LUCIUS L
HUBBARD
HOUGHTON
MICHIGAN
Hubbard
imag. Voy.
PR
3721
•H39
1765
*V:13
THE
WORK S
O F
Dr. Jonathan Swift,
2.
Dean of St. PATRICK'S, Dublin.
VOLUME XIII,
LONDON,
Printed for W. BOWYER, L. DAVIS and
C. REYMERS, and J. DODSLEY.
MDCCLX V.
Res
409434
THE FIVE LAST VOLUMES
OF THE
WORKS of DR. SWIFT:
BEING
Vol. XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, XVII.
WITH
An INDEX to the whole SEVENTEEN.
CONTENT S
OF
VOLUME XIII.
ADVERTISEMENT of the Editor Page 1
A Sermon on Falfe Witness
on the Poor Man's Contentment
3
on the Caufes of the wretched Condition
of Ireland
on Sleeping in Church
18
32
49
6z
128
346
161
Remarks upon a Book, intituled, The Rights
of the Chriſtian Church
The Craftsman of December 12, 1730
Anfwer to the Craftsman
Memoirs of Capt. John Creichton
Hints towards an Effay on Converſation 251
A Short Character of Thomas Earl of
Wharton
264
VOLI XIII,
A 1
A SER-
[ x I
]
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE
HE pleaſure Dean Swift's Works
have already afforded will be a
fufficient apology for communicating
to the Reader, though fomewhat out
of ſeaſon, theſe Additional Volumes;
who will be lefs difpleafed, that they
have been fo long fuppreffed, than
thankful that they are now at laft pub-
liſhed. We have no occafion to apo-
logize for the Pieces themſelves; for
as they have all the internal marks of
genuineness, fo, by their further open-
ing the author's private correfpon-
dence, they difplay the goodness of
his heart,
no less than the never-
ceafing fallies of his wit. His an-
fwer to The Rights of the Chriftian
church is a remarkable inftance of
both; which, though unfiniſhed, and
but the flight prolufions of his ftrength,
fhew how fincere, how able a cham-
pion he was of religion and the church.
Vol. XIII.
B
So
2
ADVERTISEMENT.
So foon as theſe were printed in Dub-
lin, in a new edition of the Dean's
works, it was a juftice due to them
to ſelect them thence, to complete
the London edition. Like the author,
though they owe their birth to Ire-
land, they will feel their maturity in
England; and each nation will con-
tend which ſhall receive them with
greater ardour.
We have added, in the laſt Vo-
lume, an Index to ALL the WORKS;
wherein we have ranged the bons mots
ſcattered throughout them under the
article SWIFTIANA, by which their
brightnefs is collected, as it were, in-
tó a focus, and they are placed in fuch
open day, that they are fecured, for
the future, from the petty larceny of
meaner wits.
A SER-
A
SER MON
O N
FALSE WITNES s.
EXODUS xx. 16.
Thou shalt not bear falfe Witness against thy
Neighbour.
I
N thofe great changes that are made in a
country, by the prevailing of one party
over another, it is very convenient that
the prince, and thoſe who are in authority
under him, fhould uſe all juſt and proper me-
thods for preventing any mifchief to the
public from feditious men. And Governors
do well, when they encourage any good ſub-
ject to discover (as his duty obligeth him)
whatever plots or confpiracies may be any
way dangerous to the ftate: Neither are they
to be blamed, even when they receive infor-
mations from bad men, in order to find out
the truth, when it concerns the public wel-
fare. Every one indeed is naturally inclined
to have an ill opinion of an informer; al-
though it is not impoffible, but an honeſt
man may be called by that name. For who-
ever knoweth any thing, the telling of which
would
B 2
ON FALSE WITNESS.
4
would prevent fome great evil to his prince,
his country, or his neighbour, is bound in
confcience to reveal it. But the mischief is,
that when parties are violently enflamed,
which feemeth unfortunately to be our cake
at preſent, there is never wanting a fett cf
evil inſtruments, who, either out of mad zeal,
private hatred, or filthy lucre, are always
ready to offer their fervice to the prevailing
fide, and become accufers of their brethren
without any regard to truth or charity. Holy
David numbers this among the chief of his
fufferings; Falfe Witneſſes are riſen up again!
me, and fuch as breath out Cruelty [a]. Our
Saviour and his apoftles did likewife under-
go the fame diftrefs, as we read both in the
Gospels and the Acts.
Now becauſe the fin of falſe witneffing is
fo horrible and dangerous in itſelf, and fo
odious to God and man: And becauſe the
bitterness of too many among us is rifen to
fuch a height, that it is not eaſy to know
where it will stop, or how far fome weak and
wicked minds may be carried by a miſtaken
zeal, a malicious temper, or hope of reward,
to break this great commandment delivered
in the text: Therefore, in order to prevent
this evil, and the confequences of it, at leak
among you who are my hearers, I fhall,
I. FIRST, Shew you feveral ways by which
a man may be called a falfe witness
againſt his neighbour.
[2] Pfal, xxvii, 12.
II. SECOND-
ON FALSE WITNESS.
5
II. SECONDLY, I fhall give you ſome rules
for your conduct and behaviour, in or-
der to defend yourſelves againſt the ma-
lice and cunning of falfe accuſers.
III. AND laftly, I fhall conclude with
fhewing you very briefly, how far it is
your duty, as good fubjects and good
neighbours, to bear faithful witneſs,
when you are lawfully called to it by
thoſe in authority, or by the fincere ad-
vice of your own confciences.
I. As to the first, there are ſeveral ways
by which a man may be justly called a
falſe witneſs againſt his neighbour.
First, According to the direct meaning of
the word, when a man accuſeth his neighbour
without the leaft ground of truth. So we
read, that Jezabel hired two fons of Belial to
accufe Naboth for blafpheming God and the
Eing, for which, although he was entirely
innocent, he was froned to death [b].
And in
.
eur age it is not eafy to tell how many men
have loft their lives, been ruined in their for-
tunes, and put to ignominious puniſhment by
me downright perjury of falfe witneſſes :
the law itſelf in fuch caſes being not able
to protect the innocent! But this is fo hor-
rible a crime, that it doth not need to be ag-
gravated by words.
A fecond way by which a man becometh a
falfe witnefs is, when he 'mixeth falfehood
and truth together, or concealeth fome cir-
[b] 1 Kings xxi. 13.
B 3
cum-
6 ON FALSE WITNESS.
cumftances, which, if they were told, would
deftroy the falfhoods he uttereth. So the two
falfe witneffes who accufed our Saviour be-
fore the chief Priefts, by a very little per-
verting his words, would have made him
guilty of a capital crime; for fo it was among
the Jews to prophefy any evil againſt the
temple. This fellow faid, I am able to de-
froy the temple of God, and to build it in three
days [c]; whereas the words, as our Saviour
fpoke them, were to another end, and differ-
ently expreffed: For when the Jews aſked
him to fhew them a fign, he ſaid; Deſtroy
this temple, and in three days I will raiſe it
up. In fuch cafes as thofe, an innocent man
is half confounded, and looketh as if he
were guilty, fince he neither can deny his
words, nor perhaps readily ftrip them from
the malicious additions of a falfe witnefs.
✓
Thirdly, A man is a falſe witneſs, when,
in accufing his neighbour, he endeavoureth
to aggravate by his geftures, and tone of his
voice, or when he chargeth a man with
words which were only repeated or quoted
from fomebody elſe. As if any one ſhould
tell me that he heard another ſpeak certain
dangerous and feditious fpeeches, and I ſhould
immediately accufe him for fpeaking them
himfelf; and fo drop the only circumftance
that made him innocent. This was the caſe
of St. Stephen. The falfe witneffes faid,
This man ceafeth not to speak blafphemous
[c] Mat. xxvi. 6.
words
ON FALSE WITNESS.
7
words against this holy place and the law [d].
Whereas St. Stephen faid no fuch words;
but only repeated fome prophefies of Fere-
miah or Malachi, which threatened Jerufa-
lem with deftruction if it did not repent:
However, by the fury of the people, this in-
nocent holy perfon was ſtoned to death for
words he never ſpoke.
Fourthly, The blackeſt kind of falfe wit-
neffes are thoſe who do the office of the Devil,
by tempting their brethren in order to betray
them. I cannot call to mind any inſtances of
this kind mentioned in holy fcripture. But
I am afraid, this vile practice hath been too
much followed in the world. When a man's
temper hath been fo foured by misfortunes
and hard uſuage, that perhaps he hath rea-
fon enough to complain; then one of theſe
feducers, under the pretence of friendship,
will feem to lament his cafe, urge the hard-
fhips he hath fuffered, and endeavour to raiſe
his paffions until he hath faid fomething that
a malicious informer can pervert or aggra-
vate against him in a court of justice.
Fifthly, Whoever beareth witneſs againſt
his neighbour, out of a principle of malice
and revenge, from any old grudge, or hatred
to his perfon; fuch a man is a falfe witneſs
in the fight of God, although what he fays
be true; becauſe the motive or caufe is evil,
not to ferve his prince or country, but to
gratify his own refentments. And therefore,
*
[d] Acts vi, 13.
B 4
although
ON FALSE WITNESS.
although a man thus accuſed may be very
justly punished by the law, yet this doth by
no means acquit the accufer, who, inſtead of
regarding the public fervice, intended only
to glut his private rage and ſpight.
Sixthly, I number among falfe witneſſes all
thoſe who make a trade of being informers
in hope of favour and reward; and to this
end employ their time, either by liſtening
in public places, to catch up an accidental
word; or in corrupting men's fervants to dif
cover any unwary expreffion of their maſter ;
or thrusting themſelves into company, and
then ufing the moft indecent fcurrilous lan-
guage; faſtening a thouſand falfhoods and
fcandal upon a whole party, on purpoſe to
provoke fuch an anſwer as they may turn to
an accufation. And truly this ungodly race
is faid to be grown fo numerous, that men
of different parties can hardly converſe to-
gether with any fecurity. Even the pulpit
hath not been free from the mifreprefentation
of theſe informers; of whom the clergy have
not wanted occafions to complain with holy
David: They daily mistake my words, all
they imagine is to do me evil. Nor is it any
wonder at all, that this trade of informing
ſhould be now in a flouriſhing condition,
fince our cafe is manifeftly thus; we are di-
vided into two parties, with very little cha-
rity or temper towards each other: The pre-
vailing fide may talk of paſt things as they
pleafe, with fecurity; and generally do it in.
the moſt provoking words they can invent;
while
ON FALSE WITNESS. 9
while thofe who are down are fometimes
tempted to ſpeak in favour of a loft cauſe,
and therefore, without great caution, muſt
reeds be often caught tripping, and thereby
furniſh plenty of materials for witneſſes and
informers.
Laftly, Thofe may well be reckoned among
falfe witneffes againſt their neighbour, who
bring them into trouble and puniſhment by
fuch accufations as are of no confequence at
all to the public, nor can be of any other
afe but to create yexation. Such witneffes
are thofe, who cannot hear an idle intempe-
rite expreffion, but they muſt immediately
run to the magiftrate to inform; or perhaps
wrangling in their cups over night, when
they were not able to fpeak or apprehend
three words of common fenfe, will pretend
remember every thing in the morning, and
shrink themſelves very properly qualified to
be accufers of their brethren. God be
thanked, the throne of our [e] king is too
Anly fettled to be fhaken by the folly and
rtnefs of every fottifh companion. And I
do not in the leaft doubt, that when thoſe in
power begin to obſerve the falfhood, the pre-
arication, the aggravating manner, the
trichery and feducing, the malice and re-
venge, the love of lucre; and laftly, the
triling accufations in too many wicked peo-
pic, they will be as ready to difcourage every
fart of thoſe whom I have numbered among
[e] GEORGE I
B 5
falfe
10
ON FALSE WITNESS.
falfe witnefies, as they will be to countenance
honeft men, who, out of a true zeal to their
prince and country, do, in the innocence of
their hearts, freely difcover whatever they
may apprehend to be dangerous to either.
A good chriftian will think it fufficient to re-
prove his brother for a rash unguarded word,
where there is neither danger for evil example
to be apprehended; or, if he will not amend
by reproof, avoid his converfation.
II. And thus much may ſerve to fhew the
feveral ways whereby a man may be faid to
be a falſe witneſs againſt his neighbour. I
might have added one kind more, and it is
of thoſe who inform againſt their neighbour
out of fear of punishment to themfelves,
which, although it be more excufable, and
hath lefs of malice than any of the reft, can-
not however be juftified. I go on therefore
upon the ſecond head, to give you fome rules
for your conduct and behaviour, in order to
defend yourſelves againſt the malice and cun-
ning of falfe accufers.
It is readily agreed, that innocence is the
beſt protection in the world; yet that it is not
always fufficient without fome degree of
pru-
dence, our Saviour himſelf intimateth to us,
by inftructing his difciples to be wife as fer-
pents, as well as innocent as doves. But, if
ever innocence be too weak a defençe, it is
chiefly fo in jealous and fufpicious times,
when factions are arrived to an high pitch of
animofity, and the minds of men, inſtead of
being
ON FALSE WITNESS. II
being warmed by a true zeal for religion,
are inflamed only by party fury. Neither is
virtue itſelf a fufficient fecurity in fuch times,
becauſe it is not allowed to be virtue, other-
wife than as it hath a mixture of party.
However, although virtue and innocence
are no infallible defence againſt perjury, ma-
lice, and ſubornation, yet they are great fup-
ports for enabling us to bear thoſe evils with
temper and refignation; and it is an unfpeak-
able comfort to a good man under the ma-
lignity of evil mercenary tongues, that a few
years will carry his appeal to an higher tri-
bunal, where falfe witnefles, inſtead of dar-
ing to bring accufations before an all-feeing
judge, will call for mountains to cover them.
As for earthly judges, they feldom have it
in their power; and, God knows, whether
they have it in their will, to mingle mercy
with juftice; they are ſo far from knowing
the hearts of the accufer or the accufed, that
they cannot know their own; and their un-
derftanding is frequently biaffed, although
their intentions be juft. They are often pre-
judiced to caufes, parties, and perfons,
through the infirmity of human nature,
without being fenfible themfelves that they
are fo; And therefore, although God may
pardon their errors here, he certainly will
not ratify their fentences hereafter.
However, fince as we have before obferv-
ed, our Saviour preſcribeth to us to be not
only harmleſs as doves, but wife as fere
B 6
pents i
12 ON FALSE WITNESS.
pents; give me leave to preſcribe to you
fome rules, which the moft ignorant perfon
may follow for the conduct of his life with
fafety in perilous times againſt falfe accu-
fers.
ift, Let me adviſe you to have nothing at
all to do with that which is commonly called
politics, or the government of the world; in
the nature of which it is certain you are ut-
terly ignorant, and when your opinion is
wrong, although it proceeds from ignorance,
it fhall be an accufation againſt you.
fides, opinions in government are right or
wrong juſt according to the humour and dif-
pofition of the times; and, unleſs you have
judgment to diftinguish, you may be punished
at one time for what you would be rewarded
in another.
Be-
adly, Be ready at all times in your words
and actions to fhew your loyalty to the king
that reigns over you. This is the plain ma-
nifeſt doctrine of holy ſcripture. Submit
yourſelves to every ordinance of man for the
Lord's fake, whether it be to the king as fu-
preme, &c. [ƒ]. And another apoſtle telleth
us, The powers that be are ordained of God.
Kings are the ordinances of man by the per-
miffion of God, and they are ordained of
Ged by his inftrument man.
The powers
that be, the prefent powers, which are or-
dained by God, and yet in fome fenſe are the
ordinances of man, are what you muſt obey,
*
[ƒ] 1 Pet, ii. 13.
without
ON FALSE WITNESS. 13
without prefuming to examine into rights
and titles; neither can it be reaſonably ex-
pected, that the powers in being, or in pof-
feffion, fhould fuffer their title to be publicly
difputed by ſubjects without fevere punish-
ment. And to ſay the truth, there is no
duty in religion more eafy to the generality
of mankind, than obedience to government:
I fay, to the generality of mankind; becauſe
while their law, and property, and religion
are preſerved, it is of no great confequence
to them by whom they are governed, and
therefore they are under no temptations to
defire a change.
•
3dly, In order to prevent any danger from
the malice of falſe witneſſes, be fure to avoid
intemperance.
If it be often fo hard for
men to govern their tongues when they are
in their right fenfes, how can they hope to
do it when they are heated with drink? In
thofe cafes moft men regard not what they
fay, and too many not what they fwear;
neither will a man's memory difordered with
drunkenneſs ſerve to defend himſelf, or fatisfy
him whether he were guilty or no.
4thly, Avoid, as much as poffible, the
converſation of thofe people, who are given
to talk of public perfons and affairs, efpe-
cially of thoſe whoſe opinions in ſuch mat-
ters are different from yours. I never once
knew any difputes of this kind managed
with tolerable temper; but on both ſides they
only agree as much as poffible to provoke
the
14 ON FALSE WITNESS.
the paffions of each other, indeed with this
difadvantage, that he, who argueth on the
fide of power may ſpeak fecurely the utmoſt
his malice can invent; while the other lieth
every moment at the mercy of an informer;
and the law in theſe cafes will give no allow-
ance at all for paffion, inadvertency, or the
higheſt provocation.
I come now in the laft place to fhew you
how far it is your duty as good fubjects and
good neighbours to bear faithful witnefs,
when you are lawfully called to it by thofe in
authority, or by the fincere advice of your
own confciences.
In what I have hitherto faid, you eafily
find, that I do not talk of bearing witneſs
in general, which is and may be lawful upon
a thouſand accounts in relation to property
and other matters, and wherein there are
many fcandalous corruptions, almoſt peculiar
to this country, which would require to be
handled by themſelves, But I have confined
my difcourfe only to that branch of bearing
falfe witnefs, whereby the public is injured
in the ſafety or honour of the prince, or thoſe
in authority under him.
In order therefore to be a faithful witneſs,
it is first neceffary that a man doth not un,
dertake it from the leaft profpect of any pri
vate advantage to himſelf. The ſmalleſt
mixture of that leaven will four the whole
lump. Intereft will infallibly bias his judg
ment, although he be ever fo firmly refolved
fo fay nothing but truth. He cannot ferve
God
ON FALSE WITNESS.
15
饗
​God and mammon; but as intereft is his
chief end, he will ufe the most effectual
means to advance it. He will aggravate cir-
cumftances to make his teftimony valuable;
he will be forry if the perſon he accuſeth
fhould be able to clear himſelf; in ſhort, he
is labouring a point which he thinks neceſ
fary to his own good; and it would be a dif-
appointment to him, that his neighbour ſhould
prove innocent.
5thly, Every good fubject is obliged to
bear witnefs against his neighbour, for any
action or words, the telling of which would
be of advantage to the public, and the con-
cealment dangerous, or of ill example. Of
this nature are all the plots and confpiracies
against the peace of a nation, all difgraceful
words againſt a prince, fuch as clearly dif-
cover a disloyal and rebellious heart: But
where our prince and country can poffibly
receive no damage or difgrace; where no
fcandal or ill example is given; and our
neighbour, it may be, provoked by us, hap-
peneth privately to drop a rafh or indifcreet
word, which in ftrictness of law might bring
him under trouble, perhaps to his utter, un-
doing; there we are obliged, we ought, to
proceed no further than warning and reproof.
In defcribing to you the ſeveral kinds of
falfe witneffes, I have made it lefs neceffary
to dwell much longer upon this head; bo-
caufe a faithful witneſs like every thing elfe
is known by his contrary: Therefore it
would be only repetition of what I have al-
ready
16 ON FALSE WITNESS.
ready faid to tell you, that the ftricteſt truth
is required in a witnefs; that he ſhould be
wholly free from the malice againſt the per-
fon he accufes; that he fhould not aggravate
the ſmalleſt circumftance againſt the criminal,
nor conceal the ſmalleſt in his favour; and
to crown all, though I have hinted it before,
that the only caufe or motive of his under-
taking an office, fo fubject to cenfure, and
fo difficult to perform, ſhould be the ſafety
and ſervice of his prince and country.
Under theſe conditions and limitations (but
not otherwiſe) there is no manner of doubt,
but a good man may lawfully and juftly be-
come a witneſs in behalf of the public, and
may perform that office (in its own nature
not very deſirable) with honour and integrity.
For the command in the text is pofitive as
well as negative; that is to fay, as we are
directed not to bear falfe witnefs againſt our
neighbour, ſo we are to bear true. Next to
the word of God, and the advice of teachers,
every man's confcience ftrictly examined will
be his beft director in this weighty point;
and to that I fhall leave him.
It might perhaps be thought proper to have
added fomething by way of advice to thoſe
who are unhappily engaged in this abomi-
nable trade and fin of bearing falſe witneſs;
but I am far from believing or ſuppoſing any
of that deftructive tribe are now my hearers.
I look upon them as a fort of people that fel-
dom frequent thefe holy places, where they
can hardly pick up any materials to ferve their
turn,
ON FALSE WITNESS.
17
turn, unleſs they think it worth their while
to mifrepreſent or pervert the words of the
preacher: And whoever is that way difpofed,
I doubt, cannot be in a very good condition
to edify and reform himſelf by what he
heareth. God in his mercy preferve us from
all the guilt of this grievous fin forbidden in
my text, and from the fnares of thoſe who
are guilty of it.
I fhall conclude with one or two precepts
given by Mofes from God to the children of
Ifrael, in the xxiiid of Exod. 1, 2.
Thou shalt not raiſe a falſe report: Put not
thine hand with the wicked, to be an unrigh-
teous witness.
Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil,
neither shalt thou speak in a cauſe to decline
after many, to wreft judgment.
Now to God the Father, &c.
ON
A
SERMON
ON THE
Poor Man's Contentment.
PHILIP. Chap. iv. Part of the 11th Verfe.
I have learned, in whatsoever ftate I am, there-
with to be content,
THE holy fcripture, is full of expreffions
to ſet forth the miferable condition af
man during the whole progrefs of his life;
his weakneſs, pride, and vanity, his un-
meafurable defires, and perpetual difappoint-
ments, the prevalency of his paffions, and
the corruptions of his reafon, his deluding
hopes, and his real, as well as imaginary
fears;
his natural and artificial wants; his
cares and anxieties; the difeafes of his body,
and the diſeaſes of his mind; the ſhortness of
his life; his dread of a future ftate, with his
careleſsnefs to prepare for it: And the wife
men of all ages have made the fame reflexions,
But all thefe are general calamities, from
which none are excepted; and, being with
out remedy, it is vain to bewail them. The
great queſtion, long debated in the world, is,
whether
On the poor Man's Contentment.
19
whether the rich or the poor are the leaft
miferable of the two? It is certain, that no
rich man ever defired to be poor, and that
most, if not all, poor men deſire to be rich
from whence it may be argued, 'that, in all
appearance, the advantage lieth on the fide
of wealth, becauſe both parties agree in pre-
ferring it before poverty. But this reafon-
ing will be found to be falfe: For, I lay it
down as a certain truth, that God Almighty
hath placed all men upon an equal foot, with
reſpect to their happiness in this world, and
the capacity of attaining their falvation in the
next; or, at leaſt, if there be any difference.
it is not to the advantage of the rich and the
mighty. Now, fince a great part of thoſe,
who uſually make up our congregations, are
not of confiderable ftation, and many among
them of the lower fort; and fince the meaner
people are generally, and juftly, charged
with the fin of repining and murmuring at
their own condition, to which, however, their
betters are fufficiently fubject (although,
perhaps, for fhame, not always fo loud in
their complaints), I thought it might be uſeful
to reaſon upon this point in as plain a man-
ner as I can. I fhall therefore thew, firſt,
that the poor enjoy many temporal bleffings,
which are not common to the rich and the
great: And, likewife, that the rich and the
great are fubject, to many temporal evils,
which are not common to the poor.
But here I would not be miſunderſtood;
perhaps, there is not a word more abuſed than
that
20
On the poor Man's Contentment.
that of the poor, or wherein the world is more
generally miſtaken. Among the number of
thoſe who beg in our ftreets, or are half ſtar-
ved at home, or languifh in priſon for debt,
there is hardly one in a hundred who doth not
owe his misfortunes to his own laziness or
drunkenneſs, or worſe vices.
To theſe he owes thoſe very diſeaſes which
often difable him from getting his bread.
Such wretches are deſervedly unhappy; they
can only blame themſelves; and when we
are commanded to have pity on the poor,
theſe are not underſtood to be of the num-
ber.
It is true, indeed, that fometimes honeft,
endeavouring men are reduced to extreme
want, even to the begging of alms, by toffes,
by accidents, by diſeaſes, and old age, without
any fault of their own: But thefe are very
few, in compariſon of the other; nor would
their fupport be any fenfible burthen to the
public, if the charity of well-difpofed per-
fons were not intercepted by thoſe common
ftrolers, who are moſt importunate, and who
leaft deferve it. Thefe, indeed, are properly
and juſtly called the poor, whom it should be
our study to find out and diftinguiſh, by
making them partake of our fuperfluity and
abundance.
But neither have theſe any thing to do
with my preſent fubject: For, by the poor I
only intend the honeft,-industrious artificer,
the meaner fort of tradefmen, and the labour-
ing man, who getteth his bread by the fweat
of
On the poor Man's Contentment.
21
of his brows, in town or country, and who
make the bulk of mankind among us.
First, I fhall therefore fhew, first, that the
poor (in the fenfe I underſtand the word) do
enjoy many temporal bleffings, which are
not common to the rich and great; and like-
wife, that the rich and great are ſubject to
many temporal evils, which are not common
to the poor.
Secondly, From the arguments offered to
prove the foregoing head, I ſhall draw ſome
obfervations that may be uſeful for your
practice.
1. As to the firft: Health, we know, is
generally allowed to be the best of all earthly
poffeffions, becauſe it is that, without which
we can have no fatisfaction in any of the reſt.
For riches are of no ufe, if fickneſs taketh
from us the ability of enjoying them, and
power and greatnefs are then only a burthen.
Now, if we would look for health, it muſt
be in the humble habitation of the labouring
man, or induftrious artificer, who earn their
bread by the ſweat of their brows, and ufu-
ally live to a good age with a great degree of
ftrength and vigour.
The refreſhment of the body by fleep is
another great happineſs of the meaner fort.
Their reft is not difturbed by 'the fear of
thieves and robbers, nor is it interrupted by
furfeits of intemperance. Labour and plain
food fupply the want of quieting draughts;
and the wife man telleth us, that the fleep of
the labouring man is fweet. As to children,
which
22
On the poor Man's Contentment.
which are certainly accounted of as a bleffing,
even to the poor, where industry is not want-
ing they are an affiftance to their honeſt
parents, inftead of being a burthen; they
are healthy and ſtrong, and fit for labour;
neither is the father in fear, left his heir fhould
be ruined by an unequal match; nor is he
folicitous about his rifing in the world, fur-
ther than to be able to get his bread.
The poorer fort are not the objects of gene-
ral hatred or envy; they have no twinges of
ambition, nor trouble themſelves with party-
quarrels, or ftate divifions. The idle rab-
ble, who follow their ambitious leaders in
fuch cafes, do not fall within my deſcription
of the poorer fort; for, it is plain, I mean
only the honeſt induſtrious poor in town or
country, who are fafelt in times of public
diſturbance, in perilous feafons, and public
revolutions, if they will be quiet, and do
their own buſineſs: For artificers and huſband-
men are neceffary in all governments: But
in ſuch ſeaſons, the rich are the public mark,
becauſe they are oftentimes of no use, but
to be plundered (like ſome fort of birds, who
are good for nothing, but their feathers); and
fo fall a prey to the ftrongeft fide.
Let us proceed on the other fide to examine
the diſadvantages that the rich and the great
lie under, with refpect to the happineſs of the
prefent life.
Firft then; While health, as we have faid,
is the general portion of the lower fort, the
gout, the dropfy, the ftone, the colic, and
other
On the poor Man's Contentment.
23
B
other diſeaſes, are continually haunting the
palaces of the rich and the great, as the na-
tural attendants upon lazinefs and luxury.
Neither does the rich man eat his fumptuous
fare with half the appetite and relish, that
even the beggars do the crumbs which fall
from his table: But, on the contrary, he is
full of loathing and diſguſt, or at best of
indifference, in the midst of plenty.. Thus
their intemperance fhortens their lives, with-
out pleafing their appetites.
Buſineſs, fear, guilt, defign, anguiſh, and
vexation are continually buzzing about the
curtains of the rich and the powerful, and
will hardly fuffer them to cloſe their eyes,
unlefs when they are dozed with the fumes of
ftrong liquors.
It is a great miſtake to imagine, that the
rich want but few things; their wants are
more numerous, more craving, and urgent,
than thoſe of poorer men: For thefe endea
vour only at the neceffaries of life, which
make them happy, and they think no further :
But the defire of power and wealth is endleſs,
and therefore impoffible to be ſatisfied with
any acquiſitions.
If riches were fo great a bleffing as they
are commonly thought, they would at leaſt
have this advantage, to give their owners
chearful hearts and countenances; they would
often fir them up to exprefs their thankful-
nefs to God, and difcover their fatisfaction
to the world. But, in fact, the contrary to
all this is true. For where are there more
cloudy brows, more melancholy hearts, or
I
more
24
On the poor Man's Contentment.
more ingratitude to their great Benefactor,
than among thoſe who abound in wealth?
And, indeed, it is natural that it fhould be
fo, becauſe thoſe men, who covet things that
are to be got, muſt be hard to pleaſe; where-
as a fmall thing maketh a poor man happy;
and great loffes cannot befall him.
It is likewife worth confidering, how few
among the rich have procured their wealth by
juſt meaſures; how many owe their fortunes
to the fins of their parents, how many more
to their own? If men's titles were to be
tried before a true court of conſcience, where
falfe fwearing, and a thouſand vile artifices
(that are well known, and can hardly be a-
voided in human courts of juſtice), would a-
vail nothing; how many would be ejected
with infamy and difgrace? How many grow
confiderable by breach of truft, by bribery
and corruption? How many have fold their
religion, with the rights and liberties of them-
felves and others, for power and 'employ-
ments ?
And, it is a mistake to think, that the
moft hardened finner, who oweth his poffef-
fions or titles to any fuch wicked arts of
thieving, can have true peace of mind, under
the reproaches of a guilty conscience, and
amidft the cries of ruined widows and or-
phans.
I know not one real advantage that the
rich have over the poor, except the power of
doing good to others: But this is an advant-
age which God hath not given wicked men
the
On the poor Man's Contentment.
25
the grace to make ufe of. The wealth ac-
quired by evil means was never employed to
good ends; for that would be to divide the
kingdom of Satan againſt itſelf. Whatever
hath been gained by fraud, avarice, oppref-
fion, and the like, must be preferved and in-
creaſed by the fame methods.
;
I fhall add but one thing more upon this
head, which, I hope, will convince you, that
God (whofe thoughts are not as our thoughts)
never intended riches or power to be neceffary
for the happiness of mankind in this life;
becauſe it is certain, that there is not one
fingle good quality of the mind abſolutely
neceffary to obtain them, where men are re-
folved to be rich at any rate; neither honour,
juftice, temperance, wiſdom, religion, truth,
or learning; for a flight acquaintance with
the world will inform us, that there have
been many inſtances of men, in all ages, who
have arrived at great poffeffions and great
dignities, by cunning, fraud, or flattery,
without any of thefe, or any other virtues
that can be named. Now, if riches and
greatneſs were ſuch bleffings, that good men
without them could not have their thare of
happineſs in this life; how cometh it to paſs,
that God fhould fuffer them to be often
dealt to the worst, and moft profligate of
mankind? that they ſhould be generally
procured by the moſt abominable means, and
applied to the baſeſt and moſt wicked uſes?
This ought not to be conceived of a juft, a
merciful, a wife, and Almighty Being. We
C
muft
26 On the poor Man's Contentment.
muſt therefore conclude, that wealth and
power are in their own nature, at beſt, but
things indifferent, and that a good man may
be equally happy without them, provided
that he hath a fufficiency of the common
bleffings of human life to anſwer all the rea-
fonable and virtuous demands of nature,
which his induſtry will provide, and ſobriety
will prevent his wanting. Agur's prayer,
with the reaſons of his wifh, are full to this
purpoſe: “Give me neither poverty nor
riches. Feed me with food convenient
"for me; left I be full and deny thee,
"and fay, who is the Lord? Or, left
"I be poor, and ſteal, and take the
"Name of my God in vain."
From what hath been faid, I fhall, in the
fecond place, offer fome confiderations, that
may be uſeful for practice.
And here I fhall apply myſelf chiefly to
thofe of the lower fort, for whofe comfort
and ſatisfaction this difcourfe is principally
intended. For, having obferved the great fin
of thofe, who do not abound in wealth, to
be that of murmuring and repining, that God
hathi dealt his bleffings unequally to the fons
of men, I thought it would be of great ufe
to remove out of your minds ſo falſe and wic-
ked an opinion, by fhewing that your con-
dition is really happier than moſt of you
imagine.
First, therefore, it hath been always a-
greed in the world, that the preſent happi-
nefs
On the poor Man's Contentment.
27
nefs of mankind confifted in the eaſe of our
body and the quiet of our mind; but, from
what hath been already faid, it plainly ap-
pears, that neither wealth nor power do in
any fort contribute to either of theſe two blef-
fings. If, on the contrary, by multiplying
our defires, they increaſe our diſcontents; if
they deftroy our health, gall us with painful
diſeaſes, and fhorten our life; if they expoſe
us to hatred, to envy, to cenfure, to a thou-
fand temptations, it is not easy to fee why a
wife man ſhould make them his choice, for
their own fake, although it were in his power.
Would any of you, who are in health and
ftrength of body, with moderate food and
raiment earned by your own labour, rather
chufe to be in the rich man's bed, under the
torture of the gout, unable to take your
natural reft, or natural nouriſhment, with
the additional load of a guilty conscience, re-
proaching you for injuftice, oppreffions,
covetousness, and fraud? No ;
but you
would take the riches and power, and leave
behind the inconveniences that attend them;
and fo would every man living. But that is
more than our fhare, and God never intend-
ed this world for fuch a place of reft as we`
would make it ; for the fcripture affureth us,
that it was only deſigned as a place of trial.
Nothing is more frequent, than a man to with
himſelf in another's condition; yet he ſeldom
doth it without ſome reſerve: He would
not be fo`old; he would not be fo fickly;
C 2
he
28 On the poor Man's Contentment.
he would not be fo cruel; he would not be
fo infolent; he would not be fo vicious; he
would not be fo oppreffive; fo griping; and
fo on.
*
From whence it is plain, that, in
their own judgment, men are not fo unequal-
ly dealt with, as they would at firſt ſight
imagine: For, if I would not change my
condition with another man, without any ex-
ception or reſervation at all, I am in reality
more happy than he.
Secondly, You of the meaner fort are ſub-
ject to fewer temptations than the rich; and
therefore your vices are more unpardonable.
Labour fubdueth your appetites to be fatis-
fied with common things; the buſineſs of
your ſeveral callings filleth up your whole
time; fo that idlenefs, which is the bane
and deſtruction of virtue, doth not lead you
into the neighbourhood of fin: Your paf-
fions are cooler, by not being inflamed with
excefs; and therefore the gate and the way
that lead to life are not fo ftrait or fo nar-
row to you, as to thoſe who live among all
the allurements to wickedness. To ſerve
God with the best of your care and under-
ftanding, and to be juft and true in your
dealings, is the fhort fum of your duty, and
will be the more ſtrictly required of you, be-
caufe nothing lieth in the way to divert you
from it.
ད
Thirdly, It is plain from what I have faid,
that you of the lower rank have no juft rea-
fon to complain of your condition; becauſe,
as
On the poor Man's Contentment.
20
as you plainly fee, it affordeth you ſo many
advantages, and freeth you from ſo many
vexations, ſo many diftempers both of body
and mind, which purfue and torment the
rich and powerful.
•
Fourthly, You are to remember and apply,
that the pooreft perfon is not excufed from
doing good to others, and even relieving the
wants of his diftreffed neighbour, according
to his abilities; and if you perform your
duty in this point, you far outdo the greateſt
liberalities of the rich, and will accordingly
be accepted of by God, and get your re-
ward: For it is our Saviour's own doctrine,
when the widow gave her two mites. The
rich give out of their abundance; that is to
fay, what they give, they do not feel it in
their way of living: But the poor man, who
giveth out of his little ftock, muſt ſpare it
from the neceffary food and raiment of him-
felf and his family. And, therefore our
Saviour adds, "That the widow gavę more
"than all who went before her; for the
gave all the had, even all her living,"
and fo went home utterly unprovided to fup-
ply her neceffities.
Laftly, As it appeareth from what hath
been faid, that you of the lower rank have,
in reality, a greater fhare of happineſs, your
work of falvation is eafier, by your being
liable to fewer temptations; and as your
reward in heaven is much more certain, than
it is to the rich, if you 'feriouſly perfom
C 3.
your
૩૦ . On the poor Man's Contentment.
your duty, for yours is the kingdom of
heaven fo your neglect of it will be leſs
excufeable, will meet with fewer allowances
from God, and will be puniſhed with double
ftripes. For the moft unknowing among
you cannot plead ignorance in what you
have been fo early taught, I hope, ſo often
inſtructed in, and which is ſo eaſy to be un-
derſtood, I mean the art of leading a life a-
greeable to the plain and pofitive laws of
God. Perhaps you may think you lie un-
der one diſadvantage, which the great and
rich have not; that idlenefs will certainly
reduce you to beggary; whereas thoſe who
abound in wealth lie under no neceffity either
of labour or temperance to keep enough to
live on. But this is indeed one part of your
happineſs, that the lowness of your condition,
in a manner, forceth you to what is pleafing
to God, and neceffary for your daily fupport.
Thus your duty and intereft are always the
fame.
To conculde; fince our bleffed Lord,
inftead of a rich and honourable ftation
in this world, was pleaſed to chufe his lot
among men of the lower condition; let not
thofe, on whom the bounty of providence
hath beſtowed wealth and honours, defpife
the men who are placed in an humble and
inferior ſtation; but rather, with their ut-
moft power, by their countenance, by their
protection, by just payment for their honeft
labour, encourage their daily endeavours
કે
for
On the poor Man's Contentment.
31
for the virtuous fupport of themſelves and
their families. On the other hand, let the
poor labour to provide things honeft in the
fight of all men; and fo, with diligence in
their feveral employments, live foberly,
righteouſly, and godlily in this prefent
world, that they may obtain that glorious
reward promifed in the goſpel to the poor,
I mean the kingdom of heaven.
Now to God the Father, &c.
A SER-
S E R
A
MO N
ON THE
CAU
S
OF THE
E S
Wretched Condition of IRELAND.
PSALM CXLIV. Part of the 13th and 14th
Verſes.
That there be no Complaining in our Streets.
Happy is the People that is in ſuch a Cafe.
IT is a very melancholy reflexion, that fuch
a country as ours, which is capable of pro-
ducing all things neceffary, and most things
convenient for life, fufficient for the fupport
of four times the number of its inhabitants,
fhould yet
lie under the heaviest load of mife-
ry and want, our ftreets crouded with beg
gars, fo many of our lower fort of tradefmen,
labourers, and artificers not able to find
cloaths and food for their families.
I think it may therefore be of ſome uſe to
lay before you the chief caufes of this wretch-
ed condition we are in, and then it will be
eaſier to affign what remedies are in our power
towards
On the Cauſes, &c.
34
towards removing, at leaſt, fome part of theſe
evils.
For it is ever to be lamented, that we lie
under many diſadvantages, not by our own
faults, which are peculiar to ourſelves, and
which no other nation under heaven hath any
reaſon to complain of.
I fhall, therefore, firft mention ſome caufes
of our miferies, which I doubt are not to be
remedied, until God fhall put it in the hearts
of thoſe who are the ſtronger to allow us the
common rights and privileges of brethren,
fellow fubjects, and even of mankind.
The firſt cauſe of our miſery is the intolera-
ble hardſhips we lye under in every branch of
trade, by which we are become as hewers of
wood, and drawers of water, to our rigo-
rous neighbours.
The fecond cauſe of our miſerable ftate is
the folly, the vanity, and ingratitude of thoſe
vaſt numbers, who think themſelves too good
to live in the country which gave them birth,
and ſtill gives them bread; and rather chooſe
to paſs their days, and confume their wealth,
and draw out the very vitals of their mother
kingdom, among thofe who heartily defpife
them.
*
Theſe I have but lightly touched on, be-
caufe I fear they are not to be redreffed, and,
befides, I am very fenfible how ready fome
people are to take offence at the honest truth;
and, for that reafon, I fhall omit feveral other
grievances, under which we are long likely
to groan.
I fhall
34
Caufes of the wretched Condition
I fhall therefore go on to relate ſome other
cauſes of this nation's poverty, by which, if
they continue much longer, it muſt infàllibly
fink to utter ruin.
The firft is, that monftrous pride and vanity
in both fexes, eſpecially the weaker fex, who,
in the midst of poverty, are fuffered to run
into all kind of expence and extravagance in
drefs, and particularly priding themſelves to
wear nothing but what cometh from abroad,
difdaining the growth or manufacture of
their own country, in thoſe articles where
they can be better ferved at home with half
the expence; and this is grown to ſuch a
height, that they will carry the whole yearly
rent of a good eſtate at once on their body.
And, as there is in that ſex a ſpirit of envy,
by which they cannot endure to fee others in
a better habit than themſelves, fo thofe, whoſe
fortunes can hardly fupport their families in
the neceffaries of life, will needs yye with the
richeft and greateſt among us, to the ruin of
themſelves and their pofterity.
Neither are the men lefs guilty of this per-
nicious folly, who, in imitation of a gaudi-
nefs and foppery of drefs, introduced of late
years into our neighbouring kingdom (as
fools are apt to imitate only the defects of
their betters), cannot find materials in their
own country worthy to adorn their bodies of
clay, while their minds are naked of every
valuable quality.
Thus our tradefinen and fhopkeepers, who
deal in home-goods, are left in a ftarving con-
}
dition;
of IRELA N D..
35
dition; and only thofe encouraged, who ruin
the kingdom by importing among us foreign
vanities.
Another caufe of our low condition is our
great luxury, the chief fupport of which is
the materials of it brought to the nation in
exchange for the few valuable things left us,
whereby fo many thouſand families want the
very neceffaries of life.
Thirdly, in moft parts of this kingdom the
natives are from their infancy fo given up to
idleneſs and floth, that they often chufe to
beg or ſteal, rather than fupport themſelves
with their own labour; they marry without
the leaft view or thought of being able to
make any proviſion for their families; and
whereas, in all induſtrious nations, children
are looked on as a help to their parents,
with us, for want of being early trained to
work, they are an intolerable burthen at home,
and a grievous charge upon the publick, as
appeareth from the vast number of ragged and
naked children in town and country, led about
by ftroling women, trained up in ignorance
and all manner of vice.
Laftly, A great cauſe of this nation's mife-
ry, is that Egyptian bondage of cruel, op-
preffing, covetous landlords, expecting that all
who live under them fhould make bricks with-
out ſtraw, who grieve and envy when they
fee a tenant of their own in a whole coat, or
able to afford one comfortable meal in a
month, by which the fpirits of the people
are
36 Caufes of the wretched Condition
are broken, and made for flavery; the far-
mers and cottagers, almoſt through the whole
kingdom, being, to all intents and purpoſes,
as real beggars, as any of thofe to whom we
give our charity in the ſtreets. And theſe
cruel landlords are every day unpeopling their
kingdom, by forbidding their miferable te-
nants to till the earth, againſt common reaſon
and juftice, and contrary to the practice and
prudence of all other nations, by which num-
berlefs families have been forced either to
leave the kingdom, or ftrole about, and in-
creaſe the number of our thieves and beggars.
Such, and much worſe, is our condition at
preſent, if I had leiſure or liberty to lay it
before you; and, therefore, the next thing
which might be confidered is, whether there
may be any probable remedy found, at the
leaſt againſt ſome part of theſe evils; for moft
of them are wholly defperate.
But this being too large a fubject to be now
handled, and the intent of my difcourfe con-
fining me to give fome directions concerning
the poor of this city, I fhall keep myfelf
within thoſe limits. It is indeed in the power
of the law-givers to found a ſchool in every
parish of the kingdom, for teaching the
meaner and poorer fort of children to ſpeak
and read the English tongue, and to provide a
reaſonable maintenance for the teachers. This
would, in time, aboliſh that part of barbarity
and ignorance, for which our natives are fo
defpifed by all foreigners; this would bring
them to think and act according to the rules of
reafon,
of IRELAND..
37
reafon, by which a fpirit of induftry, and
thrift, and honefty would be introduced
among them. And, indeed, confidering how
fmall a tax would fuffice for fuch a work, it
is a publick fçandal that fuch a thing fhould
never have been endeavoured, or, perhaps,
fo much as thought on.
To ſupply the want of fuch a law, ſeveral
pious perfons, in many parts of this kingdom,
have been prevailed on, by the great endea-
vours and good example fet them by the
clergy, to erect charity ſchools in feveral pa
riſhes, to which very often the richeſt pariſh-
ioners contribute the leaft. In thefe fchools,
children are, or ought to be, trained up to
read and write, and caft accounts; and theſe
children fhould, if poffible, be of honeſt pa-
rents, gone to decay through age, fickneſs,
or other unavoidable calamity, by the hand
of God; not the brood of wicked ſtrollers;
for it is by no means reaſonable, that the cha
rity of well-inclined people ſhould be applied
to encourage the lewdnefs of thofe profligate,
abandoned women, who crowd our ſtreets with
their borrowed or fpurious iffue.
In thofe hofpitals which have good foun-
dations and rents to fupport them, whereof,
to the ſcandal of chriftianity, there very
few in this kingdom; I fay, in fuch hofpi-
tals, the children maintained ought to be only
of decayed citizens and freemen, and be
bred up to good trades. But in thefe fmall
parish charity fchools, which have no fupport
but the cafual good will of charitable people,
VOL. XIII.
D
I do
38
Cauſes of the wretched Condition
I do altogether difapprove the cuſtom of put-
ting the children prentice, except to the very
meaneft trades; otherwife the poor honeft ci-
tizen, who is juſt able to bring up his child,
and pay a ſmall fum of money with him to
a good maſter, is wholly defeated, and the
baftard iffue, perhaps, of fome beggar prefer-
red before him. And hence we come to be
fo over-stocked with 'prentices and journey-
men, more than our difcouraged country can
employ; and, I fear, the greateſt part of our
thieves, pickpockets, and other vagabonds
are of this number.
