's “Geames and Mambres.”
B. c. 1528] EXCESSIVE HEAT—DANAUS AND BUSIRIS. 69
that men not only suffered much, but nearly all the cattle died.
The most southern Ethiopians had burning instead of heat; and
the most northern Scythians unknown heat. Then many unwise
men used this saying and leasing-speech, that the heat was not
for their sins; but said, that it was for the fault of Phaëton,' who
was only a man.
Book I: CHAPTER VIII.”
1. Six hundred and five years before the building of Rome,
[Alfred, B. C. 1358, Orosius B. C. 1528] fifty men, in Egypt, were
all slain in one night, by their own sons; * and all these men
were the offspring of two brothers. When this was done, the
brothers were still living. The elder, with whom this evil began,
was called Danaús. He was driven from his kingdom, and fled
into the country of Argos, and Sthenelas the king welcomed him
there; though he afterwards repaid him with evil, when he
[Danails] drove him from his kingdom.
2. In those days, it was the custom of Busiris, king of Egypt,
to sacrifice all the strangers that visited him, and to offer them
to his gods.--Orosius said, I wish now that they would answer
me, who say that this world is worse, at present, under Christi-
anity, than it was before in heathenism, when they made such
sacrifices, and were guilty of such murder, as I have just said.
Where is it now, in any Christian country, that, among themselves,
a man needs dread such a thing, as to be sacrificed to any gods !
or where are our gods, that desire such crimes as theirs
3. In those days, Perseus the king went from Greece into Asia
with an army, and made war on those people, till they yielded to
1 An allusion is here made to the fabulous account, given by the poets, of Phaëton, who
drove the chariot of his father Phoebus or the sun, so near the Ethiopians, that their blood
was dried up, and their skin became black, and that therefore this colour is prevalent among
the inhabitants of the torrid zone.—The A. S. of the last part of the sentence is very brief:-
for Feotontis forscăpunge, ánes mannes, for the misconduct or fault of Phaëton, one man,—
or for the fault of one man, Phaëton.
* Oros. l. I: c. XI. Haver. p. 59, 60. This VIII chap. of Alfred contains the XI and
XIIth of Orosius, v. § 4.
2 This is an error, from taking the Latin of Orosius in too literal a sense: —Inter Danai
atque AEgypti fratrum filios quinquaginta parricidia una nocte commissa sunt. Here, parri-
cidium ſquasi patri-vel parenti-cidium, a caedendo] is taken too literally as the murder of
a father only, while it denotes the murder of any relation, and, in the present case, the
murder of husbands by their wives. Reference is here made to the 50 sons of Danaïs and
the 50 daughters of his twin-brother AEgyptus. The daughters of Ægyptus were given in
marriage to their cousins, and they ali, except Hypermnestra, murdered their husbands in
the bridal night. Apollodorus, II, 1, § 5.
70 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. IX, $ 2. [B. c. 1413
him. He gave his own name to the people, so they were
afterwards called Persians.
4. Orosius + said, I know well that I must here pass over
much, and must shorten the story which I tell,—because the
Assyrians bore rule one thousand one hundred and sixty years,
under fifty kings, that it never was without war until Sardana-
palus was slain,_and, afterwards, power was given to the Medes.
Who is there that can count or relate all the evils, which they
did l—Moreover, I will be silent about the most shameful stories
of Tantalus and Pelops;–how many scandalous wars Tantalus
waged, after he was king;-about the boy Ganymedes, whom he
took by force;—and how he killed his own son for an offering
to his gods, and he himself dressed him as meat for them.—I
shall also weary if I speak about Pelops, and about Dardanus,
and about the wars of the Trojans, because their wars are known
in history, and in poetry. I must also pass over all things that
are said of Perseus and of Cadmus ; and also those which are
said of the Thebans, and of the Spartans. I will, likewise, pass
over in silence the wicked deeds of the Lemniades, and of king
Pandion, how cruelly he was driven away by the Athenians, his
own people. How Atreus and Thyestres slew their own fathers,
I pass over, and all about their hateful adulteries. I also pass
over, how CEdipus slew his own father, and his step-father, and
his step-son. In those days, were such unbounded evils, that
men of themselves said, the very stars of heaven fled from
their wickedness.
Book I: CHAPTER IX.”
1. Six hundred and sixty years before the building of Rome
[Orosius B. C. 1313.−Alfred B. C. 1413] there was that very
great battle between the Cretans and the Athenians. The
Cretans gained the bloody battle, and took all the most noble
children of the Athenians and gave them for food to the Minotaur,
which was half man and half lion.
2. It was in those days, that the Lapithae and Thessalians were
at war with each other. When the Lapithae saw the people of
Thessaly, on their horses, fighting against them, they called them
Centaurs, which are half horse and half man, because they never
before saw them fight on a horse.
+ Oros. l. I: c. XII. Haver. p. 60–62
* Oros. l. I : c. XIII; Haver. p. 62, 63.
B. c. 1233] LAPITHAE AND CENTAURS–VESOGES AND SCYTHIANS. 7I
Book I: CHAPTER X.”
1. Four f hundred and eighty years before the building of Rome,
[Orosius B. C. 1233] Wesoges, king of the Egyptians, waged war
in the south of Asia, until the greatest part yielded to him. Ves-
oges afterwards went with an army unto the Scythians, in the
northern parts, and sent his message bearers before to the people,
and told them to say without wavering, that they must either
pay him for the freedom of the land, or he would harass and
bring them to an end by war. They then wisely answered him
and said, “That it was greedy and unjust, that so wealthy a
king should go to war with so poor a people, as they were.”
They, however, told them to say, in answer, “That they would
rather fight against him, than pay taxes.” They so followed it
up, that they soon put to flight the king with his people, and pur-
sued him, and laid waste all Egypt, save only the fen-lands.
They then turned towards home by the west of the river
Euphrates. They forced all Asia to pay them taxes, and were
there fifteen years, harassing and wasting the land, till their
wives sent messengers after them, and told them,-" That they
should make their choice: either they should come home, or
they would choose other husbands.” They then left the country,
and went homeward.
2. At the same time, two noble men, called Plynos and Scolo-
pythus, were driven from Scythia. They left the country, and
abode between Capadocia and Pontus, near Asia the Less : there
they fought till they took the land. After a short time, they
were slain, through treachery, by the people of the country.
Then their wives, not only the wives of the princes, but of the
other men slain with them,--were so sore in their minds and so
much grieved, that they took up arms with the view of revenging
their husbands. Soon after, they slew all the men, that were in
their neighbourbood. They did so, because they wished the
other wives to be as full of grief as themselves, that they might
afterwards have their help, and be more able to revenge their
husbands. Then, all the women came together and waged war
*This chapter contains c. XIV, XV, and XVI of Orosius; Haver. p. 63–69.
f Oros. l. I : c. XIV. p. 63, 64.
f Oros. l. I: c. XV. Haver. p. 64–67.
1 Oros, has Scolpythus, Scolopitus, Scolopesius and Scolopetius. Haver. p. 64, note 2.
72 OROSIUS; Book I: CHAP. X, $ 4. [B. c. 1233
on the people, and slew all the males, taking much of the land
into their hands. In the midst of the war, they made peace with
the men. It was afterwards their custom, that, each year, about
twelve months, they went together, and then bore children.
Whenever the women had children, they reared the females, and
slew the males. They seared the right breast of the female chil-
dren to stop its growth, that they might have a stronger bow;
they were, therefore, called in Greek Amazons, that is in English,
seared.”
3. Two of them, called Marpesia and Lampeto, were their
queens. They divided their army into two parts;–one to be at
home to hold their land,-the other to go out to war. They
afterwards overran the greatest part of Europe and Asia, and built
the city of Ephesus, and many others in Asia the Less. Then
they sent the greatest part of their army home with their booty,
and left the other part there to hold the country. Marpesia, the
queen was slain there, and a great part of the army, that was with
her. There also, her daughter Sinope became queen. Sinope,
the same queen, besides her courage and her manifold virtues,
ended her life in maidenhood.
4. In those days there was so great a dread of these women,
that neither Europe, nor Asia, nor any of the neighbouring coun-
tries could think or plan, how to withstand them, till they had
chosen Hercules the giant to overcome them, by all the arts of
the Greeks. Yet he durst not venture to attack them with an
army, before he began with Grecian ships, called Dulmunus,”
of which, it is said, that one ship would hold a thousand men.
Then he stole upon them unawares by night, and grievously slew
and destroyed them; and yet he could not take away their land.
In those days, two of their queens, Antiope and Orithyia, were
sisters; and Orithyia was taken. After her Penthesileia took the
sovereignty, who, in the Trojan war, became very great.
1 Orosius has.-Inustis infantium dexterioribus mamillis, ne sagittarum jactus inpediren-
tur, unde Amazones dictae. Haver. p. 65.—Diodorus says, it was their custom [Töv 8eštov
plašov étukaſeuv} to burn the right breast, and it was for this reason that [Tö éðvos Tów
'Auagóvou] the nation of the Amazons received their name [lib. II.]; that is, & with-
Out, pagós a breast. Amongst the various opinions, as to the derivation of this word, one
is, that it is composed of 3 or du intensive, and āśo to dry, parch, or sear. If this be
correct, Alfred has given the right explanation—“On Greacisc Amazanas, paet is on
Englisc, fortende.”
2 Oros. Longas naves praeparărit. Haver, p. 67.
B. c. 1192] AMAZONS, THEIR CUSTOMS AND CONQUESTS-GOTHS. 73
\.
5. It is shameful, * said Orosius, to speak about what then
happened, when such poor and such strange women had overcome
the most powerful part, and the bravest men of all the world, in
Europe and Asia. Then they almost entirely wasted and destroyed
the old cities and old towns. After they had done that, they both
settled kingdoms, and built new cities; and, for nearly a hundred
years, they ruled the whole world as they wished. Men were then
so familiar with every trouble, that they held it as little or no
disgrace, and as no evil, that the poor women [the Amazons] so
tormented them.
6. Now the Goths, came from the bravest men of Germany,
whom both Pyrrhus, the fierce king of the Greeks, and Alexander,
as well as Julius, the powerful emperor, all feared to meetin battle.
—How immoderately, O Romans ! do ye murmur and complain,
that it is worse with you now, under Christianity, than it then was
with the people, because the Goths harassed you a little, and broke
into your city, and slew some of you ! From their knowledge, and
their bravery, they might have had power over you against your
will; but they now quietly ask a peaceable agreement with you,
and some part of the land, that they may be able to help you.
Ere this, it lay barren and waste enough, and you made no use of
it. How blindly many people speak about Christianity, that it is
worse now, than it was formerly. They will not think nor know,
that, before Christianity, no country, of its own will, asked peace
of another, unless it were in need; nor where any country could
obtain peace from another by gold, or by silver, or by any fee,
without being enslaved. But since Christ was born, who is the
peace and freedom of the whole world, men may not only free
themselves from slavery by money, but countries also are peace-
able without enslaving each other. How can you think that men
had peace before Christianity, when even their women [the Ama-
zons] did such manifold evils in this world !
Book I: CHAPTER XI.f.
1. Four hundred and thirty years before the building of Rome,
[Orosius B. C. 1183: Clinton, B. C. 1192] it happened, that Alex-
ander, the son of Priam, king of the Trojans, took Helen the wife
* Oros. l. I: c. XVI. Haver. p. 68, 69.
f Orosius, l. I: c. 17. Haver. p. 70, 71.
1 This second son of Priam was generally called Paris, but he was also known by the
74 OROSIUS; Book I, CHAP. XII. § 1. [b. c. 630
of king Menelaus, from Lacedaemon, a city of the Greeks. About
her, there arose that celebrated war, and the great battles of the
Greeks and Trojans. The Greeks had a thousand ships of the
great Dulmunus *; and they took an oath among themselves that
they would never return, till they had wreaked their vengeance.
For ten years, they surrounded the city and fought. Who is there
that can reckon how many men were slain, on both sides, of which
the poet Homer has most clearly spoken Orosius, therefore, said,
I have no need to relate it, because it is tiresome, and also known
to many. Nevertheless, whoever wishes to know it, may read in
his books, what evils, and what victims there were, by man-slaugh-
ter, and by hunger, and by shipwreck, and by various misdeeds, as
we are told in histories.
2. War was waged between these people for full ten years.
Think then of those times, and of these, which are the better |
3 Then * that war was soon after followed by another. Æneas
with his army went from the Trojan war into Italy. In books
we may also see in how many labours, and in how many battles
he was there engaged.
Book I: CHAPTER XII.i.
1 Sixty four years before the building of Rome, [Orosius B. C.
817: Clinton B. C. 630] Sardanapalus, the king reigned in As-
syria, where Ninus was the first king, and Sardanapalus was the
last that reigned in that land. He was a very luxurious man,
and effeminate, and very lascivious, so that he loved the company
of women more than of men. When that was found out by
Arbaces, his chief officer, who was set over the country of the
Medes, he began to plot with the people over whom he was, to
deceive the king, and to withdraw from him all those who, it was
feared, would support him. When Sardanapalus found, that he
had been deceived, he burnt himself to death ; and then the Medes
became rulers over the Assyrians. It is hard to say, after this,
how many wars there were between the Medes, Chaldeans and
name of Alexander ['AAééavôpos, &\éo to defend, &uip, &vöpös a man] because he
valiantly defended the shepherds on mount Ida.
2 This is Alfred's translation of the “mille navium ” of Orosius, Haver. p. 70. In page
67 he calls them “longas naves,” for which the king puts Dulmunus. v. b. I : ch. X, $ 4,
note 2.
* Orosius, l. I: c. 18. Haver. p. 72.
t Orosius, l. I: c. XIX. Haver. p. 73–77.
B. c. 630] ASSYRIA conquered BY THE MEDES, AND THEY by THE PERSIANS. 75
Scythians; but this we may know, that, while such mighty king-
doms were at war, there must have been dreadful slaughter in
their battles.
2. After this, king Phraortes reigned in Media. Next to Phra-
ortes, Deioces reigned, who greatly enlarged the empire of the
Medes. After Deioces, Astyages, who had no son, succeeded to
the sovereignty; but he took Cyrus, his nephew, from the country
of Persia, as his son. Then, as soon as Cyrus was grown up, being
unwilling, as well as the Persians, to be under the power of his uncle
and of the Medes, they went to war. Then Astyages, the king,
especially turned his thoughts to Harpalus, his chief officer,
trusting that he, with his skill, might withstand his nephew in
battle; for the king did not call to mind the many wrongs, that
each had done the other in former days, nor how the king ordered
his son to be slain, and afterwards to be dressed as meat for the
father." However, their quarrel was made up. Then the chief
officer went with an army against the Persians; and soon fleeing,
he wholly misled the great part of the people, and with treachery
put them into the power of the Persian king. In that battle fell
the power and dignity of the Medes.
3. When the king had found out the deceit, which the chief
officer had practiced against him, he gathered what forces he could,
and led them against his nephew. Cyrus, king of the Persians,
kept a third part of his army behind him, for this reason, that, if
any one in the battle should flee farther than the people that were
behind, they should slay him, as they would their enemies. How-
ever, it happened that they turned a little to flee, when their wives,
running towards them, were very angry, and asked, if they durst
not fight, whither they would flee –that they had no refuge, un-
less they went into the womb of their wives.” Then after the
wives had so indignantly reproached them, they turned again, and
put his whole army to flight, and took the king. Cyrus then gave
his uncle all the honour, which he formerly had, save being king;
and he gave up all that, because Harpalus the chief officer, for-
1 This refers to the well known account of Astyages, who, by a shocking artifice, com-
pelled Harpagus to eat the flesh of his only son, because he had not put to death the infant
Cyrus. This most horrid fact was made known to the wretched father before he left the
table, by exposing to Harpagus the head and hands of his beloved and only son. Herodo-
tus, Clio, § 119. A minute account is given, from $ 107 to 129.
2 Num in uteros matrum vel uxorum vellent refugere. Oros. l. I: c. XIX. Haver. p. 77.
76 OROSIUS, Book I: CHAP. XIV, $ 1. [B. c. 432
merly betrayed him to his own people. But Cyrus, his nephew,
gave him the country of Hyrcania to govern. Thus the empire
of the Medes ended, of which Cyrus with the Persians, took the
government. But the towns, in many countries, which formerly
paid tribute to the Medes, caused Cyrus many battles.
4. In “ those days, a certain prince called Phalaris, wished to
rule in the country of Agrigentum. He was of the island of Sicily;
and he tortured the people with immeasurable pain, that they might
submit to him.—There was there a certain brass-founder, who
could make various images. Then the founder, thinking to please
the prince, offered to assist him in torturing the people. He did
so, and made an image of a bullin brass, so that, when it was hot,
and they put wretched men into it, the noise would be greatest
when they were suffering the torment; and also, that the prince
should have both his pleasure and his wish, when he heard the
torture of these men. When it was heated, and every thing done
as the founder formerly promised the prince, he then viewed it,
and said:—“That it became no man better to prove the work,
than the workman, who had made it.”—Then he ordered them to
take him, and put him into it.
5. Why do men speak against these Christian times, and say that
they are now worse, than they were, when if any one did wrong,
even by the desire of kings, they could thereby find no mercy
from them 2 Now, kings and emperors, if any one become guilty,
in opposition to them, grant forgiveness for the love of God, ac-
cording to the measure of the guilt.
Book I: CHAPTER XIII.i.
1. Thirty years before the building of Rome [Orosius B. C.
783–Clinton, B. C. 432] it was, that the Peloponnesians and
Athenians, people of Greece, with all their forces, fought with
each other; amd the slaughter was so great on both sides, that
few of them were left. In those days, the women [Amazons]
who were formerly in Scythia, waged war a second time in Asia,
and very much wasted and harassed it.
Book I: CHAPTER XIV.
1. Twenty years before [Clinton 30 after] the building of
* Orosius, l. I: c. 20, Haver. p. 77. 78.
+ Oros. l. I: c. XXI, Haver. p. 79.
f Oros. l. I: c. XXI, Haver, p. 79–84.
B. C. 723] WAR OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS AND MESSENIANS. 77
Rome [Orosius B.C. 773 : Clinton B. C. 723] the Lacedaemo-
nians and Messenians, people of Greece, had been at war with
each other for twenty years, because the Messenians were unwill-
ing that the Lacedaemonian maidens should offer with theirs,
and sacrifice to their gods. At last, when they had drawn all
the people of Greece to the war, the Lacedaemonians surrounded
the city of Messene for ten years; and took oaths that they would
never come home till they had avenged themselves. They then
reasoned among themselves, and said that they should very soon
be without help from their posterity, since they thought they
should be there so long, and had confirmed that by their pledges;
and that they did more good than evil to their enemies. With
that, they resolved that those, who were not at the taking
of the oaths, should go home and have children by all their
wives. The others surrounded the town, till they had taken it.
They were, however, but a little while obedient to them.
2. But they chose an Athenian poet i for their king, and went
again with an army against the Messenians. When they came
near, then they doubted whether they were able to withstand
them. Their king then began to sing and play; and by his poetry
so greatly strengthened their courage, that they said, they were
able to withstand the army of the Messenians. However, there
were few left on either side, and the people of Greece suffered
many years, as well from the Lacedaemonians, the Messenians,
and the Boeotians, as from the Athenians; and they drew many
other nations into the same war.
3. Thus, it is shortly stated what formerly happened before
Rome was built, which, from the beginning of the world, was four
thousand, four hundred, and eighty two years [Blair 3251]; and,
after it was built, our Lord's birth was about seven hundred and
ten years [Blair and Clinton 753].
4. Here the first book ends, and the second begins.
+ The famous lyric poet Tyrtaeus.
1 The dates are not given in the Latin text of Havercamp [see p. 10, note 1 J; but, in
the first German edition by Schuszler, 1471 [v. p. 10, note 2], the following gloss has found
its way into the text, and Alfred may have translated from a MS. like that, from which
Schuszler printed, [see ch. III, § 2, note 1. p. 63] but differing as to the precise dates—Ab
orbe condito usque ad urbem conditam anni IIII mille, CCCCLXXXVII. Ab urbe condita
usque ad nativitatem Christi, DCCXV colliguntur. Ergo ab origine mundi in adventum
Domini nostri anni V mille XCVIIII [5192]. Finit liber primus feliciter.”
Alfred's calculation, though differing in * exactly agrees in result with the MS.
78 OROSIUS; Book II, CHAP. 1. § 1, 2. [B. C. 2182
Book II : CHAPTER I.”
1. I ween, said Orosius, that there is no wise man, who knows
not well enough, that God created the first man just and good;
and all mankind with him. And because he forsook the good,
which was given to him, and chose the worse, then God at length
avenged it; first on [man] himself, and afterwards on his children,
with manifold miseries and wars throughout all the world : yea,
he also lessened all the earth's fruitfulness, by which all moving
creatures live. Now, we know that our Lord made us : we know
also that he is our governor, and loves us with a more just love
than any man. Now, we know that all empires are from him :
we know also, that all kingdoms are from him ; because all em-
pires are from kingdoms. Now, as he is governor of the less,
how much more, think we, that he is over the greater kingdoms,
which had such unbounded powers.
2. The first [empire] was the Babylonian, where Ninus reign-
ed:—The second was the Grecian, where Alexander reigned :—
The third was the African, where the Ptolemies reigned :-The
fourth is [that of the Romans, who are yet reigning * [A.D. 4123).
These four chief empires are, by the unspeakable providence of
God, in the four parts of this mid-earth. The Babylonian was
the first, on the east :-the second was the Grecian, on the north :
—the third was the African, on the south :—the fourth is the
Roman, on the west. The Babylonian the first, and the Roman
the last, were as father and son, as they could easily rule as
they wished. The Grecian and African were as if they obeyed,
from which Schuszler printed.—Alfred gives 4482 years, from the beginning of the world
to the foundation of Rome, and from thence to the birth of Christ 710 years, making a total
of 5192 years, from the Creation to Christ.—Schuszler's MS. gives, for the same periods,
4487, to which add 715, making the total of 5192 years, the same as Alfred. They both
follow the calculation of Eusebius, who adopted the longer generations of the Septuagint
[See Book VI, Ch. 38 $ 23 note,)—The shorter generations of the Hebrew Bible are generally
followed, as is seen from what is given between brackets in the text, from Dr Blair: thus
to 3251 add 753, make 4004 years from the creation to the birth of Christ.
* Oros. l. Il. c. I, II, and III, Haver. p. 85–91 : this first chap. of Alfred, therefore,
contains the first three chapters of Orosius.
1. Oros. has Macedonicum, the Macedonian empire. Haver. p. 86, 7. Alfred calls it,
the Grecian empire, considering Macedonia as part of Greece.
2 Orosius lived in the time of the emperor, Arcadius, who reigned in the east, twelve
years, from A. D. 396 to 408; and he wrote this work, in the time of Honorius, the emperor
of the west, from A. D. 410 to 416. See Book VI, Chapter 37, § 1. Also, Introduction,
p. 14, and 15. . . -
B. C. 2182—1018] THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 79
and were subject to them. But I will tell this more fully, that it
may be better understood. -
3. f. The first king was called Ninus, as we said before ; * and,
when he was slain, then Semiramis his queen seized the govern-
ment, and built the city of Babylon, so that it should be the capi-
tal of all the Assyrians; and it stood as such for many years
afterwards, until Arbaces, a chief officer of the Medes, slew Sar-
danapalus, king of Babylon. Then the empire of the Babylo-
nians and Assyrians was brought to an end, and turned to the
Medes. In the same year, in which this happened, Procas, Numi-
tor's father, began to reign in the country of Italy, where Rome
was afterwards built. This Procas was the father of Numitor and
Amulius, and [grandfather J of Silvia. This Silvia was the
mother of Remus and Romulus, who built Rome.—This will I
say, that the kingdoms were not strengthened by the powers of
man, nor by any fate, but by the providence of God.
4. All historians say, that the kingdom of the Assyrians began
with Ninus, and the kingdom of the Romans began with Procas.
From the first year of Nimus's reign, till the city of Babylon was
built, were sixty-four years; also, from the first year, in which
Procas reigned in Italy, were sixty four years, ere the city of
Rome was built. In the same year, that the kingdom of the Ro-
mans began to grow and enlarge, in the days of king Procas, in
the same year Babylon fell, and all the kingdom and the power
of the Assyrians. After their king, Sardanapalus, was slain, the
Chaldeans had free possession of the lands, which were nearest to
the city, though the Medes had the government over them, until
Cyrus king of the Persians began to reign, and laid waste all
Babylonia, and all Assyria, and brought all the Medes under the
power of the Persians. It so happened, that, at the same time,
in which Babylon fell under the power of Cyrus the king, Rome
was freed from the thraldom of the most unrighteous, and the
proudest kings, called Tarquins. When the eastern power fell in
Assyria, the western power arose in Rome.
5. I shall now, said Orosius, speak much more fully against
those who say, that empires have arisen from the power of the
fates, [and] not from the providence of God. How justly it hap-
+ Oros. l. II. c. 2. Haver. p. 87–89.
3 Book I, c. 2, § 1. p. 61.
4 A. S. eam, uncle.
80 OROSIUS; Book II, CHAP. I. § 6. [B. C. 733
pened to these two chief empires, the Assyrian and the Roman,
[is clear] from what we have lately I said, that Ninus reigned in
the eastern empire fifty two years; and, after him, his queen
Semiramis, forty two years; and, about the middle of her reign,
she built the city of Babylon. From the year in which it was
built, the empire lasted one thousand one hundred and nearly
sixty four years, before it was deceived, and its power taken away
by its own chief officer, Arbaces, and by the king of the Medes;
though, as we lately said, there was afterwards, for a little while,
about the city, the freedom of the Chaldeans without dominion.
So likewise it happened with the city of Rome, about one thou-
sand one hundred and nearly sixty-four years, that Alaric, her
governor, and king of the Goths, wished to take away her empire.
She, however, after that kept her full power. Yet each of these
cities, through the hidden power of God, thus became an exam-
ple:—First Babylon, through her own chief officer, when he de-
ceived her king; so also Rome, when her own governor, and king
of the Goths, wished to take away her empire, God did not suffer
it, because of their Christianity—neither because of their em-
peror's, nor of their own; but they are even yet reigning [A. D.
412 2J as well in their Christianity, and in their empire, as by their
emperors.
6. This || I say now, because I wish that they understood, who
speak evil against the times of our Christianity, what mercy there
has been since Christianity came ; and, before that, how manifold
was the misery of the world;—and also that they may know how
seasonably our God, in former times, settled the empires and the
kingdoms, the same, who is now settling, and changing all em-
pires and every kingdom, as he wishes. How like was the begin-
ning, that the two cities had, and how like their days were, both
in good and in evil' But the ends of their empires were very un-
like; for the Babylonians and their king lived in manifold wicked-
ness and sensuality, without any remorse, [so] that they would
not amend, till God humbled them with the greatest disgrace;
when he took away both their king and their dominion. But the
Romans, with their Christian king, served God, wherefore he gave
them both their king and their empire. They, therefore, may mo-
† Oros. l. II: c. 3. Haver. p. 89, 90.
| Oros. l. II: c. 3. Haver. p. 90, 91.
B. C. 753] REMUS AND ROMULUS BUILT ROME. 81
derate their speech, who withstand Christianity, if they will
remember the uncleanness of their elders, and their deadly battles,
and their manifold enmity, and their want of kindness, which they
had to God, and also among themselves; [so] that they could
not obtain any mercy, until the remedy came to them from that
Christianity, which they now most strongly blame.
Book II: CHAPTER II.”
1. The city Rome was built by two brothers REMUs and Ro-
MULUs, about four hundred and forty years [Clinton B. C. 753]
after Troy, a city of [Mysia], was laid waste. Soon after that,
Romulus Sullied their beginning by killing his brother, and
afterwards also by his own marriage, and [that] of his companions.
Such examples he there set, when they prayed, that the Sabines
would give them their daughters for wives, and they refused their
prayers. Nevertheless, without their consent, they obtained them
by stratagem, in as much as they prayed they would assist them,
that they might the more easily sacrifice to their gods. When
they granted this, then they seized their daughters for wives, and
would not give them back to their fathers. There was the great-
est strife about this, for many years, until they were almost en-
tirely slain and brought to naught on both sides. They could, by
no means, be made to agree until the wives of the Romans, with
their children, ran into the battle, and fell at the feet of their
fathers, and prayed that, for the love of their children, they
would make an end of the war. So worthily, and so mildly,
was the city of Rome hallowed in the beginning, with the
blood of a brother, and of fathers-in-law, and with that of
[Amulius] * the uncle of Romulus, whom he also slew, when he
was king, and afterwards took the kingdom to himself! Thus, in
the beginning, did Romulus bless the kingdom of the Romans,—
the wall with his brother's blood, and the temples with the blood
of their fathers-in-law, and the kingdom with his uncle's blood |
* Oros. l. II: c. 2. Haver. p. 92–95.
1 In A. S. Creaca burh, a city of the Greeks. An error—for the city of Priam king of
the Trojans, who dwelt in Mysia, in Asia Minor. According to Alfred, the fall of Troy was
B. C. 1193; for, 440 years, from the all of Troy to the building of Rome, added to 753
years from the building of Rome to the birth of Christ, make 1193, B. C. Clinton gives the
dates more accurately, thus; 430 years after the fall of Troy, added to 753, make 1183
years B. C. See Book I, 11, § 1.
2 A. S. Numetores—Numitor was grand-father to Romulus. See II, 1. § 3, p. 79.
82 OROSIUS, Book II, CHAP. III. § 1. [B. C. 509
And he afterwards betrayed his own father-in-law to death, when
he enticed him to him, and promised that he would divide the
kingdom with him, and then slew him.
2. Then Romulus himself, after this, undertook a war against
the Caeninenses,” because he had, as yet, little power over the
country, but only in the city. Romulus and all the Romans were
thought to be mean by other states; because, in their youth, they
had been servants to others. When they had surrounded the city
of the Caeminenses, and were suffering great famine, they said that
they would rather lose their lives by hunger, than leave the war
or make peace. They, therefore, fought till they stormed the
city; and, after that, they were always at war with the people of
the country, on all sides, until they had taken many towns in the
neighbourhood.
3. But those kings, that reigned after Romulus, were more
wicked and vile than he was, and more hateful and troublesome
to the people; but Tarquin, of whom we have spoken before, was
the worst of them all,—the most vile, the most lustful and the
proudest. He forced to adultery the wives of all the Romans that
he could, and suffered his son to lie with Lucretia, the wife of
Collatinus, the sister of Brutus, when they were with the army,
though by the king they were the most esteemed of the Romans.
For that reason, Lucretia then killed herself. As soon as Colla-
timus her husband, and Brutus her brother, were told of it, they
left the army, which they should have commanded; and, when
they came home, they drove both the king and his son, and all,
who were there, of the king's family, altogether from the kingdom.
After that, the Romans set over themselves leaders, whom they
called consuls, that one man should hold the government one
year.
Book II: CHAPTER III.”
1. Two hundred and four years, after the building of Rome
[B. C. 509], Brutus became the first consul. Romulus their first
king, and Brutus their first consul, were equally cruel.
3 The people of Caenina, one of the petty cities of Latium bordering on the Sabines.
They were the first to rise up in arms against the Romans to avenge the seizing of their
daughters. They were routed by Romulus, and their city probably destroyed, as its name
does not occur in history after this time. The victory of Romulus is recorded by Livy I, 10;
Dionys. : II, 32, 33. Eutropius says, Romulus “Caeninenses vicit, Antemnates, Crustumi-
mos, Sabinos . . . ; haec omnia oppida urbem [Roman] cingunt.” l. I, 2.
* Oros. l. II c. 5. Haver. 96, 97.
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B. C. 509–501] THE SABINE WAR. 83
2. Romulus slew his brother, and his uncle and his father-in-law.
Brutus slew his five sons, and his wife's two brothers; because
they said, it would be better, that the Romans should take back
the royal family, which they had before ; he, therefore, gave
orders to bind them, and scourge them with rods, before all the
people, and afterwards to cut off their heads with axes.
3. Then Tarquin, who was formerly king of the Romans, drew
Porsenna, the king of the Tuscans, to his aid, that he might more
easily overcome Brutus and all the Romans. Then, on account of
this enmity, Brutus himself proposed a single combat; but Tar-
quin sent against him another officer, the son of Aruns, the
proud; and there each of them slew the other.
4. After that, king Porsenna and Tarquin surrounded Rome,
and would have taken it, had it not been for Mucius, a man of
the city, who frightened them with his sayings. When they had
taken him prisoner, they tortured him in such a manner, that they
burnt off his hand, one finger after another, and commanded him
to say how many men there were, who had especially conspired
against king Tarquin. When he would not tell them, then they
asked him, how many men there were, such as he was. He told
them, that there were many of those men, and they had also sworn,
that they would either lose their own life, or [take] king Porsen-
na's. When Porsenna heard that, he altogether gave up the siege
and the war, which he had already been carrying on for three
years.
Book II: CHAPTER IV.
1. Afterwards “ there was the Sabine war, which the Romans
very much dreaded, and they set over themselves a higher leader
than their consul, whom they called Dictator, [B. C. 501] and
with the dictator they gained a great victory. After this, the
Romans stirred up a great strife between the rich and the poor,
and that would have ended in a lasting evil, had they not been
quickly reconciled. In those days, the greatest troubles happened
to the Romans both by famine and by plague, under the two
consuls, Titus and Publius. Then, for a while, they put an end
to their contests, though they could not to the famine and the
1 It was Aruns the son of Tarquin the proud and Brutus, who killed each other in single
combat. Livy, I, 56 : II, 6: Eut. I, 10.
* Oros. l. II: c. 5, Haver. p. 97–99.
84 OROSIUS; Book II, CHAP. IV. § 2–4. [B. C. 480
plague, for manifold miseries greatly afflicted the weary city.
Before the plague was ended, the Veientes and Etruscans waged
war against the Romans, and against the two consuls, Marcus
Fabius and Cneius Manlius [B. C. 480]. The Romans marched
against them, and took an oath that none of them would return
home, unless they had the victory. Though they had the victory,
the Romans were so very much slaughtered, that their only con-
sul, who was left, [Fabius] would not have the triumph, which
they offered him, on his way home; and he said, that they would
have done better to have come to meet him with weeping than
with triumph.
2. What they called a triumph i was, when they had overcome
any people in battle, it was their custom for all the senators to
meet their consuls, after the battle, six miles from the city, with a
chariot adorned with gold and precious stones; and to bring two
white horses. As they went homeward, the senators rode in
chariots after the consuls, and the men, who had been taken, they
drove before them bound, that their great actions might be seen
in a more lordly state. But, if they brought any people under
their power without a battle, when they came homeward, they
were to meet them, from the city, with a chariot, mounted with
silver, and one of each kind of four-footed beasts, in honour of
their consuls. That was then a triumph.
3. Romulus was the first to form a senate; that was a hundred
men; though, after a time, there were three hundred of them.
These always dwelt within the city of Rome, in order—that they
might be their counsellors, and appoint consuls, that all the
Romans should obey them,-and, that they should keep, under
one roof, all the wealth which they had gained, either by tribute
or by pillage,_that they might afterwards apply it, in common,
to the use of all, who were free from bondage.
4. The consuls, who, in those days, undertook the Sabine
war, were of the Fabian family, which was the highest in rank
and the most powerful of all the Romans. Now, to this very day,
it is sung in verse, what a loss their fall was to the Romans.
Moreover many rivers had their names from that battle ; and
+ This account of a Roman Triumph, and the appointment of a senate in § 3, are not
mentioned by Orosius: they are added by Alfred,
f Oros. l. II: c. 5, Haver. p. 99.
B. c. 538] CY RUS—BABY LON.—NIMROD. 85
also the gates, through which they marched from Rome to the
battle, took, from the family, the names, which they still keep.
Afterwards, the Romans chose three hundred and six champions,
that they should go alone to fight against as many of the Sabines” ;
and trusted that they, by their bravery, would gain the victory;
but the Sabines, by their stratagems, slew them all but one, who
made known the sad story at home.—It was not among the Ro-
mans only, but it was thus sung in poetic lays over the whole
world, that there was care, and labour, and great fear.
5 || While the Sabines and Romans were waging war in the
west, Cyrus, king of the Persians, of whom we have before spoken,
at the same time, waged war both in Scythia and in India, till he
had laid waste almost all the east. He afterwards led an army
to Babylon, which was then more wealthy than any other city.
But the river Gyndes, the greatest of all fresh waters, save the
Euphrates, long hindered him from going over, because there
were not any boats there. Then one of his officers proposed to
go over the river by swimming with two tyncenum, but the stream
drove him down. Cyrus, being so vexed in his mind, and so
angry with the river, threatened that he would so avenge his
officer, that women should wade over it only up to the knees,
where it was formerly nine miles broad, when it was flooded. He
followed that up by deeds, for he divided it into four hundred and
sixty streams, and then went over there with his army; and after
that [he passed over] the river Euphrates, which is the largest of
all fresh waters, and runs through the middle of the city of Baby-
lon. By digging he divided it into many streams, and afterwards
marched with all his people in the water-course and reached the
city. How hard it is to be believed, when one states either how
any man could build such a city as that was, or afterwards how it
was taken
6. Nimrod, the giant, first began to build BABYLoN ; and, after
him, king Ninus, and then Semiramis his queen finished it, in the
middle of her reign. The city was built on open and very level
land: it was very fair to look upon, and it was quite a true square.
The greatness and firmness of the wall, when stated, is hardly to
be believed. It is fifty ells broad, and two hundred ells high,
* See Ch. VI, § 1. | Oros. l. II: c. 6, Haver. p. 100, 101. # Id. p. 102, 103.
1 Mr Thomson suggests—tunchens [tonnikens] barrels, now puncheons—Tyncen, dim.
of tunne, a tun; so Ger. tonne gives túnnchen (u : y : : o : Ö).
86 OROSIUS; Book II: CHAP. IV, $ 7, 8. º c. 529 ſ.
and it is seventy miles and the seventh part of a mile, round. It
is built with bricks and earth-tar; and round the wall is a very
great dike, in which runs the deepest stream. Outside the dike,
a wall is built two ells high. Above, and all round the greater
wall, stone towers are built. This very city, Babylon, which was
the greatest and first of all cities, is now the least and most
desolate. Now the city, which was formerly the strongest, most
wonderful and greatest of all works, is as if it were set for a sign
to all the world ; and as if it spoke to all mankind, and said:—
“Now I am thus fallen and gone away : lo! in me ye may learn
and know, that ye have nothing with you so fast and strong, that
it can abide for ever !”
7. * At the time, when Cyrus, king of the Persians, stormed
Babylon, Croesus, king of the Lydians, came with an army to
help the Babylonians; but, when he knew that he could not
help them, and that the city was stormed, he went homeward to
his own kingdom. Cyrus followed after him, till he took and
slew him.—Now, our Christians speak against Rome, because
her walls decay with age,_not because she has been disgraced
by pillage, as Babylon was : but Rome, for her Christianity, is
even yet so shielded, that both she and her empire are fallen
more from age, than by the violence of any king.
8. Cyrus, after that, led an army into Scythia, and there a
young king, and his mother Tomyris, marched against him with
an army. When Cyrus went over the boundary, the river
Araxes, there the young king might have stopped his going
over; but he would not, because he and his people trusted that
they should be able to entrap him, after he was within the boundary,
and had taken a place for his camp. When Cyrus understood
that the young king would attack him there, and also that the
drinking of wine was almost unknown to that people, he went
away from the camp, into a hiding place, and left behind him
every thing that was good and sweet; the young king, therefore,
thought it much more likely, that they had fled, than that they
durst practice a stratagem. When they found the camp so
* Oros. 1. II: c. 4, Haver. p. 103, 104.
1 This is a mistake of the translator. Orosius says, Croesum cepit, captumque et vita
et patrimonio donavit. Herodotus gives all the particulars of Croesus being taken, devoted
to the flames and saved by Cyrus, for uttering the name of Solon. Croesus was then taken
as the friend and counseller of Cyrus, and of his son Cambyses.
f Oros. l. II: c. 7, Haver. p. 104, 105.
B. c. 529] CYRUS—TOMYRIS AND THE SCYTHIANS-DARIUS. 87
forsaken, they, with great joy, drank so much wine, that they
had little power over themselves. Then Cyrus there ensnared
and slew them altogether. Afterwards he marched where the
king's mother was waiting with two parts of the people, he having
entrapped the third part with the king. Then, she-the queen
Tomyris, in great grief, was thinking about the slaughter of the
king, her son, and how she might wreak her vengeance. She
carried out her wish, by dividing her people into two parts, both
women and men; for there, women fight the same as men. She,
with one half, went before the king, as if she were fleeing, till she
led him into a great plain, and the other half followed after
Cyrus. There Cyrus was slain, and two thousand men with him.
The queen then commanded the king's head to be cut off, and to
be thrown into a vessel, which was filled with man's blood; and
thus said:—“Thou, who for thirty years hast thirsted for man's
blood, drink now thy fill.”
Book II : CHAPTER V.
1. *Two hundred and six years after the building of Rome
[Clinton B. C. 529: Orosius B. C. 508 : Alfred B. C. 547] CAM-
BYSEs, son of Cyrus, succeeded to the kingdom of the Persians.
When he overcame Egypt, he did what no heathen king durst do
before, which was, that he cast off all their worship of idols, and
then overthrew them altogether.
2. i. After him reigned Darius, who brought back to the Persians
all the Assyrians, and Chaldeans, that had formerly gone from
them. He then waged war on the Scythians, both because of
their slaughter of Cyrus, his kinsman, and also because they would
not give him a wife. His army was seven hundred thousand,
when he went against the Scythians. The Scythians, however,
would not attack him, in a pitched battle; but, when they were
scattered over the land, they slew them in parties. This made
the Persians have very great fear and dread, lest the bridge,
which was at the boundary, should be broken down; for then,
they knew not how they could come from thence. Then the
king, after a great many of his people were slain, left eighty thou-
sand behind him to carry on the war still longer. He himself
went thence into Asia the Less, and laid it waste; and afterwards
* Oros. l. II: c. 8. Haver. p. 106.
+ Oros. l. II: c. 8. Haver p. 106–109.
88 OROSIUS; Book II: CHAP. V., § 3, 4. [B. c. 480
against the Macedonians, and against the Ionians, a tribe of the
Greeks, and overcame them both. And further, he went against
the Greeks, and waged war against the Athenians, because they
had helped the Macedonians. As soon as the Athenians knew,
that Darius would attack them in battle, they chose eleven thou-
sand men and marched against him. They met the king on the
plain, called Marathon. Their leader was named [Miltiades],
who did more by bravery, than by great forces: he gained great
glory in that battle. Two hundred thousand of the Persians were
then slain, and the others put to flight. When Darius had again
gathered an army among the Persians, and thought to wreak his
vengeance, then he died.
3. After Darius, his son XERxEs succeeded to the empire of
the Persians. For five years, he secretly built ships, and gather-
ed forces for the war, which his father had undertaken. There
was then with him, from Lacedaemon, a city of the Greeks, a
stranger named Demaratus, who told the plot to his country, by
writing it on a board, and afterwards covering it with wax. When
Xerxes went against the Greeks, he had eight hundred thousand
of his own people, and he had asked four hundred thousand from
other nations. He had one thousand two hundred of the large
ships, Dulmunus; and there were three thousand ships, which
carried their food. His whole army was so very large, that it
might well be said, it was a wonder where they could find land,
on which to encamp, or water to quench their thirst. However,
it was then easier to overcome this very great multitude of people,
than for us now to reckon or think.
4. * LEoNIDAs, king of Lacedaemon, a city of the Greeks, had
four thousand men, when he marched against Xerxes, in a narrow
land-fastness, and withstood him there in battle. Xerxes scorned
the other people so much, that he asked, why there should be any
more help against so small an army, save from those only whose
anger was before roused, in the former battle, on the plain of
Marathon. He formed, into one band, those men, whose kins-
men were slain in that country, for he knew they would be more
eager for revenge, than others, and so they were, as they were
almost all slain there. Xerxes, being very angry that so many of
his people were killed, then marched thither himself, with all the
f Oros. l. II: c. 9, Haver. p. 109, 110.
* Oros. l. II: c. 9, Haver. p. 110—112.
B. c. 480] XERXES : THEMISTOCLES. 89
force that he could bring together, and there they fought for
three days till there was a very great slaughter of the Persians.
He then gave orders to surround that fastness [fast-land] that
they might be attacked on more sides than one. When Leonidas
understood that they would thus surround him, he went away
and led his army into another faster land, and waited till night.
He gave orders that all the citizens, whom he had asked to help
him, from other countries, should go away that they might be
safe; for he could not bear that any more should die, for his
sake, than himself and those of his own country. But he thus
spoke and lamented:—“Now we undoubtedly know, that we
shall lose our own lives, because of the very great hatred there is
in those who are coming after us. Let us, however, plan how we
can, in this night, most weaken them, and earn by our deaths the
best and most lasting praise.” How wonderful it is to say, that
Leonidas, with six hundred men, so brought to shame six hundred
thousand, by slaying some, and putting the others to flight !
5. Xerxes, with his very great multitude, had twice been so
put to shame, on the land, that he wished to try a third time,
what he could do in the war with a fleet, and he induced the
Ionians, a tribe of the Greeks, to give him their help. They for-
merly turned to him of their own mind, and promised him that
they would first finish the war by themselves. They were after-
wards unfaithful to him, when they were fighting on the sea.
6. The leader of the Athenians was called Themistocles. They
were to have come to help Leonidas at the former battle, but
they could not reach him. Themistocles reminded the Ionians
of the old hatred, that Xerxes had shewn towards them : how he
had brought them under his power by pillage and by the slaughter
of their kinsmen. He begged them also to remember the old
faith, and the very great friendship, which, in olden times, they
had both with the Athenians, and the Lacedaemonians; and
besought them, that, by some stratagem, they would, ere long,
turn from Xerxes, the king; that they and the Lacedaemonians
might make an end of the war with the Persians. They granted
his prayer.
7. When the Persians saw, that those were leaving them, on
whom they most trusted to gain the victory, they themselves fled;
1 Oros. l. II: c. 10, Haver. p. 112–114.
12
90 OROSIUS; Book II: CHAP. V., § 8. [B. c. 479
and there, many of them were slain, and drowned, and taken.
The general of Xerxes was called Mardonius, who earnestly
advised, that he should rather go homewards, than abide there
longer, lest any strife should arise in his own kingdom. He said,
it was better that the further carrying on of the war, with the
forces that were still left there, should be intrusted to him, and
that the king would have less blame, if the people still went on
badly without him, as they did formerly. Xerxes, the king, in
great faith, listened to his general, and went thence with some
part of his forces. On his way home, he came to the river, over
which, when going to the west, he ordered a very large bridge to
be built with stone, in token of his victory which he thought to
gain in that warfare. The river was then so much flooded that
he could not come to the bridge. The king was greatly troubled
in his mind, that he was not with his army, and that he could not
go over the river. Besides, he was very much afraid, that his
enemies were following him. Then a fisherman came to him,
and with much trouble brought him over alone. God so humbled
the greatest pride, and the greatest undertaking in so worthless a
trust in self, that he, who formerly thought that no sea could
keep him from covering it with his ships and with his army,
afterwards begged for a poor man's little boat that he might save
his life. i
8. Mardonius,” general of Xerxes, left the ships, in which he
sailed, and marched to a city in Boeotia a country of the Greeks,
and stormed it. After that, they were speedily repaid, when they
were put to flight, and to very great slaughter. This victory,
and the plunder of the Persian wealth became the great ruin of
the Athenians; for, when they were more wealthy, they also
became more luxurious. Afterwards Xerxes was thought un-
worthy of trust by his own people, and his chief officer Artabanus
plotted against him, and slew him.—“Oh!” said Orosius, “what
joyous times there were, in those days! as they say, who are
wranglers against Christianity, that we should now long after
such times, as those were, when so many people, in so short a
time, were slain in three pitched battles;–that is nineteen
hundred thousand from the kingdom of the Persians alone,
besides their enemies, whether Scythians or Grecians. Leonidas
shewed, in the last battle between him and the Persians, what
2 Oros. l. II: c. 11, Haver. p. 115–118.
B. c. 465] MURDER OF XERXES. 9 |
slaughter there was in the country of the Greeks, with manifold
deaths, when, at his dinner, he thus spoke to his comrades,
before he went to the fight.—“Let us now enjoy this dinner, as
those ought, who must take their supper in another world.”
Though he said so then, he afterwards used another saying:—
“Though I said before, that we must [go] to another world, yet
I trust to God, that he may keep us to better times, than those
in which we now are.” Leonidas said, that the times were then
evil, and he wished that they might afterwards be better. Yet
some men say, that they were better then, than they are now.
Hence they thus disagree, when both the former were good, as
some men now say, and also the latter, as they formerly said,
who were not of that mind. If they then spoke not true, then
they were not good, neither then nor now.
9 “Now,” said Orosius, “we must again turn nearer Rome, where
we formerly left off; for, at last, I cannot take notice of all the
manifold evils, as I know not the greater part of the world, but
what happened in two empires,-in the first, and in the last :
these are, the Assyrian and the Roman.
3 Oros. has:—Prandete, tamguam apud inferos coenaturi, Haver. p. 188, 4. Inferi
often denotes the dead, as distinguished from those living upon the earth; apud inferos
must therefore imply, in the lower world, in Hades or the place of departed spirits.
Hades denotes the state of the dead, the place of departed souls whether good or bad. It
was the general term of Greek writers by which they expressed that state; and this Hades
was Tartarus to the wicked, and Elysium to the good. "Aöms Hades, is from 3 not, and
iðeiv to see,_the invisible receptacle or mansion of the dead, the state of separate souls
or the unseen world of spirits, answering to the Hebrew ºw, which Gesenius says “Pro
certo habeo, esse pro ºvu' cavitas, locus cavus et subterraneus, plane ut Germ. Hölle
ejusdem originis est atque Höhle, et Lat. coelum est a Gr. koſ\os hohl, cavus.”
Alfred has translated the apud inferos of Orosius, by the Anglo-Saxon on helle, that is, in
a concealed place. The A. S. on helle seems to have an analogy with the Hebrew
*\su%, and the Greek eis àöov, as given in Psalm XVI, 10, bisº wºn syn sº,
which is translated into Greek, oùk éykaraNetpets Tºv WrvXñv Plov eis #8ov, Acts
II, 27, and also with the expression in the creeds, descendit ad inferos, descended
into hell, and the A. S. he nyèer astah to helle. In the Anglo-Saxon paraphrase of the
Psalms, published by Mr Thorpe, Oxon. 1835, the Latin, Non derelinques animam mean
in inferno, is thus enlarged in A. S. pu ne forlaetst mine sawle, ne min mod to helle,
Psalm XV, 10, page 30. Our present English word Hell, in the Anglo-Saxon, denoted a
concealed place, from the verb helan or helian to cover, conceal, hele, hill. Even to this
very day, they say in Derbyshire, hill or hell it up, for cover it up; and in Cornwall the
covering or tiling of a house is called the helling. At the present time, the word Hell, is
used only for “the place of the devil and wicked spirits,” that word could not, therefore,
be employed in the translation, as it would not give the meaning of the A. S. text.
4 Oros. l. II: c. 12, Haver. p. 118.
92 OROSIUS; Book II: CHAP. VI, § 1–3. [B. c. 477
Book II: CHAPTER VI."
1. Two hundred and eighty years after the building of Rome
[Alfred B. C. 473 Orosius 463 Clintom 477]—the same year, in
which the Sabines led the Romans into a snare,” when three hundred
and six men from each side went to fight alone, a great wonder
was seen in the heavens, as if all heaven were burning. That
token was made very clear among the Romans by the great raging”
of the plague, which soon after came upon them, so that half of
them died, and their two consuls, who were then over them.
