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LARDNER'S WORKS.
VÓL. VI.
208. Lo
L32

THE
WORKS
OF
NATHANIEL LARDNER, D. D.
WITH A LIFE BY DR. KIPPIS.
IN TEN VOLUMES.
VOL. VI.
LONDON:
WILLIAM BALL, 34, PATERNOSTER-ROW.
MDCCCXXXVIII.
*
Dup
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.
CONTENTS OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.
A HISTORY OF THE APOSTLES AND EVANGELISTS.
CHAP.
PAGE
XII.
St. Paul's Epistles
3
XIII.
That the Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to
them
112
XIV.
That the Churches of Colosse and Laodicea were planted
by the Apostle Paul
151
XV.
Of the Seven Catholic Epistles
159
XVI. St. James, the Lord's Brother
XVII. The Epistle of St. James
XVIII. St. Peter
XIX. The Two Epistles of St. Peter
XX. The Three Epistles of St. John
XXI. St. Jude, and his Epistle
XXII. The Revelation of St. John
XXIII. The Order of the Books of the New Testament
XXIV. That the Books of the New Testament, consisting of a
Collection of Sacred Writings, in two parts, one
called Gospel, or Gospels, or Evangelicon; the other
called Epistles, or Apostles, or Apostolicon, were
early known, read, and made use of by Christians
XXV. The Question considered, whether any Sacred Books of
the New Testament have been lost
J
162
195
•
203
254
275
298
318
329
340
352
JEWISH TESTIMONIES.
Preface
365
I.
The Faith of many Jewish Believers in early times, a
Valuable Testimony to the Truth of the Christian Re-
ligion
371
II.
Of the Treatment given to the Primitive Christians by the
unbelieving Jews
388
III.
Josephus, with his Testimony at large to the fulfilment of
our Saviour's Predictions concerning the Destruction
of the Temple and City of Jerusalem, and the miseries
coming upon the Jewish people
393
239766
11
CONTENTS.
CHAP.
IV. Three Paragraphs in the works of Josephus, concerning John
the Baptist, our Saviour, and James the Lord's
Brother, and Observations upon his Writings and
Testimony
A. D. PAGE
480
V.
The Mishnical and Talmudical Writers
505
VI. Joseph Ben Gorion, or Josippon
531
VII. A Recollection of the preceding Articles, and Reflections
upon them
558
TESTIMONIES OF ANCIENT HEATHEN AUTHORS.
I.
The Epistle of Abgarus, King of Edessa, to Jesus, and
the Rescript of Jesus to Abgarus
596
II. Of the Knowledge which the Emperor Tiberius had of
our Saviour Jesus Christ
606
III. A Monumental Inscription concerning the Christians in
the time of Nero
623
IV. Pliny the Elder
77
625
V. Tacitus
100
626
VI. Martial
635
VII. Juvenal
VIII. Suetonius
638
110 641
A
SUPPLEMENT
TO THE
SECOND PART
OF THE
CREDIBILITY
OF THE
GOSPEL HISTORY.
VOL. VI.
B
. A
HISTORY
OF THE
APOSTLES AND EVANGELISTS.
CHAP. XII.
ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES.
I. The Introduction. II. The two Epistles to the Thessa-
lonians. III. The Epistle to the Galatians. IV. The
first epistle to the Corinthians. V. The first Epistle to
Timothy. VI. The Epistle to Titus. VII. The second
Epistle to the Corinthians. VIII. The Epistle to the
Romans. IX. The Epistle to the Ephesians. X. The
second Epistle to Timothy. XI. The Epistle to the Phi-
lippians. XII. The Epistle to the Colossians. XIII. The
Epistle to Philemon. XIV. The Epistle to the Hebrews.
•
SECT. I.
The Introduction.
I SHALL now endeavour to settle the time of St. Paul's
epistles, of which Origen said: If any man reads them
´ with attention, I am persuaded, he will admire the writer's
' abilities in expressing great things in vulgar language; or,
if he does not admire them, himself will appear ridiculous.'
It cannot but afford satisfaction to know the order of
time in which they were written. It will not only be at-
tended with pleasure, but will also contribute to the right
understanding of them. For wrong dates have been the
occasion of many mistakes. Baronius observes, that some
a See Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii.
B 2
4
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
b
have imagined the shipwreck at Melita, related in Acts
xxvii, to be one of the three mentioned by St. Paul, 2 Cor.
xi. 25, not considering, that the second epistle to the Co-
rinthians had been written several years before. I have put
the passage in the margin, as quoted by Lewis Capellus.
The author of the commentary upon thirteen of St. Paul's
epistles, in the fourth century, made the same mistake, and
several others of a like kind, in explaining the paragraph of
2 Cor. xi. 25, 26.
C
Of St. Paul's fourteen epistles, thirteen have been gene-
rally received by catholic christians in all times. I there-
fore need not now allege the testimonies of ancient christian
writers, which may be seen in the preceding volumes of
this work. But as the epistle to the Hebrews has been
sometimes doubted of, I shall observe the evidences of its
genuineness. With regard to the others, I shall do little
more than show the time when they were written. And I
would take it for granted, that they who are disposed to
examine the arguments in this chapter, have first read the
history of St. Paul, in the preceding chapter: which will be
of great use, and prevent the trouble of numerous references,
SECT. II.
The two Epistles to the Thessalonians.
The first and second epistles to the Thessalonians are now
generally allowed by learned interpreters and chronologers
b Quantum juvet, quamque sit utile, certo tenere tempus, quo Pauli episto-
læ ab eo fuerunt scriptæ, recte observavit Baronius ad A. C. 58, sect xlii. Sed
hic, inquit ille, et illud necessario monendum putamus lectorem, nonnullis
accidisse, ut temporum ignoratione in maximos errores incidant, putantes
nimirum naufragium apud Melitam passum, quod Lucas narrat, Act. xxvii.
unum e tribus fuisse a Paulo enumeratis, 2 Cor. xi. non animadvertentes, se-
cundam istam epistolam ad Corinthios longe ante illud naufragium esse scrip-
tam. Quamobrem scrupulosa, quæ videtur, in historiâ temporum indagatio,
quantam conferat ad veram atque germanam Divinæ Scripturæ interpretatio-
nem, quisque facile judicabit. -Hæc rectissime Baronius. Itaque hac in
parte operam nostram ejusmodi indagatione post alios collocavimus. Lud.
Cap. Append. ad Hist. Apost. p. 63.
'Nocte et die in profundo maris fui.'] Hoc factum e, quando missus
est Romam, cum appellâsset Cæsarem. Tunc desperatione vitæ in alto, id est,
in profundo maris fuit, mortem ante oculos habens.--
—— Periculis in mari.'
Jam superius dixit: Ter naufragium feci, nocte et die in profundo maris fui.'
Quod aliud periculum fuit in mari? Sed hoc est periculum, quando in mari,
hoc est, in navi, milites cogitaverant omnes custodias occidere, ne quis ena-
tans effugeret. Quod periculum centurio prohibuit inferri, ne Paulus occide-
retur, ut eum vivum Romam produceret. In 2 ep. ad Cor. xi. 25, 26. p. 202
ap. Ambros. in App. tom. II.
St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians.
5
10
d
to be the two first written epistles of St. Paul. The time and
place of writing them may be deduced from the epistles
themselves, and from the history of St. Paul's travels in the
book of the Acts. Some have thought, that the first at
least, if not also the second, was written at Athens. But I
suppose it to be now generally allowed, that both these
epistles were written at Corinth: whereby we are also as-
sured of their time. For it was formerly shown to be pro-
bable, that St. Paul came to Corinth before the end of the
year 51, and stayed there till the beginning of the year 53.
f
In the Synopsis ascribed to Athanasius, the first epistle
to the Thessalonians is said to have been written at Athens,
and the second, very absurdly, at Rome.
Theodoret, as before quoted, saw these to be the two
first written epistles of the apostle. The first he supposed
to have been written at Athens, and the second not long af-
ter, either at Athens or Corinth. For he does not seem to
say distinctly, at which of these two cities the second was
written. Nevertheless I suppose it may be shown that they
were both written at Corinth. St. Paul came from Thessa-
lonica to Berea: which place he left in haste, because of
the violence of the Jews, who came thither from Thessalo-
nica, and "stirred up the people," Acts xvii. 10—13.
“And then immediately," says St. Luke, "the brethren
sent away Paul, to go as it were to the sea. But Silas and
Timothy abode there still. And they that conducted Paul,
brought him unto Athens. And receiving a commandment
unto Silas and Timothy to come to him with all speed, they
departed," ver. 14, 15. Accordingly, as we may suppose,
Silas and Timothy did soon come to him. And Paul, hav-
ing great concern for the Thessalonians, whilst he was at
Athens, sent Timothy to them. As he says, 1 Thess. iii. 1,
2, "Wherefore, when we could no longer forbear, we thought
it good to be left at Athens alone. And sent Timothy, our
brother and minister of God, and our fellow-labourer in the
gospel of Christ, to establish you, and comfort you, con-
cerning your faith." From Athens Paul went to Corinth,
where he stayed a year and six months. There Timothy
d Ante Pauli vincula omnium prima scripta est ad Thessalonicenses utra-
que. Scriptæ autem omnino videntur duæ istæ epistolæ Athenis. Lud. Cap.
Hist. Ap. p. 63.
e Pearson, Ann. Paulin. p. 11-13. Mill. Proleg. num. 4. et 6.
f See vol. v. ch. xi.
8 Synops. S. S. n. 66. ap. Athan. T. II.
P.
196.
h Num. 67. ib. p. 197.
Vol. v. ch. cxxxi.
* Præf. in Ep. Pauli, T. III p. 3.
6
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
came back to him from Thessalonica. Comp. Acts xviii. 5,
and 1 Thess. iii, 6. And Silas, or Silvanus, and Timothy
are joined with the apostle in the inscription of the epistle.
Near the end of this epistle, ch. v. 27, are these remark-
able words: “I charge," or adjure, "you by the Lord,
ορκίζω ύμας τον κυριον, that this epistle be read unto all the
holy brethren." It is likely, that from the beginning all
christian assemblies had readings of the Scriptures of the
Old Testament. Paul, knowing the plenitude of the apos-
tolical commission, now demands the same respect to be
paid to his writings, with those of the ancient prophets.
This is a direction fit to be inserted in the first epistle writ-
ten by him. And the manner in which it is given, suggests
an argument that this was his first apostolical epistle.
The second epistle to the Thessalonians appears to have
been written soon after the first, and at the same place. And
Silvanus and Timothy are joined together with the apostle
in the inscription of this epistle, as well as of the former.
These two epistles therefore I suppose to have been writ-
ten at Corinth, in the year of Christ 52. Which is also the
opinion of¹ Mill, and others. But by whom these epistles
were carried to the Thessalonians, we do not perceive.
Some objections have been made against the above-men-
tioned date of these two epistles. But the point is so clear,
that I do not think it worth the while to prolong this argu-
ment in examining them. They who are curious, may see
those objections well answered by Dr. Benson, in the second
edition of his history of the first planting the Christian
religion.
m
SECT. III.
The Epistle to the Galatians.
The epistle to the Galatians is inscribed after this man-
ner: "Paul, an apostle, and all the brethren which are
with me, unto the churches of Galatia." Upon which
Jerom observes, In other epistles Sosthenes and Silvanus,
"
¹ Prolegom. num. 4—7.
:
n
m Vol. ii. p. 119-122.
n In aliis epistolis Sosthenes et Silvanus, interdum et Timotheus, in exordio
præponuntur in hac tantum, quia necessaria erat auctoritas plurimorum,
omnium fratrum nomen assumitur. Qui et ipsi forsitan ex circumcisione
crant, et â Galatis non contemptui ducebantur. Plurimum quippe facit ad
populum corrigendum multorum in unâ re sententia atque consensus. Quod
autem ait, Ecclesiis Galatiæ,' et hoc notandum, quia hic tantum generaliter
non ad unam ecclesiam unius urbis, sed ad totius provinciæ scribat, ecclesias :
St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians.
7
6
"
6
6
and sometimes also Timothy, are mentioned at the begin-
ning: but in this, for adding the greater weight and au-
thority, are put "all the brethren:" who, perhaps too,
were believers of the circumcision, and not despised by the
• Galatians. And the consent of many is of great use to
satisfy people. "To the churches of Galatia." Here also,
as he proceeds, it is to be observed, that in this place only,
'Paul writes in general, not to the church of one city only,
' but to the churches of a whole province: and that he calls
'them churches, whom afterwards he reproves as corrupted
'with error. Whence we learn, that a church may be un-
'derstood in a two-fold manner: both of that which has no
spot, or wrinkle, and is indeed the body of Christ; and of
'that which is assembled in the name of Christ, without
'complete and perfect virtues.'
Tertullian seems to have thought this one of St. Paul's
first written epistles; as has been observed by Grotius,P
who transcribed the passage, though long, into his preface
to the epistle to the Galatians. Fabricius likewise has
taken notice of it.
t
Theodoret, the Synopsis of sacred scripture, ascribed to
Athanasius, and the author of the Argument in Ecumenius,
reckon this among the epistles written at Rome, and conse-
quently a late epistle. But I see no ground for that opinion,
there not being in the epistle any notice taken of an im-
prisonment at the time of writing it.
However Lightfoot" was also of the same opinion. He
et' ecclesias' vocet, quas postea errore arguat depravatas. Ex quo noscen-
dum, dupliciter ecclesiam posse dici; et eam, quæ non habet maculam aut
rugam, et vere corpus Christi sit; et eam, quæ in Christi nomine absque ple-
nis perfectisque virtutibus congregetur. In ep. ad Gal. cap. i. T. IV. p. 225.
-ab illo certe Paulo, qui adhuc in gratiâ rudis, trepidans denique, ne
in vacuum cucurrisset, aut curreret, tunc primum cum antecessoribus Aposto-
lis conferebat. Igitur, si ferventer, ut adhuc neophytus, adversus Judaïsmum
aliquid in conversatione reprehendendum existimavit, passivum scilicet con-
victum, postmodum et ipse usu omnibus omnia futurus, ut omnes lucraretur,
Judæis quasi Judæus, et eis qui sub lege, tamquam sub lege; tu illam solius
conversationis, placituræ postea accusatori suo, reprehensionem suspectam vis
haberi, etiam de prædicationis erga Deum prevaricatione. Tertull. adv. Marc.
1. i. cap. 20. p. 443.
P Tertullianus, in primo adversus Marcionem, hanc epistolam inter primas
Pauli fuisse existimat, &c. Grot. Pr. in ep. ad Gal.
¶ Scripsisse hanc epistolam adhuc neophytum, et in gratiâ rudem, adeoque
inter primas non dubitat affirmare Tertullianus.--Fabr. Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap.
v. tom. III. p. 155.
г
Τας μεν δη αλλας απο της Ρώμης απέτειλε, και ταυτην μεν ἡγεμαι την
πрos Paλaras yрapnyai. Theod. Præf, in ep. Paul. T. III. p. 5. B.
S
Ap. Athan. T. II. p. 194.
t
Arg. ep. ad Gal. ap. Ecum. T. I. p. 713.
.
u Vol. I. p. 323.
.
8
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
supposeth this to have been the first epistle written by St.
Paul after his arrival at Rome. He says it was carried by
Crescens, arguing from 2 Tim. iv. 10. Which epistle to
Timothy he thinks was written at Rome soon afterwards.
Chrysostom says, this epistle was written before that to
the Romans. And in like manner* Theophylact, probably,
borrowing from him.
V
Divers learned moderns have thought, that this epistle
was written at Ephesus, after Paul's arrival there from his
journey, related in Acts xviii. 23. and xix. 1. consequently,
after that the apostle had been a second time in Galatia.
To this purpose Lewis Capellus, "Witsius, and a Wall. This
likewise seems to have been the opinion of Pearson. For
he placeth this epistle in the year 57, after the first to the
Corinthians, and before Paul left Ephesus. But I do not
discern his reasons for so doing.
Grotius thought it difficult to assign the time when this
epistle was written: but conjectures, that it was written
about the same time with that to the Romans.
"
Fabricius says, the design of the epistle is to dissuade
the Galatians from putting their neck under the yoke of
▾ See of this work, vol. v. ch. cxviii.
W
* Δοκεί δε μοι και ἡ προς Γαλατας προτερα ειναι της προς Ρωμαιος. Chrys.
Procem. ep. ad Rom. T. IX. p. 427. D.
* Αλλα και ἡ προς Γαλατας προτερα επι ταυτης προς Ρωμαιος. Theoph.
Arg. ep. ad Rom.
▾ Per idem tempus, nempe sub finem biennii Ephesini, videtur omnino
scripta epistola ad Galatas, &c. Cap. Hist. ap. p. 69.
Z
Epistola ad Galatas temporis sui hos characteres habet. Primum, quod
non diu post Pauli ab iis discessum scripta esse videatur. Sic enim ipse, cap.i.
6.- -Affuerat autem iis Paulus paulo antequam proficisceretur Ephesum.
Act. xviii. 23. coll. cum cap. xix. 1. Unde probabiliter saltem infertur Ephesi
esse datam. Specialius, datam esse sub finem biennii,' quod Paulus Ephesi
exegit, inde colligit Capellus.- -Wits. de Vit. Paul. sect. viii. num. xxxii.
a
About this time, A. D. 55, when Paul had been at Ephesus a little while,
he is supposed to have written his epistle to the Galatians.' Wall's Notes
upon the N. T. p. 164.
b Scribit primam ad Corinthios epistolam.--Scribit epistolam ad Galatas.
Per Demetrium Epheso pellitur. Annal. Paulin. p. 15. A. D. 57.
с
Tempus, quo scripta est hæc epistola ad Gallogræcos epistola, sicut de-
signate indicare non possum, ita videre mihi videor, non longe abfuisse ab eo
tempore, quo ad Romanos scripta est epistola. Gr. Pr. ep. ad Galat.
dArgumentum epistolæ est, Galatas dehortari, ne jugo legis Mosaïcæ ite-
rum collum animasque supponerent. Idem dissuaserat Romanis, sed ad illos,
quos nondum præsens ille docuerat, et scribit minus familiariter, et prolixius
iis capita christianæ fidei exponit. Ad Galatas vero, et brevius omnia, et
tamquam doctor ipsorum, ita ut nec a gravi increpatione sibi temperet.
Non possum tamen improbare eorum sententiam, qui non diu post epistolam
ad Romanos in itinere Hierosolymam versus A. C. 58. exaratam hanc epis-
tolam arbitrantur. Fabr. ubi supra, p. 155.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians.
9
6
the Mosaic law. And,' says he, to the like purpose the
apostle writes to the Romans. But them he had never seen,
' and he treats them very respectfully, and enlargeth upon
'the doctrine of the gospel with greater prolixity. To the
• Galatians he writes more briefly, and as their master, and
'not without some severity in his reprehensions. He adds,
that he is inclined to their opinion, who suppose this epistle
'to have been written not long after that to the Romans,
' and in the way to Jerusalem, in the year of Christ 58.'
Mill being a man of great judgment in these things, and
what he says appearing at first sight plausible, I shall tran-
scribe it below. He thinks, that this epistle was not writ-
ten until after that to the Romans, probably at Troas, or
some other place in Asia, as Paul was going to Jerusalem.
And he thinks that Paul refers to the collections lately made
in Macedonia and Greece, Gal. ii. 10. And the apostle
writes not only in his own name, but also in the name of all
the brethren, mentioned Acts xx. 4. who were with him at
Troas, and accompanied him to Jerusalem. Moreover, this
epistle was written by the apostle with his own hand, and
the more easily and readily, though in a journey, because
he had just before treated the same argument in his epistle
to the Romans. This epistle therefore is placed by Mill at
the year 58.