Therefore, in order to make theſe pariſh
charity fchools of great and univerfal ufe, I
agree e with the opinion of many wife perfons,
that a new turn fhould be given to this whole
matter.
I think there is no complaint more juſt than
what we find in almoft every family, of the
folly and ignorance, the fraud and kivery,
the idleness and vicioufnefs, the waftful fquan-
dering temper of fervants, who are, indeed,
become one of the many publick grievances
of the kingdom, whereof, I believe, there
are few mafters that now hear me who are not
convinced by their own experience. And I
am very confident, that more families, of all
degrees,ve been ruined by the corruptions
of fervants, than by all other canfes put to-
gether. Neither is this to be wondered at,
when we confider from what nurſeries ſo many
of them are received into our houfes. The
fit is the tribe of wicked boys, wherewith
moſt
of IRELA N D.
39
moft corners of this town are peftered, who
haunt publick doors. Theſe, having been
born of beggars, and bred to pilfer as foon
as they can go or fpeak, as years come on,
are employed in the loweft offices to get them-
felves bread, are practifed in all manner of
villainy, and when they are grown up, if
they are not entertained in a gang of thieves,
are forced to ſeek for a ſervice. The other
nurſery is the barbarous and defart part of
the country, from whence fuch lads come up
hither to ſeek their fortunes, as are bred
up from the dunghill in idlenefs, ignorance,
lying, and thieving. From thefe two nurſe-
ries, I fay, a great number of our fervants
come to us, fufficient to corrupt all the reft.
Thus, the hole race of fervants in this
kingdom have gotten fo ill a reputation, that
fome perfons from England, come over hither
into
great ftations, are faid to have abſolutely
refufed admitting any fervant born among us
into their families. Neither can they be juftly
blamed; for although it is not impoffible to
find an honest native fit for a good ſervice,
yet the enquiry is too troubleſome, and the
hazard too great for a franger to attempt.
If we confider the many misfortunes that
befal private families, it will be found that
fervants are the caufes and inftruments of
them all: Are our goods embezzled, waſted
and deftroyed? Is our houſe burnt down to
the ground? It is by the floth, the drunken-
nefs or the villainy of fervants. Are we
robbed and murdered in our beds? It is by
D 2
con-
40 Caufes of the wretched Condition
confederacy with our fervants. Are we en-
gaged in quarrels and miſunderſtandings with
our neighbours? Theſe were all begun and
inflamed by the falfe, malicious tongues of
our fervants. Are the fecrets of our family
betrayed, and evil repute ſpread of us? Our
fervants were the authors. Do falfe accufers
riſe up againſt us (an evil too frequent in
this country)? They have been tampering with
our fervants. Do our children diſcover folly,
malice, pride, cruelty, revenge, undutifulneſs
in their words and actions? Are they feduced
to lewdneſs or ſcandalous marriages? It is
all by our fervants. Nay, the very miſtakes,
follies, blunders, and abfurdities of thofe in
our ſervice, are able to ruffle and diſcompoſe
the mildeſt nature, and are often of fuch con-
fequence, as to put whole families into con-
fufion.
Since therefore not only our domeſtic peace
and quiet, and the welfare of our children,
but even the very fafety of our lives, reputa-
tions, and fortunes have fo great a dependence
upon the choice of our fervants, I think it
would well become the wiſdom of the nation
to make fome provifion in fo important an
affair. But in the mean time, and, perhaps,
to better purpoſe, it were to be wiſhed, that
the children of both fexes, entertained in the
parish charity-fchools, were bred up in fuch a
manner as would give them a teachable dif-
pofition, and qualify them to learn whatever
is required in any fort of fervice. For in-
ſtance,
解
​of IRELAND.
4.1
Pi
ftance, they ſhould be taught to read and
write, to know ſomewhat in cafting accounts,
to underſtand the principles of religion, to
practiſe cleanlineſs, to get a fpirit of honeſty,
induftry, and thrift, and be feverely puniſhed
for every neglect in any of theſe particulars.
For it is the misfortune of mankind, that if
they are not uſed to be taught in their early
childhood, whereby to acquire what I call a
teachable difpofition, they cannot, without
great difficulty, learn the eaſieſt thing in the
courſe of their lives, but are always aukward
and unhandy; their minds, as well as bodies,
for want of early practice, growing ftiff and
unmanageable, as we obferve in the fort of
gentlemen, who, kept from fchool by the in-
dulgence of their parents but a few years, are
never able to recover the time they have loft,
and grow up in ignorance and all manner
of vice, whereof we have too many examples
all over the nation. But to return to what
I was faying: If theſe charity-children were
trained up in the manner I mentioned, and
then bound apprentices in the families of gen-
tlemen and citizens (for which a late law
giveth great encouragement), being accuftom-
ed from their firſt entrance to be always learn-
ing fome uſeful thing, they would learn, in a
month, more than another, without thofe
advantages, can do in a year; and, in the
mean time, be very uſeful in a family, as far
as their age and ſtrength would allow. And
when fuch children come to years of difcre-
tion, they will probably be a uſeful example
D3
42 Caufes of the wretched Condition
to their fellow-fervants, at leaſt they will
prove a frong check upon the reft; for, I
fuppofe, every body will allow, that one good,
honeft, diligent, fervant in a houfe may pre-
vent abundance of mifchief in the family.
Theſe are the reaſons for which I urge this
matter fo ftrongly, that I hope thoſe who
liften to me will confider them.
..
I thall now fay fomething about that great
number of poor, who, under the name of
common beggars, infeft our ſtreets, and fill
our ears with their continual cries, and crav-
ing importunity. This I fhall venture to call
an unneceffary evil, brought upon us for the
grofs neglect, and want of proper manage-
ment, in thoſe whofe duty it is to prevent it.
But before I proceed farther, let me humbly
prefume to vindicate the juftice and mercy of
God and his dealings with mankind. Upon
this particular he hath not dealt ſo hardly
with his creatures as fome would imagine,
when they fee fo many miferable objects ready
to perifh for want: For it would infallibly be
found, upon ftrict enquiry, that there is hardly
one in twenty of thofe miferable objects who
do not owe their prefent poverty to their own
faults, to their prefent floth and negligence,
to their indifcreet marriage without the leaſt
profpect of fupporting a family, to their fool-
ifh expenſiveneſs, to their drunkenneſs, and
other vices, by which they have fquandered
their gettings, and contracted difeafes in their
old age. And, to fpeak freely, is it any way
reaſonable or juft, that thofe who have denied
them-
of IRELAN D.
43
themſelves many lawful fatisfactions and con-
veniencies of life, from a principle of con-
fcience, as well as prudence, that they might
not be a burthen to the public, fhould be
charged with fupporting others, who have
brought themſelves to lefs than a morfel of
bread by their idlenefs, extravagance, and
vice? Yet fuch, and no other, are for the
greatest number not only in thofe who beg in
our freets, but even of what we call poor
decayed houſekeepers, whom we are apt to
pity as real objects of charity, and diftinguifh
them from common beggars, although, in
truth, they both owe their undoing to the
fame caufes, only the former is either too
nicely bred to endure walking half naked in
the ſtreets, or too proud to own their wants
For the artificer or other tradefman, who
pleadeth he is grown too old to work or look
after bufinefs, and therefore expecteth affift-
ance as a decayed houſekeeper; may we not
afk him, why he did not take care, in his
youth and ftrength of days, to make fome
provifion against old age, when he faw fo
many examples before him of people undone
by their idleness and vicious extravagance?
and to go a little higher; whence cometh it
that, fo many citizens and hopkeepers, of the
moſt creditable trade, who once made a good
figure, go to decay by their expenfive pride
and vanity, affecting to educate and drefs
their children above their abilities, or the
ftate of life they ought to expect?
D4
How-
44
Caufes of the wretched Condition
However, fince the beft of us have too
many infirmities to anfwer for, we ought not
to be fevere upon thoſe of others; and there-
fore, if our brother, through grief, or fick-
nefs, or other incapacity, is not in a conditi-
on to preſerve his being, we ought to fupport
him to the best of our power, without reflect-
ing over-ſeriouſly on the caufes that brought
him to his mifery. But in order to this, and
to turn our charity into its proper channel, we
ought to confider who and where thofe ob-
jects are, whom it is chiefly incumbent upon
us to fupport.
By the ancient law of this realm, ſtill in
force, every parifh is obliged to maintain it's
own poor, which although fome may think
to be not very equal, becauſe many pariſhes
are very rich, and have few poor among them,
and others the contrary; yet, I think, may
be justly defended: For as to remote country
pariſhes in the defart part of the kingdom, the
neceffaries of life are there fo cheap, that the
infirm poor may be provided for with little
burden to the inhabitants. But in what I am
going to fay, I fhall confine myſelf only to
this city, where we are over-run not only with
our own poor, but with a far greater number
from every part of the nation. Now, I fay,
this evil of being encumbered with ſo many
foreign beggars, who have not the leaft title
to our charity, and whom it is impoffible for
us to fupport, may be eafily remedied, if the
government of this city, in conjunction with
the clergy and parish officers, would think it
worth
of IRELA N D.
45
;
worth their care; and I am fure few things
deſerve it better. For, if every pariſh would
take a lift of thoſe begging poor which pro-
perly belong to it, and compel each of them
to wear a badge, marked and numbered, fo
as to be feen and known by all they meet, and
confine them to beg within the limits of their
own parish, feverely puniſhing them when
they offend, and driving out all interlopers
from other parishes, we could then make a
computation of their numbers; and the ftrol-
ers from the country being driven away, the
remainder would not be too many for the
charity of thoſe who pafs by to maintain
neither would any beggar, although confined
to his own pariſh, be hindered from receiving
the charity of the whole town; becauſe, in
this cafe, thoſe well-difpofed perfons who
walk the ſtreets will give their charity to fuch
whom they think proper objects, wherever
they meet them, provided they are found in
their own parishes, and wearing their badges
of diſtinction. And, as to thofe parishes
which bordered upon the ſkirts and fuburbs
of the town, where country ftrolers are uſed
to harbour themſelves, they must be forced
to go back to their homes, when they find no
body to relieve them, becauſe they want that
mark which only gives them licence to beg.
Upon this point, it were to be wiſhed, that
inferior pariſh-officers had better encourage-
ment given them to perform their duty in
driving away all beggars who do not belong
to the parish, inſtead of conniving at them,
D $
as
4.6
Cauſes of the wretched Condition
as it is faid they do for ſome ſmall contributi-
on; for the whole city would fave much more
by ridding themſelves of many hundred beg--
gars, than they would lofe by giving pariſh-
officers a reaſonable ſupport.
It ſhould feem a ſtrange, unaccountable
thing, that thoſe who have probably been re-
duced to want by riot, lewdneſs, and idleness,
although they have affurance enough to beg
publickly from all they meet, fhould yet be.
too proud to wear the pariſh badge, which
would turn fo much to their own advantage,
by ridding them of fuch great numbers, who
now intercept the greateſt part of what be-
longeth to them: Yet it is certain, that there
are very many who publickly declare they
will never wear thoſe badges, and many others
who either hide or throw them away : But
the remedy for this is very fhort, eaſy, and
juft, by tying them like vagabonds and turdy
beggars, and forcibly driving them out of the
town.
Therefore, as foon as this expedient of
wearing badges fhall be put in practice, I do
earneſtly exhort all thoſe who hear me, never
to give their alms to any public beggar who
doth not fully comply with this order, by
which our number of poor will be fo reduced,
that it will be much eaſier to provide for the
reft. Our ſhop-doors will be no longer croud-
ed with ſo many thieves and pick-pockets, in
beggars habits, nor our ſtreets fo dangerous
to thoſe who are forced to walk in the night.
Thus
of IRELAND.
47
Thus I have, with great freedom, deliver-
ed my thoughts upon this fubject, which fo
nearly concerneth us. It is certainly a bad
ſcheme, to any chriftian country, which God
hath bleſſed with fruitfulneſs, and where the
people enjoy the juft rights and privileges of
mankind, that there fhould be any beggars at
all. But, alas! among us, where the whole
nation itſelf is almoft reduced to beggary, by
the difadvantages we lie under, and the hard-
fhips we are forced to bear; the lazinefs, ig-
norance, thoughtleffnefs, fquandering temper,
flavish nature, and uncleanly manner of liv-
ing, in the poor popish natives, together with
the cruel oppreffions of their landlords, who
delight to fee their vaſſals in the duft; I ſay,
that in fuch a nation, how can we otherwiſe
expect than to be over run with objects of
mifery and want? Therefore, there can be
no other method to free this city from ſo, in-
tolerable a grievance, than by endeavouring,
as far as in us lies, that the burden may be
more equally divided, by contributing to
maintain our own poor, and forcing the
ſtrolers and vagabonds to return to their fe-
veral homes in the country, there to fmite
the confcience of thofe oppreffors, who firſt
ftripped them of all their ſubſtance.
j
I might here, if the time would permit, of-
fer
many arguments to perfuade to works of
charity; but you hear them ſo often from the
pulpit, that I am willing to hope you may
not now want them. Befides, my prefent
defign was only to fhew where your alms
D 6
would
48
On the Cauſes, &c.
would be beſt beſtowed, to the honour of
God, your own eaſe and advantage, the fer-
vice of your country, and the benefit of the
poor. I defire you will all weigh and confider
what I have ſpoken, and, according to your
feveral ſtations and abilities, endeavour to
put it in practice; and God give you good
fuccefs, to whom, with the Son and Holy
Ghoft, be all honour, &c.
The Grace of our Lord Jefus Chrift, &c.
A SER
A
SERMON
UPON
SLEEPING in CHURCH.
ACTS, Chap. xx. Ver. 9.
And there fat in a window a certain
young
man named Eutychus, being fallen into a
deep fleep; and while Paul was long preach-
ing, be funk down with fleep, and fell down
from the third loft, and was taken up dead.
I
HAVE choſen theſe words with defign,
if poffible, to diſturb ſome part in this
audience of half an hour's fleep, for the con-
venience and exercife whereof this place, at
this feaſon of the day, is very celebrat-
ed.
There is indeed one mortal diſadvantage to
which all preaching is fubject; that thoſe
who, by the wickednefs of their lives, ftand
in greateſt need, have ufually the ſmalleſt
ſhare; for either they are abfent upon the
account of idlenefs, or fpleen, or hatred to
religion, or in order to doze away the intem-
perance of the week; or, if they do come,
they are fure to employ their minds rather
any
50 UPON SLEEPING
any other way, than regarding or attending
to the buſineſs of the place.
The accident which happened to this young
man in the text, hath not been fufficient to
diſcourage his fucceffors: But, becauſe the
preachers now in the world, however they may
exceed St. Paul in the art of fetting men to
fleep, do extremely fall ſhort of him in the
working of miracles; therefore men are be-
come fo cautious as to chufe more fafe and
convenient ſtations and poſtures for taking
their repoſe, without hazard of their perfons;
and, upon the whole matter, chufe rather to
truſt their deſtruction to a miracle, than their
fafety. However, this being not the only
way by which the lukewarm chriſtians and
fcorners of the age difcover their neglect and
contempt of preaching, I fhall enter exprefsly
into confideration of this matter, and order
my difcourfe in the following method":
First, I fhall produce feveral inftances to
thew the great neglect of preaching now
among us.
Secondly, I fhall reckon up fome of the
ufual' quatrels men have againft preach-
ing.
Thirdly, I fhall ſet forth the great evil of
this neglect and contempt of preaching,
and diſcover the real caufes from whence
it proceedeth.
Lafily, I fhall offer fome remedies againſt
this great and spreading evil.
Firf,
IN CHURCH.
51
Firf, I fhall produce certain inftances to
fhew the great neglect of preaching now a-
mong us.
Theſe may be reduced under two heads.
Firft, men's abfence from the fervice of the
church; and fecondly, their miſbehaviour
when they are here.
The firſt inſtance of men's neglect, is in
their frequent abfence from the church.
There is no excufe fo trivial, that will not
pafs upon fome men's confciences to excufe
their attendance at the public worship of
God. Some are fo unfortunate as to be al-
ways indifpofed on the Lord's day, and think
nothing fo unwholefome as the air of a church.
Others have their affairs fo odly contrived, as
to be always unluckily prevented by bufmefs.
With fome it is a great mark of wit, and deep
undertanding, to ſtay at home on Sundays.
Others again difcover ftrange fits of lazineſs,
that feize them, particularly on that day, and
confine them to their beds. Others are ab-
fent out of meer contempt of religion. And,
laftly, there not a few who look upon it
as a day of reft, and therefore claim the pri-
vilege of their caftle, to keep the fabbath by
eating, drinking, and fleeping, after the toil
and labour of the week. Now in all this the
worft circumftance is, that theſe perfons are
fuch whofe companies are moft required, and
who ſtand most in need of a phyfician.
Secondly, Men's great neglect and contempt.
of preaching appear by their misbehaviour
when at church.
If
52
UPON SLEEPING
If the audience were to be ranked under
feveral heads, according to their behaviour,
when the word of God is delivered, how
ſmall a number would appear of thoſe who
receive it as they ought! How much of the
feed then fown would be found to fall by the
way fide, upon ftony ground, or among
thorns! and how little good ground would
there be to take it! A preacher cannot look
round from the pulpit, without obferving,
that fome are in a perpetual whiſper, and,
by their air and gefture, give occaſion to ſuf-
pect, that they are in thofe very minutes de-
faming their neighbour. Others have their
eyes and imagination conftantly engaged in
fuch a circle of objects, perhaps to gratify
the moſt unwarrantable defires, that they ne,
ver once attend to the bufinefs of the place;
the found of the preacher's words doth not
fo much as once interrupt them. Some have
their minds wandering among idle, worldly,
or vicious thoughts. Some lie at catch to
ridicule whatever they hear, and with much
wit and humour provide a ſtock of laughter,
by furniſhing themfelves from the pulpit. But,
of all misbehaviour, none is comparable to
that of thoſe who come here to fleep; opium
is not fo ftupifying to many perfons as an
afternoon fermon. Perpetual cuftom hath fo
brought it about, that the words, of what-
ever preacher, become only a fort of uniform
found at a diftance, than which nothing is
more effectual to lull the fenfes. For, that it
is the very found of the fermon which bindeth
up
IN
53
CHURCH.
up their faculties, is manifeft from hence,
becauſe they all awake fo very regularly as
foon as it ceaſeth, and with much devotion
receive the bleffing, dozed and befotted with
indecencies. I am ashamed to repeat.
I proceed, Secondly, to reckon up ſome of
the ufual quarrels men have againſt preach-
ing, and to fhew the unreaſonableneſs of them.
Such unwarrantable demeanor as I have
defcribed, among chriftians, in the houſe of
God, in a folemn affembly, while their faith
and duty are explained and delivered, have
put thoſe who are guilty upon inventing fome
excufes to extenuate their fault: This they
do by turning the blame either upon the par-
ticular preacher, or upon preaching in gene-
ral. Firſt, they object against the particular
preacher; his manner, his delivery, his voice,
are diſagreeable; his ftyle and expreffion are
flat and low; fometimes improper and ab-
furd; the matter is heavy, trivial and infipid;
fometimes defpicable, and perfectly ridicu-
lous; or elfe, on the other fide, he runs up
Sup
into unintelligible fpeculation, empty notions,
and abſtracted flights, all clad in words above
ufual underſtandings.
Secondly, They object against preaching in
general; it is a perfect road of talk; they
know already whatever can be faid; they have
heard the fame an hundred times over. They
quarrel that preachers do not relieve an old
beaten fubject with wit and invention; and
that now the art is loft of moving men's paf-
fions;
54 UPON SLEEPING
:
fions, fo common among the ancient orators
of Greece and Rome. Theſe, and the like
objections, are frequently in the mouths of
men who defpife the fooliſhneſs of preaching.
But let us examine the reaſonableneſs of them.
The doctrine delivered by all preachers is
the fame: So we preach, and fo ye believe
But the manner of delivering is fuited to the
ſkill and abilities of each, which differ in
preachers juſt as in the reft of mankind.
However, in perfonal diflikes of a particular
preacher, are theſe men fure they are always
in the right? Do they confider how mixed a
thing is every audience, whofe tafte and judg-
ment differ, perhaps, every day, not only
from each other, but themfelves? And how
to calculate a diſcourſe, that ſhall exactly fuit
them all, is beyond the force and reach of
human reafon, knowledge or invention. Wit
and eloquence are fhining qualities, that God
hath imparted, in great degrees, to very few,
nor any more to be expected, in the generality
of any rank among men, than riches and ho-
nour. But further: If preaching in general
be all old and beaten, and that they are al-
ready fo well acquainted with it, more fhame
and guilt to them who fo edify by it.
fo delicate as
not to endure a plain difcourfe of religion,
who expect a conftant ſupply of wit and elo-
quence on a ſubject handled fo
many thoufand
times; what will they fay when we turn the
objection upon themfelves, who, with all the
lewd and prophane liberty of difcourfe they
But these men, whofe
eardmo
take,
IN CHURCH.
55
take, upon fo many thouſand fubjects, are fo
dull as to furnish nothing but tedious repeti-
tions, and little paultry, naufeous common-
places, fo vulgar, fo worn, or fo obvious,
as, upon any other occafion, but that of ad-
vancing vice, would be hooted off the ſtage?
Nor, laftly, are preachers juftly blamed for
neglecting human oratory to move the paffi-
ons, which is not the bufinefs of a chriſtian
orator, whofe office it is only to work upon
faith and reafon. All other eloquence hath
been a perfect cheat, to ftir up men's paffions
againſt truth and juftice, for the fervice of a
faction, to put falfe colours upon things, and,
by an amuſement of agreeable words, make
the worfe reafon appear to be the better. This
is certainly not to be allowed in chriſtian elo-
quence, and therefore St. Paul took quite
the other courfe; he came not with excellency
of wards, or enticing speech of men's wisdom,
but in plain evidence of the fpirit and pow-
er. And perhaps it was for that reafon the
young man Eutychus, ufed to the Grecian
eloquence, grew tired and fell fo faff afleep.
I go on, Thirdly, to fet forth the great
evil of this neglect and fcorn of preaching,
and to difcover the real caufes from whence
it proceedeth.
I think it is obvious to believe, that this
neglect of preaching hath very much occaf
oned the great decay of religion among us.
To this may be imputed no fmall part of that
contempt
56 UPON SLEEPING
contempt fome men beſtow on the clergy;
for, whoever talketh without being regarded,
is fure to be defpifed. To this we owe, in a
great meafure, the fpreading of atheiſm and
infidelity among us; for religion, like all
other things, is fooneft put out of counte-
nance by being ridiculed. The fcorn of
preaching might perhaps have been at first
introduced by men of nice ears and refined
taſte; but it is now become a fpreading evil,
through all degrees, and both fexes; for,
fince fleeping, talking and laughing are quali
ties fufficient to furnish out a critic, the
meanest and moft ignorant have fet up a title,
and fucceeded in it as well as their betters.
Thus are the laſt efforts of reforming man-
kind rendered wholely uſeleſs: How shall they
bear, faith the apostle, without a preacher ?
But, if they have a preacher, and make it a
point of wit or breeding not to hear him,
what remedy is left? To this neglect of
preaching, we may alfo entirely impute that
grofs ignorance among us, in the very princi-
ples of religion, which it is amazing to find
in perfons who very much value their own
knowledge and understanding in other things;
yet it is a vifible, inexcufable ignorance,
even in the meaneſt among us, confidering
the many advantages they have of learning
their duty. And it hath been the great en-
couragement to all manner of vice: For in
vain we preach down fin to a people, whoſe
bearts are waxed grofs, whofe ears are dull
of bearing, and whofe eyes are clofed. There-
fore
IN CHURCH.
57
fore Chrift himſelf, in his difcourfes, fre-
quently roufeth up the attention of the mul-
titude, and of his difciples themſelves, with
this expreffion, He that hath ears to hear, let
him bear. But, among all neglects of preach-
ing, none is fo fatal as that of fleeping in the
houfe of God; a fcorner may liften to truth
and reaſon, and in time grow ferious ; an un-
believer may feel the pangs of a guilty con-
ſcience; one whofe thoughts or eyes wander
among other objects, may, by a lucky word,
be called back to attention: But the fleeper
fhuts up all avenues to his foul: He is like the
deaf adder, that bearkeneth not to the voice of
the charmer, charm he never fo wifely. And,
we may preach with as good fuccefs to the
grave that is under his feet.
But the great evil of this neglect will fur-
ther yet appear, from confidering the real
caufes whence it proceedeth; whereof the
firſt, I take to be, an evil confcience. Many
men come to church to fave or gain a reputa-
tion ; or becauſe they will not be fingular,
but comply with an eſtabliſhed cuftom; yet,
all the while, they are loaded with the guilt
of old rooted fins. Thefe men can expect to
hear of nothing but terrors and threatenings,
their fins laid open in true colours, and eter-
nal mifery the reward of them; therefore, no
wonder they ſtop their ears, and divert their
thoughts, and feek any amuſement, rather than
ftir the hell within them.
fet
Another cauſe of this neglect is, a heart
upon worldly things. Men whofe minds
are
58
UPON SLEEPING
are much enslaved to earthly affairs all the
week, cannot difengage or break the chain
of their thoughts fo fuddenly, as to apply to
a diſcourſe that is wholely foreign to what
they have moft at heart. Tell an ufurer of
charity, and mercy, and reftitution, you talk
to the deaf; his heart and foul, with all his
fenfes, are got among his bags, or he is
gravely aſleep, and dreaming of a mortgage.
Tell a man of bufinefs, that the cares of
the world choak the good feed; that we muſt
not encumber ourſelves with inuch ſerving;
that the ſalvation of his ſoul is the one thing
neceffary: You fee, indeed, the shape of a
man before you, but his faculties are all
gone off among clients and papers, thinking
how to defend a bad cauſe, or find flaws in a
good one; or, he weareth out the time in
droufy nods.
A third cauſe of the great neglect and
fcorn of preaching, arifeth from the practice
of men who ſet up to decry and diſparage re-
ligion; thefe, being zealous to promote in-
fidelity and vice, learn a rote of buffoonry
that ferveth all occaſions, and refutes the
ſtrongeſt arguments for piety and good man-
ners. Theſe have a fet of ridicule calculated
for all fermons, and all preachers, and can
be extreme witty as often as they pleaſe up-
on the fame fund.
Let me now, in the laft place, offer fome
remedies againſt this great evil.
It will be one remedy againſt the con-
tempt of preaching, rightly to conſider the
2
end
IN CHURCH.
59
end for which it was defigned. There are
many who place abundance of merit in going
to church, although it be with no other pro-
fpect but that of being well entertained, wherein
if they happen to fail, they return wholely
diſappointed. Hence it is become an imper-
tinent vein among people of all forts to hunt
after what they call a good fermon, as if it
were a matter of paftime and diverſion. Our
bufinefs, alas is quite another thing, either
to learn, or at leaft be reminded, of our
duty, to apply the doctrines delivered, com-
pare the rules we hear with our lives and
actions, and find wherein we have tranfgref-
ſed. Theſe are the difpofitions men ſhould
bring into the houfe of God, and then they
will be little concerned about the preacher's
wit or eloquence, nor. be curious to enquire
out his faults or infirmities, but confider how
to correct their own.
Another remedy against the contempt of
preaching, is, that men would confider, whe-
ther it be not reaſonable to give more allow-
ances for the different abilities of preach-
ers than they uſually do; refinements of ftile,
and flights of wit, as they are not properly
the buſineſs of any preacher, fo they cannot
poffibly be the talents of all. In moſt other
difcourfes, men are fatisfied with faber fenfe
and plain reaſon; and, as underſtandings
ufually go, even that is not over frequent.
Then why they ſhould be fo over nice, and
expect eloquence where it is neither necef-
fary nor convenient, is hard to imagine.
Laftly,
60 UP ON SLEEPING
Laftly, The fcorners of preaching would
do well to confider, that this talent of ridi-
cule, they value fo much, is a perfection
very eafily acquired, and applied to all things
whatſoever neither is any thing at all
the worſe, becauſe it is capable of being per-
verted to burleſque: Perhaps it may be the
more perfect upon that fcore; fince we know,
the moſt celebrated pieces have been thus treat-
ed with greateſt fuccefs. It is in any man's
power to fuppofe a fool's cap on the wifeſt
head, and then laugh at his own fuppofition.
I think there are not many things cheaper
than fuppofing and laughing; and if the
uniting of theſe two talents can bring a thing
into contempt, it is hard to know where it
may end.
To conclude. Thefe confiderations may,
perhaps, have fome effect while men are a-
wake; but what arguments fhall we ufe to
the fleeper? What methods ſhall we take to hold
open his eyes? Will he be moved by confidera-
tions of common civility? We know it is
reckoned a point of very bad manners to
fleep in private company, when, perhaps,
the tedious impertinence of many talkers
would render it at leaſt as excufable as at
the dulleft fermon. Do they think it a ſmall
thing to watch four hours at a play, where all
virtue and religion are openly reviled; and
can they not watch one half hour to hear
them defended? Is this to deal like a judge
(I mean like a good judge), to liſten on one
fide of the caufe, and fleep on the other? I
fhall
་
IN CHURCH.
61
fhall add but one word more: That this in-
decent floth is very much owing to that lux-
ury and exceſs men ufually practice upon
this day, by which half the ſervice thereof is
turned to fin; men dividing the time be-
tween God and their bellies, when, after a
gluttonous meal, their fenfes dozed and ſtupi-
fied, they retire to God's houſe to fleep out
the afternoon. Surely, brethren, theſe things
ought not fo to be.
And
He that bath ears to hear let him hear.
God give us all grace to hear and receive his
boly word to the falvation of our own fouls.
E
REMARKS
REMARKS
UPON A
B
O K,
INTITULED,
The Rights of the Chriftian Church, &c.
Written in the Year 1708, but left unfiniſhed.
BEFORE I enter upon a particular ex-
amination of this treatiſe, it will be con-
venient to do two things :
Firft, To give ſome account of the author,
together with the motives, that might proba-
bly engage him in fuch a work. And,
Secondly, To diſcover the nature and ten-
dency in general, of the work itſelf.
The firſt of theſe, although it hath been
objected against, feems highly reaſonable,
eſpecially in books that inftil pernicious prin-
ciples. For, although a book is not intrin-
fically much better or worſe, according to
the ftature or complexion of the author,
when it happens to make a noife, we are apt,
and curious, as in other noiſes, to look a-
bout from whence it cometh. But however,
there is fomething more in the matter.
If a theological fubject be well handled
by a layman, it is better received than if it
came from a a divine; and that for reaſons
obvious
REMARKS upon a Boox, &c.
63
obvious enough, which, although of little
weight in themſelves, will ever have a great
deal with mankind.
But, when books are written with ill in-
tentions, to advance dangerous opinions, or
deſtroy foundations; it may be then of real
ufe to know from what quarter they come,
and goa good way towards their confutation.
For inftance, if any man fhould write a book
against the lawfulneſs of punishing felony
with death; and, upon enquiry, the author
fhould be found in Newgate under condem-
nation for robbing a houfe; his arguments
would not very unjustly lofe much of their
force, from the circumftances he lay under.
So when Milton writ his book of divorces,
it was preſently rejected as an occafional
treatiſe; becauſe every body knew, he had
a fhrew for his wife. Neither can there be
any tafon imagined, why he might not,
after he was blind, have writ another upon
the danger and inconvenience of eyes. But
it is a piece of logic which will hardly pafs
on the world; that becauſe one man hath
a fore noſe, therefore all the town ſhould
put plaiſters upon theirs. So, if this trea-
tiſe about the rights of the church ſhould
prove to be the work of a man fteady in his
principles, of exact morals, and profound
learning, a true lover of his country, and
hater of chriftianity, as what he really be-
lieves to be a cheat upon mankind, whom
he would undeceive purely for their good ;~
it might be apt to check unwary men, even
*
E 2
a
of
64
REMARKS upon a Boox, &c.
of good difpofitions towards religion. But,
if it be found the production of a man ſow-
ered with age and misfortunes, together with
the conſciouſneſs of paſt miſcarriages; of
one, who, in hopes of preferment, was re-
conciled to the Popish religion; of one whole-
ly proftitute in life and principles, and
only an enemy to religion, becauſe it con-
demns them: In this cafe, and this laft I
find is the univerſal opinion, he is like to have
few profelytes, befide thofe, who, from a
fenſe of their vicious lives, require to be
perpetually ſupplied by fuch amuſements as
this; which ferve to flatter their wiſhes, and
debaſe their underſtandings.
I know there are fome who would fain
have it, that this difcourfe was written by
a club of free-thinkers, among whom the
fuppofed author only came in for a fhare.
But, fure, we cannot judge fo meanly of any
party, without affronting the dignity of man-
kind. If this be fo, and if here be the pro-
duct of all their quotas and contributions,
we muſt needs allow, that free-thinking is a
moft confined and limited talent. It is true
indeed, the whole difcourfe feemeth to be a
motly, inconfiftent compofition, made up of
various fhreds of equal fineneſs, although of
different colours. It is a bundle of inco-
herent maxims and affertions, that frequently
deftroy one another. But ftill there is the
fame flatneſs of thought and ſtile; the fame
weak advances towards wit and raillery;
the fame petulancy and pertnefs of fpirit;
the
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
65
the fame train of fuperficial reading; the
fame thread of thread-bare quotations: the
fame affection of forming general rules upon
falſe and ſcanty premiffes. And laſtly, the
fame rapid venom fprinkled over the whole;
which, like the dying impotent bite of a trod-
den benumbed fnake, may be nauſeous and
offenſive, but cannot be very dangerous.
And, indeed, I am fo far from thinking
this libel to be born of ſeveral fathers, that
it hath been the wonder of feveral others, as
well as myſelf, how it was poffible for any
man, who appeareth to have gone the com-
mon circle of academical education; who
hath taken fo univerſal a liberty, and hath fo
entirely laid afide all regards, not only of
Chriftianity, but common truth and juftice;
one who is dead to all ſenſe of fhame, and
feemeth to be paſt the getting or lofing of a re-
putation, ſhould, with fo many advantages,
and upon fo unlimited a fubject, come out
with fo poor, fo jejune a production. Should
we pity or be amazed at fo perverſe a talent,
which, inftead of qualifying an author to
give a new turn to old matter, difpofeth him,
quite contrary, to talk in an old beaten trivial
manner upon topics 'wholely new to make
fo many fallies into pedantry without a call,
upon a fubject the moft alien, and in the
very moments he is declaiming against it,
and in an age too where it is fo violently
exploded, eſpecially among thofe readers he
propofeth to entertain?
E 3
I know
66
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
I know it well be faid, that this is only to
talk in the common ftyle of an anſwerer;
but I have not fo little policy. If there
were any hope of reputation or merit from
fuch victory, I ſhould be apt like others to
cry up the courage and conduct of an enemy.
Whereas to detect the weakneſs, the malice,
tho fophiftry, the falfhood, the ignorance of
fuch a writer, requireth little more than to
rank his perfections in fuch an order, and
place them in fuch a light, that the commoneſt
reader may form a judgment of them.
?
It may ſtill be a wonder how ſo heavy a
book, written upon a fubject in appearance
fo little inftructive or diverting, fhould fur-
vive to three editions, and confequently find
a better reception than is uſual with fuch
bulky ſpiritleſs volumes; and this, in an age
that pretendeth fo foon to be nauſeated with
what is tedious and dull. To which I can
only return, that as burning a book by the
common hangman is a known expedient to
make it fellfo, to write a book that de-
ferveth fuch treatment, is another: And a
third, perhaps as effectual as either, is to ply
an infipid, worthlefs tract with grave and
learned anſwers, as Dr. Hicks, Dr. Potter,
and Mr. Wotton have done. Deſign and
performances, however commendable, have
glanced a reputation upon the piece; which
oweth its life to the ftrength of thofe Irands
and weapons, that were raiſed to deſtroy it;
like flinging a mountain upon a worm, which,
*
inſtead
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c. 67
inſtead of being bruiſed, by the advantage of
its littleneſs, lodgeth under it unhurt.
But neither is this all. For the ſubject,
as unpromifing as it feemeth at firft view, is
no less than that of Lucretius, to free men's
minds from the bondage of religion; and
this not by little hints and by piece-meal,
after the manner of thofe little atheiſtical
tracts that ſteal into the world, but in a
thorough wholeſale manner; by making reli-
gion, church, chriſtianity, with all their con-
comitants, a perfect contrivance of the civil
power. It is an imputation often charged
on theſe fort of men, that, by their invectives
againſt religion, they can poffibly propoſe no
other end than that of fortifying themfelves
and others against the reproaches of a vicious
life; it being neceffary for men of libertine
practices to embrace libertine principles, or
elſe they cannot act in conſiſtence with any
reaſon, or preferve any peace of mind. Whe-
ther fuch authors have this defign (whereof
I think they have never gone about to acquit
themſelves) thus much is certain; that no
other ufe is made of fuch writings: Neither
did I ever hear this author's book juſtified by
any perfon, either Whig or Tory, except
fuch who are of that profligate character.
And, I believe, whoever examineth it, will
be of the fame opinion; although, indeed,
fuch wretches are fo numerous, that it ſeemeth
rather furprizing, why the book hath had no
more editions, than why it ſhould have, ſo
many.
Having
68
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
#
Having thus endeavoured to fatisfy the
curious with fome account of this author's
character, let us examine what might pro-
bably be the motives to engage him in ſuch a
work. I fhall fay nothing of the principal,
which is a fum of money; becauſe that is
not a mark to diſtinguiſh him from any other
trader with the prefs. I will fay nothing of
revenge and malice from refentment, of the
indignities and contempt he hath undergone
for his crime of apoftacy. To this paffion
he has thought fit to facrifice order, proprie-
ty, difcretion, and common-ſenſe, as may be
feen in every page of his book: But I am
deceived, if there were not a third motive as
powerful as the other two; and that is, va-
nity. About the latter end of king James's
reign, he had almoſt finiſhed a learned dif-
courfe in defence of the church of Rome,
and to justify his converfion: All which, up-
on the revolution, was quite out of feafon.
Having thus proftituted his reputation, and
at once ruined his hopes, he had no courſe
left, but to fhew his fpite againſt religion in
general; the falfe pretenfions to which had
proved ſo deſtructive to his credit and for-
tune: And, at the fame time, loth to em-
ploy the ſpeculations of ſo many years to no
purpoſe, by an eaſy turn, the fame argu-
ments he had made ufe of to advance popery,
were full as properly levelled by him againſt
Christianity itſelf, like the image, which,
while it was new and handfome, was wor-
ſhiped for a faint, and when it came to be
old
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
69
old and broken, was ftill good enough to
make a tolerable devil. And, therefore every
reader will obferve, that the arguments for
popery are much the ſtrongeſt of any in his
book, as I fhall further remark when I find
them in my way.
There is one circumſtance in his title-page,
which I take to be not amifs, where he cal-
leth his book, Part the Firft. This is a pro-
ject to fright away anfwerers, and make the
poor advocates for religion believe, he ftill
keepeth further vengeance in petto. It muſt
be allowed, he hath not wholely loſt time,
while he was of the Romish Communion.
This very trick he learned from his old fa-
ther, the pope; whofe cuftom it is to lift up
his hand, and threaten to fulminate, when
he never meant to fhoot his bolts ; becauſe
the princes of Christendom had learned the
fecret to avoid or defpife them. Dr. Hicks
knew this very well, and therefore, in his An-
fwer to this Book of the Rights, where a fe-
cond Part is threatened, like a raſh perſon, he
defperately crieth, Let it come. But I, who
have too much phlegm to provoke angry
wits of his ſtandard, muſt tell the author;
that the doctor plays the wag, as if he were
fure, it were all grimace. For my part, I
declare, if he writeth a fecond part, I will
not write another anfwer; or, if I do, it ſhall
be publiſhed, before the other part cometh
out.
There may have been another motive, al-
though it be hardly credible, both for publifh-
ing
70
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
ing this work, and threatening a fecond part:
It is not foon conceived how far the ſenſe of a
man's vanity will tranfport him. This man
muft have fomewhere heard, that dangerous
enemies have been often bribed to filence with
money or preferment: And therefore, to fhew
how formidable he is, he hath publiſhed his
firſt eſſay; and, in hopes of hire to be quiet,
hath frighted us with his defign of another.
What must the clergy do in theſe unhappy
circumſtances? If they fhould beftow this
man bread enough to ftop his mouth, it will
but open thoſe of a hundred more, who are
every whit as well qualified to rail as he.
And truly, when I compare the former ene-
mies to Chriftianity, fuch as Socinus, Hobbes,
and Spinofa, with fuch of their fucceffors, as
Toland, Afgil, Coward, Gildon, this author
of the Rights, and fome others; the church
appeareth to me like the fick old lion in the
fable, who, after having his perfon outraged
by the bull, the elephant, the horſe, and the
bear, took nothing fo much to heart, as to
find himſelf at laft infulted by the fpurn of
an afs.
I will now add a few words, to give the
reader ſome general notion of the nature and
tendency of the work itſelf.
I think I may affert, without the leaſt par-
tiality, that it is a treatiſe wholely devoid of
wit or learning, under the moft violent and
and weak endeavours and pretences to both.
That it is repleniſhed throughout with bold,
rude,
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
71
rude, improbable falfhoods, and grofs mifiu-
terpretations; and fupported by the moft im-
pudent fophiftry and falfe logic I have any
where obſerved. To this he hath added a
paultry, traditional cant of prieſt-rid and
prief-craft, without reafon or pretext as he
applieth it. And when he raileth at thoſe
doctrines in popery (which no proteftant was
ever fuppoſed to believe) he leads the reader,
however, by the hand to make applications
againſt the Engliſh clergy; and then he never
faileth to triumph, as if he had made a very
fhrewd and notable ftroke. And becauſe the
court and kingdom feemeth diſpoſed to mo-
deration with regard to diffenters, more per-
haps than is agreeable to the hot unreafon-
able temper of ſome miſtaken men among
us; therefore, under the ſhelter of that po-
pular opinion, he ridiculeth all that is found
in religion, even Chriſtianity itſelf, under the
names of Jacobite, Tackers, High-Church,
and other terms of factious jargon. All
which, if it were to be firft rafed from his
book (as juſt fo much of nothing to the pur-
pofe), how little would remain to give the
trouble of an anfwer! To which let me add,
that the ſpirit or genius which animates the
whole, is plainly perceived to be nothing elſe
but the abortive malice of an old neglected
man, who hath long lain under the extremeş
of obloquy, peverty and contempt; that have
foured his temper, and made him fearlefs.
But where is the merit of being bold, to a
raan that is fecure of impunity to his perfon,,
and
72
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
and is paft apprehenfion of any thing elſe?
He that has neither reputation nor bread,
hath very little to lofe, and has therefore as
little to fear. And, as it is ufually faid,
Whoever values not his own life, is maſter of
another man's; fo there is fomething like it
in reputation: He that is wholely loft to all
regards of truth or modefty, may fcatter fo
much calumny and ſcandal, that fome part
may perhaps be taken up before it fall to the
ground; becauſe the ill talent of the world
is fuch, that thoſe who will be at pains
enough to inform themſelves in a malicious.
ftory, will take none at all to be undeceived,
nay, will be apt with ſome reluctance to ad-
mit a favourable truth.
To expoftulate, therefore, with this au-
thor for doing miſchief to religion, is to ftrew
his bed with rofes; he will reply in triumph,
that this was his defign; and I am loth to
mortify him, by afferting he hath done none
at all. For I never yet faw fo poor an atheif-
tical fcribble, which would not ferve as a
twig for finking libertines to catch at, It
muſt be allowed in their behalf, that the faith
of Chriftians is not as a grain of muſtard-
feed in compariſon of theirs, which can re-
move fuch mountains of abfurdities, and
fubmit with fo entire a refignation to fuch
apoſtles. If theſe men had any ſhare of that
reafon they pretend to, they would retire in-
to chriftianity, meerly to give it eaſe. And
therefore men can never be confirmed in fuch
doctrines,
#
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
73
doctrines, until they are confirmed in their
vices; which laft, as we have already ob-
ſerved, is the principal deſign of this and all
other writers againſt revealed religion.
I am now opening the book which I pro-
pofe to examine. An employment, as it is
entirely new to me, fo it is that to which, of
all others, I have naturally the greateſt anti-
pathy. And, indeed, who can dwell upon
a tedious piece of infipid thinking, and falſe
reafoning, fo long as I am likely to do,
without haring the infection?
But, before I plunge into the depths of the
book itſelf, I must be forced to wade through
the fhallows of a long preface.
This preface, large as we fee it, is only
made up of fuch fupernumerary arguments
againft an independent power in the church,
as he could not, without naufeous repetition,
fcatter into the body of his book: And it
is detached, like a forlorn hope, to blunt the
enemy's fword that intendeth to attack him.
Now, I think, it will be eafy to prove, that
the opinion of imperium in imperio, in the
fenfe he chargeth it upon the clergy of Eng
land, is what no one divine of ahy reputa-
tion, and very few at all, did ever maintain;
and, that their univerfal fentiment in this
matter is ſuch as few proteftants did ever dif-
pute. But, if the author of the Regale, or
two or three more obfcure writers, have car.
ried any points further than fcripture and rea-
fon will allow (which is more than I know,
or trouble myſelf to enquire) the clergy of
VOL. XIII.
Englana
F
74
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
England is no more anfwerable for thofe,
than the laity is for all the folly and imper-
tinence of this treatife. And, therefore,
that people may not be amuſed, or think this
man is fomewhat, that he hath advanced or
defended any oppreffed truths, or overthrown
any growing dangerous errors, I will fet
in as clear a light as I can, what I conceive
to be held by the eſtabliſhed clergy, and all
reaſonable proteſtants in this matter..
Every body knoweth and allows, that in
government there is an abfolute, unlimited,
legiſlative power, which is originally in the
body of the people, although by cuftam,
conqueft, ufurpation, or other accidents,
fometimes fallen into the hands of one or a
few. This in England is placed in the three
eftates (otherwife called the two houfes of
parliament) in conjunction with the king.
And whatever they pleaſe to enact or to re-
peal in the fettled forms, whether it be eccle-
fiaftical or civil, immediately becometh law
or nullity. Their decrees may be againſt
equity, truth, reafon and religion, but they
are not against law; becauſe law is the will
of the fupreme legiſlature, and that is, them-,
felves. And there is no manner of doubt,
but the fame authority, whenever it pleaſeth,
may aboliſh chriſtianity, and fet up the
Jewish, Mahometan, or Heathen Religion.