Yea, at last, those, that were left, were so wearied, that they could
not put the dead into the earth.
2. Soon afterwards, all their slaves fought against their masters,
and took from them their head-place, which they called Capito-
lium. They had much fighting about it, till they had slain the only
consul, whom they had lately chosen. The masters, however, in
the end, had a poor victory.-Soon after that, in the following
year, the Romans fought with the AEqui Volsci, and there was
very great slaughter. The part, that was left, was driven into
a fastness, and there they would have died of hunger, if those,
who were at home, had not helped them. They, at that time,
[B. C. 458] gathered all the men, that were left there, and
took a poor man [Cincinnatus] for their consul, when he was
in his field and had his plough in his hand. They then marched
into the country of the Volsci and let the Romans free.
3. After ‘that, for a full year, the earth was quaking and open-
ing over all the Roman empire. Every day, men came to the
Senate times without number, and told them of cities, and of
towns, sunk into the earth; and they themselves were, every day,
in dread lest they also should sink into the earth. Afterwards
there came so great a heat upon the Romans, that all the fruits of
1 Oros. l. II: c. 12, Haver. p. 119, 120.
2 See, Book II: chap. 4, § 4.
3 A. S. Wol-bryne, the pest-fire, the burning or rage of a pest.
4 Abridged from Oros. l. II: c. 13; but Alfred adds to the following statement of
Orosius: Per totum fere annum tam crebri tamgue etiam graves in Italia terraemotus
fuerunt, ut de innumeris quassationibus ac ruinis villarum oppidorumque, assiduis Roma
nuntiis fatigaretur. Deinde ita jugis et torrida siccitas fuit, ut praesentis tunc futurique
anni spem gignendis terræ fructibus abnegárit. Haver. p. 122, 4–9.
B. c. 451] THE ROMANS CHOSE TEN CONSULS. 93
the earth, yea also they themselves nearly died away. Then,
there was the greatest famine there.
4. After that, the Romans chose ten consuls where they for-
merly had two, that they might overlook their laws. One of
them was named Claudius, who wished to take to himself the
power of the others, though they would not grant it, but strove
against him, till some of them turned to him, and others would
not. But being divided into two parties, they strove so among
themselves, that they forgot the foreign wars, which they had on
their hands, till all the other consuls agreed together, and beat
the one named Claudius to death with clubs. Afterwards they
guarded their own land.
5. “Lightly " and shortly,” said Orosius, “I have spoken of their
wars at home, though to them they were almost the greatest and
the most fearful, which also the sulphurous fire of Etna betokened,
when it sprang up from the gate of hell in the land of Sicily, and
slew many of the Sicilians, with fire and with stench. What
hardships were then, to what they are now ! But, after it became
Christian, the fire of hell was thenceforth so calmed (as all evils
were) that it is now without such marks of mischief as it formerly
had ; though each year it is broader and broader.
Book II: CHAPTER VII.
1. Three hundred and one years after the building of Rome,
[Alfred B. C. 452] the Sicilians quarrelled among themselves.
Half of them drew over the Lacedaemonians to help them, and
the other half the Athenians a people of Greece, who formerly
fought together against the Persians. But, after they had fought
5 Abridged from Oros. l. II; c. 13, Haver. p. 120, 121. Potestas consulum decemviris
tradita. Haver. p. 121, 1.--The Decemviri or the Ten men, were appointed about 451
B. C. and existed only for two years, till B. C. 449. They drew up a body of Laws divided
into ten tables: the Decemviri of the following year added two new tables. These were
engraved on tables of metal and they constituted the Twelve Tables, the foundation of the
Roman laws. This was the first Roman code, which was not superseded for more than
a thousand years, till the completion of the Emperor Justinian's Corpus Juris Civilis, in
A. D. 564.
6 Much abridged from Oros. l. II: c. 14, Haver. 123–127; though Alfred has given
the impression of his age, respecting volcanos, for Orosius only speaks thus of Etna.-
“Aetna ipsa, quae tune cum excidio urbium atque agrorum crebris eruptionibus aestuabat,
nunc tantum innoxia specie ad praeteritorum fidem fumat. Haver. 124, 2–4.
7 Oros. l. II: c. 15, Haver. p. 128, 129.-Chapters XVI and XVII of Oros. are omitted
by Alfred.
94 OROSIUS; Book II: CHAP. VIII, § 1, 2. [B. c. 398
against the Sicilians, they then also fought among themselves,
until Darius, king of the Persians, because of the wars of his fore-
fathers, came to the help of the Lacedaemonians against the
Athenians. Was it a great wonder, that all the power of the
Persians, and of the Lacedaemonians could more easily lay waste
the city of Athens, than make that people yield to their wills
2. Soon " after that, in the same year, Darius, king of the Per-
sians died; and his two sons Artaxerxes and Cyrus fought about
the kingdom, till one of them drew most of the people against the
other, and they carried on the quarrel with battles, until Cyrus,
the younger of them, was slain.—In those days,” there was a city
in Africa, which was near the sea, until a sea-flood came and laid
it waste, and drowned the people.
Book II : CHAPTER VIII.
1. Three hundred and fifty-five years after the building of
Rome, [B. C. 398] the Romans beset the city Veii, ten years.
The siege did more harm to them, than to those who were within
both in hunger and in cold; moreover, they themselves were often
pillaged, as well as their land at home. They would then have
soon perished before their enemies, if they had not broken into
the city by a device, which was most shameful, though it was
afterwards thought most worthy of them ; that was to dig under
the earth, from their camp until they came up within the city,
and stole upon them by night, in the first sleep, and altogether
laid the city waste. This useful device, though it was not honour-
able, was found out by their Dictator, Camillus.
2. Soon afterwards there was the war of the Romans, and of
the Gauls, who were from the city Sena, which at first arose,
because the Gauls had besieged the city, Tuscia. The Romans
then sent ambassadors to the Gauls, and asked them to make
peace with them. After they had thus spoken, on the same day,
the Gauls attacked the city. When they saw the Roman ambassa-
dors fighting against them with the town's-people, they were so
8 Abridged from Oros. l. II: c. 18, Haver. p. 138, 139.
9 Oros. is more precise,_Tunc etiam Atalante civitas, Locris adhaerens, terrae contigua,
repentino maris impetu abscissa, atque in insulam desolata est. Haver. p. 139, 14.
1 Oros. l. II: c. 19, Haver. p. 143–143.
2 Galli Senones, urbem Clusini, quae nunc Tuscia dicitur, obsederunt. Oros. l. II: c. 19,
Haver. p. 140, 12. 13.
B. c. 390] ROME TAKEN BY THE GAULS. 95
angry at it, that they left the city; and, with all their forces,
marched against the Romans. Fabius * the consul, came against
them in battle, and he was soon after chased into the city of
Rome, and the Gauls followed him, till they were all within it.
Just as if one were mowing a meadow, they were slaying without
any regard, and pillaging the city. The remembrance of the
slaying of the consul, Fabius, is still kept up in the name of the
I’IVer.
3. “I weem,” said Orosius, “that not any man can tell the harm,
which was done to the Romans, at that time, even if they had
not burnt the city, as they then did. The few, that were left
there, gave a thousand pounds of gold for their lives; and they
did that chiefly, because they thought that they should afterwards
be their subjects. Some fled into that fastness, which they called
Capitolium. They beset these, till some of them died of hunger,
others fell into their hands, and they afterwards sold them to other
people for money.”
4. “How,” said Orosius, “does it now seem to you, who slander
the times of Christianity ? After the Gauls went out of the city,
then what joyful times the Romans had ' when the wretches, who
were left there, crept out of the holes in which they lurked, and
so wailed, as if they had come from the other world, when they
looked around upon the burnt and wasted city; so that they
then had a peculiar dread, where they formerly had the greatest
joy. Besides this evil, they had neither food within, nor friend
without.”
5. “These were the times, after which the Romans now sigh,
and say that the Goths have made worse times, than they had
before, although they plundered them only for three days; and
the Gauls were formerly plundering within the city, and burning
it, for six months; and still, they thought that they had not done
them harm enough, unless they also took away their name, that
they should be no more a people. Moreover, the Goths, for the
honour of Christianity, and through the fear of God, plundered
there a less time, and neither burnt the city, nor had the wish to
take from them their name, nor would they harm any of those,
who had fled to the house of God, though they were heathens;
3 Oros. has Fabius, but Haver. says, “Nullus Fabius hoc tempore consul fuit”; sed eo
anno, quo Roma capta est, tres Fabii Tribuni militum consulari potestate fuerunt. Haver.
p. 141, note 9.
96 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. I, § I, 2. [b. c. 389
but had much rather that they would settle among them in peace.
In former times, scarcely any could flee away, or hide themselves
from the Gauls. When the Goths plundered them, for a little
while, one could only hear of few being slain. There was seen
God's anger, when their brazen beams and their statues could not
be destroyed by the fire of the Gauls; but, at the same time, fire
from heaven consumed them.”
6. “Now,” said Orosius, “as I have a long story to tell, I think
I cannot end it in this book, I shall therefore begin another.”
Book III: CHAPTER I."
1. Three hundred and fifty-seven years after the building of
Rome [Orosius, B. C. 389: Alfred, B. C. 396], in the days, in
which the Gauls had laid Rome waste, the chief and most shame-
ful peace was made between the Persians and the Lacedaemonians,
in the country of Greece. After the Lacedaemonians had often
overcome the Persians, then the Persians proposed, that they
should have peace with them, for three years, and with all who
wished, and whoever would not, that they would wage war against
them. The Lacedaemonians gladly agreed to that peace, for they
had little fear from such an agreement. Hence it may be clearly
understood, how great a wish they had for the war, as their bards
sang in their lays, and in their false stories. “Does not such a
war seem pleasant to thee,” said Orosius, “ and the times more
so, that one's enemy may so easily be restrained by words !”
After the Lacedaemonians had overcome the city of the Athenians
-—their own people,_they raised themselves up, and began to
wage war on every side, both against their own countrymen and
against the Persians, and against Asia the Less, and against the
city of Athens, which they had formerly laid waste : for, the
few that had fled out of it, had entered into the city again, and
had drawn over the Thebans, a people of Greece, to help them.
The Lacedaemonians were so lifted up, that they themselves, and
all the neighbouring nations thought, that they could have power
over them all. But the Athenians, with the help of the Thebans,
withstood them, and beat them in battle.
2. After that, the Lacedaemonians chose, for their leader, Der-
4 Alfred omits the preface of Orosius to this third book. Chapter I, paragraphs 1–4,
are abridged from Oros. l. III: c. 1, Haver, p. 146–152.
B. c. 397] * IDERCYLLIDAS ––CONON.—LY SANDER. 97
cyllidas, [B. C. 397] and sent him into Persia with forces to fight
against them. The Persians then came against him with their
two officers: one was called Pharnabazus, the other Tissapher-
nes. As soon as the leader of the Lacedaemonians knew, that he
must fight against two armies, it seemed to him more reasonable
to make peace with one, that he might, the more easily, overcome
the other. He did so, and sent his messenger to the one, and
told him to say, that he wished more earnestly for peace, than
for war. The officer then, in good faith, received the messenger
with peace; and the Lacedaemonians, the while, routed the
other officer.
3. Afterwards the king of the Persians took his power from the
officer, who had before made peace with the Lacedaemonians, and
gave it to a man, banished from Athens, a city of Greece, who
was named Conon, and sent him with a fleet from the Persians
against the Lacedaemonians. The Lacedaemonians sent to the
Egyptians, and asked help from them; and they gave them one
hundred large boats with three rows of oars. The Lacedaemonians
had, for their leader, a wise, though a lame man, who was called
Agesilaus ; and they had a by-word “ that they would rather have
a lame king, than a lame kingdom.” They afterwards engaged on
the sea, and there fought so very fiercely, that they were nearly all
killed, and neither could gain the victory. There the power and
the glory of the Lacedaemonians were laid low. “I ween,” said
Orosius, “that not any two leaders fought more equally.”
4. After that, Conon again led an army upon the Lacedaemoni-
ans; and in all things he utterly laid waste the land outside the city;
so that they, who formerly yearned for power over other nations
abroad, then thought it well if they could keep themselves from
slavery at home. One of the Lacedaemonian leaders was called
Lysander : he attacked Conon with ships, when he went from the
Lacedaemonians, and there was much slaughter of the people
on both sides. So many of the Lacedaemonians were slain there,
that, afterwards, they neither kept their name, nor their power.
But their fall was the rise of the Athenians, so that they were able
to revenge the old wrongs which, in former days, they often bore.
They and the Thebans gathered themselves together, and attacked
the Lacedaemonians in battle, and routed them, and drove them
into their city, and afterwards besieged them. Then the citizens
sent to Agesilaus, who was with their army in Asia, and begged that
13
98 OROSIUS; Book III : chAP. I, § 5. [b. c. 397
he would quickly come home and help them. He did so, and came
suddenly upon the Athenians and routed them. The Athenians
were then in great dread, lest the Lacedaemonians, because of the
little advantage which they had gained, should reign over them, as
they did formerly. They, therefore, sent into Persia after Conon
and prayed that he would help them. He granted their prayer,
and came to them with a great fleet and destroyed almost all the
Lacedaemonians, and made them feel that they were both poor and
weak. After that, Conon came to Athens, his old birth-place; and
he was welcomed there with great joy by the citizens. He there
caused a lasting remembrance of himself, by forcing both the
Persians and the Lacedaemonians to repair the city, which they
had formerly sacked,—and also by bringing the Lacedaemonians,
who before had long been their enemies, to be thenceforth under
the city of Athens. It was after these wars, that the Persians
offered peace to all the people of Greece. It was not because
they wished to do them any good; but because, being at war with
the Egyptians, they thought to bring that war the more easily to
an end.
5. But ‘ the Lacedaemonians, in the mean time, had a greater
wish for war, than the power, and rather made war on the
Thebans, than sought their help; and stole up on them with
Small bands, until they overcame the city of the Arcadians.
After that, the Thebans marched against them with an army,
and the Lacedaemonians brought another against them. When
they had fought for a long time, then the general" of the Lace-
daemonians called to the Arcadians, and besought them to stop
the fight, that they might bury the dead, which were slain. It is
a custom with the Greeks, that by this saying it is shewn which
side has the victory.
6. Thus I wished to tell, said Orosius, how the war of the Greeks
was first raised from the city of the Lacedaemonians,—and, in the
language of history, to describe it, first against the city of the
Athenians, and then against the Thebans,—the Boeotians,—and
the Macedonians: these were all people of Greece: then against
5 Abridged from Oros. l. III: c. 3, Haver. p. 152–155.
6 Orosius is more explicit:—In eo praelio Archidamus, dux Lacedaemoniorum, vulne-
ratus, quum jam caedi suos ut victos videret, occisorum corpora per praeconem ad sepulturam
poscit: quod signum victoriae traditae inter Graecos haberi solet. Thebani autem ha con-
fessione contenti, dato parcendi signo finem dedere certamini. Haver. p. 153, 3–8.
B. c. 369] THE HISTORY OF THE ROMANS.
Asia the Less, and against the greater; and then against the
Persians, and the Egyptians. I shall also hereafter tell the history
of the Romans, which I had begun.
Book III: CHAPTER II.”
1. Three hundred and seventy-six years after the building of
Rome [B. C. 377.], there was an earth-quake in Achaia; and two
cities, Bura and Helice, sank into the earth. I may also speak of
a like beginning, in our own times, though it had not the same
end,-that Constantinople, a city of the Greeks, had the same
quaking, and it was foretold by soothsayers that it should sink
into the earth; but it was shielded by the Christian emperor
Arcadius, and by the Christian people, who were in the city.
This shewed Christ to be the help of the lowly, and the fall of
the high-minded. I remember more of this, than I have spoken,
even altogether : if any one wish to know more of it, he must
seek it for himself.
2. It was in those days, that the Volsci and Falisci, who
formerly fought seventy years against the Romans, then overcame
them and pillaged their land. Soon after that, the Sutrini waged
war on the Romans, even to the gates of the city. The Romans
afterwards quickly repaid them with war and with pillage, and
put them to flight.
BOOK III: CHAPTER III. *
1. Three hundred and eighty-three years after the building of
Rome, [Orosius, B. C. 369 : Alfred, B. C. 370] when Lucius,
whose other name was Genucius, and Quintus, whose other name
was Servilius, were consuls in Rome, the great pestilence was in
the land,-not as it is wont from unseasonable weather, that is
from wet summers, and from dry winters, and from parching
spring-heats, and very heavy harvest-rains, and after-heats; but a
wind came off the wold of Calabria, and the plague with the
wind. This pestilence was upon the Romans full two years, over
all men alike : though some died, others, grievously afflicted, got
over it. Then their priests said, that their gods ordered them to
build an amphitheatre, that they might then have heathen games
therein, and their devil worship, which were plainly all un-
cleanness.
7 Oros. l. III: c. 3, Haver. p 155, 156.
8 Oros, l. III: c. IV, V, Haver. p. 157—159.

100 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAPTER IV, $ 1. [B. c. 365
2. Here,” said Orosius, may those, who withstand Christianity,
now answer me, how, by their sacrificing and by their devil-
worship, their gods gave help in the pestilence ; but they did not
understand by what magic and by what craft the devils did it, (it
was not the true God,)—that they troubled the men with that
evil, to the end that they might trust to their offerings, and their
idolatries, and that they might thence come to their souls, and
harass them with the greatest blasphemy. But their amphi-
theatres were then without number, and [too] manifold for me
now to speak of ; for, “Thou, father Augustine, hast plainly told
them, in thy books' ; and I will teach every one to look there,
who wishes to know more of it.” º
3. Afterwards,” in the same year, the earth opened within the
city of Rome. Then their priests said again, that their gods told
them to give a living man, as it seemed to them, that they had
too few of their dead. The earth so kept yawning till Marcus,
whose other name was Curtius, with horse and with weapons,
leaped into it: and the earth then closed together.
Book III : CHAPTER IV.”
1. Three hundred and eighty-eight years after the building of
Rome, [B. C. 365.] the Gauls ravaged the Roman lands to within
three miles of the city, and might easily have taken it, if they
had not stopped there : for, the Romans were so frightened, and
so out of heart, that they thought they could not guard the city.
But, in the morning, Titus, their leader, whose other name was
Quinctius, attacked them with an army. There Manlius, whose
other name was Torquatus, fought a single combat with a man of
Gaul, and slew him ; and Titus Quinctius partly routed and partly
slew the others. By this we may understand how many must
have been slain there, when so many thousands of them were
taken.
Book III: CHAPTER V.
1. Four “hundred and two years, after the building of Rome,
[B. C. 351] the ambassadors of Carthage came to Rome, and pro-
9 This paragraph is amplified by Alfred.
1 Augustine's “City of God,” l. III: c. 17. See Introduction to this translation, p. 14,
for a short account of this work of S. Augustine.
2 Oros. l. III: c. 5, Haver. p. 158, 159.
3 Oros. l. III: c. 6, Haver. p. 159, 160.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 7, Haver. 161, 162.
B. c. 351] MANLIUS TORQUATUS–PRODIGIES-SAMNITE WAR. 101
posed that there should be peace between them, because they
were then making war on a country, that was on Beneventum.
When the ambassadors came to Rome, then came also with them
very great misfortune and misery of many nations, which increased
for a long time afterwards. So the stars of heaven made it known
in those times,’ for it was night till mid-day; and, in summer
time, it hailed stones over all the Romans.
2. In those days, " Alexander was born among the Greeks, as
if a great storm had come over all the mid-earth; and Ochus,
king of the Persians, whom by another name they called Artax-
erxes, after he had plundered Egypt, then went into the land of
the Jews, and plundered many of them. Afterwards he settled
many of them in the land of Hyrcania, near the Caspian sea; and
they are settled there even until this day, with extensive nations,
in the hope, that God will some time bring them thence to their
own land.’—Then Artaxerxes sacked Sidon, which, in those days,
was the most wealthy city of the Phoenicians.”
3. Then" the Romans began the Samnite war about the land
of the Campanians. They fought about it, long and often with
alternate victories. Then the Samnites drew over to their side,
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, the greatest enemy of the Romans."
That war, however, was stilled for a while, because the Cartha-
ginians began to wage war against the Romans.
4. “Since that war began, if there be any one,” said Orosius,
“who can find in historians, that the doors of Janus were shut,
(save in one year, and that was because the Romans lay, all that
year, under a pestilence,) it was first in the time of Octavianus
Caesar.’” The Romans had formed that building with this one
design, that, on whatever side they should be at war, whether
south, or north, or east, or west, then they undid the door, which
5 Orosius says:—Tunc etiam nox usque ad plurimam diei partem tendi visa est: et
saxea de nubibus grando descendens, veris terram lapidibus verberavit. l. III, c. 7, Haver.
p. 161, 11—13.
6 Quibus diebus etiam Alexander Magnus, were ille gurges miseriarum, atque atrocissimus
turbo totius Orientis est natus. Haver. p. 161, 13–15.
7 Quos ibi usque in hodiernum diem amplissimis generis sui incrementis consistere, atque
exinde quandoque erupturos, opinio est. Haver. p. 162, 3–5.
8 Sidonem opulentissimam Phoenicisprovinciae urbem delevit. Haver. p. 162, 6.
9 Oros. l. III: c. 8, Haver. p. 162, 163.
1 Bellum ancipiti statu gestum, Pyrrhus, vel maximus Romani nominis hostis, excepit.
Hav er. 162, 28, 29. -
2 This account of the temple of Janu is one of the numerous additions made by Alfred.
102 OROSIUS: Book III: CHAP. VI, § 1. [A. D. 344
opened on that side, they thus knew whither they should march.
As soon as they saw any of the doors open, then they drew their
clothing above the knee, and made themselves ready for war.
Thus they knew that they had not peace with some people.
When they had peace, then all the doors were shut, and they let
their clothing * down to their feet. But when Octavianus Caesar
took the empire, then the doors of Janus were shut, and there
was peace and quietness over all the mid-earth.
5. Afterwards “ the Persians made peace with the Romans:
then all nations wished to be under the Romans, and to be ruled
by their laws. They loved peace so much, that they would
rather have Roman kings, than those of their own race. Thus it
was plainly shewn, that no earthly man could cause such love
and such peace, as there was then over all the world". But it
was because, in those days, Christ was born, who is the peace of
the dwellers in heaven and earth. This was also plainly shewn
by Octavianus, when the Romans wished to offer sacrifice to him,
as was their custom, and said that the peace was from his power.
But he eschewed both the sacrifice and the saying; and moreover
said himself that the peace was not his; —nay also, it could not
be any earthly man, that could bring such peace to all the world,
as no two nations could formerly have ; and, what was less, no
two families.
Book III: CHAPTER VI.
1. Four" hundred and eight years after the building of Rome
[Orosius B. C. 344, Alfred B. C. 345], it happened that the
Romans and the Latins were at war. In the first battle, the con-
sul of the Romans, Manlius, whose other name was Torquatus,
was slain; and their other consul, called Decius, and by his other
name, Mus, killed his own son, because he broke their fixed order,
which was that they should press upon the Latins all together.
But one broke out there from the army of the Latins, and chal-
lenged to single combat; and the consul’s son came against him,
3 They put on the Roman Toga or long robe, instead of the short military dress.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 8, Haver. p. 163, 164.
5 Cognoscere faterique coguntur, pacem istam totius mundi et tranquillissimam serenita-
tem, non magnitudine Caesaris, sed potestate filii Dei, qui in diebus Caesaris adparuit, exsti-
tisse, nec unius Urbis imperatori, sed creatori Orbis universi, Orbem ipsum generali cogni-
tione paruisse. Oros. l. III: c. 8, Haver. p. 164, 6–10.
6 Oros. l. III. c. 9. Haver, p. 164, 165.
E. c. 331] DECIUS MUS—MINUCIA—MANY POISONED BY WOMEN. 103
and slew him there. For that fault, his father then ordered him
to be put to death : because of that death, the Romans would
not, as was their custom, offer the triumph to the consul, though
he had gained the victory.
2. In the year following, there was a woman, named Minucia,
who, in their manner, should have been a nun " [vestal virgin].
She had vowed to the goddess Diana, that she would ever live a
life of virginity. Then she soon forlay herself. Because of that
sin, by which she belied her vow, the Romans buried her alive.
And now, in remembrance of the sin, the ground, where she was
buried, is yet, to this day, called Sinfield.”
3 Soon" afterwards, in the time of the two consuls, Claudius,
whose other name was Marcellus, and Valerius, whose other name
was Flaccus, it then happened,—“ though to me, said Orosius, it
is scandalous—that some Roman women were under such phan-
tasy,' and such mad fervour, that, as far as they could, they wish-
ed to kill every person, both female and male, with poison, and to
give it them to take in meat or in drink. And they did it for a
long time, before the people knew whence the evil came, but
that they said, it came from above out of the air, till it was laid
open by a male-slave.” Then all the women were called before
the Roman senators, of whom there were three hundred and
eighty; and were there forced to take the same, which they had
formerly given to others; and they died there forthwith before
all the men. *
Book III: CHAPTER VII.
1. Four * hundred and twenty two years after the building of
Rome, [Orosius and Alfred, B. C. 331] Alexander, king of the
7 Orosius calls her Virgo vestalis, Haver. p. 165, 9; but Alfred styles her, Nunne, a nun.
The Vestal virgin made a vow of perpetual chastity. This custom of the Roman priesteses led
king Alfred, not unreasonably, to identify the Vestal virgin with a nun.
8 Vivaque obruta in campo, qui nunc Sceleratus vocatur. Haver. p. 165, 10.
9 Oros. l. III: c. 10. Haver. p. 165, 166.
1 Incredibili rabie et amore scelerum Romanae matronae exarserunt. Oros. l. III: c. 10,
Haver. p. 165, 25. 26.
2 This differs from Oros. who says:—Cum existente quadam ancilla indice et convincente
primum multae matronae ut biberent, quae coxerant, venena, compulsae: deinde simul at-
que hausére, consumptae sunt. Tanta autem multitudo fuit matronarum in his facinoribus
consciarum, ut trecentae septuaginta damnatae ex illis simul fuisse referantur. Haver. p.
166, 2–6.
3 Oros. l. III: c. 11, Haver. p. 166, 167.
104 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. VII, § 2. [B. c. 359
Epirotae, uncle of the great Alexander, began to wage war against
the Romans with all his power, and settled at the boundary of the
Samnites and the Romans, and drew over the neighbouring coun-
try-people on both sides to help them, until the Samnites fought
with them, and slew the king.—“Now being reminded here of
this Alexander,” said Orosius, “I will also then call to mind the
great Alexander, the other's nephew, when, in the course of time,
I have told about the wars of the Romans.”
2. I must, however, turn back, that I may tell some small
part of Alexander's deeds; and how Philip, his father, four hun-
dred years after the building of Rome, [Orosius and Alfred, B. C.
353: Clinton, B. C. 359] took Macedonia in Greece, and held it
twenty-five years; and, within these years, he over-ran all the king-
doms that were in Greece. One was the Athenians :—another was
the Thebans –a third was the Thessalians :—a fourth the Lace-
daemonians :—a fifth the Phocians :—a sixth the Messenians:–a
seventh the Macedonians, which he had first. Philip, when he was
a boy, was given by his own brother, Alexander, who then held the
kingdom of Macedonia, as a hostage to the Thebans,—to Epami-
nondas, the brave prince, and the most learned philosopher, and
was taught by him, for the three years, when he was there. Then
his brother Alexander was slain by his own mother, though she
formerly slew her other son also, because of her lewdness. She was
Philip's step-mother. Then Philip succeeded to the kingdom of
Macedonia, and held it all the while in great danger and in great
trouble, because both strangers from other lands fought against
him, and also his own people plotted against his life, so that, at
last, he would rather fight abroad, than be at home. His first
battle was against the Athenians, and he overcame them : after
that against the Illyrians, whom we call Bulgarians; and he
slew many thousands of them, and took their chief city, Larissa.
Afterwards he turned the war upon the Thessalians, chiefly with
the wish of drawing them over to help him, because of their skill
in war, and because they were known to be the best of all people
in horsemanship. They turned to him at first, both for their fear
and for his flattery. With their force and with his own, he then
4 Oros. l. III: c. 12. Haver. p. 167.
5 So says Orosius, who follows Justin; but Haver. adds, “Eurydices innocentiam ex
testimonio scriptorum, qui eodem tempore vixerunt, demonstravimus. p. 168, note 4.
B. c. 359] PHILIP KING OF MACEDONIA. 105
made up an army both of horse and foot, such as could not be
OWeI'COUM) e.
3. After " Philip had brought the Athenians and Thessalians
under his power, he took for his wife the daughter of Aruba, king
of the Molossi : she was called Olympias. Aruba thought that
he should enlarge his kingdom, when he gave his daughter to
Philip ; but he deceived him in that hope, and took all that
Aruba had, and afterwards banished him till the end of his life.
Then Philip fought against the city of Methone, in the kingdom
of the Thebans’; and there, one of his eyes was shot out with
an arrow. He, nevertheless, took the city, and killed every one,
that he found therein. By his wiles, he afterwards overcame all
the people of Greece, because it was their custom that every city
should have its own government, and none would be under
another, but they were often at war among themselves. Then
they asked Philip first from one city, then from another, to help
them against those with whom they were at war. When he had
overpowered those, against whom he was then at war, and also
the people, who before asked him for help, he then brought both
under his sway. Thus he beguiled all the Greeks into his power."
4. When " the Greeks understood that, and also being very
angry, that one king should so easily, almost without any
struggle, bring them under his power, just as if they were enslaved
to him; he, indeed, often sold them into slavery to other nations,
whom formerly none could take in war, -they then all rose in
war against him; and he humbled himself to the people, whom
he there most sorely dreaded. These were the Thessalians,
whom he prevailed upon to join him in war against the Athenians.
When they came to the boundary with their army, they had
closed their passes. As Philip could not get within to wreak his
6 Oros. l. III: c. 12, Haver. p. 168–170.
7 Methone, where Philip lost his eye, was in Macedonia, on the Thermaic gulf.
8 Graeciam prope totam, consiliis praeventam, viribus domuit. Quippe Graecia civitates
dum imperare singulae cupiunt, imperium omnes perdiderunt: et dum in mutuum exitium
sine modo ruunt omnibus perire, quod singulae amitterent, oppressa demum servientesque
senserunt: quarum dum insanas concertationes Philippus, veluti è specula observat, auxili-
umque semper inferioribus suggerendo, contentiones, bellorum formites, callidus doli artifex
fovet, victos sibi pariter victoresque subjecit. Haver. p. 169, 5–10, and p. 170, 1–3.
9 Oros. l. III: c. 12, Haver. p. 170–172.
1 Igitur Philippus ubi exclusum se ab ingressu Graecia, praestructis Thermopylis videt,
paratum in hostes bellum, vertit in socios: nam civitates, quarum paulo ante dux fuerat ad
gratulandum ac suscipiendum patentes hostiliter invadit, crudeliter diripit: omnique socie-
tatis conscientia penitus abolita, conjuges liberosque omnium sub corona vendidit, templa
:
;
106 OROSIUS; Book III : CHAP. VII, § 5. [b. c. 359
vengeance, he then turned upon those, who alone were faithful
to him, sacked their city, killed all the people, and overthrew
their places of worship, as he did all that he found everywhere,
yea also his own ; until the priests told him, that all the gods
were angry with him, and withstood him. Although they were
all angry with him, for the twenty-five years in which he was
at war, he was not overcome. Then he marched into the land of
Cappadocia, and there by treachery slew all the kings.” After-
wards all the Cappadocians gave way to him. He then turned
against his three brothers, and one he slew, and two fled into the
city of Olynthus, which was the strongest and most wealthy • in
the kingdom of Macedonia. Philip marched after them, and
stormed the city, and slew the brothers and all that were therein.
The three were not the brothers of Philip by his mother, but by
his father.
5. At that time," in the country of the Thracians, two kings,
who were brothers, were quarrelling about the kingdom. They
sent to Philip, and asked him to settle the kingdom, and to be
witness that it was equally divided. Philip came to their meeting
with a great army and slew both the kings, and all the counsellors,
and seized both the kingdoms.-Afterwards the Athenians asked
Philip to be their leader against the Phocians, though they
formerly closed their passes against him; and that he would do
one of two things, either make peace for them, or help them to
overcome the Phocians. He promised that he would help to
overcome them. At the same time also, the Phocians begged his
help against the Athenians. He promised them, that he would
make peace for them. After he had both the passes in his
power, he also brought the kingdoms under his sway; and
scattered his army throughout the cities, and told them, that they
were to pillage the land, till they had laid it waste, so that the
people were sorry, both that they must bear the greatest evil,
and that they durst not free themselves from it. But he told
them to slay all the most powerful; and the others, some he
sent into banishment, some he settled in other marches. Thus
quoque universa subvertit spoliavitgue, nec tamen unquam per viginti quinque annos quasi
iratis diis victus est. Haver. p. 171, 4–10.
2 Per dolum, finitimos reges interfecit. Id. p. 171, 11.
3 Urbem antiquissimam et florentissimam. Id. p. 172, 3.
4 Oros. l. III: c 12, Haver. p. 172–174.
B. c. 339] THE CONQUESTS OF PHILIP-OF ATHEAS. 107
Philip humbled the great kingdoms: though each of them
formerly thought that it might have power over many others,
they at last found themselves brought to nought.
6. Afterwards it seemed to Philip, that, on land, he had not
power to satisfy the people with rewards, who were always
fighting together with him ; but: he gathered ships, and they
became pirates, and forthwith took, at one time, a hundred and
eighty trading ships. He then chose a city near the sea called
Byzantium, because he thought that there they might best have
peace within ; and also that there they should be most handy for
waging war upon every land. But the citizens withstood him.
Philip surrounded them with his army, and fought against them.
The same Byzantium was first built by Pausanias, a leader of the
Lacedaemonians, and afterwards enlarged by the Christian emperor
Constantine, and from his name, it was called Constantinople,
and is now the highest royal seat, and head of all the eastern
empire. After Philip had long surrounded the city, he was
grieved that he had not so much money to give his army, as they
were accustomed to receive. He then divided his army into two
parts: some he set round the city, and with other bands he went
and plundered many cities of the Chersonesians, a people of
Greece. Afterwards [about 339 B.C.] he marched with his son
Alexander into Scythia, where king Atheas" had the sovereignty,
who was formerly his companion in the war against the Istrians;
and he would then march into that country. But the people of
the land guarded themselves against him, and marched towards
him with an army. When Philip heard of it, he sent to those,
who had surrounded the city, for more help, and marched against
them with all his force. Though the Scythians had a great
many more men, and were themselves more brave, yet Philip
entrapped them by his wiles, in as much as he hid the third part
of his army, and himself with it, and ordered the two parts, that,
as soon as they began to fight, they should flee towards him, that
then, he might entrap them with the third part, when they had
5 Oros. l. III: c. 13. Haver. p. 174–176.
6 Ad Scythiam quoque cum Alexandro filio praedandi intentione pertransiit. Scythis
tune Atheas regnabat: qui quum Istrianorum bello premeretur, auxilium a Philippo per
Apollonienses petiit: sed continuo Istrianorum rege mortuo, et belli metu, et auxiliorum
necessitate liberatus, pactionem foederis cum Philippo habitam dissolvit. Oros. l. III: c.
13. Haver. p. 175, 6–11. Atheas first asked Philip to assist him against the Istrians, and
then laughed at him for sending an army. Hence this expedition. Justin-l. ix: e. 2.
108 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. VII, § 6. [b. c. 339
passed by. Twenty thousand Scythians, women and men, were
there slain and taken; and twenty thousand horses were taken :
however, they met with no store of riches, as they had before
when they gained the mastery of the battle-field. The poverty
of the Scythians was first found out in that battle. After Philip
turned from thence, other Scythians, called Triballi, went after
him with a small force. Philip thought their warfare unworthy
of him, until a Cwene * shot him through the thigh, and killed
the horse on which he sat. When his army saw that he fell with
his horse, they all fled and left all the booty, that they had
formerly taken.” It was a great wonder, that, on the fall of the
king, so great an army fled, which before would not flee, although
many thousands were slain. When Philip was wounded, he
craftily gave leave to all the Greeks, that their governments
might stand among them, as they formerly did in olden times.
But as soon as he was healed, he pillaged Athens.' Then they
sent to the Lacedaemonians, and prayed that they would be
friends, though they had formerly long been foes; and prayed
also that they all would so strive together as to be able to drive
their common enemy from them. Some of them agreed, and
gathered a greater force of men than Philip : others, for fear of
him, durst not.” Philip then thought that he could no longer
withstand them in a pitched battle; but he often harassed them
7 The Triballi were a powerful Scythian race. They were, like all the Scythians, war-
like and brave, as is evident by their attack upon Philip and by their victory. Justin,
whom Orosius chiefly follows, is in this instance more precise than Orosius, stating why the
Triballi opposed Philip :—Revertenti ab Scythia Triballi Philippo occurrunt; negant se
transitum daturos, ni portionem accipiant praedae. Hinc jurgium et mox proclium; in quo.
ita in femore vulneratus est Philippus, ut per corpus ejus equus interficeretur. Justin. l.
IX: c. 3.—Alfred distinctly states, that these Triballi were Scythians,—offör hine [Phi-
lippum] opere Scippie, . . . Tribaballe waron hatene. Though the Triballi were victorious
in the present attack, and took immense spoil from Philip, they were afterwards com-
pletely routed by his son, Alexander the Great. B. C. 335.
8 Cwéne, one from Cwén-land [See p. 38, note 36]. It seems that some of the
Cwénes migrated with the Triballi and other Scythian tribes from the north to the Danube,
for they were now [B. C. 339] amongst the Triballi, as is evident from one of them wound-
ing Philip. -
9 Quum omnes occisum putarent, in fugam versi, praedam amiserunt. Haver. p. 175,
19, 20.
1 Aliquantula deinde mora dum convalescit a vulnere, in pace conquievit. Statim
vero ut convaluit, Atheniensibus bellum intulit. Haver. p. 175, 20–23.
2 Totius Graecia civitates legationibus fatigant, ut communem hostem, communibus
viribus petant. Itaque aliquantae urbes Atheniensibus sese coniunxère, quasdam vero ad
Philippum belli metus traxit. Haver. p. 176, 1–4
B. c. 339] OF THE TRIBALLI–PHILIP WOUNDED BY A CWENE. 109
by foragers, scouting about, till they were separated, and he
then suddenly marched with his army upon Athens. At that
time the Athenians were so dreadfully slaughtered, and beaten
down, that afterwards they had neither any power, nor any
freedom.”
7. After that, Philip led an army against the Lacedaemonians
and against the Thebans, and greatly troubled and disgraced
them until they were utterly routed, and kept under. After
Philip had brought all the Greeks under his power, he gave his
daughter to Alexander, the king, his own kinsman, to whom he
had formerly given the kingdom of Epirus. On that day, they
tilted" on horse-back, both Philip and Alexander, to whom he
gave his daughter, and Alexander his own son, and also many
others with them, as was their custom at such times. When it
happened that Philip rode out from the crowd to the sport, then
one of his old foes met him and stabbed him to death."
8. “I wot not,” said Orosius, “why those former wars are so
much liked by you Romans, and are so pleasant to hear in songs;
and why you praise so highly the times of such sorrows. Now,
though only a little of such sorrows comes upon you, yet you be-
moan these as the worst times, and can as bitterly weep over them,
as you can joyfully laugh over the other. If you be such heroes,
as you think you are, then should you as willingly bear your own
sorrows, since they are less, than what you hear of theirs. Then
would these times seem to you better than those, for your
sorrows now are less, than theirs then were. Philip harassed
the people of Greece for twenty-five years, both burning their
cities and slaying their people, and banishing some into foreign
countries,”—while the sorrows of you Romans, of which you
always speak, were only for three days. The mischief of Philip
3 Pugnam longe omnibus anterioribus bellis atrociorem fuisse, ipse rerum exitus docuit.
Nam hic dies apud universam Graeciam adquisitae dominationis gloriam, et vetustissimae
libertatis statum finivit. Haver. p. 176, 6–9.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 14, Haver. p. 176—177, 17.
5 In A. S. Plegedon hy of horsum, they played on horse-back.
6 Die nuptiarum, quum ad ludos magnifice adparatos inter duos Alexandros, filium
generumque, contenderet, a Pausania, nobili Macedonum adolescente, in angustiis sine
custodibus, circumventus, occisus est. Haver. p. 177, 14–17.
7 Much enlarged by Alfred, from Oros. l. III: c. 14, Haver. p. 177, 17–22, and p.
178, 1–3.
º Per º quinque annos incendia civitatum, excidia bellorum, subjectiones provin-
ciarum, caedes hominum, opum rapinas, praedas pecorum, mortuorum venditiones captivi-
tatesque vivorum unius regis fraus, ferocia, et dominatus agitavit. Haver. p. I78, 2–5.
110 OROSIUS; Book III: Char. VIII, § 1, 2. [B. c. 321
might, however, still seem in some measure within bounds,
before the devourer, Alexander, his son, took to the kingdom.—
However, I shall now, for awhile, be silent about his deeds, until
I tell those of the Romans, which were done in those times.
Book III: CHAPTER VIII.
1. Four" hundred and twenty-six years after the building of
Rome [Blair B. C. 321 : Alfred B. C. 327]: the place Furculae
Caudinae" became well known for the disgrace of the Romans,
and is so to this day. It came to pass after the battle, which the
Romans and the Samnites had, when, as we said before, twenty
thousand Samnites were slain, under Fabius the consul. But the
Samnites, in another battle, came to meet the Romans with a
greater force, and with greater wariness than formerly, at the
place called Furculae Caudinae. There the Romans were ensnared,
chiefly because the land was less known to them than it was to
the Samnites; and they marched unwittingly into a narrow pass,
till the Samnites surrounded them on the outside ; and then they
must do one of two things, either lose their lives for want of
food, or fall into the hands of the Samnites. In their power, the
Samnites were so bold, that the prince called Pontius, who was
their leader, told them to ask the king, his father, who was at
home, whether he would rather that he should kill them all, or
order them while living to be put to shame. The prince then
tortured them with the shame, which was the greatest in those
days, he stripped them of their clothes, and their weapons; and
took six hundred hostages into his power, with the view, that
afterwards, they should always be his slaves. The prince told
some of his people to bring the consuls of the Romans, and their
elders into their own country, and drive them before them as
slaves, that their shame might be the greater.
2. “We would,” said Orosius, “more willingly be silent about
the shame of you Romans, than to speak of it, if we could for
your own murmuring, which ye have against Christianity. Lo!
ye know, that to this day ye would have been slaves to the Sam-
nites, if ye had not belied your pledge and your oaths, that ye
9 Oros. l. III: c. 15. Haver. p. 178–180.
1 Caudine Forks, or narrow passes in the mountains, between Capua and Beneventum,
in Samnium, where the Romans submitted to the Samnites, and passed under the yoke
B. C. 321. It is at present called the valley of Arpaia,
B. c. 336] ALEXANDER. SUCCEEDS PHILIP. III
gave them ; and ye now murmur, because many of the people
over whom ye had power would not fulfil what they promised.
Will ye not think, how hateful it was to yourselves to keep your
oaths to those, who had the power over you !”
3. Soon afterwards, in the following year, the Romans broke
their oaths, which they had taken to the Samnites; and, with
Papirius, their consul, followed them, and gained a deadly victory;
because the people on both sides were eager for the fight, the
Samnites for the power which they had on each side, and the
Romans for the shame, which they had formerly put upon them.
The Romans took the king of the Samnites, and forced their for-
tress, and made them tributaries. This same Papirius, after the
battle, was held in such esteem by the Romans, that they had
chosen him to withstand the great Alexander in war; if, as he had
said, he should come from the east, out of Asia into Italy.
Book III : CHAPTER IX."
1. Four hundred and twenty six years after the building of
Rome, [Oros. B. C. 327: Clinton, B. C. 336], Alexander took
the kingdom of the Macedonians after his father, Philip, and at
that time shewed his first generalship,” when by his skill he
brought all the Greeks under his power, all those who raised
war against him.
2. It now first happened, that the Persians gave Demosthenes,
the philosopher, ready money, with which he seduced all the
Greeks to strive against Alexander. The Athenians offered bat-
tle to Alexander, but he so quickly slew, and routed them, that,
ever after, they had very great dread of him. The citadel of the
Thebans, which was formerly the chief seat of all the Greeks, he
stormed and quite overthrew. Afterwards he sold all the people
into banishment for money, and he made all the other nations,
which were in Greece, tributaries, save the Macedonians, who
first turned to him. He marched thence against the Illyrians
and against the Thracians, and brought them all under him. He
then gathered an army against the Persians, and while he was
gathering it, he slew all his kinsmen, whom he could reach. In
his army were thirty-two thousand foot, and four thousand five
1. Oros. l. III: c. 16, Haver. p. 180—184.
2. (Alexander) primam experientiam animi et virtutis suae, compressis celeriter Grae-
corum motibus, dedit. Haver. p. 180, 17–18.
112 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. IX, § 3–5. [b. c. 336
hundred horse, and one hundred and eighty ships —“I wot not,”
said Orosius, “which was the greater wonder, that with so small
a force he could over-run the greatest part of this mid-earth, or
that, with so small an army, he durst begin so much.”
3. In the first battle, which Alexander fought against Darius in
Persia, Darius had six hundred thousand in his army. He was,
however, overcome more by Alexander's skill, than by his fight-
ing. There was a very great slaughter made of the Persians; and
of Alexander's no more than an hundred and twenty of the
cavalry, and nine of the foot.” Then Alexander marched thence
into Phrygia a country of Asia, and stormed and overthrew their
city, called Sardis. It was told him there, that Darius had again
gathered an army in Persia. Alexander had a dread of the nar-
row place in which he was ; and because of that fear he quickly
went thence over mount Taurus, and marched a surprizingly great
way in the day," till he came to the city Tarsus, in the country of
the Cilicians.
4. On that day, he found a river called Cydnus, which had
intensely cold water. When he began to bathe himself therein,
while sweating, then all his veins shrunk because of the cold, that
they had no hope of his life."
5. Shortly after Darius came with an army against Alexander:
he had three hundred thousand foot, and a hundred thousand
horse. Alexander was much afraid because of the great multi-
tude, and because of the few that he himself had ; though he
with the same, had formerly overcome the greater one of Darius.
That battle was fought with great earnestness by both the armies,
and there both the kings were wounded. Of the Persians, there
3. In A. S. fifte healf M. when healf is placed after an ordinal it diminishes it by half, as
fifte healf four and a half, or fifte healf M. four thousand and a half, i. e. four thousand
five hundred. See Bosworth's A. S. Dict, under healf.
4. In exercitu ejus fuère peditum triginta et duo millia, equitum quatuor mille ducenti, et
naves centum et octoginta. Oros. Haver. p. 181, 5–7.-Arrian says, of foot of troX\6
TAetovs Tptopºvptov, of horse intép roës revraktoxi\tovs.-Diodor, gives of foot XXX. M. of
horse IV. M. D. The first Paris and Venice editions give the same numbers as Alfred in
his A. S. text, i. e. “ Peditum XXXII millia; equitum IV millia D; naves CLXXX.
Haver. p. 181, note 8.
5. In exercitu autem Alexandri, centum et viginti equites, et novem tantum pedites
defuère. Oros. Haver. p. 181. 12, 13.
6. Quingentis stadiis sub una die cursu transmissis, Tarsum venit. Haver. c. 182, 4, 5.
7. Ibique quum sudans in Cydnum praefrigidum amnem descendisset, obriguit, contractu-
que nervorum proximus morti fuit. Oros. Haver. p. 182, 5–7.
B. c. 336–331] THE BATTLES OF ALEXANDER AND DANUS. II3
were slain ten thousand horse, and eighty thousand foot, and
eighty thousand taken prisoners, and very much wealth was
found in their camps. The mother of Darius was taken, and his
wife, who was his sister, and his two daughters. Then Darius
offered Alexander half his kingdom for the women; but Alexan-
der would not give them up.–Darius, yet for the third time, then
gathered an army from the Persians, and also the help, that he
could draw over from other countries, and marched against Alex-
ander. While Darius gathered an army, Alexander sent Par-
menio his admiral, to disperse the fleet of Darius, and he himself
marched against the Syrians: they came to meet him, and received
him with kindness; nevertheless he ravaged their country; and
the people, some he allowed to abide there, some he drove
away, others he sold abroad for money.
6. The ancient and the wealthy city of Tyre he beset, sacked,
and utterly overthrew, because they would not receive him
gladly. Afterwards he marched into Cilicia, and pressed the
people under him: then into the island of Rhodes, and pressed
the people under him. After that, he went against the Egyptians,
and pressed them under him. There he ordered the city to be
built, which they afterwards called after him Alexandria. He
then went to the temple, which the Egyptians said was that of
their god, Ammon, who was the son of Jupiter, their other god,
to the end that he might clear his mother from Nectanebus, the
wizzard, by whom, they said, she was forlain, and that he was Alex-
ander's father. Then Alexander told the heathen priest to creep
into the statue of Ammon, which was within the temple, before
he and the people assembled themselves there, and told him how
he wished him to answer before the people, what he asked him.
Now has Alexander let us know, clearly enough, what it is to
worship the heathen gods, that what they say is more from the
plots of their priests, and from their own destiny, than from the
power of their gods.
7. From " that place, Alexander marched a third time against
Darius, and they met at the city of Tarsus. In that battle, so
many of the Persians were slain, that henceforth they found their
great and lasting power as nothing against Alexander. When
Darius saw that he must be overcome, he wished himself to be
8 Oros. l. III: c. 17. Haver. p. 184—186, 3.
15
114 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. IX, $ 8, 9. [B. c. 331
killed in the battle, but his officers took him away against his
will, so that he afterwards fled with the army. Alexander was
thirty-three days in the place, ere he could spoil the camps and
the slain. He then marched into Persia, and overcame the city
Persepolis, their capital, which is yet the wealthiest of all cities.
It was told Alexander, that Darius had been bound by his own
kinsmen " with a golden chain. Then he marched towards him
with six thousand men, and found him lying alone by the way,
hardly alive, thrust through with spears. Alexander shewed a
little kind-heartedness to him alone, when dead, for he ordered
him to be buried in the tomb of his elders, which he would, by
no means, afterwards grant to his kindred, neither to his wife,
nor to his mother, nor to his children, nor, what was least of all,
would he take his youngest daughter, but in bondage : she was a
little child.
8. They can hardly be believed, who speak of such manifold evils
as happened in those three years, in three pitched battles between
the two kings: there were fifteen hundred thousand men slain in
them ; and, as is before said, there were slain of the same people,
a little before, nineteen hundred thousand men, besides great
pillage, which took place within the three years, in many a nation.
All the nation of Assyria was laid waste by Alexander, and many
cities in Asia, and the great city Tyre all overthrown, and the
country of Cilicia all laid waste, and the country of Cappadocia,
and all the Egyptians brought into slavery, and the island of
Rhodes entirely laid waste, and many other countries about the
mountains of Taurus.
9. There * were then, not only the wars of these two, in the
east part of this mid-earth ; but, at the same time with them,
Agis, king of the Spartans, and Antipater, another king of the
Greeks, were at war with each other; and Alexander, king of
Epirus, the great Alexander's uncle, who wished for the west
part, as the other did for the east part, and led an army into
Italy, and was there very soon slain. At the same time, Zopyrion,
king of Pontus, set out with an army, and he and his people
utterly perished there. After the death of Darius, Alexander
9 Darium vero, quum a propinquis suis vinctum compedibus aureis teneri comperisset,
persequi statuit. Oros. Haver. p. 185, 10–12.
1 Oros. l. III: c. 17, Haver. p. 186, 3–13.
2 Oros. l. III: c. 18, Haver. 186, 30–187, 14.
B. c. 331] DEATH OF DARIUS. 115
overcame all the Mardi, and all the Hyrcanians; and, while he
was fighting there, Minothaea, the Scythian queen, with three
hundred women, boldly sought him out, that they might have
children by Alexander and by his greatest warriors.