Upon all which I beg leave to remark, as follows. First,
that those words, "all the brethren which are with me,
need not to be understood of those who were with Paul at
Troas, and were setting out with him for Jerusalem. Thereby
may be intended the brethren of some other place where
Paul was. Secondly, the apostle Paul was able at any time
ποιησαι.
e Paulo post dictatam hanc, quæ Romanis inscripta est, scripsit Paulus
epistolam ad Galatas, ut apparet ex cap. ii. 10. ò Kaι Eσπ8dаσα AUTO T8Tо
ποιησαι. His enim verbis aperte indicat Apostolus, epistolam hanc post
ministerium seu studium, quod eleemosynis pro ecclesiâ Hierosolymitanâ colli-
gendis impendebat, scripsisse se, dum aoristo utitur, eoπ8dαoα-πoiŋoai.
In itinere itaque versus Hierosolymam versatus D. Paulus alicubi hanc episto-
lam exarâsse videtur, et quidem Troade fortassis, ubi septem dies moratus est;
postquam in Asiam veniens comperisset Galatas ad aliud evangelium 870
Taxεws translatos fuisse. Audità nempe, jam ut videtur ab appulsu ejus in
Asiam, istâ añosaoig, arrepto calamo, propriâ manu, contra quam factum in
aliis epistolis, (exceptâ forte unâ ad Philemonem,) totam istam scripsit episto-
lam, acrem et objurgatoriam, nomine suo, omniumque, qui cum ipso erant,
fratrum jam Troade, Sopatri, Aristarchi, Secundi, Gaii, Tychici, Trophimi,
Titi, Silæ, alioruin. Scripsit autem eo celerius, et festinantius, quod idem ar-
gumentum in hac epistolâ prosequeretur, quod tractaverat paulo ante in epis-
tolâ ad Romanos, cujus fere sensus in hanc transfundit.-Scripta est statim, ut
dixi, post epistolam ad Romanos, anno æræ vulgaris lviii. Proleg. num.
30, 31.
10
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
to represent the doctrine of the gospel to any churches, suit-
ably to their particular case and circumstances, whether
he had just before treated of it in an epistle, or not. So that
the agreement between the epistles to the Romans and the
Galatians, is no proof that they were written very soon one
after another. Thirdly, when Paul says, ch. ii. 10, "The
same which I also was forward to do:" he cannot intend the
collections made in Macedonia and Greece, with which he
was going to Jerusalem. If that had been his meaning,
he would have expressed himself more particularly, like to
what he says to the Romans, ch. xv. 25-27. What he says
here, he might have said, when at Ephesus, before he set
out for Macedonia, and indeed at any time, and in any place.
For he had been always mindful of the poor in Judea. I
apprehend, that the apostle's words are to be interpreted in
this manner. "The same, which I also had endeavoured to
do, or had been careful to perform:" referring to his con-
duct, even before that proposal of the three apostles at Jeru-
salem: and intending, probably, in particular, the contri-
butions brought by himself and Barnabas from Antioch to Je-
rusalem, some while before, as related Acts xi. 29. Which con-
tributions, as may be well supposed, had been promoted by
our apostle's exhortations. Fourthly, St. Paul says to the
Galatians in this epistle, ch. i. 6," I marvel, that ye are so
soon removed from him that called you unto the grace of
Christ, unto another gospel." Those expressions cannot pos-
sibly suit the date assigned by Mill, that is, after the passover
of the year 58. Which must have been above four years
after even Paul's second journey in the country of Galatia.
Another opinion has been proposed by the ingenious and
thoughtful author of Miscellanea Sacra, and embraced by s
Dr. Benson that the epistle to the Galatians was written
at Corinth, when the apostle was first there, and made a long
stay of a year and six months. Whilst Paul was there, he
received tidings of the instability of his converts in Galatia,
with which he was much affected. Whereupon he wrote
this epistle, and sent it by one of his assistants. At that
season he might well say at the beginning of his address to
them: “I marvel, that ye are so soon removed from him
that called you unto the grace of Christ." Nor is there in
the epistle any hint of his having been with them more than
once. The epistle therefore was written at Corinth, or per-
f See there the Abstract of the Scripture History of the Apostles, p. 31, and
the Postscript to the Preface, p. 56–58.
8 History of the first Planting the Christian Religion. B. 3. ch. v. sect xi.
Vol. ii. p. 118, 119. first edit. p. 136, 137. second edit
St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians.
11
haps at Ephesus, when Paul was first there, in his way to
Jerusalem, as mentioned, Acts xviii. 19-21.
6
6
This opinion is proposed by the above-mentioned author,
as his own. And I make no doubt, that it was so, and the
fruit of his own inquiries and observations. Nevertheless it
is not quite new. Say L'Enfant and Beausobre, in their ge-
neral preface to St. Paul's epistles: We find not in the
epistle to the Galatians any mark that can enable us to
'determine with certainty, at what time, or in what place,
it was written. It is dated at Rome in some printed copies
' and manuscripts. But there is nothing in the epistle itself
'to confirm that date. Paul does not here make any men-
'tion of his bonds, as he does in all his epistles written at
Rome. He says indeed, ch. vi. 17, that "he bears in his
body the marks of the Lord Jesus." But he had often
suffered, before he came to Rome. There are therefore
some learned chronologers, who place the epistle to the
'Galatians immediately after the two epistles to the Thes-
'salonians. They think it was written between the third
' and fourth journey of Paul to Jerusalem, and between his
'first and second journey into Galatia. This opinion ap-
'pears to me very probable. For since the apostle says,
6
•
he wonders, that they were so soon turned unto another
"gospel," this epistle must have been written a short time
after he had preached in Galatia. Nor can we discern in
'the epistle any notice of the second journey which St. Paul
made into this country. For this reason it is thought that
'the epistle to the Galatians was written at Corinth, where
'the apostle made a long stay, or else in some city of Asia,
'particularly Ephesus, where he stayed some days in his
way to Jerusalem, Acts xviii. 19–21. Therefore, in all
probability, the epistle to the Galatians was written from
Corinth, or from Ephesus, in the year 52 or 53.'
Nothing could be said more properly. And I think this
date may be further confirmed by some other considerations.
Paul says to the Corinthians, xvi. 1," Now concerning the
collection for the saints, as I have given orders to the
churches of Galatia, so do ye." Which shows that at the
writing of that epistle to the Corinthians, in 56, he had a
good opinion of his converts in Galatia, and that he had no
doubt of their respect to his directions. Which, probably,
had been sent to them from Ephesus, during his long abode
Sect. xlii. p. 24-26.
Here, in the margin, are put the
names of Usher and L. Capellus, without any references. Nor have I found
the places where this opinion is maintained by them.
12
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
there, by some one or other of his assistants. This good
temper of the Galatians may be supposed owing to the letter
sent to them some time before, and to his second visit to them,
related, Acts xviii. 23.
And now we shall be better able to account for what ap-
pears very remarkable. When Paul left Corinth, after his
long stay there, he went to Jerusalem, having a vow. In
his way he came to Ephesus. Acts xviii. 19-21, “ And
when they desired him to tarry longer with them, he con-
sented not. But bade them farewell, saying: I must by all
means keep this feast that cometh at Jerusalem. But I will
return again unto you, if God will." When we read this we
might be apt to think that Paul should hasten back to Ephe-
sus, and return thither presently after he had been at Je-
rusalem. But instead of so doing, after he had been at
"Jerusalem, he went down to Antioch. And after he had
spent some time there, he departed, and went over all the
country of Galatia, and Phrygia, in order, strengthening the
disciples," ver. 22, 23. We now seem to see the reason of
this course. At Corinth he heard of the defection of many
in Galatia. Whereupon he sent away a sharp letter to them.
But considering the nature of the case, he judged it best to
take the first opportunity to go to Galatia, and support the
instructions of his letter. And both together had a very
good effect. Gal. iv. 19, 20, “My little children, of whom
I travail in birth again-I desire to be present with you, and
to change my voice. For I stand in doubt of you:" or, I
am perplexed for you. Now then, we see the reason of the
apostle's not coming directly from Jerusalem to Ephesus.
However he was not umindful of his promise, and came thi-
ther, after he had been in Galatia.
Upon the whole, the epistle to the Galatians is an early
epistle. And, as seems to me most probable, was written at
Corinth, near the end of the year 52, or at the very begin-
ning of the year 53, before St. Paul set out to go to Jerusa-
salem by the way of Ephesus. But if any should rather
think, that it was written at Ephesus, during the apostle's
short stay there, in the way from Corinth to Jerusalem, that
will make but very little difference. And still according to
our computation, this epistle was written at the beginning of
year 53.
the
Ch. vi. 11, “Yek see how large a letter I have written
unto you with my own hand.”
Hereby some understand the apostle to say, that this, with
what follows to the end of the epistle, was written with his
κ Ιδετε πηλίκοις ύμιν γραμμασιν εγραψα τη εμη χειρι.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians.
13
0
own hand. So Jerom, and m Grotius. Others understand
St. Paul to speak of the whole epistle. So thought "Chrys-
ostom, and Theophylact, and P Theodoret, and the author
of the Commentary upon thirteen of St. Paul's epistles.
Which interpretation is approved by ¹ Wolfius.
r
"How long a letter I have written unto you." Which
some interpret after this manner: "In what large letters I
have written unto you," intending the deformity, or inele-
gance of the characters. Which sense is also found in di-
vers ancient authors.
$
t
But it is not approved of either by Beza, or " Wolfius.
¹ Hi qui circumcidi Galatas volebant, disseminaverant, alia Paulum facere,
alia prædicare.——Hanc opinionem quia non poterat Paulus apud omnes præ-
sens ipse subvertere- -seipsum per literas repræsentat. Et ne aliqua suppo-
sitæ epistolæ suspicio nasceretur, ab hoc ipso usque ad finem manu suâ ipse
perscripsit, ostendens superiora ab alio exarata. Hieron. in ep. ad Gal. T. IV.
p. 314.
m In aliarum epistolarum fine quædam scribebat suâ manu. 1 Cor. xvi.
21; 2 Thess. ii. 17; et Col. iv. 18; cætera manu alienâ, ut videre est, Ro-
man. xvi. 22. Hic vero Paulus suâ manu scripsit omnia quæ sequuntur, ut
recte putat Hieronymus. Id autem multum erat in homine adeo occupato, et,.
ut videtur, non multum assueto Græce scribere. • Quantis literis,' id est,
quam multis.' Solent adjectiva magnitudinis poni pro adjectivis ad nume-
rum pertinentibus. Sic Græcum roσo, tanti,' utroque sensu usurpatum. Grot.
ad Galat. vi. 11.
P
* Ενταυθα εδεν αλλο αινιττεται, αλλ' ότι αυτος εγραψε την επιςολην άπα-
σαν, ὁ πολλης γνησιότητος σημειον ην. κ. λ. Chr. in loc. Τ. Χ. p. 727. Β.
• In loc. T. II. p. 492.
• Πασαν, ώς εοικε, την δε την επιτολην
avтos εуpayε. Theod. in loc.
Auctoritatem dat epistolæ
suæ. -Ubi enim holographa manus est, falsum dici non potest. In loc. ap.
Ambros. in App. p. 230.
Idem vero [Grotius] quamvis præeunte Hieronymo, errat, quando hæc
verba non ad totam hanc epistolam, sed ad ea tantum, quæ inde usque ad finem
leguntur, vult referri. Rectius Chrysostomus.
-Addit idem causam, cur
totam epistolam suâ manu exarârit, ut nempe omnis volas suspicio idioypapw
hoc præcideretur iis, qui dicere alioquin poterant, nonnulla illi inserta, quæ
Apostoli sententiæ non responderent. Wolf. in loc.
Το δε πηλίκοις, εμοι δοκει 8 το μέγεθος, αλλα την αμορφίαν των γραμμάτων
εμφανων λεγειν, μονονεχι λεγων· ὅτι ουτε αριςα γραφειν ειδως, όμως ηναγκασ
θην δι' εμαυτε γραψαι, ώτε των συκοφαντων εμφραξαι το τομα.
supr. p. 727. C.
Chr. ubi
Το δε πηλίκοις γραμμασι, τινες, μεν μεγαλοις, τινες δε φαύλοις ήρμηνευσαν.
Εγω γαρ, φησιν, εγραψα την επιςολήν, καιτοι μη γραφων εις καλλος. Theod.
in loc.
·
t' Quam longis,' πηλшoç. Ad verbum quantis.' Vulgata 'qualibus.'
In quo explicando miror cur se tantopere torqueant interpretes, dum alii-
ad sublimitatem sententiarum referunt, ut Hilarius, alii ad ipsa literarum ele-
menta, quæ grandiuscula fuerint,——alii ad deformitatem characterum, quasi
Paulus imperitus fuerit pingendarum literarum, ut exponit Theophylactus,
Chrysostomum secutus.--Sunt autem sane longiores epistolæ Romanis et
Corinthiis inscriptæ, sed alienâ manu exaratæ, &c. Bez. ad loc.
• Ecce quantis,' i. e. quam multis, literis vobis scripsi.' Ita recte Gro-
tios, addens, adjectiva magnitudinis, pro adjectivis ad numerum pertinentibus,
14
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
They say that this is as long as any of St. Paul's epistles,
excepting the epistle to the Romans, the two epistles to the
Corinthians, and that to the Hebrews. I may add another
thought: that according to our computation this is the third
apostolical epistle, written by St. Paul, and is much longer
than either of those to the Thessalonians, which had been
written before. However, undoubtedly, the apostle has re-
gard to the quantity of his own hand-writing. The rest of
his epistles were written by others, while he dictated, (as is
generally done by eminent men, much engaged,) and him-
self wrote only a few words, or sentences, at the end:
whereas this epistle was all in his own hand-writing.
And the original word is elsewhere used for epistle, or
letter. Acts xxviii. 21, "We have not received letters
out of Judea concerning thee."
So far therefore as I am able to judge, our English ver-
sion is very right. "Ye see how large a letter I have
written unto you with my own hand."
X
That is "Beza's translation. Le Clerc, in his French
Testament, and y Beausobre, translate in the like manner.
In Beausobre's remarks upon the New Testament, pub-
lished after his death, is this note upon the text we are
considering : • “ How a large a letter, πηλικοις γραμμασι.
Some, says Theodoret, explain this of the largeness of the
' letters, others, that the letter was ill written, as if the apos-
tle had said: "I have written to you with my own hand,
though I do not write well." St. Jerom, in his commentary
upon this place, says, he had heard somewhat of the like
• kind from somebody. But he does not seem to approve of
"
Π
poni solere, quemadmodum et Græcum roro utroque sensu usurpetur.-
Longius autem a vero aberrant, qui тo πηλukos ad designandam characte
rum,' quibus usus sit, magnitudinem,' spectare putant, ut nλika yрaµµатa
sint literæ majusculæ.--Addit [Le Cene] Apostolum hanc epistolam non
potuisse appellare πŋŋv respectu longitudinis, cum longiores scripserit alias.
Imo vero scriptionem non tam multorum verborum, quam quod eam totam
suâ manu scripserat, qui alias cæteris pauca quædam subscribere consueverit,
longam appellat. Præterea hæc ad Galatas, si tres priores, et unam ad He-
bræos exceperis, reliquas omnes longitudine excedit. Wolf. in loc.
X
Εμεις ετε γραμματα περι σε εδεξαμεθα απο της Ιεδαίας.
Videtis quam longis literis vobis scripserim meâ manu.
Bez.
× Voyez quelle grande lettre je vous ai écrite de ma main. Le Clerc.
› Voyez quelle grande lettre je vous ai écrite de ma propre main. B.
* Quelle grande lettre.' Quelques uns, dit Théodoret, expliquoient ce
mot de la grandeur des lettres, et d'autres de ce que la lettre étoit mal écrite,
les caractéres mauvais: Je vous ai écrit de ma main, quoique j'écrive mal.'
St. Jérom, dans son Commentaire sur cet endroit dit avoir oui dire quelque
chose d'approchant, à quelqu'un dont il ne paroit pas approver la pensée.
Beaus. Remarques sur le N. T. p. 466.
St. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians.
15
a
' it.' I transcribe at length below the passage referred to.
But Jerom, having mentioned that observation of some learn-
ed man of his time, does himself seem to trifle, when he adds,
• That St. Paul's letter to the Galatians was great for the
'sense. And so were all his letters, though short.' How-
ever, this interpretation may be approved by some. It is in
the note of Beza, above transcribed.
SECT. IV.
The First Epistle to the Corinthians.
The first Epistle to the Corinthians was written at Ephe-
sus, as all may perceive. Says the apostle, 1 Cor. xvi. 8,
9," But I will tarry at Ephesus, until Pentecost. For a
great door and effectual is opened unto me.
And there are
many adversaries." And ver. 19,
And ver. 19, he says: "The churches
of Asia salute you. Aquila and Priscilla salute you much
in the Lord." Those two good christians had come with
Paul from Corinth to Ephesus, when he was first there, and
stayed but a short time, as appears from Acts xviii. 18,
19. And there they continued, as we suppose, till after
Paul left Ephesus, to go into Macedonia.
e
This epistle is placed by Pearson in the year 57. Mill
thinks it was written before the passover of the year 57.
According to our computation of St. Paul's times and
travels, this epistle was written at Ephesus, in the spring of
the year 56. Which was also the opinion of the French
a
f
• Videte qualibus literis scripsi vobis:' non quod grandes literæ fuerint,
[hoc quippe in Græco sonat nλikoiç,] sed quod suæ manûs essent eis nota
vestigia; ut, dum literarum apices recognoscunt, ipsum se putarent videre, qui
scripserat. In hoc loco vir apprime nostris temporibus eruditus, miror quo-
modo rem ridiculam loquutus sit. Paulus, inquit, Hebræus erat, et Græcas
• literas nesciebat. Et quia necessitas expetebat, ut manu suâ epistolam sub-
scriberet, contra consuetudinem curvos tramites literarum exprimebat: etiam
in hoc suæ ad Galatas indicia caritatis ostendens, quod propter illos id quo-
que, quod non poterat, facere conaretur.' Grandibus ergo Paulus literis
scripsit epistolam, quia sensus erat grandis in literis.- Grandes Paulus literas
non solum tunc ad Galatas, sed etiam hodie scribit ad cunctos: et quamvis
parvi sint apices, quibus ejus epistolæ conscribuntur, tamen magnæ sunt literæ,
quia in literis magnus est sensus. Hieron. Comm. in Gal. T. IV. p. 315.
b See note ¹,
p. 13.
tolam, cum Sosthene respondens
Paulin. p. 15. Anno lvii.
c Scribat primam ad Corinthios epis-
epistolæ Corinthorum. Pearson. Ann.
d Quando igitur? Haud diu sane
antequam ex Asià abiret anno æræ vulgaris, lvii. et quidem ante illius anni
festum paschale. Proleg. num. 9.
e See Vol. v. ch. xi.
f La i. Epitre aux Corinthiens fut écrite d'Ephèse au printemps de l'année
56. Préf. Gén. sur les Ep. de S. Paul. sect. 45. p. 27.
16
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
commentators before named, L'Enfant and Beausobre. Some
have argued from ch. v. 7,
"For Christ, our passover, is
sacrificed for us," that it was now the time of the Jewish
passover, or that it was just over. But to me it seems, that
the apostle might make use of that expression, and build an
argument or exhortation upon it in any part of the year.