In short, they may do any thing within the
compafs of human power. And, therefore,
who will diſpute that the ſame law, which
deprived the church not only of lands, miſ-
applied
REMARKS upon a Boox, &c.
75
applied to fuperftitious ufes, but even the
tythes and glebes (the ancient and neceffary
fupport of parish priests), may take away all
the reſt, whenever the law-givers pleafe, and
make the priesthood as primitive, as this wri-
ter, or others of his ftamp, can defire ?
But, as the fupreme power can certainly
do ten thousand things more than it ought,
fo there are ſeveral things which fome people
may think it can do, although it really can-
not. For it unfortunately happens, that
edicts which cannot be executed, will not al-
ter the nature of things. So, if a king and
parliament ſhould pleaſe to enact, that a wo-
man who hath been a month married, is vir-
go intacta, would that actually reftore her to
her primitive fate? If the fupreme power
ſhould refolve a corporal of dragoons to be a
doctor of divinity, law or phyfick, few, I
believe, would trust their fouls, fortunes, or
bodies to his direction; becauſe that power is
neither fit to judge or teach thofe qualifica-
tions which are abfolutely neceffary to the fe-
veral profeffions. Put the cafe, that walk-
ing on the flack rope were the only talent re-
quired by act of parliament for making a man
a bishop; no doubt, when a man had done
his feat of activity in form, he might fit in
the House of Lords, put on his robes and
his rotchet, go down to his palace, receive
and fpend his rents, but it requireth very
little chriftianity to believe this tumbler to be
one whit more a bishop than he was before;
F 2
becauſe
>
76
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
becauſe the law of God hath otherwiſe de-
creed; which law, although a nation may
refuſe to receive, it cannot alter in its own
nature.
And here lies the miſtake of this fuperfi-
cial man, who is not able to diftinguiſh be-
tween what the civil power can hinder, and
what it can do. If the parliament can annul
ecclefiaftical laws, they must be able to make
them, fince no greater power is required for
one than the other. See pref. p. viii. This
conſequence he repeateth above twenty times,
and always in the wrong. He affecteth to
form a few words into the fhape and fize of
a maxim, then trieth it by his ear, and ac-
cording as he likes the found or cadence,
Cannot I ftand over a
pronounceth it true.
man with a great pole, and hinder him from
making a watch, although I am not able to
make on emyſelf? If I have ftrength enough
to knock a man on the head, doth it follow
I can raiſe him to life again? The parliament
may condemn all the Greek and Roman au-
can it therefore create new ones in
their ftead? They may make laws, indeed,
and call them canon and ecclefiaftical laws,
and oblige all men to obferve them under
pain of high treaſon. And fo may I, who
love as well as any man to have in my own
family the power in the laft refort, take a
turnip, then tie a ſtring to it, and call it a
watch, and turn away
if
all my fervants,
they refufe to call it fo too.
thors:
**
*
For
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
77
For my own part, I muſt confefs that this
opinion of the independent power of the
church, or imperium in imperio, wherewith
this writer raifeth fuch a duft, is what I never
imagined to be of any conſequence, never
once heard difputed among. divines, nor re-
member to have read, otherwife than as a
fcheme in one or two authors of middle rank,
but with very little weight laid on it. And I
dare believe, there is hardly one divine in ten
that ever once thought of this matter. Yet
to fee a large fwelling volume written only
to encounter this doctrine, what could one
think lefs than that the whole body of the
clergy were perpetually tiring the prefs and
the pulpit with nothing elfe?
I remember fome years ago a virtuofo writ
a fmall tract about worms, proved them to
be in more places than was generally ob-
ſerved, and made fome diſcoveries by glaffes.
This having met with fome reception, pre-
fently the poor man's head was full of no-
thing but worms; all we eat and drink, all
the whole confiſtence of human bodies, and
thofe of every other animal, the very air we
breathed; in fhort, all nature throughout
was nothing but worms: And, by that fyf-
tem, he folved all difficulties, and from thence
all caufes'in philofophy. Thus it hath fared
with our author, and his independent power.
The attack again't occafional conformity, the
fcarcity of coffee, the invafion of Scotland,
the lofs of kerfeys and narrow cloaths, the
death of king William, the author's turning
papilt
F 3
78
REMARKS upon a Book, Gr.
papift for preferment, the lofs of the battle
of Almanza, with ten thousand other mif-
fortunes, are all owing to this imperium in
imperio.
It will be therefore neceffary to fet this
matter in a clear light, by enquiring whether
the clergy have any power independent of the
civil, and of what nature it is.
Whenever the chriftian religion was em-
braced by the civil power in any nation, there
is no doubt but the magiftrates and fenates
were fully inftructed in the rudiments of it.
Befides, the chriftians were fo numerous, and
their worship fo open before the converfion
of princes, that their difcipline, as well as
doctrine, could not be a fecret: They faw
plainly a fubordination of ecclefiaftics, bishops,
priefts, and deacons: That thefe had cer-
tain powers and employments different from
the laity: That the bishops were confecrat-
ed, and fet apart for that office by thofe of
their own order: That the prefbyters and
deacons were differently fet apart, always by
the bishops: That none but the ecclefiaftics
prefumed to pray or preach in places fet apart
For God's worship, or to adminifter the Lord's
Supper: That all queftions relating either
to difcipline or doctrine, were determined in
ecclefiaftical conventions. Thefe and the
like doctrines and practices, being moft of
them directly proved, and the relt by very
fair confequences deduced from the words of
our Saviour and his apoftles, were certainly
received as a divine law by every prince or
ftate
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
79
}
ftate which admitted the chriſtian religion
and, confequently, what they could not just-
ly alter afterwards, any more than the com-
mon laws of nature. And, therefore, al-
though the ſupreme power can hinder the
clergy or church from making any new
canons, or executing the old; from confe-
crating biſhops, or refuſe thoſe they do con-
fecrate; or, in fhort, from performing any
ecclefiaftical office, as they may from eating,
drinking, and ſleeping; yet they cannot them-
felves perform thofe offices, which are affign-
ed to the clergy by our Saviour and his
apoftles; or, if they do, it is not according
to the divine inftitution, and, confequently,
null and void. Our Saviour telleth us, His
kingdom is not of this world; and therefore,
to be fure, the world is not of his kingdom,
nor can ever pleaſe him by interfering in the
adminiftration of it, fince he hath appointed
minifters of his own, and hath impowered
and inftructed them for that purpoſe: So
that, I believe, the clergy, who, as he fayeth,
are good at diftinguiſhing, would think it rea-
fonable to diftinguish between their power,
and the liberty of exercifing this power.
The former they claim immediately from
Chrift, and the latter from the permiffion,
connivance, or authority of the civil govern-
ment; with which the clergy's power, ac-
cording to the folution I have given, cannot
poffibly interefere.
But this writer, fetting up to form a ſyſ- .
tem upon ſtale, fcanty topics, and a narrow
4
80
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
circle of thought, falleth into a thouſand
abſurdities. And for a further help, he hath
a talent of rattling out phrafes, which feem
to have fenfe, but have none at all: the
ufual fate of thofe who are ignorant of the
force and compafs of words, without which
it is impoffible for a man to write either
pertinently or intelligibly, upon the moſt
obvious fubjects.
So, in the beginning of his preface, page
iv. he fays, The church of England being efta-
blifhed by acts of parliament, is a perfect
creature of the civil power; I mean the polity
and difcipline of it, and it is that which
maketh all the contention; for as to the doc-
trines expreſſed in the articles, I do not find
high church to be in any manner of pain;
but they who lay claim to moft orthodoxy can
diftinguish themselves out of them. It is ob-
fervable in this author, that his ftile is na-
turally harsh and ungrateful to the ear, and
his expreffions mean and trivial; but when-
ever he goeth about to poliſh a period, you
may be certain of fome grofs defect in pro-
priety or meaning: So the lines juft quoted
feem to run eafily over the tongue; and,
upon examination, they are perfect nonfenſe
and blunder: To fpeak in his own bor-
rowed phrafe, what is contained in the idea of
eftablished? Surely, not exiftence. Doth
establishment give being to a thing? He might
have faid the fame thing of chriftianity in
general, or the exiſtence of God, fince both
are confirmed by acts of parliament. But,
"the
REMARKS upon a Вooк, &c.
81
the bet is behind : For, in the next line,
having named the church half a dozen times
before, he now fays, he meaneth only the
policy and difcipline of it: As if, having
fpoke in praife of the art of phyfic, a man
fhould explain himſelf, that he meant only
the inftitution of a college of phyſicians into
a prefident and fellows. And it will ap-
pear, that this author, however verfed in the
practice, hath grofly tranfgreffed the rules
of nonfenfe, (whofe property it is neither to
affirm nor deny) fince every vifible affertion
gathered from thofe few lines is abfolutely
falfe: For where was the neceffity of ex-
cepting the doctrines expreffed in the articles,
fince theſe are equally creatures of the civil
power, having been eſtabliſhed by acts of
parliament as well as the others. But the
church of England is no creature of. the
civil power, either as to its polity or doc-
trines. The fundamentals of both were de-
duced from Chrift and his apoſtles, and the
inftructions of the pureft and earlieſt ages,
and were received as fuch by thoſe princes or
ftates who embraced chriſtianity, whatever
prudential additions have been made to the
former by human laws, which alone can be
juftly altered or annulled by them.
What I have already faid, would, I think,
be a fufficient anſwer to his whole, preface,
and indeed to the greateft part of his book,
which is wholely turned upon battering down
a fort of independent power in the clergy;
which few or none of them ever claimed or
defended.
F5
82 REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
defended. But there being certain peculi-
arities in this preface, that very much fet off
the wit, the learning, the raillery, reaſon-
ing and fincerity of the author; I fhall take
notice of fome of them, as I país.
But here I hope, it will not be expected,
that I fhould beftow remarks upon every paf-
fage in this book, that is liable to exception
for ignorance, falfhood, dulnefs, or malice.
Where he is fo infipid, that nothing can be
ftruck out for the reader's entertainment, I
fhall obferve Horace's rule:
Quæ defperes tractata niteſcere poſſe, relinques.
Upon which account I fhall fay nothing of
that great inftance of his candour and judg-
ment in relation to Dr. Stillingfleet, who
(happening to lie under his difpleafure upon
the fatal teft of imperium in imperio) is High-
Church and Jacobite, took the oaths of alle-
giance to fave him from the gallows [e],
fubfcribed the articles only to keep his pre-
ferment: Whereas the character of that pre-
late is univerfally known to have been direct-
ly the reverfe of what this writer gives
him.
✓
[] Page . He quotes bifhop Stilling fleet's vin-
dication of the doctrine of the Trinity, where the
bishop fays, that a man might be very right in
the belief of an article, though miſtaken in the
explication of it. Upon which Tindal oþſerves :
Theſe men treat the articles, as they do the oath of
allegiance, which, they fay, obliges them not aftuul-
ly to affift the government, but to do nothing againſt
it; that is, nothing that would bring him to the
gallottie
But
REMARKS upon a Book, &c. 83
But before he can attempt to ruin this
damnable opinion of two independent powers,
he telleth us; page 6. It will be neceſſary to
fbew what is contained in the idea of govern-
ment. Now, it is to be underſtood, that this
refined way of ſpeaking was introduced by
Mr. Locke: After whom the author limpeth
as faft as he is able.
able. All the former philofo-
phers in the world, from the age of Socrates
to ours, would have ignorantly put the
queftion, Quid eft imperium? But now it
feemeth we muft vary our phraſe; and, ſince
our modern improvement of human under-
ftanding, instead of defiring a philofopher to
defcribe or define a moufe-trap, or tell me
what it is; I muft gravely afk, what is con-
tained in the idea of a mouſe-trap? But
then to obferve how deeply this new way of
putting queſtions to a man's felf, maketh
him enter into the nature of things; his
prefent buſineſs is to fhew us, what is con-
tained in the idea of government.
The
company knoweth nothing of the matter,
and would gladly be inftructed; which he
doth in the following words, p. vi.
►
It would be in vain for one intelligent being
to pretend to ſet rules to the actions of an-
other, if he had it not in his power to reward
the compliance with, or punish the deviations
from, bis rales by fome good, or evil, which
is not the natural confequence of thoſe ac-
tions; fince the forbidding men to do or forbear
an action on the account of that convenience
or inconveniênce which attendeth it, whether
F 6
be
84
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
be who forbids it will or no, can be no more
than advice.
#
I fhall not often draw fuch long quota-
tions as this, which I could not forbear
to offer as a fpecimen of the propriety and
perfpicuity of this author's ftyle. And,
indeed, what a light breaketh out upon us
all, as foon as we have read thefe words!
How thoroughly are we inftructed in the
whole nature of government! What mighty
truths are here difcovered; and how clearly
conveyed to our underſtandings! And there-
fore let us melt this refined jargon into the
Old Style for the improvement of fuch, who
are not enough converfant in the New.
If the author were one who ufed to talk
like one of us, he would have ſpoke in this
manner: I think it neceffary to give a full
and perfect definition of government, fuch
as will fhew the nature and all the proper-
ties of it; and my definition is thus: One
man will never cure another of ftealing
horſes, merely by minding him of the pains
he hath taken, the cold he bath got, and the
fhoe-leather he hath loft, in ſtealing that
horfe; nay, to warn him, that the horſe may
kick or fling him, or coft him more than he
is worth in hay and oats, can be no more
than advice. For the gallows is not the
natural effect of robbing on the high-way,
as heat is of fire: and therefore, if you will
govern a man, you muſt find out fome other
way of puniſhment, than what he will inflict
upon himſelf.
Or,
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
&5
Or, if this will not do, let us try it in
another cafe (which I inftanced before) and
in his own terms. Suppofe he had thought
it neceffary (and I think it was as much fo
as the other) to fhew us what is contained in
the idea of a moufe-trap, he must have pro-
ceeded in theſe terms. It would be in vain
for an intelligent Being, to fet rules for
hindering a moufe from eating his cheeſe,
unless he can inflict upon that moufe fome
punishment, which is not the natural confe-
quence of eating cheeſe. For,- to tell her,
it may lie heavy on her ftomach; that the
will grow too big to get back into her hole,
and the like, can be no more than advice:
therefore, we must find out fome way
of
punishing her, which hath more inconveni-
encies than fhe will ever fuffer by the mere
eating of cheefe. After this, who is fo flow
of understanding, as not to have in his
mind a full and compleat idea of a mouſe
trap? Well.-The Freethinkers may talk
what they pleaſe of pedantry, and cant, and
jargon of fchool-men, and infignificant terms
in the writings of the clergy, if ever the
moft perplexed and perplexing follower of
Ariftotle from Scotus to Suarez could be a
match for this author.
But the ftrength of his arguments is equal
to the clearness of his definitions. For, hav-
ing moft ignorantly divided government
into three parts, whereof the firft contains
the other two; he attempteth to prove that
the clergy poffefs none of thefe by a divine
right.
86
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
right. And he argueth thus, p. vii. As to
a legislative Power, if that belongs to the
Clergy by divine right, it muſt be when they
are affembled in Convocation: but the 25 Hen.
VIII. c. 19. is a bar to any fuch divine right,
becauſe that Act makes it no less than a pre-
munire for them, ſo much as to meet with-
out the king's writ, &c. So that the force of
his argument lieth here; if the Clergy had
a divine right, it is taken away by the 25th of
Henry the VIIIth. And as ridiculous as this
argument is, the preface and book are found-
ed upon it.
་
Another argument against the legislative
power in the clergy of England, is, p. viii.
that Tacitus telleth us, that in great affairs,
the Germans confulted the whole body of the
people. De minoribus rebus principes conful-
tant, de majoribus omnes: Ita tamen, ut ea
quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium eft
apud principes pertractentur. Tacitus de mori-
bus & populis Germania. Upon, which, Tin-
dall obferveth thus: De majoribus omnes,
was a fundamental amongſt our anceſtors long
before they arrived in Great-Britain, and
matters of Religion were ever reckoned a-
mong their Majora (See Pref. p. viii. and
ix.) Now it is plain, that our anceſtors, the
Saxons, came from Germany: It is likewiſe
plain, that religion was always reckoned by
the Heathens among their Majora: And it
is plain, the whole body of the people could
not be the clergy, and therefore, the clergy
of England have no legiflative power.
Thirdly,
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
87
Thirdly, p. ix. They have no legiſlative
power, becauſe Mr. Washington, in his Ob-
feryations on the ecclefiaftical jurifdiction of
the kings of England, fheweth from undeni-
able authorities, that in the time of William
the Conqueror, and feveral of bis fucceffors,
there were no laws enacted concerning reli-
gion, but by the great Council of the kingdom.
I hope likewife, Mr. Washington obferveth,
that this great council of the kingdom, as
appeareth by undeniable authorities, was
fometimes entirely compofed of bishops and
clergy, and called the parliament, and of-
ten confulted upon affairs of ftate, as well
as church, as it is agreed by twenty wri-
ters of three ages; and if Mr. Washington
fays otherwife, he is an author juſt fit to be
quoted by Beaux.
Fourthly, But it is endleſs to purfue
this matter any further; in that, it is plain,
the clergy have no divine right to make laws;
becauſe Hen. VIII. Edward VI. and Queen
Elizabeth, with their parliaments will, not
allow it them. Now, without examining
what divine right the clergy have, or how
far it extendeth; is it any fort of proof that
I have no right, becauſe a ſtronger power
will not let me exercife it? Or, doth all,
that this author fays through his preface, or
book itſelf, offer any other fort of argument
but this, or what he deduces the fame way?
But his arguments and definitions are yet
more fupportable than the groffneſs of hif-
torical remarks, which are fcattered fo plen-
tifully
88
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
tifully in his book, that it would be tedi-
ous to enumerate, or to fhew the fraud and
ignorance of them. I beg the reader's leave
to take notice of one here juſt in my way;
and, the rather, becauſe I defign for the fu-
ture to let hundreds of them pafs without
further notice. When, fays he, p. x. by the
abolishing of the Pope's power, things were
brought back to their antient channel, the par-
liament's right in making ecclefiaftical laws
revived of courſe. What can poffibly be
meant by this antient channel?. Why, the
channel that thing's ran in before the Pope
had any power in England: that is to fay,
before Auſtin the monk converted England,
before which time, it ſeems, the parliament
had a right to make ecclefiaftical laws.
And what parliament could this be? Why,
the lords fpiritual and temporal, and the
commons met at Westminster.
I cannot here forbear reproving the folly
and pedantry of fome lawyers, whofe opini-
ons this poor creature blindly followeth,
and rendereth yet more abfurd by his com-
ments. The knowledge of our conftitution
can be only attained by confulting the
earliest English hiftories, of which thofe gen-
tlemen feem utterly ignorant, further than a
quotation or an index. They would fain
derive our government, as now conftituted,
from antiquity: And, becauſe they have
feen Tacitus quoted for his Majoribus
omnes; and have read of the Goths mili-
tary inftitution in their progreffes and con-
quefts
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
89
quefts, they prefently dream of a parlia-
ment. Had their reading reached ſo far,
they might have deduced it much more
fairly from Ariftotle and Polybius, who both
diftinctly name the compofition of Rex,
Seniores, et Populus; and the latter, as I re-
member particularly, with the higheft ap-
probation. The princes in the Saxon Hep-
tarchy, did indeed call their nobles fome-
times together upon weighty affairs, as
moft other princes of the world have done in
all ages.
But they made war and peace,
and raiſed money by their own authority:
They gave or mended laws by their char-
ters, and they raiſed armies by their tenures.
Befides, fome of thofe kingdoms fell in by
conqueft, before England was reduced under
one head, and therefore could pretend no
rights, but by the conceffions of the con-
queror.
Further, which is more material, upon
the admiffion of chriftianity, great quanti-
ties of land were acquired by the clergy,
fo that the great council of the nation was
often entirely of churchmen, and ever a
confiderable part.
But our prefent confti-
tution is an artificial thing, not fairly to
be traced, in my opinion, beyond Henry I.
Since which time it hath in every age admit-
ted ſeveral alterations; and differeth now as
much, even from what it was then, as al-
moft any two fpecies of government defcri-
bed by Ariftotle. And it would be much
more reaſonable to affirm, that the govern-
ment
90 REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
ment of Rome continued the fame under
Juftinian as it was in the time of Scipio,
becauſe the fenate and confuls ſtill remain-
ed, although the power of both had been
feveral hundred years transferred to the
emperors.
REMARKS on the PREFACE.
Page iv, v. IF men of oppofite fentiments can
fubfcribe the fame articles, they
are as much at liberty as if there were none.
May not a man fubfcribe the whole articles,
becauſe he differs from another in the explica-
tion of one? How many oaths are preſcribed,
that men may differ in the explication of fome
part of them? Inſtance, &c.
Page vi. Idea of Government. A canting
pedantic way, learned from Locke; and how
prettily he fheweth it.
Inftance-
Page vii. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19. is a bar to
any fuch divine Right [of a legiflative power
in the Clergy]. Abfurd to argue against
the clergy's divine right, becauſe of the fta-
tute of Henry VIII. How doth that deſtroy
divine right? The fottiſh way of arguing;
from what the parliament can do; from
their power, &c.
Page viii. If the parliament did not think
they had a plenitude of power in this matter,
they would not have damned all the Canons
of 1640. What doth he mean? A grave
divine could not answer all his play-houſe
and
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
91
and Alfatia cant, &c. He hath read Hudi-
bras, and many Plays.
Ibid. If the parliament can annul ecclefi-
aftical laws, they must be able to make them.
Diftinguifh and fhew the fillinefs, &c.
Ibid. All that he faith againſt the dif
cipline, he might fay the fame againſt the
doctrine, nay, againſt the belief of a God,
viz. That the legiflature might forbid it.
The church formeth and contriveth ca-
nons; and the civil power, which is com-
pulfive, confirms them.
And
Page ix. There were no Laws enacted but
by the great council of the kingdom.
that was very often, chiefly, only biſhops,
Ibid. Laws fettled by parliament to puniſh
the clergy. What laws were thofe ?
Page x. The people are bound to no laws
but of their own chufing. It is fraudulent;
for they may confent to what others chufe,
and ſo people often do.
Page xiv. paragraph 6. The clergy are not
Suppoſed to have any divine legislature, be-
cauſe that must be fuperior to all worldly
power; ana the clergy might as well for-
bid the parliament to meet but when and
where they pleaſe, &c. No fuch confequence
at all. They have a power excluſive from
all others. Ordained to act as clergy, but
not govern in civil affairs; nor act without
leave of the civil power.,
#
Page xxv. The Parliament fufpected the
love of power natural to churchmen. Truly,
the love of pudding, and moſt other
fo
things
92
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
things defirable in this life; and in that
they are like the laity, as in all other things
that are not good. And, therefore, they
are held not in eſteem for what they are like
in, but for their virtues. The true way to
abufe them with effect, is to tell us fome
faults of their's, that other men have not,
or not ſo much of as they, &c. Might not
any man ſpeak full as bad of fenates, diets,
and parliaments, as he can do about coun-
cils; and as bad of princes, as he doth of
bishops?
Page xxxi. They might as well have made
Cardinals Campegi and de Chinuchii, bishops
of Salisbury and Worceſter, as have enactil
that their feveral fees and bishopricks were
utterly void. No. The legiflature might de-
termine who fhould not be a bifhop there,
but not make a biſhop.
Ibid. Were not a great number deprived
by Parliament upon the refloration? Does
he mean Prefbyters? What fignifies that?
Ibid. Have they not trufted this power
with our princes? Why, aye. But that
argueth not right, but power. Have they
not cut off a king's head, &c. The church
must do the best they can, if not what they
would.
Page xxxvi. If tythes and firft-fruits are
paid to spiritual perfons as fuch, the King or
Queen is the mofi fpiritual perfon, &c. As
if the firft-fruits, &c. were paid to the king,
as tythes to a fpiritual perfon.
Page
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
93
Page xliii. King Charles II. thought fit
that the bishops in Scotland fhould hold their
bifbopricks during will and pleasure; I do
not find that high charch complained of this as
an encroachment, &c. No; but as a perni-
cious counſel of lord Loch.
Page'xliv. The common Law Judges have
a power to determine, whether a man has a
legal right to the Sacrament. They pretend
it, but what we complain of as a moſt abomin-
able hardship, &c.
Page xlv. Giving men thus blindly to the
Devil, is an extraordinary piece of complai-
fance to a lay-chancellor. He is fomething in
the right; and therefore it is a pity there are
and I hope the church will provide a-
gainst it. But if the fentence be juft, it is
not the perfon, but the contempt. And,
if the author attacketh a man on the high-
way, and taketh but twopence, he shall be.
fent to the gallows, more terrible to him than
the Devil, for his contempt of the law,
&c. Therefore he need not complain of
being fent to hell.
Page Ixiv. Mr. Lefly may carry things too
far, as it is natural, becaufe the other ex-
treme is fo great. But what he fays of the
king's loffes, fince the church lands were
given away, is too great a truth, &c.
Page lxxvi. To which I have nothing to
plead, except the zeal I have for the church
of England. You will fee fome pages fur-
ther, what he meaneth by the church; but
it
94 REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
it is not fair not to begin with telling us what
is contained in the idea of a church, &c.
Page lxxxiii. They will not be angry with
me for thinking better of the church than they
'do, &c. No, but they will differ from you;
becaufe the worſe the queen is pleafed, you
think her better. I believe the church will
not concern themfelves much about your
opinion of them, &c.
Page lxxxiv. But the Popish, Eaflern,
Prefbyterian and Jacobite Clergy, &c. This
is like a general pardon, with fuch excepti-
ons as make it ufelefs, if we compute it, &c.
Page lxxxvii. Mifapplying of the word
Church, &c. This is cavilling. No doubt
his project is for exempting the people: But
that is not what in common fpeech we ufual-
ly mean by the church. Belides, who doth
not know that diſtinction ?
Ibid. Conftantly apply the fame ideas to them.
This is, in old English, meaning the fame
thing.
Page lxxxix. Demonftrates I could have no
defign but the promoting of truth, &c. Yes,
feveral defigns, as money, fpleen, atheiſm,
&c. What? will any man think truth was
his defign, and not money and malice?
Doth he expect the houfe will go into a
committee for a bill to bring things to his
ſcheme, to confound every thing, &c.
Some deny Tindall to be the author, and
produce ftories of his dullneſs and ftupidity.
But what is. there in all this book, that the
dulleft
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
95
dullest man in England might not write, if
he were angry and bold enough, and had
no regard to truth ?
REMARKS upon the Вook, &c.
Page 4. WHETHER Louis XIV. bas
fuch a power over Philip V?
He speaketh here of the unlimited, uncon-
troulable authority of fathers. A very fool-
ifh queſtion; and his difcourfe hitherto, of
government, weak and trivial, and liable to
objections.
Ibid. Whom be is to confider not as his own,
but the Almighty's workmanſhip. A very like-
ly confideration for the ideas of the ftate of
nature. A very wrong deduction of paternal
government; but that is nothing to the dif
pute, &c.
Page 12. And as ſuch might juſily be puniſh.
ed by every one in the fate of nature. Falle
he doth not ſeem to underftand the ftate of na-
ture, although he hath borrowed it from
Hobbes, &c.
Page 14. Merely speculative points, and
other indifferent things, &c. And why are
fpeculative opinions to infignificant? Do not
men proceed in their practice according to
their fpeculations? So, if the author were a
chancellor, and one of his fpeculations were,
that the poorer the clergy the better; would
not that be of great ufe, if a caufe came be-
fore him of tythes or church-lands ?
Ibid.
96
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
.7
Ibid. Which can only be known by examining
whether men had any power in the fate of
nature over their own, or others actions in
theſe matters. No, that is a wrong method,
unleſs where religion hath not been revealed;
in natural religion.
•
Ibid. Nothing at firft fight can be more obvi
ous, than that, in all religious matters, none
could make over the right of judging for him-
felf, fince that would cauſe his religion to be
abfolutely at the difpofal of another. At his
rate of arguing (I think I do not mifrepreſent
him, and I believe he will not deny the con-
fequence) a man may profefs heatheniſm, ma-
hometanifm, &c. and gain as many profelytes
as he can; and they may have their affemblies,
and the magiftrate ought to protect them,
provided they do not difturb the ſtate: And
they may enjoy all fecular preferments, be
lords chancellors, judges, &c. But there are
fome opinions in feveral religions, which, al-
though they do not directly make men rebel,
yet lead to it. Inftance fome. Nay we might
have temples for idols, &c. A thouſand fuch
abfurdities follow from his general notions,
and ill-digefted fchemes. And we fee in the
Old Teftament, that kings were reckoned
good or ill, as they fuffered or hindered image
worship and idolatry, &c. which was limiting
confcience.
Page 15. Men may form what clubs, com-
panies, or meetings they think fit, &c. which
the magiftrate, as long as the publick fuftains
no damage, cannot hinder, &c. This is falfe;
although
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
97
although the publick fuftain no damage, they
will forbid clubs, where they think danger
may happen.
Page 6. The magiftrate is as much obliged to
protect them in the way they chufe of worship-
ing him, as in any other indifferent matter.
-Page 17. The magiftrate to treat all his fub-
jects alike, how much foever they differ from
him or one another in these matters. This
fhews, that although they be Turks, Jews,
or Heathens, it is fo. But we are fure chrif-
tianity is the only true religion, &c. and
therefore it fhould be the magiftrate's chief
care to propagate it; and that God ſhould be
worshiped in that form, that thoſe who are
the teachers think moft proper, &c.
Page 18. So that perfecution is the most
comprehenfive of all crimes, &c. But he hath
not told us what is included in the idea of
perfecution. State it right.
Ibid. But here it may be demanded, if a
man's confcience make him do fuch alts, &c.
This doth not anfwer the above objection:
For, if the public be not diſturbed with athe-
iftical principles preached, nor immoralities,
all is well. So that ſtill, men may be Jews,
Turks, &c.
Page 22. The fame reafon which obliges them
to make ftatutes of mortmain, and other laws,
against the people's giving eftates to the clergy,
will equally bold for their taking them away
when given. A great fecurity, for property!
Will this hold to any other fociety in a ſtate,
as merchants, &c. or only to ecclefiafticks ?
G
A pretty
98 REMARKS upon a Вoox, &c.
A pretty project: Forming general ſchemes.
requires a deeper head than this man's.
Ibid. But the good of the fociety being the
only reafon of the magiftrate's having any por-
er over men's properties, I cannot fee why he
fhould deprive his fubjects of any part thereof,
for the maintenance of fuch opinions as bave
no tendency that way, &c. Here is a para-
graph (vide alfo infra) which has a great
deal in it. The meaning is, that no man
Qught to pay tythes, who doth not believe
what the minifter preacheth. But how came
they by this property? When they purchaſed
the land, they paid only for fo much; and
the tythes were exempted. It is an older ti-
tle than any man's eftate is, and if it were
taken away to-morrow, it could not without
a new law belong to the owners of the
other pine parts, any more than impropriati-
ons do.
Ibid. For the maintenance of ſuch opinions,
as no ways contribute to the publick good. By
fuch opinions as the publick receive no advan-
tage by, he must mean chriſtianity.
Page 23. Who by reafon of fuch articles are
divided into different fects. A pretty cauſe of
fects! &c.
Page 24. So the fame reafon, as often as it
occurs, will oblige bim to leave that church.
That is an excufe for turning papift.
Ibid. Unless you fuppofe churches, like traps,
eafy to admit one; but when once he is in,
there he must always flick, either for the plea-
Sure or profit of the trap-fetters. Remark his
wit.
Page
REMARKS upon a Book, &c. 99
Page 29. Nothing can be more abfurd than
maintaining there must be two independent
powers in the fame fociety, &c. This abomi-
nably abfurd; fhew it.
Page 33. The whole hierarchy as built on it,
must neceffarily fall to the ground, and great
will be the fall of this fpiritual Babylon. I
will do him juſtice, and take notice, when he
is witty, &c.
Page 36. For if there may be two fuch (in-
dependent powers] in every Society on Earth,
why may there not be more than one in Hea
ven? A delicate confequence.
Page 37. Without having the leſs, he could
not have the greater, in which that is contain-
ed. Sophiftical; inftance wherein.
Page 42. Some fince, fubtler than the Jews,
bave managed commutations more to their own
advantage, by enriching themſelves, and beg-
garing, if Fame be not a lyar, many an boneft
diffenter. It is fair to produce witneffes; is
the a lyar or not? The report is almoft im-
poffible. Commutations were contrived for
roguiſh regiſters and proctors, and lay-chan-
cellors, but not for the clergy.
Page 43. Kings and people, who (as the
Indians do the Devil) adored the Pope out of
fear. I am in doubt, whether I fhall allow
that for wit or no, &c. Look you, in theſe
cafes, preface it thus: If one may uſe an old
faying.
Page 44. One reason why the clergy make
what they call fchifm, to be fo heinous a fin.
There it is now; becauſe he hath changed
churches,
G 2
100 REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
churches, he ridiculeth fchifm; as Milton
wrote for divorces, becauſe he had an ill wife?
For ten pages on, we must give the true an-
fwer, that makes all theſe arguments of no
ufe.
Page 60. It poffibly will be faid, I have all
this while been doing theſe gentlemen a great
deal of wrong. To do him juftice, he fets
forth the objections of his adverfaries with
great ftrength, and much to their advantage.
No doubt thoſe are the very objections we
would offer.
Page 68. Their executioner. He is fond of
this word in many places, yet there is nothing
in it further than it is the name for the hang-
man, &c.
Page 69. Since they exclude both from bav-
ing any thing in the ordering of church matters.
Another part of his fcheme: For by this the
people ought to execute ecclefiaftical offices
without diftinction, for he brings the other
opinion as an abfurd one.
Page 72. They claim a judicial power, and,
by virtue of it, the government of the church,
and thereby (pardon the expreffion) become
traitors both to God and Man. Who doth he
defire to pardon him? or is this meant of the
Engliſh clergy? fo it feemeth. Doth he de-
fire them to pardon him? they do it as chrifti-
ars. Doth he défire the government to do it?
but then how can they make examples? He
fays, the clergy do fo, &c. fo he means all.
Page 74. I would gladly know what they
mean by giving the Holy Ghoft. Explain what
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
101
is really meant by giving the Holy Ghoft, like
a king impowering an ambaffador [6].
Page 76. The popish clergy make very bold
with the three perfons of the Trinity. Why
then, don't mix them, but we ſee whom this
glanceth on moft. As to the Congé d'Elire,
and Nolo epifcopare, not fo abfurd; and if
omitted, why changed.
Page 78. But not to digrefs-Pray, doth he
call fcurrility upon the clergy, a digreffion?
The apology needlefs, &c.
Ibid. A clergyman, it is faid, is God's am-
baſſador. But you know an ambaffador may
leave a fecretary, &c.
Ibid. Call their pulpit ſpeeches, the word of
God. That is a miſtake.
Page 79. Such perfons to represent him.
Are not they that own his power, fitter to re-
prefent him than others? Would the author
be a fitter perfon ?
Ibid. Puft up with intolerable pride and
infolence. Not at all; for where is the pride
to be employed by a prince, whom fo few
own, and whoſe being is difputed by fuch as
this author.
Ibid. Perhaps from a poor fervitor, &c. to
be a prime minifter in God's kingdom. That
is right. God taketh notice of the difference
between poor fervitors, &c. Extremely fool-
ifh-fhew it. The argument lieth trongly
againſt the apostles, poor fishermen and St.
Paul, a tent-maker. So grofs and idle!
[3] See Hooker's Eccl. Pol. Book v. § 77.
G 3
- Page
102
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
Page 80. The formality of laying hand over
bead on a man. A pun; but an old one. I
remember, when Savan made that pun firſt,
he was feverely checked for it.
Ibid. What is more required to give one a
right, &c. Here thew, what power is in the
church, and what in the ftate, to make priests.
Page 85. To bring men into, and not turn
them out of, the ordinary way of falvation.
Yes; but as one rotten fheep doth miſchief-
and do you think it reaſonable, that ſuch a one
as this author, fhould converfe with chrifti-
ans, and weak ones.
Page 86. See his fine account of ſpiritual
Punishment.
Page 87. The clergy affirm, that if they had
not the power to exclude men from the church,
its unity could not be preferved. So to expel
an ill member from a college, would be the
way to divide the college; as in All-Souls,
&c. Apply it to him.
Page 88. I cannot ſee but it is contrary to the
rules of charity, to exclude men from the church,
&c. All this turns upon the falſeſt reaſoning
in the world. So, if a man be impriſoned for
ftealing a horfe, he is hindered from other du-
ties: And, you might argue, that a man who
doth ill, ought to be more diligent in mind-
ing other duties, and not to be debarred from
them. It is for contumacy and rebellion a-
gainst that power in the church, which the
law hath confirmed. So a man is outlawed
for a trifle, upon contumacy.
4
Page
REMARKS, upon a Вook, &c.
103
Page 92. Obliging all by penal laws to re-
ceive the Sacrament. This is falfe..
Page 93. The want of which means can
only harden a man in his impenitence. It is
for his being hardened that he is excluded.
Suppofe a fon robbeth his father in the high-
way, and his father will not fee him till he re-
ftoreth the money and owneth his fault. It
is hard to deny him paying his duty in other
things, &c. How abfurd this!
Page 95. And that only they had a right to
give it. Another part of his ſcheme, that
the people have a right to give the facrament.
See more of it. p. 135 and 137.
Page 96. Made familiar to fuch practices
by the Heathen priests. Well; and this fhews
the neceffity of it for peace fake. A filly ob-
jection of this and other enemies to religion,
to think to difgrace it by applying heathen-
ifm, which only concerns the political part
wherein they were as wife as others, and might
give rules. Inftance in fome, &c.
Page 98. How differently from this do the
great pretenders to primitive practice aft, &c.
This a remarkable paſſage. Doth he condemn
or allow this myfterious way? It seems the
firft-and therefore thefe words are a little
turned, but infallibly ſtood in the first draught
as a great argument for popery.
Page 100. They dress them up in a San-be-
nito. So, now we are to anfwer for the In-
quifition. One thing is, that he makes the
fathers guilty of afferting moft of the corrup-
tions about the power of priests.
Pagè
104
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
Page 104. Some prieſts affume to themſelves
an arbitrary power of excluding men from the
Lord's Supper. His fcheme; that any body
may adminifter the facraments, women or
children, &c.
Page 108. One no more than another can be
reckoned a prieft. See his fcheme. Here he
difgraces what the law enacts, about the man-
ner of confecrating, &c.
Page 118. Churches ferve to worſe purpoſes
than bear-gardens. This from Hudibras.
Page 119. In the time of that wife Heathen
Ammianus Marcellinus. Here he runs down
all christianity in general.
Page 120. I fall, in the following part of
my difcourfe, few that this doctrine is fo far
from ferving the ends of religion, that, 1. It
prevents the freading of the gospel, &c. This
independent power in the church is like the
worms being the cauſe of all diſeaſes.
Page 124 How easily could the Roman em-
perors have defrayed the church! Just as if
he had faid, How eaſily could Herod kill
Ch while a child, &c.
Page 125. The people were fet against bi-
fbobs by reafon of their tyranny. Wrong. For
the bishops were no tyrants: Their power
was ſwallowed up by the popes, and the peo-
ple defired they fhould have more. It were
the regulars that tyrannized and formed prieft-
craft. He is ignorant.
Page 139. He is not bound by the laws of
Chrift to leave his friends in order to be bap-
tized, &c. This directly against the Gofpel.
5
-On:
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
105
-One would think him an emiflary, by his
preaching ſchifm.
Page 142. Then will the communion of
faints be practicable, to which the principles of
all parties, the occafional Conformifts only ex-
cepted, ftand in direct oppofition, &c. So that
all are wrong but they. The fcripture is fully
againft fchifm. Tindall promoteth it, and
placeth in it all the preſent and future happi-
nefs of man.
Page 144. All he has hitherto faid on this
matter, with a very little turn, were argu-
ments for popery: For, it is certain, that re-
ligion had a fhare in very few wars for many
hundred years before the reformation, becauſe
they were all of a mind. It is the ambition
of rebeks, practising upon the difcontents of
fectaries, that they are not fupreme, which
hath cauſed wars for religion. He is miſtak-
en altogether. His little narrow underſtand-
ing and want of learning.
Page 145. Though fome fay the high-flyers'
lives might ferve for a very good rule, if men
would act quite contrary to them. Is he one
of thoſe Some? Befides the new turn of wit,
&c. all the clergy in England come under
his notion of high-flyers, as he ftates it.
Rage 147. None of them (Churchmen) could
be brought to acknowledge it lawful, upon any
count whatever, to exclude the duke of York.
his account falſe in fact.
Ibid. And the body politick, whether ecclefi-
aftical or civil, must be dealt with after the
fame manner, as the body natural. What,
becauſe
106 REMARKs upon a Book, &c.
becauſe it is called a body, and is a fimile,
muſt it hold in all circumſtances ?
Page 148. We find all wiſe legiflators have
had regard to the tempers, inclinations, and
prejudices, &c. This paragraph falfe.-It was
directly contrary in feveral, as Lycurgus, &c.
Page 152. All the skill of the prelates is not
able to difcover the leaft diftinction between bi-
Shop and prefbyter. Yet, God knows, this
hath been done many a time.
Page 158. The epifle to the Philippians is
directed to the bishops and deacons, I mean in
due order after the people, viz. to the faints
with their bishops and deacons. I hope he
would argue from another place, that the peo-
pie precede the king, becauſe of theſe words:
Ye ball be deftroyed both you and your king.
Page 167. The pope and other great church
dons. I fuppoſe, he meaneth biſhops: But
I wiſh, he would explain himſelf, and not be
fo very witty in the midſt of an argument;
it is like two mediums; not fair in difputing..
Page 168. Clemens Romanus blames the peo-
ple not for affuming a power, but for making
a wrong uſe of it, &c. His great error all
along is, that he doth not diftinguish between
a power, and a liberty of exercising that
power, &c. I would appeal to any man, whe-
ther the clergy have not too little power, fince
a book like his, that unfettleth foundations
and would deſtroy all, goes unpunished, &c.
Page 171. By this or fome fuch method the
bishops obtained their power over their fellow
prefbyters, and both over the people.
The
whole
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
107,
whole tenor of the gospel directly contrary to it.
Then it is not an allowable means: This car-
ries it fo far as to ſpoil his own ſyſtem; it is
a fin to have biſhops as we have them.
Page 172. The prefervation of peace and
unity, and not any divine right, was the rea-
fon of establishing a fuperiority of one of the
prefbyters over the reft. Otherwife there
would, as they fay, have been as many ſchif-
matics as prefbyters. No great compliment to
the clergy of thoſe days. Why fo? It is the
natural effect of a worfe independency, which
he keepeth fuch a clatter about; an indepen-
dency of churches on each other, which iuft
naturally create fchifm.
Page 183. How could the chriftians have
afferted the difinterefedness of those who first
preached the gospel, particularly their having
a right to the tenth part? Yes, that would
have paffed eafy enough; for they could not
imagine teachers could live on air; and their
heathen priests were much more unreaſonable.
Page 184. Mens fuffering for fuch opinions
is not fufficient to fupport the weight of them.
This is a glance againſt chriſtianity. State
the cafe of converting infidels; the converters
are fuppofed few; the bulk of the prieſts
must be of the converted country. It is their
own people therefore they maintain. What
project or end can a few converters propofe?
they can leave no power to their families, &c.
State this, I fay, at length, and give it a true
turn. Princes give corporations power to pur-
chafe lands.
Page
108
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
Page 187. That it became an eafy prey to
the barbarous nations. Ignorance in Tindall.
The empire long declined before chriftianity
was introduced. This a wrong caufe, if ever
there was one.
Page 190. It is the clergy's intereft to have
religion corrupted. Quite the contrary; prove
it. How is it the intereft of the English cler-
gy to corrupt religion? The more juſtice and
piety the people have, the better it is for them;
for that would prevent the penury of farmers,
and the oppreffion of exacting covetous land-
lords, &c. That which hath corrupted reli-
gion, is the liberty unlimited of profeffing all
opinions. Do not lawyers render law intri-
cate by their ſpeculations, &c. And phyfici-
ans, &c.
Page 209. The Spirit and temper of the
clergy, &c. What does this man think the
clergy are made of? Anfwer generally to what
he fays against councils in the ten pages be-
fore. Suppofe I ſhould bring quotations in
their praife.
Page 211. As the clergy, though few in
compariſon of the laity, were the inventors of
corruptions. His fcheme is, that the fewer
and poorer the clergy the better, and the con-
trary among the laity. A noble principle;
and delicate confequences from it.
Page 207. Men are not always condemned
for the fake of opinions, but opinions fometimes
for the jake of men. And fo, he hopes, that,
if his opinions are condemned, people will
think,
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c. 109
think, it is a fpite againſt him, as having
been always fcandalous.
Page 210. The meaneft layman as good a
judge as the greateſt priest, for the meaneft
man is as much interefted in the truth of reli-
gion as the greateſt prieft. As if one ſhould
ſay, the meaneft fick man hath as much in-
tereft in health as a phyfician, therefore is
as good a judge of phyfick as a phyſician,
&c.
But
Ibid. Had fynods been compofed of laymen,
none of thoſe corruptions which tend to advance
the intereft of the clergy, &c. True.
the part the laity had in reforming, was little
more than plundering. He should under-
ftand, that the nature of things is this, that
the clergy are made of men, and, without
fome encouragement, they will not have the
beft, but the worst.
Page 215. They who gave eftates to, ra-
ther than they who took them from, the clergy,
were guilty of facrilege. Then the people
are the church, and the clergy not; another
part of his fcheme.
Page 219. The clergy as they fubfifted by
the alms of the people, &c. This he would
have ftill. Shew the folly of it. Not pof-
fible to fhew any civilized nation ever did it.
Who would be clergymen then? The abfur-
dity appears by putting the cafe, that none
were to be ſtateſmen, lawyers, or phyſicians,
but who were to ſubſiſt by alms.
Page 222. Thefe fubtle clergymen work
their defigns, who lately cut out fuch a tacking
VOL. XIII.
H
job
110
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
job for them, &c.