10. After that, Alexander fought against the Parthians, and
he nearly slew them all, and brought them to nought, ere he
could overcome them. Afterwards he overcame the Drangae,”
and Evergetae, and Parapammeni, and Adaspii, and many other
nations, which are settled about the mountains of Caucasus, and
there ordered a city to be built, which they afterwards called
Alexandria."
11. His’ frenzy and his ravaging were not only upon strangers,”
but he also killed and harassed those, who were marching and
fighting together with him. First he killed Amyntas, his aunt's
son, and afterwards his brother, and then Parmenio, his general,
and then Philotas, and then Attalus, then Eurylochus, then
Pausanias, and many others, who were most powerful in Mace-
donia; and Clitus, who was both his own general, and also
formerly of Philip, his father. At a certain time, when they sat
at their feast drunk, they began to debate whether Philip or
Alexander had done the greatest deeds. Then Clitus, from old
friendship, said that Philip had done more than he. For that
saying, Alexander then leaped up, and slew him. Alexander,
besides pressing down both his own people, and those of other
kings, was always thirsting for man's blood.
12. Soon" after this, he marched with an army against the
Chorasmi, and against the Dacians, and forced them to pay him
tribute. He killed Callisthenes, the philosopher, his fellow
scholar (taught together by their master Aristotle), and many
men with him, because they would not pray to him as to their
god. -
3 Thalestris sive Minothaea regina, excitata suscipiendae ab eo subolis gratia, cum
trecentis mulieribus procax Amazon invenit. Haver. p. 187, 12–14.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 18, Haver. p. 187, 14–188, 2.
5 Inde Drangas, Euergetas, Parimas Parapamenos, Adaspios . . . . subegit. Oros. l.
III: c. 18. Haver. p. 187, 16–188, 1.—Justin. XII, 5, 9.
6 Populos qui in radice Caucasi morabantur, subegit, urbe ibi Alexandria Super amnem
Tanaim constituta. Haver. p. 188, 1, 2.
7 Oros. l. III: c. 18, Haver. p. 188, 2—12.
8 Sed nec minor ejus in suos crudelitas, quam in hostem rabies fuit, Haver. p. 188, 2, 3.
9 Oros. l. III: c. 18, Haver. p. 188, 12–189, 3.
116 OROSIUS: Book III: CHAP. IX, § 13–15. [B. c. 329
13. After that, he marched into India, that he might enlarge
his kingdom to the eastern ocean. On the way, he over-ran
Nysa, the capital of the Indians, and all the Daedalian mountains,
and all the kingdom of queen Cleophis, and forced her to con-
cubinage, for which he gave her the kingdom again. After
Alexander had brought all India under his power, save one city,
which was very strong with surrounding rocks, he was told, that
Hercules, the giant, had come there, in former days, as he
thought to storm it; but he did not begin, as there was an earth-
quake there at that time. Alexander undertook it, chiefly because
he wished that his great deeds should be more than those of
Hercules; though he took it with great loss of the people.
14. Afterwards’ Alexander had a battle with Porus, the strongest
king of the Indians. In that battle there was very much blood
shed on each side : Porus and Alexander fought hand to hand on
their horses. Porus killed Alexander's horse, called Bucephalus,
and might [have slain] him there, had not his thanes come to help
him. He stabbed Porus with many wounds, and also made him
yield, after his thanes came to him. [Alexander] let him have
his kingdom again for the heroism, with which he so bravely
fought against him. Alexander ordered him afterwards to build
two cities: one was called Bucephalus, after his horse; the other
Nicaea.
15. He afterwards went against the Adrestae, the Cathaei, the
Praesidae, and the Gangaridae, and fought with them all, and over-
came them. When he went into the eastern boundaries of the
Indians, there came against him two hundred thousand cavalry,
and Alexander could hardly overcome them, because of the sum-
mer heat, and of their frequent battles. He would afterwards
have larger camps than he had formerly; because, after that bat-
tle, he thenceforth encamped more than he did before.
16. He then went out on the ocean, from the firth of which
the river is called Acesines, to an island peopled by the Sibi and
the Gessonae, whom Hercules formerly brought and settled there;
1 Oros. l. III: c. 19, Haver. p. 189, 5–13.
2 Oros. l. III: c. 19, Haver. p. 189, 14—190, 6.
3 Alexander cum ipso Poro singulariter congressus, occisoque dejectus equo, concursu
satellitum praesentiam mortis evasit. Porus multis vulneribus confossus, et captus est; quo
ob testimonium virtutis in regnum restituto. Oros. l. III: c. XIX, Haver. p. 190, 1–4.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 19, Haver. p. 190, 6–11.
5 Oros. 1. III: c. 19, Haver. p. 190, 11—191, 4.
B. c.327–323] ALEXANDER IN INDIA—HIS DEATH AT BABYLON. 117
and he made them subject to him. Afterwards he went to the
island, the people of which are called Malli, and Oxydracae, and
they brought against him eight hundred thousand foot, and sixty
thousand cavalry. They were long engaged before either could
overcome the other, till at last Alexander gained an unworthy
victory.
17. He " then marched to a fastness : when he came to it, he
could see no man in the fastness, from without. Alexander won-
dered why it was so without men; and he himself at once climbed
over the wall, and he was there drawn in by the towns-people.
They then pursued him so closely, both with arrows, and with
the throwing of stones, and with all their weapons of war, that it
is hardly to be believed when it is said, all the towns-people
could not force him alone to give himself up into their hands.
But when the people pressed most upon him ; he stepped to a
corner of a wall and there defended himself. All the people were
so taken up with him alone, that they gave no heed to the wall,
till Alexander's thanes broke through it and came in, over against
him. There Alexander was shot through with an arrow, under-
neath one breast.—Now we do not know, which is more to be
wondered at, how he alone defended himself against all the towns–
people,_or again, when help came to him, how he so pressed
through the people, that he killed the same man, who before shot
him through ; or again, the undertaking of the thanes, when they
undoubtedly thought that their lord was in the power of their
enemies either alive or dead, that they, nevertheless, did not re-
frain from breaking the wall, that they might revenge their lord,
whom they found weary, and resting on his knees.
18. He then brought the city under his power, and marched
to another city, in which Ambira the king dwelt. Many of Alex-
ander's army died there from poisoned arrows. But, in the same
night an herb was shewn to Alexander in a dream : he took it in
the morning, and gave it to the wounded to drink, and they were
healed by it: they then overcame the city.
19. He afterwards turned homeward to Babylon. Ambassadors
were waiting there from all the world; that was from Spain, and
from Africa, and from France, and from all Italy. Alexander was
6 Oros. l. III: c. 19, Haver. p. 191, 4–192, 1.
7 Oros. l. III: c. 19, Haver. p. 192, 2, 6
8 Oros. l. III: 20, Haver: p. 192, 19–194, 12.
118 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. X, § 1. [b. c. 295
so dreaded, when he was in India in the east of this mid-earth,
that they who were on the west, were afraid of him. Moreover,
ambassadors came to him, even from many nations, to whom,
none of Alexander's company thought that his name was known,
and wished for peace with him. Even yet, when Alexander came
home to Babylon, there was still in him the greatest thirst for
man's blood. When his servants understood that he would not
leave off war, but said he would march into Africa, then his cup-
bearers planned among themselves how they might take away
his life, and gave him poison to drink: then he died.
20. Orosius said "–“Oh ! how great is the folly of men, in these
Christian days Though they have but little uneasiness, how
woefully they bemoan it! It is one of these two, either they do
not know, or they will not know, in what wretchedness they
were, who lived before them. Now let them think, how it was
with them, who were in Alexander's power, when they, who were
in the west of this mid-earth, so much dreaded him, that they,
for the sake of peace, sought him out in the east, at great risk
and in great uncertainty, both in dread of the sea, and of wild
beasts in deserts, and of many kinds of serpents, and in the lan-
guages of nations. But we very well know, that now, for very
cowardice, they neither dare seek peace from far, nor even defend
themselves at home in their own houses, when they are attacked
there : yet they can slander these times.”
Book III: CHAPTER X.
1. Four' hundred and fifty years after the building of Rome,
[Alfred 303: Clinton B. C. 295]—under two consuls, one
Fabius, called also Maximus; the other Quintus, called also
Decius, in their fourth consulship, four of the strongest nations
in Italy, which were the Umbrians, Etruscans, Samnites and
Gauls, agreed among themselves to go to war with the Romans.
They very much feared that they could not withstand them all at
the same time, and anxiously devised means to separate them,
and sent a regular army against the Etruscans, and against the
Umbrians to pillage and to destroy the people. When they heard
of it, they turned homeward, that they might defend their own
9 Oros. l. III: c. 20, Haver. p. 194, 12–195, 11.
1 Oros. l. III: c. 21, Haver. p. 196—197, 4.
B. c. 295] UMBRIANS, ETRUSCANS, ETC. AT WAR WITH ROME. I 19
lands. At the same time the Romans marched against the Sam-
nites, and against the Gauls, with their greater army, that they
had at home. Quintus the consul was slain in the battle; and,
after his fall, Fabius, the other consul, gained the victory. Forty
thousand Samnites and Gauls were slain, and seven thousand
Romans, in the division in which Decius was killed. Livy said
that one hundred and fifty thousand foot and seven thousand
cavalry of the Samnites and Gauls were slain.
2. Orosius * said, “I have, moreover, of a truth heard Say,
that the Romans, in those days, had war not only with other
nations, but among themselves, with manifold plagues and pesti-
lence : so it then was.”
3. When * Fabius, the consul, came homeward from the battle,
they went before him in triumph, which was their custom when
they gained a victory. But the joy was very soon turned to
grief in their hearts, when they saw the dead, who were before at
home, so thickly borne to the earth; for, at that time, the great
pestilence was there.
4. About a year afterwards, the Samnites fought with the
Romans, and routed them, and drove them into the city of
Rome. Soon after, the Samnites changed their clothing to
another fashion, and covered all their weapons over with silver,
in token that they would do one or the other, either conquer
or all die." In those days, the Romans chose Papirius for their
consul, and soon led an army against the Samnites, though their
priests said that their gods were against their going to battle.
But Papirius upbraided the priests very much for that saying,
and nevertheless he went to the warfare; and he gained as
honourable a victory, as if he had not before dishonoured the
priests of their gods. Twelve thousand Samnites were slain
there, and four thousand taken. Soon after that glorious victory,
they were again afflicted with pestilence, which was so raging
and lasting, that they willingly tried, at last, whether they could
2 Oros. l. III: c. 21, Haver. p. 197, 4–8
3 Oros. p. 197, 8–11.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 22, Haver. p. 197, 31–199, 2.
5 Postea vero Samnites novum habitum animumque sumentes, hoc est, deargentatis
armis ac vestibus, paratoque animo, ni vincant, mori, bello se obſerunt. Oros. l. III: c.
22, Haver. p. 197, 32–198, 2.
6 A. S. oë8e ealle libban, o&e ealle licgean, either all live, or all die. Oros. has—ni
vincant, mori. v. note 5.
120 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. XI, § 1. [B. c. 283
stop it by enchantments, and fetched AEsculapius the magician
with the immense snake, which was called Epidaurus'; and
acted just as if such an evil had never come upon them before,
nor would ever come again.
5. In the following year, Fabius, their consul, whose other
name was Curius, fought with the Samnites, and basely fled
homeward. The senate wished to degrade him, because he had
led the people to flight; but his father, who was also called Fabius,
begged that the senate would forgive this fault, and that they
would grant, that he might go with his son, the next time, against
the Samnites with all their forces; and they granted it. The
father then told the consul to march forward with his army, and
he stopped behind with some of the forces. When he saw that
Pontius, king of the Samnites, had ensnared the consul, his son,
and surrounded him with his people, he then came to his help,
and greatly raised his spirits; and they took Pontius, king of the
Samnites. There were twenty thousand Samnites slain, and four
thousand taken with the king. There the war of the Romans
and Sammites, which they formerly carried on for fifty nine years,
was ended, because they had taken their king.
6. In " the next year after this, Curius the consul with the
Romans fought against the Sabines, and gained the victory,
making an immense slaughter of them, which might be known by
this, as he and the consuls could not count the slain.
Book III: CHAPTER XI.
1. Four hundred and sixty-three years after the building of
Rome, [Alfred B. C. 290 : Clinton B. C. 283] when Dolabella and
Domitius were consuls in Rome, then the Lucani, Bruttii, Sam-
mites, and the Senonian Gauls began to war against the Romans.
Then the Romans sent ambassadors to the Gauls about peace:
they killed the ambassadors. They next sent Caecilius their
7 Ut libros Sibyllinos consulendos putärint, horrendumque illum Epidaurium colubrum
cum ipso Æsculapii lapide advexerint: quasi vero pestilentia aut ante sedata non sit, aut
post orta non fuerit. Oros. l. III: c. 22, Haver. p. 198, 10–199, 2.
8 Oros. l. III: c. 22, Haver. p. 199, 2—15.
9 Anno subsequente cum Sabinis Curio consule bellum gestum est, ubi quot millia
hominum interfecta, quot capta sint, ipse consul ostendit: quiquum in senatu magnitudinem
adquisiti agri Sabini, et multitudinem capti populi referre vellet, numerum explicare mon
potuit. Oros. l. III: c. 22, Haver. p. 199, 15–19.
1 Oros. l. III: c. 22, Haver. p. 199, 19–200, 9.
B. c. 313–280] ALEXANDER's SUCCESSORS. 12]
Praetor with an army, where the Gauls and Bruttii were together,
and he was slain there, and the people with him, namely eighteen
thousand. As often as the Gauls fought against the Romans, the
Romans were overcome. “Therefore, ye Romans,” said Orosius,
“while you always murmur about the only battle that the Goths
had with you, why will you not think of the many former, which
the Gauls often waged insultingly against you!”
2. I will” also bring to mind, in part, what those, that came
after Alexander, did, in the times, when this happened in Rome :
how they killed one another in many battles.—“It is,” said he
[Orosius, “when I think of it, just as if I sat on a high hill, and
saw, on a smooth field, many fires burning; so over all the king-
dom of the Macedonians, that is over all the greater Asia, and
over the greatest part of Europe, and all Libya, there was nothing
but hatred and wars. Those, who were the first under Alexander,
laid waste by war the very places, where they ruled after him,
and where they did not, they brought the greatest gloom, as the
bitterest smoke rises up, and then widely spreads.”
3. Alexander,’ for twelve years, filled with fear and crushed
under him this mid-earth; and his followers, for fourteen years
after, pulled and tore it asunder, just as when the lioness brings
to hungry whelps something to eat : they then shew in the food,
which of them can embowel the most.
4. Thus then did Ptolemy, one of Alexander's generals, when
he swept together all Egypt and Arabia; and Laomedon, his other
general, who seized upon all Assyria, and Philotas Cilicia, and
Philo Illyricum, and Atropates the greater Media, and Stromen?
Media the less, and Perdiccas Asia the less.-The people of
Susiana [came to Coenus], -the greater Phrygia [to] Antigonus,
Lycia and Pamphiliato] Nearchus.-[Cassander took] Caria, and
2 Oros. l. III: c. 23. Haver. p. 200–201, 8.
3 Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 201, 8–12.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 201, 12–203, 3.
4 The Anglo-Saxon of Alfred, both in the Lauderdale and the Cotton MSS, has so many
mistakes in the names, that it is necessary to refer to the Latin of Orosius, who follows
Justin almost verbatim [See l. XIII: c. 4, p. 302–306, and the notes, in the accurate
edition of Graevius, 8vo. Lugd. Bat. 1683].-Orosius says—Prima Ptolemaeo AEgyptus et
Africa, Arabiaeque pars sorte provenit. Confinem huic provincia Syriam Laomedon
Mitylinaeus, Ciliciam Philotas, Philo Illyrios accipiunt. Mediae majori Atropatus, minori
socer Perdiccae praeponitur. Susiana gens Scyno, Phrygia major Antigono Philippi filio adsig-
natur. Lyciam et Pamphyliam Nearchus, Cariam Cassander, Lydiam Menander sortiuntur,
Leonnatus minorem Phrygiam accipit. Thracia et regiones Pontici maris Lysimacho.
122 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. XI, § 5. [b. c. 323–280
Leonnatus Phrygia the less, and Lysimachus Thrace,—and Eu-
menes Cappadocia and Paphlagonia.-Seleucus had all the most
eminent men of Alexander's army; and with them, he at length
gained all the country of the east. Cassander had the warriors with
the Chaldeans. In Bactria and in India were the Prefects, whom
Alexander appointed; and Taxiles had the land between the two
rivers, the Indus and Hydaspes. Pithon had the people, the
colonies" in India. Oxyartes had the Paropamisii [in Afghanistan
and the Punjab west of the Indus], at the end of the Caucasian
mountains. Sibyrtius had the Arachosii [part of Afghanistan and
Beloochistan]. Stasanor had the nations of Drangiana [part of
Iran], and Ariana. Amyntas had the [Bactrians]. Scythaeus had
the people of Sogdiana [part of Turkestan and Bokhara]. Nica-
nor had the Parthians, and Philip the Hyrcani. Phrataphernes
had the Armenians. Tlepolemus had the Medes. Peucestas
had the Babylonians. Peleusus had the Archi, and Archelaus
Mesopotamia.
5. All" their wars first arose from Alexander's letter, because
he therein ordered that all the exiles, who were in the countries
which he himself had formerly over-run, should be allowed to go
home. Then the Greeks would not listen to the order, because
they dreaded that, when they gathered themselves together, they
would avenge the wrongs, which they had formally borne from
them. Moreover they denied that they would any longer serve
with the Lacedaemonians, amongst whom was their chief city.
Soon after that, the Athenians led thirty thousand people, and
two hundred ships against Antigonus, the king, who was to have
all the realm of the Greeks, because he was the bearer of the
message from Alexander. They fixed upon Demosthenes, the
philosopher, as their leader; and drew over the towns people of
Čappadocia cum Paphlagonia Eumeni data: summa castrorum Seleuco Antiochi filio cessit;
stipatoribus regis satellitibusque Cassander filius Antipatri praeficitur. In Bactriana ulteriore
et Indiae regionibus praefecti priores, qui sub Alexandro esse coeperant, permanserunt.
Seras, inter duos amnes Hydasperm et Indum constitutos, Taxiles habuit. In colonias in
Indis conditas Pithon Agenoris filius mittitur. Parapamenos fines Caucasi montis Oxyartes
accepit. Arachosii Gedrosiique Sibyrtio decernuntur. Drangas et Areos Stasanor,
Bactrianos Amyntas sortitur, Sogdianos Scythaeus, Nicanor Parthos, Philippus Hyrcanios,
Phrataphernes Armenios, Tlepolemus Persas, Peucestes Babylonios, Archon Pelasgos,
Archelaus Mesopotamiam adepti sunt. Haver. 201, 12—203, 3.
5 The A. S. is Ithoma haefde calonie pa peode on Indeum, Ithona had the people Coloni
in India. The A. S. translator has mistaken colonias colonies of Oros. for the name of a
people. See note 4.
6 Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 203, 3–16.
B. c. 323–280] ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 123
Corinth, and of Sicyon and of Argos to help them ; and besieged
king Antipater in a fastness, because he gave help to Antigonus.
There Leosthenes, one of their leaders, was shot dead with an
arrow. When they were returning homeward from the city, they
met Leonatus, who should have come to help Antipater, and he
was there slain. Afterwards Perdiccas, who had Asia the less,
began to wage war against Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians,
and drove him into a fastness. The towns-people themselves set
fire to it, on four sides; and there every thing perished, that was
within.
6. After" that, Antigonus and Perdiccas vowed to fight with
each other; and they were long contriving where they should
meet. They laid waste many islands in the strife which of them
could gain the most help. With that hope, Perdiccas marched
with an army into Egypt, where Ptolemy was the king, because it
was told him that he would assist Antigonus. Then Ptolemy
gathered a great army against him. While they strove to come
together, two kings Neoptolemus and Eumenes fought: Eumenes
routed Neoptolemus, who came to king Antigonus, and per-
suaded him to march with an army suddenly upon Eumenes.
Then Antigonus sent [Neoptolemus] himself, and one of his
generals Polyperchon with a great force, that they might defeat
him. When Eumenes was told of it, he waylaid them, where
they had thought of waylaying him, and slew them both, and
put the others to flight. Afterwards Perdiccas and Ptolemy
fought, and there Perdiccas was slain. It then became known to
the Macedonians, that Eumenes and Pithon and Illyrius, and
Alcetas brother of Perdiccas, would wage war against them, and
contrived that Antigonus should come against them with an
army. In the battle, Antigonus routed Eumenes, and drove him.
into a fastness and besieged him while there. Eumenes then
sent to king Antipater, and begged for his help. When Antigonus
understood that, he left the siege: but Eumenes thought there
was great treachery in Antigonus thus going home, and drew
over to his side those, who were formerly Alexander's warriors,
who were called Argyraspides, because all their weapons were
silvered over. When in doubt whether they would so rashly fulfil
his wish, Antigonus came upon them with an army, and took from
7 Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 203, 16—205, 10.
124 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. XI, § 7, 8. [B. c. 323–280
them their wives, and their children, and their land and all
their hoarded riches, that they had gained under Alexander ; and
they themselves with difficulty fled to Eumenes. They then
sent to Antigonus in their greatest disgrace, and begged that he
would give up what he had before taken from them. He told
them he would do that if they brought to him their lord, king
Eumenes, bound; and they did so. But he treated them again
with reproach, and set them in the most disgraceful land, which
was at the utmost end of his people; and, moreover, he would not
give them any thing, for which they had asked.
7. Then " Eurydice, queen of Arrhidaeus, king of the Macedo-
nians, did much evil to the people, through Cassander, her lord's
general, with whom she had secret adultery; and therefore she
taught the king to raise him up so high, that he was above all
who were in the realm next to the king. She so acted by her
intrigues as to raise up all the Macedonians against the king, till
they determined to send for Olympias, Alexander's mother, that
she might assist them to bring both the king and the queen into
their power. Olympias then came to them with the force of
Epirus, her own kingdom, and asked AEacides, king of the
Molossi, to help her. They slew both the king and the queen,
and Cassander fled away. Olympias took the sovereignty, and
did much evil to the people, while she had the government.
When Cassander heard that she was loathsome to the people, he
gathered an army. As she heard that so many of the people
had turned to him, she did not believe that the other part would
be faithful to her; but she took her daughter-in-law, Roxana,
Alexander's widow, and Alexander's son, Hercules, and fled to
the fastness, which was called Pydna. Cassander marched after
her, and stormed the fastness, and slew Olympias. The towns–
people, when they understood that the fastness was to be stormed,
carried off the daughter-in-law with her son, and sent them into
another and stronger fastness. Cassander gave orders to besiege
them there; and he ruled in full power over the kingdom of
Macedonia. *
8. It was then thought, that the war among Alexander's fol-
lowers was ended, when they were fallen, who fought the most :-
they were Perdiccas, and Eumenes, and Alcetas, and Polyperchon,
8 Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 205, 10–206, 2.
9 Oros. l. III: c. 23. Haver. p. 206, 2–208, 8.
B. c. 323–280] ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 125
and Olympias, and Antipater, and many others. But Antigonus,
who had unbounded yearning for power over others, marched to
the fastness, where Alexander's widow and his son were, and took
them ; because he thought that the people would more easily bow
to him, who had their old lord's son in his power. After Cassan-
der heard of it, he agreed with Ptolemy, and with Lysimachus,
and with Seleucus, the eastern king, and they all waged war
against Antigonus, and against Demetrius his son, some on land,
others on water. In that war, though some were with Antigo-
nus, and others with Cassander, the greatest part of the Macedo-
nian nobility fell on both sides. There Antigonus and his son
were routed. Afterwards Demetrius, son of Antigonus, fought
with ships against Ptolemy, and drove him into his own land. An-
tigonus then ordered, that they should call both him and his son,
king; though the followers of Alexander were before only called
generals. In the midst of these quarrels, Antigonus feared that
the people would choose Hercules, Alexander's son, for their
lord, because he was of the true, kingly race. Then he ordered
both him and his mother to be slain. When the other three
heard that he had the thought of over-reaching them all, they
gathered themselves together again, and waged war against him.
Cassander durst not go himself in the expedition, because he was
closely surrounded with enemies, but he sent help to Lysimachus,
his ally, and had entrusted his affairs chiefly to Seleucus; because
he had overcome in battles many powers in the east :-First,
Babylon and Bactriana. Afterwards, he marched into India
where no man before or since durst go with an army, save Alexan-
der. Seleucus brought under his power all the generals; and they
all went to Antigonus and his son Demetrius with an army. In that
war Antigonus was slain, and his son was driven from the king-
dom.—“I ween not,” said Orosius, “ that there is any man, who
can tell, how many fell in that battle.”
9. At that time [B. C. 297] Cassander died, and his son Philip
succeeded to the kingdom. Then it was thought again the second
time, that the wars of Alexander's followers were ended. But
1 Cassandro defuncto, filius Philippus succedit. Sic quasi ex integro nova Macedoniae
bella nascuntur, Antipater Thessalonicen matrem suam, Cassandri uxorem, quamvis mise-
rabiliter pro vita precantem, manu sua transverberavit. Alexander frater ejus, dum
bellum adversus fratrem ob ultionem matris instruit, a Demetrio, cujus auxilium petierat,
circumventus occiditur. Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 208, 8–13.
126 OROSIUS; Book III: CHAP. XI, § 10, 11. [B. c. 323–280
they soon after had war among them. Seleucus, and Demetrius
son of Antigonus, joined together, and waged war against the
three,_Philip, son of Cassander, and against Ptolemy, and Lysi-
machus. They began the war just as if they had never begun it
before. In the strife Antipater killed his mother, widow of Cas-
sander, though she pitifully prayed to him for her life. Then
her son Alexander begged Demetrius to assist him, that he might
revenge his mother's death on his brother; and they soon after
slew him.
10. After this Demetrius and Lysimachus went to war; but
Lysimachus could not withstand Demetrius, because Dromichaetes
king of the Thracians fought against him. In the meanwhile,
Demetrius was very much encouraged, and led an army against
Ptolemy. When he heard of it, he gained over Seleucus and
Pyrrhus king of Epirus to help him. Pyrrhus assisted him chiefly
because he wished to get the government of Macedonia for him-
self. They drove Demetrius from it, and Pyrrhus succeeded.
Afterwards Lysimachus slew his own son Agathocles, and his son-
in-law Antipater. In those days, the city Lysimachia” sank into
the earth with the people altogether. After Lysimachus had
done so to his son, and to his son-in-law, his own people hated
him, and many turned from him, and drew over Seleucus, that he
might overcome Lysimachus. Moreover, the strife between the
two could not be appeased, though they were the only two of
Alexander's followers then alive. But old as they then were,
they fought. Seleucus had lived seventy-seven winters; and
Lysimachus seventy-three winters. There Lysimachus was slain ;
and, about three nights afterwards, Ptolemy, whose sister Lysi-
machus married, came and, as he was going homeward, stealthily
followed after Seleucus, till his army was dispersed, and there
slew him.
11. The peace" and kindheartedness, which they had learned
from Alexander, were then brought to an end. These two, who
lived the longest, had slain thirty kings, their own old comrades,
—and afterwards they took to themselves the whole of the go-
vernments, which they all formerly held. Amid the struggles,
2 Oros. l. III: c. 23. Haver: p. 208, J3—209, 15.
3 Lysimachia civitas formidolosissimo terraemotu eversa, oppressoque populo suo,
crudele sepulchrum fuit. Oros. l. III: c. 23. Haver. p. 209, 8, 9.
4 Oros. l. III: c. 23, Haver. p. 209, 15–210, 7.
B. c. 280] WAR OF THE ROMANS WITH THE TARENTINES. 127
Lysimachus lost his fifteen sons: some he himself slew, others
were slain in battle before himself.
12. “Such brotherhood ' " said Orosius, “they had among
them, who were fed and educated in one family It is very dis-
graceful to us, that we speak about what we now call war, when
strangers and foreigners come upon us, and rob us of a little,
and soon leave us again ; and we will not think what it was,
when no man could redeem his life from another; nor would
even those be friends, who were brothers by father and by mo-
ther "-And here the third book ends, and the fourth begins.
Book IV: CHAPTER I.
1. Four hundred and sixty four years after the building of
Rome [Clinton B. C. 280: Alfred B. C. 289], the Tarentines were
playing in their theatre, which was built within their city Taren-
tum, when they saw Roman ships sail on the sea. Then the
Tarentines hastily went to their own ships, and followed after
the others, and took them all but five. Those, who were taken,
they treated with the greatest cruelty; some they slew, some
they scourged to death, others they sold into bondage. When
the Romans heard of it, they sent ambassadors to them, and
demanded that they should atone for the wrong, which they
had done them. Again, they treated the ambassadors with the
greatest disgrace, as they before did the others, and then let
them go home.
2. Then the Romans marched against the Tarentines; and so
fully did they levy their forces, that even the proletarii" were
not allowed to stay at home. Those were they, whom they left
that their wives might have children, when they went to war.
They said, it seemed to them wiser, that they should not lose
those who could go out, whoever might have children. The
Romans then went against the Tarentines, and laid all waste
where they came, and stormed many towns.
3. Then the Tarentines sent everywhere for help, where they
could hope for any. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, came to them with
5 Oros. l. III: c. 23. Haver. p. 210, 7—20.
1 Oros. l. IV: c. 1, Haver. p. 214–218. Alfred omits the preface of Orosius, Haver. p.
211—214.
2 Proletarii, persons of little or no property. Being of the lowest rank, they were not
called to serve in war, and deemed of little use but to increase (prolem) the population.
128 OROSIUS; Book IV: CHAP. I, § 3. [B. c. 280
the greatest force, as well in infantry, and in cavalry, as with a
fleet. In those days, he was famous above all other kings, as well
for his great forces, and for his forethought, as for his knowledge
of war. Pyrrhus assisted the Tarentines, because the city Tarentum
was built by the Lacedaemonians, who then belonged to his king-
dom. He had the Thessalians and Macedonians to help him, and
in that battle, he had with him twenty elephants, [animals] which
the Romans never saw before. He was the man, that first brought
them into Italy. He was also, in those days, most skilful in warfare
and in contest; but in this only, his gods and his idolatry, which he
followed, deceived him. When he inquired of his gods, which
should have victory over the other, he over the Romans, or the
Romans over him, they answered him ambiguously and said;—
“Thou shalt have [it], or shalt not.”—The first battle, that he
had with the Romans, was in [Lucania], near the river which is
called [Siris]. After there had been great slaughter on both
sides, Pyrrhus ordered the elephants to be brought into the
battle. When the Romans saw that such a stratagem was
employed against them, as they had never before seen, nor
heard speak of, they all fled but one man, called Minutius: he
went boldly under an elephant, that he might stab it in the
navel. After it was wounded and angry, it killed many of the
people: not only did they perish who were upon it, but it so
gored and enraged the other elephants, that they also, who were
upon them, almost all perished. Though the Romans were
routed, still they were encouraged, because they knew what they
could do to the elephants. In that battle fourteen thousand of
the Roman infantry were slain, and eight hundred and eighty
taken ; and one thousand three hundred of their cavalry were
slain; and there were seven hundred banners taken. It was not
said how many of the army of Pyrrhus fell, because it was not
the custom, in those times, that they should tell any of the
slaughter on that side, which was the more powerful, save where
very few were slain, as it was with Alexander, in the first battle
3 Neither the Anglo-Saxon nor the English admits of the ambiguity, so evident in the
sentence recorded by Ennius—“Aio te, Æacida, Romanos vincere posse.” An allusion is
evidently made to this answer of the oracle, though Orosius does not quote the sentence.
4 Orosius gives the following account,-Victos fuisse Romanos turpis fuga prodidit,
quorum tunc cecidisse referuntur peditum quatuordecim millia octingenti et octingenta:
capti mille trecenti et decem: equites autem caesi ducenti Quadraginta duo, capti octingenti
et duo, signa amissa viginti duo. Haver. p. 216, 9–13.
B. c. 280–272] PYRRHUS ASSISTS THE TARENTINES. 129
that he fought with Darius, where no more than nine of his
people were slain.” But Pyrrhus afterwards shewed, what he
thought of the victory that he had over the Romans, when he said, at
the door of his god, and so wrote upon it:-" Accept thou [my]
thanks, O Jupiter, that I have been able to overcome those, who
before were never overcome ; and I am also overcome by them.”
Then his generals asked him, why he spoke such lowering words
of himself—“ that he was overcome.” He answered them and
said, “If I gain such a victory again from the Romans, then I
must afterwards go back to the land of the Greeks without any
soldier.” ". Before the battle, it was shewn to the Romans as a
bad token, that, in this warfare, the people would meet with
great destruction; when thunder killed twenty-four of their
foragers, and the others came away afflicted.”
4. Afterwards Pyrrhus and the Romans fought in the country
of Apulia. There Pyrrhus was wounded in one arm, and the
Romans gained the victory, and had learned more contrivances
for overcoming the elephants, inasmuch as they took stakes, and
struck many sharp iron nails into one end, and wound them
round with flax, and set it on fire, and then thrust them into the
elephants behind, that they became raging both from the burning
of the flax and the goading of the nails: thus, those, who were
upon them, were first destroyed by each, then many of the other
people, who should have been shielded, were killed. In that
battle, eight thousand of the Romans were slain and eleven
banners taken. Twenty thousand were slain of the arov of
Pyrrhus, and his standard taken.—It was then made known to
Pyrrhus, that Agathocles king of the Syracusans was dead in the
country of Sicily. Then he went thither, and forced that
kingdom to submit to him.
5. As soon " as the war with the Romans was ended, there was
the most manifold calamity by pestilence,—yea, no bearing
5 See Book III: ch. 9, § 3. -
6 Sed Pyrrhus atrocitatem cladis, quam hoc bello exceperat, diis suis hominibusque.
testatus est, adfigens titulum in templo Tarentini Jovis, in quo haec scripsit :—
Qui ante hac invicti fuvère viri, pater optime Olympi,
Hos ego in pugna vici, victusque sum ab iisdem.
These verses are from Ennius. Oros. l. IV: c. 1. Haver. p. 217, 3–7, note 22. .
7 Ne ego, si iterum eodem modo vicero, sine ullo milite Epirum revertar. Haver. p.
217, 9, 10.
8 Semineces relicti. Haver. p. 217, 15.
9 Oros. l. IV: c. 2. Haver. p. 218, 219.
1:30 OROSIUS; Book IV: CHAP. I, § 6. [b. c. 280–272
creature, neither women nor cattle, could bring forth any thing
alive, that, at last, they doubted whether any human being
would ever be added to them.' Then Pyrrhus returned again
from Sicily against the Romans, and Curius the consul came
against him. Their third battle was in Lucania on the plain of
Arusium.” Though the Romans had, at one time, thought more
of flight than of battle, ere they saw that the elephants were
brought into the fight; but, after they had seen them, they so
irritated them, that they killed many, whom they should have
protected: the army of Pyrrhus, was, for that reason, mostly put
to flight. In that battle Pyrrhus had eighty thousand foot, and
five thousand horse; and there thirty-six thousand were slain,
and four hundred taken. Then Pyrrhus went out of Italy, about
five years after he first came into it. Soon after he came home,
he wished to storm the city Argos; and he was there struck dead
with a stone.
6. When the Tarentines heard that Pyrrhus was dead, they
sent into Africa to the Carthaginians for help, and went again to
war with the Romans: soon after they came together, the Romans
had a victory. There the Carthaginians found that they could
be overpowered, though no people before could overcome them
in battle.—While Pyrrhus was at war with the Romans, they had
eight legions. They had then appointed the eighth to help the
Rhegians. When the eighth part of the legions believed, that the
Romans could not withstand Pyrrhus, they began to pillage and
oppress those, whom they ought to have protected. When the
Romans heard of it, they sent thither Genucius, their consul, with
an army, to punish them, because they had slain and oppressed
those, whom all the Romans wished to protect ; and he did so.
Some he put to death, others he bound and sent home; and there
they were afterwards scourged, and then their heads cut off with
broad axes.
1 The A. S. is so brief and indefinite, that the more full and clear account of Orosius is
cited:—Pestilentia gravis urbem ac fines ejus invasit, quae quum omnes, tum praecipue
mulieres pecudesque corripiens, necatis in utero foetibus, futura prole vacuabat, et inma-
turis partubus cum periculo matrum extorti abortus projiciebantur: adeo ut defectura
successio, et defuturum animantium genus, adempto vitalis partus legitimo ordine credere-
tur. Haver. p. 218, 22—219, 1.
2 Tertium bellum, ... apud Lucaniam in Arusinis campis, gestum est. Haver, p. 219, 2, 3.
3 Oros. l. IV: c. 3, Haver. p. 220, 221, 5.
B. c. 269] BAD OMENS IN ROME-AN EARTHQUAKE. I31
Book IV: CHAPTER II.
1. Four “hundred and seventy-seven years after the building of
Rome [Clinton B. C. 269: Alfred B. C. 276], there were these
evil wonders in Rome. The first was that thunder shattered the
house of their highest god, Jupiter, and also threw down to the
earth much of the city wall:—And that also three wolves, in one
night, brought the body of a dead man into the city, and after-
wards tore it there piece-meal, till the men awoke and ran out :
then they fled away. In those days it happened, that, in a plain
near Rome, the earth opened and burning fire came up from the
earth;-that, on every side of the fire, the earth for five acres
broad was burnt to ashes.
2. Soon after, in the following year, Sempromius the consul
marched with an army against the Picentes, a people of Italy.
When they had set themselves in array and wished to engage,
there was an earthquake, and each of the armies thought assu-
redly, that they should sink into the earth. They were thus
kept in dread, till the cause of fear passed away; and afterwards
they fought most fiercely. There was the greatest blood-shed in
the armies on both sides: though the Romans had the victory,
there were few left alive. It was there seen that the earthquake
betokened the great drenching of blood, which they shed upon
the earth, at that time.
Book IV: CHAPTER III.
1. Four * hundred and eighty years after the building of Rome
[Orosius, and Alfred B. C. 272], among the many other wonders,
which happened in those days, blood was seen to spring out of
the earth, and milk to rain from heaven. In those days the Car-
thaginians sent help to the Tarentines, that they might more
easily withstand the Romans. When the Romans sent ambassa-
dors to them, and asked why they did that ; then they swore to
the ambassadors with the most disgraceful oaths, that they never
gave them help; although the oaths were more wicked than
true.
2. In those days, the Volscians and the Etruscans nearly all
perished through their own folly; because they freed some of
4 Oros. l. IV: c. 4. Haver. p. 221, 222, 9.
5 Oros. l. IV: c. 5. Haver. p. 222–223, 13.
132 OROSIUS; Book IV: CHAP. IV, § 1, 2. [B. c. 272
their slaves, and were also too mild and too forgiving to all of
them. Those who were partly free" took it amiss, that they freed
the slaves and would not free them. They then rose up against
their masters, and the slaves with them, and thus had power over
them. They afterwards drove, them entirely from the country,;
and took their masters' wives for their own. Afterwards the mas-
ters applied to the Romans, and they enabled them to regain
their own.
Book IV: CHAPTER IV.
1. Four’ hundred and eighty one years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred B. C. 272], so great a pestilence came
upon the Romans, that, at last, they did not ask, how many were
dead, but how many were then left alive. And the devils which
they always worshipped, in addition to the other manifold abomi-
nations which they taught, so bewildered them, that they could
not understand that it arose from the wrath of God; but directed
their priests to tell the people that their gods were angry with
them, in order that they should still make more offerings, and
sacrifices, than they had done before.
2. In those same times, there was a priestess (nun) * of their
gods named Capparonia. It then happened that she forlay herself.
For that offence the Romans hanged her, and him also who was
guilty with her, together with all those who knew of her guilt,
and concealed it.—How can we now think, that the Romans
themselves composed and wrote such things for their own glory
and praise; and yet, amidst the praise, spoke of such reproaches
among themselves 2 Can we think how many greater reproaches
they concealed, as well for the love of themselves, as of their
country, and also for the fear of their senate.
6 Orosius, [Haver. p. 223, 3..] calls them Libertini, which Alfred properly translates by
Ceorlas, who were freemen of the lowest rank. These Ceorlas were subject to many restric-
tions, one of which was that they were compelled to have a person of superior rank to be
responsible for them.—Among the Romans, the manumitted slave was called Libertus,
because he was liberatus or freed from slavery. The Libertus, being freed from legal servi-
tude, belonged to the class Libertinus; but the Libertini, like the Greek áreMeč6epot, had
not all the liberties and privileges of citizens, any more than the Ceorlas among the Anglo-
Saxons. -
7 Oros. 1. IV: c. 5. Haver. p. 223, 13–224, 14.
8 Eodem tempore Capparonia, virgo Vestalis incesti rea, suspendio periit: corruptor ejus
consciique servi, supplicio adfecti sunt. Haver. p. 224, 2–4. The Nunne, or Nun of
Alfred, and virgo Vestalis of Oros. denote a Priestess. See Minucia, III, 6, § 2, n. 7.
B. c. 395] HISTORY OF THE CARTHAGINIANS.—HIMILCO. 133
OF THE WAR OF THE CARTHAGINIANs.
3. “Now,” said Orosius, “we shall take up the war of the
Carthaginians, that is of the people of Carthage, which city was
built by the woman Elissa [Dido) seventy two years before Rome.
Likewise the evil of their citizens, and a little of their disgrace, have
been spoken and written of, as recorded, by Trogus [Pompeius]
and Justin, their historians : for their affairs on no occasion went
on well either at home or abroad. Besides these evils, they or-
dained, when a great pestilence came upon them, that they should
sacrifice men to their gods. The devils also, in which they
trusted, taught them to offer the healthy, for those who were
unhealthy. The men were so foolish, that they thought they
might thus check the evil; but the devils were so deceitful, that
they thereby increased it; for, as they were so very foolish, the
wrath of God came upon them in wars besides other evils, which
mostly happened in the islands of Sicily and Sardinia, in which
they were most frequently at war. When they so often suffered,
they began to blame their generals and soldiers for their troubles,
and sent them into banishment and into foreign lands. They
soon afterwards prayed, that they might return to their own coun-
try, and try whether they could overcome their misfortunes.
This being refused, they marched against them with an army.
In the warfare, the chief general, Mazeus, met his own son,
clothed in purple as a priest. He was angry with him, on account
of his dress, and ordered him to be seized and crucified," as he
thought that he wore such a robe out of contempt for him, be-
cause it was not a custom with them, that any should wear purple,
but kings. They soon afterwards took Carthage, and slew all
the best men that were in it, and forced the others under them.
At last, he was himself overcome and slain. This happened in
the days of Cyrus king of the Persians.
Book IV: CHAPTER V.
1. After that, " Himilco, king of the Carthaginians, went with
an army into Sicily, and there so sudden a plague * came upon
them, that the men were dead as soon as it seized them, so that
9 Oros. l. IV: c. 6. Haver. p. 224–226, 10. "In crucem ... suspendit. Id. p. 226, 6.
1 Oros. l. IV: c. 6. Haver. p. 226, 10–232, 5. -
2 The A. S. is faerlic yfel, a sudden evil or calamity. Oros. has-repente horribili peste
exercitum amisit. Haver. p. 226, 11.
134 OROSIUS; Book IV: Chap. V, $ 2, 3. [b. c. 340
at last, they could not bury them; and, for fear, he turned from
thence against his will, and went home with those who were left.
As soon as the first ship came to land and told the fearful tidings,
all the citizens of Carthage were moved with violent groaning and
weeping, every one asking and inquiring after his friends; and
they surely thought there was no hope for them, but that they
must have altogether perished. While the citizens were thus sor-
rowful, the king himself came with his ship to land, clad in mis-
erable apparel"; and both he himself went homeward weeping,
and the people that came to meet him, all followed him weeping.
The king stretched his hands up towards heaven, and with excess
of feeling bewailed both his own misfortunes, and those of all the
people. He then did to himself what was worst of all: when he
came to his house, he shut the people out, and locking himself
alone within, he slew himself.
2. There was afterwards a wealthy man in Carthage, called
Hanno, who had an immoderate longing for the kingdom; but it
appeared to him, that he could not come to it by the will of the
senators, and he fixed upon the plan of asking them all to a feast
at his house, that he might then kill them by poison. But it was
made known by those, that, he thought, would assist him in the
plot. When he knew that it was found out, he gathered together
all the slaves and bad men, that he could, thinking to come upon
the citizens unawares; but it was known to them beforehand.
When he was unsuccessful in that city, he went to another
with twenty four thousand men, and thought that he could take
it. As the citizens had the Mauretani to help them, they came
out of the fortress against them, and took Hanno, and put the
others to flight. He was afterwards tortured there. First, he
was scourged, then his eyes were plucked out ; and afterwards
his hands were cut off, them his head. All his kindred were slain
lest his death should be avenged in after times, or any other
should dare to begin the same again. This happened in the time
of king Philip.
3. Then, the Carthaginians heard that the great Alexander had
stormed the city Tyre, which, in former days, was the birth-place
of their elders; and they feared that he would also come to
them. They, therefore, sent thither Hamilcar, their most pru-
3 Sordida servilique tunica discinctus. Oros. Haver. p. 227, 5.
B. c. 308] THE CARTHAGINIANS WAR ON SICILY—AGATHOCLES. 135
dent man, to watch Alexander's conduct; so he forwarded to
them at home an account of it, written upon a board; and, after
it was written, he covered it over with wax. After Alexander
was dead, and Hamilcar came home, the elders of the city accused
him of treacherously plotting with Alexander against them ; and,
on that charge, put him to death.
4. The Carthaginians afterwards made war upon Sicily, where
they seldom had success, and beset their chief city Syracuse. It
did not then seem possible to Agathocles their king, that he
could fight against them out of the fortress, nor that they could
all abide within it, for want of food; they, therefore, left such a
part of their forces within the fortress, as could keep it; and,
at the same time, have food enough. With the other part, the
king went to Carthage in ships; and, as soon as he came to land,
he ordered the ships to be burned, because he was unwilling that
his enemies should afterwards get possession of them. There he
soon built a fortress, and from it slew and harassed the people,
till Hanno, their other king, attacked him in the fortress with
twenty thousand men. But Agathocles routed him, and slew two
thousand of his people, and followed him till he was within five
miles of Carthage, and there he built another fortress. He
harassed and burnt all around, so that the Carthaginians, when
on a march from the city, could see the fire and the havoc.
5. It was about this time, that the brother of Agathocles,
named Antander, who was left behind at home in the city, came
unawares by night upon the forces which were besieging them,
and nearly slew them all; and the others fled to their ships. As
soon as they came home, and the tidings became known to the
Carthaginians, they were so much disheartened, that not only
many cities became tributary to Agathocles, but they themselves
in crowds, also yielded to him; so likewise king Ophellas, with
his people the Cyrenians, sought to him. But Agathocles dealt
so unfaithfully with him, that he took him unawares, and put him
to death : so also, it afterwards befel himself. If it had not been
for that one act of treachery, he from that day might, without
trouble, have gained the sovereignty of all the Carthaginians.
4 Castra deinde ad quintum lapidem a Carthagine statuit, ut damna rerum opulentissi-
marum vastationemgue agrorum et incendia villarum de muris ipsius urbis specularentur
Haver. p. 229, 11—13.
136 OROSIUS; Book IV: CHAP. VI, § 1, 2. [B. c. 264—242
At the time that he acted so deceitfully, Hamilcar, king of the
Carthaginians was coming in peace towards him with all his
people. But a disagreement arose between Agathocles and his
people, and he himself was slain. After his death the Cartha-
ginians went again with ships to Sicily. When they heard of it,
they sent to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and for a while, he assisted
them.
Book IV: CHAPTER VI.
1. Four" hundred and eighty-three years after the building of
Rome, [Orosius and Alfred B. C. 270: Clinton 264], the Mamer-
tini,' a people of Sicily, sent to the Romans for help, that they
might withstand the army of the Carthaginians. The Romans
then sent to them Appius Claudius their consul with an army.
Then, after they had marched together with their people, the
Carthaginians fled; and they wondered, as they themselves
afterwards said, that they fled before they came near together.
Because of this flight, Hanno, king of the Carthaginians, with all
his people, became tributaries to the Romans, and every year paid
them two hundred talents of silver: each talent weighed eighty
pounds.
2. Then the Romans besieged the elder Hannibal, king of the
Carthaginians, in Agrigentum, a city of Sicily, till he almost died
with hunger. Then the other king of the Carthaginians, named
Hanno, came to his assistance with a fleet, and was there routed.
The Romans afterwards stormed the fortress, and Hannibal the
king fled out by night with a few men, and gathered eighty
ships, and pillaged the coasts of the Romans. In revenge the
Romans first determined to build ships, which Duilius, their
consul, so speedily carried out, that in sixty days, after the
timber was cut, a hundred and thirty were ready, both with mast
and sail. The other consul, called Cornelius Asina, went with
sixteen ships to the island Lipara to a private conference with
Hannibal, when he slew him. When Duilius, the other consul,
heard of it, he went to the island with thirty ships and slew three
5 Oros. has—Bomilcar, dux Poenorum. Haver. p. 230, 8.
6 Oros. l. IV: c. 7. Haver. p. 232—234.
7 The Mamertini were an Oscan people from Campania, who migrated to Messana or
Messena, on the N. E. coast of Sicily, under the protection of the god Mamers, or Mars,
about B. C. 312. They were conquered by the Carthaginians; and to procure their freedom
they applied to the Romans for help. Thus, the Mamertini of Sicily were the cause of the
first Punic war, B. C. 264—242.
B. c. 264—242.] FIRST PUNIC WAR. 137
hundred of Hannibal's people, and took thirty of his ships, and
sank thirteen in the sea, and put [Hannibal] himself to flight.
3. Afterwards the Poeni, who are the Carthaginians, set
Hanno over their ships, as Hannibal had been before, that he
might guard the islands of Sardinia and Corsica against the
Romans. He soon after fought against them with a fleet and
was slain.
4. In the year" after this, Calatinus the consul went with an
army to Camarina a city of Sicily; but the Carthaginians had
blockaded the way, where he should pass over the mountain.
Then Calatinus took three hundred men with him and went over
the mountain at a secret place, and the men feared that they
were all fighting against him, and left the way without defence,
so that the army afterwards went through there. All the three
hundred men were slain there, save the consul alone: he came
away wounded.
5. After that, the Carthaginians again agreed that the old
Hannibal should wage war on the Romans with ships; but again,
when he would pillage there, he was soon put to flight, and in his
flight his own companions stoned him to death.
6. Then the consul Atilius laid waste Lipara and Malta, islands
of Sicily. Afterwards, the Romans went to Africa with three
hundred" and thirty ships. Then they sent their two kings
Hanno and Hamilcar against them with ships, and there they
were both routed, and the Romans took from them eighty-four
ships. Afterwards they stormed their city Clupea, aud pillaged
even to their chief city Carthage.
7. Then the consul Regulus undertook the Carthaginian war.
When he first marched thither with an army, he encamped near
a river, which was called Bagrada. Then, there came out of the
river a serpent which was immensely large, and killed all the
men who came near the water.
OF THE SERPENT. Then Regulus gathered all the bowmen that
were in the company, that they might overcome it with arrows;
but, when they struck or shot it, the arrows glided on its scales,
8 Oros. l. IV: c. 8. Haver. p. 235—237.
9 Oros. says, Cum trecentis triginta navibus, Haver. p. 236, 2.—Both the Cotton and
the Lauderdale MSS. in the table of contents give prim, three: here, by some mistake, the .