And when a year was begun, he might speak of staying
where he was, till some distant feast. And supposing the
epistle to have been written early in the spring, he might
think of continuing at Ephesus till Pentecost. This letter
was carried to Corinth by Stephanus, Fortunatus, and Acha-
ichus, mentioned, 1 Cor. xvi. 17, 18, who had come to the
apostle from the Corinthians, and are supposed to have
brought a letter with them. See 1 Cor. vii. 1. It was af-
ter writing this epistle, that the tumult happened, which was
caused by Demetrius. For as Lightfoots says: Between
ver. 22 and 23 of this xixth chapter of the Acts falleth in
'the time of St. Paul's writing the first epistle to the Corin-
thians.' Consequently this epistle was sent away before
the tumult raised by Demetrius, and other silversmiths, re-
lated by St. Luke, Acts xix. 23-41, nevertheless, after Paul
had fought with beasts at Ephesus, as he says, 1 Cor. xv.
32. When that tumult of Demetrius was appeased, Paul
seems to have been at rest. And though he did not judge
it prudent to stay any longer there, he took leave of his
friends with deliberation. "And after the uproar was
ceased, Paul called unto him the disciples, and embraced
them, and departed for to go into Macedonia," Acts xx. 1.
<
The first epistle to the Corinthians, therefore, according to
our account, was written at Ephesus, in the beginning, or
the spring, of the year 56.
SECT, V.
The First Epistle to Timothy.
k
1
n
The first epistle to Timothy was written, according to
h Pearson, Whitby, Basnage, Cave, m Fabricius, Mill,
and others, in the year of Christ 64 or 65, some while after
St. Paul's release from his confinement at Rome. In ° Light-
foot this is the epistle written next after the first to the
8 Vol. I. p. 299.
I
Wh. in his preface to the epistle.
1 Cay. H. L. in Paulo.
Proleg. num. 123.
¹
Pearson, Annal. Paulin. An. 64. p. 22.
k Ann. 62. n. vii.
m Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap. v. T. III. p. 157.
• See Harmony of the N. T. Vol. i.
p. 307
St. Paul's first Epistle to Timothy.
17
S
Corinthians. It is the same in P Baronius and 9 Estius. Who
say, that this epistle was written in Macedonia, when Paul
was there the second time. In this date agree in the main
Dr. Benson, and Dr Doddridge. This also was the opinion
of Hammond, as may be seen in his preface to this epistle.
Witsius, after having considered the reasons of Lightfoot
and Pearson in behalf of their several opinions, hesitates,t
and cannot say exactly when this epistle was written:
though he does not judge it needful to defer it so long as
Pearson did, that is, till after St. Paul's deliverance from his
imprisonment at Rome. Lewis Capellus was in doubt which
was first written, whether" the second epistle to the Corin-
thians, or the first epistle to Timothy. However, he thinks
that both were written not long after St. Paul had left Ephe-
sus, to go into Macedonia. Consequently his opinion was
not very different from that of Lightfoot, Baronius, and Es-
tius, before recited.
According to Theodoret, in his general preface to St.
Paul's epistles, the first four are the two epistles to the
Thessalonians, and the first and second to the Corinthians.
'The fifth, says he, is the first epistle to Timothy. For af-
• ter the introduction he says: "As I besought thee to abide
'still at Ephesus, when I went into Macedonia, that thou
'mightest charge some, that they receive no other doctrine,"
· 1 Tim. i. 3. It is manifest therefore, that when Paul went
'the second time into Macedonia, he left the most excellent
P An. 57. n. 187.
¶ Scripta est autem hæc epistola, posteaquam Paulus, Epheso relictâ, sicut
habetur initio xx. cap. Actorum, profectus est in Macedoniam. Id quod ip-
sius epistolæ verba statim initio declarant. Unde cum Cardinale Baronio col-
ligimus, in Macedoniâ scriptam esse. Est. arg. 1. ep. ad Timoth. p. 758.
r
s See
History, &c. B. 3. ch. vii. sect. v. p. 167, &c. first edit. p. 184, &c. sec.
edit. See also his preface to the first ep. to Tim. sect. iii.
Family Expositor, Vol. III. p. 305. note e, p 319, note b, p. 332, note r.
t Non tamen æque constat, scriptionem epistolæ differendam esse ad solu-
tionem Pauli a Romanis vinculis. Neque enim omnia Pauli itinera descripsit
Lucas, sed notabiliora quædam.--Pronuntiemus itaque, de tempore, quo
scripta est prior Pauli ad Timotheum epistola, non liquere. Wits. de Vit. Paul.
sect. 9. num. v.
" Posterior ad eosdem Corinthios epistola, et
prior ad Timotheum, certant de proprietate, et sub judice lis est. Utraque
autem scripta est paulo postquam Paulus Epheso discessisset, adeoque dum
Macedoniam peragraret. Sed utrâ tempore præcedat, non liquet. Lud. Cap.
Hist. Ap. p. 72.
Πεμπτην ἡγεμαι των προς Τιμοθεον την
προτεραν. Μετα γαρ δε το προοιμιον ετω φησι Καθως παρεκάλεσα σε προστ
μεινα εν Εφεσῳ, πορευόμενος εις Μακεδονιαν.--Δηλον τοινυν, ὡς ἡνικα το
δευτερον απο της Εφεσε παρεγινετο εις Μακεδονιαν ὁ μακαριος Παυλος, τοτε
τον παντα αριςον Τιμοθεον εκει καταλελοιπεν, εις επιμελειαιν των δεξαμενων το
σwпiv învyμа. Præf. in ep. Paul. T. III. p. 3, 4.
VOL. VI.
V
C
18
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Timothy at Ephesus, to take care of those who had received
'the salutary doctrine.'
I shall now endeavour to show at length the grounds of
this opinion.
St. Luke expressly says, Acts xx. 1, " And after the up-
roar was ceased, Paul called unto him the disciples, and
embraced them, and departed for to go into Macedonia.
And St. Paul says, in the place just cited, 1 Tim. i. 3, “As
I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus, when I went into
Macedonia." And St. Luke informs us, ch. xix. 21, 22.
"After these things were ended, Paul purposed in spirit,
when he had passed through Macedonia and Achaia, to go
to Jerusalem. So he sent into Macedonia two of thein
that ministered unto him, Timothy and Erastus. But he
himself stayed in Asia for some season. Then follows an
account of the tumult at Ephesus. Some while after those
messengers, Timothy and Erastus, were gone to Macedonia
and Greece, Paul, as it seems, wrote and sent away his first
letter to the Corinthians. From which letter we plainly
perceive, that Timothy was in those parts. For so it is said
in 1 Cor. iv. 17, "For this cause have I sent unto you Ti-
mothy." And ch. xvi. 10, 11, " Now, if Timothy come, see
that he may be with you without fear. Let no man there-
fore despise him, but conduct him forth in peace, that he
may come unto me. For I look for him with the brethren.”
Whence it appears, that at concluding that letter Paul was
in expectation of Timothy's return to Ephesus. And very
probably he did return before Paul went thence. Moreover
St. Luke said just now, that after Timothy and Erastus had
been sent into Macedonia, " Paul himself staid in Asia for
a season."
St. Paul, in the place above cited, says, 1 Tim. i. 3, that
he "besought Timothy to abide still at Ephesus, when he
went into Macedonia." Does not that term, beseeching, or
entreating Timothy, imply some difficulty in the service
required of him? And do we not see, what apprehensions
Timothy might be under upon being left at Ephesus, where
Paul had met with much opposition, and some very lately?
'A soft word,' says Beza upon the place, to be used by
one of much superior authority.' But if we consider the
dangers of our supposed time, we may see the reason of
Paul's speaking in that manner to Timothy.
6
W
6
Пαρɛкαλɛσα, sum precatus, vel hortatus.'] Blando vocabulo utitur sin-
gulare modestiæ exemplum relinquens quibusvis, in maximâ etiam auctoritate
constitutis. Bez. in loc.
St. Paul's first Epistle to Timothy.
19
Again. 1 Tim. iii. 14, 15, " These things write I unto
thee, hoping to come unto thee shortly. But if I tarry long,
that thou mayest know how thou oughtest to behave thyself
in the house of God." Words which mightily suit the pre-
sent time. St. Paul went into Macedonia, with a design to
forward the collections for the poor saints in Judea, and
then to go to Jerusalem. And it may be well supposed, that
he had then hopes of calling in at Ephesus, in his way to
Judea, and there seeing Timothy. However, he could not
yet say the time. Which also is plainly agreeable to the
apostle's circumstances at this season. For we perceive
from what St. Luke writes in the Acts, and from the second
epistle to the Corinthians, written some while afterwards in
Macedonia, that Paul was not then able long before hand
to fix resolutions about the time of journies to be under-
taken by him.
Farther, the time assigned by Pearson, and those who
agree with him, must be wrong. It appears from Acts xx.
17—that when Paul was going to Jerusalem in the former
part of the year 58, there were elders at Ephesus, and pro-
bably in the neighbouring cities of Asia. But when Paul
wrote this epistle, there seems to have been a want of such
officers at Ephesus, or thereabout. For a main design of it
appears to be, to instruct Timothy in the proper qualifica-
tions of such men, and to admonish him to use great care
and caution in the choice of them.
Once more, I am of opinion, that the second epistle to
Timothy was written soon after Paul had been brought to
Rome a prisoner from Judea. Therefore, if this epistle be
prior to it, it must have been written before Paul went to
Jerusalem, with the contributions of the christians of Greece,
and Macedonia, and other places.
There is, however, a difficulty attending our supposition.
For Timothy is joined with Paul in the inscription at the
beginning of the second epistle to the Corinthians, gene-
rally allowed to have been written in Macedonia. And in
Acts xx. 4, Timothy is mentioned among those who accom-
panied Paul into Asia, when he was going to Jerusalem with
the above-mentioned contributions. All which may induce
some to think, that either Timothy did not return to Paul,
before he left Ephesus, or that Paul took Timothy with him,
when he went into Macedonia.
To which I answer: we have showed it to be very pro-
bable that Timothy returned to Ephesus before Paul left it.
The apostle therefore might send Timothy this letter from
Macedonia, and afterwards send for him, to come thither to
A
c 2
20
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
him, having some special occasion for his assistance. And
though this was not entirely agreeable to the apostle, he
might be the rather disposed to it, hoping, that as he went
to Jerusalem, he should have an opportunity to leave Timo-
thy at Ephesus. Which, as I apprehend, he did, when he
came to Miletus.
Farther, this difficulty is very much abated by the account
formerly given of this period of our apostle's history. For
it was then shown, that there was a space of almost two
years between St. Paul's going from Ephesus, when he went
into Macedonia, and his coming to Troas, in the way to Je-
rusalem. Timothy therefore may have resided at Ephesus
above a year, and yet be with the apostle at the writing of
the second epistle to the Corinthians, which was not sent to
them till near the end of the year 57.
Dr. Benson* supposeth this epistle to have been written
at Troas, soon after the apostle was come from Ephesus.
And indeed many learned men think, that Paul now went
into Macedonia by the way of Troas. This has been col-
lected from 2 Cor. ii. 12, 13. But that appears to me a
difficult text. And it may be disputed, whether Paul there
refers to his journey from Ephesus. For it is difficult to
conceive, how the apostle could have reason to expect Ti-
tus at Troas at that season: considering, that his removal
from Ephesus had been sudden, or, however, somewhat
sooner than he had intended. How then was it possible for
him to have made an appointment for Titus to meet him at
Troas punctually at the time of his arrival there.
But allowing Paul to have gone from Ephesus to Mace-
donia by the way of Troas, it will not follow, that this epis-
tle was written there. It may be concluded from 1 Tim. i.
3, that the apostle was now in Macedonia, or had been there,
since he left Ephesus. Accordingly, Lightfoot, Baronius,
and Estius, before named, suppose this epistle to have been
written in Macedonia. Says Y Lightfoot: It is apparent
'from 1 Tim. i. 3, that this epistle was written after Paul's
setting out from Ephesus for Macedonia.-Now it can-
not be conceived to have been written when he was going
toward Macedonia. For then he was but newly parted
'from Timothy. And it is not likely, that he would so
'write to him, when he was but newly come from him.
4
• Therefore it cannot but be concluded, that this epistle was
written whilst he was in Macedonia, or the parts there-
* See his preface to the first epistle to Timothy, sect. iii.
y Harmony of N. T. Vol. i. p. 307.
St. Paul's Epistle to Titus.
21
' about, at this time that we are upon.' To which I readily
assent.
I shall add only what is also already hinted by Light-
foot, that it is very improbable, that the apostle should use
those expressions, 1 Tim. iii. 14, " hoping to come and see
thee shortly," before he had been in Macedonia. St. Paul
was much more likely to say this, when he had been some
months absent from Ephesus, than when he had been come
away but a few days only.
I should now say more particularly when this epistle was
written. And I think it must have been written in the year
56. In the beginning of that year, according to our account,
Paul wrote the first epistle to the Corinthians. Before Pen-
tecost in that year he left Ephesus. And before the end of
that year, I suppose, he might write this epistle to Timothy.
The place is not absolutely certain. Before writing this
epistle the apostle had been in Macedonia, since he left
Ephesus. But whether he was now in that country, cannot,
I apprehend, be fully determined by those expressions, I
Tim. i. 3. However, this may be reckoned very likely, that
the apostle was either in Macedonia, or near it. Lewis Ca-
pellus, as before observed, was in doubt which was first
written, this epistle, or the second to the Corinthians. About
that I have no doubt. We shall soon see clear proof, that
the second epistle to the Corinthians was written not long
before the end of the year 57. This first epistle to Timothy
was written in the year 56, and probably, some good while
before the end of it.
Z
SECT. VI.
The Epistle to Titus.
Says Theodoret immediately after what was transcribed
from him above concerning the first epistle to Timothy :
'After that, as I think, was written the epistle to Titus.
For being still in those parts, he desired Titus to come to
him, saying: "When I shall send unto thee Artemas, or
Tychicus, be diligent to come to me at Nicopolis. For I
• have determined to winter there," Tit. iii. 12. They say,
'that Nicopolis is a city of Thrace, nigh unto Macedonia.'
<
6
* Μετα ταυτην ὑπολαμβάνω την προς Τιτον γεγραφθαι εν εκείνοις γαρ ετι
διαγων τοις μερεσι, καταλαβειν αυτόν παρηγγύησε. Λέγει δε έτως οταν
πέμψω Αρτεμαν.--Την δε Νικοπολιν Θρακικην μεν πολιν ειναι φασι, τη dε
Makɛdovia weλalty. Theod. T. III. p. 4. C.
22
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
•
So writes Theodoret in his general preface to St. Paul's
epistles. And in his note upon Tit. iii. 12, he says, Nico-
polisa is a city of Thrace, nigh unto Macedonia. It is
'manifest therefore, that he wrote this epistle when he was
' in Macedonia and Achaia.'
Following the opinion of this learned ancient, which I
think to be very right, the epistle to Titus was written in
the year 56, and Paul spent the winter of that year at Nico-
polis.
b
If it be asked, when was Paul in Crete? I answer, in
general, a short time before he wrote this epistle, as may
appear from those words: "For this cause left I thee in
Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are
wanting, and ordain elders in every city, as I appointed
thee," ch. i. 5. More particularly, I suppose, that Paul had
been in Crete in this year 56, since he came from Ephesus,
to g'o into Macedonia. About this time, I think, he was in
Crete and Illyricum, as well as in Macedonia. But as I do
not indulge myself in making conjectures, I do not attempt
to describe the order of the apostle's voyages. It was be-
fore shown to be probable, that between Paul's leaving
Ephesus in the spring of the year 56, and his coming to
Troas, after the passover, in the year 58, in his way to Jeru-
salem, there was the space of about two years. In that time
Paul might do, and probably did, more than is particularly
related by St. Luke. Few learned men, considering the
conciseness of St. Luke's manner of writing, can make any
difficulty to allow, that he has not related all the apostle's
journies. It is observable, that Titus was the person who
was sent by Paul into Dalmatia, when he was come to Rome.
As it appears from 2 Tim. iv. 10. Which may be reckoned
an argument that he had been there before.
About this time the epistle to Titus was written, according
to the opinion of divers learned men, to whom I refer: as
d Baronius, Capellus, f Hammond, and & Lightfoot. Estiush
a
€
с
Της Θρακης εσιν ἡ Νικοπολις, τη δε Μακεδονια πελαζει. Δηλον τοινυν
ὡς κατ' εκείνον τον καιρον, καθ' όν εν τη Μακεδονία και Αχαιᾳ διέτριβεν, εγραψε
b See Vol. v. ch. xi.
Tηv επisoληv. Ibid. p. 515, A.
Neque enim
omnia Pauli itinera descripsit Lucas, sed notabiliora quædam. Wits. de Vità
Pauli. Sect. 9. num. v.
d Baron. Ann. 57. num. ccix.
e Lud. Capell. Hist. Ap. p. 16. et 66. Vid. et Jacob. Cap. Compend. in
Apost. Hist. Chronol. Tab.
f Præf. in ep. ad Tit.
8 Lightfoot's Works, Vol. i. p. 309, 310.
hæc epistola, non liquet, nec facile ex Actis
non legatur Paulus Cretam ingressus fuisse.
Apostoli, quia vinculorum hic nulla mentio.
‘nim statui hiemare,' plane significat, non esse
h Quando scripta sit
Apost. colligi potest, quod in iis
Verisimile est, ante captivitatem
Imo, cum dicit cap. iii. ibi e-
vinctum. Est. Argum. ep. ad. Tit.
St. Paul's Epistle to Titus.
23
could not determine the time of this epistle exactly: but he
thought it was written before the apostle's imprisonment at
Jerusalem and Rome.
Cave in his Historia Literaria placeth this epistle in the
year 63. But, when he wrote the lives of the apostles, hek
supposed it to have been written soon after the first epistle
to the Corinthians.
Mill' placeth this epistle in the year 64. Pearson in 65.
Paul having, as he supposes, been in Crete, and left Titus
there the year before, that is, in 64. And many others may
be of the same opinion.
But this appears to me too late a date. All that is said
of Paul's going into Spain, and Crete, and some other places,
after being released from his imprisonment at Rome, is mere
conjecture, without any good authority, either from the
books of the New Testament, or very early antiquity. It is
not likely that Paul, who in his epistle to Philemon calls
himself" aged," should after that undertake new work. It
is more probable, that he went to such places, where he had
been before, and where he had disciples already: as he inti-
mates in his epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians, Phi-
lemon, the Hebrews. Nor is it at all likely, that the Cretans
should have been so long without being instructed in the
doctrine of the gospel, as Pearson supposeth.
I have already shown the most probable date of the first
epistle to Timothy. It is likely, that the epistle to Titus was
written about the same time. For the state of things in both
appears to be very similar. In both are instructions con-
cerning the qualifications of elders, or bishops, and deacons.
So 1 Tim. iii. and Tit. i. Nor is it reasonable to think that
Paul should have occasion, so late as the year 64 or 65, to
send to his assistants and fellow-labourers such particular
directions concerning that matter, as are in these two epistles.
It is probable, that instructions of that kind had been given
sooner. Moreover, the like errors are guarded against in
both these epistles. 1 Tim. i. 4, "Neither give heed to fa-
bles, and endless genealogies. Ch. iv. 7," But refuse
profane and old wives' fables."--Ch. vi. 20, “ Avoiding
profane and vain babblings."--Tit. iii. 9," But avoid fool-
I
· Epistola ad Titum--data anno 63, e medio aliquo loco inter Macedoni-
am et Nicopolim. Illic enim hiemare decreverat. H. L. in Paulo.
k See there the Life of St. Paul, sect iv. num. ix.