He is miſtaken-Every
body was for the bill almoft; though not for
the tack. The bishop of Sarum was for it,
as appears by his fpeech againſt it. But it
feems, the tacking is owing to metaphyfical
fpeculations. I wonder whether is moſt per-
plexed, this author in his ftile, or the writ-'
ings of our divines. In the judgment of all
people our divines have carried practical
preaching and writing to the greateſt perfec-
tion it ever arrived to; which fhews, that we
may affirm in general, our clergy is excellent,
although this or that man be faulty. As if
an army be conftantly victorious, regular,
&c. we may fay, it is an excellent victorious
army: But Tindall to difparage it, would
fay, fuch a ferjeant ran away; fuch an en-
fign hid himſelf in a ditch; nay, one colonel
turned his back, therefore, it is a corrupt,
cowardly army, &c.
Page 224. They were as apprehenſive of
the works of Ariftotle, as fome men are of the
works of a late philofopher, which, they are
afraid, will let too much light into the world.
Yet juft fuch another; only a commentator
on Ariftotle. People are likely to improve
their underſtanding much with Locke: It is
not the human understanding, but other works
that people diflike, although in that there
are fome dangerous tenets, as that of [no]
innate ideas.
Page 226. Could they, like the popish priests,
add to this a restraint on the prefs, their bufi-
neſs would be done. So it ought: For ex-
ample,
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
III
ample, to hinder his book, becauſe it is writ-
ten to justify the vices and infidelity of the
age. There can be no other defign in it.
For, is this a way or manner to do good?
Railing doth but provoke. The opinion of
the whole parliament is, the clergy are too
poor.
Ibid. When fome nations could be no longer
kept from prying into learning, this miferable
gibberish of the fchools was contrived. We
have exploded ſchoolmen as much as he, and
in fome peoples opinion too much, fince the
liberty of embracing any opinion is allowed.
They following Ariftotle, who is doubtleſs
the greateſt mafter of arguing in the world:
But it hath been a faſhion of late years to
explode Ariſtotle, and therefore this man hath
fallen into it like others, for that reafon,
without underſtanding him. Ariftotle's poe-
try, rhetorick, and politicks, are admirable,
and therefore, it is likely, fo are his logicks.
Page 230. In theſe freer countries, as the
clergy have less power, fo religion is better
underſtood, and more uſeful and excellent dif-
courfes are made on that fubject, &c. Not ge-
nerally. Holland not very famous, Spain hath
been, and France is. But it requireth more
knowledge, than his, to form general rules,
which people ftrain (when ignorant) to falſe
deductions to make them out.
#
Page 232. Chap. VII. That this hypothefis
of an Independent power in any fet of clergymen,
makes all reformation unlawful, except where
H 2
thofe
712
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
thoſe who have this power, do confent. The
title of this chapter, A Truifm.
Page 234. If God has not placed mankind
in respect to civil matters under an abfolute
power, but has permitted them in every fociety
to act as they judge beft for their own fafety,
&c. Bad parallels; bad politicks; want of
due diftinction between teaching and govern-
ment. The people may know when they are
governed well, but not be wifer than their
inftructers. Shew the difference.
Ibid. If God has allowed the civil fociety
thefe privileges, can we suppose be bath lefs
kindness for his church, &c. Here they are
diftinguiſhed then, here it makes for him.
It is a fort of turn of expreffion, which is
fcarce with him, and he contradicts himſelf
to follow it,
Page 235. This curfed hypothefis had, per-
haps, never been thought on with relation to
civils, had not the Clergy (who have an in-
exhauftible magazine of oppreffive doctrines)
contrived firft in ecclefiafticals, &c. The
feventh paragraph furious and falfe. Were
there no tyrants before the clergy, c?
Page 236. Therefore in order to ferve them,
though I expect little thanks, &c. And, why
fo? Will they not, as you fay, follow their
intereft? I thought you faid fo. He has
three or four fprightly turns of this kind,
that look, as if he thought he had done
wonders, and had put all the clergy in a fer-
ment. Whereas, I do affure him, there are
but two things wonderful in his book: Firſt,
how
REMARKS upon a Book, &c. 113
how any man in a chriftian country could
have the boldnefs and wickedneſs to write it:
And, how any government would negle&
puniſhing the author of it, if not as an ene-
my of religion, yet a profligate trumpeter of
fedition. Theſe are hard words, got by read-
ing his book.
Ibid. The light of nature as well as the
gofpel, obliges people to judge of themselves,
c. to avoid false prophets, feducers, &c.
The legislature can turn out a prieſt, and ap-
point another ready made, but not make one;
as you difcharge a phyfician, and may take a
farrier; but he is no phyfician, unleſs made
as he ought to be.
Ibid. Since no more power is required for
the one than the other. That is, I diflike my
phyfician, and can turn him off, therefore I
can make any man a phyſician, &c. Cujus
eft deftruere, &c. Jeft on it: Therefore be-
caufe he lays fchemes for deftroying the
church, we muſt employ him to raiſe it again.
See, what danger lies in applying maxims at
random. So, becauſe it is the foldiers bufi-
nefs to knock men on the head, it is theirs
likewife to raiſe them to life, &c.
Page 237. It can belong only to the people to
appoint their own ecclefiaftical officers. This
word People is ſo delicious in him, that I
cannot tell what is included in the idea of
the People. Doth he mean the rabble or the
legiflature, &c. In this fenfe it may be true,
that the legislature gaveth leave to the bithops
to appoint, and they appoint themſelves; I
H 3
mean,
114
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
mean, the executive power appoints, &c.
He ſheweth his ignorance in government.
As to High Church he carrieth it a prodi-
gious way, and includeth, in the idea of it,
more than others will allow.
Page 239. Though it be cuftomary to admit
none to the miniftry who are uot approved by
the bishops or priests, &c. One of his prin-
ciples to expofe.
Ibid. If every one has not an inherent right
to chufe his own guide, then a man must be
either of the religion of his guide, or, &c.
That would make delicate work in a nation:
What would become of all our churches?
They muft dwindle into conventicles. Shew
what would be the confequence of this ſcheme
in feveral points. This great reformer, if
his projects were reduced to practice, how
many thouſand fects, and confequently tu-
mults, &c. Men muſt be governed in ſpe-
culation, at leaft not fuffered to vent them,
becauſe opinions tend to actions, which are
moft governed by opinions, &c. If thofe
who write for the church writ no better, they
would fucceed but fcurvily. But to ſee whe-
ther he be a good writer, let us fee when he
hath published his fecond part,
Page 253. An excellent author in bis pre-
face to the account of Denmark. This man
judgeth and writeth much of a level. Molef-
warth's preface full of ftale profligate to-
picks. That author wrote his book in ſpite
to a nation, as this doth to religion, and both
perhaps on poor perfonal piques.
Ibid.
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
115
Ibid. By which means, and not by any dif-
ference in fpeculative matters, they are more
rich and populous.
As if ever any body
thought that a difference in fpeculative opi-
nions made men richer or poorer; for ex-
ample, &c.
Page 258. Play the Devil for God's fake.
If this is meant for wit, I would be glad to
obſerve it; but in fuch cafes I first look whe-
ther there be common ſenſe, &c.
Page 261. Chriftendom has been the Scene of
perpetual wars, maſſacres, &c. He doth
not confider that most religious wars have
been cauſed by fchifms, when the diffenting
parties were ready to join with any ambitious
diſcontented men. The national religion al-
ways defireth peace, even in her notions, for
its interefts.
Page 270. Some have taken the liberty to
compare a high church priest in politics to a
monkey in a glass fhop, where, as he can do
no good, so he never fails of doing miſchief
enough. That is his modefty, it is his own
fimile, and it rather fits a man that does fo
and fo (meaning himfelf). Befides the com-
parifon is foolish. So it is with men, as with
Aags.
Page 276. Their intereft obliges them direct-
ly to promote tyranny. The matter is, that
chriſtianity is the fault, which fpoils the
priests, for they were like other men, before
they were priefts. Among the Romans, prieſts
did not do fo; for they had the greateſt
H 4
power
116
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
power during the republick. I wonder he
did not prove, they fpoiled Nero.
Page 277. No princes have been more in-
Supportable, and done greater violence to the
commonwealth than thoſe the clergy have bo-
noured for faints and martyrs. For example
in our country, the princes most celebrated
by our clergy are, &c. &c. &c. And the
quarrels fince the conqueft were nothing at
all of the clergy, but purely of families,
&c. wherein the clergy only joined like other
men.
Mon-
Page 279. After the reformation, I defire
to know whether the conduct of the clergy was
any ways altered for the better, &c.
frous mifreprefentation. Does this man's
fpirit of declaiming let him forget all truth
of fact, as here, &c? Shew it. Or doth he
flatter himſelf, a time will come in future
ages, that men will believe it on his word?
In short, between declaiming, between mif-
repreſenting, and falfenefs, and charging po-
pifh things, and independency huddled to-
gether, his whole book is employed.
Set forth at large the neceffity of union in
religion, and the difadvantage of the con-
trary, and anſwer the contrary in Holland,
where they have no religion, and are the
worſt conſtituted government in the world to
laft. It is ignorance of caufes and ap-
pearances which makes fhallow people
judge ſo much to their advantage. They are
governed by the adminiſtration, and almoſt
legislature of Holland through advantage of
property;
*
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
117
property; nor are they fit to be fet in balance
with a noble kingdom, &c. like a man that
gets a hundred pounds a year by hard labour,
and one that has it in land..
Page 280. It may be worth enquiring,
whether the difference between the feveral
fects in England, &c. A noble notion ſtart-
ed, that union in the church muſt enſlave the
kingdom; reflect on it. This man hath
fomewhere heard, that it is a point of wit
to advance paradoxes, and the bolder the
better. But the wit lies in maintaining them,
which he negle&teth, and formeth imaginary
conclufions from. them, as if they were true
and uncontested.
He adds, That in the beft conftituted church,
the greatest good which can be expected of the
ecclefiaftics is from their divifions. This is a
maxim deduced from a gradation of falfe
fuppofitions. If a man ſhould turn the
tables, and argue that all the debauchery,
atheiſm, licentioufnels, &c. of the times,
were owing to the poverty of the clergy, &c.
what would he ſay? There have been more
wars of religion ſince the ruin of the clergy,
than before in England. All the civil wars
before were from other caufes.
Page 283. Prayers are made in the loyal
univerfity of Oxford, to continue the throng
free from the contagion of fchifm. See Ma-
ther's Sermon on the 29th of May, 1705.
Thus he ridicules the univerſity while he is
eating their bread. The whole university
comes with the moſt loyal addreſſes, yet that
H 5
.goes
118
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c.
goes for nothing. If one indifcreet man
drops an indifcreet word, all muſt anſwer
for it.
Page 286. By allowing all, who hold no
opinions prejudicial to the ftate, and contribute
equally with their fellow fubjects to its fup-
port, equal privileges in it. But who denies
that of the diffenters? The calvinift scheme,
one would not think, proper for monarchy.
Therefore, they fall in with the Scotch, Gene-
va and Holland; and when they had strength
here, they pulled down the monarchy. But
I will tell an opinion they hold prejudicial to
the ſtate in his opinion; and that is, that
they are againſt toleration, of which, if I do
not fhew him ten times more inſtances from
their greateſt writers, than he can do of paf-
five obedience among the clergy, I have
done.
Does not juftice demand, that they who
alike contribute to the burden, fhould alike re-
ceive the advantage? Here is another of his
maxims clofely put without confidering what
exceptions may be made. The papiſts have
contributed doubly (being ſo taxed) therefore
by this rule they ought to have double ad-
vantage. Protection in property, leave to
trade and purchaſe, &c. are enough for a
government to give. Employments in a ſtate
are a reward for thofe who entirely agree
with it, &c. For example, a man, who
upon all occafions declared his opinion of a
commonwealth to be preferable to a monar-
chy, would not be a fit man to have employ-
ments;
REMARKS upon a Book, &c. 119
ments; let him enjoy his opinion, but not
be in a capacity of reducing it to practice,
&c.
Page 287. There can be no alteration in the
eftablished mode of church difcipline, which is
not made in a legal way. Oh, but there are
feveral methods to compaſs this legal way,
by cunning, faction, induſtry. The com-
mon people, he knows, may be wrought up-
on by priests; theſe may influence the faction,
and fo compafs a very pernicious law, and
in a legal way ruin the ſtate; as king Charles
I. began to be ruined in a legal way, by
paffing bills, &c..
Page 288. As every thing is perfecution,
which puts a man in a worse conditim than
his neighbours. It is hard to think fometimes
whether this man is hired to write for or
againſt diffenters and the fects. This is their
opinion, although they will not own it fo
roundly. Let this be brought to practice:
Make a quaker lord chancellor, who thinketh
paying tythes unlawful. And bring other
inftances to fhew that feveral employments af-
fect the church.
Ibid. Great advantage which both church
and fate bave got by the kindness already
fern to diffenters. Let them then be thank-
ful for that. We humour children for their
good fometimes, but too much may hurt.
Obferve that this 64th paragraph juft contra-
dicts the former. For, if we have advan-
tage by kindneſs fhewn diffenters, then there
is no neceffity of banishment, or death.
H 6
290. Chrift
TEO
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
290. Chrift never defigned the holy Sacra-
ment should be proffituted to ferve a party.
And then people should be bribed by a place to
receive unworthily. Why, the bufinefs is,
to be fure, that thofe who are employed are
of the national church; and the way to know
it is by receiving the facrament, which all
men ought to do in their own church; and
if not, are hardly fit for an office; and if
they have thoſe moral qualifications, he men-
tioneth, joined to religion, no fear of receiv-
ing unworthily. And for this there might
be a remedy: To take an oath, that they
are of the fame principles, &c. for that is
the end of receiving; and that it might be
no bribe, the bill againſt occafional confor-
mity would prevent entirely.
Ibid. Preferring men not for their capacity,
but their xeal to the church. The misfortune
is, that if we prefer diffenters to great pofts,
they will have an inclination to make them-
felves the national church, and fo there will
be perpetual ſtruggling; which cafe may be
dangerous to the ftate. For men are natu-
rally wishing to get over others to their own
opinion: Witneſs this writer, who hath
publiſhed as fingular and abfurd notions as
poffible, yet hath a mighty zeal to bring us
over to them, &c.
Page 292. Here are two pages of fcurri-
lous faction, with a deal of reflexions on
great perfons. Under the notion of high-
churchmen, he runs down all uniformity and
church
REMARKS upon a Book, &e. 121
church government. Here is the whole lower
houfe of convocation, which reprefents the
body of the clergy and both univerfities,
treated with rudeness by an obfcure, corrupt
member, while he is eating their bread.
Page 294. The reason why the middle fort
of people retain fo much of their antient vir-
tue, &c. is becaufe no fuch pernicious notions
are the ingredients of their education; which
'tis a fign are infinitely abfurd, when fo many
of the gentry and nobility can, notwithſtand-
ing their prepoffeffion, get clear of them. Now
the very fame argument lies against religion,
morality, honour, and honefty, which are,
it feems, but prejudices of education, and
too many get clear of them. The middle
fort of people have other things to mind than
the factions of the age. He always affigneth
many caufes, and fometimes with reaſon,
fince he maketh imaginary effects. He quar-
rels at power being lodged in the clergy:
When there is no reaſonable proteftant, cler-
gy or laity, who will not readily own the
inconveniencies by too great power and
wealth, in any one body of men, ecclefia-
fticks, or feculars: But on that account to
weed up the wheat with the tares; to baniſh
all religion, becauſe it is capable of being
corrupted; to give unbounded licence to all
fects, &c.-And if herefies had not been
uſed with ſome violence in the primitive age,
we ſhould have had, instead of true religion,
the moſt corrupt one in the world.
Page
122 REMARKS upon a Вooк, &c.
Page 316. The Dutch, and the reft of our
prefbyterian allies, &c. The Dutch will
hardly thank him for this appellation. The
French huguenots, and Geneva proteftants.
themſelves, and others, have lamented the
want of epifcopacy, and approved ours, &c.
In this and the next paragraph, the author
introduceth the arguments he formerly uſed,
when he turned papiſt in king James's time
and loth to lafe them, he gives them a new
turn; and they are the ftrongeſt in his book,
at leaſt have moft artifice,
2
The
Page 333. Tis plain, all the power the
bifbops home, is derived from the people, &c.
In general the diftinction lies here,
permiffive power of exercifing jurifdiction,
lies in the people, or legislature, or admini-
ſtrator of a kingdom; but not of making
him a bishop. As a phyfician that com-
menceth abroad, may be fuffered to practice
in London or be hindered; but they have not
the power of creating him a doctor, which is
peculiar to a univerfity. This is fome allu-
fion ; but the thing is plain, as it feemeth to
me, and wanteth no fubterfuge, &c.
Page 338. A journeyman biſhop to ordain
for him. Doth any man think, that writing
at this rate, does the author's cauſe any fer-
vice? Is it his wit or his fpleen that he can-
not govern?
Page 364. Can any have a right to an
office without having a right to do thoſe things
in which the office confifts? I anfwer, the or-
dination is valid. But a man may pruden-
tially
REMARKS, upon a Вook, &c.
123
tially forbid to do fome things. As a clergy-
man may marry without licence or banns;
the marriage is good; yet he is punishable
for it.
Page 368. A choice made by perſons who
bave no right to chufe, is an error af the firft
concoction. That battered fimile again; this
is hard. I wish the phyficians had kept that
a fecret, it lieth fo ready for him to be witty
with.
Page 370. If preſcription can make more
nullities to become good and valid, the laity
may be capable of all manner of ecclefiaftical
power, &c. There is a difference; for here
the fame way is kept, although there might
be breaches, but it is quite otherwife, if you
alter the whole method from what it was at -
firſt. We ſee biſhops: There always were
biſhops: It is the old way ſtill. So a fa-
mily is ftill held the fame, although we are
not fure of the purity of every one of the
race.
Page 380. It is faid, That every nation is
not a compleat body politick within itſelf as to
ecclefiafticals. But the whole church, fay they,
compoſes fuch a body, and Chrift is the head of
it. But Chrift's headſhip makes Chriftians no
more one body politick with respect to ecclefi
afticals than to civils. Here we muſt fhew
the reafon and neceffity of the church being
a corporation all over the world: To avoid
herefies, and prefer e fundamentals, and hin-
der corrupting of fcripture, &c. But there
are no fuch neceffities in government, to be
the
124
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
the fame every where, &c. It is ſomething
like the colleges in a univerfity; they all are
independent, yet, joined, are one body. So
a general council confifteth of many perfons
independent of one another, &c.
However there is fuch a thing as Jus
Gentium, &c. And he that is doctor of phy-
fick, or law, is fo in any univerſity in Eu-
rope, like the Refpublica Literaria. Nor to
me does there feem any thing contradicting,
or improper in this notion of the catholick
church; and for want of ſuch a communion,
religion is ſo much corrupted, and would be
more, if there were [not] more communion
in this than in civils. It is of no import to
mankind how nations are governed; but the
preferving the purity of religion is beſt held
up by endeavouring to make it one body over
the world. Something like as there is in
trade. So to be able to communicate with
all chriftians we come among, is at leaſt to
be wifhed and aimed at as much as we can.
Page 384. In a word, if the bishops are
not fupreme, &c. Here he reaffumeth his ar-
guments for popery, that there cannot be a
body politick of the church through the
whole world, without a viſible head to have
recourſe to. Theſe were formerly writ to
advance popery, and now to put an abfurdi-
ty upon the hypotheſis of a catholick church.
As they fay in Ireland, in king James's time
they built mafs-houſes, which we make very
good barns of.
Page
REMARKS upon a Book, &t.
125
Page 388. Bishops are, under a premunire,
obliged to confirm and confecrate the perfon
named in the Congé d'Elire. This perhaps
is complained of. He is permitted to do it.
We allow the legiſlature may hinder, if they
pleafe; as they may turn out chriſtianity, if
they think fit.
Page 389. It is the magiftrate who im-
powers them to do moke for other biſhops than
they can for themselves, fince they cannot ap-
point their own fucceffors. Yes they could,
if the magiftrate would let them. Here is
an endleſs ſplutter, and a parcel of perplexed
diftinctions upon no occafion. All that the
clergy pretend to, is a right of qualifying
men for the miniftry, fomething like what a
univerſity doth with degrees. This power
they claim from God, and that the civil power
cannot do it as pleafing to God without
them; but they may chufe whether they will
fuffer it or no. A religion cannot be cram-
med down a nation's throat againſt their will;
but when they receive a religion, it is fup-
pofed they receive it as their converters give
it; and, upon that foot, they cannot juſtly
mingle their own methods, that contradict
that religion, &c.
Page 390. With us the bishops aft only mini-
Aerially, and by virtue of the regal commif
fon, by which the prince firmly enjoins and
commands them to proceed in chufing, confirm-
ing, and confecrating, &c. Suppofe we held
it unlawful to do fo: How can we help it?
But does that make it rightful, if it be not
fo?
926
REMARKS upon a Book, &c.
-To
fo? Suppoſe the author lived in a heathen
country where a law would be made to call
chriſtianity idolatrous; would that be a to-
pick for him to prove it fo by, &c. And
why do the clergy incur a premunire;-
frighten them-Becauſe the law under-
ftandeth, that, if they refufe, the chofen can-
not be a biſhop: But, if the clergy had an
order to do it otherwife than they have pre-
fcribed, they ought and would incur an hun-
dred rather.
Page 402. I believe the catholick church, &c.
Here he ridicules the Apoſtles Creed.—Ano-
ther part of his fcheme. By what he fays in
theſe pages, it is certain, his defign is either
to run down christianity, or fet up popery;
the latter it is more charitable to think, and,
from his paſt life, highly probable.
Page 405. That which gave the papiſts fo
great advantage was, clergymens talking ſo
very inconfiftent with themselves, &c. State
the difference here between our feparation
from Rome, and the diffenters from us, and
ſhew the falſeneſs of what he ſayeth. I wiſh
he would tell us what he leaveth for a clergy-
man to do, if he may not inftruct the people
in religion, and if they ſhould not receive
his inftructions.
Page 411. The restraint of the preſs a badge
of popery. Why is that a badge (of popery?
Why not reftrain the prefs to thoſe who
would confound religion, as in civil matters,
But this toucheth himſelf. He would ſtarve,
perhaps, &c. Let him get fome honefter
livelie
REMARKS upon a Вook, &c. 127
livelihood then. It is plain, all his argu-
ments againſt conſtraint, &c. favour the pa-
pifts as much as diffenters; for both have
opinions that may affect the peace of the
ftate.
Page 413. Since this difcourfe, &c. And
muſt we have another volume on this one
fubject of independency? Or, is it to fright
us? I am not of Dr. Hickes's mind, Qu'il
venge. I pity the readers, and the clergy
that muſt anfwer it, be it ever ſo infipid.
Reflect on his farcaftic conclufion, &c.
AN
AN
ÉR
ANS WE R
TO THE
CRAFT. S M AN
Of Dec. 12, 1730,
On a very interefting Subject relative to
IRELA N D.
To which is prefixed,
The CRAFTSMAN itſelf.
THE
CRAFTSMAN.
No. 232.
SATURDAY, Dec. 12, 1739,,
THE following article, which hath late-
ly appeared in the news-papers, defer-
veth our immediate confideration, viz.
They write from Dublin, that an officer
"from every regiment in the French ſervice
" is arrived there, in order to raiſe recruits
" for
The CRAFTSMAN.
129
"for their reſpective corps; which is not to
"be done in a clandeftine manner, as for-
"merly (when ſeveral perfons fuffered death
"for it), but publickly. Theſe gentlemen
f are to difperfe themſelves into the feveral
"counties, where they have the beſt intereſt ;
" and a field officer is to refide conſtantly at
"Dublin to hear all complaints, which may
"be made by any of the recruits againſt
"their officers; and alfo to prepare for
"fending them off.-Count BROGLIO hath
"been folliciting an order to this purpoſe,
"theſe two years.
When I first read this account in the
publick prints, I looked upon it as a com-
mon piece of falfe intelligence, and was in
full expectation of feeing it contradicted in
the next day's papers, according to frequent
suſtom; but having fince heard it confident-
ly affirmed to be true (although I can hardly
yet believe it; efpecially, as to every part),
the duty which I owe my country, and my
zeal for the prefent eſtabliſhment, oblige me
to take fome notice of an affair, which I ap-
prehend to be of very great importance to
both.
It will be neceffary, in the first place, to
give the reader a fhort account of the nature
of theſe troops, as they are now eſtabliſhed
in France.
They confift, as we have been informed,
of one regiment of horfe, and five regiments
of foot, all doubly or trebly officered; fo
that
130 The CRAFTSM A N.
that they are, of themſelves, a very confi-
derable body of men.
But their number is the leaft point to be
confidered in this affair. There are other
circumftances, which render theſe troops
infinitely more formidable to Great-Britain.
They are not only all Roman-Catholicks,
but the most dangerous of that communion,
with refpect to us, I mean Roman Catho-
lick fubjects of our own dominions; many
of whom have been obliged to fly their na-
tive country on account of rebellions and
confpiracies, in which they have been engaged;
and all of them devoted by inclination, by
intereft, by confcience, by every motive hu-
man and divine, to the fervice of the pre-
tender, in oppofition to the proteſtant ſucceſ-
fion in his majesty's royal family.
To this we may add, that they are gene-
rally eſteemed the beſt forces in the French
fervice; that they have always behaved them-
felves as fuch in the late wars; and are
commanded by officers of approved cour-
age, as well as great fkill and experience in
military affairs.
It is faid likewife, that the ferjeants, cor-
porals, and private men are fo well fea-
foned to danger, and expert in their duty,
that, by a gradual promotion, they could
furnish officers for a very formidable army,
in caſe of any fudden invaſion or infurrection.
In the next place, it will not be im-
proper to examine this affair with regard to
our laws.
A
It
5
The CRAFTSM A N.
131
It is made felony, by act of parliament
in Ireland, for any fubject of that kingdom
to inlift himſelf, or to inlift others, in the
ervice of any foreign ftate; and it is well
known that multitudes of poor wretches have
fuffered death upon that account.
We know it may be faid, that a power is
referved to his majefty, by a claufe in that
act, to difpenfe with it, by granting any
foreign prince a licence to raiſe forces in his
dominions, and indemnifying his fubjects
from the penalties of the law.
Although it is far from my intention to
difpute any of his majeſty's legal preroga-
tives, or to call the wifdom of the legislature
in question, yet I must take the liberty to ob-
ferve, that fuch powers have been fometimes
granted out of complaifance to the crown,
that the prince's hands may not be abfolutely
tyed up, and in full confidence that they
will never be exerted but for the benefit of
this nation, or poffibly of fome proteftant
ally, upon great emergencies of ftate. The
exerciſe of the prerogative, in theſe cafes, is
therefore meerly a prudential part, which is
left to the difcretion of the prince and his
minifters, who ought always to be fuppofed
the best judges of theſe affairs; and there-
fore how ridiculous would it be to fend to
the attorney-general for his opinion in fuch
a cafe, who can be a competent judge of
nothing but the legality of it, and whether
the affair be actionable or not; but minif-
ters ought to regulate their conduct, in theſe
reſpects,
132
The CRAFTSMA N.
refpects, according to the fituation of affairs,
and the exigencies of government.
I must therefore beg leave to confider the
prefent fubject, of the Irish forces, in this
light.
It will not be denied, I prefume, that a
licence to recruit Roman-Catholick_regi-
ments of Engliſh ſubjects, in foreign ſervice,
and in the intereft of a pretender to the
crown (which is death by the law, without
his majeſty's permiſſion), is a favour of a very
extraordinary nature, and ought to be at-
tended with ſome extraordinary circumſtances,
I confefs that I can fee no fuch extraordinary
circumſtances at preſent; unleſs it ſhould be
faid that this favour was granted, in order
to engage our good allies in the demolition
of Dunkirk; but I hope they have more
generofity than to infift upon fuch hard terms
for the effectual performance of that, which
they are obliged by treaty to do. I am fure,
fuch conditions feem unreaſonable on our
part, after we have made them ſo many other
conceffions; particularly with relation to the
flag and Santa Lucia; which, I think, are
fufficient to make them comply with all our
demands, without expecting any farther fa-
vours, and even fupererogations of friend-
ſhip.
Perhaps my adverfaries (if they have any
conceit) may take an opportunity of ridi-
culing me for writing in this ftrain; but as
it fometimes ferveth their turn to make me
a great man, and to argue against me as
1
fuch,
The CRAFTSM A N.
133
.१
fuch, I will for once fuppofe myſelf fo'; and,
methinks, if I had the honour of being but
half an hour in that ſtation, I could reafon
against fuch an order, for the good of my
king and my country, in the following man-
ner :
1. Thefe troops have always been made
ufe of, whenever there hath been any attempt
in favour of the Pretender; and indeed they
are, upon many accounts, the fitteft for this
purpoſe. They are our fellow-fubjects;
they ſpeak our language; are acquainted with
our manners; and do not raiſe that averfion
in the people, which they naturally conceive
against other foreign troops, who under-
ſtand neither. I am afraid I may add, that
they are kept up, for this purpofe, in entire
regiments, without ſuffering them to be mixed
with the troops of any other nation. It is
well known, at leaſt, that they ſupplied the
late king JAMES with a nurſery of foldiers,
who were always ready for his fervice, when-
ever any opportunity offered itfelf, for his
reftoration; and that, at this time, the Pre-
tender is always the bait made uſe of by their,
officers to raiſe recruits. They never men-
tion the king of France, or the king of
Spain, upon thefe occafions; but lift the
poor wretches under an affurance, that they
are entered into, the fervice of him, whom
they call their natural and rightful king. I
will not fufpect the prefent fidelity of France,
and their cordiality to the proteftant eſtabliſh-
; yet methinks we might eafily excufe
I
ment
ourfelves
134
The CRAFTSMAN.
聾
​ourfelves from furniſhing them with inftru-
ments, which they may employ against us,
whenever ambition, or reafons of ftate, fhall
diffolve their prefent engagements, and in-
duce them to efpoufe the caufe of the Pre-
tender again.
2. It is very probable that his Catholick
Majefty (who hath likewiſe ſeveral regiments
of this kind in his fervice) will expect the
fame favour of recruiting them in Ireland;
and that he may, in cafe of refuſal, make it
a pretence, at any time, for quarrelling with
us, interrupting our commerce, and diſturb-
ing us again in the poffeffion of Gibraltar.
And here it is proper juft to take notice,
that theſe troops did his Catholick Majefty
the moſt eminent fervice in the last fiege of
that important place. He may complain,
perhaps, of our partiality to France, and al-
ledge, that we do not treat Spain in the
fame manner we expect to be treated by them,
as one of the moſt favoured nations.
3. The kingdom of Ireland feemeth, at
this time, in a very ill condition to admit of
any fuch draughts out of her dominions.
She hath been already fo much exhausted by
the voluntary tranfportation of multitudes
of her inhabitants (who have been prevailed
upon, by the calamities of their own coun-
try, to feek their bread in other parts of the
world), that the interpofition of parliament
was found neceffary to put a stop to it; and
fhall we fuffer any foreign power to drain
her ftill farther under fuch circumſtances; ef-
pecially
The CRAFTSMA N. 135
·
pecially in this manner, and for this pur-
pofe? I do not hear that this licence is con-
fined to any particular number of men. It
is confeffed, I think, that they want above.
two thouſand men to compleat their corps;
and who knoweth but they may deſign to
raife a great many more than they care to
own; or even to form fome new regiments
of theſe troops ? But fuppofing they are con-
fined to a certain number of recruits, and
that Ireland were in a capacity to spare
them; it is well known how eafily fuch li-
mitations are evaded, and how difficult it is
to know when people conform exactly to the
terms of their commiffion. This was fuf-
ficiently explained in the late famous con-
troverfy, concerning Mr. WOOD'S [C]
patent for ſupplying Ireland with a particu-
lar fum of copper half-pence; and the ar-
guments upon that ſubject may be applied to
this, with fome allowances for the difference
between two cafes. It may, perhaps, be
faid likewife, that all the vigilance of the
miniſtry hath been hitherto found ineffectual
to prevent the French from clandeftinely re-
cruiting thefe regiments with Iriſh Catho-
licks; and, therefore, that we may as well
allow them to do it openly; nay, that it
is our intereft to let them purge Ireland of
her popifh inhabitants as much as they pleaſe;
but I deny this for ſeveral reafons, which I
ſhall mention prefently; and if it were really
the cafe, that the French can at any time re.
[e] See the Drapier's Letters.
I 2
:.
cruit
136 The CRAFTS MAN.
cruit theſe troops clandeftinely, I cannot fee
any reaſon why they ſhould follicit an order
fo preffingly, for two years together, to do
it openly, unleſs they have fome other de-
fign. Ought not even this confideration to
put us a little upon our guard; and is it
not a tacit confeffion, that theſe troops are
thought to be of more importance to them
than we ought to wifh? Befides, are we to
licence and authoriſe a miſchievous practice,
becauſe we cannot totally prevent it? Every
one juftly applauded his majefty's fingular
firmneſs and refolution in fupporting the
rights of his German fubjects, when an at-
tempt was made to feduce fome of them in-
to the king of Pruffia's fervice, although per-
haps it is impoffible to prevent that practice
entirely. We all remember that the inlift-
ing a miller's fon, and a few other ordi-
nary peasants, occafioned fuch a mifunder-
Atanding between the two crowns, as pro-
ceeded almost to a rupture. Nor was the
zeal of the English parliament backward on
this occafion; but, on this confideration,
amongſt others, refolved to keep up a body
of 12,000 Heffian troops in our pay, which
have already coft us above a million of
money. I am confident, therefore, that the
fame paternal care will always influence his
majeſty to guard and protect his Britiſh ſub-
jects in the fame manner; and, if any mea-
fure fhould be taken, which favours too
much of the French intereft, and feemeth of
dangerous conſequence to the intereſt of his
family,
The CRAFTSMAN. 137
family, the world can impute it to nothing
but the deceitful reprefentations of thofe,
who lie under fuch particular obligations to
the court of France, that they can refuſe
them nothing.
Such a licence feemeth to give encourage-
ment to the people of Ireland to continue
Roman Catholicks; fince they are fure to
meet with a provifion both in the French
and Spaniſh ſervice; whereas we always reject
them in our troops, and abfolutely prohibit
our officers to recruit in Ireland. Now,
although it may not be fafe, to trust them
in our armies; yet certainly we ought not
to give the leaſt encouragement to their en-
tering into foreign fervice; eſpecially into
fuch compact bodies as theſe regiments.
And here it will not be amifs to relate a
ftory much more to the honour of an Eng-
lish nobleman, who hath alfo one of the
largeſt eftates in Ireland of any man in the
kingdom. When he went to vifit the inva-
lids in France, a place in the nature of our
Chelſea college here, all the Irish officers and
foldiers of that hofpital drew out in a body
to do him particular honours. We can make
no queſtion that their chief view was to have
fome prefent from his lordſhip; but though
he hath an heart as well difpofed to ge-
nerous charity as any man, and a purſe well
able to answer the dictates of it; yet out of
regard to his country, for which he hath
likewiſe the moſt difintereſted zeal, his an-
ſwer to them was only this: " Gentlemen,
13
+
"I am
138
The CRAFTSMAN,
"I am very fenfible of the honour you have
"done me, and heartily pity your misfor-
** tunes ; but as you have drawn them upon
yourſelves, by ferving against your coun-
'
try, you muſt not expect any relief or re-
"ward from me, for having fuffered in a
"fervice, in which I wish you had never en-
gaged".
C
5. Is there not ſome reaſon to apprehend
that this licence may, at one time or other,
prove a fnare to that country, and draw many
people into their deftruction; for, unless it
is made perpetual, can it be ſuppoſed that
all the poor ignorant wretches in the king-
dom ſhould be apprized how long this li-
cence is to be in force? or when they may
lift with impunity, and when they may not?
Befides, as it may be prefumed that theſe
officers will never go, for the future, upon
fuch errands, without fome pretended orders,
when the real one is expired; fo they will
find it no difficult matter to impoſe ſuch a
counterfeit upon illiterate people; who may
thus incur the penalties of the law, without
knowing any thing of the matter. Such a
method of providing for perfons, whofe prin-
ciples fender them unferviceable in our army,
is indeed a little more charitable than a late
[d] project for preventing Irish children
from being ftarved, by fatting them up,
and felling them to the butcher.
6. I have often heard that theſe troops have
been made ufe of parliament, as an argu-
[d] See Vol. IV. of the author's works.
ment
The CRAFTSMAN.
139
ment for keeping up a ſtanding army in
England; and I think we need not take any
meafures to render that argument ftronger.
God knows, there are too many arguments
always ready upon fuch occafions.
.*
I might infift upon fome other points, which
this affair naturally fuggefteth to a confider-
ing mind; particularly the danger of ſuffer-
ing feveral bigotted Irish papifts, in foreign
fervice, to difperfe themfelves into thofe coun
ties where they have the beſt intereſt, and to
ftroll about Ireland amongst their relations
and old acquaintance, of the fame principles
with themſelves. Are we fure that they will
not make a bad uſe of this liberty by en-
quiring into the ftrength of their party, by
giving them hopes, and taking an opportu-
nity to concert meaſures for the advantage of
their caufe? Have we no reaſon to appre-
hend that they may endeavour to raiſe feamen,
as well as foldiers, under colour of this order ?
or engage great numbers of their countrymen
to tranſport themſelves over the French colo-
nies and plantations in the Weft-Indies, which
are already grown formidable to the trading
intereft of Great-Britain in thofe parts?
༥
But whatever may be the motives to fuch
an extraordinary favour, or the confequen-
ces of it, I am fure it is the ftrongeſt mark
of our confidence in France, and ſuch an
one as, I believe, they would not place in
us, upon any occafion. I will illuftrate this
by a parallel cafe.
I 4
The
140
The CRAFTSMA N.
The French proteſtants, who fled over hi-
ther from a perfecution on account of religi-
on, never diſcovered any principles, which
were incompatible with the civil government
of France, nor ever fet up any Pretender to
the preſent royal family of that kingdom;
and yet, if we ſhould think fit to form any
confiderable number of them into compleat
diftinct regiments, to be composed of French
proteftants only, and commanded by French
officers, without any incorporation of Britiſh
foldiers, I fancy it would give our good allies
fome umbrage. But I am almoſt confident,
that they would never permit us to fend over
a proteſtant French officer from every regi-
ment to recruit their refpective corps, by dif-
perfing themſelves into thoſe provinces where
they have the best interest; or fuffer a field
officer, in Engliſh pay, to refide conſtantly in
Paris, and exerciſe a fort of martial law in
the capital of their dominions; I fay, they
would hardly fuffer this, even though our
ambaſſador ſhould follicit ſuch an order, with
the utmoſt application, for twenty years to-
gether.
And yet the cafe of the Irish forces is much
ftronger with respect to us. They do not dif-
fer with us only in matters of religion; but
hold principles abfolutely deftructive of our
civil government; and are generally looked
upon abroad as a standing army, kept on foot
to ferve the Pretender upon any occafion.
I muſt aſk a queſtion or two, which' natu-
rally offer themfelves in this place.
What
The CRAFTSMAN. 141
What power is this field officer to exerciſe
during his refidence in Dublin? Is the French
martial law to take place, if any one of theſe
recruits fhould happen to repent of what they
have done, and think fit to deſert ?
Troops are generally armed as foon as they
are lifted. Is this rule to be obferved in the
prefent cafe? If ſo, another queſtion occur-
reth. It hath been found neceffary, for the
fecurity of Ireland, to reſtrain all Koman Ca-
tholicks from wearing, or keeping any arms
in their houſes. I afk, therefore, whether
the authority of this licence is to fuperfede the
laws of the land? I may go farther.
The garrison of Dublin ſeldom conſiſteth of
above 800 men for the duty of the place. Sup-
pofing double that number of popifh recruits
fhould be brought thither, in order to be
viewed by their field officer, will it be faid
that there is no juſt apprehenfiop of danger
but as thefe fuggeftions may appear to be
founded on the infidelity of France (a cafe
not to be ſuppoſed at preſent) I prefs them no
farther.
I muft however repeat it, that this order is
the fulleft demonſtration of the confidence we
repoſe in them; and I hope they will ſcorn to
make any bad uſe of it: But if it were pof-
fible to fufpect that they could have any de-
fign to play the knave with us, they could not
wifh for a better opportunity to promote it,
than by fuch a power as is now faid to be put
into their hands.
I hope
142
The CRAFTSM A N.
I hope my remarks on this article of news
will not be construed in a Jacobite fenfe, even
by the moft proſtitute fcriblers of the prefent
times; but I muſt-beg leave to expoftulate a
little with the publick on that mean infamous
practice, which theſe writers have lately uſed,
in explaining ſome of my papers into treafon-
able libels; taking an occafion from hence to
appear formally in defence of the throne, and
laying it down, as a point granted, that there
is an actual, concerted defign of fetting afide
the preſent eſtabliſhment. This is a practice
which may be of great ſervice to the real ene-
mies of the prefent government; and every
Jacobite in the kingdom may make uſe of it
to publiſh the moſt explicit invectives on the
king and his government, under the pretence
of interpreting the implicit defign of other
writings. It is a practice, which was never
allowed of till now, and ought never to be
allowed; for whatever may be the fecret
meaning of any author, fuch explanations
are certainly libels, which may have a very
bad effect upon weak minds, and are punish-
able by the laws, without any extraordinary
methods of conſtruction, Thefe writers
ought to remember the caſe of Sir RICHARD
STEELE, who publiſhed the pretender's de-
claration, at the beginning of the late reign,
with an answer annexed; and although he
did it with a very good defign, yet it was uni
verfally allowed to be contrary to law; and,
if his principles of loyalty had not been very
='g:
well
The CRAFTS MAN.
143
well known, might have involved him in a
fevere profecution. I fhall make no reflexions
on thoſe, who encouraged fuch explanations;
and thoſe who are hired to do it, are beneath
my notice. Let them empty all the trite com-
mon places of fervile, injudicious flattery,
and endeavour to make their court by fuch
naufeous, diſhoneſt adulation, as, I am fure,
gives the moſt offence to thofe perfons, to
whom it is paid.
Let them throw as much
foul dirt at me as they pleafe. Let them
charge me with defigns, which never entered
into my thoughts, and cannot justly be im-
puted to me from any part of my conduct.
God knoweth my heart, I am as zealous for
the welfare of the prefent royal family as the
moft fordid of thefe fycophants. I am fent-
ble, that our happineſs dependeth on the fe-
curity of his majeſty's title, and the prefer-
vation of the preſent government, upon thoſe
principles, which eſtabliſhed them at the late
glorious revolution; and which, I hope, will
continue to actuate the conduct of Britons to
the lateſt generations. Thefe have always-
been my principles; and whoever will give
himſelf the trouble of looking over the courſe
of theſe papers, will be convinced that they
have been my guide: But I am a blunt,
plain-dealing, old nin, who am not afraid to
fpeak the truth; and as I have no reliſh for
flattery myfelf, I fcorn to bestow it on others.
I have not, however, been fparing of juſt
praife, nor flipt any feaſonable opportunity to
dritin-
144
The CRAFTSMAN.
diſtinguiſh the royal virtues of their prefent
majefties [b]. More than this I cannot do;
and more than this, I hope, will not be ex-
pected. Some of my expreffions, perhaps,
may have been thought too rough and unpo-
lifhed for the climate of a court; but they
flowed purely from the fincerity of my heart;
and the freedom of my writings hath proceed-
ed from my zeal for the intereft of my king
and country.
With regard to my adverfaries, I will leave
every impartial reader to judge, whether, even
in private life, that man is not moſt to be de-
pended upon, who, being inwardly convinced
of the great and good qualities of his friend,
never loadeth him with fulfome flatteries, but
takes the honeſt liberty of warning him`a-
gainſt the meaſures of thoſe who are endea-
vouring to miſlead him. The cafe is much
ftronger in publick life; and a crown is beſet
with fo many difficulties, that even a prince
of the moſt confummate wifdom is not always
fufficiently guarded againſt the dangers, which
furround him, from the ftratagems of artful
minifters, or the blunders of weak ones, Both
of them may be equally bad minifters, and
purſue the fame methods of fupporting them-
felves, by flattering him into meaſures which
tend to his deſtruction.
But it is time to draw to a conclufion; and
I can only add, that if I were really engag
[b] King GEORGE II. and Queen Caroline
Confort.
his
ed,
The CRAFTSMA N. 145
ed, in any deſign, contrary to the intereſt of
the preſent eſtabliſhment, I ſhould have fate
down contented, and fecretly rejoiced at the
affair, which occafioned this paper, inftead
of giving myſelf and the reader ſo much trou-
ble.
C. D.
VOL. XIII.
K
THE
THE
ANSWER
TO THE
CRAFTS MA N.
I
SIR,
DETEST reading your papers, becauſe
I am not of your principles, and becauſe
I cannot endure to be convinced. Yet, I was
prevailed on to peruſe your CRAFTSMAN of
December the 12th, wherein I diſcover you
to be as great an enemy of this country, as
you are of your own. You are pleaſed to
reflect on a project I propoſed of making the
children of Irish parents to be uſeful to the
publick instead of being burthenfome; and
you venture to affert, that your own ſcheme
is more charitable, of not permitting our po-
pish natives to be lifted in the fervice of any
foreign prince.
Perhaps, Sir, you may not have heard of
any kingdom fo unhappy as this, both in their
imports and exports. We import a fort of
goods, of no intrinfick value, which it coft-
eth us above forty thousand pounds a year to
drefs, and fcour, and poliſh, which altoge-
ther do not yield one penny advantage; and
we annually export above feven hundred
thouſand
The ANSWER, etc.
147
thousand pounds a year in another kind of
goods, for which we receive not one fingle
farthing in return: Even the money paid for
letters fent in tranfacting this commerce being
all returned to England. But now, when
there is a moft lucky opportunity offered to
begin a trade, whereby this nation will fave
many thouſand pounds a year, and England
be a prodigious gainer, you are pleaſed, with-
out a call, officiouſly and maliciouſly to in-
terpoſe with very frivolous arguments.
It is well known, that, about fixty years
ago, the exportation of live cattle from hence
to England was of great benefit to both king-
doms, until that branch of traffick was ſtopt.
by an act of parliament on your fide, whereof
you have fufficient reafon to repent. Upon
which account, when an other act paffed your
parliament, forbidding the exportation of live
men to any foreign country, you were ſo wife
to put in a claufe, allowing it to be done by
his majesty's permiffion, under his fign ma-
nual, for which, among other great benefits
granted to Ireland, we are infinitely obliged
to the British legislature. Yet this very grace
and favour you, Mr. D'ANVER, whom we
never difobliged, are endeavouring to pre-
vent; which, I will take upon me to fay, is
a manifeft mark of your difaffection to his
majesty, a want of duty to the miniftry,
a wicked defign of oppreffing this kingdom,
and a traiterous attempt to leffen the trade and
manufactures of England.