A. S. is feower, four.
18
138 OROSIUS; Book IV: CHAP. VI, § 5. | B. c. 255
as if they were smooth iron. He then ordered the balistas, with
which they broke walls when they fought against a fortress, that
with these, they should throw at it cross-ways. Then, at the first
throw, one of its ribs was broken, so that afterwards it had not
power to defend itself, but was soon after killed; because it is
the nature of serpents, that their power and their motion are in
their ribs, as that of other' reptiles is in their feet. After it was
killed, he told them to flay it, and to take the hide to Rome, and
there to stretch it out as a wonder, because it was a hundred and
twenty feet long.
8. Afterwards [B. C. 255], Regulus fought against three Car-
thaginian kings in one battle,_against the two Hasdrubals, and
the third, called Hamilcar, who was in Sicily, [and] fetched to help
them. In that battle seventeen thousand Carthaginians were
slain, and five thousand * made prisoners, and eleven elephants
taken, and eighty two towns yielded to him.
9. When the Carthaginians had been put to flight, they wished
for peace from Regulus; but, after they understood that he
would have unreasonable tribute for the peace, they said that
they would rather, that death should take them away in this
kind of strife, than that they should have peace on such hard
terms. They, therefore, sent for help both to Gaul and Spain,
and also to Lacedaemon, to Xantippus the king. When they
were all gathered together, they put all their military forces
under Xantippus; and he then led the troops, whither they had
before agreed, and placed two troops secretly, one on each side
of him, and the third behind him, and told the two troops, when
he himself with the first part should flee towards the hindermost,
that they on each side, should then come across upon the army
of Regulus. There thirty thousand of the Romans were slain,
and Regulus was taken with five hundred men. This victory of
the Carthaginians happened in the tenth year of their war with
the Romans. Soon afterwards, Xantippus went back to his own
kingdom, and the Romans were afraid, because by his skill they
had been overreached in their engagement.
10. Then, AEmilius Paulus the consul went into Africa with
1 A. S. oëera creopendra wyrma, other creeping worms.
2 Oros. has—Capta autem quinque millia. The Lauderdale MS. has WX, that is V
from X.
3 Oros. l. IV: c. 9. Haver. p. 238–241.
B. c. 264—242.] FIRST PUNIC waR. 139
three hundred ships to the island of Clupea, and there the
Carthaginians came against him with as many ships, and were
there routed, and five thousand of their people slain, and thirty
of their ships taken, and a hundred and four sunk. Of the
Romans one thousand one hundred were slain, and nine of their
ships sunk. They built a fortress on the island; and there the
Carthaginians sought them again, with their two kings, who were
both named Hanno. There, nine thousand of them were slain,
and the others put to flight. The Romans, when they were
going home, so overloaded their ships with the booty, that two
hundred and thirty of them sank, and seventy were left, and with
difficulty saved by casting out almost all that was in them.
11. Afterwards, Hamilcar, king of the Carthaginians, went into
Numidia and Mauritania, and pillaged them, and made them
tributaries, because they formerly yielded to Regulus. About
three years after this [B. C. 253], Servilius Caepio and Sem-
pronius Blaesus, the consuls, went with three hundred and sixty
ships into Africa and stormed many towns of the Carthaginians,
and afterwards went homewards with great booty, and so over-
loaded their ships again, that one hundred and fifty of them sank.
12. Then Cotta the consul went into Sicily and pillaged it all.
There was so great a slaughter on both sides, that, at last, they
could not bury them.
13. In the days of the consul Lucius Caecilius Metellus, and of
Caius Furius Pacilus [B. C. 251], Hasdrubal, the new king of the
Carthaginians, came to the island Lilybaeum with thirty thousand
horse, and one hundred and thirty elephants, and soon after fought
with Metellus the consul. But, after Metellus had overcome the
elephants, he then also easily put the other forces to flight.
After the flight Hasdrubal was slain by his own troops.
14 The Carthaginians were then so overcome, and so troubled
among themselves, that they found they had no power; but they
agreed that they would seek peace from the Romans. Then they
sent Regulus, the consul, whom they had with them in bon-
dage for five years, and he swore to them, in the name of his
gods, that he would both deliver the message they had given him,
and also again tell them the answer. He did so, and announced
4 Tertio anno. Oros. IV, 6 $12, Haver. p. 240, 1.
5 Oros. l. IV: c. 10. Haver. p. 241,–243.
140 OROSIUS; Book IV: Chap. VI, § 15–18. - [B. c. 250
that each nation should give up to the other, all the men whom
they had taken in war, and afterwards keep peace between them.
After he had announced it, he besought them, not to agree to
aught of the message, and said that it would be a great disgrace
to them to exchange on such even terms; and also that it was
not becoming, that they should think of themselves so meanly, as
if they were like them. Then, after these words, they prayed
that he would stay at home with them, and take the government.
Then he answered them, and said that it must not be that he
should be a ruler of nations, who had before been a slave to a
people. When he came back to the Carthaginians, his compa-
nions said how he had delivered their message, then they cut the
two nerves on the two sides of his eyes, so that afterwards he could
not sleep, till pining away he lost his life.
15. Afterwards [B. C. 250], Atilius Regulus and Manlius Vulso,
the consuls, went against the Carthaginians to the island Lily-
baeum with two hundred ships, and there besieged a fortress.
Then the young king, Hannibal, son of Hamilcar, came upon
them unawares, as they were set round the fortress; and there,
all were slain save a few. Then the consul Claudius went against
the Carthaginians again, and Hannibal came out against them on
the sea, and slew all but those on board thirty ships, which fled
to the island Lilybaeum : there were slain nine thousand, and
twenty thousand taken.
16. Afterwards, the consul Caius Junius set out for Africa, and
perished at sea with his whole fleet. In the following year, Han-
nibal sent a fleet against Rome, and there they ravaged to excess.
17. Then the consul Lutatius, went against Africa with three
hundred ships to Sicily, where the Carthaginians fought against
him. Lutatius was there wounded through one knee. On the
morrow, Hanno came with Hannibal's army, and there Lutatius,
although he was wounded, fought against him, and put Hanno to
flight, and followed after him, till he came to the city Erycina.
Soon afterwards the Carthaginians came to him again with an
army, and were put to flight, and two thousand slain.
18. Then," the Carthaginians a second time sued for peace to
the Romans; and they gave it to them on the ground that they
6 Oros. l. IV: c. 11. Haver. p. 243,-244, 8.
B. c. 264—242.] FIRST PUNIC WAR. 141
should not hold Sicily or Sardinia; and should, moreover, pay
them three thousand talents each year.
Book IV: CHAPTER VII.
1. Five' hundred and seven years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 246], there happened an immense fire
among the Romans, and no man knew whence it came. When
the fire left them, the river Tiber was so flooded as it never was
before, nor [has been] since; so that it swept away all the people's
food, that was in the city, yea, even in their houses. At the
time, when Titus Sempronius and Caius Gracchus were consuls
in Rome, they fought against the people Falisci, and slew twelve
thousand of them.
2. In " that year, the Gauls," who are now called Longobards,
were at enmity with the Romans; and, soon afterwards, led their
armies together. Three thousand of the Romans were slain, in
their first battle ; and, in the following year, four thousand of the
Gauls were slain, and two thousand taken. When the Romans
went homewards, they would not have a triumph before their
consuls, as was their custom, when they gained a victory; be-
cause they fled at the former battle; and they afterwards for
many years did that in various victories.
3. When Titus Manlius Torquatus, and Caius Atilius Bulbus
were consuls in Rome [B. C. 235], the Sardinians, as the Cartha-
ginians advised them, began to make war on the Romans, and
were soon overpowered. Afterwards the Romans waged war on
the Carthaginians, because they had broken the peace. They
then sent their ambassadors twice to Rome for peace; and could
not obtain it. Then, for the third time, they sent ten of their
oldest senators, and they could not obtain it. For the fourth
time, they sent Hanno their most unworthy officer and he obtain-
ed it.
4. “Truly,” said Orosius, “now we are come to the good times
with which the Romans taunt us; and to the plenty of which
they are always boasting before us, that ours are not like those.
But then, let any one ask them, after how many years the peace
was made, from the time they first had war with many nations?
7 Oros. l. IV: c. 11. Haver. p. 244, 8–245, 5.
8 Oros. l. IV: c. 12, Haver. p. 245–247.
9 Oros. has Galli Cisalpini. Haver. p. 245, 19.
142 OROSIUS; Book IV: Chap. VII, § 5–8. [B. c. 235
It is after four hundred and fifty years. Let him then ask again,
how long the peace lasted ? It was one year.
5. Soon after, in the following year, the Gauls waged war on
the Romans; and, on the other side, the Carthaginians. “What
think you now, Romans, how the peace was made sure, whether
it be very like one taking a drop of oil, and dropping it on a large
fire, and thinking to quench it, when it is much more likely, that,
when he thinks he quenches it, he nourishes it still more. It
was so then with the Romans, when they had peace for one
year, that, under that peace, they came to the greatest strife.”
6. In their first war Hamilcar, king of the Carthaginians, when
he wished to march against the Romans with an army, was
then surrounded by the Spaniards and slain. In that year, the
Illyrians slew the ambassadors of the Romans. Then Fulvius
Postumius, the consul, on that account, led an army against
them, and though he had the victory, many were slain on both
sides.
7. Soon afterwards, in the following year, the Roman priests
taught such new opinions, as they had very often done before,
when people were warring against them on three sides, not
only the Gauls on the south of the mountains, but the Gauls on
the north of the mountains, and also the Carthaginians,—that
they should sacrifice human beings to their gods, and that
should be a Gaulish man and a Gaulish woman. Then the
Romans, by the direction of their priests, buried them alive. But
God wreaked vengeance on them, as he always did before,
when they sacrificed men: they paid with their living for the
murder of the guiltless. That was first seen, in the battle which
they had with the Gauls, though there were eight hundred
thousand of their own force, besides other nations which they
had drawn over to them,--when they soon fled, because their
consul was slain, and three thousand of their own people. That
seemed to them as the greatest slaughter, which they often before
held as nothing. At their second battle, nine thousand of the
Gauls were slain.
8. In the third year after this, Manlius Torquatus and Fulvius
Flaccus were consuls in Rome. They fought against the Gauls
and slew three thousand of them,” and took six thousand.
1 Oros. l. IV: c. 13. Haver. p. 24.8—251.
2 Oros. Viginti tria millia. Haver, p. 250, 10.
B. c. 218–201] SECOND PUNIC WAR.—HANNIBAL. 143
9. In the following year, many wonders were seen. One was,
that in the wood, Picenum, a spring welled with blood; and in
the country of Thrace, they saw, as if the heaven were burning;
and in the city, Ariminum, it was night till mid-day; and there
was so great an earth-quake that, in the islands of Caria and
Rhodes, there were great ruins, and the Colossus fell down.
10. This year, the consul Flaminius disregarded the saying,
which the soothsayers had falsely told him, that he ought not to
go to war with the Gauls; but he carried it through, and ended
it with honour. There seven thousand of the Gauls were slain,
and seventeen thousand taken. Afterwards, Claudius the consul
fought against the Gauls, and slew thirty thousand of them; and
he himself fought with the king single-handed, and slew him, and
took the city, Milan. After that, the Istrians waged war on the
Romans; then they sent their consuls, Cornelius and Minucius,
against them. There a great slaughter was made on both sides,
though the Istrians were brought under the Romans.
Book IV: CHAPTER VIII.
1. Five" hundred and thirty-three years after the building of
Rome [Alfred B. C. 220 : Orosius and Clinton 219), Hannibal,
king of the Carthaginians, beset Saguntum, a city of Spain, be-
cause they had always kept at peace with the Romans; and
settled there for eight months, till he had killed them all by hun-
ger and overthrown the city, though the Romans sent their am-
bassadors to him, and begged that he would leave off the siege;
but he so contemptuously slighted them, that he would not bear
the sight of them in that war, and also in many others. After
that, Hannibal shewed the malice and the hatred, that he swore
before his father, when he was a boy of nine years old, that he
would never become a friend of the Romans.
2. When Publius Cornelius Scipio, and Titus Sempronius Lon-
gus were consuls [B. C. 218], Hannibal rushed in war over the
mountains called the Pyrenees, which are between France and
Spain. Afterwards he went over many nations, till he came to
the mountains [named] the Alps, and there also rushed over,
though he was often withstood in battles, and made the way over
mount Jove. So, when he came to the separate rock, he ordered
3 Oros. l. IV: c. 14. Haver. p. 252—253.
144 OROSIUS; Book IV: Chap. VIII, § 3. [B. c. 218
it to be heated with fire, and then to be hewed with mattocks;
and with the utmost toil went over the mountains. Of his army
there were one [hundred] thousand foot, and twenty thousand
horse.
3. When he had marched on the level ground till he came to
the river Ticinus, then Scipio, the consul, came against him there,
and was dangerously wounded, and would also have been slain,
if his son had not saved him, by standing before him till he took
to flight. There a great slaughter of the Romans was made.
Their next battle was at the river Trebia; and again the Romans
were beaten and routed. When Sempronius, their other consul
who was gone into Sicily with an army, heard of it, he went
thence, and both the consuls came with an army against Hanni-
bal; and their meeting was again at the river Trebia, and the
Romans were also put to flight, and very much slaughtered, and
Hannibal wounded. Afterwards Hannibal went over the moun-
tain Barda [one of the Apennines'], although there was about
that time, so great a snow storm, that many of the horses perish-
ed, and all the elephants but one ; and the men themselves could
hardly bear the cold. But he went boldly over the mountain,
chiefly because he knew, that Flaminius, the consul, thought
that he might without fear abide in the winter-quarters in which
he was then, with the army that he had gathered, and undoubt-
edly thought that there was no one, who durst or could begin the
journey about that time for the unwonted cold. As soon as
Hannibal came to that land, he halted in a secret place, near the
other army, and sent some of his army throughout the land to
burn and to pillage; so that the consul thought that all the
troops were spread throughout the land, and were marching thi-
therward, and thought that he should surprise them in the plun-
dering; and led the army without order, as he knew the other
was, till Hannibal came upon him crossways with the force that
he had together, and slew the consul and twenty-five thousand of
the other people, and took six thousand; and two thousand of
Hannibal's people were slain. Then, the consul Scipio, brother of
the other Scipio, was fighting many battles in Spain and took
Mago, a general of the Carthaginians.
4 Centum millium peditum. Haver. p. 252, 17.
5 In summo Apennino. Haver. p. 253, 10.
218–201] SECOND PUNIC WAR,-HANNIBAL. 145
4. Many "wonders happened at this time. The first was, that
the sun was as if it were all lessened. The second was, that they
saw, as if the sun and the moon were fighting. These wonders
happened in the land of Arpi. In Sardinia they saw two shields
sweat blood. The people of the Falisci saw the heaven, as if it
were opened. And to the people of Antium it seemed, when
they had reaped their corn, and filled their baskets, that all the
ears were bloody.
Book IV: CHAPTER IX.
1. Five' hundred and forty years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 213: Clinton B. C. 216], when Lucius
AEmilius Paullus and Caius Terentius Varro were consuls, they
marched with an army against Hannibal; but he misled them by
the same stratagem, as he did at their former meeting, and also
by the new one that they knew not before, which was, that he
left some of his people in a strong place, and with some he went
against the consuls; and, as soon as they came together, he fled
towards those who were behind, and the consuls followed after
him, and slew his people, and thought that, on that day, they
should have the greatest victory. But, as soon as Hannibal came
to his forces, he routed all the consuls, and made so great a
slaughter of the Romans as never had been made, in one battle,
neither before nor since,—that was forty-four thousand, and slew
two of their consuls, and took the third ; and, on that day, he
might have come to power over all the Romans, if he had gone
forward to the city. Afterwards, Hannibal sent three measures
of golden rings "home to Carthage, in token of his victory. By
the rings, they might know, what Roman nobility had fallen;
because it was a custom with them, in those days, that no one
might wear a golden ring, unless he was of noble race.
2. After that battle, the Romans were so much cast down,
that Caecilius Metellus, who was then their consul, also all their
senate, had thought that they should leave Rome, yea, even all
Italy. And they would have done so, if Scipio, who was the
eldest of the warriors, had not withheld them, for he drew his
6 Oros. l. IV: c. 15. Haver. p. 254, 255.
7 Oros. l. IV: c. 16. Haver. p. 256–259.
8 Tres modios annulorum aureorum misit. Haver. p. 256, 18. A modius contained 1
gallon, 7.8576 pints: the three modii would, therefore, be a little less than 3 English pecks.
19
146 OROSIUS; Book IV: CHAP. IX, $ 3–5. [b. c. 218–201
sword, and swore that he would rather kill himself than leave his
father-land; and said also, that he would follow after every one
of them as his enemy, who would speak a word, that he
thought of leaving Rome. With that, he forced them all to take
oaths, that they would altogether either fall in their own land,
or live in it. They then chose a Dictator, who was called
Decimus Jumius, that he should be ruler over the consuls. He
[raised recruits from those who were] but seventeen years old.”
They chose Scipio as consul, and they freed all the men, that
they had in bondage, on condition, that they took oaths, that
they would serve them in the wars. Some of them who would
not free theirs, or who did not think it fit, that they should,—
the consuls paid for with their public money, and then set them
free; and all those, who before were condemned, or had forfeited
their freedom, they forgave it all, on condition that they should
give their full service in the wars. There were six thousand of
these men, when they were gathered together. All Italy forsook
the Romans, and turned to Hannibal, because they had no hope
that the Romans would ever regain their power. Then Hannibal
went to Beneventum, and they came to meet him, and turned to
him. -
3. Afterwards, the Romans collected four legions of their people,
and sent Lucius Posthumius, their consul, against the Gauls,
whom they now call Longobards, and he was there slain and many
of the people with him. Then the Romans chose Claudius
Marcellus as consul, who was before the colleague of Scipio.
He went secretly with a powerful force, on that end of Hannibal's
army, in which he himself was, and slew many of his people, and
put Hannibal himself to flight. Then had Marcellus made it
known to the Romans, that they could put Hannibal to flight,
though they before questioned, whether they could rout him by
any human force.
4. During these wars, the two Scipios, who were then consuls,
and also brothers, were in Spain with an army, and fought
against Hasdrubal, uncle of Hannibal, and slew him; and of his
army they partly slew and partly took thirty thousand. He was
also another king of the Carthaginians.
5. Afterwards Centenius Penula, the consul, begged that the
9 Qui, delectu habito ab annis decem et septem. Haver. p. 257, 5, 6.
218–201] SECOND PUNIC WAR.—MARCELLUS. 147
senate would give him troops, that he might attack Hannibal in
battle; and he was there slain and eight thousand of his people.
Then Sempronius Gracchus, the consul, went again with an army
against Hannibal, and was put to flight; and a great slaughter
was made of his army. -
6. “How can the Romans now,” said Orosius, “in truth say,
that they had then better times, than they have now, when they
had undertaken, at the same time, so many wars ?—One was in
Spain; another in Macedonia; a third in Cappadocia; a fourth
at home against Hannibal; and they were also very often put to
flight and disgraced. But it was very evident, that they were
then better warriors, than they are now ; that they, however,
would never shrink from the war, though they often stood on a
small and hopeless foundation, so that, at last, they had the mas-
tery over all those, who, before, nearly had it over them.
Book IV: CHAPTER X.
1. It was five hundred and forty-three years after the build-
ing of Rome [Orosius, Alfred, Clinton B. C. 210], that Claudius
Marcellus, the consul, went with a fleet to Sicily, and took Syra-
cuse, their wealthiest city, though he could not take it in the
former expedition, when he besieged it, because of the skill of
Archimedes, an officer of the Sicilians.
2. In the tenth year, after Hannibal waged war in Italy, he
went from the country of Campania till within three miles of
Rome, and encamped by the river, called Anio, to the greatest
fear of all the Romans, as from the behaviour of the men, it might
be understood, how frightened and astonished they were, when
the women ran with stones towards the walls, and said that they
would defend the city, if the men durst not. On the next morn-
ing, Hannibal marched to the city, and drew up his army before
the gate, called Collina. But the consuls did not think themselves
so cowardly, as the women had before spoken of them, that they
durst not defend themselves within the city; but they set them-
selves in array against Hannibal without the gate. But when they
wished to engage, then there came such overwhelming rain that
not one of them could wield any weapon; and, therefore, they
separated. When the rain ceased, they went together again, and
1 Oros. l. IV: c. 17. Haver. p. 259—262.
148 OROSIUS ; Book IV: CHAP. X, § 3–6. [b. c. 218–201
again there was another such rain, and they again separated.
Then Hannibal understood, and said within himself, though he
was wishing and hoping for power over the Romans, that God
did not grant it. e
3. “Tell me now, O Romans !” said Orosius, “when or where
it came to pass that, before Christianity, either you or others could
have rain by praying to any gods, as they could afterwards, since
Christianity came, and may now have much good from our Savi-
our, Christ, when they have need. It was however very evident
that the same Christ, who afterwards turned them to Christianity,
sent them that rain as a guard, though they were not worthy
of it, to the end that they themselves, and many others through
them, might come to Christianity and to the true belief.”
4. In the days when this happened, two consuls were slain in
Spain: they were brothers, and were both named Scipio. They
were deceived by Hasdrubal, king of the Carthaginians.—At that
time Quintus Fulvius, the consul, so frightened all the leading
men, that were in Campania, that they killed themselves with
poison. He slew all the leading men that were in Capua because
he thought they would be a help to Hannibal, though the senate
had strictly forbidden that deed.
5. When the Romans were told, that the consuls were slain in
Spain, the senate could not find a consul among them, who durst
march into Spain with an army, but the son of one of the consuls,
named Scipio, who was a youth. He earnestly begged that they
would give him troops, that he might lead an army into Spain;
and he chiefly undertook that expedition, because he thought
that he could revenge his father and his uncle, though he strictly
hid it from the senate. But the Romans were so earnest for the
expedition, although they were much straitened in their treasure
which they had for public use, because of the wars which they
had on four sides, that they gave him all that they had in aid of
the expedition, but that each woman kept one ounce of gold, and
one pound of silver, and each man one ring and one collar.”
6. When Scipio had marched to the new city, Carthage,
which they now call Cordova, he besieged Hannibal's brother;
2 Bullasque sibi ac filiis, Oros. Haver p. 262, 10. The bulla was an ornament worn
round the neck, chiefly by children and young men.
3 Oros. l. IV: c. 18. Haver. p. 263—267.
b. c. 218–201] SECOND PUNIC WAR.—Scipio—HASDRUBAL. 149
and because he came upon the townspeople unawares, he, in a little
time, brought them under his power by hunger, so that the king
himself fell into his hands, and of all the others, some he slew,
some he bound, and sent the king bound to Rome, and many of
the chief senators with him. Within the city much treasure was
found : some of it Scipio sent to Rome, some he ordered to be
dealt out to the army.
7. At that time, Laevinus, the consul, went from Macedonia to
Sicily with a fleet; and there overcame the city, Agrigentum,
and took Hanno, their leader. Afterwards forty towns fell into
his hands; and twenty-six he overcame by fighting. At that
time, Hannibal slew Cneius Fulvius the consul in Italy, and eight
thousand with him. Afterwards, Hannibal fought with the consul
Marcellus, for three days: on the first day the people fell on
both sides alike ; the next day, Hannibal had the victory; the
third day, the consul had [it]. Then Fabius Maximus, the con-
sul, went with a fleet to the city, Tarentum, unknown to Hanni-
bal, and stormed the city by night, so that they, who were therein,
knew it not; and slew Hannibal's general, Carthalo, and thirty
thousand with him.
8. In the year afterwards, Hannibal stole on Claudius Mar-
cellus, the consul, where he was placed with the army, and slew
him and his people with him. In those days Scipio routed Has-
drubal, Hannibal's other brother, in Spain; and eighty towns of
this people fell into his hands. So hateful were the Carthaginian
people to Scipio, that when he had routed them, though he
sold some of them for money, he would not keep the money,
which was given for them, but gave it to other people. In the
same year Hannibal again over-reached two consuls, Marcellus
and Crispinus, and slew them.
9. When Claudius Nero, and Marcus Livius Salinator were
consuls, Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother, went with an army from
Spain into Italy to help Hannibal. Then the consuls heard of
that before Hannibal, and came against him, when he had passed
over the mountains, and there they had a long fight ere either
of the armies fled. That Hasdrubal was so long in fleeing, was
rather owing to this reason, because he had elephants with him;
and the Romans had the victory. Hasdrubal was slain there,
and fifty three thousand of his army, and five thousand taken.
150 . OROSIUS; Book IV: Chap. X, § 10–11. [b. c. 218–201
Then the consuls gave orders to cut off the head of Hasdru-
bal, and to throw it before Hannibal's camp. When it was known
to Hannibal, that his brother was slain, and so many of the
people with him, then he first had a fear of the Romans, and he
went into the land of the Brutii. Then Hannibal and the Ro-
mans had one year of stillness between them, because very
many of both the armies died of fever. In that stillness, Scipio
over-ran all Spain, and afterwards came to Rome, and gave advice
to the Romans, that they should go in ships into the country of
Hannibal,. Then the Romans sent him to be the leader of the
expedition ; and, as soon as he came upon Carthage, Hanno, the
king, came against him unwarily, and was slain there. At that
time, Hannibal fought with Sempronius, the consul, in Italy, and
drove him into Rome.
10. After that, the Carthaginians marched against Scipio with
all their force, and encamped in two places near the city, which
is called Utica: in one were the Carthaginians,—in the other the
Numidians, who were to help them, and had thought, that they
should there have winter-quarters. But when Scipio learned
that the forewarders were set far from the fastness, and also that
no others were nearer, he secretly led his army between the
warders, and sent a few men to one of their fastnesses, with the
view of setting fire to one end of it, that then almost all, who
were within it, might run towards the fire with the thought of
quenching it. Then Scipio, in the mean time, almost slew them
all. When the others, who were in the other fastness, found
that out, they ran thitherward in crowds to help the others; and
Scipio was, all that night, until day, slaying them as they came;
and afterwards, throughout all the day, he slew them fleeing.
Their two kings Hasdrubal and Syphax fled to the city Carthage,
and gathered the troops, which they had there, and came against
Scipio, and were again chased into Carthage. Some fled to the
island, Cirta; and Scipio sent a fleet after them, so that some
they slew, some they took. Syphax, their other king, was
taken, and was afterwards sent to Rome in chains.
11. In these battles, the Carthaginians were so cast down,
that afterwards they reckoned themselves as nothing against the
Romans; and sent into Italy for Hannibal, and prayed that he
4 Oros. l. IV: c. 19. Haver, p. 267—269.
B. c. 201] END OF SECOND PUNIC WAR.—SCIPIO. 151
would come and help them. He granted that prayer weeping,
because he must leave Italy, in the thirteenth year after he first
came into it; and he slew all his men, who were of those
countries, and would not [go] over the sea with him.
12. When he sailed homeward, he told a man to climb up the
mast, and to look whether he knew the land, towards which they
were [sailing]. Then he said, that he saw a broken tomb such
as it was their custom to build of stones above ground for rich
men. Then, after their heathenish custom, that answer was very
unpleasant to Hannibal; and he told him his dislike to the
answer, and ordered all the army with their ships to turn from the
place, which he had before thought of, and came to the town,
Leptis, and quickly went to Carthage, and begged that he might
speak with Scipio, and wished that he might be able to make
peace between the nations. But their private conference, which
they held together between the armies, brought on a quarrel,
and they prepared for battle. Soon after they came together,
Hannibal's army was put to flight, and twenty thousand slain,
and five hundred and eighty elephants, and Hannibal fled with
three others to the fortress, Adrumetum. The citizens then
sent to Hannibal from Carthage, and said that it would be best
for them to seek for peace from the Romans. When Cneius
Cornelius Lentulus, and Publius AElius Paetus were consuls,
[B. C. 201], peace was granted to the Carthaginians by Scipio
with the Senate's consent, on the ground that the islands of Sicily
and Sardinia should belong to the Romans, and that every year
they should pay them as many talents of silver as they then gave
them ; and Scipio ordered five hundred of their ships to be
drawn up and burnt, and afterwards went homeward to Rome.—
When they brought the triumph towards him, there came with it
Terentius, the great Carthaginian poet, who bore a hat on his
head, because the Romans had lately enacted, that, when they
had overcome any people, those who might wear a hat, might
then have both life and freedom.
Book IV: CHAPTER XI.
1. Five hundred and fifty years after the building of Rome
[Orosius B. C. 207: Alfred 203: Clinton 201], the second war
of the Carthaginians and the Romans was ended, which they
5 Oros. l. IV: c. 20, Haver. p. 269—276.
152 OROSIUS; Book IV: Chap. XI, § 2–3. [B. c. 195
were carrying on for fourteen years. But the Romans soon after
began another against the Macedonians. The consuls then cast
lots, which of them should first undertake that war. It was
then allotted to Quintius Flaminimus, and he in that war fought
many battles, and very often had the victory, until Philip, their
king, asked for peace, and the Romans granted it; and he then
went to the Lacedaemonians, and Quintius Flaminimus forced
both the kings to give their sons for hostages. Philip, king of
the Macedonians, gave his son Demetrius, and Nabis, king of the
Lacedaemonians, gave his son Armenes. The consul gave orders
to all the Roman men, whom Hannibal had sold into Greece,
that they should all shave their heads, as a token that he loosed
them from slavery.
2. At that time, the people of the Isubres, the Boii, and the
Caenomani gathered themselves together by the advice of Hamil-
car, brother of Hannibal, whom he had formerly left behind him
in Italy; and they afterwards marched into the lands of Placentia,
and Cremona, and laid them altogether waste. Then the Romans
sent thither Claudius Fulvius, the consul, and he with difficulty
overcame them. Afterwards Flamininus, the consul, fought
against Philip, king of the Macedonians, and against the Thra-
cians, and against the Illyrians, and against many other nations,
in one battle, and put them all to flight. There eight thousand
of the Macedonians were slain, and six thousand taken. After
that, Sempromius, the consul, was slain in Spain with all his army.
At that time Marcellus, the consul was put to flight in the land
of Etruria, when Furius, the other consul, came to help him, and
gained the victory; and they afterwards laid waste all that land.
3. When Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and Marcus Porcius Cato
were consuls [B. C. 195], Antiochus, king of the Syrians, began
to wage war against the Romans, and went with an army out of
Asia into Europe. At that time, the Romans ordered, that they
should take Hannibal, king of the Carthaginians, and afterwards
bring him to Rome. When he heard of it, he fled to Antiochus,
king of the Syrians, whilst he was abiding in doubt, whether he
should dare to wage war against the Romans, as he had begun.
But Hannibal led him to carry on the war longer. The Romans
then sent Scipio Africanus their ambassader to Antiochus, when
he told Hannibal to speak with the ambassadors, and answer
them. When they did not agree to any peace, afterwards Scipio,
a. c. 183] ORIGIN OF THE MACEDONIAN WAR : PHILIP. 153
the consul came with Glabrio, the other consul, and slew forty
thousand of the army of Antiochus. In the year following
this, Scipio fought against Hannibal out at sea, and had the
victory. When Antiochus heard of it, he asked Scipio for peace
and sent home to him his son, who was in his power, though he
knew not how he came to him, unless, as some men said, he had
been taken in pillaging or on guard.
4. In the farther Spain, AEmilius, the consul, was cut off with
all his army by the Lusitanian nation. In those days, Lucius
Baebius, the consul, was cut off with all his army, by the Etrus-
can people; so that there was no one left to tell it at Rome.
5. Afterwards Fulvius, the consul, went with an army into
Greece, to the mountains which they call Olympus, where many
of the people had fled to a fastness. Then, in the battle, in
which they wished to break into the fastness, many of the Ro-
mans were shot dead with arrows, and struck off with stones.
When the consul understood, that they could not break into the
fastness, he then gave orders to some of the soldiers, that they
should go away from the fastness, and the rest he told that they
should flee towards the others, when the battle was hottest, that
they might thus entice those out, who were within it. In the
flight, which the townspeople afterwards made towards the fast-
ness, forty thousand of them were slain, and those that were
left there, came into his hands. In those days, Marcius, the
consul, marched with an army into the land of Liguria, and was
put to flight, and four thousand of his army slain.
6. When Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Quintus Fabius
Labeo were consuls [B. C. 183], Philip, king of Macedon, killed
the Roman ambassadors, and sent Demetrius, his son, to the
senate, that he might appease their anger; and, though he did
so, when he came home, Philip ordered his other son to kill him
with poison, because he accused him of speaking of him unbecom-
ingly to the senate. At the same time, Hannibal by his own will
killed himself with poison. At that time appeared the island
Volcano, near Sicily, which was not seen before then. At that
time [B. C. 179] Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, fought
against the farther Spaniards, and had a victory.
7. When Lepidus and Mucius were consuls, the most power-
ful nation, which was then called Basternae and is now called
20 -
1 j4 OROSIUS; Boek. IV: Chap. XII, § 1. [b. c. 171–151
Hungarian, would wage war on the Romans: they wished to
come to the help of Perseus, king of the Macedonians. The river
Danube was then so much frozen over, that they believed
they might march over the ice; but there they almost all
perished.
8. When Publius Licinius Crassus, and Caius Cassius Longinus
were consuls [B. C. 171], the Macedonian war arose, which may
well be reckoned among the greatest wars; because, in those
days, all the Italians were helping the Romans, and also Ptolemy,
king of Egypt, and Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, and Eume-
mes, king of Asia, and Masinissa, king of Numidia. And Perseus,
king of Macedonia, had all the Thracians, and Illyrians to help
him. Soon after they came together, the Romans were put to
flight; and soon after that, in a second battle, they were also put
to flight. After these battles Perseus, all that year, sorely harassed
the Romans, and afterwards he marched upon the Illyrians, and
stormed their city Sulcanum, which belonged to the Romans;
and many of the people,_some he killed,—some he led into
‘Macedonia. Afterwards, Lucius AEmilius, the consul, fought
with Perseus and overcame him, and slew twenty thousand of his
people; and he himself fled at that time, and was soon afterwards
taken, and brought to Rome, and there slain. There were many
battles in those days in many lands, of all which it is now too
tiresome to speak.
Book IV: CHAPTER XII.
1. Six" hundred years after the build ng of Rome [Orosius and
Alfred B. C. 153: Clinton 151], when Licinius Lucullus, and
Aulus Posthumius Albinus were consuls, the Romans had the
greatest fear of the Celtiberians, a people of Spain: and they had
not any man that durst go thither with an army, but Scipio the
consul, who was called Africanus after that expedition, because
he then went a second time thither, when no other durst; although
the Romans had agreed, a little before, that he should go into
Asia; but he had many battles in Spain with various victories.
In those days, Servius Galba, a colleague of Scipio, fought against
the Lusitanians, a people of Spain, and was routed. * -
2. In those days, the gods of the Romans gave orders to the
6 Oros. l. IV: c. 21. Ilaver. p. 276–278.
s. c. 149–146] THE THIM&D PUNIC WAR. 155
senate to build them a theatre for plays; but Scipio often sent
orders home that they should not begin it; and also, when he
came home from Spain, he himself said, that it would be the
greatest folly, and the greatest mistake. Then the Romans, by
his chiding and by his teaching, would not listen to the gods;
and all the money, that they had there gathered together, which
they would have given for the pillars and for the work, they
gave for other things.-Now may those Christians be asham-
ed, who love and follow such idolatry, when he so much scorned
it, who was not a Christian, and should have furthered it, according
to their own custom.
3. Afterwards, Servius Galba marched again upon the Lusita-
nians, and made peace with them, and under that peace deceived
them. That deed did wellnigh the greatest harm to the Romans,
so that no people, that were under them, could trust to them.
Book IV; CHAPTER XIII.
1. Six' hundred and two years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 151 : Clinton 149], when Lucius
Marcius Censorinus, and Marcus Manilius were consuls, then
happened the third war of the Romans and Carthaginians; and
the senate agreed among themselves, that, if they overcame them
a third time, they would overthrow all Carthage. Again they
sent Scipio thither, and he routed them in their first battle, and
drove them into Carthage. They then begged for peace from
the Romans, but Scipio would not grant it to them on any other
ground, than that they all gave up their weapons to him, and left
the city, and that no one should settle within ten miles of it.
After that was done, they said they would rather perish together
with the city, than that it should be overthrown without them.
Those who had iron, again made themselves weapons; and those
who had not, made them,--some of silver, some of wood, and set
the two Hasdrubals over them, as their kings.
2. “Now,” said Orosius, “I will tell, what sort [of a city] it
was –Its circumference was thirty miles; and it was all sur-
rounded by sea, but three miles. The wall was twenty feet thick
and forty ells high; and there was within another less fastness,
on a cliff of the sea,' which was two miles [in extent].” The
7 Oros. l. IV: c. 22. Haver. p. 279, 280, 8 Imminens mari. Haver. p. 280, 5. 9 The
156 OROSIUS; Book IV: Cnar. XIII, § 3–5. [b. c. 146
Carthaginians at that time guarded the city, although Scipio had
before broken down much of the wall, and afterwards he went
homeward.
3. When Cneus Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius
were consuls [B. C. 146], Scipio went a third time into Africa,
because he wished to overthrow Carthage. When he came
thither, he was fighting against the city for six days, till the
citizens begged that they might be their servants, since they
could not defend themselves. Then Scipio ordered all the
women first to go out, of whom there were twenty-six thousand;
and then the men, of whom there were thirty thousand. Has-
drubal, the king, killed himself, and his wife with her two
sons burnt themselves because of the king's death. Scipio
ordered all the city to be overthrown, and every hewn stone to
be broken to pieces, that they might not afterwards [be used] for
any wall. The city was burning within for sixteen days, about
seven hundred years after it was first built.
4. Then the third war of the Carthaginians and the Romans
was ended, in the fourth year after it was first begun; although
the Romans had before a long consultation about it, whether it
was more reasonable for them utterly to destroy the city, that
they ever after might have peace on that side, or they
should let it stand, to the end that war might again arise from
thence, because they dreaded, if they did not sometimes wage
war, that they would too soon become drowsy and slothful.
5. “So that, to you, Romans, it is now again made known,
since Christianity came,” said Orosius, “that ye have lost the whet-
stone of your elders, of your wars, and of your bravery; for ye
are now fat without and lean within ; but your elders were lean
without and fat within, of a strong and firm mind. I also know
not,” said he, “how useful I may be at the time that I speak these
words, but that I may lose my pains. It is also desirable that a
man briskly rub the softest malmstone, it if he think of making it
A. S. has-twegra mila heah, two miles high But Orosius only speaks of its snper-
ficial extent. “Arx . . . paulo amplius quam duo millia passuum tenebat. Haver. p. 280, 3.
* Oros. l. IV: c. 23. Haver. p. 281–283. *
# The late Dr Ingram, President of Trinity College Oxford, in his notes, written in his
copy of Orosius, and left with his other books, to his College, states—“There is a kind of
stone, which is still called in Wiltshire, Malmstone, of which there is great abundance in that
county, a county well known to king Alfred,—the theatre of his most glorious battles, etc.”
The Wiltshire and Oxfordshire Malm-stone is chalk and other friable stone [Plot. Nat. Hist.
a. c. 146] FALL OF CARTHAGE: VAIN BOAST OF THE ROMANS. 157
the best whetstone. So then, it is now very difficult for me to
whet their mind, since it will be neither sharp nor hard.
Book V: ' CHAITER I."
1. “I know,” said Orosius, “what the boast of the Romans
chiefly is, because they have overcome many nations, and have
often driven many kings before their triumphs. Those are the
good times of which they always boast ; just as if they now said,
that those times were given to them only, and not to all people;
but, if they could rightly understand it, then they might know,
that they were common to all nations. If they say that those
times were good, because they made that one city wealthy, then
may they more truly say that they were the most unhappy,
because, through the riches of that one city, all the others were
made poor.
2. If they do not believe this, let them then ask the Italians,
their own countrymen, how they liked those times, when they
were slain, and kept down, and sold into other lands for one
hundred and twenty years.
3. If they do not believe them, then let them ask the Span-
iards, who were bearing the same for two hundred years, and
many other nations; and also many kings, how they liked it,
when they drove them in yokes, and in chains before their
triumphs towards Rome for their own glory ; and afterwards
they lay in prison until they died. And they harassed many
kings, to the end that they should give all that they then had
Oxon. p. 69]. In A. S. mealm signifies, sand or grit. So, in cognate languages, we find
the same word. The Goth. malma sand. Old Ger. “malm arena; malmen, in pulverem
redigere.” Wachteri Glos. Dutch “Molm caries, et pulvis livni cariosi. Kilian.” The
modern Ger. has zermalmen, to crush to pieces. Mr Thomson observes: “In the north of
England maum, and in Scotland maumie, signify mellow or soft ; but the old Ger, malu, I
grind, may shew the reason of the name, a stone that may be ground down, or pulveriz-
ed.” Wacher says malm pulvis. Old Ger. malen molere. My friend would have the latter
clause reudered thus: “After which, that he think to obtain the best whetstone.”—“It is
desirable that after he has rubbed off the rust with the malmstone—whatever that was—he
should look out for a good whetstone to finish with. The mind of the Romans is figured by
a rusty blade—the rebukes of Orosius, like the hard or brisk rubbing, are not enough to give
it an edge; he must think of something more effacious as a whetstone, or else his labour will
be lost.” Such is Mr. T's view, mine is given above.
1 This Vth book of Alfred contains the Vth and VIth of the original Latin of Orosius.
Alfred entirely omits the last four chapters of book V, namely;-21, 22, 23 and 24,
For the omissions in Book VI, see book V chapter 11 § 3, 4; note 2, 3.
2 Oros. l. V: c. 1. Haver. p. 284–287. This is the first introductory chapter of
Orosius, that Alfred has translated; but he has greatly abridged it.
º
158 OROSIUS; Book V: CHAP. II, § 1–3. | B. c. 146
for their wretched life. But it is, therefore, unknown to us and
not to be believed, because we are born in that peace, which they
could hardly buy with their life. It was after Christ was born,
that we were loosed from all slavery, and from all fear, if we
will fully follow him.
Book V : CHAPTER II.
1. Six * hundred and six years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 147: Clinton 146]-that was in the
same year, in which Carthage was overthrown—after its fall—
Cneus Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius overthrew
Corinth, the chief city of all the Greeks. In its burning, all the
statues, which were in it, of gold, and of silver, and of brass, and
of copper, were melted together, and sunk into pits. Even to
this day, they call all the vessels Corinthian, that were made of
it, because they are handsomer and dearer than any other.
2. OF THE SHEPHERD VIRIATHUs.' In those days, there was
a shepherd in Spain, who was called Viriathus, and was a great
thief; and in the stealing he became a robber; and, in the rob-
bing, he drew to himself a great force of men, and pillaged many
villages. Afterwards his band waxed so strong, that he ravaged
many lands, and the Romans had a great dread of him, and sent
Vetilius, the consul, against him with an army, and he was routed
there, and the greatest part of his people slain. At another time,
Caius Plautius, the consul, went thither, and was also routed. A
third time, Claudius, the consul, went thither, and thought that he
should take away the shame of the Romans, but he rather added
to it in that expedition, and he hardly escaped. -
3. Afterwards, Viriathus, with three hundred men, met one
thousand Romans in a wood, where seventy of the people of
Viriathus were slain, and three hundred of the Romans, and the
others were put to flight. In the flight, a soldier of Viriathus
was following the others too long, till they shot his horse under
him. When all the others would slay or bind him by himself, he
then so struck a man's horse with his sword, that its head flew off.
Afterwards, all the others had so much fear of him, that they
durst no longer go against him. .
4 Afterwards Appius Claudius, the consul, fought against the
3 Oros. l. V ; c. 3. Haver. p. 289—291. Chapter 2 is omitted by Alfred.
4 Oros. l. V ; c. 4. Haver. p. 291–296.
B. c. 146–140] THE SHEPHERD VI RIATHUS.—PESTILENCE. 159
Gauls, and was put to flight; and soon after, again led an army
against them and had a victory, and slew six thousand of them.
When he was [coming] homeward, he begged that they would
meet him with a triumph; but the Romans unfaithfully denied it,
and excused it, on the ground, that he formerly, on another occa-
sion, had not the victory.
5. Of THE PESTILENCE. There was afterwards so great a pes-
tilence in Rome, that no stranger durst come thither, and many
lands within the city were without any heir. They, however,
knew that that evil went over without sacrifice, as many did be-
fore, which they thought that they had checked by their idolatries.
Doubtless, if they could have then sacrificed, they would have
said that their gods helped them. But it was by the grace of God,
that all those, who would have done it, lay [sick], till it went
over of itself.
6. Then Fabius, the consul, went with an army against Viria-
thus, and was put to flight. The consul did what was most dis-
graceful to all the Romans, when he enticed to him from Scythia
six hundred men of his comrades; and, when they came to him,
he ordered all their hands to be cut off. Afterwards Pompeius,
the consul marched upon the Numantines, a people of Spain, and
was put to flight. About fourteen years after Viriathus began to
war against the Romans, he was slain by his own men; and as
often as the Romans attacked him in battle, he always put them
to flight. There, however, the Romans did themselves a little
honour, that those, who had betrayed their lord, although at the
time they hoped for rewards, were hated and despised by them.
7. I must needs be silent also about the many wars, which hap-
pened in the east lands: I shall be tired of the wars of the
Romans. At that time, Mithridates, king of Pontus, overcame
Babylonia, and all the lands, that were between the two rivers,
the Indus and Hydaspes, which had before been in the power of
the Romans. He afterwards enlarged his kingdom eastward to
the boundaries of India; and Demetrius, king of Asia, attacked
him twice with an army. At the first time, he was put to flight;
at the second, taken. He was under the power of the Romans,
because they had placed him there. r
8. Then Mancinus, the consul, marched upon the Numantines,
a people of Spain, and was fighting there, till he made peace with
160 OROSIUS; Book V: Chap. III, § 1, 2. [b. c. 137
that people; and afterwards he stole away. When he came
home, the Romans gave orders to bind and bring him before
the gate of the fortress of Numantia. Then, neither those, who
led him thither, durst lead him back home, nor would they receive
him to whom he was brought; but he was very cruelly left so
bound in one place, before the gate, until he yielded up his life.
9. In those days, Brutus, the consul, slew sixty thousand of
the people of Spain, who had been helping the Lusitanians; and
soon afterwards he marched again upon the Lusitanians, and slew
fifty thousand of them, and took six thousand. In those days,
Lepidus, the consul, went into the nearer Spain, and was put to
flight, and six thousand of his people were slain; and those that
came away, fled with the greatest shame. But, can the Romans
now blame any man for saying how many of their people perished
in Spain, in a few years, when they boast of happy times, while
they were the most unhappy to themselves
10. When " Servius Fulvius Flaccus, and Quintus Calpurnius
Piso were consuls [B. C. 135], a child was born in Rome, that
had four feet, and four hands, and four eyes, and four ears.-In
that year, the fire of Etna sprang up, in Sicily, and burnt up
more of that land, than it ever did before.
Book V: CHAPTER III.
1. Six' hundred and twenty years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 133: Clinton 137], when Mancinus
made the bad peace with the Numantines, as the Romans them-
selves said, that a deed more shameful had not been done, under
their rule, save at the battle of Caudinae Furculae, then the
Romans sent Scipio to the Numantines with an army. They are
in the north-west of Spain, and they had before defended them-
selves, for fourteen years, with four thousand, against forty thou-
sand of the Romans, and mostly had victory.
2. Then Scipio besieged them for half a year in their fastness,
and distressed them so much, that they would rather hazard them-
selves, than bear those miseries any longer. When Scipio under-
stood that they were in such a mood, he ordered some of his
people to make an assault on the fastness, that they might thereby
5 Oros. l. V: c. 5. Haver. p. 298, 299.
6 Oros. l. V: c. 6. Haver. p. :9 300.
7 Oros. l. W: c. 7. Haver. p. 399—303,
B. c. 137–131] SCIPIO—NUMANTINES : MUCIANUS–ARISTONICUS. 161
entice the people out. The citizens were then so glad, and so
joyful, that they must fight, that, in the midst of their joy, they
drank too much ale, and ran out at two gates. In that city ale-
brewing "first began, because they had not wine. By that strata-
gem, the chief of the Numantians fell, and the part that was left
there burnt the whole city, because they would not give up
their old treasures to their enemies, and they then destroyed
themselves in the fire.
3. When "Scipio turned homeward from that country, there
came to him an old man, who was a Numantian. Then Scipio
asked him to what it was owing, that the Numantines so soon
became weak, so brave as they long had been. He then told
him, that they were brave while they had agreement and simpli-
city among themselves, and as soon as they had disagreement
they all perished. That answer was then very fearful to Scipio
and to all the Roman senators: when he came home, they were
put into great fear by that answer and by those words, because
they then had disagreement among themselves.
4. At that time,' one of their consuls was called Gracchus, and
he began to wage war against all the others, till they killed him.
5. And also at that time, the slaves fought against their masters,
and were not easily overcome, and seven thousand were slain ere
they could be brought under. Only in one city, Minturnae, four
hundred and fifty were hanged.
Book V: CHAPTER IV.
1. Six * hundred and twenty one years after the building of
Rome [Alfred B. C. 132: Orosius and Clinton 131] Publius
Licinius Crassus Mucianus, the consul, who was also the chief
priest of the Romans, went with an army against Aristonicus, the
king who wished to take to himself Asia the Less, though
Attalus, his own brother, had before given it by will to the
Romans. Many kings from many lands came to help Crassus;
—one was from Nicomedia 1—a second from Bithynia, a third
8 A.S. ealo-geweorc ale-work.
9 Oros. l. V: c. 8. Haver. p. 304, 305.
1 Oros. l. V: c. 9. Haver. p. 306, 307.
2 Oros. l. V : c. 10. Haver. p. 308–311.
3 Per testamentum. Haver. p. 308, 6.
4 The A. S. text of the Lauderdale and Cotton MSS. are both so incorrect, the translator
having taken the names of kings for the names of countries, that it is necessary to cite the
162 OROSIUS; Book V: CHAP. IV, $ 2–.4 [b. c. 131—126
from Pontus, a fourth from Armenia, a fifth from Argeata ?—
a sixth from Cappadocia, a seventh from Pylemene —an eighth
from Paphlagonia. Nevertheless, soon after they came together,
the consul, though he had a great army, was put to flight. When
Perperna, the other consul, heard of it, he speedily gathered an
army, and came suddenly upon the king, when his army was all
abroad, and drove him into a fortress; and besieged him till the
townspeople gave him up to the consul, and he afterwards order-
ed him to be brought to Rome, and thrust into prison, and he
lay there till he yielded up his life.
2. At that time, Antiochus, king of Assyria, thought that he
had not power enough ; and, wishing to gain Parthia, he marched
thither with many thousands. There the Parthians easily over-
came him, and slew the king, and took the kingdom to themselves;
because Antiochus cared not what number of men he had, and
took no heed of what sort they were ; therefore, more of them
were bad than good.
3. At that time Scipio, the best and most successful of the
Roman senators and warriors, complained of his hardships to the
Roman senators, when they were at their meeting, and asked
them why they treated him so unworthily in his old age, why
they would not remember all the pains and toils he had borne for
their sake and from necessity, at countless times, for many
years;– and how he had kept them from the slavery of Hannibal
and of many other people;—and how he had brought all Spain
and all Africa under their power. In the night of the same day,
on which he spoke these words, the Romans thanked him for all
his labour, with a worse reward than he had deserved from them,
when they smothered and stifled him in his bed, so that he lost
his life.—O Romans ! who can now trust you, when you gave
such a reward to your most faithful senator
4. When M. AEmilius Lepidus and L. Aurelius Orestes were
consuls [B. C. 126], the fire of Etna flew up so broad and so
great, that few of the men, who were in the island Lipari, which
was next to it, could abide in their dwellings, for the heat and for
the stench. Also, all the cliffs, that were near the sea, were
burnt to ashes, and all the ships, that were sailing near that sea,
original Latin of Orosius. Hoc est—Nicomede Bithynia, Mithridate Ponti et Armenie,
Ariarathe Cappadocia, Pylemene Paphlagoniae, eorumque maximis copiis adjutus, con-
serto tamen bello, victus est. Haver. p. 308, 7–10 v. also Eutropius l. IV: c. 20.