1 Proleg.
num. 122.
Ann. Paulin. p. 20-22.
n Non verisimile est, ad illud usque tempus ignoratum fuisse Christum in
Cretâ; quum tota Achaia, Macedonia, Asia, Cyprus, Syria, personarent evan-
gelii præconio. Wits. de Vitâ Pauli, sect. v. num. i.
24
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
ish questions, and genealogies, and contentions, and strivings
about the law. For they are unprofitable and vain." See
also ch. i. 10-14. In both are like directions for paying a
proper regard to civil magistrates, 1 Tim. ii. 1–6, and Tit.
iii. 1-3. There are also like directions concerning relative
duties, particularly those of masters and servants, 1 Tim.
vi. 1, 2; Tit. ii. 9, 10. Timothy and Titus are in a like
manner exhorted to take heed to themselves and their doc-
trine, and to be examples of virtue, 1 Tim. i. 18, 19; iv. 6,
16; Tit. ii. 1-8. I might add, that near the conclusion of
each epistle the practice of good works is in a very similar
manner enjoined upon the converts to christianity.
It appears from many texts of the second epistle to the
Corinthians, written in Macedonia, that about this time Paul
had the assistance of Titus in those parts. And Tychicus,
mentioned Tit. iii. 12, was likewise with Paul at this time:
for he was one of the company that went with him into Asia,
Acts xx. 4. And therefore, probably, not he, but Artemas,
had been sent into Crete, to relieve Titus. Moreover, Apol-
los was at Ephesus, a little before Paul left that city, to go
into Macedonia. That is manifest from 1 Cor. xvi. 12. And
it may be reckoned very probable, that he did not stay long
at Ephesus after Paul: but either went with him into Mace-
donia, or came into those parts soon afterwards. So that
Paul might now have occasion to recommend him to Titus,
in Crete, together with Zenas, Tit. iii. 13.
There are not in this epistle any tokens of Paul's great
age, or of his being near the period of his ministry. He is
plainly at liberty at the time of writing this epistle. Nor
are there any intimations of his having as yet endured any
long imprisonment.
This letter may be the shorter, because probably, Paul had
lately written at length upon the same subject to Timothy.
Moreover, Titus was older, and might have more experi-
ence. Chrysostom judged the brevity of this epistle to be
an argument of the ability of Titus. He did not need a
long exhortation. A few hints were sufficient.
St. Paul says, Tit. iii. 12,
Tit. iii. 12, "When I shall send Artemas
unto thee, or Tychicus, be diligent to come to me at Nico-
polis. For I have determined there to winter." Thereby
Theodoret understood Nicopolis in Thrace, as seen above.
So likewise Chrysostom. But Jerom supposed the apos-
βραχειαν δε ποιεί την επιτολήν, εικότως.
Τιτε τεκμηριον ην, το μη δεισθαι λογων πολλων,
In Tit. hom. i. tom. XI. p. 730. B.
εɩ. Chrys. in Tit. hom. 6. ib. p. 766. B.
Και τετο δε της αρετης τε
αλλ' ώσπερ τινος ὑπομνήσεως.
Ἡ δ' Νικοπολις της Θράκης
1 Scribit igitur Apostolus
P
St. Paul's second Epistle to the Corinthians.
25
tle to mean Nicopolis in Epirus. Neither of these interpre-
tations is any prejudice to our argument. In which soever
of those countries Nicopolis was situated, the apostle was as
likely to be there at the time supposed by us, as at any
other.
At Nicopolis the apostle wintered, in the year 56, accord-
ing to my computation. Consequently, this letter was written
some time before, in the year 56. When the winter was
over, Paul came into Macedonia, where he had been before,
since he came from Ephesus. From Macedonia he came
into Greece.
SECT. VII.
The Second Epistle to the Corinthians.
Whilst the apostle was in Macedonia, at this time, he wrote
the second epistle to the Corinthians, A. D. 57.
Concerning this there can be no doubt, if we attend to the
epistle itself. From which it plainly appears, that the apos-
tle was then in Macedonia, and was going to Greece, parti-
cularly to Corinth. So 2 Cor. ix. 1-5. "For as touching
the ministering to the saints, it is superfluous for me to write
unto you. For I know the forwardness of your mind, for
which I boast of you to them of Macedonia: that Achaia was
ready a year ago- Yet have I sent the brethren- -lest
haply, if they of Macedonia come with me, and find you un-
prepared, we (that we say not you) should be ashamed in this
same confident boasting. Therefore I thought it necessary
to exhort the brethren, that they would go before unto you
and make up beforehand your bounty."-See also ch. viii.
and ch. xiii. 1, “This is the third time I am coming to you."
According to Pearson, this epistle was written in Mace-
donia, in the year 57; according to Mill, near the end of that
year. I likewise think that it was written in the year 57,
probably, in September, or October. For the apostle,
plainly, was soon to go to Corinth, where he might arrive,
as I apprehend, in November.
S
I suppose it was now above a year since writing the first
ô Paula et Eustochium, de Nicopoli, quæ, in Actiaco littore sita, nunc posses-
sionis vestræ pars vel maxima est, &c. Hieron. Pr. in ep. ad Tit. T. IV. P. I.
p. 407.
Nicopolis ipsa est, quæ ob victoriam Augusti, quod ibi Antonium et Cleo-
patram superârit, nomen accepit. Id. in Tit. cap. iii. ib. p. 439.
· Annal. Paulin. p. 15. A. D. lvii.
detur, anni æræ vulgaris lvii. Proleg. num. 21.
-sub finem, ut vi-
26
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
t
epistle to the Corinthians. The reasons of that supposition
were mentioned formerly. And need not to be repeated
here.
Timothy was with Paul at writing this epistle: for his
name is in the inscription. It is likely that he had come
from Ephesus to the apostle in Macedonia, either upon oc-
casion of some affairs of that church, or at the desire of the
apostle, who needed his assistance. As before said.
W
SECT. VIII.
The Epistle to the Romans.
The epistle to the Romans is dated by Pearson in the
year 57, by Mill in the year 58. According to our compu-
tation of Paul's journies there can be no reason to hesitate
about either the time or the place of this epistle. It was
written at Corinth in the beginning of the year 58, before
Paul set out on his journey to Jerusalem.
As St. Luke's few words in Acts xx. 1, 2, 3, afford great
light, and are a sure guide, I recite them here. "And after
the uproar was ceased, Paul called unto him the disciples,
and embraced them, and departed" [from Ephesus]" for to
go into Macedonia. And when he had gone over those parts,
and given them much exhortation, he came into Greece.
And there abode three months." In the space of these three
months was written the epistle to the Romans.
According to Theodoret the epistle to the Romans is the
seventh in order of time, having been written by the apostle
after the two epistles to the Thessalonians, and to the Corin-
thians, the first to Timothy, and the epistle to Titus. He
adds, That the epistle to the Romans was written from
Corinth, is manifest from the conclusion. For there the
'apostle recommends Phoebe, calling her "deaconess of
* See Vol. v. ch. xi.
" Fateor, cum Paulus esset in Macedo-
niâ, unâ cum illo fuisse Timotheum, 2 Cor. i. 1; et postquam hyemem tran-
segisset in Epiro, Tit. iii. 12, ac per tres menses commoratus in Græciâ, Act.
xx. 2, 3, reversusque esset in Macedoniam, illi adfuisse Timotheum, Act. xx.
4, ac recta cum illo ivisse Troadem. Quæ omnia contingere potuerunt, post-
quam Paulus reliquisset Timotheum Ephesi; ex quâ urbe tamen iverit ad
Paulum, sive propter negotia Ephesinæ ecclesiæ, de quibus Paulum consuli
ab eo oporteret, vel ut pareret Paulo, quem, ut videmus, et postea invisit, lon-
giore itinere, Romam usque, 2 Tim. iv. 9. Hammond. Præf. in 1 ep. Ti-
moth. ex versione Clerici,
▾ Annal. Paulin. p. 15.
Έβδομην την προς Ρωμαιος επεστειλε
μετα γαρ δη ταύτας απασας ταυτην αυτος γεγραφεναι διδασκει. κ. λ. Theod.
T. III. p. 4. C.
y Ibid. p. 5.
W
Proleg. num. 26.
X
St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans.
27
•
6
:
(
6
the church in Cenchrea," which was a borough of the
Corinthians, Rom. xvi. 1. Besides, he says: "Ga us, my
host, and of the whole church, saluteth you," ver. 23. By
'host he means the person who entertained him. And that
Gaius was a Corinthian we learn from the first epistle to
'the Corinthians. For thus he writes to them: “ I thank
• God that I baptized none of you, but Crispus and Gaius,”
1 Cor. i. 14. The epistle to the Romans therefore is the
last of the epistles written from Asia, and Macedonia, and
'Achaia: and is the seventh in order, as has been shown.
The rest were sent from Rome.' So Theodoret. Who
might have added, as a proof that this epistle was written
at Corinth, what follows in ver. 23, " Erastus, the chamber-
lain of the city, saluteth you." For by the city I suppose
to be meant Corinth. But whether this Erastus be the same
who is mentioned by St. Luke, Acts xix. 22, as one of St.
Paul's assistants, I cannot say certainly.
The time of writing this epistle is farther manifest hence.
It was written after that Paul had completed his collections
in Macedonia, and Achaia, and when he was setting out for
Jerusalem. For so he writes, ch. xv. 25, 26, “But now I
go unto Jerusalem, to minister unto the saints. For it has
pleased them of Macedonia and Achaia to make a certain
contribution for the poor saints which are in Jerusalem.”
――ver. 30, 31, "Now I beseech you, brethren,——that
ye strive together with me, in prayers to God for me: that
I may be delivered from them that do not believe in Judea,
and that my service, which I have for Jerusalem, may be
accepted of the saints."
Consequently, it is probable, that it was now near the end
of the three months, that the apostle staid in Greece.
Whence "he returned to Macedonia, and after the days of
unleavened bread sailed from Philippi to Troas," upon the
continent of Asia, Acts xx. 3–6. And then went to Jeru-
salem, where he arrived about the time of Pentecost in the
year 58.
If St. Paul came to Corinth in November 57, the epistle
to the Romans might be sent thence in the month of Febru-
ary, in the year 58.
SECT. IX.
The Epistle to the Ephesians.
Concerning St. Paul's epistles, written during his impri-
sonment at Rome, particularly the epistle to the Ephesians.
28
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Soon after writing the epistle to the Romans, as was be-
fore hinted, Paul set out from Corinth, on his journey to
Jerusalem. In a short time after his arrival there, he was
apprehended. And he was kept a prisoner in that country
till he was sent to Rome.
Z
During his stay in Judea, we know not of his correspond-
ing with any churches, or particular persons, by writing.
But at Rome, though a prisoner, he wrote divers letters.
Grotius says, that though all St. Paul's epistles are excel-
lent, he most admires those written by him when a prisoner
at Rome. And of the epistle to the Ephesians he says, ita
surpasseth all human eloquence.
:
It is generally supposed, that St. Paul wrote there four
epistles to the Ephesians, the Philippians, the Colossians,
and Philemon. Jerom has twiceb spoken of these four epis-
tles, as written at Rome. Theodoret having spoken of the
epistle to the Romans, as the seventh in order, and the last of
those that were sent from Asia, Macedonia, and Achaia,
says: The rest were sent from Rome: the first of which Í
take to be that written to the Galatians.' Lightfoot like-
wise supposed the epistle to the Galatians to have been writ-
ten at Rome, and the first of those that were written there.
That is a wrong computation, as must appear from what has
been already said. But beside the four above mentioned,
the second epistle to Timothy might be written at this sea-
son. The epistle to the Hebrews likewise, if it be Paul's,
was probably written about this time, either during the
apostle's imprisonment, or soon after it, before he left Rome
and Italy.
St. Paul's imprisonment, from the time of his being appre-
hended at Jerusalem, to his coming to Rome, was the space
of almost, or quite three years. For a short time he was
confined in the castle of Antonia at Jerusalem. Thence he
was sent to Cæsarea by the sea-side, the seat of the Roman
governor, who at that time was Felix. Where he was kept
a
* Omnes epistolæ Pauli egregiæ sunt; sed omnium in primis, quæ Româ
ex vinculis missæ sunt. Gr. Pr. in ep. ad Col.
-rerum sub-
limitatem adæquans verbis sublimioribus, quam ulla unquam habuit lingua
humana. Grot. Pr. in ep. ad Eph.
b Quod Romæ in vincula
conjectus, hanc epistolam miserit eo tempore, quo ad Philemonem, et ad Co-
lossenses, et ad Philippenses, in alio loco scriptas esse monstravimus. Hieron.
in Eph. cap. iii. T. IV. p. 347.
с
Scribit igitur ad Philemonem Romæ vinctus in carcere, quo tempore mihi
videntur ad Philippenses, Colossenses, et Ephesios epistolæ esse dictatæ. In
Philem. ib. p. 445. in.
- Τας γαρ δη αλλας απο της Ρώμης
επέςειλε και πρωτην μεν ἡγεμαι την προς Γαλατας γραφηναι. T. III. p. 5.
d Lightf. Vol. i. p. 323.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians.
29
in Herod's judgment-hall, Acts xxiii. 35. And though af-
terwards there was an order for enlarging the first strictness
of his custody," and that his acquaintance should be per-
mitted to come to him, and minister to him," ch. xxiv. 23,
I suppose he was still confined in the above-mentioned pri-
son. And, perhaps, this new order imported little more, than
leave for his friends to bring him needful refreshments, and
take care of his health. It does not appear, that during the
space of two years and several months, whilst he was in Ju-
dea, he wrote any letters, or received any, as before inti-
mated. Says Wall: Those two years of imprisonment
• under Felix seem to have been the most unactive part of
• St. Paul's life. There is no account of any preachings,_or
disputations, or of any epistles written in this space.
"
In-
deed, considering the violent opposition made by the Jews
throughout the whole space of the apostle's being in that
country, I apprehend there was no attempt made by Paul,
or his friends, to procure him intelligence from the christian
churches abroad and that the Roman governor could not
allow of any such thing. He would rather have set Paul at
liberty, and let him go quite away. But when Paul was
brought to Rome, though he was under a guard, he was
"suffered to dwell by himself, in his own hired house."
Acts xxviii. 16-30, where he was two years. Having such
liberty, he wisely improved it, not only by discoursing with
all those who came to him, but also by writing several epis-
tles.
Of all these epistles, the first written seems to me to be
that to the Ephesians. I think it was drawn up by the apos-
tle, as soon as conveniently could be after his friends at
Rome had taken a lodging for him, and he was settled in it.
A. D. 61.
f
The epistle is inscribed " to the saints which are at Ephe-
sus, and to the faithful in Christ Jesus." But I apprehend
that the apostle thought of the christians throughout Asia,
properly so called, whether living at Ephesus, the chief city
of the country, or not. To the like purpose Hammond:
and also Mr. Pyle, who paraphraseth the first verse of the
epistle in this manner: Paul, called to be an apostle, send-
eth this epistle to the church of Ephesus, and to all the
christians of the lesser Asia, those faithful christians, that
6
e Notes upon the N. T. p. 267, 268.
f Ephesum fuisse pri-
mam Metropolim Lydiæ, vel proconsularis Asiæ, ostendimus in notis ad Co-
loss. iv. 16. Itaque epistola hæc, Ephesiis inscripta, non est putanda ad eos
solos pertinere, verum etiam ad alias urbes provinciæ, imo et totius Asiæ.
Hammond. Præf. in ep. ad Eph.
30
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
We are
firmly rely upon the christian religion for salvation, with-
' out the observation of the Mosaical ceremonies.'
led to this supposition by what St. Paul says near the con-
clusion of his first epistle to the Corinthians, written at
Ephesus: "the churches of Asia salute you," I Cor. ch.
xvi. 19. And that epistle to the Corinthians is addressed
"to the church of God which is at Corinth, to them that
are sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints, with all
that in every place call upon the name of Jesus Christ our
Lord, both theirs and ours. And the second epistle to the
Corinthians is addressed" to the church of God which is at
Corinth, with all the saints which are in all Achaia."
After the salutation of these christians, at the beginning
of the epistle, he praiseth God for the gospel-dispensation,
now made known to all men, agreeably to the gracious pur-
pose long since formed in the divine counsels. "Blessed
be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has
blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in
Christ: according as he hath chosen us in him before the
foundation of the world," ver. 3, 4, to 12. He then reminds
them of their first faith in the gospel, and the circumstances
of it. "In whom ye also trusted, after that ye heard the
word of truth, the gospel of your salvation: in whom also,
after that ye believed, ye were sealed with that holy Spirit
of promise. Which is the earnest of our inheritance,"
ver. 13, 14. After which he lets them know, that in his
confinement, since he came to Rome, he had heard of the
continuance of their faith, and of their love for all christians
in general which had filled him with transports of joy and
satisfaction. "Wherefore I also, having heard of your faith
in the Lord Jesus, and love unto all the saints, cease not to
give thanks for you, making mention of you in my prayers:
that the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of glory,
may give unto you the spirit of wisdom :" or that they might
be more and more illuminated, and established in the prin-
ciples of true religion, ver. 15, 16, and to ver. 23.
:
The account that had been brought him of the christians
at Ephesus by Tychicus, as may be supposed, having been
very agreeable, the apostle does not censure them for any
great irregularities in conduct, as he does the Corinthians,
nor for any remarkable deviations from the simplicity of
the gospel, or instability therein, as he does the Galatians.
But he treats them with mildness. However, he sends them
a pathetic exhortation to persevere in a conversation be-
coming their profession and their privileges, and to guard
against the temptations which they might meet with,
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians.
31
either from heathen idolaters, or corrupt and self-interested
christians.
At the end he tells them that he had sent Tychicus, who
would give them information concerning his affairs, and
comfort them, ch. vi. 21, 22. And then adds: "Peace be
to the brethren, and love, with faith from God the Father,
and the Lord Jesus Christ," ver. 23. "Peace be to the
brethren," that is, the brethren with you at Ephesus, to
whom the epistle is directed. So 1 Thess. v. 27, " I charge
you by the Lord, that this epistle be read to all the holy
brethren" meaning the brethren or christians at Thessalo-
nica. So to the Philippians. ch. iv. 21,"Salute every
saint in Christ Jesus," meaning, undoubtedly, the christians
at Philippi. And then at ver. 22, "All the saints salute
you :" meaning all the christians in general at Rome. It
was not needful to say, of this place. The meaning is ob-
vious.
The concluding words of this epistle are these at ver. 23,
"Grace be with all them that love the Lord Jesus Christ in
sincerity:" which, I think, may be understood and para-
phrased after this manner. And grace be with all those,
who, like you, love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity.'
That is a brief and general account of the epistle itself.
I must add somewhat in behalf of the early date of it, which
is here assigned by me.
There might be many considerations inducing the apostle
to write to the Ephesians soon after his arrival at Rome.