K 2
Our
148
The ANSWER to the
:
Our trueſt and beſt ally the moſt Chriſtian
king hath obtained his majeſty's licence, pur-
fuant to law, to export from hence fome
thoufand bodies of healthy, young, living men,
to fupply his Irish regiments. The king of
Spain, as you aflert yourſelf, hath defired the
fime civility, and feemeth to have at leaſt as
good a claim fuppofing then that theſe two
potentates will only defire leave to carry off
fix thouſand men between them to France and
Spain; then, by computing the maintenance of
a tall hungry Irish man, in food and cloaths,
to be only at five pounds a head, here will
be thirty thousand pounds per annum faved
clear to the nation, for they can find no other
employment at home befides begging, rob-
bing, or ſtealing. But, if thirty, forty, or
fifty thoufand (which we could gladly ſpare)
were fent on the fame errand, what an im-
menſe benefit it must be to us? And, if the
two princes, in whofe fervice they were,
ſhould happen to be at war with each other,
how foon would thofe recruits be deſtroyed;
then what a number of friends would the
pretender lofe, and what a number of popiſh
enemies all true proteftants get rid of! Add to
this, that then by ſuch a practice the lands of
Ireland, that want hands for tillage, muſt be
employed in grazing, which would fink the
price of wool, raw hides, butter, and tallow,
To that the Engliſh might have them at their
own rates; and in return ſend us wheat to
make our bread, barley to brew our drink,
and oats for our horfes, without any labour
of our own.
Upon
CRAFTSMA N.
149
Upon this occafion, I defire humbly to of
fer a fcheme, which, in my opinion, would
beſt anſwer the true interest of both king-
doms: For, although I bear a moſt tender
filial affection for England, my dear native
country; yet, I cannot deny but this noble
iſland hath a great ſhare in my love and ef
teem, nor can I exprefs how much I defire to
fee it flouriſh in trade and opulence, even be-
yond its preſent happy condition.
The profitable land of this kingdom is, I
think, ufually computed at feventeen millions
of acres, all which I propoſe to be wholly
turned to grazing. Now, it is found by ex-
perience, that one grazier and his family can
manage two thouſand acres. Thus, fixteen
millions eight hundred thouſand acres may be
managed by eight thouſand four hundred fa-
milies, and the fraction of two hundred thou-
fand acres will be more than fufficient for
cabbins, out-houſes, and potatoe-gardens;
becauſe it is to be understood, that corn of
all forts muſt be ſent to us from England.
Thefe eight thouſand four hundred families
may be divided among the four provinces, ac-
cording to the number of houſes in each pro-
vince; and, making the equal allowance of
eight to a family, the number of inhabitants
will amount to fixty-feven thouſand two hun-
dred fouls; to thefe we are to add a ſtanding
amy of twenty thouſand Engliſh, which, to-
gether with their trulls, their baftards, and
their horfe-boys, will, by a grofs computati-
on, very near double the count, and be very
fufficient
K 3
150 The ANSWER to the
fufficient for the defence and grazing of the
kingdom, as well as to enrich our neighbours,
expel popery, and keep out the Pretender.
And, left the army fhould be at a lofs for bu-
finefs, I think it would be very prudent to
employ them in collecting the publick taxes
for paying themſelves and the civil lift.
I adviſe, that all our owners of thofe lands
fhould live conftantly in England, in order to
learn politeness, and qualify themſelves for
employments: But, for fear of increafing
the natives in this ifland, that an annual
draught, according to the number born every
year, be exported to whatever prince will bear
the carriage; or tranſplanted to the English
dominions on the American continent, as a
ſcreen between his majeſty's Engliſh ſubjects
and the favage Indians.
I adviſe likewife, that no commodity what-
foever, of this nation's growth, fhould be
ſent to any other country, except England,
under the penalty of high treafon; and that
all the faid commodities fhall be fent in their
natural ſtate, the hides raw, the wool un-
combed, the flax in the ftub; excepting only
fiſh, butter, tallow, and whatever elfe, will
be ſpoiled in the carriage. On the contrary,
that no goods whatſoever ſhall be imported
hither, except from England, under the fame
penalty That England fhould be forced, at
their own rates, to fend us over cloaths ready
made, as well as fhirts and fmocks to the fol-
diers and their trulls; all iron, wooden, and
earthen ware; and whatever furniture may
be
CRAFTSMAN.
151
be neceffary for the cabbins of graziers, with
a fufficient quantity of gin, and other fpirits,
for thoſe who can afford to get drunk on holy-
days.
As to the civil and ecclefiaftical adminiſtra-
tion, which I have not fully confidered, I can
fay little; only with regard to the latter, it
is plain, that the article of paying tythe for
fupporting ſpeculative opinions in religion,
which is fo infupportable a burthen to all
true proteftants, and to moft churchmen, will
be very much leffened by this expedient; be-
caufe dry cattle pay nothing to the fpiritual
hireling, any more than imported corn; fo
that the induſtrious fhepherd and cowherd
may fit, every man under his own blackberry
buſh, and his own potatoe-bed, whereby this
happy iſland will become a new Arcadia.
c.ex.
I do likewife propofe, that no money fhall
be uſed in Ireland, except what is made of
leather, which likewife fhall be coined in
England, and imported; and that the taxes
fhall be levied out of the commodities we ex-
port for England, and there turned into mo-
ney for his majefty's ufe; and the rents to
landlords diſcharged in the fame manner.
This will be no manner of grievance, for we
already ſee it very practicable to live without
money, and fhall be more convinced of it
every day. But, whether paper fhall continue
to ſupply that defect, or whether we ſhall
hang up all thofe who profefs the trade of
bankers (which latter I am rather inclined
K 4
to),
152 The ANSWER to the
to), muſt be left to the confideration of wiſer
politicians.
That which maketh me more zealously bent
upon this ſcheme is my defire of living in
amity with our neighbouring brethren; for
we have already tryed all other means, with-
out effect, to that bleſſed end: And, by the
courfe of meaſures taken for fome years paft,
it ſhould ſeem that we are all agreed in the
point.
This expedient will be of great advantage
to both kingdoms, upon feveral accounts:
For, as to England, they have a juft claim
to the balance of trade on their fide with the
whole world; and therefore our anceſtors and
we, who conquered this kingdom for them,
ought, in duty and gratitude, to let them
have the whole benefit of that conqueft to
themſelves; eſpecially, when the conqueft was
amicably made, without blood-fhed, by fti-
pulation between the Irib princes and Henry
II. by which they paid him, indeed, not equal
homage with what the electors of Germany
do the emperor, but very near the fame that
he did to the king of France for his French
dominions.
In confequence of this claim from England,
that kingdom may very reaſonably demand
the benefit of all our commodities in their na-
tural growth, to be manufactured by their
people, and a fufficient quantity of them for
our uſe to be returned hither fully manufac-
tured.
This,
CRAFTS MAN.
153
This, on the other fide, will be of great
benefit to our inhabitants the graziers, when
time and labour will be too much taken up in
manuring their ground, feeding their cattle,
fheering their fheep, and fending over their
oxen fit for flaughter; to which employments
they are turned by nature, as defcended from
the Scythians, whoſe diet they are ſtill ſo fond
of. So Virgil deſcribeth it:
Et lac concretum cum fanguine bibit equino.
Which, in English, is Bonnyclabber [f],
mingled with the blood of horses, as they
formerly did, until about the beginning of
the last century, when luxury, under the form
of politenefs, beginning to creep in, they chang
ed the blood of horfes for that of their black
cattle; and, by confequence, became less war-
like than their ancestors.
Although I propoſed that the army ſhould
be collectors of the publick revenues, yet I did
not thereby intend that thoſe taxes ſhould be
paid in gold or filver; but in kind, as all
other rent: For the cuſtom of tenants mak-
ing their payments in money, is a new thing
in the world, little known in former ages, nor
generally practifed in any nation at prefent,
except this ifland, and the Southern parts of
Britain. But, to my great fatisfaction, I
forefee better times; the ancient manner be-
ginneth to be now practiſed in many parts of
Connaught, as well as in the county of Corke,
where the 'fquires turn tenants to themſelves,
[f] Thick, four milk.
K. 5
divide
154
The ANSWER, etc.
divide ſo many cattle to their flaves, who are
to provide fuch a quantity of butter, hides,
or tallow, ftill keeping up their number of
cattle? and carry the goods to Corke, or other
port-towns, and then fell them to merchants.
By which invention there is no fuch thing as
a ruined farmer to be feen; but the people
live with comfort on potatoes and bonnyclab-
ber, neither of which are vendible commodi-
ties abroad.
MEMOIRS
MEMOIRS
O F
Capt. JOHN CREICHTON.
From his own MATERIALS.
Drawn up and digeſted by
Dr. J. SWIFT, D. S. P. D.
Firſt printed in the Year 1731.
The PRINTER's
ADVERTISEMENT.
WHEN Dr. Swift was at Sir Arthur
Achefon's at Markethill in the coun-
ty of Armagh, an old gentleman was re-
commended to him, as being a remarkable
cavalier in the reigns of Charles II. James
II. and William III. who had behaved with
great loyalty and bravery in Scotland during
the troubles of thoſe reigns, but was neglected
by the government, although he deferved great
rewards from it. As he was reduced in his
circumftances, Dr. Swift made him a hand-
Some prefent; but faid at the fame time, "Sir,
"this trifle cannot fupport you long, and your
friends may grow tired of you; therefore
"I would have you contrive fome honeft means
66
66
""
of getting a fum of money fufficient to put
"you into a way of life of fupporting your-
felf with independency in your old age.
To which captain Creichton (for that was
the gentleman's name) answered, "I have
"tired all my friends, and cannot expect any
fuch extraordinary favours." Then Dr.
Swift replied,
"Sir, I have heard much of
"your adventures; that they are fresh in
your memory; that you can tell them with
το
c
66 great
ADVERTISEMENT.
157
*
great humour ; and that you have taken
"memorandums of them in writing." To
which the captain ſaid, "I have; but no
"one can understand them but myſelf." Then
Dr. Swift rejoined, "Sir, get your manu-
fcripts, read them to me, and tell me none
"but genuine ftories; then I will place them
"in order for you, prepare them for the prefs,
" and endeavour to get you a ſubſcription among
Ex
my friends, as you may do among your own.
The captain, foon after, waited on the dean
with his papers, and related many adven-
tures to him; which the dean was fo kind as
to put in order of time, to correct the ftyle, and
make a ſmall book of entitled, The MEMOIRS
OF CAPTAIN JOHN CREICHTON.
A fubfcription was immediately fet on foot, by
the dean's intereft and recommendation, which
raiſed for the captain above two hundred
pounds, and made the remaining part of his
life very happy and eaſy.
то
T
f
TO THE
READER.
HE author of theſe memoirs, Capt.
John Creichton, is ftill alive, and refides
in the northern part of this kingdom. He
is a very honeſt and worthy man; but of
the old ſtamp and, it is probable, that
fome of his principles will not reliſh very
well, in the prefent difpofition of the world.
His memoirs are therefore to be received
like a pofthumous work, and as containing
facts, which very few alive, except himſelf,
can remember: Upon which account, none
of his generous fubfcribers are, in the leaſt,
anfwerable for many opinions, relating to
the public, both in church and ſtate, which
he feems to juftify, and in the vindication of
which, to the hazard of his life, and the
lofs of his fortune, he ſpent the moſt uſe-
ful part of his days. Principles, as the
world goes, are little more than Faſhion;
and the apoſtle tells us, that the Fashion of
this World' paſſeth away. We read with
pleaſure the memoirs of feveral authors,
whofe party we diſapprove, if they be writ-
ten with nature and truth. Curious men
are defirous to fee what can be faid on both
fides; and even the virulent flat relation of
Ludlow, though written in the fpirit of
rage, prejudice and vanity, doth not want
its
TO THE READER.
159
its advocates. This inclines me to think,
that the memoirs of Capt. Creichten may
not be unacceptable to the curious of every
party'; becaufe, from my knowledge of the
man, and the teftimony of feveral confi-
fiderable perfons, of different political deno-
minations, I am confident, that he hath not
inferted one paffage or circumftance, which
he did not know, or, from the beft intel-
ligence he could get, believed to be true.
Thefe memoirs are therefore offered to
the world in their native fimplicity. And
it was not with little difficulty, that the
author was perfuaded by his friends to re-
collect and put them in order, chiefly for his
own juftification, and partly by the impor-
tunity of feveral eminent gentlemen, who
had a mind that they fhould turn to fome
profit to the author.
The captain having made over all his
little eftate to a beloved daughter, upon her
marriage, on the condition of being enter-
tained in her houfe for the ſmall remainder
of his life, hath put it out of his own power,
either to fupply his incidental wants, to
pay fome long-contracted debts, or to gra-
tify his generous nature in being further
ufeful to his family; on which accounts, he
defires to return his moft, humble thanks to
his worthy fubfcribers; and hopes they will
confider him no further than as an honeft,
well-meaning man, who, by his own perfon-
al
160
TO THE READER.
al courage and conduct, was able to diſtin-
guiſh himſelf, under many diſadvantages,
to a degree, that few private lives have been
attended with ſo many fingular and extra-
ordináry events.
Befides the great fimplicity in the ſtyle
and manner of the author, it is a very valu-
able circumftance, that his plain relation
corrects many miſtaken paffages in other
hiſtorians, which have too long paffed for
truths; and whoever impartially compares
both, will probably decide in the captain's
favour: For the memory of old men is fel-
dom deceived, in what paffed in their youth
and vigour of age: And, if he hath, at
any time, happened to be miſtaken in cir-
cumſtances of time or place (with neither
of which I can charge him), it was certain-
ly againſt his will. Some of his own per-
fonal diftreffes and actions, which he hath
related, might be almoft the fubject of a
tragedy.
Upon the whole, comparing great things
to fmall, I know not any memoirs that
more reſemble thofe of Philip de Comines
(which have received fo univerfal appro-
bation) than theſe of Capt. Creichton, which
are told in in a manner equally natural, and
with equal appearance of truth, although,
I confefs, upon affairs in a more obfcure
fcene, and of leſs importance.
J. S.
MEMOIRS
MEMOIRS
OF
Capt. JOHN CREICHTON.
THE former part of my life having been
attended with ſome paſſages and events
not very common to men of my private and
obfcure condition, I have (perhaps induced
by the talkativeneſs of old age) very freely
and frequently communicated them to feveral
worthy gentlemen, who were pleaſed to be
my friends, and fome of them my benefac-
tors. Theſe perfons profeffed themſelves to
be fo well entertained with my ſtory, that
they often wiſhed it could be digeſted into or-
der, and publiſhed to the world, believing
that fuch a treatife, by the variety of inci-
dents, written in a plain unaffected ſtyle,
might be, at leaſt, ſome amuſement to indif-
ferent readers; of fome example to thoſe who
defire ſtrictly to adliere to their duty and prin-
ciples; and might ferve to vindicate my repu-
tation in Scotland, where I am well known;
that kingdom having been the chief fcene of
my acting, and where I have been repreſented,
by a fanatick rebellious party, as a perfecutor
of the faints, and a man of blood.
Having loft the benefit of a thorough ſchool
education by a moft indifcreet marriage, in
all worldly views, although to a very good
althougtreet
woman;
162
MEMOIRS OF
woman; and, in confequence thereof, being
forced to feek my fortune in Scotiand as a fol-
dier, where I forgot all the little I had learn-
ed, the reader cannot reaſonably expect to be
much pleafed with my ftyle, or method, or
manner of relating: It is enough, if I never
wilfully fail in point of truth, nor offend by
malice or partiality. My memory, I thank
God, is yet very perfect as to things long paſt,
although, like an old man, I retain but little
of what hath happened fince I grew into years.
I am likewife very fenfible of an infirmity
in many authors, who write their own me-
moirs, and are apt to lay too much weight
upon trifles, which they are vain enough to
conceive the world to be as much concerned
in as themſelves; yet I remember that Plu-
tarch, in his lives of great men (which I
have read in the Engliſh tranſlation), fays, that
the nature and difpofition of a man's mind
may be often better difcovered by a ſmall cir-
cumftance, than by an action or event of the
greatest importance. And, befides, it is not
improbable that grey hairs may have brought
upon me a vanity, to defire that pofterity may
know what manner of man I was.
I lye under another diſadvantage, and, in-
indeed a very great one, from the wonderful
change of opinions, fince I first made any ap-
pearance in the world. I was bred under
the principles of the ftricteft loyalty to my
prince, and in an exact conformity in diſci
pline, as well as doctrine, to the church of
England; which are neither altered nor ſhaken
to
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 163
to this very day; and I am now too old to
mend. However, my different fentiments,
fince my laft troubles after the revolution,
have never had the leaſt influence either upon
my actions or difcourfe. I have fubmitted
myfelf with entire refignation, according to
St. Paul's precept, to the powers that be. I
converfe equally with all parties, and am
equally favoured by all; and, God knows, it
is now of little confequence what my opinions
are, under fuch a weight of age and infirmi-
ties, with a very ſcanty fubfiſtance, which,
inftead of comforting, will hardly support me.
But there is another point, which requires
a better apology than I am able to give : A
judicious reader will be apt to cenfure me,
and, I confefs, with reafon enough, as guilty
of a very foolish fuperftition in relating my
dreams, and how I was guided by them with
fuccefs, in difcovering one or two principal
Covenanters. I fhall not eafily allow myſelf
to be, either by nature or education, more fu-
perfitious than other men; but I take the
truth to be this: Being then full of zeal
against entbufiaflical rebeks, and better in-
formed of their lurking holes than moſt offi-
cers in the army, this inade fo ftrong an im-
preffion on my mind, that it affected my
dreams; when I was directed to the molt
probable places, almoft as well as if I had
been awake, being guided in the night by
the fame conjectures I had made in the day.
There could poffibly be no more in the matter;
and God forbid I should pretend to a fpirit of
divination,
x64
MEMOIRS OF
divination, which would make me reſemble
thofe very hypocritical faints, whom it was
both my duty and inclination, to bring to juf-
tice, for their many horrid blafphemies against
God, rebellions againſt their prince, and bar-
barities towards their countrymen and fellow
Chriftians.
My great-grand-father, Alexander Creich-
ton, of the houſe of Dumfries, in Scotland, in
a feud between the Maxwells and the John-
ftons (the chief of the Johnstons being the
lord Johnston, ancestor of the preſent marquis
of Annandale), fiding with the latter, and
having killed ſome of the former, was forced
to fly into Ireland, where he ſettled near Ki-
nard, then a woody-country, and now called
Calidon: But within a year or two, fome
friends and relations of thofe Maxwells who
had been killed in the feud, coming over to
Ireland to purfue their revenge, lay in wait
for my grand-father in the wood, and fhot
him dead, as he was going to church. This
accident happened about the time that James
the fixth of Scotland came to the crown of
England.
Alexander, my great-grand father, left two
fons, and as many daughters; his eldeſt ſon
John, lived till a year or two after the rebel-
lion in 1641. His houfe was the first in Ul-
fter fet upon by the Irib, who took and im-
prifoned him at Dungannon; but, fortunately,
making his eſcape, he went to Sir Robert
Stuart, who was then in arms for the king,
and died in the fervice.
:
This
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
165
This John, who was my grand-father, left
two fons, Alexander, my father, and a young
fon, likewiſe named John, who, being à child
but two or three years old, at his father's death
was invited to Scotland by the lady Dumfries,
there educated by her, and fent to fea: He
made feveral voyages to and from Barba-
does, then fettled in Scotland, where he died
ſome time after the Refloration, leaving, be-
fide a daughter, one fon, who, at my charges,
was bred up a Phyſician, and proved ſo famous
in his profeffion, that he was fent, by her late
majesty Queen Anne, to cure the king of Por-
tugal of the venereal diſeaſe. He had a thou-
fand pounds paid him in hand, before he be-
gan his journey; but when he arrived at Lif
bon, the Portugueze council and phyficians
diffuaded that king from trusting his perfon
with a foreigner. However his majefty of
Portugal fhewed him ſeveral marks of his ef-
teem; and, at parting, prefented him with
a very rich jewel, which he fold afterwards
for five hundred guineas. He stayed there
not above fix weeks; during which time, he
got confiderable practice. After living many
years in London, where he grew very rich, he
died in November 1726, and, as it is believ-
ed, without making a will, which is very pro-
bable, becauſe, although he had no children,
he left me no legacy, who was his coufin-ger-
man, and had been his greateſt benefactor, by
the eare and expence of his education. Upon
this matter, I muſt add one circumſtance more,
how
166
OF
MEMOIRS
how little fignificant foever it may be to
others. Mr. Archdeacon Maurice being at
London, in order to his journey to France, on
account of his health, went to vifit the doc-
tor, and put him in mind of me, urging the
obligations I had laid upon him. The doc-
tor agreed to fend me whatever fum of money
the archdeacon fhould think reaſonable, and
deliver it to him on his return from his tra-
vels; but unfortunately the doctor died two
or three days before the archdeacon came
back.
Alexander, my father, was about eighteen
years old in 1641. The Irish rebellion then
breaking out, he went to captain Gerard Ir-
vin, his relation, who was then captain of
horfe, and afterwards knighted by king Charles
the ſecond. This gentleman having a party
for the king, foon after joined with Sir Robert
Stuart in the county of Donegal; where, in
the courſe of thofe troubles, they continued
fkirmiſhing, fometimes with the Iriſh rebels,
and fometimes with thoſe of the English par-
hiament, after the rebellion in England began,
till at length captain Irvin, and one Mr. Stu-
art, were taken prifoners, and put in goal in
Derry; which city was kept for the parlia-
ment againſt the king, by Sir Charles Coote.
Here my father performed a very memorable
and gallant action, in refcuing his relation
captain Irvin, and Mr. Stuart. I will re-
late this fact in all its particulars, not only
becauſe it will do fome bonour to my father's
memory, but likewife becauſe, for its bold-
nels
5
CAPT, JOHN CREICHTON.
169
nefs and fuccefs, it ſeems to me very well to
deferve recording.
My father having received information,
that Sir Charles Coote, governor of Derry,
had publickly declared, that captain Irvin
and his companion ſhould be put to death
within two or three days, communicated this
intelligence to ſeven trufty friends; who all
engaged to affift him, with the hazard of their
hves, in delivering the two gentlemen from
the danger that threatened them. They all
agreed that my father, and three more, at the
hour of fix in the morning, when the weft-
gate food open, and the draw-bridge was let
down, for the governor's horfes to go out to
water, ſhould ride in, one by one, after a
manner as if they belonged to the town, and
there conceal themſelves in a friend's houfe till
night; at which time my father was to ac-
quaint captain Irvin and his fellow priſoner
with their defign, which was to this purpoſe:
That, after concerting meaſures at the pri-
fon, my father ſhould repair to a certain place
on the city-wall, and give inftructions to the
four without, at twelve at night: Accord-
ingly, next morning, as foon as the gate was
open, my father, with his three comrades,
got into the town, and the fame night having
fettled matters with the two gentlemen, that
they ſhould be ready at fix next morning, at
which hour, he and his three friends ſhould
call upon them; he then went to the wall,
and directed the four, who were without, that
as foon as they ſhould ſee the gate open, and
}
the
168
MEMOIRS OF
the bridge drawn, one of them ſhould walk
up to the centry, and fecure him from making
any noife, by holding a piftol to his breaſt
after which, the other three fhould ride up,
and ſecure the room where the by-guard lay,
to prevent them from coming out: Moft of
the garriſon were in their beds, which encou-
raged my father and his friends, and much
facilitated the enterprize: Therefore preciſely
at fix o'clock, when the by-guard and centry
at the weſtern-gate were fecured by the four
without, my father and the other three within
being mounted on horſe back, with one fpare
horfe, in the habit of town's people, with
cudgels in their hands, called at the goal-door,
on pretence to ſpeak to captain Irvin and
Mr. Stuart. They were both walking in a
large room in the goal, with the goaler and
three foldiers attending them; but theſe not
fufpecting the perfons on horfeback before the
door, whom they took to be inhabitants of
the town, my father aſked captain Irvin whe-
ther he had any commands to a certain place,
where he pretended to be going; the captain
made fome anfwer, but faid they ſhould not
go before they had drank with him; then
giving a piece of money to one of the fol-
diers, to buy a bottle of fack at a tavern a
good way off, and pretending likewiſe fome
errand for another foldier, fent him alfo out
of the way; there being now none left to
guard the prifoners but the goaler and the
third foldier, captain Irwin leapt over the
hatch-door, and as the goaler leapt after, my
father
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 169
father knocked him down with his cudgel.
While this was doing, Mr. Stuart tript up
the foldier's heels, and immediately leapt over
the hatch. They both mounted, Stuart on
the horſe behind my father, and Irvin on the
fpare one, and in a few minutes came up
with their companions at the gate, before the
main-guard could arrive, although it were
kept within twenty yards of the goal-door.
I fhould have obferved, that as foon as
captain Irvin and his friend got over the
hatch, my father and his comrades put a
couple of broad fwords into their hands,
which they had concealed under their cloaks,
and at the fame time drawing their own, were
all fix determined to force their way againſt
any, who offered to obftruct them in their
paffage; but the diſpatch was fo fudden, that
they got clear out of the gate, before the leaſt
oppofition could be made. They were no fooner
gone, than the town was alarmed; Coote, the
governor, got out of his bed, and ran into
the ſtreets in his fhirt, to know what the hub-
bub meant, and was in a great rage at the
accident. The adventurers met the gover-
nor's groom, coming back with his maſter's
horfes from watering; they feized the horſes,
and got fafe to Sir Robert Stuart's, about four
miles off, without lofing one drop of blood in
this hazardous enterprize.
This gallant perfon (if I may fo prefume
to call my father) had above twenty children
by his wife Anne Maxwell, of the family of
the earl of Niddifdale, of whom I was the
L
eldeſt ;
170
MEMOIRS OF
eldeft; they all died young, except myſelf,
three other boys, and two girls; who lived
to be men and women. My fecond brother
I took care to have educated at Glaſgow, but
he was drowned at two-and-twenty years old,
in a ftorm, on his return to Ireland. The
other two. died captains abroad, in the fervice
of king William.
I was born the eighth day of May, 1648,
at Cafile-fin in the county of Donegal. I made
fome fmall progrefs in learning at the ſchool
of Dungannon; but when I was eighteen
years old, I very inconfiderately married
Mrs. Elizabeth Delgarno, my ſchool-mafter's
daughter, by whom I have had thirteen chil-
dren, who all died young, except two daugh-
ters, married to two brothers, James and
Charles Young, of the county of Tyrone.
Having been fo very young when I married,
I could think of no other courfe to advance
my fortune, than by getting into the army.
Captain Irvin, often mentioned already, had
a brother who was a phyſician at Edinburgh,
to whom he wrote in my favour, defiring he
would recommend me to the marquis of 4-
tholl and others, then at the head of affairs in
Scotland; this was in the year 1674. There
were then, but one troop of horſe-guards
(whereof the marquit was colonel) and one
regiment of foot-guards, commanded by the
earl of Linlithgow, in that kingdom; and
they confifted chiefly of gentlemen.
Dr. Irvin, phyſician to the horſe-guards,
accordingly prefented me to the marquis of
Atboll,
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. #71
Atholl, requesting that I might be received
into his troop. His lordship, pretending
there was no vacancy, was, by the doctor,
threatened, in a free jefting manner, with a
dofe of poifon, inſtead of phyfic, the firſt
time he ſhould want his ſkill; Weell, weell
then, quoth the marquis, what is your friend's
name? Deel tak' me, anfwer the doctor, gin
I ken; whereupon I was called in, to' write
my name in the roll. I was then ordered to
repair to the troop at Sterling, with directions
to lieutenant colonel Cockburn, the command-
ing officer, to put me into which of the four
fquadrons, whereof the troops confifted, he
thought fit. He thereupon placed me in his
own, and appointed me my quarters,
Soon after this, the Conventicles growing
numerous in the weft, feveral parties were
drawn out to fupprefs them; among whom
I never failed to make one, in hopes thereby
to be taken notice of by my commanders;
for I had nothing to recommend me, except
my activity, diligence, and courage, being a
ftranger, and born out of that kingdom.
My first action, after having been taken
into the guards, was, with a dozen gentle-
men more, to go in queft of Mas David
Williamfon, a noted Covenanter; fince made
more famous in the book, called the Scotch
Prefbyterian eloquence. I had been affured,
that this Williamfon did much frequent the
houfe of my lady Cherrytree, within ten miles
of Edinburg; but when I arrived first with
L 2
my
144
MEMOIRS OF
my party about the houſe, the lady, well
knowing our errand, put Williamſon to bed
to her daughter, diſguiſed in a woman's night-
drefs. When the troopers went to ſearch in
the young lady's room, her mother pretend-
ed that he was not well; and Williamſon fo
ſo
managed the matter, that when the daughter
raiſed herſelf a little in the bed, to let the
troopers fee her, they did not diſcover him,
and fo went off diſappointed. But the
young lady proved with child; and William-
fon, to take off the fcandal, married her in
fome time after. This Williamfon married
five or fix wives fucceffively, and was alive
in the reign of queen Anne; at which time,
I faw him preaching in one of the kirks at
Edinburg. It is faid that king Charles the
fecond, hearing of Williamfon's behaviour in
lady Cherrytree's houfe, wifhed to ſee the man
that diſcovered fo much vigour, while his
troopers were in fearch of him: And, in a
merry way, declared, that when he was in
the Royal-Cak, he could not have kiffed the
bonnieft lafs in Chriffendom.
Some time after this, Thomas Dalziel, ge-
neral of the forces in Scotland, an excellent
foldier, who had been taken prifoner at the
famous battle of Worcester, and fent prifoner
to the Tower, eſcaping from thence into
Mufcovy, was made general to the Czar;
and returning home, after the Reftoration,
was preferred, by the king, to be general of
the forces in Scotland, in which poft he con-
tinued
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
173
tinued till his death, which happened a little
before the Revolution. This general com-
manded fifty of the foot-guards, with an en-
fign, to accompany me, and to follow my
directions, in the purſuit of a notorious rebel,
one Adam Stobow, a farmer in Fife, near
Colrofs. This fellow had gone through the
Weſt, endeavouring to ftir up fedition in the
people, by his great ſkill in canting and pray-
ing. There had been ſeveral parties fent over
after him, before I and my men undertook
the buſineſs, but they could never difcover
him. We reached Colrofs at night, where I
directed the enfign and all the men to ſecure
three or four rebels, who were in the place;
while I, with two or three of the foldiers to
affift me, went to Stobow's houſe, about a
mile and a half from Colrofs, by break of
day, for fear fome of his friends might give
him notice. Before I got to the houſe, I ob-
ſerved a kiln in the way, which I ordered to
be fearched, becauſe I found there an heap
of ſtraw in the paffage, up to the kiln-pot.
There I found Stobow lurking, and carried
him to Colrofs, although his daughter offered
me an hundred dollars to let him go.
We
returned immediately to the general at Edin-
burg, with Stobow and the priſoners taken by
the enfign at Colrofs. They continued a
while in confinement, but Stobow, at his
trial, found friends enough to fave his life,
and was only baniſhed; yet he returned home
a year after, and proved as troubleſome and
feditious as ever, till at the fight of Bothwell-
Bridge,
L 3
174
OF
MEMOIRS
Bridge, it was thought, he was killed, for he
was never heard of afterwards.
There
During the time I was in the guards,
about two years after the affair of Mas Da-
vid Williamfon at the lady Cherrytree's, I
was quartered with a party at Bath-Gate,
which is a ſmall village, twelve miles from
Edinburg. One Sunday morning, by break
of day, I and my comrade, a gallant High-
land gentleman of the name of Grant, went
out diſguiſed in grey coats and bonnets, in
fearch after fome Conventicle. We travelled
on foot, eight or ten miles into the wild
mountains, where we fpied three fellows on
the top of an hill, whom we conjectured to
ftand there as fpies, to give intelligence to a
Conventicle, when any of the king's troopers
fhould happen to come that way.
they ſtood, with long poles in their hands,
till I and my friend came pretty near, and
then they turned to go down the hill: When
we obferved this, we took a little compaſs,
and came up with them on the other fide;
whereupon they food ftill, leaning on their
poles: Then I bounced forward upon one
of them, and fuddenly ſnatched the pole out
of his hand, afked him why he carried fuch
a pole on the Lord's-day, and at the ſame
time knocked him down with it. My com-
rade immediately feized on the fecond, and
laid him flat by a gripe of his hair; but the
third took to his heels, and ran down the
hill. However, having left my friend to
guard the two former, I overtook the last,
+
and
}
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTÓN. #75
and felled him likewife; but the place being
ſteep, the violence with which I ran carried
me a good way down the hill, before I could
recover myſelf, after the ſtroke I had given;
and by the time I could get up again to the
place where he lay, the rogue had got on his
feet, and was fumbling for a fide-piftol, that
hung at his belt, under his upper coat;
which as foon as I obferved, I fetched him
to the ground a fecond time with the pole,
and feized on his piftol; then, leading him
up to the other two, I defired my friend to
examine their pockets, and fee whether they
carried any powder or ball, but we found
none.
We then led our prifoners down the hill,
at the foot of which there was a bog, and on
the other fide a man fitting on a rock; when
we advanced near him, leaving our prifoners
in the keeping of my friend, I ran up to-
wards the man, who fled down on the other
fide. As foon as I had reached the top of
the rock, there appeared a great number of
people, affembled in a glin, to hear the
preaching of Mas John King, as I under-
ftood afterward, whofe voice was fo loud,
that it reached the ears of thoſe who were at
the greateſt diſtance, which could not, I
think, be lefs than a quarter of a mile;
they all ftanding before him, and the wind
favouring the ftrength of his lungs. When
my friend had brought the three prifoners to
the top of the rock, where I waited for him,
they
176 MEMOIRS OF
-1
+
they all broke looſe and ran down to the
Conventicle: But my friend advancing with-
in about forty yards of that rabble, com-
manded them in his majeſty's name to depart
to their own homes. Whereupon, about
forty of their number, with poles in their
hands, drew out from the reſt, and advanced
againſt us two, who had the courage, or ra-
ther the temerity, to face fo great a company,
which could not be fewer than a thouſand.
As this party of theirs was preparing with
their long poles to attack me and my friend,
it happened very luckly, that a fine gelding,
faddled and bridled, with a pillion likewife
upon him, came up near us, in fearch for
better grafs; I caught the horſe, and imme-
diately mounted him, which the rest of the
Conventiclers obferving, they broke up and
followed as faſt as they could, fome on horſe-
back, and the reft on foot, to prevent me
from going off with the horſe; but I put
him to the gallop, and ſuffering him to chuſe
his own way through the mountain, which
was full of bogs and bags, got out of reach.
My friend kept up with me as long as he
could, but having run a mile through fuch
difficult places, he was quite ſpent, and the
Conventiclers hard at his heels; whereupon
he called to me for affiſtance, and I alighting
put him upon the horſe, bidding him to make
the best of his way to the laird of Poddi-
ſhaw's about two miles off. By this time
we ſaw twelve™ Covenanters on horſeback,
who
CAPT. JOHN CRÈICHTON.
177
who advanced towards us by a fhorter cut,
and blocked up a gap, through which we
were, of neceffity, to pafs. I undertook to
clear the gap for my friend, and, running to-
wards the rogues with my broad-fword and
piftol, foon forced them to open to the right
and left: My comrade got through, and
was purſued a good way; but he ſo laid
about him with his broad-fword, that the
purfuers, being unarmed, durft not ſeize him.
In the mean time, I, who was left on foot,
kept the Covenanters, who followed me, at a
proper diſtance; but they pelted me with
clods, which I fometimes returned, till at
laft, after chafing me above a mile, they faw
a party of troopers in red, paffing by, at
fome diſtance; and then they gave over their
purfuit.
The troopers, obferving my friend gallop-
ing and purfued, imagined he was fome fa-
natic preacher, till they came to an old wo-
man on a hill, whom my friend had defired
to deny his being gone that way; upon
which they went off to their quarters, and he
got fafe to Poddishaw's, whither I foon after
arrived. The laird of Poddifbaw had been
that day at church; from whence returning
with the laird of Pocammock, who lived about
a mile off, they both wondered how the horſe
got thither, for Pocammock was the owner of
the horſe, and his lady had rode on it that
day to the Conventicle, without her huſband's
knowledge, having been ſeduced thither by
fome fanatic neighbours, for the had never
been
178 MEMOIRS OF
been at their meetings before. My friend
and I acquainted the two lairds with the
whole adventure of that day: And, after
dinner, Pocammock requeſted to let him have
the horſe home, thereby to ftifle any reflexion
his lady might bring upon him, or herſelf,
by going to a Conventicle; he likewife in-
vited us to dine next day at his houſe, where
the horſe ſhould again be delivered to me,
as juſtly forfeited by the folly of his wife.
We went accordingly with the laird of Pod-
difbaw, and dined at Pocammock's, where
the horſe was ordered to be led out into the
court, in the fame accoutrements as I found
him the day before: But, obferving the lady
in tears, I told her, that if ſhe would give
me her promiſe, never to go to a Conventicle
again, I would beftow her the horse, and
conceal what had paffed; the readily com-
plied, and fo the matter was made up. How-
ever, the laird her huſband affured me, that
no horſe in Scotland fhould be better paid
for; and, being a leading man in the coun-
try, and his lady diſcovering the names
of thoſe who had been at the Conventicle,
he fent for them, and perfuaded them, as
they valued their quiet, to make up a purſe
for me and my friend, which they according-
ly did, and we both lived plentifully a
twelve month after, on the price of that
horfe.
This adventure, making much noife at
Edinburg, was the occafion of my being fent
for up thither, by the marquis of Atboll, my
colonel,
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
179
colonel, who in a very friendly manner ex-
poftulated with me upon my rafkneſs, as in-
deed he had too much reaſon to do neither
was I able to fay any thing in my own jutti-
fication. However, fince what I had done
diſcovered my loyalty for my prince, my zeal
for the church, and my deteftation of all re-
bellious principles; his lordship ever after gave
me many marks of his friendship.
Accordingly, thefe fervices gave me fo
much credit with the general, that he pro-
miſed to apply to the government, in my fa-
vour, for fome preferment in the army, upon
the first opportunity, which happened about
a year afterwards.
For the feditious hu-
mours in the weft ftill encreaſing, it was
thought proper, that three independent troops
of horse, and as many dragoons, fhould be
raiſed to fupprefs the rebels. Whereupon
Mr. Francis Stuart, grandſon to the earl of
Bothwell, a private gentleman in the horſe-
guards, like myself, and my intimate ac-
quaintance, was fent for, in haſte, by the
general; becauſe the council of Scotland was
then writing to the king, that his majeſty
would pleaſe to grant commiffions to thoſe
perfons, whofe names were to be fent up to
London, that very night. Mr. Stuart gave
me notice of this: Whereupon, although I
was not fent for, I refolved to go up with
him to Edinburg, and follicit for myſelf.
When I arrived there, and attended the ge
neral, his firſt queſtion was, in a humorous
manner,
180
OF
MEMOIRS
manner, Wha the Deel fent for you up? I
anfwered, that I hoped his excellency would
now make good his promife, of preferring me,
fince fo fair an opportunity offered at preſent.
On this occafion, the general food my firm
friend, and although the fons and brothers of
lords and baronets, and other perſons of qua-
lity, folicited to be made lieutenants and cor-
nets, in thefe new-raiſed troops, yet the ge-
neral, in regard to my feryices, prevailed
with the council, that I might be appointed
lieutenant to Mr. Stuart, who was then made
captain of dragoons.
Soon after this [viz. 3 May, 1679], the
archbishop of St. Andrews was murdered by
the lairds of Hackfton and Balfour, affifted by
four poor weavers. Hackfon, before this
horrid action, was reputed an honeft and gal
lant man; but his friendſhip for his brother-
in-law Balfour drew him in to commit this
inbuman murder. Balfour, who had been
the archbiſhop's chamberlain (for ſo in Scot-
land we call a great man's Iteward), whether
by negligence or difbonefly, was fhort in his
payments to his lord; and the fear of being
called to an account, was a principal motive
to affaffinate his maſter: however, he pre-
tended likewife a great zeal for the Kirk,
whereof he looked upon the archbishop as
the greateſt oppreffer. It is certain, that the
lower people mortally hated the archbishop,
on pretence that his grace had deferted their
communion; And the weavers, who were ac-
complices
!
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
18,
complices of Balfour, believed they did God
fervice in deftroying an enemy of the Kirk;
and accordingly all the murderers were ef
teemed and filed faints, by that rebellious
faction.
After the murder of the archbiſhop, ſeve-
ral parties in the weft took up arms, under
the leading of Robert Hamilton, fecond fon
to Sir William Hamilton, of Prefton, the un-
worthy fan of a most worthy father: Where-
upon the council met, and fent for Graham,
then laird of Clavers, afterwards created viſ-
count Dundee, by king James the feventh.
This noble perfon was, at that time, captain
of one of thofe independent troops of horſe,
which, as I have already mentioned, were
raifed before the murder of the archbishop-
The council therefore ordered him to march
with a detachment of one hundred and twen
ty dragoons, and a lieutenant, with his own
troop, in purfuit of the rebels. Clavers was
obliged not to open his commiffion, until he
came in fight of them. In his march hạ
took Mas John King, one of their principal
preachers. Clavers carried King along, un-
til he came in fight of the enemy, at Drum-
clog, eight miles from Hamilton. There the
preacher was guarded by a dragoon-centry,
at a little cabbin, on the top of the hill,
while Clavers, opening his commiffion, found
himfelf commanded to fight the rebels, let
their number be ever fo great, with thoſe
hundred and twenty dragoons,
VOL. XIII,
M
But
182
MEMOIRS OF
But before I proceed to tell the iffue of
this affair, I muft digrefs a little upon the
fubject of Mas John King, above-mentioned.
When I was in the guards, fome time after I
had miffed Williamfon, at lady Cherrytree's
houſe, the government hearing that this John
King was beginning to hold his Conventicles
not far from Sterling, where the troop of
horſe then lay, ordered the commanding offi-
cer there, to fend a party out to take him,
and bring him up to the council. I was
pitched upon, with a fmall detachment, to
perform this fervice.
I went to my lord
Cardroffe's houſe, to whofe lady King was
chaplain; there I took him, and delivered him
to the council. This preacher had gotten
the lady's woman with child, about four or
five months before, and, it is fuppofed, had
promifed her marriage, provided the lady
would ftand his friend in his prefent diftrefs;
whereupon ſhe was fo far his friend, as to
get him bailed, on her engaging, he ſhould
hold no more Conventicles: However, he
went to the hills, and there preached the
people to arms; and in feveral towns, as
Kirkubry, Lanerick, and Sanchar in particu-
lar, in company with Cameron, ſet up decla-
rations on the market-croſſes againſt the king,
whom he excommunicated, with all his adbe-
rents. Thus he continued till Clavers took
him at Drumclog, as is above-mentioned,
where he got off again, until I took him a
third time, after the battle of Bothwell-
3
Bridge,
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 183
Bridge, which fhall be related in its proper
place.
The rebels at Drumclog were eight or nine
thousand ftrong: Their leader, as I have
faid before, was Robert Hamilton, fecond
brother to the loyal houfe of Prefton, but a
profligate, who had spent all his patrimony.
There were likewife among them the lairds
of Knockgray and Fruah, with many other
gentlemen of fortune, whoſe names I have
forgot. Clavers's men, with the addition of
ſome few that came in to him, did not ex-
ceed one hundred and eighty; yet, purſuant
to his orders, he was forced to fight the ene-
my; but being fo vaftly out-numbered, was
foon defeated, with the lofs of cornet Robert
Graham, and about eight or ten private
troopers. The rebels finding the cornet's
body, and fuppofing it to be that of Cla-
vers, becauſe the name of Graham was
wrought in the fhirt-neck, treated it with the
utmoſt inhumanity, cutting off the nofe,
picking out the eyes, and ſtabbing it through
in an hundred places.
Clavers, in his flight towards Hamilton
and Glaſgow, rode an horſe that trailed his
guts for two miles, from the place where the
engagement happened; but then overtaking
his groom with fome led horfes, he mounted
one of them, and with the remains of his
fmall army efcaped to Glasgow. The re
bels, purſuing as far as Hamilton, advanced
that evening within a mile of Glaſgow,
where they encamped all night. As Clavers
M 2
was
184 MEMOIRS OF
was marching after his men up the hill,
where he had left Mas John King, under the
guard of a dragoon (who ran off with the
firft that fled) King, in a fneering way, de-
fired him to ſtay, and take his prifoner with
him.
The rebels being thus encamped within a
mile of Glasgow, Clavers commanded his
men in the town, to ftand to their arms all
night; and having barricadoed the four ſtreets,
to prevent the rebels horſe from breaking in,
ordered me, at fun rife, to march with fix
dragoons, and difcover which way the rebels
intended to come into the town. I muft here
obferve, that I, with captain Stuart's troop
of dragoons, and a battalion of the foot-
guards, remained in Glaſgow, while Clavers
marched to Drumclog, where he was defeated.
But to return :
I followed the directions
which were given me, and having diſcovered
the enemy from a little eminence, I was or-
dered by Clavers, who came to me there, to
watch at a ſmall houfe, where the way di-
vided, and fee which of the roads they would
take, or whether they feparated, and each
party took a different way. I ftayed until I
faw them take two different roads; fome by
that from whence I came from the town,
which was over the Galligate-Bridge, and the
reft by the High-Church and College, which
was more than twice as far as the firſt party
had to come, and confequently could not
both meet at the fame time within the town.
This was a great advantage to Clavers, and
I
his
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
185
his little army. That party of the rebels,
which took Galligate-Bridge road, followed
cloſe at the heels, as I returned to reform
Clavers what courſe they took.
•
The broad ſtreet was immediately full of
them ; but advancing towards the barricade,
before their fellows, who followed the other
road, could arrive to their affiſtance, they were
valiantly received by Clavers and his men,
who firing on them at once, and jumping
over the carts and cars that compoſed the
barricade, chafed them out of the town, but
were quickly forced to return, and receive
the other party, which, by that time, was
marching down by the High-Church and Col-
lege; but when they came within piſtol-ſhot,
were likewife fired upon, and driven out of
the town. In this action many of the re-
bels fell, but the king's party loſt not ſo
+
much as one man.