* c. 125–111] SCIPIO'S DEATH : METELLUS: JUGURTHA. 163
were consumed. Also, all the fishes, that were in the sea, died
from the heat. -
5. When Marcus Fulvius Flaccus was consul [B. C. 125],
locusts came into Africa, and ate off every thing, that was waxing
and growing in the land. There then came a wind, and blew
them out into the sea. When they were drowned, the sea cast
them up ; and afterwards almost every thing perished that was in
the land, both men, and cattle, and wild beasts, because of the
stench. - -
Book V: CHAPTER V.
1. Six" hundred and twenty-seven years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred B. C. 126: Clinton 123], when
Quintus Caecilius Metellus, and Titus Quinctius Flamininus were
consuls, the senate agreed that Carthage should be rebuilt. But
in the night of the same day, in which they had marked out the
city with stakes, as they wished to build it, wolves pulled up the
stakes, and the men therefore left the work and had a long
meeting about it, whether it betokened peace or war; they,
however, rebuilt it.
2. At that time, Metellus’ the consul went to the Balearic
islands; and, though many of the islanders also perished, he
overcame the pirates, that ravaged these islands.
Book V: CHAPTER VI.
1. Six * hundred and twenty-eight years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred B. C. 125: Clinton 121], Fabius the
consul met Bituitus, king of the Gauls, and overcame him with
a small force.
Book V: CHAPTER VII.
1. Six' hundred and thirty-five years after the building of
Rome [Orosius B. C. 114: Alfred 118: Clinton 111], when
Scipio Nasica and Lucius Calpurnius Bestia were consuls, the
Romans waged war against Jugurtha, king of the Numidians.
The same Jugurtha was a kinsman of Micipsa, king of the
5 Oros. l. W: c. 11. Haver. p. 311, 312.
6 Oros. l. V: c. 12. Haver. p. 315–318.
7 Oros. l. W: c. 13. Haver. p. 318.
8 Much abridged, from Oros. l. V. c. 14. Haver. p. 319, 320, as all these chapters are.
This will be evident by observing the quantity of Latin text referred to in the preceding
and following notes. - -
9 Oros. l. V: c. 15. Haver. p. 321–326.
164 OROSIUS; Book V: Chap. VII, § 1–2. [b. c. 111–104
Numidians, and he took him, in his youth, and ordered him to
be fed and taught with his two sons. When the king died, he
commanded his two sons to give a third part of the kingdom to
Jugurtha. But, when the third part was in his power, he be-
guiled both the sons: one he slew, the other he drove away, who
afterwards went to the Romans for shelter, and they sent with
him Calpurnius, the consul, with an army. But Jugurtha bribed
the consul with his money, so that he did little in the warfare.
Afterwards Jugurtha came to Rome, and covertly bribed the
senators, one by one, so that they all were wavering about him.
When he returned homeward from the city, he blamed the
Romans, and greatly reviled them with his words, and said, that
no city could be more easily bought with money, if any one
would buy it.
2. In the year afterwards, the Romans sent Aulus Posthumius
the consul with sixty thousand [men] against Jugurtha. Their
meeting was at the city Calama, and there the Romans were
overcome; and, after a little while, they made peace between them,
and then almost all Africa turned to Jugurtha. Afterwards the
Romans sent Metellus again with an army against Jugurtha; and
he twice gained a victory. At the third time, he drove Jugurtha
into Numidia, his own country, and forced him to give three
hundred hostages to the Romans; and nevertheless, he afterwards
plundered the Romans. Then, after that, they sent Marius the
consul, against Jugurtha, as he was always so cunning, and so
crafty; and he went to a city, just as if he thought of storming
it. But as soon as Jugurtha had led his forces to the city against
Marius, then Marius left the fortress, and marched to another,
where he heard, that Jugurtha's treasure was, and forced the
citizens to come into his hands, and they gave up to him all the
treasure that was in it. Then Jugurtha, after that, did not trust
his own people, but joined himself to Bocchus, king of the
Mauritanians, and he came to him with a great body of men, and
they often stole upon the Romans, till they determined upon a
general battle between them. For that battle, Bocchus had
brought sixty thousand horse, besides foot, to help Jugurtha.
Neither before nor since, had the Romans ever so hard a fight,
as they had, there, because they were surrounded on every side;
and also most of them perished, because their meeting was on a
sandy down, so that they could not see for dust, how they should
B. c. 111–105] JUGURTHINE WAR : MARIUS. 165
defend themselves. In addition to which, they were weakened
both by thirst and heat, and all that day, they bore it, until
night. Then, on the morrow, they did the same, and were again
surrounded on every side, as they were before. When they had
much fear, whether they could escape, they settled, that some
should guard them behind, and some, if they could, should fight
[their way] out, through all the troops. When they had done
so, there came so heavy a rain, that the Mauritanians were wearied
by it, because their shields were covered with the hides of ele-
phants, so that few of them could lift them for the wet: because
an elephant's hide will drink wet like a sponge; and, therefore,
they were put to flight. There were slain of the Mauritanians,
sixty thousand and one hundred men. Then Bocchus made
peace with the Romans, and gave up Jugurtha to them, bound;
and he was afterwards put into prison, and his two sons, until
they all died there.
BOOK W : CHAPTER VIII.
I. Six hundred and forty-two years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred B. C. 111 : Clinton 105], when Caius
Manlius was consul, and Quintus Caepio proconsul, the Romans
fought with the Cimbri, and with the Tutones, and with the Am-
brones—these nations were among the Gauls—and all but ten
men, were slain there, that was forty thousand. Of the Romans,
there were slain eighty thousand, and their consul and his two
sons. Afterwards, the same nations besieged Marius the consul
in a fortress, and it was a long time before he could march out to
battle, till it was told him, that they would go into Italy, the
country of the Romans. But afterwards, he marched out of the
fortress to them. When they met them on a down, the army of
the consul complained to him of the thirst, which was pressing
upon them. He then answered them and said, “We can easily
see, on the other side of our enemies, where the water is lying,
which is nearest to us; but, because they are nearer to us, we
cannot come to it without a battle.” There the Romans had vic-
tory; and two hundred thousand of the Gauls, and their leader,
were slain, and eighty thousand taken
Book V: CHAPTER IX.
1. Six * hundred and forty-five years after the building of Rome
1 Oros. l. V: c. 16. Haver. p. 327–331. 2 Oros. l. W: c. 17. Haver. p. 332—334.
166 OROSIUS; Book V: CHAP. X, § 1–2. [b. c. 101–91
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 107: Clinton 101], in the fifth year that
Marius was consul, and also when the Romans had peace from all
other nations, the Romans then began to stir up the greatest strife
among themselves. I shall, however, said Orosius, now shortly
say, who were the beginners of it.
2. First, it was Marius, the consul, and Lucius Appuleius
Saturninus, because they drove into banishment the consul Me-
tellus, who was consul before Marius. It was then very dis-
pleasing to the other consuls, Pompey and Cato, although by
the resentment they could be of no use to the banished; they
however contrived to kill Lucius Saturninus, and then prayed that
Metellus might [return] to Rome; but Marius and Furius still
withstood them. Afterwards the enmity between them increased,
though they durst not shew it openly, for fear of the senate.
Book V: CHAPTER X.
1. Six' hundred and sixty-one years after the building of Rome
[Orosius B. C.94: Alfred 92: Clinton 91], in the sixth year that
Julius Caesar was consul, and Lucius Marcius, there was, over all
Italy, deliberate and well-known hostility between Julius and
Pompey; although they had formerly quite hidden it with them-
selves. Also, in that year, there happened many wonders in
many lands-One was, that they saw as if a fiery ring came from
the north with a great noise.—Another was at a feast in the city
Tarentum, when they cut the loaves for eating, then blood ran
out.—The third was, that it hailed for a week, day and night,over all
the Romans:–and, in the country of the Samnites, the earth burst
asunder, and fire flamed up thence towards the heavens, and
people saw, as it were, a golden ring in the heavens, broader than
the sun, and reaching from the heavens down to the earth, and
again going towards the heavens.
2. At that time, these nations,—the Picentes, and Westini, and
Marsi, and Peligni, and Marrucini, and Samnites, and the Luca-
nians, all agreed among themselves, that they would turn from
the Romans, and killed Caius Servilius, a Roman nobleman, who
was sent to them with messages. In those days, the cattle and
the dogs, which were among the Samnites, went mad.
3 Oros. l. V: c. 18. Haver p. 335–340.
4 Apud Arretinos quum panes per convivia frangerentur, cruor e mediis panibus, quasi e
vulneribus corporum, fluxit. Oros. 1. V: c. 18. Haver. p. 335, 10--13.−Oros. refers to
Arretium in Etruria; but Alfred to Tarentum on the west coast of Calabria.
B. c. 91–88] JULIUS CAESAR–POMPEY: MARIUS—SULLA. 167
3. Afterwards, Pompey, the consul, fought against all these
nations, and was routed. Julius Caesar fought against the Marsi,
and was routed. Soon afterwards Julius fought against the Sam-
nites and against the Lucanians, and routed them. After that,
he was called Caesar. He then asked, that they should bring the
triumph to meet him, when they sent a black cloak to meet him,
in mockery, instead of a triumph. Afterwards they sent to meet
him a garment, which they then called a toga," that he might not
come to Rome altogether without honour.
4. Afterwards [B. C. 88], Sulla, the consul, colleague of Pom-
pey, fought against the people of Æsernia, and routed them.
After that, Pompey fought against the nation of the Picentes,
and routed them. Then the Romans brought the triumph to
meet Pompey with great honour, for the little victory which he
then had, and would not give any honour to Julius, but a toga,"
though he had done a greater deed; and thus their quarrel was
much strengthened. Afterwards, Julius and Pompey stormed
Asculum a town of the Marsi, and there slew eighteen thousand.
Then Sulla, the consul, fought against the Samnites, and slew
eighteen thousand of them.
Book V: CHAPTER XI.
1. Six * hundred and sixty-two years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 91 : Clinton 88], the Romans sent
Sulla, the consul, against Mithridates, king of [Pontus]. Then
the consul Marius, uncle of Julius, was displeased that they would
not intrust that war to him, and asked that the seventh consul-
ship and also that war, should be given to him; because it was
a custom with them, that, after a twelvemonth, they made every
consul’s seat one cushion higher, than it was before. When
Sulla was told, on what ground Marius came to Rome, he speedily
marched towards Rome with all his force, and drove Marius into
Rome with all his army; and the citizens afterwards seized and
bound him, and then thought of giving him up to Sulla. But he
escaped the same night from the bonds, with which they had
5 Sagum, hoc est, vestem moeroris. Oros. Haver. p. 337, 8.
6 Antiquum togae decorem recuperavit. Oros. Haver. p. 337, 9, 10. v. note 7.
7 Oros. Haver. p. 337, 16: but Alfred uses “tunice’ a tunic, or common garment of the
Romans.
8 Oros. l. V: c. 19. Haver. p. 341–34C.
168 OROSIUS; Book V: Chap. XII, § 1. [b. c. 88–55,
bound him in the day; and afterwards fled south, over the sea
into Africa, where most of his force was ; and soon turned again
towards Rome. He was assisted by two consuls, Cinna and Ser-
torius, who were always the beginners of every evil.
2. As * soon as the senate heard that Marius was coming near
Rome, they all fled into the country of Greece to Sulla and Pom-
pey, whither they were gone with an army. Sulla then marched
with great earnestness from Greece towards Rome, and bravely
fought a battle with Marius, and routed him, and slew all within
the city, Rome, who had helped Marius. All the consuls but
two, died soon after. Marius and Sulla died a natural death ;
and Cinna was slain in Smyrna, a city of Asia; and Sertorius
was slain in Spain.
3. Then Pompey undertook the Parthian war, because
Mithridates, their king, seized for himself Asia the Less, and all
the country of the Greeks; but Pompey chased him out of all
that country, and drove him into Armenia, and followed after
him till other men slew him, and forced the general Archelaus,
to be his servant.--" It is now not to be believed,” said Orosius,
“to tell what perished in that war, which, ere it could be ended,
they carried on forty years, both in pillaging nations, and in
murders of kings, and in hunger.”
4. When Pompey was [returning] homeward, the people of
the land would not give up the fortress at Jerusalem. They had
the help of twenty-two kings. Then Pompey ordered that the
fortress should be stormed, and even attacked it day and might,
one party after another unweariedly, and thus so tired the people,
that they came into his hands about three months after they had
first begun. There thirteen thousand of the Jews were slain,
and the wall was thrown down to the ground; and Aristo-
bulus was led to Rome bound: he was both their king and their
priest.
Book V: CHAPTER XII.
1. Six' hundred and sixty-seven years after the building of
9 Oros. l. V: c. 20. Haver. p. 346–349.
1 A. S. him sylf by themselves.
2 Oros. l. VI: c. 4. Haver. p. 377–380–The Chapters 21, 22, 23, and 24 of book V,
and the Chapters 1, 2 and 3 of book VI, Haver. p. 349–377, Alfred has omitted.
3 Oros. l. VI: c. 6. Haver. p. 383—385. Chap. 5 is omitted by Alfred.
4. Much abridged from Oros. l. VI: c. 7. Haver. p. 385–391. Alfred omits Chapter 8.
n. c. 55–48] JULIUS CAESAR–POMPEY. I 69
Rome [Orosius B. C. 60: Alfred 86: Clinton 55], the Romans
gave Caius Julius [Caesar] seven legions, to the end that he
might wage war five years on the Gauls.
2. When he had overcome them, he went into the island Britain,
and fought against the Britons, and was routed in the land, which
is called Kentland. Soon afterwards he fought again with the
Britons in Kentland, and they were routed. Their third battle
was near the river, which is called Thames, mear the ford called
Wallingford. After that battle, the king came into his hands,
and the townspeople that were in Cirencester, and afterwards all
that were in the island. -
3. Then" Julius [Caesar] went to Rome, and asked that the
triumph should be brought to meet him. They then ordered that
he should come to Rome with few men, and should leave all his
forces behind him. But when he went homeward, the three sen-
ators, who were his supporters, came to meet him, and told him
that for his sake they were driven away ; and also, that all the
legions, that were in the power of the Romans, were given to
help Pompey that he might have the safer contest with him.
Julius then returned to his own army; and, weeping, bemoaned
the dishonour that they had so unworthily done him, and
chiefly for those men who were ruined for his sake. He after-
wards drew over to him the seven legions that were in the land
of Sulmo.
4. When Pompey and Cato, and all the senate heard of it,
they went among the Greeks, and gathered a great army on the
down of Thrace. Julius then marched to Rome and broke open
their treasure-house, and divided all that was in it. Orosius said—
“It is hardly to be believed in saying, what there was of it all.”
He then went to the land of Marseilles, and left there three
legions behind him, to the end that they might force the people
under him ; and he himself, with the other part, went into Spain,
where the legions of Pompey were, with his three generals;
and he forced them all under him. He afterwards went into the
country of the Greeks, where, on a down, Pompey waited for
5 Oros. l. VI: c. 9. Haver. p. 395, 396.—Bede has taken the substance of this chapter
of the original Latin of Orosius, for l. I: c. 2 of his Eccl. Hist. Smith says in his note to
this c. 2 of Bede, p. 42, Totum hoc caput ex Orosio, l. VI: c. 9—Alfred outits chapters
10, 11, 12, 13, and 14.
6 Oros. l. VI: c. 15. Haver. p. 415–422.
*
22
170 OROSIUS ; Book V: Chap. XII, § 5–6. [b. c. 55–48
***-
him with thirty kings, besides his own force. Pompey then
went where Marcellus, the general of Julius, was, and slew him
with all his army. Afterwards Julius besieged Torquatus, the
general of Pompey, in a fortress, and Pompey marched after
him. Julius was there put to flight, and many of his army slain,
because they fought against him on both sides: on one side
Pompey, on the other the general. Afterwards Julius marched
into Thessaly, and there gathered again his army.
5. When Pompey heard of it, he marched after him with an
immense army. He had eighty-eight cohorts, which we now call
truman, each of which was, in those days, one thousand five
hundred men. All these he had, besides his own army, and besides
that of Cato, his colleague, and that of the senate. And Julius
had eighty cohorts. Each of them had his army in three parts, and
they themselves were in the middle, and the others on each side
of them. When Julius had routed one of the parts, Pompey
called to him about the old Roman agreement, though he himself
did not think of keeping it, “Comrade, comrade, mind that
thou do not too long break our agreement and fellowship.” He
then answered him and said: “At one time, thou wast my
comrade; and, because thou art not now, all is most loved by
me, that is most loathsome to thee.” The agreement, which the
Romans had made, was this, that none of them should strike
another in the face, wherever they met each other in battle.
6. After these words Pompey was routed with all his army;
and he himself afterwards fled into Asia, with his wife and with
his children; and he then went into Egypt, and asked help from
Ptolemy the king. Soon after he came to him, he commanded
his head to be cut off, and afterwards ordered it to be sent to
Julius, and his ring with it. But, when they brought it to him,
he bemoaned the deed with much weeping, for he was, of all men
in those days, the most kindhearted. Afterwards, Ptolemy led
an army against Julius, and all his army were put to flight, and
he himself taken ; and Julius ordered all the men to be put to
death, who gave advice for putting Pompey to death; and,
nevertheless, he let Ptolemy go back to his kingdom. Afterwards,
Julius fought against Ptolemy thrice, and each time had victory.
7. After" that warfare, all the Egyptians became subjects of
7 Oros. l. VI: c. 16. Haver. p. 423–425.
B. c. 48–44] POMPEY BEHEADED : MURDER OF JULIUS CESAR. 171
Julius, and he then returned to Rome, and replaced the senate; and
they set him higher than consul, what they called a Dictator.
He afterwards went into Africa after Cato, the consul. When
Cato heard of it, he instructed his son that he should go to meet
him, and seek peace of him; “Because,” said he, “I know that in
this life, no man so good as he is, lives, though he is the most
loathsome to me; and, therefore, I cannot myself decide, that I
should ever see him.” After these words, he went to the walls
of the city, and threw himself over, so that he burst all asunder.
But, when Julius came into the city, he greatly bewailed that
he came not to him alive, and that he died such a death.
8. Julius afterwards fought against the nephew of Pompey,
and against many of his kinsmen, and he slew them all, and then
went to Rome; and he was so venerated there, that, when he
came home, they granted him a triumph four times. He then
marched into Spain, and fought against the two sons of Pompey,
and his army was so much slaughtered there, that, for a while, he
thought that he should be taken ; and for fear of that, he rushed
the more into the army, because he would rather that they
should slay him, than bind him.
9. He afterwards came to Rome, and all the laws which were
too harsh and too hard, he made lighter and milder. Then the
consuls, and all the senate, taking it amiss that he would change
their old laws, all jumped up, and stabbed him with their daggers
in their senate house. There were twenty-three wounds. -
Book V: CHAPTER XIII.
1. Seven "hundred and ten years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred B. C. 43: Clinton 44], Octavianus, after the
murder of Julius his kinsmen, seized upon the empire of the
Romans, against their wish, because Julius had before made it
fast to him, by writings, that after him he should take to all his
riches; because, being a kinsman, he had taught him and brought
him up. He afterwards full royally fought and gained four
battles, as Julius, his kinsman, had done before :—one against
Pompey, another against Anthony the consul, a third against
Cassius and Brutus, a fourth against Lepidus, though he soon
after became his friend; and he also made Anthony his friend,
8 Much abridged from Oros. l. VI: c. 17. Haver. p. 425–428.
9 Much abridged from Oros. l. VI: c. 18. Haver. p. 4284-435.
172 OroSIUS; Book v : Char. XIII, s 2–3. [b. c. 44–30
so that he gave his daughter to be the wife of Octavianus, and
Octavianus also gave his sister to Anthony.
2. Afterwards ' Anthony brought all Asia under his power.
He then forsook the sister of Octavianus, and declared war and
open hostility against [Octavianus] himself. He ordered Cleo-
patra, the queen, to be brought to him for a wife, whom Julius
had before, and therefore he had given her all Egypt. Soon
afterwards Octavianus led an army against Anthony; and when
they came together quickly routed him. About three days after,
they fought out at sea. Octavianus had two hundred and thirty
large ships with three ranks of rowers, in which sailed eight
legions. Anthony had eighty ships, in which sailed ten legions;
but just as many as he had less, by so much they were better
and larger; for they were so built, that they could not be over-
laden with men, though they were not ten feet high above the
water. That battle was very famous; however, Octavianus had
the victory. There were slain twelve thousand of [Anthony's]
people, and Cleopatra, his queen, was put to flight, when they
came to her army. Then Octavianus fought against Anthony,
and against Cleopatra, and put them to flight. That was at
the time of the first of August, and on the day which we call
Lammas. Octavianus was afterwards called Augustus, because
at that time he gained the victory.
3. Afterwards Anthony and Cleopatra gathered a fleet on the
Red Sea; but, when it was told them that Octavianus was
coming thither, all the people turned to Octavianus, and they
themselves fled to a town, with a small army. Cleopatra then
ordered her burying place to be dug, and went into it. When
she had lain down there, she ordered the serpent Ipnalis” to be
taken and put to her arm, that it might bite her, because she
thought that it would be least painful on that limb, for it is the
nature of that serpent, that every creature, that it bites, must
end its life in sleep. She did that, because she was unwilling to
be driven before the triumph towards Rome. When Anthony
saw that she prepared herself for death, he stabbed himself, and
ordered that they should lay him, thus half dead, in the same bury-
ing place with her. When Octavianus came thither, he ordered
another kind of serpent * to be taken, called Psyllus, which can
1 Oros. l. VI: c. 19. Haver. p. 436–440. * For hypnalis, from Örvos sleep.
2 The translator has misunderstood Orosius, who says —Frustra Caesare etiam Psyllos
b. c. 44–29] ANTONY–CLEOPATRA: AUGUSTUS. 173
draw poison of every sort out of man, if it be brought in time;
but she was dead before he came thither. Afterwards Octavia-
nus took Alexandria the chief city of Egypt, and with its wealth
greatly enriched Rome, so that everything on sale could be bought
two-fold cheaper, than it could before.
Book V: CHAPTER XIV.
1. Seven hundred and thirty-five years after the building of
Rome [Orosius B. C. 28: Alfred 18: Clinton 29], it came to pass
that Octavianus Caesar, in his fifth consulship, shut the doors of
Janus; and it came to pass that he had the rule of all the world,
as was plainly foreshown, when he was a youth, and they
took him towards Rome after the murder of Julius. On the
same day, in which he was made consul, it came to pass, that
they saw, as it were, a golden ring around the sun ; and, within
the city Rome, a spring welled up oil for a whole day. By the
ring it was betokened, that, in his days, he should be born, who
is more bright and shining than the sun ; and the oil betokened
mercy to all mankind. So also Octavianus himself gave many
tokens, which afterwards came to pass, though he did them un-
wittingly by God's working.
2. First,-one was, that he gave orders over all the world,
for every tribe to come together in the course of a year,
that every man might more easily know where he belonged."
That betokened, that, in his days, he should be born, who has
bidden us all to one meeting of kindred, which shall be in the
life to come.
3. Another was, he gave orders, that all mankind should
have one kindred, and pay one tax. That betokened, that we
all should have one faith, and one mind for good works.
4. A third was, he gave orders, that every one of those
who were abroad, both bond and free, should come to his own
land, and to his father's home; and whosoever would not, he
admovente, qui venena serpentum e vulneribus hominum haustu revocare atque exsugere
solent. Haver. p. 439, 21–23.−The Psylli were the poison-suckers of the Lybian desert.
A Psyllus was, therefore, not a serpent but one of the Psylli, in Greek YūNAot. Martinius
says, “A YüNAos pulex.-Caeterum hoc nomen Psylli Africanum esse puto. Possit referri
ad Arab. bºrº separare, distinguere ; quod proprietate quadam adversus serpentes ab aliis di-
stinguerentur.
3 Oros. I. VI: c. 20. Haver. p. 440—443.
4 A. S. Hwar he gesibbe haefde where he had kindred.
174 OROSIUS; Book V: CHAP. XV, $ 1–5. [B. c. 27—A. D. 1
gave orders that they should all be slain. There were six thou-
sand of these, when they were gathered. That betokened, that
we are all commanded to come out of this world to our father's
home, that is, to the kingdom of heaven; and whosoever will
not, he shall be cast out, and slain.
Book V: CHAPTER XV.
1. Seven hundred and thirty-six years after the building of
Rome [Orosius B. C. 28: Alfred 17: Clinton 27], some of the
people of Spain became hostile to Augustus. Then he undid
again the doors of Janus, and led an army against them, and put
them to flight, and afterwards besieged them in a fortress, so
that then some killed themselves, some died by poison—some
by hunger.
2. Afterwards many nations waged war against Augustus, -
both Illyrians, and Pannonians, and Sarmatians, and many other
nations. The generals of Augustus had many great battles against
them, without Augustus himself, ere they could overcome
them.
3. Augustus then sent Quintilius [Varus] the consul into Ger-
many with three legions; but every one of them was slain, save
the consul alone. At that loss, Augustus was so grieved that he
oft unwittingly struck his head against the wall, when he sat on
his seat; and he ordered the consul to be put to death. The
Germans afterwards, of their own mind, sought to Augustus for
peace; and he forgave them the hatred, which he knew [they had]
to him.
4. Then" all this world wished for peace and friendship with
Augustus; and nothing seemed so good to all men, as to gain
his good will, and to become his subjects. Therefore, no nation
wished to keep its own law, but in such wise as Augustus ordered
it. Then the doors of Janus were again shut, and his locks
rusty, as they never were before. In the same year that all this
came to pass, which was in the forty-second year of the reign
of Augustus, he was born, who brought peace to all the world; that
is, our Lord Jesus Christ.
5. “Now,” said Orosius, “I have told how, from the beginning
of this world, all mankind paid for the first man's sins with great
5 Oros. l. VI: c. 21. Haver. p. 444–447.
6 Oros. l. VI: c. 22. Haver p. 448,-449.
B. c. 2182—A. D. 14] FOUR CHIEF EMPIRES. 175
pains and torments. I will also now further tell what mercy and
gentleness there has been since Christianity came, just as if the
hearts of men were changed, because the former things had been
atoned for.—Here the fifth book ends and the sixth begins.
Book VI': CHAPTER I.”
1. “ I” will now,” said Orosius, “in an introduction to this sixth
book, shew—how equally the four powers of the four chief empires
of this world stood, that, although it was stern, it still was the
command of God.”
2. The first was in Assyria, in the most easterly empire, in the
city Babylon; which stood twice seven hundred years in its
power, ere it fell,—from Ninus, their first king, to Sardanapalus,
their last,--that is one thousand four hundred years.
3. When Cyrus took away the Babylonian power, then the Roman
first began to grow.—Also, in those days, the most northerly was
enlarging in Macedonia, which stood a little longer than seven
hundred years, from Caranus, their first king, to Perseus, their
last.
4. So also in Africa, the most southerly city, Carthage, also
fell after seven hundred years and a little time after the woman
Dido first built it, till Scipio the consul afterwards overthrew it.
5. So also that of the Romans, which is the greatest and most
westerly,–about seven hundred years and a little more, there
came a kind of great fire, and a great burning in Rome, which
burnt fifteen wards; yet no one knew whence the fire came, and
there almost all that was in it perished, so that hardly any atom
of foundation was left. It was so much wasted by that burning,
that it never afterwards was such [as it had been], till Augustus,
in the year when Christ was born, rebuilt it so much better, than
it ever was before, that some men said, it was adorned with
precious stones. That help and that work Augustus paid for
with many thousand talents.
6. It was also clearly seen, that it was God's providence,
ruling the powers of those kingdoms, when the coming of Christ
was promised to Abraham, in the forty-second year after Ninus
1 This is the VIIth book of the original Latin of Orosius: the Vth and VIth of the
Latin being included in the Vth book of King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon Version.
2 Alfred has greatly abridged most of the chapters of this book; and he has entirely
omitted the following chapters, namely, 1, 26, 27, 41, 42 and 43.
3 Oros. l. VII: c. 2. Haver. p. 453–456.
176 OROSIUS ; Book VI: CHAP. II, § 1. [B. c. 1–14
began to reign in Babylon. So also," in the last and most wes-
terly empire, that is of Rome, the same was born who was
formerly promised to Abraham, in the forty-second year after
Augustus began to reign ; that was seven hundred and fifty-two"
years after the building of Rome.
7. Afterwards Rome stood twelve years, in great wealth, while
Augustus kept that lowliness towards God, with which he had
begun: that was, that he shunned and forbade, that he should
be called a god, as no king would, that was before him, but
wished that people should worship them, and make offerings to
them. But, in the twelfth year afterwards, Caius, his nephew,
went from Egypt into Syria, Augustus had given it to him to
govern—then he would not worship the Almighty God, when he
came to Jerusalem. When Augustus was told of it, he praised
that pride and blamed it not a whit. Soon afterwards, the Ro-
mans paid for this word with so great a famine, that Augustus
drove from Rome half that were within it. Then the door of
Janus was opened again, because the leaders in many countries
disagreed with Augustus, although no battle took place.
Book VI: CHAPTER II.
1. Seven ‘ hundred and sixty-seven years after the building
of Rome [Orosius, Alfred and Clinton A. D. 14], Tiberius, the
emperor, succeeded to the government after Augustus. He was
so forgiving and so mild to the Romans, as no ruler had ever been to
them before, until Pilate sent him word from Jerusalem about the
miracles of Christ, and about his martyrdom, and also that many
took him for a god. But when he told it to the senate, they all
very much withstood him, because they had not been told of it
sooner, as it was a custom with them, that they might afterwards
make it known to all the Romans; and said, that they would not
have him for a god. Then Tiberius was as wroth and as hard
with the Romans, as he before had been mild and easy to them, so
that he hardly left alive one of the senators, nor of the twenty-two
4 Oros. l. VII: c. 3. Haver. p. 457–459.
5 The Fasti Consulares and Cato, followed by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Solinus and
Eusebius, fix the era of the foundation of Rome to B. C. 752. Terentius Varro, however,
more correctly refers it to B. C. 753, which date was adopted by the Roman Emperors, and
by Plutarch, Tacitus, Dion, Aulus Gellius, Censorinus, Onuphrius, Baronius, bishop Beve-
ridge, Strauchius, Dr Playfair, Dr Hales, Mr Clinton and by most modern chronologists:
It is followed in this work.
6 Oros. 1. V1; c. 4. Haver. p. 459–463.
A. D. 14—37] TIBERIES: CAIUS : CALIGULA. 177
men, whom he had chosen to help him, that they should be his
advisers, whom they called patricians. All these, but two, he
ordered to be put to death ; yea, his own two sons. How God
then avenged that very great pride upon the people, and how
dearly they bought it from their own emperor although it was
not so greatly avenged upon all the people in other countries, as
it often had been before.
2. In the twelfth year of the reign of Tiberius, God's wrath
was again upon the Romans, while they were in their theatre at
their plays, when it all fell down, and killed twenty thousand of
them. “ They then perished by a deserved wrath,” said Orosius,
“when they should have rued their sins, and amended their deeds,
rather than go to their plays, as their custom was before
Christianity.”
3. In the eighteenth year of his reign, when Christ was cruci-
fied, there was great darkness over all the world, and so great an
earthquake, that massy stones fell from mountains; and what
was the greatest wonder, when the moon was full, and farthest
from the sun, that it was then eclipsed. The Romans afterwards
killed Tiberius with poison. He held the empire twenty-three
years.
Book VI: CHAPTER III.
1. Seven hundred and ninety years after the building of
Rome [Orosius, Alfred and Clinton A. D. 37], Caius Caligula was
emperor for four years. He was very full of vices, and of sinful
lusts, and he was altogether such as the Romans then deserved,
because they scoffed at the commandment of Christ, and passed
over it. But he was so very wroth with them, and they were so
hateful to him, that he often wished that all the Romans had one
neck, that he might most readily cut it off; and very much
lamented, that there was not then such strife, as there often was
before ; and he himself often went into other countries, and
wished to find war; but he could only find peace.
2. “The times,” said Orosius, “were unlike, after Christ was
born, when men could not find war; and, before that, they could
by no means keep from it.”
3. In those days, the wrath of God came also upon the Jews,
7 oros. l. VII: c. 5. Haver. p. 463—466.
| 78 oRosius; Book VI: Char. IV, $ 1, 2. [A. D. 37–42.
so that they had disagreement both among themselves, and with
all nations; although it was chiefly in the city of Alexandria, and
Caius ordered them to be driven out. They then sent Philo,
their most learned man, to the end that he might ask the mercy
of Caius for them. But he sadly ill treated them for that wish,
and commanded that they should be oppressed on every side
where they could, and ordered that they should fill the temple at
Jerusalem with idols, that they should set his own idol there in
the midst, which was his own image. He held Pilate in threaten-
ing, till he stabbed himself-He had doomed our Lord to death.
4. Soon afterwards the Romans put Caius to death while sleep-
ing. Then were found in his treasury two chests, which were
full of poison; and in one was a letter, in which were written,
lest he should forget, the names of all the richest men, whom he
thought of killing. Then they poured the poison out into the
sea, and soon after there came up a woeful quantity of dead
fishes. God's wrath was clearly seen, that he let the people be
tried, and also his mercy, when he would not let them perish as
Caius had intended.
Book VI: CHAPTER IV.
1. Seven hundred and ninety-five years after the building of
Rome [Orosius, Alfred and Clinton A. D. 42], Tiberius Claudius
succeeded to the government of the Romans. In the first year
of his reign, Peter, the Apostle, came to Rome, and men first be-
came Christians there through his teaching. The Romans then
wished to put Claudius to death, for the deeds of his kinsman,
Caius, the former emperor, and all that were of that family. But
when they embraced Christianity, they were so mild and so peace-
able, that they all forgave the emperor the mischief that he had
formerly done them; and he forgave all of them the wrong and
injury, that they thought of doing to him.
2. At that time, when Christianity had come to them, there
was also, in the government of the Romans, another token, which
was, that the Dalmatians wished to give their kingdom to Scribo-
mianus their general, and them to wage war against the Romans.
But, when they were gathered together, and wished to make him
king, they could not raise the standard, as was their custom, when
8 Oros. l. VII: c. 6, Haver. p. 465–470. This chapter is adopted by Bede; l. I: c. 3.
in a note to Bede, Smith says, Hoc etiam caput Orosio debetur. p. 43.
A. b. 42–54] CLAUDIUS—FAMINE IN SYRIA—AND IN ROME: NERO. 179.
they settled governments; but were angry with themselves that
they had ever begun it, and put Scribonianus to death.-‘‘Now,”
said Orosius, “let him deny who will or who dares, that that
undertaking was not stopped for the good of Christianity; and
say where, before Christianity, any war, if it were begun, took
such a turn.” -
3. Another wonder happened also in the fourth year of the
government of Claudius, that he himself searched for war, and
could find none.—In that year there was a great famine in Syria
and in Palestine, but that Helena, queen of the Adiabeni, gave
corn enough to the monks, who were in Jerusalem, because she
had lately become a Christian.
4. In the fifth year of the government of Claudius, an island
appeared between Thera and Therasia, five miles broad and
five miles long.—In the seventh year of his government, there
was so great a disagreement in Jerusalem, between those who
were not Christians, that thirty thousand were there slain, and
trodden to death at the gate; yet no man knew whence the strife
came.—In the ninth year of his government, there was a great
famine in Rome, and Claudius ordered all the Jews, that were
within, to be driven out. Then the Romans blamed Claudius for
the famine, which was afflicting them, and he became so angry
with them, that he ordered thirty-five of the senators to be put to
death, and three humdred of the others, who were the highest
among them. The Romans afterwards killed him with poison.
Book VI: CHAPTER V.
1. Eight" hundred and nine years after the building of Rome
[Orosius A. D. 55: Alfred 56 : Clinton 54], Nero succeeded to the
government of the Romans, and held it fourteen years. He had
still more vices than his uncle Caius had before. Besides the mani-
fold evils that he did, he ordered, on one occasion, the city Rome to
be burnt, and commanded his own men, always to seize as much as
they could of the treasure, and to bring it to him, when it was
snatched out [of the fire]. He himself stood on the highest tower,
that was within it, and began to make a song about the fire, which
was burning six days and seven mights. But he unwittingly
wreaked his vengeance, first on the city for their misdeeds, be-
cause they martyred Peter and Paul; and then upon himself,
9 Oros. l. VII : c. 7. Haver. p. 470—473.
180 OROSIUS; Book VI: Chap. VI, VII, VIII. [A. D. 6 — ?
when he stabbed himself. He was the first man that persecuted
Christians. After his death the family of the Caesars fell away.
Book VI: CHAPTER VI.
1. Eight hundred and twenty-four years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 71 : Clinton 68], Galba succeed-
ed to the government of the Romans. In the seventh month
after, a man [called] Otho, slew him and seized the government.
2. When the Romans first persecuted Christians, as Nero began
it, all the nations, that were on the east of Syria became their ad-
versaries; yea, they themselves had also disagreement among
them. Vitellius, king of the Germans, fought thrice against
Otho, and slew him in the third month after they began to wage
War.
Book VI: CHAPTER VII.
1 Eight hundred and twenty-five years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 72: Clinton 69], Vespasian
succeeded to the government of the Romans. Then, there was
again peace over all the Roman Empire. He gave orders to his
son Titus, that he should overthrow the temple in Jerusalem,
and all the city, and forbade that either should be rebuilt; because
God would not that they should any longer be a hindrance to
Christianity. He destroyed eleven hundred thousand Jews,
some he slew, some he sold into other countries, some he kill-
ed by hunger. Afterwards they made a triumph for them both,
Vespasian and Titus. The sight was a great wonder to the
Romans, because they had never before seen two men sitting
together in a triumph. They shut the doors of Janus. After-
wards, Vespasian, in the ninth year of his reign, died of dysentery,
in a dwelling on the outside of Rome.
Book VI: CHAPTER VIII.
1. Eight” hundred and twenty-nine years after the building of
Rome [Orosius A. D. 75 : Alfred 76: Clinton 79], Titus succeed-
ed to the government of the Romans, and held it two years.
He was of so good a disposition, that he said, he lost the day, on
1 Abridged from Oros. l. VII: c. 8. Haver. p. 474–478.
2 Very much abridged from Oros. l. VII: c. 9. Haver. p. 478–182, 9.
3 Oros. l. VII: c. 9. Haver. p. 482, 10–19. r
A. p. 81–96] GALBA : VESPASIAN : TITUS: DOMITIAN : NERVA: TRAJAN. 181
which he did not do any good. He died also in the same dwell-
ing as his father did, and of the same disease.
Book VI: CHAPTER IX.
1. Eight hundred and thirty years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred A. D. 87: Clinton 81], Domitian, brother of
Titus, succeeded to the government of the Romans, and held it
fifteen years. He again was a persecutor of Christians; and was
lifted up with such great pride, that he commanded the people
to bow down to him, as to a god. He gave orders that the
Apostle John, should be taken from other Christian men into
banishment to the island Patmos. And he also ordered that all
of David's race should be put to death, to the end that, if Christ
were not then born, he might not afterwards be born ; because
soothsayers said, that he should come of that race. After that
order he was himself disgracefully put to death.
Book VI: CHAPTER X.
1. Eight hundred and forty-six years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 93: Clinton 96, Nerva suc-
ceeded to the government of the Romans; and, because he was
old, he chose the man, [called] Trajan, to help him. They then
agreed between themselves, that they would change all the laws
and all the orders, which Domitian had before settled, because
he was formerly hateful to them both ; and they ordered John to
be brought back to his minster in Ephesus, from the worldly
sorrows which he for awhile had borne.
2. Then Nerva died ; and Trajan " held the government
nineteen years after him. He brought back to the Romans all
the nations which had lately gone from them; and he gave
orders, that all his prefects should persecute Christians. Then
one of them, named Pliny, told him, that he ordered what was
wrong, and sinned much in it. He then readily forbade it.
3. At that time, the Jews were in great strife and in great
hostility against the people of the land, where they then were,
till many thousands of them perished on both sides. At that
time, Trajan died of a dysentery in the city Seleucia.
4 Oros. l. VII: c. 10. Haver. p. 483, 484.
5 Oros. l. VII: c. 11. Haver. p. 484, 485.
6 Oros. l. VII: c. 12. Haver. p. 136–488.
182 oROSIUS; Book VI: Char. XI, XII, XIII. [A. D. 117–161.
Book VI: CHAPTER XI.
1. Eight” hundred and sixty-seven years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 114: Clinton 117], Hadrian,
Trajan's nephew, succeeded to the government of the Romans,
and held it twenty-one years. Soon afterwards Christian books
were known to him, through one of the followers of the apostles,
named Quadratus; he [then] forbade, over all his empire, that
they should annoy any Christian man. If any Christian were
guilty, he was then to be taken before him, and he himself would
at once judge him as he thought right.
2. He then became so dear to the Romans, and so honoured,
that they never called him any thing but father; and, in honour
of him, they called his wife, Empress. He ordered all the Jews
to be put to death, because they tortured the Christians, that
were in Palestine, which is called the land of Judea. He com-
manded that they should build on the place of the city Jerusalem,
and that they should afterwards call it by the name of Ælia.
Book VI : CHAPTER XII.
1. Eight hundred and eighty eight years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 135 : Clinton 133], Antoninus,
whose other name was Pius, succeeded to the government of the
Romans. Justin, the philosopher, out of friendship, gave him a
Christian book. When he had read it, he became dear and very
friendly to Christians, to the end of his life.
Book VI: CHAPTER XIII.
1. Nine "hundred and three years after the building of Rome
[Orosius A. D. 158: Alfred 150 : Clinton 161], Marcus Antoni-
nus * succeeded to the government of the Romans, with his bro-
ther Aurelius. They were the first that divided the Roman em-
pire into two parts; and they held it fourteen years [M. Antoni-
7 Oros. l. VII : c. 13. Haver. p. 488–490.
8 Oros. 1. VII; c. 14. Haver p 490, 491.
9. Oros. 1. VII: c. 15. Haver. p. 492--495.
* Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, who reigned 19 years, from A. D. 161 to 180, was
adopted by Antoninus Pius, at the same time with Lucius Aurelius Verus, who reigned con-
jointly with Aurelius for 8 years, from A. D. 161 to 169. M. Aurelius was commonly called
the philosopher. We still possess his noble view of philosophical heathenism in his work
entitled Tà eis éavröv or Meditations, which give his thoughts and feelings on moral and re-
ligious subjects. It has heen translated into English. Though devoted to philosophy and
literature, he shewed his bigotry by the martyrdom of two eminent fathers of the Christian
church,-Polycarp in A. D. 166, and Irenaeus in 177.
A. D. 161–177] HADRIAN : M. ANTONINUS : M. AURELIUS : L. ANTONINUS. 183
nus 19 years, and Aurelius only 8.] They gave orders that
every Christian should be put to death. They had afterwards a
great war with the Parthians, because they had laid waste all Cap-
padocia and Armenia, and all Syria. They then made peace with
the Parthians, and afterwards there came upon them so great
a famine, and so great a plestilence, that few of them were left.
2. There then came upon them the Danish war, with all the
Germans. On the very day, on which they would fight, there
came so great a heat and so great a thirst upon them, that they
had no hope of their lives. They then understood that it was from
God’s wrath, and asked the Christians, that they would in some
way help them. Then they prayed to Almighty God, and it
rained so much, that they had water enough upon the plain; and
there came such heavy thunder, that it killed many thousand men
in the midst of the battle.
3. Afterwards all the Romans became so kind to Christians,
that they wrote in many temples, that every Christian should have
freedom and peace; and also, that every one of them, who wished,
might embrace Christianity. Antoninus forgave all the tribute,
that they should have paid to Rome, and ordered the deed to be
burned, in which it was written, what they should pay in a year;
and he died in the year following.
Book VI: CHAPTER XIV.
1. Nine hundred and thirty years after the building of Rome
[Orosius, Alfred and Clinton A. D. 177], Lucius Antoninus suc-
ceeded to the empire, and held it thirteen years. He was a very
bad man as to all morals, but he was brave, and often fought
single combats. Many of the senators, who were the best there,
he ordered to be put to death. Afterwards a thunderbolt shat-
tered their Capitol, the house, in which their gods and their idols
were; and their library was set on fire by the lightning, and all
their old books in it were burnt. There was even as great a loss
by the fire, as was in the city Alexandria, where, in their library,
four hundred thousand books were burnt.
1 Oros. l. VII: c. 16. Haver. p. 495–498. Lu. Antoninus Commodus reigned only 12
years and nearly 10 months; then Pertinax and Julianus each reigned about two months,
making altogether, from the death of Commodus to the accession of Severus, a little more
than 13 years. Fasti Romani, p. 267.
184 OROSIUS; Book VI: Cilap. XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII. [A. D. 194–222.
Book VI: CHAPTER XV.
1. Nine hundred and forty-three years after the building of
Rome [Orosius A. D. 191: Alfred 190: Clinton 194], Severus
succeeded to the government of the Romans, and held it seven-
teen years. He besieged Pescennius in a fastness, till he fell
into his hands; and he afterwards ordered him to be put to death,
because he would reign in Syria and in Egypt. He then put
Albinus to death in Gaul, because he also would wage war against
him.
2. He afterwards went into Britain, and often fought there
against the Picts and Scots, before he could defend the Britons
against them ; and ordered a wall to be built quite across all that
country from sea to sea. Soon afterwards, he died in the city of
York.
Book VI: CHAPTER XVI.
1. Nine hundred and sixty-two years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 209: Clinton 211], his son, An-
toninus, succeeded to the empire, and held it [not full] seven
years. He had two sisters for his wives. He had gathered an
army, and wished to fight against the Parthians; but, in the
march, he was put to death by his own men.
Book VI: CHAPTER XVII.
1. Nine hundred and seventy years after the building of Rome
[Orosius, Alfred and Clinton A. D. 217], Marcus Aurelius succeed-
ed to the goverment of the Romans, and held it four years. His
own men slew him, and also his mother.
Book VI: CHAPTER XVIII.
1. Nine hundred and seventy four years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 221 : Clinton 222], Aurelius
Alexander succeeded to the government of the Romans, and held
it [thirteen]" years. Mammaea, his good mother, sent for Origen,
the most learned mass-priest, and afterwards she became a well-
2 Oros. l. VII: c. 17. Haver. p. 498–503.
3 Oros. l. VII: c. 18. Haver. p. 504—506, 3.
4 Oros. l. VII: c. 18. Haver. p. 506, 3–507, 1.
- 5 Oros. l. VII: c. 18. Haver. p. 507 1–508, 5. -
6 Both the Anglo-Saxon MSS. have XVI, but Oros, has-tredecim annis, Haver. p. 507,
4; and Clinton gives 13 years. Fasti Romani, p. 267. . . . .
A. p. 236—244] MAXIMINUS–GORDIANUS—PHILIP. 185
taught Christian through him ; and she made her son very friendly
to Christians. He marched with an army into Persia, and slew
Xerxes, their king. He afterwards lost his life in the city,
Mayence.
Book VI: CHAPTER XIX.
1. Nine' hundred and eighty-seven years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 235: Clinton 236], Maximinus
succeeded to the government of the Romans. He gave orders
that Christians should be again persecuted, and that the good
Mammaea should be martyred, and all the priests who fol-
lowed her, save Origen : he fled into Egypt. Maximinus, in the
third year of his reign, was put to death by his own prefect in the
city Aquileia.
Book VI: CHAPTER XX.
1. Nine" hundred and ninety years after the building of Rome
[Alfred A. D. 237 : Orosius and Clinton 238], Gordianus succeed-
ed to the empire, and he held it six years. He put to death the
two brothers, who had formerly put Maximinus to death; and he
himself died soon after.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXI.
1. Nine" hundred and ninety-seven years after the building of
Rome [Orosius, Alfred and Clinton A. D. 244], Philip succeeded
to the government of the Romans, and held it seven years. He
was secretly a Christian because he durst not [be so] openly. In
the third year of his reign, which was about one thousand years
after the building of Rome, it came to pass, as God had ordained it,
that not only was the emperor a Christian, but that, at the emper-
or's palace, they also, in thankfulness to Christ, partook of the
great feast, which, every year before, they kept to their idols.
It was in honour of devils, that all the Romans would, after a
twelve-month, bring together the best part of their goods, gather-
ed for their sacrifice, and afterwards enjoy them together for many
weeks.-Then Decius, a rich man, ensnared the emperor, and
afterwards seized the government.
7 Oros. l. VII: c. 19. p. 509,9.
8 Oros. l. VII: c. 19. Haver. p. 509, 10–511.
9 Orcs. 1. VII: c. 20. Haver. p. 512–515.
24
186 OROSIUS; Book VI: CHAP. XXII—XXIV, $ 1. [A. p. 249–254
Book VI: CHAPTER XXII.
1. One thousand and four years after the building of Rome
[Orosius, Alfred, and Clinton A. D. 249], Decius succeeded to the
government of the Romans, and held it three years; and soon
gave a plain token, that he had before plotted against Philip, as
he ordered Christians to be persecuted, and many were thus made
holy martyrs. He settled his son in the government with him,
and soon afterwards, they were both slain together.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXIII.
1. One thousand and eight years after the building of Rome
[Orosius A. D. 254: Alfred 255: Clinton 251], Gallus Hostilia-
nus succeeded to the empire, and held it two years. Then God's
Wrath was again upon Rome : as long as there was the persecu-
tion of Christians, so long was there a very great plague pressing
upon them, so that there was not a house in the city, which had
not suffered by the wrath. Then Æmilianus put Gallus to death,
and had the government to himself. In the third month after-
wards, he also was put to death.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXIV.
1. One ‘ thousand and ten years after the building of Rome
[Orosius and Alfred A. D. 257: Clinton 254], the Romans
appointed two emperors: one was within the city Rome, and
was called Gallienus; the other was with the people of Æmilia-
nus,” and was called Valerian. These were ever to be waging
war, where it was needful. Then they both commanded Chris-
tians to be persecuted, but the wrath of God quickly came
upon them both. Valerian marched with an army, against
Sapor, king of the Persians, and was there taken; and after-
wards, to the end of his life, he was appointed to stoop, when
Sapor, the king, would mount his horse, that the king might have
his back as a stirrup. - -
1 Oros. l. VII: c. 21. Haver. p. 515–516, 11.
2 Orosius and Alfred say 3 years, but Clinton, 2 years and two months.
3 Oros. l. VII: c. 21. Haver. p. 516, 1–11.
4 Very much abridged from Oros. l. VII: c. 22. Haver. p. 516—519.
5 Oros, says—Valerianus in Rhetia ab exercitu Augustus estadpellatus. Haver. p. 516,
22, 23. AEmilianus, after being in power 3 months, was slain by his soldiers in A. D. 254,
and Valerian and Gallienus were chosen emperors.
A. p. 254–275] GALL1ENUS—CLAUDIUS–AURELIAN–TACITUS. , 187
2. Many nations waged war upon the other [emperor], Gal-
lienus, so that he held his power with great disgrace, and great
difficulty. First the Germans, who were on the Danube, overran
Italy, to the city Ravenna; and the Suevi overran all Gaul, and the
Goths all the country of Greece, and Asia the Less; and the
Sarmatians forced all Dacia from the government of the Romans;
and the Huns overran Pannonia; and the Parthians overran
Mesopotamia, and all Syria. Besides which, the Romans had
war among themselves. Gallienus was afterwards put to death
by his own men, in the city Milan.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXV.