Ephesus was a place of great importance, being the chief
city of Asia, where was a great resort of merchants, and all
other people. Here the apostle chose to settle that eminent
disciple of his, Timothy. Here also St. John took up his
residence after he had left Judea. It was the place where
Paul had been longer than in any other city, except Anti-
och. Here also he had wrought many and special miracles,
and had great success in his preaching, Acts xix. More-
over, he had intended them a visit, 1 Tim. iii. 14, but had
been prevented. When he went to Jerusalem, it is likely,
that it was earnestly desired, and confidently expected by
the christians at Ephesus. Such expectations are suffici-
ently intimated by St. Luke, Acts xx. 15-17. "The next
day we came to Miletus. For Paul bad determined to sail
by Ephesus, because he would not spend the time in Asia;
for he hasted, if possible, to be at Jerusalem the day of Pen-
tecost. And from Miletus be sent to Ephesus, and called
the elders of the church." Where having made a pathetic
discourse, all present were much affected, and gave testi-
32
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
monies of a fervent and high esteem. These things must
have made impressions upon the apostle, and have been well
remembered by him: and may have induced him to think of
writing first to this church upon his coming to Rome, and
having liberty of correspondence.
There might be likewise some other reasons for this de-
termination. The epistle is carried by Tychicus, who was
of Asia, and probably an Ephesian. Mr. Biscoes thought
that Tychicus accompanied the apostle in his voyage to
Rome. But for that I see no ground. I rather think, that
like divers others of his fellow-labourers, Tychicus had come
to Rome of his own accord, to meet Paul, and to attend upon
him or had been sent by the Ephesians, to pay their re-
spects to him, and inquire into the state of his affairs. It
seems to me, that Tychicus was one of the first who came to
the apostle, and very soon after his arrival at Rome. Yet,
possibly, Tychicus was got thither before him, as some
other of the apostle's friends likewise might be. However,
Tychicus being now at Rome, he was a very fit person to
go with a letter from the apostle to Ephesus.
If we duly attend to the apostle's situation, after having
been above two years in a close confinement at Cæsarea, we
may be able to discern the reason of several things. Par-
ticularly, we may perceive, why this is kind of general
epistle, not much concerning itself with the affairs and cir-
cumstances of any church: but delivering, first, the doctrine
of the gospel, and then the duties of it, with a fulness
scarcely equalled in any other of the apostolical epistles.
As Theodoret said: The former part of the epistle con-
'tains the doctrine of the gospel, the latter part a moral ad-
'monition.' Or as a learned modern says: Being some-
what in the manner of an institute.' The apostle might
well judge it best to write thus in his first letter, written after
a long silence and in this manner, to remind his friends
and converts in Asia of the principles of the gospel, and their
obligations as christians.
6
We are likewise hence led to discern the great beauty and
propriety of the several places of this epistle, where the
apostle speaks of his bonds, ch. iii. 1. “ I Paul, the prisoner
of Jesus Christ for you Gentiles." That for their cause he
was now in bonds, appears from the history of his imprison-
ment, as related by St. Luke in the Acts, and particularly,
from what is said, ch. xxii. 21, 22, and the following verses.
There is an especial suitableness in that expression of the
apostle, in a letter written soon after his arrival at Rome, and
8 Upon the Acts, p. 435.
h See Vol. v. p. 17.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians.
33
especially, if it be the first letter written by him after his
being apprehended, as I think it is. And having enlarged
somewhat farther upon his having been appointed an apostle
by Christ, for forwarding the gospel among Gentiles, he
goes on, and endeavours to comfort these christians, and all
Gentile converts in general, with regard to the afflictive dis-
pensation, which he was under, and which might appear
very strange to many, ver. 13, "Wherefore I desire that
faint not at my tribulations for you, which is your glory.
Again: iv. 1, “I therefore the prisoner of the Lord beseech
you. And ch. vi. 20, he calls himself" an ambassador in
bonds." How suitable is this to the apostle's circumstances,
if we consider him now lately arrived in the city of Rome,
the capital of the Roman empire, and the seat of the em-
peror.
(6
ye
I cannot forbear transcribing that passage, ch. vi. 18-20,
Praying for all saints,—and for me, that utterance may
be given to me, that I may open my mouth boldly, to make
known the mystery of the gospel. For which I am an am-
bassador in bonds: that I may speak boldly, as I ought to
speak." Wherein I do not think the apostle so much de-
sires these christians to pray for his enlargement, as that he
might discharge his commission aright: and speak with
the freedom and boldness of an ambassador from a great
prince: though he was chained as a prisoner, and had not
the outward pomp and state, usual with men of that high
character. This was very proper at the time of his arrival
at Rome, where he was likely to continue some while.
There is a like passage in Col. iv. 3, 4, which, I think,
ought not to be understood very differently.
It is also an argument, that this epistle was written by the
apostle soon after his coming to Rome: that here are no ex-
pressions, denoting hopes of enlargement, as there are in the
epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians, and Philemon:
written, as we suppose, not long before his deliverance.
Nor does he here take any notice of successes obtained at
Rome, or give any intimations of converts made by him there,
as he does, Philip. i. 12, 13, 14; iv. 22. He seems indeed to
have pleased himself with a prospect of recommending the
gospel in his present situation, ch. ii. 7-10, like to what
he says, 2 Tim. iv. 17, an epistle written about the same time.
But he does not intimate any advantages obtained as yet.
Nor does he at the end of this epistle send such salutations,
as at the end of the epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians,
and Philemon. All which must lead us to think, that the
circumstances of the apostle at writing this epistle were dif-
VOL. VI.
D
34
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
ferent from his circumstances at writing those epistles:
when his captivity, as is allowed, was near its period.
Says St. Paul, 2 Tim. iv. 12, "And Tychicus have I sent
to Ephesus." It is likely that the apostle there refers to the
epistle of which we are now speaking. He had just sent,
or was sending away Tychicus to Ephesus with this epistle.
I think I shall presently show, that the second epistle to Ti-
mothy was written in the first year of the apostle's imprison-
ment at Rome, and not very long after his arrival there.
Consequently this epistle, being there referred to, must have
been sent about the same time.
i
That the epistle to the Ephesians is Lere referred to, has
been the opinion of many. So thought Tillemont. Who,
supposing that the second to Timothy was written in
a second imprisonment of the apostle at Rome, placeth
the writing of this to the Ephesians in the year 65.
Whitby, in his preface to the epistle to the Ephesians,
observes, In his close of this epistle St. Paul speaks
thus to them, ch. vi. 21, 22, "That ye may know my af-
'fairs, and how I do.--Tychicus shall make known unto
you all things."--And in the second epistle to Timothy
he saith," Tychicus have I sent unto Ephesus," 2 Tim. iv.
12. So Whitby. But forgetting, as it seems, what he had
said in some other places. However, this shows how natu-
ral and easy it is to think the epistle to the Ephesians in-
tended in that place of the second to Timothy. And it
is what most would think, if not biassed by some prejudice.
Theodoret, in his general preface to St. Paul's epistles,
says, the apostle sent to the Ephesians and the Colossians
at the same time, and sent them by the same messenger,'
meaning Tychicus. But in his preface to the epistle to the
Ephesians, having quoted Eph. vi. 21, 22, he goes on:
And that he sent Tychicus from Rome, he shows in his
'second epistle to Timothy, saying, do thy diligence to come
to me shortly.And Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus,'
2 Tim. iv. 10–12. So Theodoret, without considering the
consequence. For he supposed the second to Timothy to
have been written but a short time before the apostle's mar-
tyrdom. But if the epistle to the Ephesians was written
when the apostle was first at Rome (as Theodoret allows)
and if he refers to it in his second epistle to Timothy, it will
¡Saint Paul, art. 49. et Note 58. Mem. Ec. Tom. I.
k
* Και μεν τοι και Εφεσίοις και Κολοσσαευσι κατα τον αυτον έγραψε χρονον,
ένι των επιτολων διακονῳ αμφοτερων χρησαμενος. Theod. T. III. p. 5.
1 Τον δε μακαριον Τυχικόν απο της Ρώμης απέτειλε και τετο εν τη προς
Τιμοθεον δευτερᾳ διδασκει. κ. λ. Ib. p. 292. Α.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians.
35
follow, that this was written soon after that to the Ephesi-
ans, and when the apostle was first at Rome.
However, there are difficulties attending this opinion
which must be considered.
First, it is said that the epistles to the Ephesians and the
Colossians were sent by the same messenger. Comp. Eph.
vi. 21, 22; Col. iv. 7, 8. The epistle to the Colossians was
sent away from Rome when the apostle had hopes of en-
largement. Consequently, the epistle to the Ephesians was
written about the same time.
I answer, that this is no proof. For Tychicus might be
sent twice into the same country, in the time of the apostle's
two years' imprisonment. Tychicus might be sent to Ephe-
sus, with this letter to the Ephesians, soon after the apostle's
arrival at Rome, and come back to him, and be able to take
another journey into those parts a year after, when the apos-
tle was about to be set at liberty.
Secondly, it is said that there is a great agreement be-
tween the epistle to the Ephesians, and that to the Colossi-
ans. This last, as is allowed, was written in the second
year of the apostle's confinement, and when it was near its
end. Consequently, the epistle to the Ephesians was writ-
ten about the same time.
n
To which I answer: undoubtedly, there is an agreement
between these epistles in several things, taken notice of by
m Grotius and others. But it does not therefore follow that
they were sent away together. For, as has been observed
by Lightfoot, it is likely that the apostle kept copies of his
letters. If so, it might be easy for him to write after the
same manner at different times, to people not very remote
from each other, and whose circumstances were much alike.
Indeed, without keeping copies of his letters, I believe it
would be no difficult matter for St. Paul to repeat the chris-
tian principles, and exhortations to christian virtues, at
several times, in like expressions, if the circumstances of
men required it.
And there are several things in the epistles themselves,
which afford good reason for thinking that they were not
m Proxima huic et argumento, et verbis ctiam, est illa ad Colossenses, eo-
dem, ni fallor, scripta tempore. Grot. Præf. in ep. ad Eph. Vid. et ejusd. Pr.
in ep. ad Coloss.
•
nIt may be the "parchments," 2 Tim. iv. 13, were the originals of those
epistles that he had already written. For that he sent transcripts, and re-
'served the originals, may be collected from these passages. "I Tertius, who
' wrote out this epistle," Rom. xvi. 22. See also 1 Cor. xvi. 21; Col. iv. 18
2 Thess. iii. 17. For all the epistle beside was written with another hand.'
Harmony of the N. T. Vol. I. p. 316.
D 2
36
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
written and sent away at the same time: and that the epistle
to the Colossians was written some while after that to the
Ephesians. From what is said in the second chapter of the
epistle to the Colossians, concerning the worshipping of
angels, and other matters, it may be concluded, that the
apostle had received from those parts some intelligence,
which he had not, when he wrote the epistle to the Ephesi-
ans. For there those matters are not at all touched upon.
And though there is a resemblance between these two
epistles, they are very different. For the epistle to the
Ephesians is a good deal longer than that to the Colossians,
though the fore-mentioned article in the second chapter to
the Colossians is entirely wanting and in those places
where there is an agreement, there are differences.
Nor is there in the epistle to the Ephesians any notice.
taken of Timothy, or Epaphras, or Mark, so expressly men-
tioned in the epistle to the Colossians. Which must be
reckoned a very strong, and even a demonstrative argument,
that these two epistles were not written and sent away at
the same time.
0
In this date of the epistle to the Ephesians I have fol-
lowed Lightfoot: from whom I have had great assistances
in settling the time of St. Paul's epistles. I have likewise
had, in this instance, assistances from P Baronius, ¶ Estius,
"Hammond, and Witsius.
S
Baronius and Lightfoot first speak of the second epistle
to Timothy, though they do not deny the epistle to the
Ephesians to have been written before it. But as we are
now inquiring into the order of time, I have judged it best
to adhere to that strictly. A few weeks, yea, a few days,
might make a great alteration in the apostle's circumstances
at this time. And some of his friends and assistants might
be daily coming to Rome from the provinces, and getting
access to him in his apartment. By comparing these two
epistles I am led to think, that when the apostle wrote the
second epistle to Timothy, he had been longer at Rome,
and was better acquamted with the world about him, than
when he wrote the epistle to the Ephesians.
Basnage is singular in his sentiment concerning the time
of this epistle. That" it was written at Rome, when Paul
• As before, p. 325.
9 Præf. in ep. ad Eph.
P Annal. 59. num. xv. Vid. et num. xx.
Г
· Præf. in ep. ad Ephes.
Hæc cum ita
s Wits. de Vit. Paul. sect. xii. num. vi. et ix.
sint, nos tamen primum egimus de ipsâ ad Timotheum scriptâ epistolâ, eo quod
multa in eâ de rebus suis Romæ gestis ipse significet, ex quibus intexeretur his-
toria; quarum nulla est mentio in Epistola ad Ephesios. Baron. Ann. 59.
Epistolarum omnium, quas primis in vinculis exa-
num. xv.
u
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians.
37
6
was prisoner there,' he says, is manifest. But he thinks
'it to have been the last epistle which was sent thence by
the apostle. He argues well enough that it was not sent
'with the epistle to the Colossians. And he supposeth that
Tychicus was sent twice into these countries by the apostle
from Rome.' He should therefore have concluded, that
this letter to the Ephesians was carried by Tychicus, not
after those other epistles, but before them.
Says St. Paul, 2 Tim. iv. 12, "And Tychicus have I sent
to Ephesus." I suppose the apostle here to refer to the
epistle to the Ephesians, which was carried from Rome to
Ephesus by Tychicus. But still, perhaps, it may be ques-
tioned, whether those two epistles, that to the Ephesians,
and the second to Timothy, were sent away together. Ba-
ronius' says they were. He says, the apostle puts the pre-
terit for the present. So Eph. vi. 21, 22.-"That ye may
know my affairs, and how I do.-Tychicus--shall make
known unto you all things, whom I have sent unto you for
the same purpose." And unquestionably, that way of speak-
ing is not uncommon. Instances are obvious. So Philem.
ver. 12, "Whom I have sent again." Which may be ren-
dered: "whom I am sending again" to you. See also ver.
19-21, and Philip. ii. 28. So here in 2 Tim. iv. 12. The
words may be rendered: "And Tychicus I am sending to
Ephesus." Nevertheless, as that interpretation in this place
is not certain, I would not be positive. The epistle to the
Ephesians, I think, was carried from Rome by Tychicus,
either at the same time with the second to Timothy, or a short
time only before it.
And, according to my calculation, the epistle to the
Ephesians was written at Rome, soon after the apostle's ar
rival there, in 61, and before the summer of that year. It
was the first epistle written by the apostle in that city.
ravit Apostolus, ea quæ ad Ephesios, ultima esse videtur. Ludovico enim
Capello non assentimur, qui eodem tempore ad Colossenses et ad Ephesios
epistolam scriptam esse statuit. -Agebat Romæ Epaphras, dum Paulus scri-
bit Colossensibus. Col. i. 8. Urbe autem aberat, cum ad Ephesios misit epis-
tolam, in quâ ne verbulo quidem meminit Epaphræ. Quinetiam non, ut ad
Colossenses, sic et ad Ephesios, nomine suo et Timothei scribit. Præterea per
Tychicum missa est epistola. Eph. vi. 21. Quæ de aliâ prorsus Tychici pro-
fectione intelligenda sunt, quam cujus meminit ad Colossenses iv. 12. Alio-
quin Timothei ac Epaphræ mentionem quoque injecisset. Ann. 61. num. vii.
▾ Verum eidem tabellario, nempe Tychico, dedit etiam tunc Paulus epis-
tolam ad Ephesios. Licet in eâ ad Timotheum dicat: Tychicum misi Ephe-
sum: tamen præteritum tempus pro præsenti usurpâsse videtur, sicut cum, ad
Ephesios de eodem scribens, ait: Ut autem et vos sciatis, quæ circa me
sunt——nota faciet Tychicus-—quem misi ad vos ad hoc ipsum.'- -Bar.
ann. 59. num. xv.
38
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
And it was sent away a short time before the second epis-
tle to Timothy, of which I shall speak next, or together
with it.
SECT. X.
The second Epistle to Timothy.
We come now to the second epistle to Timothy, which
we suppose to have been sent away together with that to the
Ephesians, or soon after it, A. D. 61.
Many learned men speak of a second imprisonment of
Paul at Rome, and suppose that this second epistle to Timo-
thy was then written, in 67 or 68. But I do not know that
we have any good account of a second imprisonment of Paul
at Rome. He suffered martyrdom there, as some think, in
64 or 65, or as others, in 67 or 68. But that he might do,
without a previous imprisonment of any duration. For he
might be apprehended on a sudden, and be put to death
presently. Which may be reckoned as likely as not.
Before I proceed to the proofs that this second epistle to
Timothy was written during Paul's imprisonment at Rome,
when he was sent thither from Judea by Festus, I would
premise, that I suppose, with most learned moderns, that
Timothy was now at Ephesus.
W
It has been thought that Timothy was not there, because
it is said, ch. iv. 12, "Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus."
But that argument is of no force. There was no need to
say, I have sent Tychicus to you. There are many similar,
or parallel ways of speaking in St. Paul's epistles, 1 Cor.
xv. 32. He speaks of his having " fought with beasts at
Ephesus:" where he certainly was at that time, as appears
from xvi. 8. And 2 Tim. i. 17, he says: "When Onesi-
phorus was at Rome he sought me out very diligently."
He does not say, when he was here. Lightfoot observes,
that from the epistle itself it may be concluded, that Timo-
thy was at Ephesus. For, 1. He directs him to salute the
household of Onesiphorus, ch. iv. 19, who was an Ephesian,
ch. i. 16-18. 2. He directs Timothy to take Troas in his
way to him, ch. iv. 13, which was the way that Paul had
gone from Ephesus, 2 Cor. ii. 12, and to Ephesus again,
Acts xx. 5. 3. He warns him of Alexander, ch. iv. 14, who
was an Ephesian, 1 Tim. i. 20; Acts xix. 33. So Light-
foot. To which, I think, may be added, 4. Paul's salutation
of Priscilla and Aquila, ch. iv. 19, who, probably, were now
* Vol. i. p. 324.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
39
returned to Ephesus, and settled there, where they had been
formerly, Acts xviii. 18, 19-26; and 1 Cor. xvi. 19. For
certainly they were not now at Rome, where Paul himself
was though they were there when he wrote the epistle to
the Romans, ch. xvi. 3, 4.
Here it may be asked: when did Timothy come to Ephe-
sus? And how long had he been there? I answer, that by a
very easy and probable conjecture, it may be concluded,
that he was left there when Paul was going up to Jerusa-
lem, with the collections which he had made among the
Gentile christians, for the poor saints in Judea. For Timothy
is expressly mentioned by St. Luke among the apostle's
company in that journey, Acts xx. 3, 4, 5. "And as he
was about to sail into Syria, he purposed to return through
Macedonia. And there accompanied him into Asia, Sopater
of Berea——and Timothy, and of Asia, Tychicus, and Tro-
phimus." Timothy therefore was in Paul's company, and
went with him as far as Asia, in which Ephesus stood. And
so far, I suppose, all above mentioned accompanied Paul,
but not into Syria. I apprehend that Timothy and Tychicus
stayed in Asia. For we have not any intimations from St.
Luke or St. Paul, or any way, that these two were with the
apostle at Jerusalem.
Every one is here able to recollect, that when Paul went
into Macedonia in the year 56, about the time of Pentecost,
he left Timothy at Ephesus, 1 Tim. i. 3. But for some rea-
sons, which may be well supposed to have been good and
sufficient, he came from thence to Paul in Macedonia. For
he is joined with Paul in the salutation, at the beginning of
the second epistle to the Corinthians. And, as has been just
seen, he attended Paul when he left Macedonia to proceed
to Jerusalem. But no man can doubt that Paul would be
willing to replace Timothy at Ephesus, where his presence
was of great importance, if an opportunity should offer.
Such an opportunity there now was. And, very probably,
it was embraced. And Paul parted with him at Miletus,
where he had sent for the elders of the church of Ephesus
to meet him.