The town's men being too well affected to
the rebels, concealed many of them in their
houſes; the rest, who eſcaped, met and drew
up in a field behind the High-Ghurch, where
they ſtayed until five in the afternoon, it be-
ing in the month of May, and from thence
marched in a body to the fame place where
they were in the morning, about a mile off
the town.
Clavers and his men expecting
they would make a ſecond attack, and dif-
covering by his fpies whither they were
gone, marched after them; but, upon fight
of our forces, the rebels retired with a trong
M 3
rear
186
MEMOIRS OF
rear-
r-guard of horſe to Hamilton; whereupon
Clavers returned, and quartered that night
in Glasgow.
Next morning, the government fent or-
ders to Clavers to leave Glasgow, and march
to Sterling, eighteen miles further; and
three days after, he was commanded to bring
up his party to Edinburg. As foon as he
quitted Glasgow, the rebels returned, and
having ſtayed in that town eight or ten days,
encamped on Hamilton-Moor, within a mile
of Bothwell-Bridge, when it was faid, that
their numbers were increaſed to fourteen
thouſand; although bishop Burnet, in his
Hiftory of his own Times, moſt falſly and
partially affirms, that they were not more
than four thouſand, or thereabouts.
The council, finding the rebels daily in-
creafing in their numbers, gave information
thereof to the king; whereupon his majeſty
fent down the duke of Monmouth, with a
commiffion, to be commander in chief, and to
take with him four troops of English dra-
goons, which were quartered on the borders:
But thefe, with the forces in Scotland, amount-
ed not to above three thouſand. Upon the
duke's being made commander in chief, gene-
ral Dalziel refuſed to ſerve under him, and
remained at his lodgings in Edinburg, till his
grace was fuperfeded, which happened about
a fortnight after.
The army was about four miles forward
on the road towards Hamilton, when the duke
of
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
187
of Monmouth came up, with his English dra-
goons, on Saturday the 21st of June: from
thence the whole forces marched to the Kirk
of Shots, within four miles of the rebels, where
they lay that night. The next morning he
marched the army up to an eminence, oppoſite
to the main body of the enemy, who were en-
camped on the Moor.
C
The general officers, the earl of Linlithgow,
colonel of the foot-guards, the earl of Mar,
colonel of a regiment of foot, Clavers, the
earl of Hume, and the earl of Ayrly, all
captains of horſe, the marquis of Montroſe,
colonel of the horfe-guards (Atholl having
been diſcarded), Dalhousie, with many other
noblemen, and gentlemen volunteers, attend-
ing the duke together, defired his grace to
let them know which way he defigned to take
to come at the enemy; the duke anſwered, it
muſt be, by Bothwell-bridge. Now the bridge
lay a fhort mile to the right of the king's
army, was narrow, and guarded with three
thouſand of the rebels, and ftrongly barri-
cadoed with great ftones; but although the
officers were defirous to have paffed the river,
by easy fords, directly between them and the
rebels, and to march to their main body on
the Moor, before thofe three thouſand, who
guarded the bridge, could come to affift
them; yet the duke was obſtinate, and
would pafs no other way, than that of the
Bridge.
Purſuant to this prepofterous and abfurd re-
Solution, he commanded captain Stuart (whofe
lieutenant
M 4
188
O
MEMOIRS
lieutenant I was), with his troop of dra-
goons, and eighty mufqueteers, together with
four fmall field-pieces, under cover of the
dragoons, to beat off the party at the bridge:
the duke himſelf, with David Lefly and Melvill
accon panied us, and ordered the field-pieces
to be left at the village of Bothwell, within
a mufket-ſhot of the bridge: When the
duke and his men came near the bridge, the
rebels beat a parley, and fent over a laird,
accompanied with a Kirk preacher. The
duke afking what they came for? Was an-
fwered, That they would have the Kirk
eftablifbed in the fame manner, as it ſtood
at the king's reſtoration, and that every
fubject ſhould be obliged to take the folemn
league and covenant." The duke told
them, their demand could not be granted,
but ſent them back to tell their party, that
if they would lay down their arms, and fub-
mit to the king's mercy, he would intercede
for their pardon.
While this parley lafted, the field-pieces
were brought down, and planted over againſt
the bridge, without being perceived by the
rebels. The meffengers returned in a short
time, with this anfwer; That they would not
lay down their arms, unless their conditions
were granted them: Whereupon the dra-
goons and mufqueteers fired all at once upon
thoſe who guarded the bridge, and the field-
pieces played fo warmly, that fome hundreds
of the rebels were flain; the reft flying to the
main body, on the Moor.
The
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 189
The duke, as foon as he had commanded
to fire, retired into a hollow, from the ene-
mies fhot, fome fay by the perfuafion of Lefly
and Melvill, and continued there till the
action was over. Then captain Stuart or-
dered the muſqueteers to make way for the
horfe to pass the Bridge, by cafting the
ftones into the river, which had been placed
there to obftru&t the paffage over it t; but
the army could not pafs in leſs than five
hours; and then marched up in order of bat-
tle towards the enemy, who waited for them
on the Moor, confiding in the great fuperi-
ority of their number. Clavers commanded
the horſe on the right, and captain Stuart
the dragoons on the left. The field-pieces
were carried in the centre of the foot-guards,
while the reſt of the officers comm: nded at.
the head of their men; and the duke, after
the enemy was beaten from the bridge, rode
at the head of the army.
+
Upon the first fire, the rebels horſe turned
about, and fled upon the right and left; and
although the duke ordered his men not to ftir
out of their ranks to purſue them, yet the
army, not regarding his commands, follow-
ed the flying rebels, killing between feven
and eight hundred, and taking fifteen hun-
dred priſoners. Sir John Bell, provoſt of
Glafgow, as foon as he faw the rebels fly,
rode into the town; from whence, in a few
hours, he fent all the bread he could find,
together with an hogfhead of drink to each
troop and company in the army, out of the
M 5
cellars
190
MEMOIRS OF
cellars of fuch town's-men as were found to
be abettors or protectors of the rebels.
י.
1
The cruelty and preſumption of that wicked
and perverſe generation will appear evident
from a ſingle inftance. Theſe rebels had ſet
up a very large gallows, in the middle of
their camp, and prepared a cart-full of new
ropes at the foot of it, in order to hang up
the king's foldiers, whom they already look-
ed upon
as vanquished and at mercy;
and it happened, that the purfuers
in the royal army, returning back with
their priſoners, chofe, the place where the
gallows ftood, to guard them at, with-
out offering to hang one of them, which
they juftly deſerved, and had fo much
reafon to expect. The purſuers were
no fooner returned, and the whole action
over, than general Dalziel arrived at the
camp from Edinburg, with a commiffion re-
newed to be Commander in chief, which he
received that very morning by an exprefs.
This commander having learned how the
duke had conducted the war, told him
publickly, and with great plainneſs, that
he had betrayed the King; that he hearti-
ly wished his commiffion had come a day
fooner, for then, faid he, thefe rogues fhould
never have troubled his Majefty, or the king-
dom any more.
Thus the duke was at the fame time fuper-
feded, and publickly rebuked before all
the army; yet his grace forgot his dignity
ſo far, as to ſneak among them at the town
of
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
-191
of Bothwell (where the forces encamped)
until the Saturday following; then all the
troops marched back to Glasgow, from
whence in two or three days they were fent
to their feveral quarters; after which the
duke of Monmouth paſſed by Sterling to Fife
to vifit the duke of Rothes.
The fame evening after the rout on the
Moor, the priſoners were fent with a ſtrong
guard towards Edinburg. On Saturday Morn-
ing, when the army was to march to Glaſ-
gow, I defired the general's leave to go with
twelve dragoons, in fearch of fome of the
rebels, who might probably pafs the Clyde,
about Dunbarton, to fhelter themſelves in the
Highlands. With thefe dragoons, clad in
grey coats and bonnets, I made hafte down
the fide of the river; and about midnight,
after travelling twenty four miles, I came to
a church, and while the foldiers ſtayed to
refresh their horfes in the church-yard, I
fpied a country-fellow going by, and aſked
him in his own dialect, Whither gang ye
this
time of night? He answered, Wha are ye
that fpeers? I replied, We are your ang fo'ke r
Upon this the fellow came up, and told
me, there were eighteen friends, with horſes,
at an old caſtle, waiting for a boat to paſs
over into the ifle of Arran. I mounted the
man behind one of my dragoons, and went
towards the place: But the rebels, not find
ing a boat, were gone off, and the guide
difmiffed. There was a great dew on the
grafs, which directed me and my party to fol-
M 6
low
192
MEMOIRS OF
+
low the track of their horſes, for three
four miles, till the dew was gone off; I
then enquired of a cow-herd on a hill, whe-
ther he faw any of our poor fo'ke travelling
that way; he anſwered, that they had fe-
parated on that hill, and gone three feveral
ways, fix in a party; adding, that in one
party there was a bra, muckle kerl, with a
white hat on him, and a great bob of ribbons`
on the cock o't. Whereupon I fent four of
my dragoons after one party, four more after
another and myſelf, with the remaining
four, went in purfuit of him with the white
bat. As I went forward, I met another
cow-berd, who told me, that the fellow with
the bat, and one more (for as the rogues ad-
vanced further into the Weft, they still divi-
ded into ſmaller parties), were just gone
down the hill, to his mafter's houfe.
good man of the houſe, returning from put-
ting the horſes to grafs in the garden, was
going to fhut the door; whereupon myſelf
and two of the dragoons commanded him,
with our piſtols at his breaſt, to lead us to
the room where the man lay, who wore a
white hat. We entered the room, and be-
fore he awaked, I took away his arms, and
commanded him to drefs immediately:
Then finding his companion afleep in the
barn, I forced him likewife to arife, and
mounting them both on their own horfes,
came at pine o'clock in the morning, with
my two priſoners, to the other dragoons, at
the place where we appointed to meet.
The
From
Capt. JOHN CREICHTON.
193
From thence we rode ftrait to Glasgow, and
arrived thither about eight in the evening,
after a journey of fifty miles, fince we left
the army at Bothwell the day before.
This was upon a Sunday, and although
we met with many hundreds of people on the
road, yet we travelled on to Glasgow with-
out any oppofition. I must here inform the
reader, that although I had once before ta-
ken this very man, who wore the white
hat, yet I did not know him to be Mas John
King already mentioned, until I was told fo
by the man of the houfe where I found
him. I likewife forgot to mention, that
King, who knew me well enough as foon as
he was taken in the houſe, entreated me to
fhew him fome favour, becauſe he had mar-
ried a woman of my name; I anſwered,
That is true, but first you got her with
bairn, and ſhall therefore now pay for dif
gracing one of my name.
When we arrived near Glasgow, I fent a
dragoon to inform the general, that Mas
John King was coming to kifs his hand;
whereupon his excellency, accompanied with
all the noblemen and officers, advanced as
far as the bridge, to welcome me and my
prifoners; where it is very obfervable, that
Grabam, laird of Clavers, who came among
the reft, made not the leaft reproach to Mas
John, in return of his infolent behaviour,
when that commander fled from Drumclog.
Mas John was fent to Edinburg next morn-
ing, under a guard, and hanged foon after
(viz.
194
MEMOIRS OF
[viz. 14 Aug. 1679]. From hence I went to
my quarters in Lanerick fixteen miles from
Glaſgow; and about a month after (I hope
the reader will excufe my weakness) I hap-
pened to dream that I found one Wilſon, a
captain among the rebels, at Bothwell-Bridge,
in a bank of wood, upon the river Clyde.
This accident made fo ftrong an impreffion
on my mind, that as foon as I awaked, I
took fix and thirty-dragoons, and got to
the place by break of day; then I cauſed
ſome of them to alight, and go into the
wood, and fet him up as hounds do a bare,
while the reft were ordered to ftand centry to
prevent his eſcape. It feems I dreamt fortun-
ately, for Wilson was actually in the wood,
with five more of his company, as we af-
terwards learned; who all, feeing me and my
party advancing, hid themſelves in a little
iſland on the river, among the broom that
grew upon it. Wilſon had not the good for-
tune to eſcape; for as he was trying to
get out of one copfe into another, I met him;
and gueffing by his good cloaths, and by the
deſcription I had received of him before, that
he was the man I looked for, I feized and
brought him to my quarters; and from thence
immediately conveyed him to Edinburg,
where he was hanged; but might have pre-
ferved his life, if he would have condefcend-
ed only to fay, God fave the King. This he
utterly refuſed to do, and thereby loſt not
only his life, but likewife an eftate, worth
twenty-nine thouſand marks Scots.
For
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 195
For this fervice, the duke of Queensbury,
then High Commiffioner of Scotland, recom-
mended me to the king, who rewarded me
with the gift of Wilson's eftate; but although
the grant paffed the feals, and the Sheriff put
me in poffeffion, yet I could neither fell it nor
létt it; no body daring, for fear of the rebels
who had eſcaped at Bothwell-Bridge, either
to purchaſe or farm it; by which means I
never got a penny by the grant; and at the
Revolution the land was taken from me and
reftored to Wilson's heirs.
The winter following, general Dalziel,
with a battalion of the earl of Linlithgow's
guards, the earl of Ayrly's troop of horſe,
and captain Stuart's troop of dragoons, quar-
tered at Kilmarnock, in the Weft, fifty miles
from Edinburg. Here the general one day,
happening to look on while I was exercifing
the troop of dragoons, aſked me, when I
had done, whether I knew any of my men,
who was ſkilful in praying well in the ſtile
and tone of the Covenanters? I immediate-
ly thought upon one James Gibb, who had
been born in Ireland, and whom I made a
dragoon. This man I brought to the gene-
ral, affuring his excellency, that, if I had
raked hell, I could not find his match for his
ſkill in mimicking the Covenanters. Where-
upon the general gave him, five pounds, to
buy him a great coat and a bonnet, and com-
manded him to find out the rebels, but to be
fure to take care of himſelf among them.
The dragoon went eight miles off that very
night,
196
MEMOIRS OF
night, and got admittance into the houfe of
a notorious rebel, pretending he came from
Ireland out of seal for the cauſe, to affilt at
the fight of Bothwell-Bridge, and could not
find an opportunity fince, of returning to
Ireland with fafety; he faid, he durft not be
feen in the day time, and therefore, after be-
witching the family with his gifts of praying,
he was conveyed in the dusk of the even-
ing, with a guide to the houſe of the next
adjoining rebel, and thus in the fame man-
ner, from one to another, till in a month's
time he got through the principal of them in
the Weft; telling the general, at his return,
that wherever he came, he made the old
wives, in their devout fits, tear off their big-
gonets and mutches he likewife gave the
general a liſt of their names and places of
their abodes, and into the bargain brought
back a good purfe of money in his pocket.
The general defired to know how he had
prayed amongst them; he anfwered, that it
was his cuftom in his prayers, to ſend the
king, the minifters of fate, the officers of the
army, with all their foldiers, and the epifo-
pal clergy, all broad-fide to hell; but parti-
cularly the general bimfelf: What, faid the
general, did you ſend me to hell, Sir? Yea,
replied the dragoon, you at the bead of them
as their leader.
And here I do folemnly aver, upon my
veracity and knowledge, that Bishop Burnet,
in the Hiftory of his own Times, hath, in a
moft falfe and fcandalous manner, mifrepre-
fented
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
197
fented the action at Bothwell Bridge, and the
behaviour of the epifcopal clergy in Scotland:
For, as to the former, I was preſent in that
engagement, which was performed in the
manner I have related; and as to the latter,
having travelled through most parts of that
kingdom, particularly the North and Weft,
I was well acquainted with them, and will
take it to my death, that the reverſe of this cha
racter, which Burnet gives of both, is the truth.
And becauſe that author is ſo unjuſt to
the epiſcopal clergy, and fo partial to the Co-
venanters and their teachers, I do affirm,
that I have known feveral among the latter
fort guilty of thofe very vices, wherewith
this bishop brands the epiſcopal clergy. A-
mong many others, I will produce one in-
ftance, rather to divert the reader, than from
any obloquy. One of thofe eight fanatick
teachers, who were permitted, at the Refora-
tion, to keep their livings, came to Sir John
Carmichael's boufe, withm a mile of Lanerick,
where I was then upon a vifit to Sir John.
We drank hard till it was late, and all the
company retired, except Sir John and myſelf.
The teacher would needs give us prayers, but
fell asleep before he had half done; where-
upon Sir John and I, fetting a bottle and
glafs at his nofe, left him upon his knees.
The poor man fneaked off early the next
morning, being, in all appearance, afhamed
of his hypocrify.
►
To return from this digreffion. The ge-
neral fent out feveral parties, and me with a
party
198 MEMOIRS OF
party among the reft; where, during the
winter, and the following Spring, I fecured
many of thoſe, whofe names and abodes the
canting dragoon had given a lift of.
In July following, the general, by order
of council, commanded me to go, with a
detachment of thirty horfe and fifty dragoons,
in purſuit of about one hundred and fifty
rebels, who had efcaped at Bothwell-Bridge,
and ever fince kept together in a body, up
and down in Galloway. I followed them
for five or fix days, from one place to an-
other; after which, on the 22d of July, they
tayed for me at Airs-Mofs, fituate in the
ſhire of Air, near the town of Cumlock. The
Mofs is four miles long from East to West,
and two broad. The rebels drew up at the
Eaft end, and confifted of thirty horſe and
one hundred and twenty foot. Í faced them
upon a rifing ground with my thirty horſe
and fifty dragoons. The reafon why the re-
bels chofe this place to fight on, rather than
a plain field, was for fear their horſe might
defert the foot, as they did on Hamilton-Moor,
near Bothwell-Bridge And likewiſe, that, in
cafe they loft the day, they might ſave them-
felves by retreating into the Mofs.
I placed myfelf on the left, as judging,
that the beſt officer the rebels had would
command on the right. The action began
about five in the afternoon, but laſted not
long; for I ordered my men firſt to re-
ceive the enemy's fire, then to ride down the
hill upon them, and uſe their broad ſwords :
They
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
199
They did fo, and before the enemy had
time to draw theirs, cut many of them down
in an inſtant; whereupon they wheeled a-
bout, and captain Fowler, who command-
ed the rebels on the right, being then in the
rear, advancing up to me, I gave him ſuch a
blow over the head with my broad-fword, as
would have cleaved his fkull, had it not been
defended by a freel-cap. Fowler, turning a-
bout, aimed a blow at me, but I warded it
off, and with a back ftroke cut the upper
part of his head clean off, from the nofe
upwards.
By this time the rebels, leaving their horfes,
fted to the Mofs; but the royalifts pursuing
them, killed about fixty, and took fourteen
prifoners. Here Cameron, the famous Coven-
anter, loft his life; and Haxton was taken
prifoner, infamous for embruing his hands
in the blood of the archbishop of St. Andrews,
as I have already mentioned; for which par-
ricide, both his hands were afterwards cut
off, and he was hanged at Edinburg.
But this victory cost me very dear; for
being then in the rear, I rode into the Mofs
after the rebels, where I overtook a dozen of
them, hacking and hewing one of my men,
whofe horfe was bogged; his name was El-
hot, a fout foldier; and one of Clavers's
troop. He had received ſeveral wounds, and
was at the point of being killed, when I came
to his relief. I fhot one of the rogues dead
with my carbine, which obliged the reft to let
the poor man and his horfe creep out of the
$
bale;
260
MEMOIRS OF
bole; but at the fame time drew all their
fury upon myself; for Elliot made a ſhift to
crawl out of the Mofs, leading his horfe in
his hand, but was wholely difabled from aſ-
fifting his deliverer, and was not regarded by
his enemies, who probably thought he was
mortally wounded, or indeed rather that they
had no time to mind him; for I laid about
me ſo faſt, that they judged it beſt to keep
off, and not to venture within my reach; till
it unfortunately happened, that my horfe
flipped in the fame hole, out of which El-
liot and his had juft got. When they had
me at this advantage, they began to fhew
their courage, and manfully dealt their blows
with their broad-fwords, from fome of which,
the carbine that hung down my back de-
fended me a little. As I was paddling in
the bole, the horſe not able to get out, one
of the rebels ran me through the ſmall of the
back with his broad fword, and at the fame
inſtant two more wounded me under the
ribs with their fmall ones. Then I threw
myſelf over the head of my horſe, taking
the far piftol out of the holfter in my left
hand, and holding my broad-fſword in my
right; and as one of the villains was com-
ing haftily up to me, his foot flipped, and
before he could recover himſelf, I ftruck my
fword into his ſkull; but the fellow being
big and heavy, fnapped it aſunder as he fell,
within a pan of the hilt. The rebels had
me now at a great advantage: One of them
made a ſtroke at me, which I warded off
with
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
201
with the hilt of the fword that was left in my
hand; but the force with which he ftruck the
blow, and I kept it off, brought us both to
the ground. However, I got up before him,
clapped my piftol to his fide, and fhot him
dead. As foon as this was done, another
came behind me, and with fome weapon or
other ftruck me fuch a blow on the head, as
laid me flat on my back; in which poſture I
remained a good while infenfible; the rogues,
taking it for granted that I was dead, fcoured
off, fearing that by this time, fome of my
men were returning back from the purſuit.
After fome time, I a little recovered my
ſenſes, and ſtrove to lift myſelf up, which
one of the rogues happening to fee at fome
diſtance, immediately returned, and faid in
my hearing, God, the dog is no deed yet :
Then coming up to me, took his fword, and
putting its hilt to his breaft, and guiding it
with both his hands, made a thruft at my
belly; but my ſenſes were now fo far reco-
vered, that I parryed the thruſt with a piece
of the fword which remained ftill in my hand.
The fellow, when he miffed his aim, almoft
fell on his face; for the fword ran up to the
hilt in the mofs; and as he was recovering
himſelf, I gave him a dab in the mouth with
my broken ſword, which very much hurt him;
but he aiming a ſecond thruſt, which I had
likewife the good fortune to put by, and hav-
ing as before given him another dab in the
mouth, he immediately went off, for fear of
the
202
MEMOIRS OF
the purſuers, whereof many were now re-
turning.
In this diſtreſs, I made a ſhift, with much
difficulty and pain, to get upon my feet, but
my right leg being difabled by the wound I
received from the broad-ſword, I was forced
to limp by the help of the carbine, which I
made uſe of as a ſtaff. I had loft my horſe;
for one of the rogues, when I had quitted him
in the bole, led him away through the Mofs.
I recovered him about a year after from the
man to whom the rebel had fold him ; and
the faid rebel, when he was at the gallows,
confeffed himſelf to be the fame man, who
took away the horſe at Airs-Moſs,
There was a Lancafbire gentleman, one
Mr. Parker, who came volunteer to Airs-
mofs, with intent, as he expreſſed himſelf, to
fee the fport. This gentleman, riding on my
righthand, at the time when we received the
enemy's fire, in the beginning of the action,
was hot with a blunderbufs under the left
boulder; the wound was fo large, that a man
might thruft his fift into it: Yet when I de-
fired him to fall back, and take care of his
wound, he anſwered me, that he would first
have his penny-worth out of the rogues; and
accordingly followed us on borſeback into the
Mofs, as far as the horfe could go without
bogging, But, by that time, his wound fo
grievously pained him, with fome other cuts
he got in the purfuit, that he was forced to
alight and fit on a dry ſpot of ground, which
he found in the Mofs, from whence he faw all
that
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
203
that happened to me, without being able to
come to my affiſtance, any more than Elliot;
who, having gotten to a rifing ground, faw
likewiſe all that had paffed. However Mr.
Parker, as I came limping towards him, could
not forbear laughing, and ſaid, What a plague,
bave you got your bones well paid too? Then
both of us made a ſhift to get up to Elliot on
the rifing ground.
The trumpeter being by this time return-
ed with fome others, from the purſuit, was
ordered to found a call, which brought all
the reſt back, with the fourteen priſoners and
Haxton among the reft, who was that day
Commander in chief among the rebels. Of
the king's party, but two were killed, Mr.
Andrew Kerr, a gentleman of Clavers's own
troop, and one Mc. Kabe, a dragoon in captain
Stuart's troop, where I was lieutenant. The
wounded were about eight or nine, beſides
Parker and Elliot. Elliot died the next day: he,
Kerr, and Mc. Kabe, were honourably buried
by Mr. Brown, a gentleman who lived hard
by, to whofe houfe their bodies were carried
after the fight at the Mofs. An English lady,
living about eight miles off, took care of Mr.
Parker; but he died at her houſe the year af-
ter, of his wounds, very much lamented on
account of his loyalty and valour.
When the fight was over, night coming on,
I ordered all my men, except twelve dragoons,
whom I kept to attend myſelf, to march, with
the priſoners and thoſe who were wounded,
to Douglaſs, fourteen miles off, and to carry
along
204
MEMOIRS OF
along with them Cameron's head. In the mean
time, I and my party of dragoons went, that
night, fixteen long miles to Lanerick, where
the general and all the foot quartered; as
well to acquaint him with what had been
done, as to have my own wounds taken care
of. I fent one of my dragoons before me
with my meſſage: Whereupon the general
himſelf, although it were after mid-night,
accompanied with the earls of Linlithgow,
Mar, Rofs, Hume, and the lord Dalhousie,
came out to meet me at the gate: Dalhousie
forced me to lodge in his own chamber, to
which I was accordingly carried by two of my
dragoons. After my wounds had been dreffed
in the prefence of this noble company, who
food round about me, being very thirsty
through the lofs of blood, I drank the king's
health, and the company's, in a large glass
of wine and water; and then was laid in
Dalhousie's own bed.
?
Next day the general leaving Lazerick, with
the forces under his command, ordered a
troop of horfe and another of dragoons to
attend me, till I fhould be able to travel up to
Edinburg, for the better conveniency of phy-
ficians and furgeons. My wounds did not
confine me to my bed; and in a month's time
I went to Edinburg on horſeback by eafy fta-
ges, where I continued till Candlemas fol-
lowing, lingering of the wound 1 had re-
ceived by the broad fword. My furgeon was
the fon of the fame Dr. Irvin, who first got
me into the guards; but, having unfortunately
neglected
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
205
neglected to tye a ftring to the tent of green
cloth, which he uſed for the wound, the tent
flipped into my body, where it lay under my
navel feven months and five days, and ex-
ceedingly pained me, not fuffering me to
fleep, otherwife than by taking foporiferous
pills. When the tent was firft miffing, neither
the furgeon nor any body elſe ever imagined
that it was lodged in my body; but fuppofed
it to have flipped out of the wound while I
flept, and carried away by fome rat, or other
vermin: The tent lying thus in my body,
made it impoffible that the wound could heal:
Wherefore, after lingering ſeven months, by
the advice of a gentlewoman in the neighbour-
hood, .I got leave to go for Ireland, with my
furgeon, and there try whether my native air
would contribute any thing to my cure.
cure.
However infignificant this relation may be
to the generality of readers, yet I cannot
omit a lucky accident to which I owe my
While I continued at Edinburg, I or-
dered fome pipes of lead to be made in a mold,
through which the thin corruption, which con-
tinually iffued out of the wound, caufed by
the tent remaining in my body, might be
conveyed as through a fojet. Theſe pipes I
cut fhorter by degrees, in proportion as I
imagined the wound was healing at the bot-
tom; till at last, by miſtaking the true caufe,
the tent continuing ftill where it did, the pipes
became too fhort for the ufe intended; where-
fore, when I was in Ireland, I made a coarfe
pipe myfelf, which was long enough: This
N
pipe;
206 MEMOIRS OF
pipe, after the wound was waſhed with bran-
dy, always remained in my body till the next
dreffing; but, being made without art, and
fomewhat jagged at the end, it happened one
morning, when the pipe was drawn out as
ufual, in order to have the wound waſhed,
the tent followed, to the great furprize of my
father, who, at that time, was going to dreſs
the wound; my furgeon being then at Caftle-
Irvin, where I had left him with his brother
Dr. Irvin, at Sir Gerard Irvin's houfe; the
fame gentleman who was delivered out of
Derry-goal by my father, as I have related
in the beginning of thefe memoirs.
The night before the tent was drawn out
of my body, having not flept a wink, I
thought myſelf in the morning fomewhat fe-
verish, and therefore defired my father to fend
for Dr. Lindsey, to let me blood.
In the
mean time, flumbering a little, I dreamed
that the Covenanters were coming to cut my
throat; under this apprehenfion I awaked,
and found my neighbour captain Saunderfon
in my chamber, who was come to vifit me.
I then called for my father to drefs my
wound; when the tent followed the pipe,
as I have already faid, to my great joy, for
then I knew I fhould foon be well. I there-
fore ordered my horfe to be got ready, and
rode out with captain Saunderſon and my fa-
ther, to meet Dr. Lindſey, who, hearing the
joyful news, carried us to a gentleman's
houſe, where we drank very heartily: Then
I returned home, and ſlept almoſt twenty-four
hours.
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
207
hours. Two days after, Dr. Irvin and his
brother, the furgeon, came to my father's
houſe, where the doctor being informed in the
circumſtances of my cure, feverely chid his
brother for his neglect; fwearing he had a
mind to ſhoot him, and that, if I had died,
my blood would have been charged on his
head. He then ordered me a remedy, which
would then heal up the wound in twenty
days. This fell out in the beginning of May,
at which time taking leave of my father and
other friends in Ireland, I returned to Edin-
burg, where, before the end of that month,
my wound was perfectly healed up; but I
was never afterwards fo able to bear fatigues
as I had hitherto been.
The duke of York was arrived at Edinburg
the Michaelmas before, where the general,
from the time he left Lanerick in July, con-
tinued with the guards; the reft of the forces
quartering up and down in other places. The
general, after my arrival, coming every day
to ſee me, in his way, as he went to the
duke's court, did me the honour to mention
me and my fervices to his royal highnefs, who
was defirous to fee me; I was admitted to
kifs his hand, and ordered to fit down, in
regard to my honourable wounds, which
would not fuffer me to ftand, without great
pain. I cannot conceal this mark of favour
and diftinction, fhewn me by a great prince,
although I am very fenfible it will be imputed
vanity. I muft remember likewiſe, that
upon my return to Edinburg, happening to
N 2
to
over-
208
MEMOIRS OF
overtake the general in the ſtreet, and gently
touching him, his excellency turning in a
great furprize, cried out, O God, man, are
you living? I anſwered that I was, and hoped
to do the king and his excellency further fer-
vice.
After I had continued a month with my
friends in Edinburg, who all congratulated
with me upon my recovery, I repaired to the
troop at Lanerick, where I often ranged with
a party through the weft, to find out the
ftragling remains of the covenanting rebels,
but for fome time without fuccefs, till a week
before Chrifimas, after the duke of York fuc-
ceeded to the crown, and a year and half af-
ter I was cured. Having drank hard one
night, I dreamed that I had found captain
David Steele, a notorious rebel, in one of
the five farmers houſes on a mountain in the
fhire of Clidefdale, and parish of Lifmabego,
within eight miles of Hamilton, a place that I
was well acquainted with. This man was
head of the rebels, fince the affair of Airs-
Mofs, having fucceeded to Haxton, who had
been there taken, and afterwards hanged, as
the reader has already heard: For, as to Ro-
bert Hamilton, who was their commander in
chief at Botbwell-Bridge, he appeared no more
among them, but fled, as it was believed, to
Holland.
Steele, and his father before him, held a
farm in the eſtate of Hamilton, within two
or three miles of that town. When he be-
took
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
209
took himſelf to arms, the farm lay waſte, and
the duke could find no other perfon, who
would venture to take it: whereupon his
grace fent feveral meffengers to Steele, to know
the reaſon why he kept the farm waste. The
duke received no other anfwer, than that he
would keep it waſte, in ſpight of him and the
King too; whereupon his grace, at whofe ta-
ble I had always the honour to be a welcome
gueft, defired I would ufe my endeavours to
deſtroy that rogue, and I would oblige him
for ever.
I muſt here take leave to inform the read-
er, that the duke of Hamilton's friendſhip
for me, was founded upon the many fervices
he knew I had done the publick, as well as
upon the relation I bore to Sir Gerard Irvin,
the perſon whom of all the world his grace
moſt loved and eſteemed, ever fince the time
they had ferved in arms together for the King,
in the Highlands, with my lord Glankern and
Sir Arthur Forbes (father to the preſent earl
of Granard), after the king's defeat at Wor-
cefter, during the time of the Ufurpation.
To return therefore to my ftory; when I
awaked out of my dream, as I had done be-
fore in the affair of Wilfon (and I defire the
fame apology I made in the introduction to
thefe memoirs may ferve for both), I pre-
fently rofe, and ordered thirty-fix dragoons
to be at the place appointed by break of day.
When we arrived thither, I fent a party to
each of the five farmers houſes. This villain
Steele had murdered above forty of the king's
fubjects
N 3
210
MEMOIRS OF
.
{
ſubjects in cold blood; and, as I was inform-
ed, had often laid fnares to entrap me; but it
happened, that although he uſually kept a
gang to attend him, yet at this time he had
none, when he stood in the greateſt need,
One of my party found him in one of the
farmer's houſes, juft as I happened to dream.
The dragoons, firſt, ſearched all the rooms
below without fuccefs, till two of them
hearing fomebody ftirring over their heads,
went up a pair of turnpike ftairs. Steele had
put on his cloaths, while the fearch was mak-
ing below: The chamber where he lay was
called the chamber of Deefe, which is the
name given to a room, where the laird lies
when he comes to a tenant's houſe. Steele,
fuddenly opening the door, fired a blunderbuſs
down at the dragoons, as they were coming
up the fairs; but the bullets, grazing againſt
the fide of the turnpike, only wounded, and
did not kill them. Then Steel violently threw
himſelf down the fairs among them, and
made towards the door to fave his life, but
loft it upon the fpot; for the dragoons who
guarded the houſe diſpatched him with their
broad fwords. I was not with the party when
he was killed, being at that time employed in
fearching at one of the other four houſes, but
I foon found what had happened, by hearing
the poife of the ſhot made with the blunder-
bufs: From hence I returned ſtrait to Lane-
rick, and immediately fent one of the dra-
goons express to general Drummond at Edin-
burg.
General
4
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 211
General Dalziel died about Michaelmas
this year, and was fucceeded by lieutenant
general Drummond, who was likewife my very
good friend.
But I cannot here let paſs the death of fo
brave and loyal a commander as general
Dalziel, without giving the reader fome ac-
count of him, as far as my knowledge, or en-
quiry, can reach.
Thomas Dalziel, among many other officers,
was taken priſoner at the unfortunate defeat
at Worcester, and fent to the Tower; from
whence, I know not by what means, he made
his eſcape, and went to Muscovy; where the
Czar, then reigning, made him his General:
But fome time after the Restoration of the royal
family, he gave up his commiffion, and re-
pairing to king Charles the fecond, was, in
confideration of his eminent fervices, confti-
tuted Commander in chief of his Majefty's for-
ces in Scotland; in which poft he continued
till his death, excepting only one fortnight,
when he was fuperfeded by the duke of Mon-
mouth, fome days before the action at Both-
well-Bridge, as I have already related. He
was bred up very hardy from his youth, both
in dyet and cloathing. He never wore boots,
nor above one coat, which was clofe to his
body, with clofe fleeves, like thoſe we call
jockey-coats. He never wore a peruke; nor
did he fhave his beard ſince the murder of
king Charles the firft. In my time, his head
was bald, which he covered only with a bea-
wer-bat, the brim of which was not above
three
212
MEMOIRS OF
three inches broad.
+
His beard was white and
bushy, and yet reached down almoſt to his
girdle. He ufually went to London once or
twice in a year, and then only to kiss the
King's hand, who had a great eſteem for his
worth and valɔur. His unuſual dress and
figure, when he was in London, never failed
to draw after him a great crowd of boys, and
other young people, who conftantly attended
at his lodgings, and followed him with buz-
zas, as he went to court, or returned from
it. As he was a man of humour, he would
always thank them for their civilities, when
he left them at the door, to go into the king;
and would let them know exactly, at what
hour he intended to come out again, and re-
turn to his lodgings. When the King walked
in the Park, attended by fome of his courti-
ers, and Dalziel in his company, the fame
crowds would always be after him, fhewing
their admiration at his beard and drefs, fo
that the King could hardly país on for the
crowd; upon which his majefty bid the devil
take Dalziel, for bringing fuch a rabble of
boys together, to have their guts ſqueezed out,
whilft they gaped at his long beard and an-
tick habit; requeſting him, at the fame time
(as Dalziel ufed to exprefs it), to fhave and.
drefs like other Chriftians, to keep the poor.
bairns out of danger: All this could never
prevail on him to part with his beard, but yet,
in compliance to his Majefty, he went once to
court in the very height of the fashion; but as
foon as the King and thofe about him had
laughed
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
213
laughed fufficiently at the ftrange figure he
made, he re-affumed his uſual habit, to the
great joy of the boys, who had not diſcovered
him in his fashionable dreſs.
was
When the duke of York fucceeded to the
crown, general Dalziel refolved ſtill to
retain his loyalty, although, at the fame time,
he often told his friends, that all things were
going wrong at court; but death came very
ſeaſonably, to reſcue him from the difficulties
he was likely to be under, between the noti-
ons he had of duty to his Prince on one fide,
and true zeal for his religion on the other.
I muſt now reſume a little of my difcourfe
upon captain Steele. Some time before the
action in which he was killed, general Drum-
mond, who was then newly made commander
in chief fent for me in hafte, to attend him in
Edinburg: My way lay through a very firong
pass, hard by Airs-Mofs, and within a mile
of Gumlock: As I was going through Cum
lock, a friend there told me, that Steele, with
a party, waited for me at the paſs. I had
with me only one dragoon and a drummer: I
ordered the latter to gallop on ftrait to the paſs,
and when he got thither, to beat a dragoon-
march, while I with the dragoon ſhould ride
along the bye-path, on the edge of the Mofs.
When Steele and his men heard the drum, they
fcoured croſs the by-path into the Moſs, appre-
hending that a strong party was coming in
fearch of them: But either I, or the dragoon
(I forgot which), fhot one of the rebels dead
as he croffed us to get into the Mafs. To put
an
214
MEMOIRS OF
an end to this bufinefs of Steele. When the
dragoon, whom I fent exprefs, had delivered
his meffage to general Drummond, he was
juft fetting out for his country-houſe at Dum-
blain, but returned to his lodgings, and wrote
me a letter, that he would fend for me up
after the holydays, and recommend me to the
government, to reward me for my fervices.
He faithfully kept his word, but I received
nothing more than promiſes.
Steele was buried in the church yard of
Lifmahego, by fome of his friends; who,
after the Revolution, erected a fair monumen,
on pillars, over his grave, and caufed an
epitaph to be engraved on the ftone, in words
to this effect:
Here lieth the body of Captain David Steele,
a Saint, who was murdered by John
Creichton (with the date underneath).
Some of my friends burlefqued this epitaph,
in the following manner:
Here lies the body of Saint Steele,
1
Murdered by John Creichton, that Dee'l.
Duke Hamilton, in queen Anne's time, in-
formed me of this honour done to that infa-
mous rebel, and when I had faid to his
Grace, that I wiſhed he had ordered his foot-
men to demoliſh the monument, the duke an-
fwered, he would not have done fo for five
hundred pounds, becauſe it would be an ho-
nour to me as long as it lafted.
The laft ſummer, about the end of May,
if I remember right (and I defire to be ex-
cuſed for pot always relating things in the
order
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 215
the
order when they happened), the marquis of
Argyle, after having eſcaped out of the caftle
of Edinburg, into Holland, returned to in-
vade Scotland, to ſupport the duke of Mon-
mouth's pretenfions to the Crown, as was ge-
nerally believed. He landed in his own
country, in the Highlands, with a party of
Dutch, and fome Scottish gentlemen, who had
fled for treaſon; among whom Sir John Cog-
beran was of the greateſt note: Whereupon
government ordered the marquis of Atholl,
and Mr. Owen Cameron, laird of Logheel,
to raiſe their clans, and march with their
party against Argyle. They did ſo, and, in
the evening, pitched their camp close by him.
Here, in the night, Cameron, patroling with
a party, met another of his own men, and
taking them for enemies, becauſe they had
loft the word, in their cups, killed eight' or
nine, among whom two or three happened
to be perfons of note; the friends of thoſe
who were killed, reſolving, if poſſible, to
have him hanged, he was obliged to ride
poft to the king. He went to his Majeſty in
the drefs he had travelled; and the king, be-
ing already informed how the accident hap-
pened, instead of fuffering him to tell his
story, commanded him to draw his broad-
ſword, intending to knight him therewith:
But Cameron could not draw it, becauſe the
Scabbard had got uet on the way. The
king, obferving the confufion he was in, faid,
he knew the reaſon that kept the ſword in
the
216
OF
MEMOIRS
the ſheath; adding, that he never failed to
draw it, in the fervice of his father, his
brother, and bimfelf; whereupon he was
knighted with another favord, with the title
of Sir Orven Cameron. He returned to Edin-
burg, and from thence went as a volunteer,
to ferve in the ſtanding-army, which was then
moving towards the coaft of Galloway, to
prevent Argyle from landing. For, upon the
ppofition he found from the marquis of Atholl,
and his men, with their affiftance in the High-
lands, he fhipped his forces, and failed round
to the Weft, hoping to land there. But the
army moving along the coaft, always in fight
of him, compelled him to return the way he
came, until he landed in his own country
again. From thence, after gathering what
fupplics of men he could, he marched, and
encamped in the evening within two or
three miles of Glasgow. But the king's ar
my, having fent out fcouts, to diſcover what
way he took, encamped over againſt him,
the fame evening, on an eminence; there be
ing a bog between both armies.
+
The King's forces confifted of the earl of
Linlithgow's regiment of foot-guards, the
earl of Mar's of foot, Clavers's of horse,
"Dunmore's of dragoons, Bochan's of foot, and
Leving fion's' of borfe-guards, with fome
gentlemen of quality, volunteers; among
whom the earl of Dunbarton was of the
greateſt note.
Here the two armies lay in fight of each
ether; but, before morning, Argyle was gone,
his
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
217
-
his Highlanders having deferted him; and
then the King's army went to refreſh them-
felves at Glaſgow, waiting till it could be
known, which way Argyle had fled. It was
foon understood that he had croffed the Clyde,
at Kilpatrick; and that Sir John Cogheran lay
with a party, in a Stone-Dike-Park, about
ten miles off. The lord Rofs was therefore
diſpatched, with a party of horſe, and cap-
tain Cleland, who was now my captain (my
friend Stuart being dead), with another of
dragoons, to find them out:
When they
came up to the Park, where Sir John Coghe-
ran lay with his Dutch; they fired at one
another, and fome of the King's foldiers fell,
among whom captain Cleland was one; where-
upon the troop was given to Sir Adam Blare
(who was likewife wounded in that raſh en-
gagement), although, upon duke Hamilton's
application to the king, I had been promiſed
to fucceed Cleland. But, Sir Adam and fe-
cretary Melford, being brothers-in-law, that
intereft prevailed.
I must defire the reader's pardon, for fo
frequently interfperfing my own private af-
fairs, with thoſe of the publick; but what I
chiefly propofed, was to write my own Me-
moirs, and not a Hiftory of the Times, fur-
ther than I was concerned in them.
Night coming on, the King's party with-
drew, leaving Sir John Cogheran in the Park,
who, notwithſtanding this little fuccefs, de-
fired his followers to shift for themſelves,
and left them before morning, Argyle next
VOL. XIII,
evening
218
MEMOIRS OF
It
evening was found alone, a mile above
Greenknock, at the water-fide, endeavouring
to get into a little boat, and grapling with
the owner thereof (a poor weaver).
feems he wanted prefence of mind, to engage
the man with a piece of money, to fet him
on the other fide. In the mean time, Sir
John Shaw, riding with fome gentlemen to
Greenknock, and feeing the fruggle, feized
the earl, and carried him to Glaſgow, from
whence he was fent with a ſtrong guard to
Edinburg, and fome time after beheaded.
The next day, the army marched towards
the borders, against the duke of Monmouth,
but, an exprefs arriving of his defeat, the
troops were commanded to, repair to their fe-
veral quarters.
I fhall here occafionally relate an unfortu
nate accident, which happened this fummer
in Scotland.
Mc. Donnel, laird of Cappagh in the High-
lands, within eight miles of Inverlogby, was
unjuſtly poſſeſſed, as moſt men believed, for
many years, of an eſtate, which in right be-
longed to the laird of Mackintosh. Both
thefe gentlemen were well affected to the
king. The laird of Cappagh, after ſowing-
time was over, had gone that fummer, as it
was his cuftom, to make merry with his
clans, on the mountains, till the time of har-
veft should call him home. But in his ab-
fence, Mackintoſh, and his clans, affifted with
a party of the army, by order from the go-
vernment, poffeffed himself of Cappagh's el-
tate;
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
219
tate; whereupon Mc. Donnel, and his clans,
returning from the mountains, fet upon the
enemy, killed feveral gentlemen among them,
and took Mackintosh himſelf prifoner. Mc.
Donnel had given ftrict orders to his men,
not to kill any of the army. But captain
Mc. Kenzy, who commanded on the other
fide, making a fhot at one of Mc. Donnel's
men, who was purſuing his adverſary, the
man, diſcharging his piſtol at the captain,
fhot him in the knee, who, after having been
carried fifty miles, to Inverness, to a furgeon,
died of his wound.
Soon after, the government ordered me to
detach fixty dragoons, with a lieutenant,
cornet, and ſtandard, and to march with
captain Streighton, and two hundred of the
foot-guards, againſt the Mc. Donnels; to de-
ftroy man, woman, and child, pertaining to
the laird of Cappagh, and to burn his houfes
and corn. Upon the approach of our party,
Mc. Donnel, laird of Cappagh, difmiffing his
priſoners, retired farther into the mountains;
whereupon we, who were fent againſt him,
continued to deſtroy all the houſes and corn,
from the time of Lammaſs to the tenth of
September: And then we advanced towards
the borders, to join the Scotch army, which
at that time was marching towards England,
againſt the prince of Orange, who then in-
tended an invafion. We arrived thither the
firſt of October, after a march of two hun-
dred miles.
02
General
220
MEMOIRS OF
General Drummond being then dead,
James Douglass, brother to the duke of
Queensberry, fucceeded him as commander in
chief: And Graham laird of Clavers (about
this time created lord Dundee) was major-
general. On the first of October, the army
paffed the Tweed, and drew up on the banks,
on the English fide, where the general gave a
ftrict charge to the officers, that they ſhould
keep their men from offering the leaſt in-
jury in their march; adding, that, if he heard
any of the English complain, the officers
fhould anſwer for the faults of their men;
and fo they arrived at Carlisle that night.