1. One ‘ thousand and twenty-five years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 272 : Clinton 268], Claudius
succeeded to the government of the Romans. In the same year,
he overcame the Goths and drove them out of Greece. The
Romans made him a golden shield, as a worthy tribute for that
deed, and a golden likeness, and hung them up in their Capitol.
In the following year he died, and his brother Quintillus succeed-
ed to the government; and, on the seventeenth day after, he
was put to death.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXVI.
1. One thousand and twenty-seven years after the building
of Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 274 : Clinton 270], Aurelian
succeeded to the government of the Romans, and held it five
years and six months. He drove the Goths to the north of the
Danube, and marched thence upon the Syrians, and forced them
again under the government of the Romans. He then marched
upon the Gauls, and slew Tetricus, because he had drawn them
under his government. He then gave orders for a persecution
of Christians, and was slain shortly afterwards.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXVII.
1. One" thousand and thirty-two years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 279: Clinton 275], Tacitus
succeeded to the government of the Romans; and, in the sixth
6 Oros. l. VII: c. 23. Haver. p. 520, 521, 7.
7 Oros. l. VII: c. 23. Haver. p. 521, 8—522.
8 Oros. l. W1 I: e. 24. Haver. p. 523, 1–3.
188 OROSIUS; Book VI: Chap. XXVIII—XXX. [A. D. 276—284
month after, he was slain in the country of Pontus.--Then
Florianus succeeded to the government, and was slain in the third
month after, in the country of Tarsus. -
Book VI: CHAPTER XXVIII.
1. One" thousand and thirty-three years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 280: Clinton 276], Probus
succeeded to the government of the Romans, and kept it six years,
and four months. He drove the Huns out of Gaul, and slew Satur-
minus, who was striving for the government. He afterwards slew
Proculus and Bonosus, who yearned for the government. Then
he himself was slain on the down of Sirmium.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXIX.
1. One' thousand and thirty nine years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 286 : Clinton 282], Carus suc-
ceeded to the government of the Romans, and held it two years.
He fought twice against the Parthians, and took two of their cities,
which were on the bank of the river Tigris. He was killed soon
afterwards by a thunder bolt, and his son Numerianus succeeded
to the government, and shortly after he was put to death by his
own father-in-law.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXX.
1. One” thousand and forty-one years after the building of
Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 288: Clinton 284], Diocletian
succeeded to the government of the Romans, and held it twenty
years. He placed a younger emperor under him, called
Maximian, and sent him into Gaul, because they had lately
stirred up a war, but he easily overcame them. At that time,
three kings were waging war upon Diocletian :—Carausius in
Britain,_Achilleus in Egypt, and Narses from Persia. He then
placed three Caesars under him :-One was Maximian,—the
second Constantius, the third Galerius. He sent Maximian
into Africa, who overcame their opponents. He sent Constantius
into Gaul, who overcame the Alamannic nation, and he then
overran the island Britain.-And Diocletian himself went into
- 9 Id. Haver. p. 523, 4–11.
- 1 Oros. l. VII: c. 24. Haver. p. 523, 12–524.
2 Oros. l. VII: c. 25. Haver, p. 525—529. Alfred omits Chaps 26 and 27.
A. D. 176—284] PROBUS—CARUS–DIOCLETIAN. 189
Egypt, and besieged Achilleus, the king, eight months, in the city
Alexandria, till the citizens gave him up to Diocletian, who after-
wards overran all Egypt.—He sent Galerius into Persia, who
fought twice against Narses, the king, but neither of them had
the victory. In their third battle, Galerius was routed, and came
to Diocletian in great fear; but he received him with great dis-
honour, and ordered him to run, in his own purple robe, many
miles before his chariot. After his courage had been whetted by
that disgrace, he marched again upon the Persians, and routed
them, and took Narses, and his wife and his children. Diocletian
then received Galerius honourably.
2. Diocletian and Maximian ordered Christians to be per-
secuted,—Diocletian in the east, and Maximian in the west; and,
because of this order, there were many martyrs in the space of
ten years.
3. They then agreed between themselves, that they would give
up their governments, and lay aside the purple robes, which they
wore, and would end their days in peace; and they did so.
Diocletian settled in the city Nicomedia, and Maximian settled in
the city Milan. They left their governments to Galerius and to
Constantius, and they divided it afterwards into two.—Galerius took
Illyricum, and beyond that, the east, and the chief part of this
world.—Constantius took all Italy, and Africa, and Spain, and
Gaul, and Britain; but he had little wish for these worldly things
and for great power; and, therefore, of his own will, he gave up
Italy and Africa to Galerius. Then Galerius placed two kings
under him :-One was named Severus, to whom he gave Italy
and Africa; and he placed Maximinus in the eastern countries.
4. In those days, Constantius, the most merciful man, went
into Britain, and died there; and gave the empire to Constantine,
his son, whom he had by Helena his concubine.
5. Then * Maxentius, son of Maximian, wished to have the
government of Italy. Galerius, therefore, sent against him
Severus with an army, to whom the government had before been
given, and he was betrayed there by his own men, and slain near
the city Ravenna. When Maximian heard that his son had
seized the government, he quickly left the city, in which he was
settled, and thought to overcome his son, and afterwards to take
3 Oros. l. VII: c. 28. Haver. p. 537, 17–541.
190 OROSIUS; Book VI: Chár. XXX $6–9–$ 1. [A. D. 312—330
the government; but, when the son found it out, he drove away
the father, who fled into Gaul and wished to overcome Constan-
time, his son-in-law, and to have the government to himself; but
his daughter found it out, and told it to Constantine, and he then
banished him to Marseilles, and he was there slain.
6. Galerius then gave Italy and Africa to Licinius, and he
ordered all the best Christians, that were there, to be banished.
Galerius was then brought into great weakness, and ordered many
physicians, and none of them could do him any good, but one of
them told him, that it was from the wrath of God. He, therefore,
gave orders that the Christians should be brought into their own
country again, each where he was before ; yet he died of that
sickness, and Licinius succeeded to the government.
7. There was afterwards war between Constantine and Max-
entius; and soon after [A. D. 312] Constantine slew Maxentius
at the Mulvian bridge in Rome.—In those days Maximinus
ordered Christians to be persecuted, and soon afterwards died in
the city Tarsus-At that time, Licinius gave orders that no
Christian should come into his household nor into his train ; and
soon afterwards there was war between him and Constantine, and
frequent battles, until Constantine took Licinius, and ordered him
to be beheaded, and then succeeded to all the government of the
Romans.
8. In those days [A. D. 318–325], Arius, the mass-priest, fell
into a mistake about the right belief. About this time [A. D. 325],
three hundred and eighteen bishops were gathered together to
refute and to excommunicate him.
9. In those days, Constantine put to death Crispus his son,
and Licinius his sister's son ; and no one knew what their guilt
was, but him alone. He then brought under him many
nations, which before were not under the Romans; and ordered
a city to be built in Greece, and to be called after him Constan-
tinople [A. D. 330]. He was the first man, that ordered churches
to be built, and every idol-temple to be closed. He died about
thirty-one years after he gained the empire, in a dwelling near
the city Nicomedia.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXI.
1. One ‘ thousand and ninety-one years after the building of
4 Oros. 1. VII: c. 29, Haver. p. 541–544. A tabular arrangement of the emperors,
mentioned in this chapter, will make it more clear.
A. p. 337–361] CONSTANTIUS –CONSTANTINE–CONSTANS, 191
Rome [Orosius A. D.339: Alfred 338: Clinton 337], Constantius,
with his two brothers, Constantine and Constans, succeeded to
the empire; and Constantius held it twenty-four years. All the
brothers were in the Arian heresy. Constantime and Constans
waged war upon each other, till Constantine was slain. Then
Magnentius slew Constans, and seized upon the government, that
is of Gaul and Italy. In those days, the Illyrians appointed
Vetranio to their government, that they might then wage war
against Magnentius; and they forced him to learning, though he
was aged; but Constantius took from him both the government
and the purple that he wore, and also the school in which he
learned. He then fought against Magnentius and routed him,
and drove him into the city Lyons, and he afterwards stabbed
himself. Then Constantius appointed Julian to be Caesar under
him, who had before been ordained a deacon, and sent him into
Gaul with an army; and he quickly overcame all those, who
were waging war in Gaul; and, after that deed, he was so lifted
up, that he wished to take to himself all the government of the
Romans, and marched with an army, [to the place] where
Constantius was with another army against the Parthians. When
Constantius heard of it, and was going against him, he died on
the march.
2 Julianº succeeded to the government [A. D. 361], and held
it one year and eight months. He soon wished secretly to over-
turn Christianity, and openly forbade that a man should learn
any fast-book, and also said, that a Christian should not hold any
of his offices, and thought thus to entrap them. “But they were
all of that mind, as we have often heard it reported,” said Oro-
sius, “ that they would rather follow Christianity, than hold his
offices.”
3 Then he gathered an army, and would go into Persia, and
ordered, that, when he should come homeward again from the
east, they should have an amphitheatre built at Jerusalem into
which he might put God's servants, that wild beasts might there
tear them to pieces. But, in that undertaking, God very justly
- Years From A. D.
Constantine II reigned. e e 3 © sº te tº * 337 to 340
(Constantius II . * > © e 24 tº tº ſº © e 337 — 361
\Constans I c † g gº 13 { } wº o te e 337 – 350
Julian •º 361 — 363
e & º & 2 e tº e
5 Oros. l. VII: c. 30. Haver. p. 545, 546.
192 OROSIUS; Book VI: Chap. XXXII—XXXIII, § 1, 2. [A. D. 363—364
avenged the wicked thought of this wicked man, when a man
met him, as he came from the city Ctesiphon, just as if he were
a deserter, and told him he could lead him through the desert,
that he might come upon the Persians unawares. But, when he
had led him into the midst of the desert, he beguiled him, so
that no man of the expedition knew where he was ; but they
went wandering about the desert, and knew not where he could
get out, until many of the people perished both from thirst and
from heat. Then an unknown man came towards them and
stabbed Julian.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXII.
1. One" thousand one hundred and seventeen years after the
building of Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 364: Clinton 363],
Jovian succeeded to the government of the Romans. He was
chosen in the desert, on the same day that Julian was stabbed.
He gave the Persians the city, Nisibis, and half the country of
Mesopotamia, with the view that they might go out of the coun-
try without harm.
2. In the eighth month after he succeeded to the government,
he would go into Illyricum. One night, when he was in a new-
ly-plastered house, he ordered a large fire to be made in it,
because it was cold weather. The plaster then began to fume
excessively, and Jovian was smothered by the vapour.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXIII.
1. One' thousand one hundred and eighteen years after the
building of Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 365: Clinton 364],
Valentinian succeeded to the government of the Romans, and he
held it eleven years. He was before a chief officer of Julian's
soldiers. Julian ordered him either to leave Christianity or his
office, when he chose rather to leave his office, than Christianity.
But God afterwards brought him to greater honour, since he had
forsaken the less for the love of him, so that he had the govern-
ment of the very empire, that his adversary before held.
2...Soon afterwards he gave half his empire" to his brother
Valens; and he ordered Procopius, who then wished to reign, to
6 Oros. l. VII: c. 31. Haver. p. 547.
7 Oros. l. VII: c. 32. Haver. p. 548—550.
8 The army unanimously elected Valent inian emperor Feb. 26th 264, and he declared
A. D. 363—364] Jovian–VALENTINIAN–VALENs. 193
be put to death, and many others with him. Valens had been
taught by an Arian bishop, named Eudoxius; but he hid it very
closely from his brother, because he knew that he would avenge
it, if he found out that he was in one belief, and himself in ano-
ther; for he knew how steadfast he was before in his belief,
when he had less power.
3. In the same year [A. D. 364], Athanaric, king of the Goths,
made many martyrs of the Christians among his people. In
those days Valentinian forced the Saxons back to their own
country, when they would wage war against the Romans: they
were settled near the ocean. He also with-held the Burgundians
from waging war upon the Gauls. What mostly with-held them
was, that baptism was promised them. In the eleventh year of
his reign, the Sarmatians pillaged Pannonia : when he was going
thither with an army, he died of a rushing of blood [apoplexy].
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXIV.
1. One" thousand one hundred and twenty-nine years after
the building of Rome [Orosius A. D. 375. Alfred 376: Clinton
364], Valens, brother of Valentinian, succeeded to the govern-
ment of the Romans ; and Gratian, son of Valentinian, succeeded
to the government of Italy, and of Gaul and of Spain, under
Valens. What he had before closely hidden, he shewed openly
when he ordered that monks—who ought to forsake worldly
things, and weapons of war—should take arms and fight with
them, and do evil with other men. He sent into Egypt, and
ordered to put down all the monkish customs, which his brother
had before settled; and some of the monks he ordered to be put
to death, some driven into banishment.
2. In those days there was in Africa, a man, called Firmus, who
wished for the government. Then Valens sent thither his officer,
his brother Valens Augustus, and gave him half the empire on the 28th of March following.
Clinton, p. 127. The empire was thus divided into the
WESTERN EMPIRE, AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE.
years reigned From A. D. years reigned From A. D.
Valentinian I 11 . sº 364 to 375. Valens 14. ge * 364 to 378
wº ſ 16 . . 367–383.
Gratian 6 . 378 – 384. Theodosius I. 16. . . 379–395
Valentinian II. 17 . g 375 — 392. Arcadius 13. e 395 – 408
Theodosius I. 3 . g 392 — 395.
[Emperor of the West as well as the East]
Honorius 28 . wº 395 — 423.
9 Oros. l. VII: c. 33. Haver. p. 550–554.
25
194 oroSIUs; Book VI: Char. xxxv, ; 1. [A. D. 364–378.
Theodosius, with an army, father of the good Theodosius, who
was afterwards emperor. Firmus was taken in that expedition,
and led forth to be put to death; then he himself begged that he
might first be baptized. When he was baptized, he had, by the
teaching of the mass-priest, who baptized him, such full belief of
the kingdom of heaven, that he said to the people—“Do now as
you will”; and leaned forward to them, that they might cut off
his head; and he became a martyr of Christ.
3. In those days, Gratian fought in Gaul against the Alaman-
ni, and slew many thousands of them. In the third year of
his reign, when he did the greatest wrong to the servants of God,
the Goths drove him out of their country; and they afterwards
went over the river Danube into the dominion of Valens, and
asked that they might settle peaceably in his dominion. Then
he scorned either to forbid or grant it; but let them settle where
they would. But his procurators and officers pressed them for
tribute, and they had great strife about it, until the Goths routed
them in battle.
4. When Valens heard of it, in the city Antioch, he was very
sorry and thought of his misdeeds, how they had prayed for a
right belief and font of baptism; and, for teachers, he sent to them
Arian bishops, and heretics, as he himself was ; and what he had
often done to the injury of God's servants. However, where he
knew any one to be living, he gave orders to send for him, and then,
though it was late, he commanded him to be honoured.—In the
fourth year of his reign he fought against the Goths, and was rout-
ed and driven into a village, and was burnt to death in a house.
Thus it was ended by a very just judgment, when they burnt
him in this world, who thought to burn them for everlasting.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXV.
1. One thousand one hundred and thirty-three years after the
building of Rome [Orosius A. D. 379: Alfred 380: Clinton 378],
Gratian * succeeded to the government of the Romans, and held
it six years. He chose Theodosius to help him, because he
thought that the nations, that were their enemies, were become
1 Oros. l. VII: c. 34. Haver. p. 554–556.
2 Gratian was raised to the rank of Augustus by his father Valentinian in A. D. 367 at
the age of eight years. He succeeded to the Eastern Empire in 378 on the death of his
uncle Valens; but, as the Goths were troublesome, he appointed Theodosius to be the
Emperor of the east in 379. See chap. 33, § 2, note 8. -
A. D. 378] GRATIAN —THEODOSIUS—EUGENIUS 195
too strong to be any longer overcome by war. Theodosius,
therefore, made peace with them; and, in that peace, he took
with him to Constantinople Athanaric, their king, who, shortly
afterwards, died there. As soon as the Goths heard how good
Theodosius was, both they, and all the people that were in Scy-
thia, wished for peace with him. º
2. In those days, the Britons chose Maximus for their emperor,
against his will, who was worthy of the government of all the
Romans, for his manifold virtues, save that he then fought against
his lord by the advice of other men. Soon afterwards, he went
into Gaul, and slew Gratian, and drove Valentinian, his brother,
out of Italy, and he fled to Theodosius.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXVI.
1. One thousand one hundred and thirty-eight years after the
building of Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 385: Clinton 378], .
Theodosius succeeded to the government of the Romans, and
held it eleven years. Six years before, he had the government of
the eastern parts. Theodosius then thought how he could avenge
Gratian his lord, and also bring his brother to the government,
and led an army into Italy, where Maximus was encamped with
a force at the city Aquileia, and had ordered his general Andra-
gathius to keep the pass; but the general intrusted the keeping
of it to sluggish men, and thought of going round by the east in
ships, and then stealing upon Theodosius behind. But as soon
as he was gone from the pass towards the ships, Theodosius
came to it and found few men there, who were bad and sluggish;
and he soon drove them away, and broke through the pass, and
then went over the mountains till he came to Aquileia, and slew
Maximus. When the general heard that, he drowned himself.
By the fall of these two, how easily God ended the great war,
which Maximus and his general had stirred up with many na-
tions !
2. After that, Valentinian again succeeded to the empire.
About two years afterwards, when he came into Gaul, Arbogastes
his general smothered him, and then hung him up with ropes by
the neck, just as if he had put himself to death, without knowing
what he was doing. He placed Eugenius as emperor, with the
name of the sovereignty and took to himself the power; for he
3 Oros. 1. VII: c. 35. Haver. p. 557–562.
196 OROSIUS; Book VI: Chap. XXXVII, § 1, 2. [A. D. 395.
could not have the name of emperor, because he was not a
Roman; but he taught the other to enter fully into idolatry.
Then Theodosius again led an army against them both, to the
same pass, which he formerly took from Maximus. Theodosius
then sent before him an army of the Goths to break through the
pass; but they were surrounded from the mountains, and all
slain : they were ten thousand. Theodosius, therefore, marched
thitherward, and knew that they would surround him by the
same stratagem. When they were before each other, Eugenius
and Arbogastes thought that they could first drive them from
the mountains by the shots of their arrows; but God sent such a
wind against them, that they could not shoot an arrow from
them, without every one of them coming either upon themselves
or upon the earth. Theodosius had the wind with him, so that
his army could fasten almost every one of their arrows in their
enemies. Eugenius was slain there, and Arbogastes stabbed him-
self. Then Theodosius went into Italy; and, when he came to
the city Milan, he died, and gave up the government to his two
SOIlS.
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXVII.
1. “One ‘ thousand one hundred and forty-nine years after the
building of Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 396 : Clinton 395],
Arcadius succeeded to the government of the eastern part, and
held it twelve years'; and Honorius to the western part, and even
yet holds it,” “ said Orosius.
2. And, because they were young,” Theodosius placed them
under the care of his two generals: Arcadius was placed under
Rufinus, and Honorius was placed under Stilico. But they
soon afterwards made known what lordly faithfulness they
thought of shewing to their old master's children, if they could
have done it. Rufinus wished to have the government of the
east for himself; and Stilico wished to give this of the west
4 Very much abridged from Oros. l. VII: c. 36. Haver. p. 563—566.
5 Clinton says 13 years, from A. D. 395 to 408. See I. VI: c. 33 $ 2 note 8.
6 This chapter must, therefore, have been written after A. D. 408, in which year
Arcadius died. Augustine, writing to Jerome in A. D. 415, calls Orosius a young man.
See p. 11. Orosius, therefore, wrote this history early in life, probably between A. D. 410
and 416. See l. II: c. 1 § 2 note 2, p. 78; and Introduction p. 14 and 15 note 24.
7 Oros. l. VII: c. 37 and 38. Haver. p. 567–572.
A. D. 395–410] ARCADIUS—HONORIUS–ALARIC. 197
to his son. And because of this fiendish feeling, he left the
Goths in Italy, with their two kings, Alaric and Rhadagaisus,
and thought, when the people were overcome, that they would
afterwards do all that he wished; and hoped also that he could
Soon keep back the Goths from the war, because he was born in
their land. Shortly afterwards, Alaric became a Christian, and
Rhadagaisus remained a heathen, and daily sacrificed to idols by
slaying men, and he was always most pleased, if they were
Romans. -
3. “Even now, it may shame you Romans,” said Orosius, “that
ye should have had so mean a thought, for fear of one man, and
for one man's sacrificing, as when ye said, that the heathen times
were better than the Christian, and also, that it were better for
yourselves to forsake Christianity,and take to the heathen customs,
which your elders formerly followed. Ye may also think how
worthless he afterwards was, in his sacrifices, and his idolatry, in
which he lived, when ye had him bound and then treated him as
ye would, and all his army, which, as ye yourselves said, was two
hundred thousand, yet not one of you was wounded.”
Book VI: CHAPTER XXXVIII.
1. One" thousand one hundred and sixty-four years after the
building of Rome [Orosius and Alfred A. D. 411 : Clinton 410],
God shewed his mercy to the Romans, when he allowed their
misdeeds to be avenged, and yet it was done by Alaric, the most
Christian and the mildest of kings. He sacked Rome with so
little violence, that he ordered no one should be slain,_and that
nothing should be taken away, or injured, that was in the
churches. Soon after that, on the third day, they went out of
the city of their own accord; so there was not a single house
burnt by their order.
2. There " Ataulf, Alaric's kinsman, took the sister of Honorius,
8 Oros. l. VII: c. 39. Haver. p. 573–575.
9 Oros. l. VII: c. 40. Haver. p. 576–578. Alfred has omitted chap. 41, 42 and 43 of
the original Latin of Orosius. In this 43rd chapter, which Alfred has omitted, Orosius,
addressing his aged friend, Augustine, thus speaks of the space of time embraced by his
history. Explicui, adjuvante Christo, secundum tuum praeceptum, beatissime pater
Augustine, ab initio mundi usque in praesentem diem, hoc est, per annos quinquies mille
sea-centos et septemdecim, cupiditates et punitiones hominum peccatorum, conflictationes
seculi, et judicia Dei. Haver. p. 587, 8. Mr Clinton, in writing to me on the subject,
says, “That the numbers 5617, quoted by you from Oros. l. VII: c. 43, are the genuine
numbers of Oros. appears from l. I: c. 1. Haver. p. 7, 1,” where he says—Sunt ab Adam,
198 OROSIUS; Book VI: Char. XXXVIII, § 2. [A. D. 414.
the king, and afterwards agreed with him, and took her for his
wife [A. D. 414]. Then the Goths settled there in the country,
some by the wish of the emperor, some against his wish : some
of them went into Spain, and there settled,—some into Africa.
primo homine, usque ad Ninum, quando natus est Abraam, anni ter mille centum
octoginta et quatuor. * & & e & © & wº º º . 3184
A Nino autem vel Abraam, usque ad nativitatem Christi, colliguntur anni bis
mille quindecim. & & tº º º sº º * & e º . 2015
Add the date of the work of Orosius o & º * e * * > 416
These numbers make together the sum of . . . & º . . . 5615.
Orosius follows Eusebius who gives these numbers,
From Adam to the Flood & º º e º º º º & . 2242
From the Flood to Abraham . e e º º & e º © . 942
Making together from Adam to Abraham . . . * * . . . 3184.
From Abraham to Christ tº º tº º º © gº e º . 2015
Add the 416 years * e º º tº © • e. º 416
The sum of these dates from Eusebius is the same as those above from Orosius 5615.
The
Eusebius obtained these periods by following the longer generations of the LXX.
shorter generations of the Hebrew Bible would be from Adam to Christ 4004, to which add
416 will give 4420 years, over which the history of Orosius extends. See before, p. 77,
note 1 : and p. 61, note 1.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
Page 17, line — Dele note 1. 59, 17 Seuges Zeugis
21, 22 For magician Read idol 25 Astria Astrix
22, 2 Caperone Capparonia 29 For Albenas, Read Abennis
11 Collatinus Calatinus 64, 10 abyr; +hyn
23, 35 Veriatus Viriathus 70, 21 Thyestres Thyestes
27, 26 Jovinianus Jovian 75, 11, 34 Harpalus Harpagus
28, 3 Maximianus Maximus 78, 3 Sect. 23 note Sect. 2 note 9
37, 5 east north 84, 4 and pp. 149, 151, Cneius Cneus
47, 30 England Eritain 85, 18 tymcenum barrels
51, 39 note 76 note 73 n. 1 DELE now puncheons.
56, 27 at as . 94, 4 Was it . . . It was . .
39 p. 73. p. 73, note 89 ll 1, 24 with which he that he might
40 DELE note 89 seduced. seduce
59, 8, 9 on the west on the west of 113, l DAN US. DARI U.S.
the Troglody- the Troglodytae 119, 29 as if he had as he had
tae. The coun- the country not
try. . . . º 120, 2 magician idol
16 Byzacium, in Byzacium con- 9 forgive this forgive his son
which is, tains fault this fault.
16 Adrunnetus Hadrumetum
(1) As Hadrumetum, so Hadrian, Hasdrubal, and Hannibal, with H initial, usually omitted in A. S.
THE END.
AN ESSAY
ON
Qht (ºtography aſ fling Alfrth the Great,
Taken from his A. S. Version of Orosius:
CONTAINING
ALFRED'S DESCRIPTION OF EUROPE IN THE 9TH CENTURY,
AND HIS ACCOUNT OF
THE VOYAGES OF OHTHERE AND WULFSTAN INTO THE
WHITE AND BALTIC SEAS :
BY
R. T. HAMPSON ESQ.
AUTHOR of “Medii A2ui Kalend.” “Origines
Patriciae,” &c.
ESSAY ON
KING ALFRED’S GEOGRAPHY,
AND THE NORTHERN VOYAGE OF
ogº.gche Aup waſ fist3n.
1. It is justly remarked by the Rev. Dr Bosworth, among the
notes to his translation of the Anglo-Saxon OROSIUs, that the
geographical notices, relating to Europe, in Section X of the ver-
sion, are invaluable, “as being the only account of the Germanic
nations, written by a contemporary, so early as the ninth century.”
The same opinion has been formed of it by men of erudition on
the continent, particularly in Germany, Denmark, and Sweden;
and the names of Porthan, Raske, Dahlmann' and others, who
have translated Alfred’s “precious fragment of antiquity,’” and
investigated the geographical problems which it presents, will
ever be associated with that of the truly great monarch of Eng-
land. I cannot but remember the disappointment, which I expe-
rienced, on examining with attention M. D'Anville's learned
disquisition on the foundation of the states of Europe as geogra-
phically situated before the French revolution at the close of the
last century, at finding that this distinguished geographer made
no reference to a work, in which Europe in the 9th century,
when we first behold the germs of future empires and kingdoms,
was already sketched with the vivacity of an actual map.” He
shews no sign of a knowledge, that there existed such a record of
the physical appearance of the continent, and yet, although he
might never have seen the Latin translation of the two northern
voyages in Alfred's Orosius, in Sir John Spelman's Pita Ælfredi,
he could scarcely have been ignorant of Hakluyt's Voyages, where
1 Professor Dailmann, Forschungen auf den Gebiete der Gerschichte, Altona, 12mo,
1822–Prof. Raske, Afhandlinger, Köbenhavn, 8vo, 1834.
2 Le Comte J. Gräber, La Scandinavie Wengée. p. 36.
3 D'Anville, Etats formés en Europe après la Châte de l'Empire Romaine en l'Occident,
Paris, 4to, 1774.
4 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE
they are inserted. It is very true, that D'Anville chiefly occupied
himself with Germania and Europe South of the Danube, but one
of the Voyagers mentions places on the German shores of the
Baltic, about which there was a difficulty, well deserving of eluci-
dation, and he describes very curious customs in the present
Pomerania of Prussia.
Owing to the neglect of Saxon literature, which seems to have
been one consequence of the destruction of the monastic libraries,
so pathetically bewailed by John Bale, about the reign of Edward
VI, and also to the superior claims of the treasures of Greece and
Rome, no attention appears to have been bestowed, for a long
time, on the works of the illustrious Alfred, before the insertion
in Hakluyt, in the 16th century, of the narrations, personally and
colloquially communicated to the king by the voyagers, Ohthere
and Wulfstan.' The English versions and notes in that collection of
voyages are said to have been written by Lambarde, a learned
antiquary and a successful cultivator of Anglo-Saxon literature,
who is well known as the author of Eirenarchia. Nearly a cen-
tury afterwards, Sir John Spelman obtained a Latin translation of
the northern voyages from certain scholars of Oxford, “Oxoni-
enses Alumni,” and either he or they endeavoured to pursue the
course and ascertain the places named by Ohthere and Wulfstan.”
Another century elapsed before the value of these relics of anti-
quity interpolated by Alfred in the Spanish historian began to be
appreciated by the learned. The publication of the whole of the
Anglo-Saxon version of this work, with an English translation by
the Hon. Daines Barrington, in 1773, seems to have conveyed the
information to the public, that, besides these precious voyages,
there was an original description, at a very interesting epoch, of
that vast portion of Europe, which, from remote antiquity, had
been comprised under the general name of Germania. Judge
Barrington, a man of great erudition, and well versed in old
English and Romance, or ancient French, literature, was not,
however, perfectly competent to accomplish the task, which he
undertook as a labour of love. Besides frequently mistaking the
sense of his author, he has injudiciously adapted some conjectural
emendations, and given others. That such a process, well execu-
4 Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Voiages, &c. of the English Nation, Vol. I, p. 4, Ed.
1598, fol.
à Spelman, Vita Ælfredi Magni, Append. VII. 1678.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 5
ted by means of the two ancient MSS. Lauderdale and Cotton
might not be advantageous to students, it would, perhaps, be
bold to say, but the person who undertakes the emendations of
ancient authors, though profoundly skilled in their languages,
encounters the risk of making them say what they never intended.
The judge enriched his translation with geographical notes of
much research supplied to him by the celebrated Swedish circum-
navigator and naturalist J. Reinhold Forster, the associate of Cap-
tain James Cook. A map of Europe also prepared by M. Forster
accompanied the work. M. Forster's errors are chiefly attribu-
table to the faulty translation by Barrington, but he is surely not
to be blamed if his conjectures respecting the sites of places, of
which the names had long been forgotten, or had become com-
pletely disguised in the vicissitudes of times and nations, are not
always happy. Subsequently Forster revised his notes, and cor-
rected the more considerable of his wanderings under the guid-
ance of a flickering light."
After Forster, Langebek, about 1773, inserted the Anglo-Saxon
voyages in his collection of Danish historians and others, appar-
ently from Barrington's publication. That he was not an
inattentive editor appears from his suggestion, that the name
Cyningesheal had been corrupted in the Anglo-Saxon MS. into
Sciringesheal, respecting which Dr Bosworth has removed all
uncertainty.
In 1807, Dr Ingram the compiler and translator of the Anglo-
Saxon Chronicles, on assuming the chair of Anglo-Saxon professor
in the university of Oxford, published a new translation of
Alfred's geography of Europe, with numerous explanatory notes,”
for the most part valuable as well as curious, but, strange to say,
he has preserved Barrington's original mistakes of proper names
for ordinary words, when a little research among the Latin writers
of this age would have shown him that Alfred's aefeldan were not
“heath-fields” in Jutland, but the Heveldi, a warlike tribe of
Slavons on or near the banks of the Havel; and that wylte were
not “wilds, wealds, wolds,” but the Wilti, Wilzi, Weleti, or
Welatabi, appellations which in the Latin Chronicles of the times
6 History of Discoveries and Voyages in the North, Ed. 1786.
7 Langebek, Scriptorum Rerum Danicarum.
8 Inaugural Lecture, p. 72, 4to, 1807.
6 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE
about the ninth century, denote another fierce and celebrated
tribe of Slavons in the vicinity of the former.
On the continent, as before observed, Sprengel, Porthan, Raske,
and Dahlmann have closely investigated the tracts of Ohthere,
and Wulfstan, and the statements of Alfred. They have cleared
away many of the difficulties, which remained, but in several
instances, they ventured on the last resource of a faithful illus-
trator of the literary relics of antiquity. Where their researches
have not rendered them successful in establishing the identity of
names and places, they have substituted their own conjectures.
II. It will be the object of the present inquiry to endeavour
to ascertain the position of the chief places, named in Alfred's
geographical delineation, without violence to the text of the
Saxon MS. in the Cotton library. That there are serious errors
in the Greek and Latin names of places and persons, towards
the middle of the codex, is incontestible, and it is equally clear,
that they are attributable, not to the royal translator, but to the
penman, who wrote the codex after him. Though this is true,
it by no means follows, that he should be as faulty in names, with
which, we may presume, if he were a Saxon," he was more familiar,
than with those which occur in the account of Alexander's
Asiatic conquests, and in some other places. Indeed, it seems
that great reliance may be placed upon this important portion of
the manuscript, except in one solitary instance, where, by a slight
slip of the pen, either in ignorance or inattention, an Anglo-
Saxon s has become an r, as plainly appears from the sense of
the context."
9 It is by no means certain, that the Saxon remains in England are in the hand writing
of Saxons. For the most part, the mechanical execution of the MSS. is very neat, and
may be termed beautiful. It was stated some years ago in the Athenaeum, as a proof of
learning at an early period among the Irish, that the Saxon MSS. were the work of Irish
monks. The fact, if true, proves nothing more than their skill in that kind of penmanship,
which consists in carefully drawing the outlines of letters upon vellum, and then filling
them up with ink colours, by the process which boys in writing schools contemptuously call
painting letters. One thing is certain, that some of the MSS. have been written or painted
by persons, who had no knowledge of the language, or at least, whose acquaintance with it
was very imperfect. It is not unusual to find several words run together as if they were
a single word, and often a word of significance is enclosed between the end of the preced-
ing and the beginning of the following, as if the strange compound were one word. The
same observation applies to the Latin MSS of the Saxons and to the Greek and Latin
passages inserted in their vernacular compositions. Examples of this sort of blundering
may be seen in the curious Greek Symbolum in Saxon letters, of which Suicer has given a
corrected copy in the second volume of his Thesaur. Antiquit. Eccles.
10 Dr Bosworth, Translation, B. I, ch. 1, § 18.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 7
With the intention of adhering to that which is my original, I
am precluded from classifying the different peoples of Europe
according to their races, Finns with Finns, Slavons with Slavons,
and Teutons with Teutons, because that method will demand too
many repetitions to follow Alfred in the course taken by himself;
for it must be borne in mind, that for the purpose of his des-
cription of Europe, he stations himself on a particular spot,
whence, as from a centre, he surveys the countries around him
and indicates their situation relatively to each other and to his
centre. In like manner, we are constrained to place ourselves
on the deck with Ohthere or Wulfstan, and to observe the
direction of his hand, as he names the places by which the vessel
is sailing. Were we to do otherwise, we should soon be obscured
in a mist of doubt, and wrecked in a sea of conjecture. By
adopting this method we shall find, that Alfred is exact in his
cardinal points, and that he does not miss the bearing of his
places, as supposed first by Forster, and afterwards by Rask and
Dahlman, who have led themselves into error by considering
Alfred to have described the situation of all his places from one
and the same spot, where he commenced. There are; however,
plain indications that, having filled up a circle, he removed to
another centre, until he completed his Germania.
III. What is Alfred's Germania 2 Professor Rask wishes to
exclude from it all Scandinavia, or to consider the whole of a vast
region as Gothic. We have to attend to Alfred's boundaries,” in
order to understand what he considered to be Germania. He
has supplied the demarcation of Germania on the north, which
Strabo, Tacitus, and later of the ancient writers did not clearly
define, left but in vague and imaginary traditions respecting the
Hyperboreans. He has understood, and is probably right, that
the term Germania comprehended all Europe between the Danube
and the extreme north or Frozen ocean, and included a vast region
of which very little was previously known beyond the Eastern or
Baltic Sea. Alfred's description seems too clear to admit dispute.
The words material to the question are these :
11 He calls them land gemaere, which judge Barrington, with a laudable desire to render
Saxon in English words of Saxon origin, translates land marks; but mar, though perhaps
not elsewhere preserved in the same sense among the remains of Anglo-Saxon, appears to
be allied to the Lithuanian miera, a measure, Polish, miara, and Latin meare, in the
primary sense of measuring out a road. All these are related to the Sanskrit root ma, to
measure—See Dr Pott's Etymologische Forschungen, 1, 194, 5, Lemgo, 8vo, 1813.
8 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE -
“From the river Tanais westward to the Rhine, which springs
from the Alps, and then runs right northwards on the sea's arm
which lies around Britain—
— “And again south to the river Danube whose source is
near the Rhine, and afterwards runs eastward against Greece,
and out into the Wendel, or Vandal Sea,” near the Mediter-
ranean and Adriatic Gulf—
— “And northward to the ocean * which is called Cwen Sea,
now the White Sea. Within this are many mations and it is all
called Germania.”
If the Cwen Sea can be identified with the Baltic, M. Rask's
hypothesis, that Scandinavia is not comprised in Alfred's Ger-
mania, is an established truth ; but it will be found from another
part, that, in common with the Germans and Northmen, Alfred
12 He invariably names this sea the Wendel Sea. Windelicus Sinus occurs in Orosius for
the Adriatic, probably so called from the Illyrian Windelici. Adam of Bremen speaks of
the Mare Wendile, meaning the northern Sinus Penedicus of the ancients. “Haec est
strata Ottonis Caesaris usque ad mare novissimum Wendile, quod usque in hodiernum diem
ex victoria regis Ottinsund appellatur.” Page 130.
The Baltic may have been called the Venedic Gulf from the Veneti or Wenden on the
German coast; but some of these Slavonians occupied the northern portion of Jutland, and
Adam takes their station to be an island, though only a small peninsula, formed between
the Lüm Fiord on the south, and Leigestrup on the north. He names this peninsula now
called Vendsyssel, and Funen, Wendila: “Finni insula est non modica post eam, quae
Wendila dicitur in ostio Barbari occurrens.” p. 132. Before the 5th century, the “Wendla
leod,” (Beowulf, l. 193) or Vandals, had established themselves in Andalusia and Africa.
Their seats in the north gave names to the Venedicus Sinus, which Ortelius understands to
be that part of the Baltic which is between Prussia, Livonia and Sweden. “Haec (Gothia)
in Venedico sinu ante Chersini ostia jacet, mater Gepidarum, Rugiorum, Vandalorum,
Longobardorum, Herulorum, Turcilingorum, Hunnorum, Winnulorum, Visigothorum,
Ostrogothorum, et Gothorum: Infesta et formidata terris nomina.” Fortunately we shall
have little to do with them. Morisot, Orbis Maritim. l. I, c. 36, p. 258, 9. All over the
north, traces of the Vandals are found in the names of cities and districts.
13 The name of ocean in Alfred is garsecg, which I always thought to be gars ecq, quasi
geardes ecq, the border or boundary of the land, until I saw in Mr Kemble's note to
Beowulf, the derivation gar secg, a man armed with a spear, a term referring, he supposes,
to some ancient myth. It is certainly possible, that the northmen had a myth similar to
that of Neptune with his trident; but it does not seem likely that a poetical or mythological
fiction should have furnished the name of the ocean. Undoubtedly our forefathers
believed with others still older than themselves, that the earth was a vast plain encom.
passed by boundless waters : kai täs Hpak\etovs a Tij}\as, &v ego repuppet rmv ymv 6 okeavos.
Aristot. de Mundo, 3. There seems to be little hazard in referring gar or geard, whence
we have earth, which is still pronounced yarth in Lancashire, to the Gothic gards, a house,
connected with gairdan, to gird, or encircle, in the same language. All these words have
the latest signification of inclosure, whether we see them in the form of gard, a city, a yard
or a garden, Fr. jardin, and I must still believe garsecg to be the water boundary of the
earth, or, more literally, the edge of the earth defined by the ocean, and so at length, the
ocean itself.


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AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 17
gives the name of East Sea to the Baltic in order to distinguish
it from the German Ocean, which was the West Sea ; and from
Ohthere, that he sailed northward from Halogaland in Norway
round the North Cape, and along the coast, until he came to a
sea running southward into the continent, which he names the
Cwen Sea. Consequently, Alfred's Germania extended from the
Don on the East, to the German Ocean and the Rhine on the
west; and from the Danube, on the south, to the frozen Ocean
and the White or Cwen sea, on the north. This definition is so
clear, ample, and comprehensive, that we cannot but wonder how
so learned a man as Rask, believed that he excluded Scan-
dinavia.
IV. It will now be necessary to place ourselves in each of
Alfred's centres of observation, and to accompany him just as he
removes himself. His first position is that part of Europe east-
ward of the Rhine, which in the middle ages was known as Fran-
cia Orientalis or eastern Frankland,-the Frankland of the
Northmen. At an early period, the term Franci, A.-Sax. Francan,
O. Germ. Wranken," denominated a number of tribes, to whom
the Romans gave distinct appellations. Schildius quotes an
ancient Itinerary Table, containing the following gentile names:
—“Chauci, Ampsivarii, Cherusci, Chamavi, qui et Franci”; and
lower down he found FRANCIA, which he prints in large charac-
ters." It is probable that the tribes thus designated were formed
into a league or confederacy similar to that of the Alemanni; but
the Franci Orientales, the East Franks of Alfred, comprised also
14 It is the name of the country rather than of the people :
Gab her inme dugidi He gave to him nobles,
fromisc githigni pleasing co-thanes,
stuel hier in Vranken a throne here in Frankland.
SoNG ON HLUDwig's Victory over THE North MEN IN 882,
Liess der heidena mann He allowed the heathen men
ober sie lidan wpon them to be led,
thiot Wrancono the people of Franks
mannon sin diono. to serve with his men (soldiers).
SAME, ST. 4.
15 Joh. Schild. De Caucis, l. 1, c. 7, p. 48. Lugd. Batav, 1649. It scarcely deserves to
be mentioned that there is a short decree of a king of the Franks, in the name of the
Franks, commanding the Sicambri to be called Franks for the future. The marginal
date, “Anno Mundi 3949,” throws a doubt on the authenticity of this instrument, but there
is a probability, that some anonymous king of the Franks may have issued such an order
after the Christian era. Goldasti Constit. In perial. t. I, p. i, p. 3.
Vol. III.
$8 A LFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
the Bructeri, Sicambri, Attuarii, and Salii. The first mention of
the Franks, according to M. D'Anville, occurs in Vopiscus, where
that writer is speaking of their defeat near Maience by Aurelian,
in the middle of the third century. In 272, Probus repressed the
incursions of the Franks, and is said to have been the first
emperor who adopted the surname of Francicus. In the 4th
century, the name of Francia was given to the country extending
from the Rhine to the Weser, and bounded beyond the latter
river by Thuringia. Charlemagne farther enlarged this country,
and extended Francia from the Saxe to the Danube, and from
the Rhine on the west, to the Sala on the east where it enters
Thuringen." The Latin addition of Orientalis is probably a tran-
slation of the German, and with it had reference to the Frankish
settlements in Gaul. Franconofurt is stated in the Annals of
Fulda to be the metropolis of the eastern kingdom, “–principalis
sedes orientalis regni.” D'Anville judiciously observes, that we are
not to be surprised at finding Francia Orientalis employed to de-
nominate all Germany; for princes who have reigned there with-
out descending from Charlemagne, have been styled “Reges Fran-
corum Orientalium”; and that it is only since the 13th century,
that the name of Francia, previously used in the title of the
ancient Frank monarchy, was insensibly lost to it, and used only
for the French kings of what had been Francia Orientalis.”
Alfred assigns to the east Franks the same situation as Eginhard
the secretary of Charlemagne. On a loose computation, for
there can be little expectation of certainty in such matters, they
appear at this time to have occupied about three thousand
square miles.
The etymology of the word Frank, at one time synonymous
with freeman, and among us a title of minor mobility, franklin,
and in France denominating a species of fief, has been much
disputed. It certainly means free only inasmuch as a Frank was
free. The Sanskrit prangch, does not distinguish them from the
other immigrants from Asia. Eccard believes the name to be
formed from Urac, as Warangus from Waregus, and he cites the
Anglo-Saxon wraec, “latro, exul, ein avanturier, pyrata,” to
explain Wargus and Urac. * Warangus is very probable when
16 Eginhard, Vita Karoli Magni.
17 D'Anville, Etats formés en Europe, p. 18.
18 Barker's Germany of Tacitus, c. 39, n. 4. p. 75.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 19
taken in the sense of a military freebooter, when piracy and
rapine were deemed honourable occupations. He observes that
Snorro uses Fracoland." Both Frackland and Frankariki occur
in Iceland Sagas”; and the anonymous author of a manuscript
Icelandic and Latin dictionary in the British Museum, gives
“Frackland, Franconia; item Gallia, vulgo Franka rike; incolae
hic olim Frackar.”
V. Standing on the territory of the East Franks, Alfred places
Suabia on their south, across the Danube, and on their South
East the Bavarians, to whom he assigns the part which is called
Regensburh, still called in modern German, Regensburg, which
is situated at the influx of the rivers Danube and Regen, whence
the name. In English maps of Germany, it is named Ratisbon,
from an older Ratispona, or Radisbona in the Latin Chronicles.
1. The names Swaefas in Anglo Saxon, Schwaebe in modern
German, and Suevi in the Roman writers, are too obviously
identical to call for remark; but the people so designated,
anciently occupied several parts of the continent at the same
time." Their appellation was generic, like that of the body of
distinct tribes, who composed the Allemannic confederacy, and
the name Suevi was frequently interchanged with that of Alle-
manni. Forster observes that the part of Europe indicated by
Alfred, and forming a portion of the modern Schwaebe or Suabia
was called Allemannia" from the time of Caracalla; but here were
also the Catti or Chatti, who, as Tacitus states, composed but one
nation or tribe. If we are to dwell on this circumstance, we
shall, perhaps, find reason to conclude, either that they were a
part of the Suevi, or that they were forced northward, when the
Hermanduri took possession of the seats evacuated by the Suevi
i Catal. Theot. 2 Norna, Gests Saga, capp. 3, 4.
3 Ayscough's-Collect. MSS. Cod. 4880.
4 Nunc de Suevis dicelidum est, quarum non una, ut Chattorum Tencterorumve, gens:
majorem enim Germaniae partem obtinent, propriis adhuc nationibus nominibusque discreti,
quanquam in commune Suevi vocarentur.—De Mor. Germ. 38. Ed. E. H. Barker, 1835.
They were probably the 2kovnot of Strabo, l. vii. whose territories stretched from the
Rhine to the lölbe, and of whom a part lived on the other side of the latter river.
5 Suevia, hoc est, Alemannia—Suevorum, hoc est, Alemannorum.—Paul. Warnefrid. de
Gest. Longobard. l. II, c. 15. l. III. c. 18. Lugd. Bat. 12mo 1595. Dio Cassius calls them
A\appavvoi which in a name almost universally considered to be Germanic, has a very
Keltic sound and appearance; for bann, in Armoric, is a province, and alban, whence
Albani, is the upper part, while all mann is a foreigner, as in the French law phrase
droit d'aubain, in which aubain is a stranger, who has not been naturalised in the country,
in which he resides.
20 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
in the Hercynian Forest. The composition of this great league
gives probability to the usual derivation of Allemanni, from all
and man in the Teutonic dialects, and if so, it is but a common
word appropriated for a gentile appellation; nevertheless, by an
extension of the idea common to all ancient and warlike people,
the word man denotes a soldier, a hero, while all was a streng-
thening augment, so that Allemanni may equally have been an
appellation prompted by military vanity. The name, however, is
the direct progenitor of the French name of Allemagne applied
to the whole of Germany, while the more ancient term designated
what is now only a province. The French suggests another
Teutonic derivation perfectly conformable to the usage of rude
barbarians, and significant of their own opinion of their strength
and prowess. Of this name, however, Dr Bosworth has given an
account, which will, no doubt, be deemed satisfactory. At all
events, it proves that as early as the 6th century, it was believed
to relate to the union of many nations. He cites Agathias a
Greek writer of that time, who relying on Asinius Quadratus, an
Italian, but a careful historian of Germany, says that the Ala-
manni, Axapuavvot, are collected from various nations, and signify
that fact in the term by which they denominate themselves." It
is more to our purpose to know, that this name is much more
ancient, for we are told that a king of the Allemanni in 366 was
taken and hanged by the Avari, under Valentinian and Valens.’
The Allemannic Confederacy sustained a severe defeat from
Hludwig, (Chlodovaeus of the Latins, and Clovis of the old
French writers; now Louis) and his Franks, at a place called
Tolbiac, now Zulpich, near the heights of Cologne, between the
Meuse and the Rhine. We may, perhaps, regard this as their
principal station. Afterwards they were subjects of Theodoric, king
of Austrasia, a name which has direct reference to East Frank-
land. This monarch was the son of Hludwig. The complete
subjugation of the Allemanni was effected by Theodebert, son of
Theodoric, and thenceforth Allemannia was a province of the
Frankish monarchy, forming a duchy in Suevia, part of Helvetia,
and the country of the Grisons.”
6 Dr Bosworth, Origin of the German and English Languages, Sect. VIII, p. 120,
note.—As usual, Professor Pott of Berlin exhausts this subject. Etymologische Forschun-
gen II. 523,4.
7 Ammian. Marcellin. l. XXVII, c. 3, p. 270.
8 D'Anville, p. 14.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 21
2. Bavaria, on the south east of the east Franks, was con-
sidered a part of Slaviana, and by Adam of Bremen is named
Beguaria.” In much the same manner, Alfred calls the inhabi-
tants Baegôware, and from some form of the word of this kind,
we have the modern German Bayern, Bavaria; but the people
themselves were a portion of the Boii, distinguished by mediaeval
Writers with the termination ar—er—wer—vir, denoting man, an
inhabitant, from another division of the Boii called Boiohemi,
who occupied what is now Bohemia. The Boii succumbed to
the Marcomanni, under their king Marobudus, in the time of
Augustus, and thus their country, Boiohemum, was placed under
the rule of the conquerors. From the name of these new occupants
of the territory, anciently held by the Boii, Mark, or March-men,
i. e. men of the marches or borders, it is probable, that the con-
querors came from the mountains which form the boundaries of
Boiohemum. However this may be, it is very probable, that the
Boioarii or Baegôware, were those Boii, who then abandoned
their seats. That they did so appears from Tacitus, in whose
days the Marcomanni were on this spot."
Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, is supposed to have taken
possession of Rhaetia, and a part of Boioaria, for after his death
in 526, his son Theodoric king of Austrasia, who was living
in 534, aggrandised himself in that country, the first of the laws
of which is attested and authorised in his name. In 594 or 596
it was in the power of Childebert, king of the Franks, when he
appointed Thessilo or Tassilo 1 to be king of the Bajoarii.” Charles
Martelled an army into the country in 725, and also in 728, accord-
ing to the testimony of the Annalists, but as its name does not occur
in the partition of the provinces of the Franks between Pepin
and Charlemagne, the sons of Martel, we cannot affirm, that
Bavaria was is, subjugated. It is styled a duchy of the
Franks under Ogdilo, “ dux Bajoariorum,” in 743, when a papal
legate, charged with an interdict of all war against Ogdilo,
9 Longitudo (Slavianae) autem illa videtur, quae initium habet ab nostra Hammaburgensi
parochia, et porrigitur in orientem, infinitis aucta spaciis, usque in Beguariam, Ungriam,
et Graeciam.—Ad. Brem. Hist. Eccles. p. 46. Lugd. Batav. 8vo, 1595.
1 Juxta Hermunduros Narisci, ac deinde Marcomanni et Quadi agunt.—Tacit. de M.
Germ. 42.
2 His diebus Tassilo, rex Bajoariorum, a Hildeberto constituitur, qui mox, Sclavis
superatis, magnam exinde praedam deportavit.—Hermann. Contract. ad ann. 594, 5.
Paul. Warnefried gives the date 596.