6
• X
Tillemont says: It is not said what became of Timothy
during the two years that St. Paul was prisoner in Judea.'
I think I may presume to say he was all that time at Ephe-
sus, and parts adjacent in Asia. Du Pin was of the same
opinion, whose words I transcribey below.
* S. Timothée, Mem. T. II.
5 On pourroit dire néanmoins,
et je ne m'éloignerois pas de ce sentiment, que S. Paul le laissa à Ephèse,
quand s'etant arrêté à Milet, il envoya quérir les prêtres de l'église d'Ephèse
40
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Tillemont adds presently afterwards: It is however cer-
'tain, that Timothy was at Rome, when the apostle wrote to
Philemon, the Philippians, and the Colossians: forasmuch
as he is named jointly with him in the titles of those three
' epistles.' How Timothy came to be then at Rome, we shall
see presently.
:
Paul therefore parted with Timothy at Miletus, as just
said. And I think that when the elders of Ephesus were
come to Miletus, Timothy joined himself with them, and
stood at the head of them and consequently was one of
those, of whom it is said: "And they all wept sore, and fell
on Paul's neck, and kissed him: sorrowing most of all for
the words which he spake, that they should see his face no
more. And they accompanied him to the ship," Acts xx.
37, 38.
Of this Paul takes notice in the most affectionate manner,
2 Tim. i. 4, "Greatly desirous to see thee, being mindful of
thy tears, that I may be filled with joy." Doubtless Paul
was much affected by the tears of all the rest, but especially
Timothy's: and was now "greatly desirous to see him,
who had been so deeply struck with the thoughts of never
seeing his face any more.
Timothy, then, was at Ephesus when this epistle was sent
to him. And he had been there from the time that Paul
left Miletus, to go to Jerusalem, and during his imprisonment
in Judea.
The observation that Paul here refers to the tears shed by
his friends at his parting with them at Miletus, appears to
me very obvious: though it has been hitherto entirely over-
looked, so far as I know. And it will directly lead us to
the true date of this epistle. It is a most proper beginning
of a letter sent by Paul to Timothy at Ephesus, soon after his
arrival at Rome from Palestine, at the time we suppose: but
it is very unlikely to be taken notice of in an epistle written
several years afterwards, and after there had been an inter-
view, as there certainly was, when Paul was at Rome.
I shall now observe divers particulars, confirming the sup-
position, that St. Paul's second epistle to Timothy was
written during the apostle's imprisonment at Rome, and near
the beginning of it.
Act. xx. ver. 17. Car nous lisons, que, comme S. Paul partoit pour aller en
Asie par Macédoine, Timothée fut un de ceux qui l' accompagnèrent en Asie.
ch. xx. 4. Et nous ne trouvons plus Timothée à sa compagnie, ni à Jerusa-
lem, ni pendant sa prison de Césarée. Si cela est, Timothée aura été établi
par S. Paul pour gouverner les églises d' Asie en 58. Du Pin, Diss. Prelim. 1.
2. ch. 2. sect. viii.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
41
:
1. The circumstances of the apostle's imprisonment at
Rome, when sent thither by Festus, and at the time of writ-
ing this epistle, are exactly the same.
Says St. Luke, Acts xxviii. 16, " Paul was suffered to
dwell by himself, with a soldier that kept him." And ver.
30, "Paul dwelt two whole years in his own hired house,
and received all that came in unto him.”
Z
Here are two remarkable particulars. First, that Paul
"dwelt by himself, with a soldier that kept him:" that is,
after the manner of the Romans, by an iron chain of conve-
nient length, he was fastened to a soldier, who had one end
of the chain upon his left hand, and Paul the other end
upon his right hand, as was largely shown formerly. To
this St. Paul refers in this his second epistle to Timothy, i.
16, speaking of Onesiphorus: "He oft refreshed me, and
was not ashamed of my chain." So exactly, Acts xxviii.
20,"Because for the hope of Israel, I am bound with this
chain."
Secondly. The other remarkable particular is, that when
at Rome, "Paul dwelt in his own hired house, and received
all who came in unto him." Such also was his case at writ-
ing this epistle, as appears abundantly from ch. iv. 10, and
other places. He had with him Demas, Crescens, Titus.
The first was gone to Thessalonica, without his approba-
tion: the others were gone, whither he had sent them, as it
seems. And Luke was still with him. And at ver. 21, he
sends salutations to Timothy from divers persons, and from
the church at Rome in general, saying: "Eubulus greeteth
thee, and Pudens, and Linus, and Claudia, and all the bre-
thren." Which shows that people had free access to the
apostle when he wrote this epistle.
a
1. Obj. However, it has been objected, that when One-
siphorus came to Rome, Paul was close shut up, and Onesi-
phorus had much difficulty in finding him. Which is
different from the imprisonment of which St. Luke has given
an account.
To which I answer, that Onesiphorus had no uncommon
difficulty in his access to Paul, whose words are, 2 Tim. i.
16, 17, "The Lord give mercy to the house of Onesiphorus.
a In secundis vinculis alia sta-
z See Vol. i. B. I. ch. x.
tim rerum facies fuit. Tunc enim Onesiphorus,' inquit, cum Romam
venisset, solicite me quæsivit, et invenit,' i. 17. An opus erat, ut Onesiphorus
onsdaιtepov, et cum tanto studio ac solicitudine quæreret Paulum, et ex tam
sedulâ inquisitione inveniret, si apostolus aut in eâdem domo, aut cum eâdem
libertate, et non in arctâ et abditâ custodià prædicâsset? Pearson, De Success.
primor. Rom. Episcop. Diss. i. cap. 9. n. viii.
42
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
For he oft refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain.
But when he was at Rome, he sought me out very diligent-
ly, and came unto me:" that is, I think: Onesiphorus has
"been often with me, and refreshed me, with presents, and
' with his conversation, without being at all ashamed of me,
though I had a chain upon me.' Which shows, that One-
siphorus might come to visit the apostle, when he pleased:
and might give him as much relief as he saw good.
• Yea,
6
6
• says
"
the apostle, as soon as he came to Rome, he made in-
quiries after me, and came to see me without delay.'
Here appear not any tokens of Paul's being under a very
strict confinement. But here are evidences of his being in
such a condition, as that represented by St. Luke, when he
had been brought from Judea to Rome. Onesiphorus seems
to have come to Rome soon after the apostle's arrival there.
In order to find him out, and know where he was, it was
needful to make some inquiries. How else should any man
find a stranger in a great city? Whether he was quite at
liberty, or in one of the prisons of it, some inquiries would
be needful. And when Onesiphorus had found the place
where Paul was, he came to it without any difficulty.
b
Witsius speaks exactly to the like purpose: and suppos-
eth, that after some inquiries, (such as are needful, when a
man comes to a large city, and wants to see a stranger newly
arrived,) Onesiphorus found Paul with the soldier in his own
hired house.
The case I take to be this. Onesiphorus came to Rome.
upon his own secular business. He knew very well that
Paul had been carried thither as a prisoner. But what was
become of him he did not know: whether he had been set
at liberty, or was still a prisoner, or had been put to death.
Upon coming to Rome therefore, not long after Paul had
been brought thither, he made anxious inquiries after him.
And hearing where Paul was, he readily came to him, not-
withstanding his disgraceful circumstances, being chained
to a soldier. And so long as he stayed in Rome, he made
the apostle frequent visits, and afforded him such refresh-
ment as was in his power.
b Quando Onesiphorus Paulum Romæ quæsitum venit, non videtur inve-
nisse in carcerem conjectum, arctâque custodiâ detentum, sed militi suo alli-
gatum, in diversiolo. Sic enim Paulus: Kai rηy åλvoiv µs ovк etnoxvvon.
την άλυσιν με ουκ επησχύνθη.
Et sane quamvis vincula Pauli nota fuerint in toto Prætorio, non tamen
inde consequitur, Pauli domum ita notain omnibus fuisse, ut homini peregre
advenienti, in urbe quæ orbis compendium erat, ad captivi Judæi domum in-
veniendam diligenti inquisitione non fuerit opus. Præsertim si attendamus,
facta hæc esse initio vinculorum Pauli, antequam eum celebritatis gradum esset
nactus. Wits. ubi supra, sect. 12. num. vi.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
43
&
2. Obj. But it is urged, that St. Paul says, 2 Tim. ii. 9,c
"Wherein I suffer, as an evil doer, even unto bonds."
To which I answer, that the word, here rendered bonds,
is the same that is used in other epistles, written during the
apostle's imprisonment at Rome, when sent thither by Fes-
tus. Col. iv. 18," Remember my bonds." Munuovevete pr
Μνημονεύετε με
Twv dεoμwv. The same word is used at least four times in
the epistle to the Philippians, ch. i. 7, 13, 14, 16, and in
Philem. ver. 10, and 13; Hebr. x. 34. And to the Ephe-
sians he says, ch. iii. 1, “I Paul, the prisoner of Jesus
Christ," deμtos. And ch. iv. 1," The prisoner of the
Lord." Not to mention any other places. When Paul was
so bound, he had reason to say," he suffered as an evil-do-
er," or malefactor, "even unto bonds.'
even unto bonds." He was not a
malefactor, or notorious offender, nor a criminal: but was
innocent in the view of the Roman laws, as well as in point
of reason, justice, and equity. But he suffered, " as an evil-
doer." Had he not reason to say so when he was sent bound
from Judea to Rome? Had he not been prosecuted as a
malefactor? Did not the Jewish multitude, who first laid
hold of him, intend to kill him? Acts xxi. 31-36; xxiii.
27; xxiv. 6. Did not the multitude, who heard him with
patience for a while, at length say: "Away with such a
fellow. For it is not fit that he should live?" ch. xxii. 22.
Does not Festus say to king Agrippa, and the large assembly
at Cæsarea," Ye see this man, about whom all the multitude
of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also
here, crying, that he ought not to live any longer?" ch.
xxv. 24.
So that he was prosecuted as a malefactor all the
while that he was in Judea. Nor does it appear that there
was any likelihood of his escape, but by appealing to the
emperor. And was he not after all sent bound to Rome with
many obnoxious persons under the command of a centurion?
Certainly, I think, these things afforded sufficient ground
for Paul to say what he does in this place to Timothy.
I
But to insinuate from these expressions that Paul was now
in some close confinement, his friends debarred access to
him, and himself forbid the use of pen, ink, and paper,
humbly conceive, is altogether without foundation. It is
inconsistent with the whole tenor of the epistle, and with the
apostle's writing, or inditing, and sending such a letter as
this to Timothy. Wherein too he desires Timothy to come
unto him.
St. Paul's imprisonment at Rome, when sent thither by
Festus, was occasioned by his zeal for the liberty of the
• Εν ᾧ κακοπαθω μεχρι δεσμων, ὡς κακέργος.
44
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Gentiles, as is manifest from Acts xxii. 21, 22. Of which
he also takes notice, Eph. iii. 1, saying: "I Paul, the pri-
soner of Jesus Christ, for you Gentiles." His imprisonment
at Rome, at the time of writing this epistle, was owing to
the same thing. For he says here, ch. i. 11, 12, “Where-
unto I am appointed a preacher, and an apostle, and a teach-
er of the Gentiles. For the which cause I also suffer these
things." This is very observable. And indeed the twelve
verses at the beginning of this epistle are a most proper in-
troduction to an epistle sent to Timothy by Paul at the time
for which we argue.
Thus the circumstances of Paul's confinement at the time
of writing this epistle, compared with the circumstances of
that confinement at Rome, of which St. Luke has given a
general account, and in which it is allowed that St. Paul
wrote epistles to the Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians,
Philemon, show it to be one and the same imprisonment,
and that this epistle also was written about the same time
with them.
St. Luke was with the apostle at Rome when he wrote this
epistle, 2 Tim. iv. 11. And we know from the Acts, that he
went with Paul from Judea to Rome, when he was sent thi-
ther by Festus. He is likewise mentioned in the epistles to
the Colossians and Philemon, written during this imprison-
ment. But it would be presumption to say, that St. Luke
was with the apostle at Rome, in another imprisonment, three,
or four, or five years after this: especially, when we see
that his history of St. Paul in the book of the Acts, con-
cludes with the account of his two years' imprisonment at
Rome, when sent thither by Festus.
3. Since the apostle's coming to Rome, he had had with
him, beside Luke, who accompanied him, Demas, Crescens,
Titus, Tychicus, four of his assistants and fellow-labourers.
Which might be likely enough to be expected, when Paul
was sent from Judea to Rome. But it cannot be said to
have been likely at any other season. But at this it was.
For Paul's imprisonment in Judea had lasted above two
years. And it must have been known to all Gentile christi-
ans throughout the world, and observed by them with as-
tonishment and grief. And his last appearance before Festus
and others, at Cæsarea, was a very remarkable thing, and
must have soon come to the knowledge of all christians in
Syria, Asia, Greece, and Italy. At that assembly it was
determined that Paul should go to Rome. He took shipping
at Cæsarea with others. He had a long and dangerous
voyage. And after such an imprisonment in Judea, as that
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
45
related by St. Luke, with all its circumstances, it may be
reckoned highly probable, that some good number of the
apostle's affectionate friends, especially his fellow-labourers,
if not too much engaged, should form a design, and do their
utmost, to meet him at Rome. It seems to me very likely,
that some such persons should with this view get to Rome,
before Paul himself. Accordingly, we have seen four such
persons mentioned by Paul in this epistle. It is a striking
circumstance, and exceedingly favours our argument for the
time of this epistle.
4. Says St. Paul, 2 Tim. iv. 20, "Erastus abode at Co-
rinth:" which is agreeable to the account of St. Paul's
journey to Jerusalem, as related by St. Luke. For Acts
xix. 22, Erastus is expressly mentioned as "one of those
who ministered to Paul," whom he sent from Ephesus to
Macedonia. Nor is Erastus among those who went with
Paul from Macedonia, Acts xx. 4. It is therefore very
likely that he stayed at Corinth, and did not go with the
apostle to Jerusalem. This Timothy knew very well. Ne-
vertheless, it is very properly mentioned together with
other particulars, showing Timothy the reasonableness of his
coming to him, and the need which the apostle had of his
presence.
e
We should here recollect what was formerly said of the
apostle's situation at Rome, after a long and close confine-
ment in Judea. And then we shall easily account for Paul's
mentioning to Timothy divers things which had happened
some good while before. In a word, Paul may take the
same notice of several things which had happened before
parting with Timothy at Miletus, in the same manner that
he would have mentioned them, supposing him to have
stayed but a few weeks at Jerusalem, and then sailed from
Cæsarea to Rome, and soon after his arrival at Rome, had
written to Timothy to come to him. For all the time of the
apostle's close confinement in Judea had been sunk and
annihilated in his computation.
5. In the same verse, (6
Trophimus have I left at Miletus
sick." Another particular leading to that date of this epis-
tle for which we argue.
We know from Åcts xxi. 29, that Trophimus was with
d. Erastus remansit Corinthi.'] Fuerat in Macedoniam missus a Paulo.
Acts xix. 22. Deinde Corinthum redierat, ibique manserat, nec venerat Ro-
mam. Grot. in 2 Tim. iv. 20.
e Quod Erastum Corinthi
mansisse scribit, non tamquam rem novam incognitamque Timotheo renun-
tiat: refert tamen, uti attinentem ad scopum suum, &c. Wits. de Vit. Pauli,
sect. xii. n. vi.
46
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Paul at Jerusalem. It may be reckoned probable that he
set out with Paul from Cæsarea to go to Rome. St. Luke
indeed, Acts xxvii. 2, mentions not expressly any compani-
ons of Paul in his voyage, beside himself and Aristarchus.
Nevertheless Trophimus likewise may have embarked with
him. The reason of not mentioning him may be, that he did
not complete the voyage, having fallen sick, and therefore
had been left at Miletus. This Timothy might know very
well. Nevertheless it is fitly taken notice of by Paul, in a
letter written soon after finishing the voyage, and when writ-
ing to Timothy to come to him.
But when was Trophimus left at Miletus? Beza˚ was in-
clined to read here Meλin, Melita, Malta, instead of Mintų,
Miletus, which conjecture is approved by Grotius. But
if Miletus should be reckoned the true reading, Beza sup-
poseth that Trophimus might be set on shore in the time of
that slow sailing, mentioned, Acts xxvii. 7. Lightfooth con-
cludes from what is in Acts xxvii. 2, that Paul had a good
opportunity to leave Trophimus at Miletus.
6
66
This will be farther confirmed, if we admit the interpre-
tation given by Wall, without any view to the use which we
· Acts xxvii. 2,
are about to make of it.
Meaning to sail
by the coasts of Asia.” Μελλοντες πλειν τες κατα την Ασίαν
TOTеs. The ship meant to call at some places in Asia. This
is a different phrase from that, ch. xx. 16, πapaπλevoai
"Eperov, to sail by Ephesus, that is, to leave it, to pass by
it, without calling.' It is, then, a very easy and natural sup-
position, that Paul might have an opportunity of setting
Trophimus on shore at Miletus.
f
Nempe in illâ tarda navigatione cum præterveheretur litus Asiæ, sicuti
narratur, "Act. xxvii. 7. Quamquam potius conjicio legendum & Medity,
in Melitâ, quod vocabulum facile fuit in Manry depravare. Bez. in 2 Tim.
iv. 20.
8 Omnino assentior doctissimo Bezæ legenti εν Μελίτη.
h
In itinere Hierosolymis Paulus Meliten attigit, non Miletuin. Grot. in loc.
But when was he left? Not when Paul went toward Jerusalem, and sent
for the elders of Ephesus to Miletus, Acts xx. For Trophimus went, and
was with Paul at Jerusalem, xxi. 29. But it was when Paul returned from
'Jerusalem, as has been said, though it be not particularly mentioned, that he
• touched there.—-Luke says plainly, that at Paul's coming away from Ju-
'dea in his voyage to Rome, it was their resolution "to sail by the coasts of
• Asia," Acts xxvii. 2. Which would have been a fairer ground to have
' concluded upon, that Paul was at Miletus in this voyage, since that was a
part of those Asian coasts, than to change Miletus into Melita, upon no
ground at all. And certainly the very scope of the apostle in that passage
will not admit of that change. For he is not telling Timothy of Erastus's
⚫ abode at Corinth, or of Trophimus's sick stay at Miletus, as things unknown
' to him, but as things very well known, yet mentioned to him, as making to
⚫ the apostle's purpose.' Lightfoot's Harmony of the N. T. vol. i. p. 324.
•
•
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
47
6. St. Paul desires Timothy to come to him shortly, ch.
iv. 9. And unquestionably he did so. We find his name
in the salutations at the beginning of the epistles to the Phi-
lippians, the Colossians, Philemon, written during this im-
prisonment, and near its period. Witsius observes, that in
the Acts there is no account of Timothy's accompanying
Paul to Rome. Timothy therefore not being there at the
beginning of the apostle's captivity in that city, he might
have occasion to send a letter to him, at the time supposed
by us. This particular is well enforced by Witsius at the
beginning of his argument upon the date of this epistle.
7. Ver. 11, St. Paul says, "Take Mark, and bring him
with thee." And doubtless Timothy did bring Mark to
Rome. For he is mentioned with others, Col. iv. 10, and
Philem. ver. 24, and comprehended in those general expres-
sions, Philip. iv. 21.