Next day, general Douglafs, by order from
the king, marched the foot, by Chefter, to-
wards London; and Dundee the horfe, by
York; to which city he arrived in four or five
days. The army did not reach London till
about the five and twentieth of October, be-
ing ordered, by the contrivance of Douglass,
the general, to march flow, on purpoſe that
the prince of Orange might land, before the
king's forces fhould grow ftrong enough to
oppoſe him.
and
The Scotch army, at this time, conſiſted of
four regiments of foot, one of horſe, one of
dragoons, one troop of horſe-guards;
if was computed, that the earl of Feversham,
who was then general of all the king's forces,
had under his command, of Engliſh, Scotch,
and Iriſh, an army of near thirty thouſand
men. Soon after the price's landing, the
king
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
221
king went to Saliſbury, with a guard of two
hundred horſe, commanded by the old earl
of Airly, two days before the body of the
army came up to him. The earl of Airly,
when he was lord Ogleby, had attended the
great marquis of Montrose in all his actions,
for king Charles the firſt, and ſecond. But,
at this time, being old, it was reported that
he was dead, before the Scotch forces went
into England, to oppofe the prince of Orange;
whereupon the king, believing the report, had
given his troop in Dundee's regiment to the
carl gf Anandale: But the earl, having over-
took the army at Cambridge in their march,
went on to London, and there preſenting him-
ſelf before the king, his majeſty was ſo juſt
and gracious, that he immediately reſtored
his lordship to the troop, ordering him at the
fame time to command thofe two hundred
men, who attended him down to Salisbury.
When all the forces were arrived at Salif-
bury, the earl of Dunmore with his regiment
of dragoons (wherein I ferved) was ordered
to a paſs three miles below the city, where I
commanded the guard that night.
The fame morning that the army arrived,
the great men about the king, as the lord
Churchill, &c. to the number of thirty, ad-
vifed his majefty to take the air on horfe
back, intending, as the earl of Dunmore was
informed, to give up their master to the
prince: But the king, probably fufpecting
the defign, returned in hafte to the city.
Next night, at a council of war, called to
confult
0 3
222
MEMOIRS OF
confult what was fitteft to be done in the
prefent juncture of affairs, the very fame
great men ſwore to ſtand by his majeſty with
their lives and fortunes; and as foon as he
was gone to reſt, mounting on horseback,
they all went over to the prince, except the
earl of Feverſbam, Dunbarton, and a very
few more: For the earl of Dunbarton going
to his majeſty, for orders, at four of the
clock in the morning, found they were all
departed.
Thofe few who ſtayed with the king, ad-
viſed his majeſty to return immediately to
London; and the lord Dundee was ordered to
bring up the Scotch horſe and dragoons, with
the duke of Berwick's regiment of horſe, to
Reading, where he joined Dunbarton with
his forces, and continued there nine or ten
days. They were, in all, about ten thou-
fand ftrong. General Douglafs, with his
regiment of foot-guards, paffing by Read-
ing, lay at Maidenhead; from whence, one of
his battalions revolted to the prince, under the
conduct only of a corporal, whofe name was
Kemp. However, Douglafs affured the king,
that this defection happened againſt his will;
and yet, when the officers were ready to fire
upon the deferters, his compaffion was ſuch,
that he would not permit them.
After this, the earl of Dunbarton, and the
lord Dundee, with all the officers who ad-
hered to the king, was ordered to meet his
majefty at Uxbridge, where he defigned to
fight the prince: The earl of Feuerſbam got
thither
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
223
thither before the king and the army arrived.
When the forces drew together, every party
fent an officer to the earl of Feverfbam, to
receive his commands. I attended his lord-
ſhip from my lord Dundee, and was ordered
with the reft to wait till the king came to
dinner, his majeſty being expected within half
an hour; but it fell out otherwife: For the
earl, to his great furprize, received a letter
from the king, fignifying, that his majeſty
was gone off, and had no further fervice for
the army. When I carried this news to my
lord Dundee, neither his lordship nor the
lords Linlithgow and Dunmore could forbear
falling into tears: After which, being at a
lofs what courſe to take, I faid to my lord
Dundee, that, as he had brought us out of
Scotland, he ſhould convey us thither back
again in a body; adding, that the forces
might lye that night at Watford, fix miles
off: My advice was followed, and I went
before to get billets, where to quarter the
men.
My lord Dundee ordered all to be
ready at found of trumpet, and to unbridle
their horſes no longer than while they were
eating their oats. The townfmen contrived
to give out a report, before day, that the
prince of Orange was approaching, hoping
to afright us away with a falfe alarm:
Whereupon we marched out, but, at the
fame time, drew up in a strong encloſure, at
the town's end: refolving to fight the prince,
if he ſhould advance towards us. My lord
0 4
Dundee
224
MEMOIRS OF
Dundee difpatched me immediately, to difco-
ver whether the report of the prince's ap-
proach were true; but I only met a meffen-
ger with a letter from his highneſs to my
lord Dundee, which I received and delivered
to his lordship. The contents of it, as far
as I am able to recollect, were as follow:
"My Lord DUNDEE,
"I underſtand you are now at Watford,
" and that you keep your men together; I
"defire you may tay there till farther or-
ders, and, upon my honour, none in my
army fhall touch you.
"W. H. Prince of ORANGE."
Upon the receipt of this letter, our forces
returned into the town, fet up their horfes,
and refreſhed themſelves. About three in
the afternoon, there came intelligence, that
the king would be at Whitehall that night,
having returned from Feversham, whither he
had fled in difguife, and was ill-treated by
the rabble before they difcovered him. Upon
this incident, the lords Dundee, Dunmore,
Linlithgow, and myfelf, who defired leave to
go with my colonel, took horſe; and, ar-
riving at Whiteball a little after the king, had
the honour to kiſs his majefty's hand.
The next morning, the earl of Feversham
was fent, by the king, with fome propoſals to
the
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
22.5
the prince of Orange, who was then at Wind-
for, where his lordship was put in arrest by
the prince's command, who fent the marquis
of Halifax, the earl of Shrewsbury, and the
lord Delamair (if I rightly remember), to
the king, wtth his highness's order, that his
majeſty ſhould romove from Whitehall, next
day, before twelve o'clock. This order was
given about one in the morning: At the
fame time, a barge was brought to Whitehall-
Stairs, and a Dutch guard fet about the king,
without his knowledge, but with directions
to fee him fafe, if he had a mind to go on
board any ſhip, in order to his eſcape. A
hip, it ſeems, was likewife prepared, and his
majeſty, attended by the lords Dunmore,
Arran and Middleton, went on board; and
then the three lords returned to London. The
prince arrived at St. James's about two
bours after his majeſty's departure; and the
earl of Arran went, among the rest, to at-
tend his highneſs, to whom being introduc-
ed, he told the prince, that the king, his
maſter, had commanded him, upon his de-
parture, to wait upon his highnefs and re-
ceive his commands. The prince replied, he
was glad to fee him, and had an eſteem for
him and all men of honour. Then, turning
afide to fome other perfons who were mak-
ing their court, Dr. Burnet, ſoon after made
biſhop of Saliſbury, who had been the earl of
Arran's governor, coming up to his lordſhip,
cried, Ay, my lord Arran, you are now come
in, and think to make a merit when the work
0 5
is
226
OF
MEMOIRS
2
is done. To this infult the earl, in the hear-
ing of many, replied only, Come, Doctor,
we ken one another weel enough. And the
earl's own father told the prince, that, if this
young fellow were not fecured, he would,
perhaps, give his highnefs fome trouble.
Whereupon this noble young lord was fent
to the Tower, where he continued about a
year, and then returned to Scotland: And
foon after, the young lord Forbes, now earl
of Granard, was likewife impriſoned in the
fame place. King William had made feveral
advances to his lordship, as he did to many
other perfons of quality, to engage him in
his ſervice; and ſending for him one day,
aſked him why he did not take care of his
regiment? My lord Farbes, not being pro-
vided on a fudden with a better anfwer, told
the king, that, having been born in Ireland,
he had not credit enough, he believed, to
raiſe men to fill up the places of the papists
in his regiment. King William thereupon
ſaid, he would take that charge upon him-
felf. Lord Forbes, having now recollected
himſelf, faid, he had likewiſe another reafon
why he found it neceffary to decline his fer-
vice, but was unwilling to mention it, not
having the leaſt intention to diſoblige his high-
nefs. The prince defired that he might do it
freely, and it should not diſoblige him; where-
upon my lord faid, that, having fworn to re-
tain his loyalty to king James, he could not,
in honour and confcience, without his mafter's
permiſſion, enter into the fervice of another
prince,
CAPT. JOHŃ CREICHTON.
227
prince, during his majefty's life. Whereupon
king William, foon after, thought it proper to
fend him to the Tower; but, however, was
fo generous, as, in the time of his confinement,
to ſend one of the clerks of the treaſury, with
an order to pay him two hundred pounds, as
very reaſonably thinking, that, under the loſs
of his regiment, as well as of his rents in
Ireland, he might want money to fupport
himſelf. My lord Forbes (having aſked the
clerk, by whofe direction he brought that
fum, and the other anfwering, that he was
only ordered to pay the money to his lord-
fhip, and to take his receipt) conjectured
this prefent to have proceeded from king
William; and therefore defired the clerk to
preſent his moft humble refpects and thanks
to his highneſs, and to let him know, that,
as he had never done him ahy fervice, he
could not, in honour, receive any marks of
his bounty.
Upon this fubject I muft add one more
particular, that, when my lord Forbes arrived
with his regiment out of Ireland, and at-
tended on king James, he adviſed his ma-
jefty to fight the prince upon the firſt oppor-
tunity after his landing, before his party
fhould grow ftrong: But thofe about the
king, who had already engaged in the other
intereft, would not fuffer that advice to be
followed.
I now return to my lord Dundee, and my
lord Dunmore. Their lordships acted mo
longer
06
228
MEMOIRS OF
longer as colonels, when they underſtood that
the prince intended to place himſelf on the
throne during his majesty's life: But the
firft, with the twenty-four troopers, who fol-
lowed him up from Watford, left London,
and repaired, with the utmoſt expedition, to
his own caftle; and the fecond, fome time
after, to Edinburg; lying both quiet, until
the convention of the ftates of Scotland was
called.
After their lordships were gone to Scot-
land, I went to Watford, where my lord Kil-
Lythe, as lieutenant colonel, commanded the
lord Dunmore's regiment of dragoons; the
reft of the army, which had been there, be-
ing gone to other places. Then major-ge-
neral Mc. Coy ordered the lord Kilsythe to
march the regiment from place to place,
until they should come to Congerton, a town
in Chefbire. Here they quartered, when the
prince and princefs of Orange were proclaim-
ed king and queen of England, &c. by the
fheriff and three or four bailiffs. It hap-
pened to be a very ſtormy day; and when the
Theriff had done his office, a crack-brained
fellow, at the head of a great rabble, pro-
claimed the duke of Monmouth king, to the
great diverfion of the regiment, not believing
he had been beheaded.
When my lord Dundee refuſed to ſerve the
prince of Orange, Sir Thomas Leving on,
of my lord Killythe's family, got the regi-
ment. This gentleman was born in Holland,
and
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
229
and often uſed to raiſe recruits in Scotland;
upon which account, he was well known
to the regiment. He came down poft to
Congerton, and at fupper told the officers,
that he was fent to know, which of them
would ferve king William, and which would
not? Now, the oath of allegiance to that
prince having not been offered to that regi-
ment, one of the company anſwered; that
we, having fworn allegiance to king James,
could not, in confcience and honour, draw
our ſwords against him: Whereupon Sir
Thomas, drinking an health to king James,
upon his knees, anfwered, that he wished he
might be damned, whenever he ſhould com-
mand them to break that oath. And, in or-
der to ingratiate himſelf further with the
regiment, added, that he would return to
London next day, for a command to march
them ftraight to Scotland, where their wives
and friends were'; and likewife to procure a
captain's commiffion for me, fince Sir Adam
Blaire, who commanded the troop in which
I was lieutenant, had refuſed to ſerve king
William; both which he accordingly ob-
tained.
When he returned from London, he march-
ed with the regiment directly through Ber-
wick into Scotland; and as they paffed by
Edinburg (the caftle whereof was kept for
king James, by the duke of Gordon), Sir
Thomas and my lord Killythe went into the
town, to receive duke Hamilton's commands,
who was then high commiffioner; and ſome.
other
230 MEMOIRS OF
other officers went in at the fame time, to fee
their wives and friends.
مجھو
The duke aſked Sir Thomas, where I was;
and, being informed that I was gone to
Sterling, defired I might be fent for. Upon
my attending his grace, he was pleaſed to
fay, that he had been always my friend; and
that now he had it in his power to provide
for me, if I would be true to my truſt (for
he fuppofed I had taken the oath to king
William); and, upon my anfwer, that I would
be true to what I had fworn, the duke re-
plied, it was very well.
·
Upon this occafion, and before I proceed
further, I think it will be proper to make
fome apology for my future conduct; be-
cauſe I am confcious, that many people, who
are in another intereft, may be apt to think
and ſpeak hardly of me: But I defire they
would pleaſe to confider, that the revolution
was then an event altogether new, and had
put many men much wiſer than myſelf at a
lofs how to proceed. I had taken the oath
of allegiance to king James; and, having
been bred up under the ftricteft principles of
loyalty, could not force my confcience to dif-
penfe with that oath, during his majeſty's
life. All thoſe perfons of quality in Scot-
land, to whom I had been moſt obliged, and
on whom I chiefly depended, did ſtill adhere
to that prince. Thofe people, whom, from
my youth, I had been taught to abhor; whom,
by the commands of my fuperiors, I had con-
ftantly treated as rebels; and who, confe-
fequently,
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTÒN. 231
quently, conceived an irreconcileable animo-
fight against me; were, upon this great
change, the higheſt in favour and employ-,
ments. And lastly, the eſtabliſhed religion
in Scotland, which was epifcopal, under
which I had been educated, and to which I
had always borne the higheſt veneration, was
utterly deſtroyed in that kingdom (although
preferved in the other two); and the prefby-
terian kirk, which had ever been my greateſt
averfion, exalted in its ftead.
Upon all theſe confiderations, I hope every
candid reader will be ſo juſt to believe, that,
fuppofing me in an error, I acted at leaſt fin-
cerely, and according to the dictates of my
confcience; and, as it is manifeft, without
any worldly view: For I had then confi-
derable offers made me, and in all probabi-
lity ſhould have been greatly advanced, if
I could have perfuaded myſelf to accept
them.
Having faid thus much to excufe my con-
duct from that time forward, I shall now
proceed to relate facts and paffages, juſt as
they happened; and avoid, as much as pof-
fible, giving any offence.
My lord Dunmore being then at Edinburg,
I thought it my duty to pay my reſpects to
his lordship, who had been alfo my colonel.
He was pleaſed to invite me to dine with him
that day at a tavern; where, he faid, lieu-
tenant general Douglafs (who had left Eng-
land, a little before, on fome pretence or
other), the lord Kilfythe, captain Murray (all
his
232
MEMOIRS OF
his a'ne lads, as his lordship expreſſed him-
felf), were to meet him. I objected againſt
Douglass, that he was not to be trufted (this
was the fame man, who afterwards was lieu-
tenant general of king William's army in
Ireland, againſt king James; and whofe
name will never be forgot in that kingdom,
on account of his many ravages and barbari-
ties committed there); but his lordſhip an-
fwered, that he would pawn his life for his
honeſty; becauſe my lord Dundee had affured
him, that the lieutenant general had given
him his faith and honour, to be with him in
five days, if he marched to the hills to de-
clare for king James. Whereupon I ſub-
mitted my fcruples to my colonel's judg-
ment; and accordingly we all met together at
the tavern.
Dinner was no fooner done, than we heard
the news that king James was landed in Ire
land: Then Douglafs, taking a beer-glaſs,
and looking round him, faid, Gentlemen, we
have all eat of his bread, and here is his
health; which he drank off, on his knees;
and all the company did the fame: Then,
filling another bumper, he drank damnation
all who would draw a fword againſt
to
him.
-
I then returned to Sterling'; and, foon after,
the ftates of Scotland met. To this conven-
tion my lord Dundee went incognito; left the
rabble, who had threatened his perſon, ſhould
affault him in the ftreets. He made a
ſpeech
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
233
fpeech to the houfe, to the following pur-
pofe : "That he came thither as peer of
the realm, to ferve his majefty; and that, if
"the king had no ſervice for him, he hoped,
"that honourable affembly would protect him,
“as a peaceable ſubject, from the rage of his
"enemies."
ރ
Upon receiving an anfwer from the ſtates,
that they could not poffibly do it, he flipped
out of the houfe, and privately withdrew
from the town; followed by the twenty four
troopers, who had attended him thither :
And, as he rode by the caftle, feeing the
duke of Gordon, who commanded it, walk-
ing on the walls, he charged his grace, to
keep the place for king James, till he ſhould
hear further from him, who was then going,
he ſaid, to appear in the field for his ma-
jefty.
His lordſhip had no fooner left the town,
than one major Bunting with a party (by or-
der from the convention) followed, with
directions to ſeize him; whereupon my lord
Dundee, commanding his attendants to march
on gently, ftopped to ſpeak with the major;
and, underſtanding his errand, adviſed him
to return, or he would fend him back to his
mafters in a pair of blankets, as he expreſſed
liimfelf. The major (who perhaps was no
enemy to his lordship) returned accordingly,
and my lord arrived at his caſtle; where he
ſtayed only that night: For in the morn-
ing, taking four thousand pounds with him,
he went into the Higlands, to Sir Owen Ca-
meron i
234
MEMOIRS OF
meron; where he was foon joined by the
laird of Cappagh, who, fome time before, had
been driven out of his eftate by order of
king James (as I have already related), and
by many other gentlemen of quality.
Major general Mc. Coy, coming to Edin-
burg at this juncture, was ordered to march
the forces, which he brought with him, a-
gainst my lord Dundee. Thefe forces con-
fifted of three or four regiments of foot, aud
one of horſe; befides Sir Thomas Leving-
fton's of dragoons. They ftopped, in their
march, a night or two at Dundee. The firft
night, I got privately into the caſtle (as it.
had been agreed between my lord Kilsythe
and me) and there affured my lady Dundee,
that the regiment of dragoons, in which I
ferved, ſhould be at her lord's fervice, when-
ever he pleaſed to command; whereof her
ladyship gave notice next day to her huf-
band; who fent me a note, by a ragged high-
lander, which I received as we were on our
march, from the town of Dundee, towards
the Highlands. The contents of my lord's
note, were, "That he had written to the
"king, to fend him two thouſand foot and
"one thouſand horfe out of Ireland; and
"that, as ſoon as thofe forces were arrived,
"he would expect me with a regiment of
❝ dragoons."
When major general Mr. Coy came within
fight of my lord Dundee, night coming on,
obliged him to halt; which gave opportuni-
ty to his lordship to retreat in the morn-
ing ;
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON. 235
ing; but Mc. Coy followed him all day;
whereupon, facing about, my lord advanced
towards him, which caufed the major ge-
neral' to retreat in his turn. Thus we spent
about three weeks, fometimes purſuing, and
fometimes purfued; our leader, Mc. Coy,
ftill writing every poft for new fupplies;
till at last, one regiment of dragoons, and
another of foot, came to his affiſtance, on the
5th day of June, 1689. When this rein-
forcement came, he got intelligence of my
lord Kilsythe's intention, and mine, of going
over with the regiment to my lord Dundee.
All people agreed, that lieutenant general
Douglafs, who had made fo many folemn pro-
feffions of his loyalty to king James, and
whoſe health he had drank on his knees,
was the very perfon, who had given his in-
telligence to Mc. Coy; becauſe he alone knew
what had paffed at the tavern, where we
dined; and becauſe, instead of going with
Dundee, as he had promifed him upon his
faith and honour, he had rid poſt for Lon-
don.
From this period, my troubles began ; for
I was then fent up to Edinburg, and there
impriſoned in the Tolbooth, together with my
lord Kilfythe, captain Leving fron, captain
Murray, and lieutenant Murray; each of us
in in a feparate dungeon; with orders that
none ſhould be permitted to ſpeak with us,
except through the key-hole: And in this
miferable condition we lay for two months.
My
236
OF
MEMOIRS
My lord Kilsythe's friends were under great
apprehenfions that I would betray his lord-
hip. But my lord did me the juftice to af-
fure them, that I would fuffer the worft ex-
tremity rather than be guilty of fo infamous
an action; which, he faid, they ſhould find,
upon any temptation that might offer. When
we had been cloſe confined in our dungeons
for two months, we were brought before the
council, one by one, to be examined, con-
cerning our knowledge of my lord Kilfythe's
intention to carry off the regiment. Leving-
fron and the two Murrays, having not been
privy to that defign, were able to diſcover
nothing to his lordship's prejudice; and were
likewife gentlemen of too much honour, to
purchaſe their liberty with a lye: Where-
upon they were remanded back to their fe-
veral dungeons. It was my turn to be
next examined; and I was ſtrongly ſuſpected;
but,notwithſtanding my liberty was promifed me
if I would difcover all I knew of the matter,
the lord advocate at the ſame time alfo urging
I muſt have certainly been privy to it, I po-
fitively denied any knowledge of that affair;
adding, that I believed my lord Kilfythe had
never entertained fuch a defign; or, if he
had, that it was altogether improbable his
lordship should impart it to me, a poor ftran-
ger born in Ireland, and yet keep it a fecret
from gentlemen of the kingdom, in whom
he might much better confide. This I till
repeated, and ftood to with great firmness,
even after I faw the hangman, with the tor-
turing
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
237.
turing boots, ftanding at my back: Where-
upon I was likewife returned to my dungeon.
The council, although they could force no
confefſion, from me or my companions, that
might affect my lord Kilfytbe, on whofe ef-
tate their hearts were much fet, yet refol-
ved to make a facrifice of fome one among
us. But, the other gentlemen being of their、
own kindred and country, and I a ftranger,
as well as much hated for profecuting the
Covenanters (who, by the change of the
times, meaſures, and opinions, were now
grown into high favour with the government,
as I have beforementioned), the lot fell on
me, and they gave out a report, that I ſhould
be hanged within a few days. But a gen-
tleman, then in town, one Mr. Buchannan,
who held a fecret correfpondence with
lord Dundee, fent his lordſhip intelligence of
this their refolution concerning me.
my
That lord was then at the caftle of Blair
of Atholl; and, having notice of the danger
I was in, wrote a letter to duke Hamilton,
prefident of the council, defiring his grace
to inform the board, "That if they hanged
"captain Creichton, or (to uſe his own home-
ly expreffion) if they touched an hair of
"his tail, he would cut the laird of Blair,
"and the laird of Pollock, joint by joint, and
"would fend their limbs in hampers to the
"council."
Thefe two gentlemen having been taken
prifoners at St. Johnstown, by my lord Dun-
dee, were fill kept in confinement. Where-
upon
238
OF
MEMOIRS
upon the duke, though it was night, called
the council, which met immediately, fup-
poſing that the buſineſs, which preſſed ſo much,
might relate to fome exprefs from court. But
when the clerk read my lord Dundee's letter,
they appeared in great confufion Where-
upon the duke faid, "I fear we dare not
"touch an hair of Creichton;" for ye all
know Dundee too well, to doubt whether he
will be punctual to his word; and the two
gentlemen in his hands are too nearly allied
to fome here, for their lives to be en-
dangered on this occafion. What his grace
faid was very true;-for, if I remember right,
the laird of Blair had married a daughter
of a former duke of Hamilton. The ifiue of
the matter was, that, under this perplexity,
they all cried out, "Let the fellow live a-
while longer."
Not long after this, happened the battle of
Gillicranky, near the castle of the Blair of
Atholl; where the forces under the lord
Dundee, confifting of no more than ſeven-
teen hundred foot (all Highlanders, except
three hundred fent him from Ireland, under
the command of colonel Cannon, when he
expected three thoufand, as I have menti-
oned) and forty-five hørfe, routed an army
of five thousand men, with major general
Mc. Coy at their head; took fifteen hundred
prifoners, and killed a great number, among
whom colonel Balfour was one. Mc. Coy
efcaped, and fled that night twenty-five miles
end-ways, to the caftle of Drummond.
K
But
·CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
239
:
But my lord Dundee did not live to fee
himſelf victorious: For, as he was wheeling
about a rock, over the enemy's heads, and
making down the bray [g] to attack them,
(they making a running fire), he was killed
by a random fhot, at the beginning of the
action Yet his men difcovered not his fall,
till they had obtained the victory. The next
day, though victorious, they fuffered their
priſoners to depart, on parole that they
would never take up arms againſt king
James, colonel Ferguson only excepted, on
account of his more than ordinary zeal for
the new eſtabliſhment.
King William, having heard of this defeat,
faid, "He knew the lord Dundee fo well,
"that he muſt have been either killed or mor-
"tally wounded; otherwife, before that
"time, he would have been mafter of Edin-
“burg.”
I now defire leave to return to my own af-
fairs. About four months after my examin-
ation, I was adviſed, in plain words, by the
dukes of Hamilton and Queensberry, who were
then going up to London, that I ſhould bribe.
Melvil, then fecretary of Scotland; with
whom their graces likewife would uſe their
intereft, to get an order from king William
for my liberty. But I was ſo far from hav-
ing money to bribe a courtier of the fe-
cretary's rank, that I had hardly enough to
fupport myſelf. Whereupon my noble friend,
[g] Bray, i, e, declivity.
the
240
MEMOIRS OF
the lord Killythe, who thought himſelf in
debted to my fidelity for his life and fortune,
was fo extremely generous, as to make me
a preſent of five hundred pounds, which I
immediately fent to Melvil; who thereupon,
joining his intereft with the good offices of
the two dukes beforementioned, prevailed
with king William to fend down an order;
upon the receipt of which, I was to be ſet at
liberty by the council. But they would not
abey it; alledging that the king was mifin-
formed; and, out of the abundance of their
geal, wrote to him, that, if captain Creichton
fhould obtain his liberty, he would murder
all Scotland in one night.
¥
Thus my hope of liberty vaniſhed : For,
king William foon after going to Flanders,
and not thinking it prudent to difcredit the
repreſentation which the council had made of
me, as fo very dangerous a perfon, left me
in the Tolbooth; though the two dukes, out
of their great friendship (which I ſhould be
moſt ungrateful ever to forget), had both
offered to anſwer body for body, for my
peaceable demeanour, But, notwithſtand-
ing all this, king William, for the reafon be-
fore-mentioned, left me prifoner in the Tol-
booth, as I faid; where I continued two years
and a half longer, without one penny of
money; though not without many friends,
whofe charity and generofity ſupported me
under this heavy affliction.
My wife and two boys, with as many
daughters, were in town, all the time of my
$
confine-
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
241
confinement. The boys died young, but the
mother and the two girls lived to endure many
hardſhips having been twice plundered, by
the rabble, of the little fubftance they had
left: However, they and myſelf were ſtill pro-
videntially relieved by fome friend or other
and particularly once, by the lady Carnwath
(mother of the prefent earl), who, when we
had not one penny left to buy bread, fent
us up a fack of meal, and a basket of fowl,
fixty miles from Edinburg..
My fellow prifoners and I, after the time
of our examination by the council, were
allowed, for four or five hours every day, to
converſe with each other, and with our
friends: And, when we had been three years
in the Tolbooth, my companions, being re-
lated to the beſt families in the kingdom,
were at laſt permitted, on bail, to lodge in
the city, with a centry at each of their doors.
But I was not allowed the fame favour,
till two months after; when duke Hamilton,
ftill my friend, with much difficulty and
ſtrong application to the council, obtained
it for me: And, when the order was at laſt
granted, I was at a lofs to find fuch a per-
fon for my bail, as the council would
approve of; till the laird of Pettencrife, a
gentleman whom I had never feen before,
fent up his name (without any application
from me) to the clerk, and was according-
ly accepted.
I had not been two months diſcharged out
of the Tolbooth, and removed to a private lodg-
P
ing
242
MEMOIRS OF
ing in the town, with a centry upon me,
when the government, upon fome pretence
or other, filled the caftle with a great num-
ber of perfons of quality; among whom
were the lords Kilfythe, Hume, and ſeveral
others; and the Tolbooth again, with as many
of inferior note, as it could hold.
In a week after I had been permitted to
live in the city with my family, I found the
centry had orders to keep me clofe, without
allowing me to ftir from my lodgings upon
any pretence whatſoever: But, when another
regiment came to relieve that which was be-
fore upon duty, I bribed him who had
been my keeper, at his going off, that he
fhould tell the firft who came in his place,
that his orders were to walk with me to any
part of the town I pleafed. This was accord-
ingly done, and thence forward, I uſed to
take my centry along with me, and viſit my
old fellow priſoners, the Gillicrankymen, and
fometimes ftay with them all night; at other
times, my friends would do the fame at my
lodgings; among whom the lord William
Douglafs often did me that honour: Nay,
fometimes, in company of fome gentlemen,
I would leave the centry drinking with the
foot-men in an ale-houſe, at the back of the
town-wall, while we rambled nine or ten
miles into the country, to viſit fome acquaint-
ance or other; till taking care to return
before two in the afternoon, which was the
hour of parade, to fave the centry from
danger.
Thus
4
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
243
Thus I ſpent above two months, till the
day the government had filled the Caffle and
the Tolbooth again, as I have mentioned al-
ready. As foon as I was told of my lord
Kilfythe's impriſonment, I knew the danger I
was in, and had juſt time to run with the
centry to a cellar, where I found twelve of-
ficers got together for fhelter likewiſe from
the ftorm, a little before me, We ſtayed
there clofe till night, and then diſpatched my
centry, with captain Mair's footman, to the
lady Lockhart's (who was married to the
captain) four miles out of town, to let her
know, that her huſband would be at home
that night, with twelve other Cavaliers (for
fo in thoſe days we affected to ftile ourſelves)
to avoid being impriſoned in the Tolbooth.
When the meffage was delivered, the lady
ordered three or four of her fervants, to take
up the centry four pair of ftairs, and to ply
him well with drink. Accordingly they kept
him drunk for twelve days and nights to-
gether, fo that he neither faw me, nor I him,
in all that time. Two days after we came
to lady Lockhart's, I determined, againſt her
and her friend's advice, to return privately
to Edinburg, to difcourfe with the laird of
Pettencrife, my bail: refolving, at all ad-
ventures, that fo generous a perſon ſhould not
be a fufferer, on my account. I accordingly
repaired, in the night, to the fame alehouſe,
at the back of the town-wall, and thence fent
the foot-man, who attended me, to bring
P 2
the
244
MEMOIRS OF
*C
the laird thither. He prefently came, with
two other gentlemen in his company; and,
after drinking together for half an hour, he
bid me
go whither I pleafed, and God's
bleffing along with me;" whereupon,
thruſting me out at the door, in a friendly
manner, he added, that he would pay the hun-
dred pounds, he was bound in, to the coun-
čil next morning, if demanded of him;
which they accordingly did, and the money
was paid.
I then returned to the company at my lady
Lockhart's, and thence wrote to the two
dukes before-mentioned for their advice,
what courfe to take? Their anfwer was,
"That, in regard to my poor family, I
fhould make my eſcape to my own coun-
gr
try, and there fet potatoes, till I faw bet-
*ter times." At the end of twelve days,
captain Mair and his eleven friends got over
feas to St. Germains; when I likewife, took
my leave of them and the lady, to make the
beſt of my way for Ireland. But I be-
thought me of the poor centry (to whom the
twelve days, we ftayed there, feemed no
longer than two or three, fo well was he
played with drink); and, calling for him,
alked whether he would chufe to thare with
me and my fortunes, or go back to the re-
giment, perhaps to be fhot for neglect of his
duty? He readily anfwered, that he would
go with me whither ever I went; and, not
long after we came into Ireland, I had the
good luck to get him made a ferjeant of
grena-
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
245
grenadiers, in the regiment formerly com-
manded by my lord Dunbarton, by a captain,
who was then gone thither for recruits; in
which regiment he died a lieutenant fome
years after.
The lady, at parting, made me a prefent
of a good horſe, with ten dollars, to bear
my charges on the way; and moreover hi-
red a tenant's horfe to carry the centry to
the borders. I durft not be ſeen to paſs
through Galloway, and therefore went by
Carlisle, to Whitehaven. Here I found an
acquaintance, who was miniſter of the town,
of the name of Marr, a gentleman of great
worth and learning. Before the Revolution,
he nad been miniſter of a pariſh in Scotland,
near the borders: But, about the time of
that event, the rabble, as he told me the
ftory, came to his houfe, in the night, to
rob and murder him; having treated others
of his brethren, the epifcopal clergy, before,
in that inhuman manner. He was a fingle
man, and had but one man fervant, whoſe
buſineſs was to drefs his meat, and make his
bed; and, while the villains were breaking
into the houſe, he had juſt time to put on
his breeches, fteckings, and fhoes, and no
more; for by that time they were got in;
when he thought it better to leap out at the
window, but half cloathed as he was, than
to expofe his life to the fury of fuch, whofe
very mercies might be cruel. Thus be fa-
ved his life, and made his eſcape to the Eng-
life fide, with only four dollars in his
his poc-
P 3
ket
246
OF
MEMOIRS
ket; leaving his goods, houſe, and pariſh,
as plunder, to thofe, faints; who, doubtless,
looked on fuch as he was as no other than
an ufurper of what, of right, pertained to
them; purſuant to the maxim, That dominion
is founded in grace.
And here I beg leave to relate the treat-
ment, which another epifcopal clergyman re-
ceived from that tribe, about the fame time :
His name was Kirkwood, whom I likewife
knew, before the Revolution, minifter of a
parish in Galloway, in Scotland, and after-
wards rector in the county of Fermanagh, in
Ireland. Among other good qualities, this
gentleman was a very facetious perfon; and,
by his prefence of mind, in making uſe of
this talent, he had the good fortune to fave
both his life and goods from the fury of
thofe godly men, who then thought all
things their own. When they broke into
the houfe, he was in bed; and, fitting up in
his fhirt, defired leave to fpeak a few words
before he died; which (I cannot tell how it
happened) they granted, and he fpoke to this
effect; That he had always prayed to God,
be might die in his bed ; adding, that he had
in bis boufe as good ale and brandy, as was
in all Scotland; and therefore hoped the wor-
thy gentlemen would do bim the honour to
drink with bim, before they did any thing
rafhly.
This facetious fpeech, which they little ex-
pected from him in the article of fo much
danger as then threatened him, had the luck
to
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
247
•
to divert them from their bloody purpoſe, and
to make them comply with his requeft: So
that, after drinking plentifully, they faid he
was an hearty cheel; and left him in quiet
poffeffion of his houſe and goods. But he
durft not truft his talent to another trial,
left the next company might not be influenced
as this firſt had been; and therefore, as foon
as it was day, made off, with his family and
effects, in the best manner he could; and
réfted not until he was fafe in Ireland.
I could not forbear relating theſe ſtories,
from the gentlemen's own mouths, as I might
do others of the fame kind, upon my own
knowledge; although they are contradictory
to what the preachers of the new eſtabliſh-
ed kirk have fo confidently given out. They
would fain have the world believe, that they
fhewed great indulgence to the epifcopal
clergy, at the revolution, and for ſeveral
years after, But they muft grant me and o-
thers leave not to believe them: Nor ought
they to be angry, if I give the reader a fur-
ther idea of them, and of the ſpirit that
reigned in the fynods, conventions, or gene-
ral affemblies of their kirk.
During my confinement in the Tolbooth, a
general aflembly was called; to which my
lord Lothian, as I was informed afterwards,
was fent commiffioner from king William.
His lordship's inftructions were, to fignify
to them the king's defire, that as many
of the epifcopal clergy, as would take the
bath of allegiance to him, might keep pof-
feffion
248
OF
MEMOIRS
feffion of their ſeveral parishes. To this the
members anſwered in a difdainful manner,
What! fball we suffer any fcabbed ſheep a-
mong us? Na, na, nat ane; and thereupon
fent two of their brethren to king William,
who was then in Flanders, to move him for
more favours to the kirk, and power fur-
ther to opprefs the epifcopal clergy. But
that prince told them, in plain terms, that he
had been impofed upon, in granting to the
kirk the favours fhe had already got; and
withall commanded them, to let the general
affembly know, that it was his will and plea-
fure, that they fhould live peaceably with
thoſe who were willing to live fo with them;
otherwife he would make them-know, that
he was their maſter.
With this unwelcome anfwer from king
William, the two fpiritual envoys returned
to thoſe who ſent them; and, at the fame
time or ſoon after, the prince diſpatched an
order to the commiffioner to diffolve the af-
fembly, if he found them perfiſting in their
feverity towards the epifcopal clergy.
As ſoon as the legates delivered the mef-
fage, all in the affembly began to ſpeak out
with the greateſt boldness imaginable; fay-
ing, "That the king durft not have ſent them
fuch an anfwer, if he had not an army
"at his back." Whereupon the commiffi-
oner diffolved the fynod; and, in the king's
name, commanded all the members to de-
part to their feveral homes.
But,
CAPT. JOHN CREICHTON.
249
But, inſtead of obeying that order, they
all went in a body, with that poor weak
creature, the lord Crawford, at their head,
to the Market-Croſs; and there publiſhed a
proteftation, declaring, that the king had
no authority in church affairs, nor any right
to diffolve their general affembly.
I relate this ftory, as it was told me, not
only to give the reader an idea of the fpirit,
that reigned in that kirk eſtabliſhed now in
Scotland, as I have faid, but likewife to do
juſtice to the memory of king William (which
may be the more acceptable, as coming from
one, who was in a contrary intereft). And,
indeed, I have fo good an opinion of that
prince, as to believe he would have acted
much better than he did, with regard to the
civil and ecclefiaftical conftitution in Scot-
land, if he had been permitted to govern by
his own opinions.
But now to come to the conclufion of my
ftory. The [b] Hollantide after I arrived in
Ireland, my wife and two daughters follow-
ed me; and we fettled in the county of
Tyrone, with my father (who died two years
afterwards), on a fmall freehold where I
have made an hard fhift to maintain them,
with induſtry and even manual labour, for
about twelve years, till my wife died, and
my daughters were married, which happen-
ed not very long after I became a widower.
[b] The Feast of All Saints.
I am
250
MEMOIRS &c.
I am at prefent in the eighty third year of
my age, ftill hated by thoſe people, who af-
firm the old Covenanters to have been un-
juſtly dealt with; and therefore believe a
great number of improbable ſtories concern-
ing me; as that I was a common murderer
of them and their preachers, with many o-
ther falſe and improbable ftories. But the
reader, I hope, from whom I have not con-
cealed any one tranfaction or adventure that
happened to me among thofe rebellious peo-
ple, or mifreprefented the leaft circumftance
as far as my memory could ferve me, will
judge whether, he hath reaſon to believe
me to have been fuch a perfon as they repre-
fented me; and to hate me, as they do, up-
on that account. And my comfort is, that I
can appeal from their unjuft tribunal, to the
mercy of God; before whom, by the courſe
of nature, I muſt foon appear; who knows
the integrity of my heart, and that my ac-
tions (condemned by them) were, as far as
my underſtanding could direct me, meant
for the good of the church, and the fervice
of my king and country.
And, although fuch people hate me be-
caufe they give credit to the falfe reports
raiſed concerning me; another comfort Jeft
me in my old age is, that I have conftant-
Type (and ſtill do fo) the love and
efteem of all honeft and good men, to whom
I have had the happiness at any time to be
known,
JOHN CREIGHTON.
HINTS
HINT S
TOWARDS
AN ESSAY
ON
CONVERSATION.
IHAVE obferved few obvious fubjects to
have been fo feldom, or at leaſt fo flightly,
handled as this; and indeed I know few fo
difficult to be treated as it ought, nor yet
upon which there feemeth ſo much to be faid.
Moft things, purfued by men for the hap-
pineſs of publick or private life, our wit or
folly have ſo refined, that they ſeldom ſubſiſt
but in idea; a true friend, a good marriage,
a perfect form of government, with fome
others, require fo many ingredients fo good
in their feveral kinds, and fo much nicenefs
in mixing them, that for fome thouſands of
years men have defpaired of reducing their
ſchemes to perfection: But, in Converſation,
it is or might be otherwife; for here we are
only to avoid a multitude of errors, which,
although a matter of fome difficulty, may be
in every man's power, for want of which it
remaineth as meer an idea as the other.
Therefore it femeth to me, that the trueft
way
252 HINTS TOWARDS AN ESSAY
way to underſtand Converſation is, to know
the faults and errors to which it is fubject, and
from thence every man to form maxims to
himſelf whereby it may be regulated; becauſe
it requireth few talents to which moſt men
are not born, or at leaſt may not acquire with-
out any great genius or ftudy. For nature
hath left every man a capacity of being agree-
able, though not of fhining, in company; and
there are an hundred men fufficiently qualified
for both, who, by a very few faults, that they
might correct in half an hour, are not fo much
as tolerable.
I was prompted to write my thoughts upon
this fubject by meer indignation, to reflect
that ſo uſeful and innocent a pleaſure, ſo fitted
for every period and condition of life, and fo
much in all men's power, fhould be ſo much
neglected and abuſed.
And in this difcourfe it will be neceſſary to
note thoſe errors that are obvious, as well as
others which are feldom obferved; fince there
are few ſo obvious or acknowledged, into
which most men, fome time or other, are not
apt to run.
For inftance: Nothing is more generally
exploded than the folly of talking too much;
yet I rarely remember to have feen five people
together, where fome one among them hath
not been predominant in that kind, to the
great conſtraint and difgult of all the reft.
But, among fuch as deal in multitudes of
words, none are comparable to the fober de-
liberate talker, who proceedeth with much
I
thought
ON CONVERSATION.
253
thought and caution, maketh his preface,
brancheth out into ſeveral digreffions, findeth
a hint that putteth him in mind of another
ſtory, which he promiſeth to tell you when
this is done; cometh back regularly to his
fubject, cannot readily call to mind ſome
per-
fon's name, holdeth his head, complaineth of
his memory; the whole company all this
while in fufpence; at length fays, It is no
matter, and fo goes on. And, to crown the
bufinefs, it perhaps proveth at laft a ſtory the
company hath heard fifty times before; or, at
beft, fome infipid adventure of the relater.
Another general fault in converſation is,
that of thoſe who affect to talk of themſelves
Some, without any ceremony, will run over
the hiſtory of their lives; will relate the an-
nals of their diſeaſes, with the fèveral fym-
ptoms and circumstances of them; will enu-
merate the hardſhips and injuſtice they have
fuffered in court, in parliament, in love, or
in law. Others are more dexterous, and with
great art will lie on the watch to hook in their
own praiſe: They will call a witneſs to re-
member, they always foretold what would
happen in fuch a cafe, but none would be-
lieve them; they advifed fuch a man from the
beginning, and told him the conſequences,
juft as they happened; but he would have his
own way. Others make a vanity of telling
their faults; they are the ftrangeft men in the
world; they cannot diffemble; they own it is
a folly; they have loft abundance of advan-
ages by it; but, if you would give them the
VOL. XIII.
world,
:
254 HINTS TOWARDS AN ESSAY
world, they cannot help it; there is ſomething
in their nature that abhors infincerity and
conſtraint; with many other unfufferable to-
picks of the fame altitude.
Of fuch mighty importance every man is to
himſelf, and ready to think he is fo to others;
without once making this eafy and obvious
reflexion, that his affairs can have no more
weight with other men, than their's have with
him; and how little that is, he is fenfible
enough.
Where company hath met, I often have ob-
ferved two perfons difcover, by fome acci-
dent, that they were bred together at the fame
ſchool or univerſity; after which the reſt are
condemned to filence, and to liften while theſe
two are refreshing each other's memory with
the arch tricks and paffages of themſelves and
their comrades.
I know a great officer of the army, who
will fit for fome time with a fupercilious and
impatient filence, full of anger and contempt
for thoſe who are talking, at length of a fud-
den demand audience, decide the matter in a
fhort dogmatical way; then withdraw within
himſelf again, and vouchlafe to talk no more,
until his fpirits circulate again to the fame
point.
There are fome faults in converſation,
which none are fo fubject to as the men of
wit, nor ever ſo much as when they are with
each other. If they have opened their mouths
without endeavouring to ſay a witty thing,
they think it is fo many words loft: It is a
torment
ON CONVERSATION. 255
torment to the hearers, as much as to them-
felves, to ſee them upon the rack for inventi -
on, and in perpetual conftraint, with fo little
fuccefs. They must do ſomething extraordi-
nary, in order to acquit themſelves, and an-
fwer their character, elfe the ftanders-by may
be diſappointed and be apt to think them only
like the rest of mortals. I have known two
men of wit induftriouſly brought together, in
order to entertain the company, where they
have made a very ridiculous figure, and pro-
vided all the mirth at their own expence.
I know a man of wit, who is never eafy
but where he can be allowed to dictate and
prefide; he neither expecteth to be informed
or entertained, but to diſplay his own talents.
His buſineſs is to be good company, and not
good converfation; and, therefore, he chuf-
eth to frequent thoſe who are content to liften,
and profefs themſelves his admirers. And,
indeed, the worſt converſation I ever remem-
ber to have heard in my life, was that at Will's
coffee-houſe, where the wits (as they were
called) uſed formerly to aſſemble; that is to
fay, five or fix men, who had writ plays, or
at leaſt prologues, or had ſhare in a mifcella-
ny, came thither, and entertained one ano-
ther with their trifling compofures, in fo im-
portant an air, as if they had been the no-
bleft efforts of human nature, or that the fate
of kingdoms depended on them; and they
were uſually attended with an humble audi-
ence of young ſtudents from the inns of courts,
Q2
of
256 HINTS TOWARDS AN ESSAY
or the univerfities, who, at due diſtance, lif-
tened to thefe oracles, and returned home
with great contempt for their law and philo-
fophy; their heads filled with traſh, under the
name of politeneſs, criticiſm and belles let-
tres.