22 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
received for answer, that Bajoaria and her people belonged only
to the empire of the Franks.” Had a similar spirit of manly
independence been manifested by the immediate descendents of
these warriors, the arrogance of overweening bishops of Rome
would not so often have plunged Europe into war, and prolonged
the night of ignorance and barbarism to the 16th century. The
conclusion from the answer seems to be that the country was
then subdued. Tassilo II, the son of Ogdilo, rendered homage
to Pepin in 757, and to Charlemagne in 781. After this he
appears to have rebelled against the latter monarch. A long
decree of the year 788 issued by Charlemagne and his nobles
assembled at Ingelheim is extant among the imperial constitutions,
collected by Goldast. The “ oratores Boiorum,” who were
introduced, accused him of inciting the Huns and Avares against
Charlemagne, and Tassilo, who is here called Thessalonus, was
convicted of high treason according to the Salic Law and ad-
judged to suffer death, and Boiaria was awarded to the king."
Theodo, his son, was made a priest or monk, and Lytopyrga, (a
Greek translation of Friburga the wife of Thessalon) was com-
manded to reside in a convent of nuns; for the above mentioned
orators accused her of instigating her husband to his disloyalty.
Though some of his party were exiled, he himself seems to have
evaded all punishment, for after his duchy had been committed
to the administration of counts,” he was pardoned by Charlemagne
in 794, and retired to a monastery. Ludovic or Hludwig, the
stammerer, gave Bavaria as a kingdom to his son of the same
name, who, having had Germany on succeeding his father, is
surnamed the Germanic. In 920, Bavaria once more became a
duchy, apparently in consequence of the rebellion of Arnulf
against Henry III in 918, when it was “Boiariae regnum locu-
pletissimum ” in an imperial diploma." Regensburh appears to
have been called “Reginum, urbs Bojoiariae" in the Annales
Rerum Francorum. Ratispoma is found in Mediaeval Chronicles,
3 Bajoariam Bajoariosque ad Francorum imperium pertºnere.--Annal. Metens, ad ann.
143. Ogdilo is named again as “Dux Bajoariorum,” in 748. Annal. Eiginhardi ad ann.
eund.
4 Secundum legem itaque Salicam ex veteri instituto Thessalonus crimine laºsae majes-
tatis reus peractus, capitali supplicio condemnatur, Boiaria Regi adjudicatur.—Goldasti
Constitutiones Imperial. t. I, par. i. p. 18. Francofurt. fol. 1713.
5 Neque provincia quam tenebat Tassilo, ulterius duci, sed comitibus, ad regendum
data est. —Eginhard.
6 Goldast, ut supra, p. 211.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 23
and Cluver has “Ratisbona, vulgo Regensburg.” According to
him, this city was the seat of the counts, who governed Bavaria,
and Munich was that of its dukes.”
The river Leck separated Boioaria from Suevia, and it is still
the common boundary of Suabia and Bavaria. On the east,
Boiaria was bounded by the Ems: on the north, it extended
beyond the Danube, and included the district of Egra, which is
united to Bavaria at the present day.
VI. Alfred, still pointing from the seat of the East Franks,
places the Bohemians directly to the east of them; on the north
east, were the Thuringians; on the north the Old Saxons, and
on the north west, the Frieslanders.
1. The Bohemians of old have already been mentioned as the
probable relations of the Bavarians, who were displaced by the
Marcomanni. Tacitus notices that the name of Boiemi preserves
the memory of its ancient occupants.” Our Alfred calls the inhabi-
tants Beme, which is not very unlike the German Böhmen. The
Marcomanni, who had expelled the Boii, were themselves displaced
by the Czechi, a Slavonic tribe from the northern shores of the
Black Sea. In the time of Charlemagne, the country was go-
verned by Slavonic dukes, when that monarch, in 805, sent an
army under his son Charles, who depopulated the whole terri-
tory, and slew Lechi, its sovereign. In 904 we find the emperor
Ludwig IV enacting favourable customs in the Leges Portoriae
then passed, for the Venedi who came to Boiemia for the pur-
pose of merchandise, and also the Venedi, dwelling in Boiaria."
The name of the country, it is scarcely necessary to say, denotes
the home of the Boii.
In the beginning of the 10th century, territories, which in
Alfred's age, were alternately governed by kings, dukes, and
counts, appear to have been settled under dukes, for so the rulers
are styled in their attestations of the “Statuta et Privilegia Lu-
dorum Equestrium ” of the emperor Henry I in 938.
2. The Thuringi, mentioned as the Thyringas by Alfred and
7 Introd. Geogr. 1, III, c. 11, p. 136.
8 Manet adhuc Boiemi nomen, significatgue loci veterem memoriam, quamvis mutatis
cultoribus.—De M. G. 28.
9 Eodem anno misit imperator exercitum suum cum filio Suo Carolo, in terram Sclavo-
rum, qui omnem eorum terram depopulatus, ducem eorum, nomine Lechonem, occidit.—
Annal. Caroli Mag. ad ann. 805.
1 Goldast. Const. Imper. I. i. p. 210, n. 6.
24 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
the contemporary author of Widsith's geographical catalogue,”
are said to have originally been a branch of the Dacian Goths
settled on the banks of the Niester. They were conjoined in
the 4th century with the Victophali and Thaiphali, nations from
Scythia.” These people appear to have crossed the Danube, and
constituted a single province. Ammianus Marcellinus represents
the Gothic Thervingi as governed by Judges." The mention of
such names as Ermanrichus and Athanaricus among them is
almost conclusive of their Gothic extraction.” It is very proba-
ble, that as the Latin writers constantly confounded the title,
philologically equivalent to their rex—reg-s—rek-s, in Goth
Teiks, O. Germ. richi, A.S. rice, O. Norse rick-r with the personal
name, these judges, who were celebrated for military talent and
prowess, were kings and generals, like the kings and dukes under
the Frank monarchs.
The presence of the Thervingi in the part of Germany, which
Alfred indicates, and which still continues to be Thuringia, or the
Thüringische Kreis, must be ascribed to some considerable emi-
gration. Their Dacian neighbours appear to have accompanied
them, for we find, nearly adjoining the Thuringians, both Ostphali
and Westphali:
—Westfalos vocitant in parte manentes
Occidua, quorum non longe terminus amne
A Rheno distat. — Saxo Poeta, de Vita Kar. Magni, ad an. 772.
The termination of these names, phal, fal, has given some trouble
to those who have sought for a knowledge of the people desig-
mated with them. Forster supposes them to have been Saxons;
“When the Franks,” he says, “had conquered France, the Saxons
took possession of their seats even to the Rhine; and those of
them who lived on the west shores of the Weser were called
Westphali from the old word fahlen, wahlen, dwalem, to dwell,
because they really were to the west; those who were to the
east of the Weser, bore the name of Ostphali, i. e. the east-
2 Incip. Wid sić ma^elode, &c. Addit. MSS. Brit. Mus. Cod. 9067. fol. 84b-85b.
3 Provincia trans Danubium facta in his agris, quos nunc Thaiphali tement, et Victiphali,
et Theruingi.-Eutropius, l. VII.
4 Athanaricus ea tempestate (A. D. 366) judicem potentissimum—coegit in fugam.—Ju-
dicesque etiam nunc eligunt, diuturno bellandi usu spectatos.-Amm. Marcell. l. XXVII,
c. 5, p. 377. l. XXXI. c. 2. p. 478.
5 Ermenrichi nobilissimi regis.-Ib, l. XXI, c. 3. Doctus Athanaricus Thervingorum
judex.-Ib, l. XXXI, c. 3. p. 479.
S 6 &#9 &Toj a sph942,

AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. • 25
dwellers, and part of them extending to the north along the
Weser, were the Angrivarii or Angrii.” Yet M. Forster has just
mentioned the Thaiphali and Victophali, who occur elsewhere in
Europe before the Frank conquest of Gaul. Another derivation,
from the old Swedish fala, a field or plain, is inapplicable to the
latter names, which are Scythian. It seems to belong to a root
which is common to Teutonic, Slavic, and Keltic, and which,
besides giving rise to designations of peoples and countries, as
Wales, Welsh, Gallia, Walloon, Taxatal, appears in the low
Latin wallus, a stranger. What was East Frankland, Francia
Orientalis, was known as Walland to the Scandinavians, who also
gave the same name to Italy.
Theodoric, king of Austrasia, the son of Ludwig or Chlodo-
vaeus, conquered the country of the Thuringians, when the
Saxons were rewarded for their assistance on this occasion, with
the possession of Nord Duringen, or the portion of Thuringia
separated from the rest by the river Unstrut, which enters the
Sala on its left. From this territory the Saxons preceeded, who
accompanied the Longobards into Italy, when their evacuated
seats were filled with the Suevi whom Lothaire and Sigebert
expelled; and, according to D'Anville, a canton on the left of the
Sala, below the Unstrut, was known in the middle ages as Suavia.
In a donation of certain privileges in mines by Charlemagne,
“Terrae Saxonum et Thuringorum Dominator,” in 746, he confers
on his sons, Charles and Ludoic, the hereditary right of seeking
and digging for gold, silver, and all other metals in the tract, now
called Thuringer Wald, or Thuringian Wood, which is defined to
be 20 miles in length and 10 in breadth, or about 66 by 33
English, which gives upwards of 2100 square miles. Charlemagne
commemorates his subjugation of the Saxons in 777 in a confirma-
tion of the privileges, apparently claimed on that occasion by his
Frank and German nobles.” This expression seems to deny the
Franks to be Germans. When he and Pepin and others use the
1 Paul, Warnefied, l. I. c. 4.
2 Tractum regionis in Saltu nostro Thuringiaco ad 20 milliaria in longitudine et 10 in
latitudine jure hereditario possidendum et facultatem damus in territorio districti illius
dominatione's quaerere et fodere aurum argentumque, atque omnia metalla uti debeatis et
possitis. – Goldasti Constit. Imperial. I. i. 17. This diploma is better evidence of the
antiquity of the name, Der Thuringer Wald, than the existence of gold and silver mines,
3 Goldast: III. i. p. 120.
4
233 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
style, “Rex Franeorum et Longobardorum,” we understand
the reason. -
In the tenth century, among the dukes and princes of the
empire who attested the Statutes of Henry 1, in 938, are John
Palatine of Thuringia, and Reiner, provincial count of this pro-
Vince, which in the 11th century was governed by a count from
whom descended Ludwig III, who was created Landgrave of
Thuringia, in the 12th, the title applying more particularly to the
Southern division.
The Angarii, who have been incidentally mentioned, occupied
a canton, which separated the West and East Fali, having the
Franks to the South, the ocean towards the north and Thuringia
to the east. They are considered by the anonymous Saxon
writer of the metrical life of Charlemagne, to have made the third
branch of his countrymen. Having named the two Fali, he says:
Inter praedictos media regione morantur
Angarii populus Saxonum tertius, horum
Patria Francorum terris sociatur ab austro,
Oceanoque eadem conjungitur ex aquilone. Ad ann. 772.
Tacitus says that the Chamavi and Angrivarii, occupied the
seats of the Bructeri, near the Tencteri, after they had been
nearly extirpated by their neighbours, yet these Angrivarii, in the
numerous transitions from place to place, which occurred in those
ages, may have removed to this position and have become the
Angarii. The celebrated Saxon duke Witekind or Witechind,
who long opposed the arms of Charlemagne against the Saxons,
governed Angria in 785, according to the inscription on his tomb
in Engern, which seems to preserve the ancient name of the
people, who probably were eventually absorbed into the tribes
whom they separated.
3. The appellation of Old Saxons is obviously employed by
Alfred, to distinguish the Germanic Saxons from his own country-
men, and he unquestionably means all the branches of the
Saxons occupying the territory between the Eyser and the Weser.
Three of these branches have here been separated on account of
the ancient conjunction of the two principal with the Thuringii
on the banks of the Danube. These people seem to have been the
4 Paul. Warnefried, l. 1.9. D'Anville is of opinion that it was the Saxons of Thuringia,
who followed the Longobards.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 27
van of the great immigration from Asia, which drove the Kelts to
the West of Europe. By the addition of Eald old, he in all likeli-
hood points more particularly to the Saxons, called Angli, who
occupied Anglen to the south east part of the present duchy of
Schleswig. It is the maritime part, or Lower Saxony, and
includes all the coast from the Eyder to the Rhine, that is, from
Schleswig to Holland, this district seems to have been denominated
from a word in the language of the natives, allusive to the chief
occupation of the people, who lived by fishing in the sea, when
they were not engaged in piracy." Angel an angle or hook, is an
apparatus for fishing. But the Saxons are found on the Elbe in the
time of Ptolemy, A. D. 90, and here it is that the country once
called Anglen, whose people in conjunction with the Werini or
Warini, established the code of laws, which bears the names of
each,' was more generally understood by the designation An-
glia in the Latin writers. As to their partners in legislation, it is
probable that their appellation was early absorbed, like that of
the Angarii into the denomination of a more considerable people.
This early situation on the corner formed by the Elbe with the
German Ocean, seems to denote, as just observed, that they
formed the foremost of the columns in the Teutonic invasion, and
renders probable Colonel Tod's opinion that the Saxons were
originally the Asiatic people indifferently named Sakas and
Sakasenas,” both in Sanskrit denoting powerful.
The Werini or Warini are unquestionably the Varini of Taci-
tus, who names the “Angli et Varini,” after the Aviones and
others, all of whom had rivers and forests. The Warini appear to
have resided about the river Warna, the months of which give
name to Warnemunde in Lower Saxony and Duchy of Mecklen-
burg, and not improbably Wern in the circle of Westphalia held
6 G. Waller of Gottenburg, Travels through the country of the Anglo-Saxons, during
the years 1805-6-7. Dr Aikin's Athenaeum. 111. 115. The diploma of Charlemagne for
the creation of the bishopric of Bremen in 788, mentions particularly the northern part
of Saxony as possessing abundance of fish, “Septentrionalem Saxoniae partem, quae est
piscium ubertate ditissima, et pecorum alendis habetur aptissima.” Schildius, de Caucis,
l. 1. c. 4. p. 25.
7 Leges Anglorum et Werinorum, in the large collection of German and Latin Chronicles
of Brunswick—Scriptores Rerum Brunsw. 4 tom. fol.
8 Travels in Rajasthan. He does not seem to have been aware that Sakasena is a
compound; sak, power, and sena, an army, in Sanskrit. This derivation seems much more
probable than those from sassen, to sit or dwell, saks and seaw, a knife, a short sword, &c.
The latter belong to Witechind the Annalist.
28 ALFRED's GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
some of the Warini. Whether Brunswick denote the wic or vyk
of the Varini I cannot determine. In 593, Theodoric, king of the
Romans, required the assistance of the kings of the Burgundii,
Herculi (Heruli), Varini, and Turugi, against his rival the king of
the Franks. The missive commences with a sentiment worthy of
a good monarch in a more enlightened age,_“Princeps absoue
justicia nil aliud profecto est, quam gentium latro publicus.”
A law of Charlemagne concerning travelling merchants, speaks
of the parts of Saxony up to Bardenwich, and Laurialum—
Werinheri.” The Anglo-Saxon author of the Traveller's Song
found Billing chief of the Wernas (“Billing Wernum,” 1.50) and
Eccard, in a note on the Reudigni of Tacitus, speaks of Weigria
and the neighbourhood, as a large space towards the Baltic,
between the Angles and the Varini. “ It is nevertheless more
than probable from their joint code of laws, that they were
intimately connected.
Ptolemy's position of the Saxons is on the right hand of the
Elbe at its mouth, and he attributes to them some islands adjoin-
ing the continent. From this quarter the hordes of Saxon pirates
issued, who infested the shores of Gaul and Britain. To these
Saxons Pliny’s description of the vessels used by the German
sea-robbers relates. ' They were trunks of single trees excavated,
and some were large enough to hold thirty men. Instead of these
canoes Apollimaris Sidonius in the 5th century attributes to them
coracles or leathern canoes :
—cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum
Iudus, et assuto glaucum mare findere limbo.”
That they occupied a long line of sea coast in the 4th or 5th
century, appears from the Notitiae Romanæ, where the shores of
Belgium and Armorica, as also that of Britain, which is opposite
Gaul, are designated Littus Saaronicum ; but when Boniface,
bishop of Maience, in the middle of the 8th century, calls Britain
1 See infra and Procopius in the note.
2 Goldast. I. i, 13.
3 Capitul. Caroli M. c. 7.
4 In Barker's Germania of Tacitus, cap. 39, n. 4.
5 Germaniae praedones singulis singulis arboribus cavatis, quarum quaedam et triginta
homines ferunt, Plin. l. xvi. c. 40. In three long ships, says Paul Warnefried, the
Saxons invaded England, about the year 430.- De Gestis Longobard. l. xiv., and in two
such ships, Ragnar Loðbrog invaded Northumbria : Enn betra er ad hallda langskipum til
hafna enn knorum.—Saga of Ragnar L. c. 14.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 2ſ)
Saaconiam Transmarinam, he unquestionably alludes to it as
Saxon England."
It is not certain whether the Saxon territory were enclosed
within its first limits, when the Britons summoned the Saxons
and Angles to defend them against the Picts or Scots, about 428,
or whether it had then been extended beyond the Elbe. Adam
of Bremen, indeed, speaks of the Saxons as having originally
their seat about the Rhine, and being called Angli, of whom a
part expelled the Romans from Britain.” As he wrote six
hundred years after the event, he has, perhaps, mistaken the
occupants of that part of Littus Saxonicum for Angli, or the
Angli really had become possessed of the country near the
Rhine; but the testimony of Ptolemy to their occupancy near
the Elbe so early as 90 is sufficient. We have it from a subse-
quent passage in Adam, and from Witechind, that a part of the
Saxons obtained North Thuringia for assisting the king of Aus-
trasia in his conquest of the whole of that country, as before
mentioned. In 553, Hlothaire, king of the Franks, subdued the
rebellious Saxons with a great slaughter near the Weser;" which
not improbably prepared the survivers for their great migration,
in 560, when twenty thousand of them, with their wives and
children, accompanied Alboin, king of the Longobards, in his
expedition to Italy.” It may be inferred, that they were a
populous nation from the anonymous Saxon, who wrote the life
of Charlemagne in the reign of Charles the Fat, and who assigns
them a territory, at that time extending towards the ocean on the
north, to the Rhine on the South, where they were named the
Westfali. Their eastern limit, occupied by the Ostfali, otherwise
called Osterliudi, reached the confines of the Slavic tribes in the
angle of the Weissel or Vistula and the Baltic :
regionem solis ad ortum
Inhabitant Osterliudi, quos nomine quidam
Ostvalos alio vocitant, confinia quorum
Infestant conjuncta suis gens perfida Sclavi.
PoETA SAxo ad ann. 772.
6. Bonifac. ep. Moguntini Epist. ad Zachariam papam.
7 Saxones primo circa Rhenum sedes habebant, et vocati sunt Angli, &c. Altera pars
Thuringiam oppugnans tenuit eam regionem.—Hist. Eccles. Bremens. p. 6.
8 Hlotarius Francorum rex Saxones rebellatis juxta Wiseram fluvium magna caede
domuit.—Marcellin. Comes in Chron. a dann. 553.
9 Supra vi. 2.
30 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
Frequent hostilities arose between the Saxons and the Franks,
but Charlemagne finally subdued the former and blended them
with the empire. With this arrangement, however, they were
not satisfied, for under the emperor Ludovic, whom the French
term Louis le Debonnaire, they obtained permission to return
to their former abodes, part of which on the East they found
occupied by the North Albingi, whose capital was Hammaburg,
now Hamburg, and whom some have considered to be a tribe of
Saxons. It was necessary to notice these changes, for Mr Forster
states that the position, which Alfred assigns the Old Saxons, is
their ancient seat on the East of Elbe ; but without confining
them to this narrow space, Alfred is perfectly consistent and
correct in stating them to be north of the East Franks. He
gives no other indication of their geographical position.
4. The Frieslanders are placed by Alfred to the north west of
the East Franks, where they had been found by Ptolemy, who
states that the Frisii held the parts above the Bructeri, adjacent
to the ocean, up to the river Amisia which is now the Eems.
Here they are also found in the Annals and Chronicles of the
middle ages, and here they continue almost a solitary instance of
immobility amidst the numerous and frequent vicissitudes of
situation, experienced by the other people of Europe. It is not
improbable, that they partook of the noble character, which
Tacitus gives to their next neighbours, the Chauci, north of the
space now denominated Holland, though a part of the latter, the
Chauci Majores, lay between the Elbe and the Weser. Without
being powerless, they were contented and peaceable, never pro-
voking wars by rapine.” Of such a people we may not expect to
find many notices in monkish chronicles. A record, which though
unquestionably of high antiquity, is rendered doubtful by its
marginal date, “Ann. Christi 11,” states that Clogis I king of the
Franks, in the 10th year of his reign, created his second son
1 According to the Frank Annals, for 804, all the Saxons, with their wives and children,
living across the Elbe and in Wihmuodi, were sent by Charlemagne into Frankland, and
their vacated seats given to the Slavic people named Abotriti.-AEstate in Saxonicum
ducato exercitu, omnes qui trans Albiam et in Wihmuodi habitabant Saxones cum mulieri-
bus et infantibus transtulit in Franciam, et pagos transalbinos Abotrides dedit, Annal.
Rerum Francorum, ad ann. 804. So also Eiginhard at this year.
2 Tmu 8e Tapaokeavutnu katexovatu ÜTep uev Tovs Bpovktepovs of Ppeta tot,
pºexpt Tov Apulatov TroTapov. Ptol, l. II.
3 De Mor. Germ. 35.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 31
Phrisus duke of Phrisia, to repel the incursions of the Ambrians
and Orchadians; and that afterwards he permitted the Phrisians
to raise Phrisus to the rank of king, so that all future kings
should be subject to the Franks, paying to them an annual tri-
bute of 240 oxen, 20 talents of pure butter, and 3000 royal
cheeses.’ Some such agreement may have been made during the
progress of Charlemagne or his sons, but unfortunately Melchio
Goldast, who has copied it, scarcely ever indicates his authorities
Under Claudius, Drusus the first Roman who reached the nor-
thern ocean, having crossed the Rhine, subdued the Frisians,
erected immense works, which were still called Drusinae in the
second century, and advancing thence across a lake which is not
named, but which may have been the mouth of the Weser,
against the Chauci (Majores 2) he was imperilled by the ebb of
the tide which left his ships on dry land."
In 728 Charles Martel subdued the Frisians and reduced their
country to a duchy of the Frank monarchy, their leader Ratbod
taking refuge among the Danes. Mention is made of the duchy
of Frisia in 839 when it extended to the Meuse.’ The Danes
and Normans in the same century were masters of the country,
and so continued until the 10th century, when the Frisians
expelled them, and Charles the Simple, as prince of Austrasia, in
913, extended the dominion of Diedrick, count of Friesland,
beyond the Rhine. In 938 we find on the same diploma, “ Ar-
noldus II comes Flandriae,” “Arnoldus comes Hollandiae,” and
“Theodoricus II comes Hollandiae.” Probably the second Arnold
was count, earl, or graaf of Frisia; for a Diederik was the first
“Graaf van Holland,” and in this century too, which, in 38 years,
gives a Diederik II." A canal called Kinnen, which gives name to
the district of Kinnenser Land, separated what is properly Hol-
land from West Friesland. The oldest Dutch writers in their
own language give the name of Ollant to the former; but Hol-
4 Caseorum Regalium tria millia.-Constit. Imper. I. i. 3.
5 Sueton. Claud. I.
6 Es Tmu Xavictóa 8ta toys Alpiums epiſºaXav, exuvövvevore, Tov Tràotov etru T7s
tov okeavov Taxippotas etuámpov yewogevov, Dio Cass, 1.54.
7 Ducatus Fresiae usque ad Mosam. Annal. Sci Bertini ad ann. 839.
8 Goldast. 1. i. 215.
9 Jan Wagenaar, Vaderlandsche Historie de Vereenijde Nederlanden, 11 Afd. s. 51.
Amsterdam 8vo. 1792.
32 AL FRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
land is probably the true denomination, for hol land signifies low,
or rather hollow, that is, concave land.
VII. After the mention of Friesland, we have from Alfred the
following: “From thence north west is the country called Angle
and Zealand, and some part of Denmark.”
Mr Forster, probably not observing that Alfred refers the
position of the Angles to that of the East Franks, thinks that “it
is very probable that this point of the compass must be wrong in
the original, or that the good king must be mistaken,” and he
observes that “Angle is to the north East of Old Saxony, to-
gether with Sillende or Zealand and part of Denmark.” When
the Old Saxons occupied both sides of the Elbe, the Angels and
Denmark lay directly to the north of them between the degrees
of longitude 9 and 10 from Greenwich, and 26% and 27% from
Ferro, while the East Franks lay from 7 to 11% or thereabouts;
but certainly far enough in this direction to reconcile Alfred's
geography with the true position of Angle and Denmark, without
having to advert to the occupation of the sea coast by the Angli
south of that which is deemed their proper country. If Sillende
be Zealand, which appears probable from similarity of sound, the
compass is still right as regards the north from the East of the
East Franks, and we cannot expect the nicety of the 19th cen-
tury from an island monarch statesman and warrior of the ninth.
The marvel is that he did so much and so well in matters which
are not often usual to persons in his station and difficulties.
1. According to Professor Dahlmann, two tribes of Angles are
mentioned : the Angles of the old times, who embraced the
middle station, and the Angles who before their migration to
Britain were seated at Schleswig, in Jutland, Funen and the
smaller islands on the left of the great gulf in Cattegat and the
East Sea. This is shown at the conclusion of Ohthere's voyage,
where the remark, that “The Angles dwelt on the land before
they came hither” is evidently inserted by the Anglo-Saxon
translator. By this Saxo Grammaticus is justified in placing
Dan and Angle at the head of Danish history. Danes and
Angles were the old inhabitants of the land now called Denmark.
Those in the east as far as Schonen and Halland; these in the
1 There appears to be no just reason to suppose that Ohthere, a man of importance
and manifestly a traveller, did not speak Anglo Saxon to “his hlaforde,” king Alfred.
The difference between old Norrsk and the Saxon is not such as to present any difficulty.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 33
west, the boundaries of the Great Belt. But in Alfred's time, the
western lands were no longer named from the Angles; for after
the great migration to Britain, the Danes had entered, and were
there called south Danes with the common appellation, which
they had received from the English. We would rather set the
west Danes in opposition to the east Danes, and this opposition
certainly appears in the Anglo-Saxon,” but at one time, the
ancient Danes were confounded with the idea of the powerful
people of the Scandinavian continent, which goes far up into the
north, of whom Ptolemy knew the Danes, and, therefore, saw in
those Danes, who had occupied the seats of the recently emi-
grated Angles, the offspring of the north, who had become
Southlanders. At that time, the situation and name of Angles
were limited to a small south Danish country, probably not
larger than that which extends from Schlei northwards as far as
Flendsburg. It still bears the name. That the land was pre-
eminently called Denmark, and formed a kingdom, which lay
partly on the Scandinavian continent (Halland and Schonen)
and partly on the islands of Zealand, Fiona, Falster, Seland, and
Langaland, is granted at the end of the voyage of Ohthere and
beginning of that of Wulfstan.”
It is a remark of Dr Ingram, that Alfred is the earliest writer
who uses the name, Dena-mark, the country of the Danes; but
mark, as before observed in speaking of the Marcomanni, who
took possession of the lands belonging to the Boii, is a boundary,
the march of our own language, when we speak of the lords of
the Welsh marchers, or lords marchers. In the ancient Sagas,
Jutland is Reidgotaland as well as Jötaland, which was some-
times used to designate Finnland.” As to the distinction between
the east and west Danes in Beowulf, remarked by M. Dahlmann,
it does not seem to be of much moment, since we have equally
the south and west Danes, besides the Hring and Gar Danes in
the same composition." The Geata leod, people of the Geats,
2 See that highly imaginative fiction, called Beowulf, edited by Thorkelin, ll. 31 and
32. Dahlmann. -
3 Dahlmann, Forschungen, &c. pp. 431, 482.
4 Hervarar Saga, XI Kap. -
5 Jotland, hodie Jylland; interdum Finnland.—Icelandic and Lat. Dict. MS. Ays-
cough's Collect. Cod. 4880, Brit. Mus. The latter is the Totunheimur of Hervarar Saga,
6 In Mr Kemble's excellent edition of this poem, the several epithets will be found in
the lines numbered as follows,
East Dene 779, 1225, 1650.
5
34 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
Jutes, or Goths, also perhaps in the peninsula, may subsequently
have given rise to the name of Jutland, Julland and Jytland, as
well as to the more ancient appellation of Reid-Gota-Land.
With this variety, we may conclude, that the Danes were an-
ciently distinguished by their situation according to the cardinal
points of the compass, just as we might distinguish them by
merely signifying their situation, and not regarding them as po-
litically separated in that manner, while Ring and Gar Danes
may really denote clans. As to the rest, Geat, Got, Jot or Jut,
which are found in Pliny's Cod-anus Sinus, they are the Generic
denomination of both the Danes and a part of the Swedes of
ancient times. :
An observation by Prof. Dahlmann respecting the old name of
Reidgotaland, deserves notice. He says that Ohthere mentions
Jutland, and Sellende, and that, as he was wanting a common
name, probably Funen, Fiona, might be included in that of Jut-
land, and that perhaps hence came the old distinction of the
Island of Jutland, and Reit Jutland, i. e. continental Jutland.
And perhaps, it may be explained, for the Jutish law of king
Waldemar II was valid not only in the whole of Jutland at first,
but also in Funen.' The Icelandic reid denotes riding, and used
with the name of a place may be equivalent to our riding of a
county, as the ridings of Yorkshire for instance, signifying a divi-
sion, probably such as might be traversed on horseback in a day.
This observation is made, not to controvert Dahlmann, but to
endeavour to show that Olaus Verelius had some ground for
conjecturing reid, in Reidgotaland, was intended to mean equitatio."
West 763, 3456.
North 1650.
South 921, 3988, &c.
Hring 232, 2559, 3555.
Gar l 195.
There may be other places which have been overlooked.
7 Dahlmann, Forschung. p. 436.
8 See Dr Bosworth's note 56 sect. 8, p, 15. where we have Hreth Goths—the fierce i. e.
warlike Goths. -
“Ryding in Yorkshire is a third part of the county, being of vast extent, and called
rydings, shires, hundreds, and wapentakes, which were formerly set out per ambulationem,
as bounding them by processions made on foote. This being of so vast extent, was per-
formed by processions made on horseback, including divers hundreds and shires, and so
thereupon take upon them the name of ryding, scil. West Ryding, East Ryding, South Ryd-
ing.”—Dr Kuerden (i. e. Jackson of Cuerden) 4to M.S. fol. 358. Chetham Library, Man-
chester; a MS. of the 17th century, part of an intended History of Lancashire of which
one vol. is in the Brit. Museum, and four or five in the Herald's College, all in MS.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 35
2. Hitherto there has been no difficulty in determining the
places named in the Anglo-Saxon, but now we have Sillende,
which, as Dahlmann observes, we naturally suppose at first to be
the island of Zealand. This island, however, lies to the north
east of Angle and old Saxony, and to the direct north of the
utmost eastern limit attained by the eastern Franks in the 9th
century.
Alfred names Sillende thrice; and in this place, according to
its connection with Angle and part of Denmark (“Sumne dael
Dena”), it seems to be also a part of Jutland; but at the end of
Ohthere's voyage, it twice occurs in such a manner, that it can
denote only the island of Zealand. We do not find errors in the
description of Europe, in regard to countries, about which no
doubt can possibly be entertained, and, therefore, we have a
probable reason for placing confidence in the royal geographer
where we are unable to confirm his statements from ancient writ-
ings. It is possible that a portion of Jutland, whose Danish and
Jutish inhabitants were variously denominated in one and the
same Anglo Saxon work, may have been designated by a name
resembling Sillende.
Since Professor Dahlmann has taken pains with this difficulty,
it may be well to accept his assistance. The following translated
extract is the purport of what he says respecting Sillende, under
the title “Sillende—Hetvare.” * .
“What the word Sillende signifies occasions uncommon diffi-
culty. One naturally thinks of the island of Zealand at first,
but it is also clear, when it is first named by Alfred, it is not
suitable. He gives it as the lands which are on the borders of
the Saxons: how could the island called Zeeland, be named with
them, when, also, it nowhere lies seaward opposite to the Sax-
ons ! and, at all events, how could it be placed towards the north
west ? Truly, king Alfred deviates somewhat from the true situa-
tion of the countries of the world in his account of the nations
in the east sea, seeing that he places the north somewhat too far
towards the north east (Porthan), by which the Cimbrian penin-
sula seems to be on the north west of the Saxons, for it lies on
the north of the Shem, and the land of the Obotriti in the north;
but never can Zeeland appear in a north western direction. Be-
sides, when Ohthere, at the end of his account, mentions Sil-
lende, he by no means names it as an island, and it does not suit
36 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
that of Zealand. There is no question that he chose the broad
sea course of the great Belt. It was the nearest for his object
Hadeby, and hence probably it was the common one to the
Norwegians,” and only when he took the course could it be said,
that in the last two days of his voyage, he had the islands be-
longing to Denmark on his larboard side. Porthan first clearly ac-
knowledged that Zealand could not be intended, and that Sillende
should be in the southern part of the Cimbrian Peninsula; and
that the present men of Sleswick should have filled up the
middle spaces which the Friesians here, and the Angles there,
left vacant. Still, however, a number of the Danes (sum dael
Dena) found a place here, provided that Jutland be not under-
stood in this case. Ptolemy also adduces the Sigulonians among
many nations of the Cimbrian Chersonesus, which can be placed
here,' and a Frankish annalist of the century of Alfred describes
the warriors, who, after the passage of the Eider, came into the
Danish land, and into a district called Sinlende.” Who will say
whether this signifies Südland. the first germ of the appellation
of South Jutland or Schleiland 2 If the latter be adopted, then
probably the Hetvarians of the Anglo Saxon poem of Beowulf,
for the greater part imaginary, can be appealed to and serve as an
explanation.”
We are not here called upon to discuss the question of the
Hetvare, But with respect to the objection, that Ohthere does
not mean Zealand by Sillende, it may be answered that if he
sailed through the Skiöldungahaff, coasting the southwest of
Scandinavia, then Gotland or Jutland, and next Sillende or the
island of Zealand, did lie, as he says, on his starboard, or right,
before he came to Haethe. There will thus appear to have been
an island and a part of Jutland, to which the same name of
Sillende has been negligently applied in the Anglo Saxon.” “
9 Rask maintains as an undisputed thing, that in the olden time the traffic of the Nor-
wegians was through the Great Belt. I admit that we swerve from the demonstrating
passages, and besides I have not been able to find any proof in the History of Commerce
by Suhn, G. L. Baslen, and the valuable Dissertations on the Sound Toll. (Dissertations,
Vol. 11). Dahlmann.
1 Ptolem. Geogr. Ed. 1805. p. 53.
2 Vita Hlud. p. 563.
3 Dahlmann, Forsch. pp 437–439.
4. Its name in the preface of Saxo Grammaticus is Sialandia: in the prose Fdda, Saelun
Fab, 2. As to its signification, there are two old explanations: by some it is called Saed
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 37
This reasoning is very ingenious, but it fails to convince me;
and I hold with Forster and Dr Bosworth (p. 3 n. 16, p. 15 m. 56)
that Sillende can be only Zeeland; but it is impossible to deny
that there is a clerical error in the MS. If we take the eastern
limit of Francia Orientalis, Zealand lies directly to the north, and
if, which seems to be the meaning, we take Friesland (“From
thence, &c.” p. 3) it lies to the north east, and it is also north east
of the Saxons. So far it is evident we have west for east. But
accompanying Ohthere, we shall be satisfied of the identity of
Sillende and Zealand. Omitting, at present, what is said of
Sciringesheal, where the voyager first mentions Sillende, we find
him stating, that two days before he came to Haddeby on the
coast of Schleswig, he had Julland, Zealand, and many islands
on his right. If, then, he sailed from some part called Sciringe-
sheal, which is supposed to be about the southern extremity, he
would necessarily throughout the voyage to Haddeby have
Julland and Zealand on his right, for they would lie to his north.
All the difficulty, and it is by no means inconsiderable, if reliance
be placed upon the Saxon scribe, who has blundered most egre-
giously in a vast number of places, arises from the substitution
of west for east in the compound with north.
VIII. In the Anglo Saxon, it is said after “ some part of
Denmark,” that “to the north are the Afdrede, and north east are
the Wylte, who are called Haefeldan.”
1. If Forster, Porthan, and Dahlmann are right in computing
Alfred's indications of the geographical site of a country from
the place last named, he must be in error with respect to the
Afruede, or Apdrede, as he elsewhere calls the same people, who
are the Obotriti and Abotritae of the Latin writers, and whose
territory was the northern part of the present duchy of Mecklen-
burg in the west of Swedish Pomerania, extending from about
11% to 12% longitude from Greenwich, being there bounded by
the wide mouths of a river on each side. They were, therefore
land, the land of seed; by others, Seeland, from the surrounding sea.—AElnoth de Vita
Cnuti, p. 17.
1 Apud Michlinburg, civitatem Obitritorum —Ad. Brem. p. 110. Helmold also speaks
of their “civitas Mikilinburg,” and D'Anville and others suppose that the Abotriti had a
city so called. But civitas may mean a state, and Michelinburg may have been a large
castle which left its name to the duchy. Certainly there is no other trace of a city which
was so called in the territory of these people. Besides they were Slavons, while Michilen-
burg is German, and both Adam and Helmold wrote when the country was possessed by
Germans.
38 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
on the south east of Angle and some part of Denmark; but at
this time, a portion of the Obotriti occupied the seats of the
Saxons across the Elbe and in a place named Wihmuodi” in the
district of Bremen, on the Wirra.” This, however, cannot be his
meaning, for they would be eastward. The situation given to
the Obotriti and Wilti is true only in regard to the East Franks,
whose eastern extremity, or what is thought to be probably so,
is south of the Obotriti. Very great nicety cannot be expected,
when nations were in continual motion, and writers neither were
exact, mor, if they wished to be, were possessed of the means. We
shall soon find that Alfred abandons this post of observation.
The Abotriti were a Slavic people, who appear to have divided
themselves at an unknown period; for besides these on the
shores of the Baltic, there was a nation also called both Abotriti
and Obotritae, on the banks of the Danube. The latter, in 824,
sent a deputation to the emperor Hludwig, better known as Louis
le Debonnaire. According to Eiginhard, who records this
mission, they were commonly called Praedecenti, and inhabited
Dacia, adjacent to the Danube; and on the confines of the Bul-
garians. It would appear from the different situations, some
very remote from each other, in which we find people of the
same name, the loss of gentile appellations, once familiarly
mentioned in ancient compositions, such as the Sagas, Beowulf,
the Scop's Tale or Traveller's song, and others, and also in
medieval chronicles, that at one time, commencing before the
Christian era and not ending exactly with the establishment of
the Frank monarchy, the vast plains and forests of Germania
were continually traversed by restless hordes of wanderers, some
of whom must have separated from the parent stock, and either
they or their kindred have been immerged and lost to knowledge
in other tribes. The 9th century appears to be that in which the
principal or strongest of the nomadic tribes and portions of tribes
began to find stations, or attempted to establish themselves in
permanent resting places. It is on this account, and the success
which attended many of their efforts, that the Geography of our
2 Supra VI, 2, n.2.
3 In a praecept of Charlemagne respecting provincial tributes issued in 788, we have the
words—“in Vuigmodia in loco Bremon vocato super fluvium Viraam—” and again
“Huic parochiae decem pagos subjecimus, quos etiam adjectiseorum antiquis vocabulis et
divisionibus, in duas redigimus provincias, his nominibus appellantes, Wigmodiam et
Lorgoe.”—Goldast. Constit. Imperial. t. III. p. iii. p. 137.
AND NORTHERN voyage. 39
great Alfred is particularly valuable to Europeans. Oriental
antiquaries might also find it interesting. The descendants of
those who were once the Heneti, a people of Paphlagonia, have
now their chief seats in Magdeburg and Venice, are found in the
neighbourhood of the Bothnic Gulf and north Jutland, in the
central parts of Europe, are known to have penetrated into
Africa, and have left traces of their presence in Spain.
With respect to the southern branch of the Obotriti, D'Anville
observes : “I shall not conjecture that Bodrog, the name of a
district in Lower Hungary between the Danube and the Teisse,
may have come from these Abotrites; but then, I find the denomi-
nation of Praeden in that of Pardan, which is preserved in a canton
of the Banat of Temeswar.” The northern Abotriti, as has been
mentioned, surrendered to Charlemagne, and assisted him in his
expedition against the Saxons on the north of the Elbe, whose
lands were abandoned to them, and who, in the 10th century,
obtained permission to return to their ancient abodes, were
probably the two races intermingled and the Abotritic name
became lost as that of an existing people. According to
D'Anville, that name once extended up the Elbe to the south, and
to the little river Pene towards the east. As the Peene, which
empties itself into the Frische or Stelliner Haff, rises in Mecklin-
burg, the tract described is of considerable extent.
2. The Wylte, who are called Haefeldan, were another of the
numerous tribes of Slavons, settled in this part of the Baltic
coast. Their country in Alfred's time was what now is Swedish
Pomerania, on the east of the Abotrites. The anonymous Saxon
poet, who wrote towards the end of the 9th century, describes
their situation with more particularity than Alfred :
Gens est Slavorum Wilti cognomine dicta,
Proxima litoribus quae possidet arva supremis,
Jungit ubi oceano proprios Germania fines.
They were a very warlike people, and strenuously opposed the
arms of Charlemagne by whom they were finally subjugated in
789. A chronicle of that age states that king Charles marched
again through Saxony until he came to the Slavi, who are called
Wilti; that kings of that land, with their king Tragwit, came
to meet him, and that, having solicited peace, they surrendered
all their lands into his power. These kings were probably
40 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
chiefs, who had elected one of their number to be a war king
like the guè cymingas of the Saxons, and other Teutonic peoples.
Tragevit appears to be the Teutonic translation of a Slavic name.
At all events, it admits of a natural explanation in the dialects of
the former. How long they had occupied the territory, which
Charlemagne then annexed to the empire, we do not learn, but
there they were found by Ptolemy, who names them Bextol, and
we know from another source, that their name, at an early
period, was communicated in regular form to their country,
Wilcia,” from wille, a wolf, the singular of wilzi, whence, or from
Weleti come the Wilti and Wiltzi." Eiginhard, at the year 822,
claims the name Wilsi as German, and says that in their own
language they called themselves Welatabi.
A reviewer of Paul Joseph Schafarjk's Slavonian Antiquities
has the following remarks on this people and their name:—
“Of all the Polabian Slavonians the Weleti were the most
celebrated, both for their numbers and for the persevering
courage with which they defended their nationality against the
Germans. Their primitive site appears to have been in the
vicinity of Wilno, though Ptolemy assigns them a district (Veltae)
in Prussian Pomerania, between the Vistula and the Niemen.
They were early conspicuous for their warlike habits, which were
such as to draw upon them from the other Slavonians the appel-
lation of Wolves, which gave rise to the fable related by Herodotus,
which that historian treats as absurd, as a matter of fact, of a
northern tribe annually transformed into these predatory beasts.
Similar epithets were frequent among the Slavonians, who even
now call the Turks Viper; and the Kerrods, from their predatory
habits, still bear that of Wolves. The appellation may have
been originally an honourable one, as it must be borne in mind,
that in the primitive simple state of society, physical force was
considered in the light of a prime virtue. From the Slavonian
word for wolf, wilk, sing. Wilzi, plu., Greek lykos, Latin, lupus,
1 Saxo Poeta, Vita Karoli Magni, ad ann. 789.
2 Tune Carlus rex iterum per Saxoniam pervenit usque ad Sclavos, qui dicuntur Wilti,
et venerunt reges terrae illius, cum rege eorum Tragivite ei obviam, etc. Annal. Lauris-
ham. ad ann. 789.
3 Eo anno fuit dominus rex Karolus in Winnetes, pervenitaue in Wilciam,-Annal.
Petav. ad ann. 789.
4 Karolus rex pergit in Sclavos qui dicuntur Wiltezi Annal. Sangall. Breves ad ann. 789.
This date is corrected to 792 by some one, who did not agree with the commencement of
the Christian era, then universally adopted.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE A |
Lithuanian lut, liat, ferocious, are derived the words, Wilzi,
Wilzen, Lutici, and Weleti, Woloti, Welatabi, &c. from welot
wolot, signifying a giant; all which are indicative of the reckless
courage for which the Weleti were distinguished. When their
fame spread over Europe during the middle ages, the Germans
and Scandinavians, invented marvellous tales concerning them,
and finally declared them to be a nation of sorcerers. A sword
that worked wonders was called from their name walsung,
welsung, welsi.' Their sway extended from the shores of the
O'st Sea, which was called after them Wildamor (the sea of the
Weleti) and their capital city was the famed Vinetha, in Slavonian
Wolin (Julinum ?) situated at the mouth of the Oder. Accord-
ing to Venantius Fortunatus, and to Beda, the Weleti penetrated,
between 560 and 600, into Batavia, and settled near the city of
Utrecht, which from them was called Wiltaburg, and the sur-
rounding country, Wiltenia. Being separated from the other
Slavonians by the German nations, the Weleti were unable long
to preserve their independence, and in the course of time, either
lost their nationality altogether, or ultimately rejoined their
countryman. Unquestionable proofs, however, of their having
settled in the Netherlands exist in the names of the cities
evidently, as Wiltsween in Holland, Wiltenburgh near Utrecht
&c, and in such purely Slavonian names as Kamens Sweta,
Widenitz Hudnin, Zevola, Wispe or Wespe, Slota, &c. It is the
opinion of German historians and of M. Safarik himself, that a
body of Weleti or Wilti settled in our country of Wiltshire,
where they arrived after the Anglo-Saxons. And some English
authors derive the inhabitants of Wiltshire from a colony of
Belgae, who migrated from Wiltorica.” For. Quar. vol. 26, p. 27.
Some corroboration of the settlement of Wilti in England is
obtained from the Anglo Saxon name of the people of Wiltshire.
They are invariably called Wilsaetan, that is the Wilt-settlers.
In all other cases the termination was ware, as Cantware, the
Kent-men or people.
2. Adam of Brem. (pp. 47. 48) names the Haefeldan as the He-
veldi, among the Slavonic tribes between the Elbe and the Oder,
1 To what the reviewer says it may be added that the Wotsunga Saga, in which ws
have the fable of some men who transformed themselves into wolves, derives its title from
the same source. The story occupies the 17th chapter headed Sigmundur og Sinfiotle
verda ad Ulfum. It deserves no farther notice here. -
Ye
Vol Iriſ 6
42 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
but he does not seem like Alfred to have been aware that they
were a detachment from the Wilti, or rather, were Wilti so named
from their seat on the banks of the Havel.
IX. In the next geographical notice, Alfred seems to change
his station, and no longer to refer to the East Franks, or he
becomes less careful of preserving the relation of countries to
the cardinal points of the compass. He directs attention in the
first place to what is now called Pomerania, which lies to the
north east of the probable limits of Francia Orientalis towards
the east. His words are rendered thus:
“To the east of them is the country of the Wends, who are
called Sysyle; and extending south east over some part of the
Moravians, have, to the west of them, the Thuringians and
Bohemians, and some part of the Bavarians.”
1. Such are precisely the sites of Thuringia, Bohemia and
Moravia in respect to Pomerania, and Silesia, but he seems by
the name of Sysyle, the Suisli of the Latin writers, to mean
all the Slavonic tribes, who occupied the present Ober and Nieder
Lausitz, and part of the Middle Mark. The Slavoni appear to
have had two generic appellations, Slavi and Venedi with its
numerous variations in orthography, according to the language,
in which the latter name occurs. Alfred's words give the impres-
sion that he considered all the tribes in this part of the continent
to be indifferently named Neuds, and Suisli. The people who
were commonly distinguished as Slavi Suisli, were very widely
spread. Professor Dahlmann says in a note on the name, “The
Sjusli belonged to the Servian Slavi, and were found among the
Meissnischians, as well as in other places.” We seem to find
them in conjunction with the Wends in the peninsular tract on the
north of Jutland, between the Shagensian promontory on the
north and Lincil gulf on the South. This detachment from the
main of Jutland, was called Vendsussel, and in Icelandic, Wen-
dilsyssla. Mr R. Forster has the following remarks. “The
name of Sysele or Sysyle is very little known in history, unless
the name be preserved in the lately published Obotritic monu-
ments, where on the sacred caduceus, fig. 23 a. the following
Runic characters are engraved, namely Shesil. The Annales
Fuldenses mentions, in the year 874, the revolt of the Sorbi and
Suisle; perhaps the latter may be our Sysele. In the ode of
Harald the Valiant, among the Five pieces of Runic Poetry;
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 43
Harald says ‘My ships have made the tour of Sicily;” which I
suspect to be our Sysele.
The Syslo kynd of an ancient Saga, preserved by Snorre, and
relating to Yngvar a questionable king of Sweden as early as 545,
are most likely a portion of the Sjusli, who had penetrated into
Eistland or Esthonia, the northern part of Liefland or Livonia.
Here it is said that Yngvar was slain by the Syslo kind, and
buried :
that stoc upp It is reported
at Yngvari that the race of the Syslo
Sysla kynd had deprived
um so at hefthi Yngvar of his light.
oc lios—" ſynglinga saga, c. 16.]
It is surprising that Forster, a Swede and a man of learning,
should entertain this strange supposition. The conquest of Sicily
by the Northmen is a well known event, and he might have found
it in the Norman history by our Salopian countryman, Orderic
Vital. Had he consulted the Runicitself, instead of the Five Pieces
which are English translations apparently of Latin versions that
are not always correct, he would have found that Harald wrote
Sikeley–Sicilia. *
The word Slowa or Slava, conveying an idea of glory or
nobility, gave rise to the generic appellation of the people who
were known to the Greeks as the Everol of which the Romans
made Venedi, Veneti, and the like. Western writers in the middle
ages took the national name, and added a c to the s, as if they
pronounced Shlavi, and the Italians actually wrote Schiavi-
Schlavi. The French wrote Sclavons, whence they made esclave,
the original of our Slave, and thus a word chosen from their own
language by a brave and gallant people to claim the respect due
to them, is now a term of reproach and misfortune.
Among the Greeks, it was believed from ancient tradition that
the 'Everol, who probably had the digamma, Feverol, or aspirated
the E. inital letter, ‘Evetov, Heneti, Veneti, came from Paph-
lagonia into Illyria'; whence, after they had spread themselves
over Panonia and the coasts of the Adriatic, these were distin-
guished as IAAupou Everol, just as we find Slavi Sorabi, Slavi
Behemani, according to the country which they occupied. From
Illyria a part of them passed on northward, some settling on the
route, and others advancing to the Baltic. “What is most ac-
3 See Homer. Il 2, 851.
44 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
knowledged,” says Strabo, “is that the Heneti were the most
celebrated tribe of the Paphlagonians, of whom was Pylaemenes;
and that most of them followed him on warlike expeditions; but
on losing their leader at the capture of Troy, passed over into
Thrace, and after wandering about, arrived in what is now
Henetica,” or Venetia. This tradition was known to Quintus
Curtius, who observes that some believe the Venetians to have
taken their origin from the Paphlagonian Heneti. That they
were an Asiatic people, there can be no reasonable doubt. The
affinity of the Slavi dialects with the Sanskrit is not less marked
than that of the Teutonic, and as to the Greek name of the
alleged Paphlaginian tribe, which rambled into Europe, it seems
to be nothing more than a very slight variation of the name
Hindú.