Grotius in his notes upon 2 Tim. iv. 9, 11, says the same
of Timothy, Luke, and Mark, that I have done. It is strange
that he did not discern the consequence which is so obvious:
that this second epistle to Timothy must have been written
before the epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians, and
Philemon. But that he discerned this consequence, does
not appear clearly from his preface to this epistle. Whether
he did, or not, he admits our interpretations. And the con-
sequence is unavoidable. It follows also from what he says
upon ver. 20, of Trophimus having been left at Melita, in
Paul's voyage from Judea to Rome, as before observed,
and from some other things said by him in his annotations
on this epistle. Which may be taken notice of hereafter.
8. Ver. 13, "The cloak that I left at Troas with Carpus,
when thou comest, bring with thee, and the books, especi-
ally the parchments."
As St. Paul went to Jerusalem by the way of Troas, we
are hereby led to the time of this imprisonment: especially
iPro certo habent, Timotheum initio priorum Pauli vinculorum Romæ non
fuisse. Etenim in Actibus Apostolicis nihil ultra de Timotheo dicitur, quam
quod Paulum Hierosolymam proficiscentem in Asiam fuerit comitatus, cap.
xx. 4. Exinde nulla Timothei mentio; de itinere Hierosolymitano, nedum de
navigatione Romanà, ade you. Quia vero res ipsius adeo Pauli rebus innexæ
fuêre, ipseque tam eximiam sustinuit personam, vix videtur præteriri potuisse
in tantâ rerum, quæ Paulo acciderunt, varietate, &c. De Vit. Pauli. sect. 12.
* Σπέδασον ελθειν προς με ταχεως nempe Roman.
Et hoc fecit Timotheus, ut apparet, Coloss. i. 1. Philem. i. Hebr. xiii. Philip.
ii. 19. Grot. in 2 Tim. iv. 9. vid. et in ver. 11.
num. v.
k
Askas esi μovos μer' εue. Nam post iter illud, quod fine Actorum descrip-
sit, mansit in Italiâ cum Paulo. Col. iv. 14. Philem. ver. 24.
Μαρκον αναλαβων αγαγε μετα σεαυτ8.
-Et hoc desiderium Pauli imple-
tum est. Vide Philem. 24. Culoss. iv. 10. ld. in ver. 11.
48
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
when we consider, that Timothy accompanied the apostle in
that journey as far as Asia. And Paul here seems to write
to Timothy, as knowing Carpus, and that these things had
been left with him.
If it be objected, that¹ Paul had at that time several friends
with him, who might be willing to take care of those things:
wem readily answer: it is true. Nor need it be supposed
that in any other journey Paul was without a sufficient num-
ber of friends, to perform for him any needful service of that
kind. There might be other reasons for leaving those things
behind him.
n
We need not inquire, what were those reasons, nor what
were those things. However I shall observe here what
Lightfoot says of the word, rendered cloak in his account
of St. Paul's journey from Troas to Jerusalem: when he
goes now from thence, it is most likely, was the time when
' he left his cloak and parchments with Carpus, 2 Tim. iv.
13. His cloak. For he was now going among his own
'nation in Judea, and there he was to wear his Jewish habit.
And he left his Roman garb here, till he should come into
those Roman quarters again.'
9. The progress of the gospel at the time of writing this
epistle, and the other epistles, confessedly written in the
time of St. Paul's imprisonment at Rome, when sent thither
from Judea, appears to be the same, or very much alike.
To the Philippians he writes, ch. i. 12, 13, " I would ye
should understand, brethren, that the things which have
happened unto me, have fallen out rather to the furtherance
of the gospel: so that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all
the palace, and in all other places." See also ver. 14—18.
In this second epistle to Timothy, he says, ch. ii. 9.-that
though he suffered unto bonds, the word of God was not
bound." And see ch. iv. 16, 17. And at ver. 11, he desires
that Mark would come to him: for," says he," he is pro-
fitable to me for the ministry:" supposing, that he should
66
1 Quia jubet sibi adferri pænulam, quam Troade apud Carpum reliquerat,
et libros.Ineptum autem est vel cogitare Paulum hæc Troade reliquisse,
quum tot secum haberet comites, et collectas Hierosolymam perferendas, et
navem ubique conduceret. Ap. Wits. ibid. sect. 12. num. iv.
m
Respondetur: non magis ineptum esse cogitare, Paulum pænulam suam
cum libris quibusdam et membranis Troade reliquisse in illo itinere, quod Lu-
cas meminit, quam in alio, quod supponitur, quocumque. Si enim id consulto
factum sit, ratio consilii æque nobis in obscuro manet; quippe nullibi tradita.
Si per oblivionem aliquam aut negligentiam ejus qui Paulo ministrabat: quo
plures erant, majorisque momenti sarcinæ, eo facilior esse videtur unius alicu-
jus, et vilioris, forsan, neglectus, &c. Wits. ib. sect. 12. num. vi.
" As before, p. 298.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
49
have employment for him, wherein he might promote the
interest of the gospel. Paul could speak more distinctly of
his successes, and of the oppositions which he met with at
Rome, in the epistles written a short time before his enlarge-
ment. But even now he appears to have had in prospect
those things, which were afterwards accomplished.
10. At ch. iii. 11, he reminds Timothy of " the persecu-
tions and afflictions which he had endured at Antioch, Ico-
nium, Lystra, all well known to Timothy. Which is very
proper and seasonable, at our supposed time of writing this
epistle: more seasonable than it would have been several
years afterwards.
Some, perhaps, may think it reasonable to expect more
notice taken of the apostle's imprisonment in Judea, and at
Rome. But we suppose that to be the very imprisonment
which he was now under, and of which he often speaks in
this epistle, saying, that he "suffered trouble, even unto
bonds that he endured all things for the elect's sake :”
that "Onesiphorus was not ashamed of his chain :" that he
had "made an apology, when all men forsook him.' But if
this letter had been written several years after his imprison-
ment in Judea and at Rome, it would have been reasonable
to expect some references to it, as a thing past, in his ex-
hortations to Timothy, in speaking of persecutions and af-
flictions formerly endured by him.
11. Ch. ii. 22, “Flee also youthful lusts." An exhorta-
tion to Timothy more suitable now than several years after-
wards. Indeed, this whole epistle is an admonition to
Timothy, as a christian and a minister, better suiting the
time of St. Paul's imprisonment at Rome, when sent thither
from Judea, than any later time.
12. Ch. iv. 16, 17, "At my first answer no man stood
with me, but all men forsook me.Notwithstanding, the
Lord stood with me, and strengthened me, that by me the
preaching might be fully known, and that all the Gentiles
might hear. And I was delivered out of the mouth of the
lion."
These words afford a strong argument that this epistle was
written when Paul was sent bound from Judea to Rome.
For it is much more reasonable to think that Paul would
speak of such an apology in an epistle written soon after it
was made, than in an epistle written five or six years after-
wards. That Paul speaks of an apology made at the
time supposed by us, is very probable. And this text
was so understood by several ancient writers. Euse-
bius, Jerom, Chrysostom, and Theodoret. The words of
VOL. VI.
E
50
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
• Eusebius I transcribe below in his own language. Jerom's
words were transcribed by usP formerly, and are fit to be
repeated here. They represent the same sentiment with that
in Eusebius: from whom, probably, and from some other
ancients, he learned it. It should be observed, says he,
• that at the time of his first apology, Nero's government not
'being yet quite degenerated, nor disgraced with the horri-
'ble wickedness which historians speak of, Paul was set at
liberty, that he might preach the gospel in the western
parts of the world: as himself writes in the second epistle
to Timothy, dictated by him in his bonds, at the time he
'suffered.' And what follows.
•
6
6
r
"
And Chrysostom, in a homily upon the fourth chapter of
this epistle: How,' says he, shall we understand this first
apology? He was at first brought before the emperor, and
'escaped. But when he had converted his cup-bearer, then
he was beheaded.'
6
S
Theodoret is very express in his comment. When upon
• his appeal he was sent to Rome by Festus, having apolo-
gized for himself, he was dismissed as innocent, and went
into Spain, and other nations. By the first apology there-
• fore he meaneth that which was then made.
"And I was
'
6
delivered out of the mouth of the lion." So he calls Nero,
as being emperor, and a cruel man.'
Indeed this defence, or apology, cannot relate to any other
time. For he says: "But the Lord stood with me, and
strengthened me: that by me the preaching might be fully
known, and all the Gentiles might hear." This could not
be said at any supposed second imprisonment, when the
--τοτε μεν ουν απολογησαμενον, αυθις επι την τε κηρυγματος διακο-
νιαν λογος εχει ςειλασθαι τον αποςολον δευτερον δε επιβαντα τη αυτη πολει
τω κατ' αυτον τελειωθηναι μαρτυριῳ· εν ᾧ δεσμοις εχομενος την προς Τιμόθεον
δευτεραν επιςολην συνταττει, ὁμε σημαίνων την τε προτέραν αυτω γενομένην
απολογίαν, και την παραποδας τελείωσιν. Εικος γετοι κατα μεν αρχας
ηπιωτερον το Νέρωνος διακειμενς, ῥμον την ύπερ τε δόγματος τε Παυλο κατα-
δεχθηναι απολογιαν προελθοντος δε εις αθέμιτες τολμας, μετα των αλλων, και
τα κατα των αποτολων εγχειρισθηναι. Η. E. I. ii. cap. 22. p. 62. Α. et D.
P See Vol. iv. ch. cxiv.
¶ Sciendum autem, in primâ satis-
factione, necdum Neronis imperio roborato, nec in tanta erumpente scelera,
quanta de eo narrant historiæ, Paulum a Nerone dimissum, ut evangelium
Christi in Occidentis quoque partibus prædicaret: sicut ipse in secundâ epis-
tolâ ad Timotheum, eo tempore quo et passus est, de vinculis dictans episto-
lam, &c. De V. I. cap. 5.
· Ποιαν δε πρωτην απολογιαν
λεγει; Παρετη ηδη τῳ Νέρωνι, και διεφυγεν. Επειδη δε τον οινοχοον αυτ8
κατηχησε, τοτε αυτον απετεμεν.
KATNXNOE, TOTE AUтov atεTEμev. In 2 ep. ad Tim. cap. iv. hom. 10. T. XI. p.
722. B.
• Ηνικα τη Εφεσει χρησαμενος εις την Ρώμην ύπο τε
Φησε παρεπέμφθη, απολογησαμενος ώς αθωος αφείθη. Πρωτην τοινον απο-
λογιαν την εν εκείνη τη εκδημία γεγενημενην εκαλεσε. κ. λ. In 2 ep. Tim. iv. 16
tom. III. p. 506.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
51
apostle was near his end. But must relate to the prospect
of success, which he had soon after he was brought from
Judea to Rome. At that time these expressions were ex-
ceedingly proper, and his expectations were fully answered.
As may be collected from Philip. i. 12-20, and ch. iv. 22,
Witsius has some observations upon this place, which de-
serve to be transcribed. So do likewise the observations of
another learned writer," they being well suited to illustrate
this text.
t
For farther clearing up this point, I must stay somewhat
longer here. I cannot but think it very evident, that Paul
was now brought before the emperor, and that he here refers
to it. Lightfoot supposeth, that in those words, " at my
'first answer," Paul does not refer so much to what, or how
many answers he was called to: but intimates, that even at
'the first pinch and appearance of danger, all that should
have been his assistants started from him.' And that may
be the meaning. Nevertheless it is not impossible, that Paul
might make two apologies, one soon after the other, at the
first of which all forsook him: whereas, at the second, there
were some, who appeared with him, and spoke in his behalf.
But however that may be, I am of opinion, that Paul was
brought before Nero himself, and that he here speaks of it.
Ibi enim con-
* Puto hæc ad ea quæ Romæ tunc gesta sunt referenda esse.
stitutus tunc fuit Paulus, ut in summo totius mundi loco, unde evangelii ab
ipso prædicati sonus, non tamquam buccinæ, sed tanquam tonitru, quaqua-
versum audiretur.--Porro ea, quæ Romæ, quæ in Prætorio, quæ ad tribu-
nal Cæsaris dicebantur, vel agebantur, in tantâ confluentium multitudine,
celeri famâ, per omnes totius propemodum orbis gentes vulgata fuere. Quibus
non parum ponderis ex eo accessit, quod captivus iste, tam mirabilium rerum
anunciator, a popularibus quidem suis accusatus, sed a Cæsare absolutus, vel
certe non damnatus esset. Wits. de Vit. Paul. sect. 12. num. xxxii.
" Idem jam a Paulo indicatum, 2 Tim. iv. 16, 17. In primâ meâ defen-
sione nemo mihi adfuit, sed omnes,' nimirum Christiani, Romæ tum Pauli
aggregati, me deseruerunt.--Dominus autem mihi adfuit, et confortavit
me, ut per me promulgatio evangelii compleretur, et omnes gentes illud au-
dirent: Etenim liberatus fui ex ore leonis,' quocum jamjam mihi erat depug-
nandum. Paulus docet, sese, adjuvante Deo, ab intentatâ sibi cum leone
depugnatione fuisse ereptum; sese caussam suam ita dixisse, ut liber et invio-
latus fuerit dimissus e Prætorio; Deum hoc pacto promulgationem evangelii
promovisse, et in celebritatem deduxisse, ac ad securitatem. Securitas adnun-
tiationis sita est in voce λnpopopias, quæ a nave, plenis velis ac liberrime in-
vehente, est desumta. Eum igitur finem liberationis suæ Numen Supremum
voluerat esse proprium, ut Paulus in posterum eo liberius doctrinam evangelii
evulgaret. Roma erat locus celeberrimus. Quidquid ibi gerebatur, id puta-
batur agi in luce orbis terrarum. Caussa itaque Pauli inde innotuit ac incre
buit passim, ac quicumque de eâ aliquid audiebant, avidi fuerunt redditi
doctrinæ quoque ipsius, quam docebat, audiendæ et cognoscendæ. J. Ch.
Harenburg. Otia Gandershem. Observ. 8. sect. 3.
V
As before, p. 322.
E 2
52
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
W
Several moderns have perceived this. But though this
opinion had never the patronage of any great names, I ap-
prehend it might be deduced with certainty from St. Luke's
history in the Acts. He is very concise in what he says of
Paul after his arrival at Rome. Nor has he said, that Paul
was brought before Nero. But it may be argued, and con-
cluded from what he has said.
66
When Paul was first brought before Festus at Cæsarea,
after he had been left bound by Felix, at the end of two
years' imprisonment, and Festus proposed that he should
go up to Jerusalem, and be there judged before him:
Paul said, I stand at Cæsar's judgment-seat, where I ought
to be judged," Acts xxv. 9, 10. "Then Festus, when he
had conferred with his council, answered, Hast thou ap-
pealed unto Cæsar? Unto Cæsar thou shalt go," ver. 12.
Therefore that was now determined. When Festus first
spoke to king Agrippa about Paul's affair, he said to him,
“But when Paul had appealed to be reserved to the hear-
ing, or judgment, of Augustus, I commanded him to be
kept, till I might send him to Cæsar," ver. 21. And when
Festus actually brought Paul before Agrippa, and the rest,
he said, "He himself having appealed unto Augustus, I
have determined to send him," ver. 25. After Paul had
pleaded before Festus, and Agrippa, and that great company
at Cæsarea, it is said, ch. xxvi. 31, 32; “ And the king
rose up, and Bernice, and they that sat with them. And
when they had gone aside, they talked between themselves,
saying, This man doth nothing worthy of death, or of bonds.
Then said Agrippa unto Festus: This man might have been
set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Cæsar." After
his appeal therefore the sending Paul to Rome was unavoid-
able. If Agrippa and the rest of that great company did
not dare to dismiss him, though they thought him innocent,
but judged it needful that he should go to Rome, it may be
reckoned probable, that he was actually brought before the
emperor. And Festus wrote a letter concerning Paul to the
emperor himself, as may be concluded from ch. xxv. 26, 27.
And while Paul was in the voyage to Rome, he had a vision.
"An angel stood by him, saying: Fear not, Paul, thou must
w I shall cite an author or two here, though they may not agree with me
about the time of Paul's appearance before the emperor.
Acts xxvii. 24, “Thou must be brought before Cæsar." By this, and by
'what Paul says, 2 Tim. iv. 17, it seems, that he had a personal hearing before
• Nero himself.' Wall's Crit. Notes upon the N. T. p. 271.
Nous ne saurions douter au moins que S. Paul n'ait comparu devant Néron
peu de temps avant sa mort, comme on le voit par sa seconde épître à Timo-
thée. Tillem. S. Paul. note 40. Mem. T. I. p. 531. Paris.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
53
be brought before Cæsar," ch. xxvii. 23, 24. Certainly,
therefore, he was brought before him. And that is what he
intends, when he speaks of his apology. Which is also
confirmed by what follows: " And I was delivered out of
the mouth of the lion." Whereby must be meant Nero
himself.
And now we may be able to understand those expressions:
"No man stood with me: but all men forsook me.” St.
Luke's history of Paul's arrival at Rome will give great
light to those words, Acts xxviii. 13-15, " And we came
the next day to Puteoli. Where we found brethren, and
were desired to tarry with them seven days: and so we went
toward Rome. And from thence, when the brethren heard
of us, they came to meet us, as far as Appii Forum, and the
three taverns: whom when Paul saw, he thanked God, and
took courage." The affectionate and respectful visit of so
many christians from Rome was very refreshing and com-
fortable to him, after all the fatigues of his voyage, and in
the disgraceful circumstances of his appearance. But when
he was presented to the emperor, "no man stood by him :
but all men forsook him." And these are the men, whom he
intends these, and other christians then at Rome. None of
them had courage to appear in his favour, and plead in his
behalf, as they might have done. But all drew back, and
left him alone. "Notwithstanding the Lord stood with me,
and strengthened me.
99
X
Let me now represent the progress of this affair, as it ap-
pears to me, after having consulted * Lightfoot, and others.
When the prisoners from Judea were brought to Rome,
they were all delivered to the captain of the guard, or pre-
fect of the prætorium. At the same time Julius the centu-
rion, to whose charge they had been committed, and who had
all along" courteously entreated Paul," [Acts xxvii. 3,]
X
Julius, the Centurion, that had brought Paul and the rest of the prisoners
' from Judea, had been his friend and favourer from his first setting out, and so.
I continued, till his settling at Rome.- His accusers that were come from
Judea, to lay in the charge against him, [for we can hardly suppose but that
some were come,] would be urgent to get their business despatched, that they
might be returning to their own homes again; and so would bring him to
• his trial, as soon as they could. And that his trial was early this year, appears
by his own words in the second epistle to Timothy, where he speaketh of his
answer, and requireth Timothy to come to him before winter,' 2 Tim. iv.
16, 21.
• As he appealed to Nero himself, so Nero himself heard his cause, Philip. i.
13; 2 Tim. iv. 16. And here it was possible for Paul and Seneca to see each
' other. At which time all that had owned him before, withdrew themselves
for fear, and dared not to stand by him, or appear with him in his danger.'
Lightfoot, as before, p. 322.
54
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
6
•
spoke honourably of him to the prefect, or delivered in a
written memorial of his voyage, and the several prisoners,
whom he had brought with him, inserting, particularly, some
things in favour of this prisoner, and also put into his hands
the governor's letter to the emperor, concerning Paul. The
tenor of which, as may be concluded from the letter of Lysias
to Felix, ch. xxiii. 25-30, and from other things afterwards.
recorded in the Acts, omitting the usual forms, not needful
to be mentioned here, was to this purpose: My Lord,
'when I came into this province, committed to my charge
by thy favour, I found a prisoner, named Paul, left bound
by my predecessor Felix, after he had been two years in
'custody. In a short time grievous complaints were made
against him by the chief men of the nation, desiring me to
pass sentence of condemnation upon him. Whereupon I
' appointed them a hearing. And being sat on the judg-
'ment seat, I commanded the man to be brought forth. But
when the accusers stood up, they alleged no proofs of any
thing that could render him criminal in the eye of our
laws. They had only certain questions against him of their
' own religion, and concerning one Jesus, who had died, and
'whom Paul affirmed to be alive. At this time the man
' expressed a desire to be heard at thy tribunal. And hav-
⚫ing conferred with my council, and considering that he is
a citizen of Rome, his appeal was allowed to be valid.