By theſe means the poets, for many years
paft, were all over-run with pedantry. For,
as I take it, the word is not properly uſed;
becauſe pedantry is the too frequent or un-
ſeaſonable obtruding our own knowledge in
common difcourfe, and placing too great a
value upon it; by which definition, men of
the court or the army may be as guilty of
pedantry as a philofopher or a divine; and
it is the fame vice in women, when they are
over-copious upon the ſubject of their pettì-
coats, or their fans, or their china.
which reaſon, although it be a piece of pru-
dence, as well as good manners, to put men
upon talking on ſubjects they are belt verſed
in, yet that is a liberty a wife man could
bardly take; becaufe, befide the imputation
of pedantry, it is what he would never im-
prove by.
For
This great town is ufually provided with
fome player, mimick or buffoon, who hath a
general reception at the good tables; familiar
and domeftick with perfons of the firſt quali-
ty, and uſually fent for at every meeting to
divert the company; againſt which I have no
objection. You go there as to a farce or a
puppet fhow; your buſineſs is only to laugh
in ſeaſon, either out of inclination or civility,
while
ON CONVERSATION.
257
while this merry companion is acting his part.
It is a buſineſs he hath undertaken, and we are
to fuppofe he is paid for his day's work. I
only quarrel, when, in felect and private meet-
ings, where men of wit and learning are in-
vited to pafs an evening, this jefter fhould be
admitted to run over his circle of tricks, and
make the whole company unfit for any other
converſation, befides the indignity of con-
founding mens talents at fo fhameful a rate.
Raillery is the finest part of converſation;
but, as it is our ufual cuftom to counterfeit
and adulterate whatever is too dear for us, fo
we have done with this, and turned it all into
what is generally called repartee, or being
fmart; juft as when an expenfive faſhion
cometh up, thofe who are not able to reach
it content themſelves with fome paltry imi-
tation. It now paffeth for raillery to run a
man down in diſcourſe, to put him out of
countenance, and make him ridiculous, fome-
times to expofe the defects of his perfon or
underſtanding; on all which occafions he is
obliged not to be angry, to avoid the imputa-
tion of not being able to take a jeft. It is
admirable to obferve one who is dextrous at
this art, fingling out a weak adverſary, get-
ting the laugh on his fide, and then carrying
all before him. The French, from whom we
borrow the word, have a quite different idea
of the thing, and fo had we in the politer
age of our fathers. Raillery was to fay fome-
thing that at first appeared a reproach or re-
Bexion, but by fome turn of wit, unexpected
Qui3
and
258 HINTS TOWARDS AN ESSAY
and ſurprizing, ended always in a compli-
ment, and to the advantage of the perfon it
was addreffed to. And furely one of the beſt
rules in converfation is, never to fay a thing
which any of the company can reaſonably wiſh
we had rather left unfaid; nor can there any
thing be well more contrary to the ends for
which people meet together, than to part un-
ſatisfied with each other or themſelves.
an
There are two faults in converſation, which
appear very different, yet arife from the fame
root, and are equally blameable; I mean,
impatience to interrupt others, and the un-
eafinefs of being interrupted ourſelves. The
two chief ends of converfation are to enter-
tain and improve thoſe we are among, or to
receive thofe benefits ourſelves; which who-
ever will confider, cannot easily run into ei-
ther of thoſe two errors; becauſe when any
man fpeaketh in company, it is to be fuppofed
he doth it for his hearer's fake, and not his
own; ſo that common diſcretion will teach us
not to force their attention, if they are not
willing to lend it; nor, on the other fide, to
interrupt him who is in poffeffion, becauſe
that is in the groffeſt manner to give the pre-
ference to our own good fenfe,
There are fome people, whofe good man-
ners will not fuffer them to interrupt you;
but, what is almoſt as bad, will diſcover abun-
dance of impatience, and lye upon the watch
until you have done, becauſe they have ſtarted
fomething in their own thoughts which they
long to be delivered of. Mean time, they
are
ON CONVERSATION.
259
*
are fo far from regarding what paffes, that
their imaginations are wholly turned upon
what they have in reſerve, for fear it ſhould
flip out of their memory; and thus they con-
fine their invention, which might otherwife
range over a hundred things full as good, and
that might be much more naturally introduced,
There is a fort of rude familiarity, which
fome people, by practiſing among their inti-
mates, have introduced into their general con-
verfation, and would have it paſs for innocent
freedom or humour, which is a dangerous
experiment in our northern climate, where
all the little decorum and politeneſs we have
are purely forced by art, and are ſo ready to
lapfe into barbarity. This, among the Ro-
mans, was the raillery of flaves, of which we
have many inftances in Plautus. It feemeth
to have been introduced among us by Crom-
well, who, by preferring the fcum of the
people, made it a court-entertainment, of
which I have heard many particulars; and,
confidering all things were turned upfide
down, it was reaſonable and judicious: Al-
though it was a piece of policy found out to
ridicule a point of honour in the other ex-
treme, when the fmalleft word miſplaced
among gentlemen ended in a duel.
1
There are fome men excellent at telling a
ftory, and provided with a plentiful ſtock of
them, which they can draw out upon occaſion
in all companies; and, confidering how low
converſation runs now among us, it is not al-
together a contemptible talent; however, it
is
160 HINTS TOWARDS AN ESSAY
is ſubject to two unavoidable defects; fre-
quent repetition, and being foon exhauſted ;
fo that whoever valueth this gift in himſelf,
hath need of a good memory, and ought fre-
quently to fhift his company, that he may not
diſcover the weakneſs of his fund; for thoſe
who are thus endowed, have ſeldom any other
revenue, but live upon the main ſtock.
Great fpeakers in publick are feldom agree-
able in private converfation, whether their fa-
culty be natural, or acquired by practice and
often venturing. Natural elocution, although
it may feem a paradox, uſually ſpringeth from
a barrenneſs of invention and of words, by
which men who have only one ftock of noti-
ons upon every ſubject, and one fet of phrafes
to express them in, fwim upon the ſuper-
ficies, and offer themſelves on every occa-
ſion; therefore, men of much learning, and
who know the compaſs of a language, are
generally the worft talkers on a fudden, until
much practice hạth inured and emboldened
them, becauſe they are confounded with
plenty of matter, variety of notions, and of
words, which they cannot readily chufe, but
are perplexed and entangled by too great a
choice; which is no difadvantage in private
converfation; where, on the other fide, the
talent of haranguing is of all others moſt
infupportable.
Nothing hath ſpoiled men more for conver-
fation, than the character of being wits ; to
ſupport which, they hever fail of encourag-
ing
ON CONVERSATION. 201
ing a number of followers and admirers, who
lift themſelves in their fervice, wherein they
find their accounts on both fides, by pleafing
their mutual vanity. This hath given the
former fuch an air of fuperiority, and made
the latter fo pragmatical, that neither of them
are well to be endured. I fay nothing here
of the itch of difpute and contradiction, tel-
ling of lies, or of thofe who are troubled
with the diſeaſe called the wandering of the
thoughts, that they are never preſent in mind
at what paffeth in difcourfe; for whoever la-
bours under any of thefe poffeffions, is as un-
fit for converfation as a mad-man in Bedlam.
I think I have gone over moſt of the er-
rors in converfation that have fallen under
my notice or memory, except fome that are
merely perfonal, and others too grofs to need
exploding; fuch as lewd or prophane talk
but I pretend only to treat the errors of con-
verfation in general, and not the feveral ſub-
jects of difcourfe, which would be infinite.
Thus we fee how human nature is moſt de-
bafed, by the abuſe of that faculty, which
is held the great diſtinction between men and
brutes; and how little advantage we make of
that which might be the greateft, the most
lafting, and the most innocent, as well as
uſeful pleaſure of life: In default of which,
we are forced to take up with thofe
poor a-
mufements of drefs and vifiting, or the more
pernicious ones of play, drink, and vicious
amours, whereby the nobility and gentry of
both fexes are entirely corrupted both in body
Q 5
and
262 HINTS TOWARDS AN ESSAY
and mind, and have loft all notions of love,
honour, friendſhip, generofity; which, under
the name of fopperies, have been for ſome
time laughed out of doors.
This degeneracy of converfation, with the
pernicious confequences thereof upon our hu-
mours and diſpoſitions, hath been owing, a-
mong other caufes, to the custom arifen, for
fome time paft, of excluding women from any
ſhare in our fociety, further than in parties at
play or dancing, or in the purſuit of an
amour. I take the higheſt period of polite-
nefs in England (and it is of the fame date in
France) to have been the peaceable part of
king Charles the Firft's reign; and from what
we read of thofe times, as well as from the
accounts I have formerly met with from fome
who lived in that court, the methods then uſed
for raifing and cultivating converſation were
altogether different from ours: feveral ladies,
whom we find celebrated by the poets of that
agé, had aſſemblies at their houſes, where
perſons of the beſt underſtanding, and of both
fexes, met to paſs the evenings in difcourfing
upon whatever agreeable fubjects were occa-
fionally started; and although we are apt to
ridicule the fublime platonick notions they
had, or perfonated in love and friendſhip, I
conceive their refinements were grounded up-
on reaſon, and that a little grain of romance
is no ill ingredient to preferve and exalt the
dignity of human nature, without which it
is apt to degenerate into every thing that is
fordid, vicious and low, If there were no
4
other
ON CONVERSATION.
263
other uſe in the converfation of ladies, it is
fufficient that it would lay a reſtraint upon
thoſe odious topicks of immodefty and inde-
cencies, into which the rudeneſs of our north-
ern genius is fo apt to fall. And, therefore,
it is obfervable in thoſe ſprightly gentlemen
about the town, who are fo very dextrous at
entertaining a vizard maſk in the park or the
playhouſe, that, in the company of ladies of
virtue and honour, they are filent and difcon-
certed, and out of their element.
There are fome people who think they ſuf-
ficiently acquit themſelves and entertain their
company with the relating of facts of no con-
fequence, nor at all out of the road of fuch
common incidents as happen every day; and
this I have obſerved more frequently among
the Scots than any other nation, who are very
careful not to omit the minuteſt circumſtances.
of time or place; which kind of diſcourſe, if
it were not a little relieved by the uncouth
terms and phraſes, as well as accent and gef-
ture, peculiar to that country, would be hardly
tolerable. It is not a fault in company to
talk much; but to continue it long is cer-
tainly one; for," if the majority of thoſe who
are got together be naturally filent or cauti-
ous, the converfation will flag, unleſs it be
often renewed by one among them, who can
ſtart new ſubjects, provided he doth not dwell
upon them, but leaveth room for anſwers and
replies,
A SHORT
A SHORT
CHARACTER
Of His Excellency
THOMAS Earl of WHARTON,
Lord Lieutenant of IRELAND.
With an Account of fome fmaller Facts,
during his Government, which will not
be put into the Articles of Impeachment.
London, Aug. 30, 1710.
THE kingdom of Ireland being govern-
ed by deputation from hence, its annals,
fince the Engliſh eſtabliſhment, are uſually
digeftedder the heads of the ſeveral go-
vernors: But the affairs and events of that
ifland, for fome years paft, have been either
fo infignificant, or fo annexed to thoſe of
England, that they have not furniſhed mat-
ter of any great importance to hiftory. The
ſhare of honour, which gentlemen from thence
have had by their conduct and employments
in the army, turneth all to the article of this
kingdom; the reft, which relateth to politics,
or the art of government, is inconfiderable
to the last degree; however it may be repre-
fented
5
A SHORT CHARACTER, etc. 265
fented at court by thoſe who prefide there,
and would value themſelves upon every step
they make towards finifhing the flavery of
that people, as if it were gaining a mighty
point to the advantage of England.
vernors.
Generally speaking, the times which afford
moft plentiful matter for ſtory are thoſe in
which a man would leaſt chufe to live; fuck
as under the various events and revolutions
of war, the intrigues of a ruined faction, or
the violence of a prevailing one; and laſtly,
the arbitrary, unlawful acts of oppreffing go-
In the war, Ireland hath no fhare
but in fubordination to us; the fame may be
faid of their factions, which, at prefent, are
but imperfect tranfcripts of ours: But the
third fubject for hiſtory, which is arbitrary
power and oppreffion, as it is that by which
the people of Ireland have, for fome time,
been diftinguiſhed from all her [4] majeſty's
fubjects, ſo being now at its greateſt height
under his excellency Thomas earl Wharton,
a fhort account of his government may be
of fome uſe or entertainment to the prefent
age, although, I hope, it will be incredible
to the next: And, becauſe this account may
be judged rather an hiſtory of his excellency
than of his government, I muſt here declare
that I have not the leaft view to his perfon in
any part of it. I have had the honour of
much converfation with his lordſhip, and am
thoroughly convinced how indifferent he is
[i] Queen Anne.
266 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
·
to applauſe, and how inſenſible of reproach:
Which is not a humour put on to ſerve a
turn or keep a countenance, nor arifing
from the confcioufnefs of innocence or any
grandeur of mind, but the meer unaffected
bent of his nature.
-
He is without the fenfe of fhame or glory,
as fome men are without the fenfe of fiel-
ling; and therefore a good name to him is
no more than a precious ointment would be
to theſe. Whoever, for the fake of others,
were to defcribe the nature of a ferpent, a
wolf, a crocodile, or a fox, must be under-
ſtood to do it without any perſonal love or
hatred for the animals themſelves.
.
J
In the fame manner, his excellency is one
whom I neither perfonally love nor hate. I
fee him at court, at his own houfe, and
fometimes at mine (for I have the honour of
his vifits), and when theſe papers are public,
it is odds but he will tell me, as he once did
upon à like occafion, that he is damnably
mauled; and then, with the eaſieſt tranfition
in the world, aſk about the weather, or time
of the day: So that I enter on the work
with more chearfulness, becauſe I am fure
neither to make him angry, nor any way hurt
his reputation; a pitch of happinefs and fe-
curity to which his excellency hath arrived,
and which no philofopher before him could
reach.
•
I intend to execute this performance by
firft giving a character of his excellency, and
then
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 267
then relating fome facts during his govern-
ment, which will ferve to confirm it.
I know very well that mens characters are
best known from their actions; but theſe be-
ing confined to his adminiſtration in Ireland,
his character may, perhaps, take in fome-
thing more, which the narrowneſs of the
time of the ſcene hath not given him oppor-
tunity to exert.
Thomas earl of Wharton, lord lieutenant of
Ireland, by the force of a wonderful confti-
tution, hath paffed fome years, his grand cli-
macteric, without any vifible effects of old
age, either on his body or his mind, and in
fpite of a continual proftitution to thofe vices
which uſually wear out both. His behaviour
is in all the forms of a young man at five
and twenty. Whether he walketh, or whift,
leth, or fweareth, or talketh bawdy, or cal-
leth names, he acquitteth himſelf in each
beyond a templar of three years ftanding.
With the fame grace, and in the fame ſtile,
he will rattle his coachman in the middle of
the ſtreet, where he is governor of the king,
dom; and all this is without confequence,
becauſe it is in his character, and what every
body expecteth. He feemeth to be but an
ill diffembler and an ill liar, although they
are the two talents he moſt practiſeth, and
most valueth himſelf upon. The ends he
hath gained by lying appear to be more
owing to the frequency, than the art of them;
his lies being fometimes detected in an hour,
often
168 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
often in a day, and always in a week. He
tells them freely in mixed companies, al-
though he knows half of thoſe that hear him
to be his enemies, and is fure they will dif-
cover them the moment they leave him. He
fweareth folemnly he loveth, and will forve
you; and your back is no fooner turned,
but he tells thofe about him you are a deg
and a rafcal. He goeth conſtantly to prayers
in the forms of his place, and will talk bawdy
and blafphemy at the chapel door. He is a
prefbyterian in politics, and an atheiſt in re-
ligion; but he chufeth at preſent to whore
with a papift. In his commerce with man-
kind, his general rule is, to endeavour to im-
pofe on their underſtanding, for which he
hath but one receipt, a compofition of lies
and oaths: And this he applieth indifferent-
ly to a freeholder of forty fhillings and a
privy counſellor; by which the eafy and the
honeft are often either deceived or amuſed;
and either way he gaineth his point. He
will openly take away your employment to-
day, becauſe you are not of his party; to-
morrow he will meet or fend for you as if
nothing at all had paffed, lay his hands with
much friendſhip on your fhoulders, and with
the greateſt eaſe and familiarity tell you that
the faction are driving at fomething in the
houſe; that you muſt be ſure to attend, and
to fpeak to all your friends to be there, al-
though he knoweth, at the fame time, that
you and your friends are againſt him in the
very point he mentioneth: And, however ab-
#
furd,
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 269
He
fard, ridiculous and grofs this may appear,
he hath often found it fucceſsful, fome men
having fuch an awkward bathfulneſs, they
know not how to refufe on a fudden, and
every man having fomething to hope or fear,
which often hinders them from driving things
to extremes with perſons of power, whatever
provocations they may have received.
hath funk his fortune by endeavouring to
ruin one kingdom [k], and hath raiſed it by
going far in the ruin of another [/]. With
a good natural understanding, a great fluency
in ſpeaking, and no ill tafte of wit, he is ge-
nerally the worſt companion in the world; his
thoughts being wholly taken up between vice
and politics, fo that bawdy, prophaneneſs,
and buſineſs fill up his whole converfation.
To gratify himſelf in the two firſt, he maketh
ufe of fuitable favourites, whofe talents reach
no higher than to entertain him with all the
lewdneſs that paffeth in town. As for bufi-
nefs, he is faid to be very dextrous at that
part of it which turneth upon intrigue, and
he feemeth to have transferred thofe talents
of his youth for intriguing with women, inte
public affairs. For as fome vain young fel-
lows, to make a gallantry appear of confe-
quence, will chufe to venture their necks by
climbing up a wall or window at midnight
to a common wench, where they might as
freely have gone in at the door, and at noon-
day; fo his excellency, either to keep him-
-S
[*] England.
[1] Ireland.
Lelf
270 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
2
felf in practice or advance the fame of his
politicks, affects the moſt obfcure, trouble-
fome, and winding paths, even in the moſt
common affairs; thofe which would be brought
about as well in the ordinary forms, or would
follow of courfe whether he intervened or
not.
He bears the gallantries of his lady with
the indifference of a ftoic, and thinks them
well recompenced by a return of children to
fupport his family without the fatigues of be-
ing a father. He has three predominant paf-
fions, which you will feldom find united in
the fame man, as arifing from different dif-
pofitions of mind, and naturally thwarting
each other: Thefe are, love of power, love
of money, and love of pleaſure; they ride
him fometimes by turns, and fometimes alto-
gether: Since he went into Ireland, he
feemeth moſt diſpoſed to the ſecond, and hath
met with great fuccefs, having gained by his
government, of under two years, five and
forty thousand pounds by the moſt favourable
computation, half in the regular way, and
half in the prudential.
He was never yet known to refuſe or keep
a promife. But here I defire to diftinguiſh
between a promiſe and a bargain; for he
will be fure to keep the latter when he has
the fairest offer.
Thus much for his excellency's character;
I ſhall now proceed to his actions, only dur,
ing the time he was governor of Ireland,
which
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 271
which were tranfmitted to me by an eminent
perfon in buſineſs there, who had all oppor-
tunities of being well informed, and whofe
employment did not lie at his excellency's
mercy.
This intelligence being made up of feveral
facts independent of each other, I ſhall hard-
ly be able to relate them in due order of time,
my correfpondent omitting that circumftance,
and tranfmitting them to me just as he recol-
lected them; fo that the gentlemen of that
kingdom, now in town, will, I hope, par-
don me any flips I fhall make in that or any
other kind, while I keep exactly to the
truth.
Thomas Proby, Efq. chirurgeon-general of
Ireland, a perfon univerfally esteemed, and
whom I have formerly feen here, had built
a country-houfe, half a mile from Dublin,
adjoining to the park. In a corner of the
park, juſt under his houſe, he was much an-
noyed with a dog-kennel which belonged to
the
government; upon which he applied to
Thomas earl of Pembroke, then lord lieute-
nant, and to the commiffioners of the revenue,
for a leaſe of about five acres of that part of
the park. His petition was referred to the
lord treaſurer here, and fent back for a re-.
port, which was in his favour, and the bar-
gain fo hard, that the lord treaſurer ftruck
off ſome part of the rent: He had a leafe
granted him, for which he was to build ano-
ther kennel, provide ice yearly for the go-
vernment,
#71 À SHORT CHARACTER OF
vernment, and pay a certain rent; the land
might be worth about thirty fhillings an acre.
His excellency, foon after his arrival in Ire-
land, was told of this leafe, and, by his ab-
folute authority, commanded Mr. Proby to
furrender up the land: Which he was forced
to do, after all the expence he had been at,
or elſe muſt have expected to loſe his em-
ployment; at the fame time he is under an
obligation to pay his rent, and I think he
doth it to this day. There are feveral cir-
eumſtances in this ſtory which I have forgot,
having not been fent to me with the reft;
but I had it from a gentleman of that king-
dom, who fome time ago was here.
Upon his excellency's being declared lord
Lieutenant, there came over, to make his
court, one Dr. Lloyd, fellow of Trinity-col-
lege, Dublin, noted in that kingdom for be-
ing the only clergyman that declared for
taking off the facramental teft, as he did
openly in their convocation of which he was
a member. The merit of this, and fome
other principles fuitable to it, recommended
by Tom Broderick, fo far ingratiated him
with his excellency, that, being provided of a
proper chaplain already, he took him how-
ever into a great degree of favour: The
doctor attended his excellency to Ireland, and
obſerving a caſt wench in the family to be in
much confidence with my lady, he thought
by addreffing there, to have a fhort open paf-
fage to preferment. He met with great fuc-
caſs in his amour; and walking one day
with
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 273-
with his miſtreſs after my lord and lady in
the Caftle-garden, my lady faid to his ex-
cellency, "What do you think? We are
"going to lofe poor Foydy," a name of fond-
nefs they ufually gave her.
"How do you
66 mean ?" faid my lord.
lord." Why the doc-
*tor behind us is refolved to take her from
હ us.' "Is he, by G—?” "Why then
" (G-d d-mn me) he fhall have the firſt
"biſhoprick that falls [m]."
The doctor, thus encouraged, grew a moſt
violent lover, returned with his excellency
for England; and, foon after the biſhoprick
of Cork falling void, to fhew he meant fair,
he married his damfél publickly here in Lon-
don, and his excellency as honourably en-
gaged his credit to get him the bishoprick;
but the matter was reckoned fo infamous,
that both the archbiſhops here, especially his
grace of York, interpofed with the queen, to
hinder fo great a ſcandal to the church, and
Dr. Brown, provoſt of Dublin college, be-
ing then in town, her majefty was pleaſed
to nominate him; fo that Dr. Lloyd was
forced to fit down with a moderate deanery
in the northern parts of that kingdom, and
the additional comfort of a ſweet lady, who
brought this her firft huſband no other por-
*
[m] It was confidently reported, as a conceit of
bis excellency, that, talking upon this fubject, he
once faid, with great pleaſure, that he hoped to
make his W e a B
•P.
1.00
274 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
tion, than a couple of olive branches for hit
table, though the herſelf hardly knoweth by
what hand they were planted.
court.
The queen referveth all the great employ-
ments of Ireland to be given by herſelf,
though often by the recommendation of the
chief governor, according to his credit at
The provoftſhip of Dublin college is
of this number, which was now vacant, up-
on the promotion of Dr. Brown; Dr. Benja-
min Pratt, a fellow of that college, and
chaplain to the houſe of commons of that
kingdom, as well as domeſtic chaplain to the
duke of Ormond, was at that time here, in
attendance upon the duke. He is a gentleman
of good birth and fortune in Ireland, and
lived here in a very decent fignre: He is a
perſon of wit and learning, hath travelled and
converfed in the best company, and was very
much eſteemed among us here when I had the
pleaſure of his acquaintance: But he had the
original fin of being a reputed tory, and a
dependent on the duke of Ormond; however,
he had many friends among the bishops and
other nobility to recommend him to the queen;
at the fame time there was another fellow of
that college, one Dr. Hall, who had much
the advantage of Pratt in point of feniority;
this gentleman had very little introduced him-
felf into the world, but lived retired, though
otherwiſe ſaid to be an excellent perfon, and
very deferving for his learning and fenfe:
He had been recommended from Ireland by
ſeveral perfons; and his excellency, who had
never
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 275
亦
​never before ſeen nor thought on him, after
having tried to injure the college by recom-
mending perfons from this fide, at laft fet up
Hall, with all imaginable zeal, againſt Pratt.
I tell this ſtory the more fully, becauſe it is
affirmed, by his excellency's friends, that he
never made more uſe of his court ſkill, than
at this time, to ſtop Dr. Pratt's promotion,
not only from the perfonal hatred he had to
the man, on account of his patron and prin-
ciples, but that he might 'return to Ireland
with fome little opinion of his credit at court ;-
which had mightily fuffered by many difap-
pointments, eſpecially that of his chaplain
Dr. Lloyd. It would be incredible to relate
the many artifices he uſed to this end, of
which the doctor had daily intelligence, and
would fairly tell his excellency fo at his
levees, who fometimes could not conceal his
furprize, and then would promife, with half
a dozen oaths, never to concern himſelf one
way or other; theſe were broke every day,
and every day detected. One morning, after
fom expoftulation between the doctor and
his excellency, and a few additional oaths
that he would never oppoſe him more, his
excellency went immediately to the biſhop of
Ely, and prevailed on him to go to the queen
from him, and let her majefty know, that he
never could confent, as long as he lived,
that Dr. Pratt fhould be provoft, which the
bifhop barely complied with, and delivered
his meffage, though at the fame time he did
?
the
276 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
the doctor all the good offices he could,
The next day the doctor was again with his
excellency, and gave him thanks for ſo open
a proceeding; the affair was now paft dif-
fembling, and his excellency owned he did
not oppoſe him directly, but confeffed he did
it collaterally. The doctor, a little warmed,
faid, "No, my lord, you mean directly you
* did not, but indirectly you did.”
conclufion was, that the queen named the
doctor to the place; and, as a further morti-
fication, juſt upon the day of his excellency's
departure for Īreland.
The
But here I muft defire the reader's pardon,
if I cannot digeft the following facts in fo
good a manner as I intended; becauſe it is
thought expedient, for ſome reaſons, that the
world fhould be informed of his excellency's
merits as foon as poffible. I will therefore
only tranſcribe the feveral paffages as they
were fent me from Dublin, without either
correcting the ſtyle, or adding any remarks
of my own. As they are, they may ferve
for hints to any perfon, who may hereafter
have a mind to write memoirs of his excel-
lency's life.
TH HE earl of Rochfort's regiment of dra-
goons was embarked for his majeſty's
fervice abroad, on the 27th of August, 1709,
and left their horfes behind them, which
were fubfifted in order to mount another re-
giment to fill up their room; as the horses
of
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 277
1
of lieutenant-general Harvey's regiment had
formerly mounteda regiment raiſed and ftill
commanded by the duke of Ormond; on
which occafion, the duke had her majefty's or-
ders only for as much money as would fup-
ply the charge of the horfes till the regiment
was raifed, which was foon after, and then
it was put on the eſtabliſhment as other re-
giments. But that which was to ſupply the
earl of Rochfort's had not a commiffion
granted till the 29th of April, 1710, and all
the pay from the 27th of Auguſt to that time
(being above 5,7001.) was taken, under pre-
tence of keeping the horſes, buying new ones
in the room of ſuch as ſhould be wanting or
unferviceable, and for providing accoutre-
ments for the men and horfes. As for the
laft uſe, thofe are always produced out of the
funds for providing cloathing, and the duke
of Ormand did fo: As for horfes wanting,
they are very few, and the captains have or-
ders to provide them another way; the keep-
ing the horfes did not amount to 700l. by
the accounts laid before the committee of
parliament: So there was at leaft 5,000l.
charged to the nation, more than the real
charge could amount to.
A
Mrs. Lloyd, at firft coming over, expected
the benefit of the box-money; and accord-
ingly talked of felling it for about 2001.
but at laft, was told the muft expect but part
of it, and that the grooms of the chamber,
and other ſervants, would deſerve a confider-
ation for their attendance; accordingly his
R
excellency.
278 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
excellency had it brought to him every night;
and, to make it worth his receiving, my lady.
gave great encouragemeut to play; fo that,
by a moderate computation, it amounted to
near 1,000l. of which a fmall fhare was
given to the grooms of the chamber, and the
reft made a perquifite to his excellency. For,
Mrs. Lloyd having an huſband and a bishop-
rick promiſed her, the other pretenfions were
cut off.
He met lieutenant-general Langfton in the
Court of Requests, and prefented a gentleman
to him, faying, "This is a particular friend
" of mine; he tells me he is a lieutenant in
your regiment; I muft defire you will
"take the first opportunity to give him a
"troop, and you will oblige me mightily."
The lieutenant-general anfwered," He had
" ferved very well, and had very good pre-
tenfions to a troop, and that he would give
him the firſt that fell." With this the
gentleman was mighty well fatisfied, returned
thanks, and withdrew. Upon which, his ex-
cellency faid immediately, "I was forced to
"fpeak for him, as a great many of his
"friends have votes at elections; but, d-n
" him, he is a rogue, therefore take no care
"for him."
He brought one M to the duke of
Ormond, and recommended him as a very
honeſt gentleman, and defired his grace would
provide for him; which his grace promiſed.
So My withdrew. As foon as he was
gone,
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 279
gone, his lordship immediately faid to the
duke, "That fellow is the greateft rogue
"in Chriftendom."
Colonel Coward having received pay, for
fome time, in two or three regiments, as
captain, but never done any other fervice to
the crown than eating and drinking in the
expedition to Cadiz under the duke of Or-
mond, finding he had not pretenfions enough
to rife, after he had fold the laft employment
he had, applied to his excellency, who re-
prefented him in fuch a light, that he got
above goo!. as an arrear of half-pay, which
he had no title to, and a penfion of 10s. per
day; but he, reckoning this as much too little
for his wants as every body elſe did too
much for his pretenfions, gave in a fecond
petition to the queen for a further addition
of 10s. a day; which being referred to his
excellency, he gave him a favourable report,
by means whereof, it is hoped, his merit will
be ftill farther rewarded. He turned out the
poor gate-keeper of Chapel-izod gate, though
he and his wife were each above fixty years
old, without affigning any caufe, and they
are now ſtarving..
As for the buſineſs of the arſenal, it was
the product of chance, and never fo much as
thought of by the perfons who of late have
given fo many good reaſons for the build-
ing of it; till, upon enquiring into the funds,
they were found to hold out fo well, that
there was a neceffity of deftroying fixty on
feventy thousand pounds, otherwife his ex-
cellency 2
R 2
380 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
Y
cellency, for that time, could hardly have had
the credit of taxing the kingdom: Upon
this occaſion, many projects were propoſed,
all which at laft gave way to the propofal of
a worthy perfon, who had often perfuaded
the nation to do itſelf a great deal of harm,
by attempting to do itſelf a little good; which
was, that forty thouſand arms fhould be pro-
vided for the militia, and amunition in pro-
portion, to be kept in four arsenals to be
built for that purpofe: This was according-
ly put into the heads of a bill; and then this
worthy patriot, with his uſual fincerity, de-
clared he would not confent to the giving
of
money for any other ufe, as every body
thought by the words he spoke, though after-
wards he fhewed them that his meaning
was not to be known by the vulgar accep-
tation of words; for he not only gave his
confent to the bill, but üfed all the art and
induftry he was mafter of, to have it paſs;
though the money was applied in it to the
building one arſenal only, and ammunition
and other ftores proportionable, without one
word of the militia. So the arfenal was con-
ceived; and afterwards formed in a proper
manner; but when it came to be brought
forth, his excellency took it out of the hands
that had formed it as far as he could, and,
contrary to all precedents, put it out of the
care of the ordnance-board, who were pro-
perly to have taken care of the receipt and
payment of the money; without any
furthet
charge
281
THO. EARL OF WHARTON.
charge to the public; and appointed his ſe-
cond fecretary, Mr. Denton, to be paymaſter,
whofe falary was a charge of above five hun-
dred pounds in the whole: Then, thinking
this was too ſmall a charge to put the public
to for nothing, he made an eſtabliſhment for
that work, confifting of one fuperintendant
at three pounds per week, eight overfeers at
feven pounds four fhillings a week, and fix-
teen affiftants at feven pounds eight fhillings
a week, making in all feventeen pounds eight
fhillings a week: And theſe were, for the
greater part, perfons who had no knowledge
of fuch bufinefs, and their honefty was equal
to their knowledge, as it hath fince appeared
by the notorious cheats and neglects that have
been made out againſt them, infomuch, that
the work they have overfeen, which with
their falary hath coft near three thoufand
pounds, might have been done for leſs than
eighteen hundred pounds, if it had been
agreed for by the yard, which is the uſual
method, and was fo propofed in the eſtimate.
And this is all a certainty, becauſe all that
hath been done, was only removing earth,
which hath been exactly computed by the
yard, and might have been fo agreed for.
34
Philip Savage, Efq; as chancellor of the
exchequer, demanded fees of the commif-
fioners of the revenue for fealing writs in the
queen's buſineſs, and fhewed them for it fome
precedents; but they, not being well fatisfied
with them, wrote to Mr. South, one of the
commif-
R 3
282 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
commiffioners, then in London, to enquire
the practice there. He fent them word, upon
enquiry, that fees were paid there upon the
like cafes; fo they adjudged it for him, and
conftantly paid him fees. If therefore there
was a fault, it muſt lie at their door, for
he never offered to ftop the buſineſs; yet his
excellency knew fo well how to chuſe an at-
torney and follicitor-general, that, when the
cafe was refered to them, they gave it againſt
the chancellor, and faid he had forfeited his
place by it, and ought to refund the money,
being about two hundred pounds per annum ;
but never found any fault in the commiffioners,
who adjudged the cafe for him, and might
have refufed him the money if they had
thought fit.
Captain Robert Fitzgerald, father to the
prefent earl of Kildare, had a grant, from king
Charles the ſecond, of the office of comptrol-
ler of the mufters, during the lives of cap-
tain Charles Brabazon, now earl of Meath,
and George Fitzgerald, elder brother to the pre-
fent earl of Kildare; which the faid Robert
Fitzgerald enjoyed with a falary of three
hundred pounds per annum; and, after his
death, his fon George enjoyed it, till my
lord Galway did by threats, compel him to
furrender the faid patent for a penfion of
two hundred pounds per annum, which he
enjoyed during his life. Some time ago the
prefent earl of Kildare, as heir to his father
and brother, looked upon himſelf to be in-
jured by the furrender of faid patent, which
fhould
THO. EARL OF WHARTON, 283
fhould have come to him, the earl of Meath
being ftill living: Therefore, in order to right
himſelf, did petition her majeſty, which peti-
tion, as ufual, was referred to the earl of Whar-
ton, then lord lieutenant, who, being at that
time in London, referred it, according to
the common method on fuch occafions, to
the lord chancellor and lieutenant-general
Ingoldfby, the then lords juſtices of this king-
dom; who, for their information, ordered
the attorney-general to enquire whether the
earl of Kildare had any legal title to the faid
patent, which he, in a full report, faid he
had: And they referred it to the deputy
vice-treaſurer to enquire into the mature of
the office, and to give them his opinion,
whether he thought it was uſeful or neceffary
for her majeſty's fervice. He gave in his re-
port, and ſaid, he thought it both uſeful and
neceffary; and, with more honeſty than wit,
gave the following reafons: first, that the
mufter-mafter general computed the pay of
the whole military lift, which is above 200,000l.
per annum, fo, having no check on him,
might commit mistakes, to the great pre-
judice of the crown: And, fecondly, be-
cauſe he had himſelf found out feveral of thoſe
miſtakes, which a comptroller might prevent.
The lords juftices approved of theſe reafons,
and fo fent over their report to my lord lieu-
tenant, that they thought the office uſeful and
neceffary: But colonel Pr, the mufter-
mafter general, being then in London, and
having given my lord lieutenant one thou-
fand
184 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
fand pounds for his confent to enjoy that
office, after he had got her majeffy's orders
for a patent, thought a check upon his office
would be a troubleſome ſpy upon him'; fo
he pleaded the merit of his thouſand pounds,
and defired, in confideration thereof, that his
excellency would free him from an office that
would put it out of his power to wrong the
crown; and, to ftrengthen his pretenfions,
put my lady in mind of what money he
had loft to her at play; who immediately,
out of a grateful fenfe of benefits received,
railed as much againſt the lords juftices re-
port, as ever he had done againſt the to-
ries; and my lord lieutenant,
lord lieutenant, prompted
by the fame virtue, made his report, that
there needed no comptroller to that office, be-
cauſe he comptrolled it himself; which (now
having given his word for it) he will, be-
yond all doubt, effectually for the future:
Although fince, it hath been plainly made
appear, that, for want of fome controu on
that office, her majefty hath been wronged
of many hundred pounds by the roguery of
a clerk, and that during the time of his
excellency's government, of which there hath
been but a ſmall part refunded; and the
reft hath not been enquired after, left it ſhould
make it plainly appear, that a comptroller
in that office is abfolutely neceffary.
His excellency being defirous, for a private
reafon, to provide for the worthlefs fonof a worth-
lefs father, who had lately fold his company,
and, of courſe, all pretenfions to preferment in
the
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 285
the army, took this opportunity: a captain
in the oldeſt regiment in the kingdom, being
worn out with ſervice, defired leave to fell,
which was granted him and, accordingly,
for a confideration agreed upon, he gave a
refignation of his company to a perfon ap-
proved of by the commander of the régi-
ment, who, at the fame time, applied to his
excellency for leave for another captain of
his regiment, who is an engineer in her ma-
jefty's fervice in Spain, and abfent by her
majefty's licence: his excellency, hearing that,
faid they might give him a company in Spain,
for he would difpofe of this here; and fo,
notwithſtanding all the commanders in the
regiment could urge, he gave the com-
pany, which was regularly furrendered, to
his worthy favourite; and the other com-
pany, which was a difputable title, to the
gentleman who had paid his money for that
which was furrendered. Talking one morn-
ing as he was dreffing (at leaſt a dozen people
prefent) of the debates in the council about
the affairs of Trim, he faid, the lord chief
juftice Dalbin had laid down as law a thing,
for which a man ought to have his gown
ftripped off, and be whipped at the cart's
a-e; and, in leſs than a quarter of an hour,
repeated the expreffion again: Yet, fome
days after, fent Dr. Lloyd to affure his lord-
fhip he faid no fuch thing. Some time af-
ter, while he was in England, he uſed his
efforts with the queen to turn him out, but
could not and when he came once again,
he
286 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
he took an opportunity (when the judges
were to wait on him) to fay to them, par-
ticularly to lord chief juſtice Dalbin, that
perhaps fome officious perfons might ſpread
ftories that he had endeavoured to do fome of
them a prejudice in England, which he af-
fured them he never had; but on the con-
trary would always, without diſtinction,
fhew his regard, according to merit; which
the lord chief juftice Dalbin was pleaſed to
approve of, by faying, that was very hon-
ourable, that was very gracious; although
he knew the contrary himſelf.
In England, he bid Mr. Deering affure all
his friends and acquaintance here, that they
and every body might depend on his favour,
as they behaved themfelves; and with which Mr.
Deering was much pleaſed, wrote over to his
friends accordingly; and, as ſoon as his
back was turned, he jeeringly faid, “D—n
me, how eafly be is bit!" When the
Duke of Ormond was in the government,
he gave to
Mr. Anderſon Saunders the go-
vernment of Wicklow caftle, which has no
falary, but a perquifite of fome land worth
about 12 l. per annum, which Mr. Saunders
gave to the free fchool of the town; but his
excellency, not liking either the perfon or
the ufe, without any ceremony, or reafon
given, ſuperſeded him, by giving commif-
fion for it to s the horfe-courfer, who
F-
lieth under feveral odious and fcandalous re-
flexions, particularly of very narrowly ef
caping the gallows for coining. Some time
after
THO. EARL OF WHARTON. 287
after his excellency's landing the ſecond time,
he fent for Mr. Saunders, among others, de-
firing their good offices in the enfuing feffion,
and that Mr. Saunders would not take amifs
his giving that place to 7-s, for he affur-
ed him he did not know it belonged to him
which is highly probable, becauſe men of
his knowledge ufually give away things,
without enquiring how they are in their dif
pofal. Mr. Saunders anſwered him, "He
"was very glad to find what was done was
"not out of any particular diſpleaſure to
"him; becauſe Mr. Whitbed had faid at
"Wicklow, by way of apology for what his
"excellency had done, that it was occafion
"ed by Mr. Saunders having it; and, feeing
his excellency had no ill intention againſt
"him, was glad he could tell his excellency
"it was not legally given away, for he had
cuftodium for the land out of the court
"of exchequer; fo his excellency's commif-
"fion could do him no prejudice.
a
Lieutenant general Echlin had pay on his
eſtabliſhment as brigadier, until the middle
of October, 1708, when he was removed from
it by his excellency, becauſe his regiment
went away at that time, and lieutenant ge-
neral Gorge was put in his room. Some
time after, major general Rook, confidering
the reaſon why Echlin was removed, conclud-
ed, that Gorge could not come on until fome
time in February after, becauſe his regiment
was alſo out of the kingdom until that time;
and therefore, he being the eldeſt general
officer
288
A SHORT CHARACTER OF
officer that had no pay as fuch, was entitled
to the brigadier's pay, from the time Echlin
was removed until Gorge was qualified to re-
ceive it, he having done the duty. His ex-
cellency, upon hearing the reaſon, owned it
to be a very good one, and told him, if the
money were not paid to Gorge, he ſhould
have it, fo bid him go fee; which he did,
and found it was: then his excellency told
him he would refer his cafe to a court of ge-
neral officers to give their opinion in it,
which he faid muft needs be in his favour
and, upon that ground, he would find a way
to do him right; yet, when the general officers
fat, he fent for feveral of them, and made
them give the cafe againſt Rook.
When the profecution against the diffent-
ing minifters in Drogheda was depending,
one Stevens, a lawyer in this town of Dub-
lin, fent his excellency, then in London, a
petition, in the name of the faid diſſenting
miniſter, in behalf of himſelf and others who
Jay under any ſuch proſecution; and in about
a fortnight's time, his excellency fent over a
letter, to the then lords juſtices, to give the
attorney and follicitor generals orders, to
enter a Noli profequi to all fuch fuits; which
was done accordingly, although he never fo
much as enquired into the merits of the cauſe,
or referred the petition to any body, which
is a juftice done to all men, let the cafe be
never fo light. He, faid, he had her majeſty's
orders for it, but they did not appear under
her hand; and it is generally affirmed he ne-
Yer had any.
That
THOMAS, EARL OF WHARTON. 289
That his excellency can defcend to fmall
gains, take this inftance: there were 850 l.
ordered by her majeſty to buy new liveries for
the ſtate trumpets, meffengers, &c. but, with
great induſtry, he got them made cheaper by
2001. which he faved out of that fum; and
it is reported, that his ſteward got a handſome
confideration befide from the undertaker.
The agent to his regiment, being ſo alſo to
others, bought a lieutenant's commiffion in a
regiment of foot, for which he never was to
do any duty, which ſervice pleaſed his excel-
lency fo well, that he gave him leave to buy a
company, and would have had him kept both;
but before his pleaſure was known, the for-
mer was difpofed of.
The lord lieutenant hath no power to re-
move or put in a folicitor general without
the queen's letter, it being one of thoſe em-
ployments excepted out of his commiffion
yet, becauſe Sir Richard Levinge difobliged
him, by voting according to his opinion, he
removed him, and put in Mr. Forfter [a], al-
though he had no queen's letter for fo doing,
only a letter from Mr. fecretary Boyle, that her
majefty defigned to remove him.
The privy-council in Ireland have a great
fhare of the adminiſtration, all things being
carried by the confent of the majority, and
they fign all orders and proclamations there,
as well as the chief governor. But his ex-
[a] Afterwards Recorder of the city of Dublin,
and Lord chief juftice of the common pleas.
VOL. XIII.
S
cellency
190 A SHORT CHARACTER OF
cellency diſliked fo great a fhare of power in
any but himſelf and, when matters were de-
bated in council otherwiſe than he approved,
he would stop them, and fay, "Come, my
*Lords, I fee how your opinions are, and
**therefore I will not take your votes ;" and
fo would put an end to the difpute.
One of his chief favourites was a fcandal-
ous clergyman, a conftant companion of his
pleaſures, who appeared publicly with his ex-
cellency, but never in his habit, and who was
hearer and ſharer of all the lewd and blaf-
phemous diſcourſes of his excellency and his
cabal. His excellency prefented his worthy
divine to one of the bishops, with the follow-
ing recommendation: “My lord, M-
is
a very honeft fellow, and hath no fault but
*that he is a little too immoral." He made
this man chaplain to his regiment, although
he had been fo infamous, that a bishop in
England refuſed to admit him to a living he
had been preſented to, until the patron forced
him to it by law.
His excellency recommended the earl of
Inchiquin to be one of the lords juſtices in his
abſence, and was much mortified, when he
found lieutenant general Ingoldsby appointed.
without any regard to his recommendation
particularly, becauſe the ufual falary of a
lord juftice, in the lord lieutenant's abfence,
is 100l. per month, and he had bargained
with the earl for 40 l.
I will ſend you, in a pacquet or two, fome
particulars of his excellency's uſage of the
con-
THOMAS, EARL OF WHARTON. 291
convocation, of his infamous intrigues with
Mrs. Coningsby, an account of his arbitrary
proceedings about the election of a magiftrate
in Trim, his barbarous injuftice to dean Jeph-
Jon and Will Crow; his deciding a cafe at ha-
zard to get my lady twenty guineas, but in ſo
fcandalous and unfair a manner, that the ar-
ranteſt ſharper would be afhamed of; the
common cuftom of playing on Sunday in my
lady's cloſet; the partie quarrée between her
ladyship and Mrs Lloyd and two young fel-
lows dining privately and frequently at Clon-
tarf, where they uſed to go in a hackney
coach; and his excellency's making no fcruple
of dining in a hedge-tavern whenever he was
invited; with fome other paffages which, I
hope, you will put into fome method, and
correct the ſtyle, and publiſh as ſpeedily as you
{
can.
Note, Mr. Savage, befides the perfecution
about his fees, was turned out of the council
for giving his vote in parliament in a caſe
where his excellency's own friends were of the
fame opinion, until they were wheedled or
threatened out of it by his excellency. The
particulars before mentioned I have not yet
received; whenever they come, I ſhall publiſh
them in a Jecond part.
END of VOL. XIII.
ARTES
1837
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
E PLURIBUS UNUM
TUEBOR
SI QUÆRIS-PENINSULAM-AMŒNAME
CIRCUMSPICE
GIFT OF
REGENT HUBBARD