It is certain that the Salvons arrived in Europe at a very early
period, and that they settled at an unknown time in various parts
from the South to the Baltic, that part from which the Greeks
obtained amber in the days of Herodotus; and it is no improbable
presumption that they were Salvons by whom it was furnished to
his countrymen." On the Adriatic, they engaged in war with Philip,
and afterwards with Alexander the Great, who reduced them ; but
soon after his death, they recovered their liberty. The Romans
next invaded their territory, and called it the province of Illyria
comprehending Thrace and Dacia. According to Jornandes the
Slavi were called Venedi, and Pliny says that they lived about the
banks of the Vistula. Ptolemy places them on the Eastern shore
of the Baltic, which he calls the Venedan Gulf, and Procopius says
that “formerly the Slavons and Antae had the same name; both
were called Spori because they lived in a scattered manner
(aropača) in insolated huts, and they occupy for the same reason a
large extent of territory.
In this scattered manner the Servians build their villages at the
present day. The villages of Servia stretch far up into the gorges of
the mountains, into the valleys formed by the rivers and streams
or into the depths of the forests. Sometimes, where consisting of
forty or fifty houses, they spread over a space as extensive as that
occupied by Vienna and its suburbs. The dwellings are isolated
at a distance from one another, and each contains within itself a
separate community. The real house is a room enclosed by loam
4 Qu. Curt, lib. III.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 45
walls and covered with the dry bark of the lime, having the
hearth in the centre.
Jornandes says that Dacia is on the left side of the Alps
(Carpathian) in which from the source of the Vistula to the north,
through an immense extent of country, exist the nations of the
Winidi. Although their names vary in various tribes and places,
they call themselves Slavi and Antae. This Antae is no doubt
intended for Everot. He also states that they have the three names
Venedi, Antae, and Slavi.
I have ventured an opinion that Everot is slightly varied from
Hindú, and certainly there is no improbability in a belief that
Hindús migrated to Paphlagonia. The mythology of the Slavons
is that of Hindustan; Brahma, Vishnu, and Seva are represented by
the Slavonian Perun, Volos, and Kolida. They hold the doctrine
of the immortality and transmigration of the soul, and a more
decided proof of conformity with India exists in the rule which
forced the widow on the burning pile with her husband. Perun,
the god of thunder, Nolos, god of flocks, Kolida, god of festivals,
were worshipped by the eastern Slavonians. And the common
people now in many parts of Poland and Russia call Christmas
Kolida, as the festival of that god was celebrated on the 24th of
December. The Slavonians of the Baltic acknowledged two princi-
ples, good and bad ; the former Biel Bog or white god, and the
second Cherni Bog, the black god. Other deities were Porenut,
who had four faces, and a fifth on his breast, supposed to be the
god of the seasons. Poreoit represented with five hands, Rughevi,
supposed to be god of war with seven faces, seven swords at his
side, and an eighth in his hand. These three gods were in the isle
Ryen, the last asylum of Slavonian idolatry. It is worthy of ob-
servation that many of them have the figure of a beetle on them,
which will appear to denote an Egyptian origin—the Scarabaeus.
The god Poreit is strongly suggestive of Prithivi the earth, a
form or power of Vishnu ; their goddess of pleasure and love
is supposed to be Leljo. The gul, goul, ghoul, of Asia is revived
in the Vampyre, which is common in Slavic nations.
2. Alfred's Wineda Land, or country of the Wends, since he
says that they are also called Siusli, extended from the Baltic coast
constituting the northern boundary of Pomerania which has its
other boundaries formed by the Oder and one of its branches, to
the Carpathian Mountains, which are the southern limit of Silesia,
46 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
It is not improbable that he also included the Lusitzis on the west
or the north west of Silesia in the same term. If so, Wineda Land
contained the modern Pomerania, Nieder Lausitz, and Silesia.
3. The Slavi Behemani, who appear as the Behemas in the
Anglo Saxon, and the Baegôware or Bavarians, are most probably
two branches of the ancient Boii, who in the time of Augustus,
submitted with their leader Marobudus to the Marcomanni. These
Boii are said to have been Gauls, and therefore, Kelts, yet Mr
Forster adduces a people whom he calls Slavi Behemani. On this
point Adam of Bremen speaks doubtingly. He would consider
Slaviana ten times larger than his Saxony, particularly if he may
add Bohemia, and the Poles across the Oder, because they differin
neither habit nor language. Subsequently he seems to include the
Bohemians among the Slavi, and this may possibly have been the
author who has furnished Mr Forster with the term.
The meaning of the Teutonic termination of Bohemia, the
house of the Boii, suggests a belief that this country was their
chief or first settlement in Germany proper, In like manner
Baegô-ware, Ba-varians, of one of which the modern German
Bayern is a corruption, that is men of the Boii, wonld appear to
point to an emigration from Bohemia to the South. We have no
historical proof of such an occurrence, which, however, was usual
enough with other nations, and we know that the Boii retreated
from the Marcomanni. We shall presently find that D’Anville,
who states that the name of Boioaria extended under the Frank
empire to the Alps, is confirmed by king Alfred. According to
D'Anville the Leck bounded this country on the side of Suevia,
as it still separates Bavaria from Suabia. On the other side,
what was Boioaria extended to the river Ems, Anisus, a little
beyond the present limits of Bavaria, encroaching on what was
Austria. It was the frontier of the Avares or Abares. That the
tract at the north of the Danube between Franconia and Bohe-
mia, still comprised in Bavaria, was part of the ancient Boivaria
seems probable. It contained the part in the district of Egra,
which is now annexed to Bohemia. This part was denominated
“Nortgowe” in the will of Charlemagne, 806. Nord Gau, or
the northern Canton, agrees with the situation of this part.
D'Anville has collected some particulars of the mediaeval
history of Bavaria. There is reason to believe that Theodoric,
king of the Ostrogoths, in Italy, having acquired Rhetia, occupied
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 47
a part of Boioaria. It was probably after his death in 526, that
Theodoric, king of Austrasia who lived in 534, made acquisitions
in the same country, where the first of the laws is authorised in
his name. Charles Martel invaded it in 725 and 728. As, how-
ever, we do not find Boioaria in the partition of the provinces
between Pepin and Carloman, sons of Charles Martel, we cannot
infer that this country was entirely subjugated. That was ef-
fected by the defect of king Odilon; and we read in the Annals
of Metz, at the year 743, that a papal legate, charged with an
interdict of all war against Odilon, received for answer that
Boioaria and the Boioarians belonged to the emperor of the
French (Franks ; there were no French until long afterwards).
Tassilo, son of Odilo rendered homage to Pepin in 757, and to
Charlemagne in 781. Despoiled of his duchy in 788, the go-
vernment of the country was entrusted to his counts. Louis le
Debonnaire gave Boioaria under the title of a kingdom to his son
Louis the Germanic. Bavaria subsequently again became a
dukedom, and finally, for the second time a kingdom.
The Moravians, whom Alfred designates Maroaro, occur in the
next division of the present arbitrary sections of his geography:
“To the south of them, on the other side of the river Danube
is the country Carinthia, (lying) south to the mountains called
the Alps. To the same mountains extend the boundaries of the
Bavarians, and of the Suabians; and then to the East of the
country, Carenthia, beyond to the desert, is the country of the
Bulgarians; and East to them the land of the Greeks; and on
the East of Maroaro, is Wisle land; and to the east of them are
the Dacians.” "
1. The situation of Carinthia is still south of the Alps. Mr
Forster's note on the Anglo Saxon name, Carendre, deserves
transcription: “Carendre is the name, by which king Alfred pro-
bably calls the Sclavi Carenthani or Carentani; at present their
country is the duchy of Carinthia, or Caerenthen. Formerly, in
Strabo's time, the Carni lived there, l. VIII. Whether they were
of Teutonic offspring, or one of those Gallic tribes, who settled
here with the Scordisi and Boii, cannot be easily ascertained.
From the neighbourhood of the Sarmatae in Pannonia, and from
the affinity of the name of Carni with Crain, which in the
Sclavonic language signifies a limit, I suspect the Carni were
Sarmatians, and continued to live in these parts, till by length of
48 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
time they were called Carni and Carinthi, and at last their name
was changed into Carentani. This opinion may be further
proved from the name of the duchy of Crain, which lies next to
Carinthia, and which preserves the Sclavonic name of Crain,
though it is called by the Latin writers Carniola (Paul Warne-
frid, Hist. Longob. l. VI. c. 12.) This country was always con-
sidered as the boundary of Pannonia, Germany and Italy. Even
in the later ages, there was established a marquisate of the
Winedi, or, as it is commonly called, the Windische Marck, i. e.
Limes Venedicus, or March Sclavonic. The Sclavonic nations
frequently employed the word crain for a limit. Thus the
Ukraine in Russia served as a barrier against the Tartars. In
Great Poland is a tract situated along the New Marck of Brand-
enburg and Lilesia, called Krania, because it marks the limits of
the above countries. It is, therefore, highly probable, that the
Carendre or Sclavi Carentani, are derived from the ancient Carni,
and had formerly the name of Crain, an account of their limitary
situation. The Alps were no doubt the strongest barriers for all
nations; these begin in this part called Crain, and were called
by Strabo and other writers Alpes Carnicae.”
Carinthia, Carniola, and Stiria had been detached from the
marquisate of Fricili in Italy by Louis le Debonnaire, in order to
comprise it to his kingdom of Germany. Arnulf, natural son of
Carloman, the eldest son of Louis the Germanic, was created
duke of Carinthia as having commanded those provinces before
he succeeded the emperor Charles the Fat in Germany. Otho the
Great, in 951, invested his brother Henry, duke of Bavaria, with
Carenthia united to the marquisate of Verenavin Lombardy. On
the erection of Austria into a duchy, that of Carinthia was
detached from Bavaria, and by default of dukes on this part,
Carenthia and Upper Carniola were united to Austria, when the
emperor Rodolf of Hapsburg with the consent of the imperial
states conferred it on his son Albert.
Professor Dahlmann seems to have mistaken Alfred's westen,
wastes or deserts, to the East of Corinthia, for the name of a
people, since he observes that they have nothing to do with the
Wustians, descendants from the Avarian kings, annihilated by
Charlemagne. Alfred, however means the desolate tract, on the
north of the Drave, and eastward of Clagenfurt, the capitol of
Carinthia.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 49
2. Since Alfred places Bulgaria to the east of the wastes above
mentioned, it is probable, that anciently there were two divisions
of the people, one of which was seated on the Danube next to
Dacia, which is the present Moldavia; the other appears to have
been these who are sometimes called Belo-Chroati. We certainly
find Bulgarians named as conterminous with the inhabitants of
Dacia. They are believed to have taken the name from their
original seats on the Volga. Sixty miles south west of the
Russian city of Kazan, between the rivers Volga, Kazna, and
Saniara, occurs Bulgursk, where, says Mr Forster, Peter the
Great, when in 1722, as he was going on his Persian expedition,
found a great many old buildings and sepulchral monuments in
ruins with ancient inscriptions in various characters and lan-
guages, chiefly Pannonian. Abulfedah, who died in 1345, men-
tions in his great geographical work, the town of Bolar or Bolgar
as not far from the Atol or Etol i. e. the Volga. The Persian
geographer, Nasir Eltusi, who wrote between 1258 and 1266,
and Ulughrbegh, the grandson of Tinerling, who wrote in 1437,
both mention Bolgar. The name of the nation is certainly de-
rived from Volga, beyond which the Bolgari or Wolgari lived; for
so it ought to be spelled because the later Greek pronounced the
B like a W. The Herns, who became powerful towards the end
of the 4th century, expelled them from their seats in Bulgaria
beyond the Volga. One body of them settled between the Cu-
phis or Cuban, the Tanais, and the Atal or Volga, and another on
the Weissel or Vistula, near the Congobardi, who were then in
the neighbourhood of Dacia.
There is nothing to be added to Mr Forster's account of the
Sarmatic Bulgari. After their expulsion, their country was occu-
pied by the Hunnic tribes, who obtained the name of Bulgari,
though they were of a different race; the Onoguri and Cuturguri
were chiefly those tribes who were called Bulgari, because they
had taken possession of ancient Bulgaria. One of their chiefs
Culratus is mentioned by Theophanes; he came into Bulgaria or
Masia on the Dane, and shook off the yoke of the Avari. Two
of his sons returned to Bulgaria in 667. Probably in the 9th
century the Bulgari occupied many of the seats of the Avari; for
Charlemagne had so much weakened them that their country was
then considered a waste, till in the year the Madgiari, or present
Hungarians, united with the remains of the Avari, and erected a
7
56) ALFRED's GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
new kingdom. This, at the same time, is a proof of the date,
when Alfred wrote his geographical accounts as he mentions the
desert between Carenthia and Bulgaria, which must have been
before 899 when the Hungarians made the first invasion of Bul-
garia and Pannoriea. About fifty years after this, the emperor
Constantine Porphyrogenitus wrote his book De Administratione
Emperii, which was in 939.
3. Moldavia appears to have retained the ancient name of
Dacia in Alfred's time. He does not seem to have been aware,
that a portion of his Afdrede or Obotrites near the Elbe, occupied
seats in Dacia adjacent to the Danube, and near the Bulgarians.
Dacia, east of Wisleland, appears to denote Moldavia and New
Servia, for on the shore of the Lake Meotis, now the sea of
Azof, the Getae were seated, and Alfred tells us that the Dacians
were formerly Goths. The error, if it be one, which confounds
the Getae of Dacia with the Goths is more ancient than Alfred, and
was embraced by his own Orosius. We find on their side Jor-
mandes, Procopius, Jerome, Spartian, Claudian, John the Goth
(Joannes Gothus), and Jos. Scaliger, who are in opposition to
Herodotus, Strabo, and Stephanus. The latter demonstrate, that
the Getae were Thracians, and, therefore, a different people from
either the Germans or Kelts.
4. By Wisleland, Alfred beyond all doubt means Weissel or
Vistula land, but there he places it to the cast of Moravia, which
he has already occupied with Bohemia. The river itself takes its
rise in Silesia and no part of it is found on the east of Moravia.
Had he described Vistula to be to the north east of Moravia, we
should have understood, with Mr Forster, that the country intend-
ed was Poland, of which Silesia formed a part in early ages.
It is very embarrassing, but professor Dahlmann affords us no
assistance. If at this time, the South Eastern boundary of
Silesia were formed by the small branch of the Oder which flows
from the mountains on the confines of Silesia and Moravia, then
a portion of the south of Poland with a part of the Carpathian
mountains which are a source of streams tributary to the Vistula,
may be admitted, though really north east, to be east of Moravia
in an ancient and rude state of geographical knowledge. We
cannot expect minute accuracy respecting countries, which were
comparatively unknown in the extreme west.
5 It may be remarked that Alfred in relating from Orosius
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 51
that Philip on his return from his conquest in Scythia, was
wounded in an engagement with the Triballi, says that
a Cwene shot him through the thigh. Cwenas of the geo-
graphy occupied a country not far from the frozen Ocean, and
cannot be supposed to have descended to the confines of Scythia
and Mysia; but on the hypothesis that Maegdha Land was the
Land of Maids or Women, and almost a synonyme with the
Northern Cwena Land, or country of women, there is no difficulty
in believing that the Mazovians joined the Triballi as allies against
Philip, and that Alfred called one of them a Cwene in consequence
of the name of his country. It is to be observed also, that he has
just before spoken of the Triballi as “other Scythians” On the
whole, the opinion, that Maegdha Land Mazovia are the same
tract of country seems to be confirmed by these incidents, which
are unconnected with the geographical account.
That the Greeks made any mistakes about the Amazons may
be doubted, for having derived the foreign name from their own
language, they invented a fable in support of their theory. A
true mistake, however, appears respecting another northern
people, who inhabited Kuennaland, the present Cajania, between
the Gulf of Bothnia and the White Sea. By an equivoque com-
mon to the Norrsk and Anglo-Saxon, Kuena cwena, probably
Chuna or Hun, in the first instances signifies a woman, and this
equivoque occasions the informants of Adam of Bremen to tell
him of a nation of Amazons on the Baltic, whose country was
called the land of women, and who conceived by tasting water.
5. The Srupe or Servians have already been mentioned in
noticing another branch of Slavons, whose appellation seems to
have had as much claim to designate the whole race as Slavi,
Slavons, and Slavonians. This branch of a widely extended and
even scattered people, was known in the middle ages as the Sorbi
and Scravi, and as the Scravi and Soravi. They occupied Lu–
satias, or Lausitz Misnia, part of Brandenburg and Silesia below
Glogau; their capital was Soraw, and it still exists in the circle
of Upper Saxony and in Lusatia, near the river Bober, about 30
miles to the north east of Gorlitz. In 640, the Servians, having
obtained license from the emperor Heraclius, built the city of
Servica on the banks of the Danube. About 806 Charlemagne
conquered the Sorabi in the vicinity of the Elbe on the north,
where they were separated from Thuringia by the Sala. The
52 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
government was given to a count, who ruled in Thuringia, and
mention occurs of a Dux Sorabici Limitis in 848 and 872; and
when Otho, eldest son of the emperor Henry I. was Duke of
Thuringia in 938, one of his nobles was Artuvinus, Dux Sur-
benus. In the 11th century Vladimir assumed the title of king of
Servia. Afterwards, under Tzedomil, the Servians submitted to
the authority of Rome, and leagued themselves with its emperors
against Comnenus, the Greek emperor, in consequence of which
he marched upon Servia in 1151, subdued its inhabitants and led
their king Tzedomil into captivity. These were the Danubian
Servians. Those of the north retired into Bohemia about the
middle of the 12th century, being then assailed by Henry the
Lion, duke of Saxe, and Albert the Bear, count of Anania, on
whom Conrad 11 conferred the marquisate of Brandenburg.
Dr Bowring has the following interesting remarks on the ancient
-Servians, and their peculiar name:
“In the middle of the 7th century, a number of Servian tribes
stretched themselves along the Sava and the Danube down to the
Black Sea, and founded at different times no less than six se-
parate kingdoms, that of Bulgaria and Croatia, Servia, Srb.
Bomia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Under the name of Srb, the
four last of these nations must be considered as comprised.
Their irregular history it is not easy to trace. Slavonian writers
are disposed to represent the Maestidae, who made an incursion
into Italy during the age of Claudius, A.D. 276, as synomymous
with the Sarmatae; and Kopitar (a high authority) has gathered
much evidence to prove that the dialect spoken to the east of
Sparta is of Slavonian origin. Leake has remarked that many of
the names of places in the Morea are Slavonic—Kastunika,
XmYa3oxopi, and it is notorious that the language of several of the
islands of the Grecian Archipelago, Hydra, for example, is Sla-
vonic.—The original meaning of the word Srb it is not easy to
fix. Some derive it from srp, a sicke; others from sibir, sever, the
north ; some from the Latin servus, but Dobrowsky says, Signifi-
catum radicis Srb, consultis etiam dialectis omnibus, nondum licuit
errare (Instit. Ling. Slav. p. 154).”
From Slavonic of the south-east spring the Russian, Bulgarian,
Servian Dalmatian and Windemic forms of language. The Lo-
rabic is found in Lusatia, Posen and Wenden, and in old Slavonic
a translation of the Sacred Scriptures was made at an early period.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 53
Sir Isaac Newton attributes it to Cyrillus, who accompanied
Methodius among the Slavons in their different settlements in
Europe, and converted them to Christianity in Alfred's century,
when the germs of the Russian empire first appeared.
XI. On the north east of Moravia we are introduced to the
Dalmatians, on whose east are the Horithi; and, says Alfred, “on
the north of the Dalmatians are the Servians, and on the west,
the Suisli: on the north of the Horiti is Maegdha land, and north
of Maegdha land are the Sarmatians.” -
1. As Dalmatia proper lies far to the south of Moravia, too far,
by four or five degrees, to admit the possibility of a mistake, we
are to conclude, that a band of the Slavi Dalamense were found
in the ninth century in the situation indicated. Mr Forster finds
that they formerly inhabited Silesia, from Moravia as far as Glogau,
along the river Oder. Professor Dahlmann speaks of them as
lying south west of the Sjusli, also among the Meismisehias and a
part of Lausitia.
A misive of king Theodoric, king of the Goths, about 497 is
extant in Goldast. It directs Simeon V. or one count, perhaps a
graff, or fiscal judge, with this name, to make enquiries through
the Dalmatic province respecting the siliquaticum, which was a
species of tribute or duty imposed upon all saleable goods, and
also respecting the truth of iron mines in the warren of Dalmatia
(in Dalmatiae cuniculo), where, it is observed, the softness of
the earth produces the hardness of the iron, and is heated in the
fire that it may be passed into hardness : such appears to be the
meaning of his words.
2. The branch of the Dalmatians of the north east of Moravia,
had the Horithi on the east, and Maegdhaland was between them
and the Sarmatians on the north. The name Horithi or Horiti
has been very perplexing to most of the learned who have
investigated the geography of Alfred; but the necessity of re-
peating their ingenious conjectures is happily obviated by Mr S.
W. Singer, who adduces a passage, which shows that a branch of
the Chroats may very well have been in the part, where Alfred
places his Horiti. There is nothing remarkable in either the
migration or dispersion of a nation in this century, which wit-
messed Saxons on the Elbe, and Saxons on the north eastern
confines of Moravia; Obotrites on the coast of the Baltic, and
Obitrites on the northern banks of the Danube.
54 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
3. Maegthaland, or more correctly according to the Anglo
Saxon orthography, in which the d is an aspirate, Maegdha land,
is still more embarrassing than were the Horiti. The term sig-
nifies the country of the Maegdhs; we may, therefore, reject
the supposition of the learned Professor Rask, that the word is
maegth, a province, tribe, nation, and that it stood for Gardariki,
or Russia. But if the question be, what are the Maegdhs, the
only answer is that maegdh is a maid, or virgin, and Maegdha
Land, the country of maids, or unmarried women, denoting,
as professor Dahlmann believes, Amazon's Laud. Of this last,
this Greek name, the memory seems to have been preserved in
that of Mazow, Latinised Mazovia, in Poland, precisely where,
with Alfred's words, we should place his Land of Maidens.
It would be an easy, though pedantic task to collect what ancient
authors have said of the Amazons, yet so much as may tend to
show that among the places assigned for their station, Mazovia is
not unlikely to have been one, may be permitted.
According to Herodotus (IV. 110), the Amazons from the river
Thermodon, invaded Scythi , where they resided, he says, in his
own time. Though Diodorus Siculus (II. 45.) says that thy
carried their arms beyond the Tanais, and subdued Thrace, and
there leaves them, Justin (II. 4.) traces them as Herodotus had
done already, into Scythia, Pliny (VI. 7.) and Pomponius Mela
(I. 19) are both agreed in placing a Sauromatic nation of Gynae-
cocratumeni, whose first seats were in the neighbourhood of
Lake Meotis, on the banks of the Tanais. The description of
them that they were one nation of several peoples, and several
names, taken in connection with their residence in these parts,
appears to indicate the Slavonic tribes, of whom some ancient
term denoting the whole has been tortured by the Greeks after
their usual fashion, into Amazons; and having thus formed a new
word, they also found its derivation in their own language to
denote a people without breast, which would almost naturally
suggest the wild fables, which they relate of a nation of female
warriors, who lived in celibacy. Bopp produces the Russian
word, my’ zj, man, the husband, and Dr. Aug. Friedr. Pott, of
Berlin thinks Apačoves, the pretended breastless, is probably
formed from the Zend, a priv. masya=man-husband, and
amasya, a woman without husband. It may account for the
Greek name of the people about whom so many fables are re-
AN ID NORTH FRN VOYAGE. 55
lated, and who occupy parts which were wholly unknown to the
ancients, who liberally peopled those in the north with Hippodes,
or men with the feet of horses, and others whose ears covered
the nakedness of their bodies. The old Sagas stock trackless
marshes mountains and forests with giants, dwarfs, elves, trolls
and ovaettir, a sort of spectres, and the household, or rather tent-
hold tales of the Tartars place the very same creations of wild fancy
in the boundless steppes which the foot of man has not crossed.
XII. In placing Sarmatia to the north of Mazovia, for no other
part answers so well to Alfred's Maegdha Land, he must have con-
sidered a portion of the Prussians, or the inhabitants of the
present Prussia, to be Sermende or Sarmatians, whom he con-
tinues up to the Riphaean mountains.
1. To the East of the East Sea, he places the Osti and Obotri-
tes. By the former, he means those inhabitants of Pomerania,
who were known to the Romans as the AEstyi, or Æsti, a name
which appears to be philologically the same, and to denote a
people to the East. On the north, the Osti or Easterns, have the
same arm of the sea, the Winedas and the Burgundians, and on
their South the Heveldi.
The Winidas are so called by Jornandes, and the name of
Wenden is familiar in Brandenburg, Pomerania, and Lusatia, at
the present time.
2. Mr Forster is strongly of opinion, that the Burgundians are
the inhabitants of Bornholm, which Wulfstan calls Burgenda Land.
He says that they were formerly a nation in the north of Ger-
many, mentioned by Pliny, III. 28. belonging to the Wandali or
Vandali. g
I find nowhere else these names Borgenda holm and Borgenda
Land ; but Borgund was the name of a Norwegian island, while
the name of Bornholm variously occurs as Boreholm Bureholm,
Boringholm, and Borgholm. The reasoning above, however, is
satisfactory.
XIII. Ohthere's personal exploration of the north western and
northern coasts to see how the land looked (sceawode) due north,
and whether any man abode to the north of his habitation, is the
earliest recorded voyage undertaken in the pure spirit of philoso-
phical inquiry. The object was noble, and the result, considering
the paucity of means at his command, is satisfactory. We have,
very fairly described, the situation of what is now known as the
56 ALFREL)’S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
North Cape, and the declension of the land towards the south-
east as far as the White Sea, apparently until this time unknown
to all Europeans but Finnish hunters and fishermen.
A few observations may be conveniently made on the people
with whom the two travellers met, without constraining ourselves
to accompany them from sea to sea, and port to port.
1. He dwelt northmost of all the Northmen, that is, of all the
Norwegians of that time; for he himself finds Finns and others
more northward. Halgoland, little known in the south, was one
of those places which popular superstition taking “omne ignotum
pro magnifico,” invested with a sacred character.
2. “For three days.”—Distances were computed by time as
among southern mariners. Mr Forster endeavours to turn the
circumstance to useful account, and if the method could be
depended upon, we certainly might employ it in determining the
voyage to Sciringsheal, and from that to Haddeby, and perhaps
also ascertain the position of Wulfstan's Truso. Forster shows
that a day's sail with the ancient Greeks was 10,000 stadia, which,
he says, are above 100 Seamiles. But there can be no certainty in
this method, and we must depend upon other aids. Ohthere
after sailing six days, found himself at a bend of the land directly
east. He had manifestly arrived at the termination of the sea-
coast, and in fact, become the first discoverer of the North Cape.
On a rough calculation, he had sailed 417 statute miles and
proceeded at a rate of less than 70 miles a day. A Saga, of which
I forget the name, records an expedition to Valland, or Frank-
land, in order to plunder a tomb. The pirates occupied five
days in sailing from the south of Norway to the nearest point, by
which they could advance directly to their destination by land.
From the Naze to the mouth of the Weser is about 277 miles, so
that these people made way about 55 miles a day. Everything
is quite clear from his arrival at this bend. He waits for a right
north wind, which, though the coast does not bend to the direct
south, would serve his purpose, and he states that he does not
know whether it were the land or the sea which bent. He was
yet a stranger to the place. In five days he comes to a great
river, which is clearly the entrance of the White Sea. The
distance pretty well agrees with the probable rate of 60 miles a
day. But what places it beyond question is, that the land was all
inhabited, and the people were Biarmians.
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. - 57
3. Than the Biarmians and their countryBiarmaland no places
or people in the north are more frequently mentioned in the
Sagas. They had the reputation of possessing much gold; but
whether “gull” is to be understood of the metal or wealth in
general, is doubtful. At all events, the pirates often found their
way to Biarmaland. On this country Dr Bosworth's note
(42. p. 9) is abundantly explanatory of its situation. The notice
of it in the old MS. Icelandic and Latin Dictionary, so often
cited, is to the same effect, but with the additional information
that Biarmaland was also called Dvina, from the river of that name.
4. Besides Finns who visited the North Sea for the purposes of
hunting and fishing, Ohthere speaks of Terfinns and Scride Finns;
and he makes an observation of no little value to those who
contend that the Biarmians are also Finns. The country oc-
cupied by the several bodies of people, who all take the general
name of Finn, with a distinctive addition to each, is stated in
round numbers to be more than 100 miles in length and ninety
in breadth. These are Swedish miles, and represent a square
of 157.114 of our miles. What is more certain is that they
occupy Lapmark, as well as Finnmark, and that the Swedes
distribute the former into dioceses or governments, which they
name Uma Lapmark, Pitha Lapmark, Ula Lapmark, Torne
Lapmark, and Kimi Lapmark. There are of the people the
Siofinns, or Sea Finns who live solely on fish, and Laplanders,
subjects of Russia, from Finnmark and the castle of Wardhuys
near North Cape, to the White Sea. Belonging to Sweden is the
tract inhabited by Laplanders called Trennes and Pihinieni, called
by the Russians Trachana Voloch, or according to Pontanus,
Terschana Voloch. In the Trennes we seem to have the Ter-
finns of Alfred while Pihiniemi is probably the vernacular name of
the Finn. -
The name of the Scride-finns, which presents no difficulty to
a modern ear and pen, was very troublesome to writers at
one time. Both the meaning and orthography are given in Dr
Bosworth's note (37 p. 7) Warnefried believes that they received
their name from their manner of leaping with a piece of wood
bent like a bow, when they were in pursuit of wild beasts Adam
of Bremen says that on the confines of the Swedes or Northmen
to the north dwell the Scritefinns who are said to surpass wild
beasts in running. Their largest city is Halsingaland, and Halsin-
Wol III.
§§ ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
galand is a region. To make a brief description of Sueonia or
Sweden, it has the Goths and their city Scaranen on the west;
on the north the Wermilians with the Scritefinns : from the South
it has the length of the Baltic sea : there is the great city Sictena;
and to the east it touches on the Riphaean mountains, where are
Amazons, Cynocephali and Cyclopes.
5. Three kinds of deer are mentioned by Ohthere among his
own property, wild, tame, and decoy deer, which were valuable to
the Finns for taking the wild deer. These he calls “stael
hranas.” The translation, decoy deer, has the advantage of being
more intelligible than the mere Saxon word Stale, which, how-
ever, is not entirely obsolete as a noun, signifying anything offered
to allure, and so, a decoy. In this sense it is used by
Shakspeare—
“Katherine.—I pray you, sir, is it your will
To make a stale of me among these mates ?”
Taming of the Shrew I. 1.
At Staela, in Icelandic, has the meaning to conceal the intention.
6. In the seventh, section (p. 13) we have a fuller account of
the situation of Cwena Land and its inhabitants; and if again
noticed it is chiefly to say that the range given to Cwena Land from
Norway to the White sea, including Finnmark on the north, in
note 36 p. 6, is certainly correct, and reconciles the apparent
differences among old writers of the north, who sometimes, in
speaking of Kuenna Land, assigned situations to it according to that
part of the extensive region, bearing the name, which they had
particularly in view. Malte Brun's story of Adam of Bremen, of
whom we know little more than his book, and the Quaines,
mentioned to him by a king of Sweden (Dr Bosworth, p 6. n. 36),
does not make him so guilty of absurdity as the French geographer
imagines. He had the belief of most of the people in the north
to keep him in countenance. Quaine is nothing more than a variety
Kuen, caven, both of which not only denominate a country, but
signify a woman. Adam's Terra Feminarum is a translation of a
current name, and when universal credit was given to tales of
trolls, ovaettir, eotenas,
“And Cannibals that each other eat,
The Authropaphagi, and men whose heads
Do grow beneath their shoulders,”
was more than matched by the Greek belief in Amazons.
AND NORTHERN VOYAGE. 59
Besides this Terra Feminarum, which is seen in a passage just
cited, not to be intended for the country of the Amazons, we
have the Smameyland, of the old Sagas in reference to a very
large tract in the same regions, and often appearing to denote
Biarmaland, Cwenaland, and a part of the eastern coast at the
entrance of the Cwen or White Sea, if not extending even as far
as the Ural mountains in the South East.
Of Smameialand the Icelandic MS. dictionary says, after the
name so written, “Smaojeda, ortum versus a Birmia ad Mare
Glaciale contra Nova Zembla.”
The position assigned to Smameialand nearly corresponds with
that of the Samoiedes at the present time on and to the west of
the Ural Mountains, and north of the modern government of
Perm, which is believed to receive its name from the ancient
Biarmia. Ohthere found the Biarmians in close proximity to the
Cwen Sae. Samoiedes have been found to the north of Arch-
angel, and in a Saga much more ancient than the dictionary, the
nation called the Smameyar are said to inhabit the parts about a
promontory which lies out at, and which appears to be the penin-
sula now called Candenos at the entrance of the White Sea. It
does not appear very improbable that Biarmians Lappons, and the
northern Finns are all Samoiedes, differently denominated accord-
ing to localities. Ohthere found a remarkable resemblance
between the languages of the Finns and the Biarmians. The
Finns, as before said, not Finns but Sooma-laimen, the dwellers
on marshes, and the first word of this name is manifestly mistaken
and corrupted into the Icelandic Smameiar.
7 Ohthere says, after stating that none abode to his north :
“There is a port on the South of the land which is called
Sciringsheal that no man could sail in a month, if he anchored at
night, and every day had a fair wind. All the while he must sail
near the land. On his right is first Iceland, and then the islands
which are between Iceland and this land. Then this land con-
tinues till it comes to Sciringesheal; and all the way on the left
is Norway.”
There are few passages of antiquity more embrassing than the
present, and no doubt much of the difficulty arises from our own
ignorance; but it is possible that mistakes have been made by
transcribers. Ohthere leaves Halogaland in Latitude 65, and the
first object on his right is Iceland, written Iraland in the MS.
$6 ALFRFD'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
This in fact would be Iceland and no other island nor where he
was in the north sea could he well think of Ireland, hidden from
him by England, and far to his south west. Then occurs on the
right the Islands between Iceland and this land. What land 7
He manifestly means the Faroe, and Shetland islands and
the Orkneys, which are actually between Iceland and Scotland, or
Britain but not between Ireland and Norway. Here “this land”
is that in which he then was relating his voyage.
From Halogaland to the South of “this land,” his own Norway,
we may roughly reckon 12 degrees, which at 69.5 miles to the
degree will give 834 miles sailed in the days of a month keeping
in-shore with a fair wind. Then in 14 days at the probable rate
of 60 miles a day, he would arrive at some port west of the Naze.
This he calls Sciringesheal, and there was actually a place in
Westfold, called Skiringssaal, (saal=heal) in the Ymlinga Saga.
This evidence of identity seems to outweigh Professor Dahlmann's
objection, that the latter was not a port. But do we know that
our ancient mariners, gliding along coasts, and in a manner mak-
ing their course parallel with all its indentations, in small vessels,
attached the same idea to a port that we do 2 That, as far as I
have been able to discover, was a port, which received them at
the end of their voyage, or which sheltered them from tempest,
provided it were inhabited. Admitting that Skiringssaal was not
exactly on the shore still it would afford the mariner the means
of signifying his landing place. But in opposition to conjecture,
Ohthere calls his Sciringes heal a port, and for such it must be
received.
8. He then proceeds to state that a broad sea, too broad to be
seen over, runs up into the land and that Jutland is opposite, and
then Zealand.
These indications perfectly agree with a Sciringesheal on the
South of Norway-Julland and then Zealand opposite and this
Sciringesheal may be the Skiringesheal on the west of the bay of
Christiana. It seems unnecessary to quote Professor Dahlmann's
objection on this occasion, since the weightiest is, that the place
so named was not a port. To the present purpose it is quite suf-
ficient that Ohthere believed it to be a port.
9. In five days he sailed to the port called Haddeby, of which
the identity with the Saxon Haeth, or Haethe is very satisfactorily
established by Dr Bosworth (note 57, p 15.) Does he now speak
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 61
of five days and nights, or of two or of three day's actual sailing 7
At 83 miles a day he would attain it in two days and a half, and
at 60 in a little more than three days; either allowing him to
discontinue sailing as in proceeding from Halogaland.
XIV. Wulfstan's voyage to another quarter necessarily brings
us to an acquaintance with other peoples and places, and particu-
larly islands which might not otherwise have entered into Alfred's
account of the continent, his principal object. His port of de-
parture was that Haethe, which puzzled translators and annotators
before Dr Bosworth. The Icelanders call Haddeby in Schleswig
Heidabaer, and Heidabyr, names by which they also designate
Schleswig : “hodie Slesvik, villa ad fines Holsatiae et sinum am-
nemgue Eliam.”
Truso, which has been another difficulty, seems more probably
to be Drausen than the present Dirchsau, because, according to
the only person who names it, Truso stood on the shore of a lake,
which we knew to be the Frische Haff, while Dirchsau was out of
Wulfstan's course and 30 miles inland. In the seven days' voy-
age to this place which did not include sailing at night, Wulf-
stan's rate was nearly 90 miles. Herodotus [l. iv.] quoted by Dr
Arbuthnot assigns 700 stadia or 84. 5 English miles for a day's
sailing, and for the night 500 stadia, or 70.5 miles, which, the
latter remarks, making in 24 hours, 155 English miles seems too
long. In computing the probable rate of Ohthere's voyage at 60
miles a day of 12 hours, though it would hardly be so long, allow-
ance was made for his following the line of a coast totally un-
known to him.
The Land of the Burgundians, in this voyage, certainly belong-
ed to those Burgundians of whom a part passed at a very early
period to the continent of Germania, and again into Gaul (Supra
xii, 2.) Gothland another of Wulfstan's island, has one town, Visby,
Wisbuy, in Latin Visburgum, which was anciently celebrated for
its power, splendor and magnitude. It was also a famous mart,
raising its head above the Pomeranian Wineta and Julinum of
which so much is said in the medieval writings of the north. Wisby
has the reputation in Sweden of having given the first laws to
navigation. Very near this city are numerous rocks carved in Gothic
(Runic 2) characters some particulars of the history of Gothland
or rather of Wisby, after the beginning of the 13th century, have
been collected by zealous antiquaries. The islanders themselves
62 ALFRED'S GEOGRAPHY OF EUROPE.
call the name not Gothland, or Gutland, but Guland, nevertheless
these gentlemen, arguing from Gothlandia in the Latin writers,
maintain that it was peopled by Goths. -
Wulfstan's Estan or Estas, for the declension is not very clear,
were in all probability a Vandalic people, and we have already
seen that at least a part of the inhabitants were Slavonian Sjusli.
Tacitus, who assigns his AEstii the same situation as Wulfstan
gives to Eastland, remarks that they have the rites and habits of
the Suevi, but that their language is nearer to the British. We
may well believe him to have been little versed in Slavonic and
Keltic, but he has made a distinction from Teutonic, which no
doubt he had observed, and which shows that they were a
different people, though without strong affinities to the Kelts.
Zeiller, without citing his authority pronounces them to be of
uncertain origin, but nevertheless Germans, who having aban-
doned their ancient seat on the Rhine, long before Caesar, removed
into Sarmatia.
It is remarked by Wulfstan that in Eastland there are many
towns and in every town a king. The European title of king
was not anciently one denoting great power or magnificence,
since it was freely attributed to any chief person, the head of a
village, the holder of a ness or promontory, the captain of a
piratical boat, such as that of king Half or Alf with his crew of
twelve men. In Curland, another division of Liefland, those of
the husbandmen who are rich and freemen, and who have one
hundred serfs, are still called kings. Wulfstan's kings may have
been the most considerable man in each wick, or boroughas he calls
it, and performing functions in the manner of a magistrate.
The Esthorsians did not brew ale, he says, but they had mead
enough. Respecting these very ancient names of fermented
liquors it may be remarked that ale, which has been ignorantly
derived from A. Saxon aelan to inflame, is in that language ealoth,
where the ea-0 long of the Gothic. With & it is found in Axwas
an epithet of Ceres, as goddess of axoat cornfields, and in axbºrov,
barley. It is not improbably related to the Old Norsh ala, and
the Latin, al-ere, to nourish, whence all-ment.
Mead, the wine of honey, is not only a very ancient word, but
one widely diffused. Medo, u, etymologically is identical with
mel honey; O. H. Germ. metu ; Lithuanian medus; Lettic, the
language probably spoken by the Esthonians meddus ; Slavonic
AND NORTHERN WOYAGE. 63
med; all denoting mel, honey. In Lassen's glossary to his
Anthologia Sanserita, the root of the word is stated to have
become absolete. Unquestionably the root is still as vigorous as
ever; r. 1., mud drunken, English mad, and Anacreon has a verse
in which the word may be translated in either sense without
offence to the truth,
pºeffvov 6tros Xopewa o'
Drunken (or mad) how I will dance 48, 5.
In Beowulf we find mead to be the drink of kings and heroes.
The monarchs' palace is a stately Mead-hall; but in Wulfstans
Eastland, mead is the drink of slaves and the poor, while the
higher classes drink mare's milk, which was, no doubt, fermented.
With the remainder of the geography I am not much ac-
quainted. The preceding inquiries were undertaken chiefly to
clear up, if possible, the obscurity which seemed to cover aet
Haethum, Scirnges heal, Truso, and the seats of several nations,
who are named in a manner somewhat different from the Latin
and Icelandic. They have produced no conclusions at variance
with those which have been drawn with much better effect by
Dr Bosworth. The bulk of the materials was collected many
years ago, and many have been lost, but all were insufficient to
be the basis of a perfect history of the settlement of the numer-
ous tribes, of whom several appear to have occupied different
stations at the same time, while others still retained the nomadic
habits, which they or their ancestors had brought from Asia.
To the Binder.
There is an error in the paging and signature of this Essay,
though the matter is right. The signatures must be stitched
1, 3, 4 &c. and the paging 7, 8, 16, 17 &c.
PUBLICATIONS
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By the REv. DR. Bosworth. To be had of Messrs. LongMAN AND Co.,
Paternoster Row; and MR. J. R. SMITH, Soho Square, London.
I. A DICTIONARY of the ANGLO-SAXON LANGUAGE, containing
the Accentuation—the Grammatical Inflections—the Irregular Words referred to their
Themes—the Parallel Terms from the other Gothic Languages—the Meaning of the Anglo-
Saxon in English and Latin—and copious English and Latin Indexes, serving as A DIC-
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ANGLO-SAXO N. With a Preface on the Origin and Connexion of the Germanic Tongues
—a Map of Languages—and the Essentials of Anglo-Saxon Grammar. By the Rev. J.
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Corresponding Member of the Royal Institute of the Netherlands; M.R.S. of Lit. London
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many years' severe and patient labour. . . . . The day is not far distant when it will be considered disgraceful
to a well-bred Englishman—utterly disgraceful to a man who makes the slightest pretensions to scholarship, to
be ignorant . . . of the history and structure of the English tongue; and above all of the precise relations
of modern English to that ancient dialect of the great Teutonic family, which has ever been, and still is incom.
parably the most important element in its composition. . . . . . The English language consists of about 38
thousand words. Of these, about 23 thousand, or nearly five-eights, are of Anglo-Saxon origin . . . Our
chief peculiarities of structure and of idiom are essentially Anglo-Saxon . . The words expressive of the
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origin.”—Edinburgh Review for Oct. 1839, No. CXLI. p. 221–264.
“The substance of the English language, its vigorous root, its firm and massy stem, with its wide-spreading
branches, are all Anglo-Saxon. Though its foliage has been varied and adorned by scions of Grecian, Roman,
and Norman origin, our present English is “completely Anglo-Saxon, in its whole idiom and construction. The
work now before us, for the first time, lays fully open the source of our copious and powerful language. It
is denominated an Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, but it is, in fact, a Lexicon of early English; for the celebrated
AElfric, one of the first and purest Anglo-Saxon writers, so styles his native tongue. In the preface to his trans-
lation of the book of Genesis, he says: Thubaede mae awendan of Ledene on Englisc tha bóc Genesis—thou
badest me to ſwend) translate, from Latin into English, the book of Genesis. If it be our reproach that our most
eminent literary men have been so much occupied in studying Latin and Greek, that they have scarcely deigned
to cast a glance at their own mother tongue, much less to examine the beauty of its structure, or its nervous
power, the reproach is now removed; for here we have a work, which, while it contains the derivation and original
meaning of all pure Anglo-Saxon words, proves, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that the bones and sinews, the
real strength and vigour of our good old English, is, like our being, our customs, and our free constitution,
entirely derived from our hardy and independent Anglo-Saxon forefathers,
“We give an example or two of the use of Anglo-Saxon in the derivation of English words. Acorn, aeceren,
aecern, from aec, Éc an oak, cern. corn corn, the corn or fruit of the oak.-CHILDHooD, cildhād, from cild a child,
hād a condition, state.—KINGDOM, cyngdóm, from cyning, cyng, a king, döm power, jurisdiction, a king's
jurisdiction, or dominion.—Is LAND, eas land, from ea water, eas of water, land land.—NEIGHBOUR, neahbur,
neah near, bur a bower, dwelling, one who has a dwelling near.—WILDERN Ess, wild-deor-nes, deor, a beast, a
wild beast's habitation.—The names of places are generally descriptive of their site; thus, ETON has a low watery
locality, from ae, ea water, a river, ton, tun a town, dwelling.—SANDWICH, Sandwic, from Sand sand, wic a
dwelling, station.—HITHE, hyth a port, haven. -
“This work is a necessary supplement to all our present English dictionaries, and ought to be in the hands of
every one who has any pretensions to a thorough knowledge of the English language. . . . All who wish to
know the real signification of the words they daily use will here find a ready access to their original meaning."—
Literary Gazette, Sept. 15, 1838, p. 580.
“The publication of this Dictionary is likely to form an era in the study of Anglo-Saxon. A book, which we
venture to say will do more to advance the study of the Anglo-Saxon language, and consequently the full and
perfect understanding of our own, than any work which has yet appeared. A most laborious task—a volume,
upon which we lay our hands with great respect. The long Preface gives a sketch of all the Teutonic and
Scandinavian languages, with abundant illustrations. It is full of very valuable learning, and shews great dili-
gence, and patient, long research.”—North American Review, No. C., July, 1838, p. 92.
“Dr. Bosworth has long since made proof of thorough competence to his present task by his two grammars,
of which the larger is rich almost to excess in philological illustration, and the lesser has obtained the approba-
tion of the most fastidious critic of our time. These publications, and the extensive research of which they were
evidently the result, had directed general attention to the same quarter as that from which was to be expected
the long-awaited boon of an Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. . We had sure ground of confidence, in our knowledge of
the man, his philological and critical ability, his unshrinking industry, his honest and disinterested purpose,
that nothing would be spared to secure completeness and correctness. Nor has he failed in execution; these
great objects have been fairly attained in the volume which now lies open before us. He has thoroughly inves-
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mental scholars, and especially by those of Germany; and he has not been induced, by these higher and more
extensive inquiries, to overlook those minor circumstances of illustration and arrangement which contribute so
nuuch to the usefulness of grammatical and lexicographical composition. The prolegomenary matter is highly
valuable, and must have cost great pains before it could be reduced to its actual state of close yet clear com-
pression, The filiation of languages is exemplified in various forms of agreement and transition, and copious
DR. BOSWORTH'S PUBLICATIONS.
references are given to works of authority, where a more complete exposition seemed desirable. All this is skil.
fully conducted, and with entire mastery of the subject. A work which supersedes all others of the kind, and
which is not likely to be speedily superseded.”—Eclectic Review, Vol. iv. No. VI. December, 1838, p. 674-5.
“Dr. Bosworth's qualifications for the work were attained by the study of twenty years, seven of which have
been occupied on the book before us. In speaking of the Preface, it would be impossible to find so much infºr-
mation on the Anglo-Saxon and Germanic tongues collected in so few pages. It deserves a separate considera-
tion, and not the meagre aud unsatisfactory notice which our limits compel us to give. We must refer our
readers to the work itself—Iu parting with Dr. Bosworth, we cannot but express the delight which we have felt
in the candour and sincerity with which his work has been conducted, and we rejoice to perceive that the paltry
prejudices and supercílious spirit which have disgraced so many of his brother Saxonists of the present day, have
not infected him. We hope that his contemporaries may see the error of their ways from the simplicity and can-
dour of Dr. Bosworth.”—New York Review, No. VI., October, 1838, p. 374-5.
“Dr. Bosworth has been long known to the public as an indefatigable and accurate scholar, and this Diction.
ary fully answers our expectation. We have no hesitation in saying it is one of the most important works
which has issued from the press for some time, and that the manner in which a very difficult task has been
executed, corresponds with its importance.—With the facilities now afforded, and the encouragement held out.
it is our anxious hope that Anglo-Saxon literature may form a prominent branch of education; and that the
rising generation, while they regard with reverence the monumental remains of their ancestors, will be taught,
not to be forgetful of their language."—British Critic and Quarterly Theological Review, No. LI., July, 1839
p. 145-6 and 152,
“This work gives full proof of the learned writer's philosophic mind, his fundamental knowledge of language,
and his extensive reading of the best philological works, not only of England, but of other countries, especially
of Germany and our Father land.—Great value attaches to it from the writer having carefully added to the
Anglo-Saxon the cognate words from other branches of the German stem, I close my remarks by sincerely
thanking the learned writer for his difficult and highly meritorious labours, and heartily wishing him health and
strength, and the necessary encouragement to treat us with more such rich and precious fruits of his philosophic
and extensive erudition.”—Professor Siegenbeek in the Haarlem Literary and Scientific Journal.
“We are glad to see that, at last, the great difficulty which lay in the way of a more general study of the
Anglo-Saxon language is cleared up by the appearance of a portable and useful Dictionary. At a very moderate
price, and in a most convenient form, it contains all that is requisite in former Dictionaries, and nearly twice as
mally words. We recommend it strongly."—Gentleman's Magazine, July, 1838, p 69, 70.
4 new and an enlarged edition is preparing.
The ORIGIN of the ENGLISH, GERMANIC, and SCANDINAVIAN
NATIONS, with a Sketch of their Languages, and Short Chronological Specimens of the
Anglo-Saxon, Friesic, Flemish, Dutch, the German from the Moeso-Goths to the present
time, the Icelandic, Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish, tracing the Progress of these Lan-
§uages and their connexion with the Anglo-Saxon and the present English, with a Map of
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KING ALFRED'S ANGLO-SAXON VERSION OF THE COMPEN-
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Hºnº-6. A Map of Europe, Asia, and Africa, according to Orosius and Alfred, 8vo,
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Orosius and Alfred, 8vo. 1855. i2s. Only Fifty copies printed.
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DR. BOSWORTH'S PUBLICATIONS.
A DESCRIPTION OF EUROPE, AND THE VOYAGES of OHT-
HERE and WULFSTAN, written in Anglo-Saxon by KING ALFRED the GREAT;
with his Account of the Mediterranean Islands,-of Africa, and of the History of the
World to the year b.c. 1413, chiefly taken from Orosius; containing—1. A Facsimile Copy
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Price £3. 3s.-Only FIFTY CoPIEs printed.
*** The following is a part of the same Work, containing only—
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containing–1. A Facsimile Copy of the whole Anglo-Saxon Text, from the Cotton MS. and
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; * Alfred, with the Tracks of Ohthere and Wulfstan. 4to. Printed as the last. 1855.
rice £2.2s.
THE SAME in 8vo. with the addition of an Essay on King Alfred's Geo-
graphy, by R. T. Hampson, Esq. With Map, &c., but without the Facsimiles of the
Anglo-Saxon Text. 1855. Price 10s.-Only SixTy CoPIEs printed.
THE SAME in English only, 8vo. 1855. 8s.-Only FoETY CoPIEs printed.
The PRACTICAL MEANS of REDUCING the POOR'S RATE. By
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4n enlarged edition, on thick paper, 6d. 3. g by lopef
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