Whereupon I resolved to send him unto thee, as soon as I
'could. In the mean time, king Agrippa and Bernice came
'to the place of my residence. Who being Jews by nation
• and religion, and willing to hear the man, I set him before
them, that I might be the better informed concerning him
myself. In their presence, and before me, and many others,
Roman officers, and principal men of this city, he without
6 reserve declared his doctrine, and his concern to promote
it, and indeed his whole life from the beginning. After
which, when the assembly (as honourable as can be ex-
pected to be seen in any of the provinces) were gone aside,
they talked between themselves. And they were all agreed,
saying: This man doth nothing worthy of death, or of
'bonds: and he might have been set at liberty if he had
⚫ not appealed to Augustus. To thee therefore I now send.
him. And to thy cognizance his cause is referred.'
6
"
When Burrhus, the prefect of the prætorium, brought
Paul before the emperor, and delivered the governor's let-
ter, it is not improbable, that he might add some hints in
favour of the prisoner, from the character given of him by
Julius, either by word, or in his memorial. At this audi-
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
55
ence must have been present, beside y Burrhus, divers other
courtiers, of the greatest eminence and distinction, and per-
haps Seneca. It may be likewise supposed, that some Jews,
delegated by the council at Jerusalem, appeared, to plead
against Paul. If there were none, it must have been under-
stood to be a disrespect to the emperor, and a great prejudice
to the cause of the accusers. If there were any such here,
it would show the reasonableness of Paul's expectation,
that some of the christians at Rome should have attended
likewise.
At this time (unless there was another audience soon af-
ter) the emperor pronounced sentence upon Paul, and signed
the order of his confinement: such as is related by St.
Luke, Acts xxviii. 16, 30, 31. And though Paul was not
acquitted, nor set at liberty, it may be esteemed a favour-
able decision.
It was after this audience of the emperor, and this sen-
tence, that Paul sent for the Jews at Rome to come to him.
But when he laid before them his case, and spoke of the
proceedings against him in Judea, and of his appeal to Cæ-
sar, they were very humble, and even low spirited, and did
not choose to enter into discourse upon the matter.
Paul says, Acts xxviii. 19; " But when the Jews spake
against it, I was constrained to appeal to Cæsar: not that
I had ought to accuse my nation of." These last words
may be understood by some, as if he had said,' Not that I
have any cause of complaint against my nation.' Which
would be great complaisance indeed, after he had received
so much hard usage from the Jews. But the words may be
thus rendered: Not that I have a design to accuse my
'nation of any thing.' And in that manner they are rendered
by Le Clerc and a L'Enfant, in their French translations.
And it is agreeable to Beza's annotation upon the place,
who is another good judge. This sense is very becoming
Paul, and was very suitable to his circunstance and situa-
tion at that time. It was very proper to pacify the Jews at
Rome, who might have been apprehensive of Paul's making
use of his interest in the emperor's court against them, after
b
y Burrhus is computed to have died in the year of Christ 62, and Seneca in
the year 65. Vid. Basn. Ann. 62. num. i. et Ann. 65. num. iv.
2 Mais les Juifs s'y opposant, j'ai été contraint d'en appeler à César, sans
que j'aye néanmoins dessein d'accuser ma nation, en quoique ce soit. Cl.
sans que j'aye dessein néanmoins d'accuser ma nation, en quoique
ce soit. L'Enf.
b Est autem hoc additum a Paulo, ne putarent
Judæi ipsum constituisse criminari gentem suam apud Cæsarem; cum hoc
unum potius ageret, ut nullo hostium incommodo causam Christi et innocen-
tiam suam tueretur. Bez.
4
56
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
he had been so ill used in Judea. But all he aimed at was
the vindication of his own innocence, that he might with
greater liberty preach the gospel.
6
•
с
6
Here we see the ground of the difference between Paul's
imprisonment in Judea, and at Rome. The difference is
manifest. Whilst in Judea, it does not appear that he had
any communication with other churches out of it. He is
wholly engaged in his own defence, and does but just se-
cure his life against the violence of the unbelieving Jews,
and their council. But when he came to Rome, and his
apology was over, he was permitted to live by himself, in
his own hired house. There he receives intelligence by
messengers of the churches, who come to him from divers
parts. He makes converts, and writes letters, and has fel-
low-labourers, whom he sends abroad, as he pleaseth. We
now see the ground of this. As Jerom says, the apostle
being sent to prison by the emperor, he becomes acquainted
with the emperor's family, and makes the persecutor's
house a church.' Referring to Philip. iv. 22. When Paul
was in Judea, he was the governor's prisoner, whose good
will was restrained by the influence of the people of the
country. Now he is the emperor's prisoner, who allows
what liberty he pleaseth. And when granted, none dare to
control, or abridge it in any measure. Hence all the ad-
vantages of this imprisonment, and the happy conclusion of
it. Having so much liberty, and being able to receive all
who came to him, he makes many converts and many friends,
some in the emperor's own family, and near his person.
Says the apostle in this very epistle, ch. iv. 16, 17, “At my
first answer no man stood with me. Notwithstanding the
Lord stood with me, and strengthened me, that by me the
preaching might be fully known, and all the Gentiles might
hear." It is a case much resembling that of our apostle be-
fore at Corinth, Acts xviii. 9-11," Then spake the Lord
unto Paul in the night, by a vision: Be not afraid, but speak,
and hold not thy peace. For I am with thee, and no man
shall set on thee to hurt thee: for I have much people in
this city. And he continued there a year and six months,
teaching the word of God among them." And though he
was brought before Gallio the governor, and accused; he
was acquitted, and continued there yet a good while. In
like manner here," the Lord stood by Paul, strengthened
him, and delivered him." And he afterwards" dwelt two
whole years at Rome, preaching the kingdom of God, and
A Casare missus in carcerem, notior familiæ ejus factus, persecutoris do-
mum Christi fecit ecclesiam. In ep. ad Philem. T. IV. p. 445. in.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
57
teaching those things which concern the Lord Jesus, no inan
forbidding him,” Acts xxviii. 30, 31.
Some may say, that during this space several of the apos-
tle's friends and fellow-labourers were apprehended and
imprisoned: which seems inconsistent with the supposition
of his being committed by the emperor, with an order for
allowing him all the liberty which he enjoyed. For Aris-
tarchus is spoken of as his fellow-prisoner, Col. iv. 10, and
Epaphras, Philem. ver. 23. And Timothy is said to have
been set at liberty, Heb. xiii. 23. Who therefore must have
been confined.
To which I answer, that these imprisonments of some of
Paul's friends and fellow-labourers do not at all weaken
our supposition, but confirm it: forasmuch as Paul's liberty
was not abridged, but continued the same all along, until
he was quite enlarged: which affords reason to think that
the method of his confinement was appointed and ordered
by an authority above control. And it is easy to conceive
how it came to pass that some of Paul's friends were impri-
soned when it is considered that he must have had many
enemies, and some of his friends acted imprudently, and
there were others, who from envy and ill-will were prompted
to behave irregularly, with a view of bringing him and his
best friends into danger, by exposing them to general re-
sentment, and especially the resentment of men in power.
As we learn from Philip. i. 15-17. And yet it does not
appear that any of Paul's fellow-labourers endured a long
imprisonment. It is not unlikely that they were taken up
and imprisoned by some inferior officers, to gratify the fury
of the common people, who did not dare to keep them long
in custody, nothing material appearing against them. As
Jerom observes, such frequent short imprisonments and
speedy releases were common at the first rise of the chris-
tian religion, before Nero became an open persecutor, and
before the publication of such edicts as affected the lives of
the followers of Jesus.
All these considerations cannot but be of great weight to
•
d Quod autem crebro Paulus in carcere fuerit, et de vinculis liberatus sit,
ipse in alio loco dicit: In carceribus frequenter:' de quibus nonnunquam
Domini auxilio, crebro ipsis persecutoribus nihil dignum in eo morte inveni-
entibus, dimittebatur. Necdum enim super nomine christiano senatûs
consulta præcesserant; necdum christianum sanguinem Neronis gladius dedi-
cârat. Sed pro novitate prædicationis, sive a Judæis invidentibus, sive ab his
qui sua videbant idola destrui, ad furorem populis concitatis, missi in carcerem,
rursum impetu et furore deposito, laxabantur——id agente Domino, ut in
toto orbe nova pr.edicatio disseminaretur. In Philem. ver. 22. T. IV. p. 453.
58
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
determine the time of this epistle. However, there are some
difficulties that ought to be taken notice of.
1. Obj. "For I am now ready to be offered up, and the
time of my departure is at hand," 2 Tim. iv. 6.
These expressions lede Eusebius of Cæsarea, and 'Jerom,
who followed him, and Chrysostom, though he did not fol-
low either, to say that this was the last epistle of St. Paul,
written only a small space of time before his martyrdom.
And many learned moderns have been of the same opinion,
as is well known.
"
6
But let us attend to Lightfoot. There is one passage,'
says he, in this epistle, which has caused some to doubt
' about the time of its writing. That is what he says, ch. iv.
6; "I am now ready to be offered up, and the time of my
departure is at hand." Which would make one think that
he was now ready to be martyred and taken away. And
it has made some believe this was the last epistle that ever
'he wrote. But when we compare his own words again,
ver. 17, 18, and Philip. i. 25, and Philem. ver. 22, it maketh
'past controversy, that he speaketh not of his sudden mar-
tyrdom, but that he is to be understood in some other sense.
C
<
And indeed the resolution of the difficulty lies open
' and conspicuous in the very text itself. Paul looked upon
Timothy, as the prime and choice man that was to succeed
'him in the work of the gospel, when he himself should be
dead and gone: as being a young man, not only of singular
qualifications for that work, but of whom there had been
special prophecies to such a purpose, 1 Tim. i. 18. He
exhorts him therefore, in this place, to improve all his pains
and parts to the utmost " to do the work of an evangelist,
'to make full proof of his ministry," ch. iv. 5, for that him-
'self could not last long, being now grown old, and worn
' out with travail, and beside all that, in bonds at present,
' and so in continual danger. Therefore must Timothy be
'fitting himself daily to take his work, when he is gone.'
So Lightfoot, and, as seems to me, very properly.
the like purpose Estius upon the same text. Whom I
transcribe below.
e H. E. 1. 2. cap. 22.
V. I. cap. v.
To
f Quoted Vol. iv. ch. cxiv; from De
8 Quoted likewise as before.
h Vol. I. p. 324.
1 Quare quæ hic ab Apostolo dicuntur non ita sunt accipienda, quasi plane
sentiat sese jam jam rapiendum ad martyrium; præsertim cum alia quædam
ejusdem epistolæ repugnent huic intellectui.--Sed tantum significant, ipsum,
etsi de tempore mortis et passionis incertum tamen per carceres et tribunalia
parari ad victimam.- -Quocirca non apparet hæc a Paulo dicta fuisse per
revelationem aliquam de instante martyrio sibi factam.- -Illud etiam con-
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
59
I likewise place below a part of Baronius's solution of
the same difficulty, which appears to me very sufficient.
That Paul had now no certain and prophetic view of suf-
fering martyrdom immediately, is apparent from several
things in this epistle: particularly from his desiring Timo-
thy to come to him, and to bring Mark with him, as
66 pro-
fitable to him for the ministry." He supposed therefore,
that he should have an opportunity to employ him in the
service of the gospel. He likewise must have hoped to
receive, and use the things left at Troas, which he desired
Timothy to bring to him.
Obj. 2. St. Paul says, ch. iv. 18, " And the Lord shall
deliver me from every evil work, and will preserve me un-
to his heavenly kingdom." By which many have supposed,
that the apostle does not express any hope of being now
delivered from death, or the present danger, or any other
temporal evil, but from sin, and from all unworthy conduct
of his own.
1
So say Le Clerc and m Whitby. "Paul had
been delivered out of the mouth of the lion." But he did
not now expect any such deliverance. He only hoped to
be preserved from sin, and to be brought to God's heavenly
kingdom.
But I do not think that to be St. Paul's meaning. It is
inconsistent with what he had just said: that "the Lord
had stood by him, and strengthened him, that by him the
siderandum est, Paulum loqui, ut jam senem, et laboribus confectum, qui pro-
inde non multum vitæ tempus sibi reliquum arbitretur. Ac quoniam non
dubitat, se martyrio finiendum, idcirco et de eo tamquam brevi futuro loqui-
tur: Ego enim,' inquit, ' jam delibor.'- -Sensus et connexio est: Idcirco,
cum tam seriâ obtestatione te discipulum meum officii tui admoneo, quod jam
senex sim, et incertus quamdiu futurus superstes. Jam enim, tamquam victima
Christo destinata, per hos carceres, et gravissimos quos patior adversariorum
impetus, immolari incipio. Est. ad 2 Tim. iv. 6.
k
eo enim sensu hæc putant accipienda esse verba, quasi proxime esset
Paulus martyrio coronandus, sicque ab eo spiritu prophetico esse pronuntiata.
-Sed dicant velim: Nonne idem ipse Paulus in eâdem testatur epistolâ,
sibi Dominum apparuisse, dum in summo illo discrimine versaretur, hortatum-
que esse, ac fore prædixisse, ut per ipsum in omnes Gentes prædicatio imple-
retur? Quomodo igitur hæc sibi cohærent, ut instans Pauli consummatio
esset, idemque ipse, sic a periculo liberandus, in omnes gentes prædicationem
evangelii propagaturus esset? Et reliqua. Ann. 59. n. xiii. xiv.
fit
¹ Non de la mort, mais des mauvaises actions, qu'il auroit fallu que S. Paul
pour l'éviter. Clerc.
m Dr. Whitby's note upon ver. 18, is, If he will deliver him,' as Chry-
sostom says, why does he say, "I am offered ?" Observe therefore his words.
He says not, he will again deliver me "out of the power of the lion:" but
only, that "he will preserve me from every evil work, and to his heavenly
kingdom.' The place of Chrysostom, which I suppose to be here referred
to, may be seen, on 2 ad Tim. cap. iv. hom. x. tom. XI. p. 722. Ed. Bened.
60
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
preaching might be fully known, and that all the Gentiles
might hear." Which could not be done presently. But
must require some time. To me it clearly appears, that the
apostle's words express faith in God, and hope of the divine
protection in future difficulties and dangers; or, that God
would still deliver him, and uphold him in his service,
against all the designs of evil meu. And when he had done
the work, still remaining for him to do, and fulfilled his
testimony to the gospel, he should be "brought safe to
God's heavenly kingdom." Accordingly, he was preserved
for some good while after this, enjoying, so far as we know,
as much freedom in preaching the gospel, as ever he did,
till a period was put to his life by martyrdom. As before
observed, what the apostle says here at ch. iv. 16—18, much
resembles what is said, Acts xviii. 9-17. And the apos-
tle's circumstances at Corinth and Rome were much alike.
3. Obj. Once more, it may be said, the state of things
shows this epistle to have been written many years after the
first epistle to Timothy, and when Paul was near his death.
For he says here, ch. i. 15, "This thou knowest, that all
they which are in Asia be turned away from me. Of whom
are Phygellus and Hermogenes." Which implies that great
corruptions now prevailed in Asia, particularly in the church
of Ephesus.
To which I answer: that if the Asiatics, here spoken of,
were now at Rome, or had been lately there, we are not
hereby led to think disadvantageously of the christians at
Ephesus, and in Asia in general. That such are the persons
here intended, has been the opinion of many, and is very
probable.
It was formerly observed, that "Chrysostom
hereby understood such as were at Rome. Estius, upon
the place, says, this was the general opinion of the Greek
writers. And indeed it is in Ecumenius, who expressly
says, that they which are in Asia is the same as they which
are of Asia. To the like purpose Theophylact: They in
'Asia are such of Asia as were then at Rome.' Dr. Ham-
mond's paraphrase is to this purpose, Thou hast heard, I
'believe, that in my affliction I have been deserted by all the
■ Vol. iv. ch. cxviii.
6
• Porro secundum Græcorum expositio-
nem, non est sermo de iis, qui, Paulo hæc scribente, in Asiâ erant, sed qui ex
Asiâ Romam venerant. Est. in loc.
oi
- Οι εν τη Ασία· τετεσιν, οἱ εκ της Ασίας Ceum. in loc. Τ. II. p. 261.
4 Κατέλιπον αυτον οἱ παντες εν τη Ασία, τέτεσιν οἱ εκ της Ασίας ενδεμεντες
Tn 'Pwμy. Theoph. T. II. p. 806.
Audivisti, ut opinor, ab Asiaticis christianis, qui erant Romæ, excepto solo
Onesiphoro, me desertum fuisse, in meâ calamitate. Hammond, in loc. ex
versione Cleric.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
61
•
· Asiatic christians at Rome, excepting only Onesiphorus.'
So that this interpretation is confirmed by the connection, it
following immediately afterwards, "The Lord give mercy
to the house of Onesiphorus. For he oft refreshed me, and
was not ashamed of my chain. But when he was at Rome,
he sought me out very diligently, and found me." Rightly
does Hammond say, that Timothy had heard of this. It was
likely, that before this letter came to Timothy's hands, he
might have heard in general, how the christians at Rome,
particularly those of Asia, had carried it toward his great
master, now in bonds. But it seems by the apostle's way of
speaking, that he thought he gave Timothy some farther
information, especially when he added, " Of whom are Phy-
gellus and Hermogenes." Beausobre was for the late date.
of this epistle. Nevertheless he supposeths the apostle to
speak of some Asiatics, who had been with him at Rome,
but were returned to their own country. Mr. Mosheim¹
speaks largely to this place. He understands hereby some
Asiatics, who had left Paul, and were gone home. He
thinks they were guilty of unkindness, and are chargeable
with inconstancy: but he does not suppose that they for-
sook the apostle's doctrine, or endeavoured to make inno-
vations.
There is no ground therefore to suppose that Paul here
speaks of a general corruption and defection of the Christi-
ans in Asia.
I know not of any other objections that deserve consider-
ation. From what has been argued therefore, I conclude,
that this epistle to Timothy was written at Rome, when Paul
was sent thither by Festus in the
year
61.
For determining the time of the year we may receive as-
sistance, not only from those who are for this early date,
but from those likewise who are for a later date of this
epistle.
From Paul's desiring Timothy to come to him, before
s Il y a de l'apparence, que quelques Asiatiques, qui avoient suivi S. Paul à
Rome, l'avoient abandonné, et s'en étoient retournés dans leur païs. Beaus.
upon the place.
t Discesserant hi sine dubio, et in patriam reverterant, quod, Paulo Romæ in
vincula conjecto, vitæ suæ metuebant, desperabantque, fore aliquando, ut is
libertati restitutus itinera, quæ meditabatur, persequeretur. In hoc vitii est
aliquid fratrem enim, et multo magis Dei legatum, cui præsidio et solatio
esse possis, in vitæ discrimine positum, relinquere, animi levis est, et christi-
anæ disciplinæ immemoris. Verum nihil habet hæc inconstantia, ex quo
intelligi possit, ideo hos homines domum rediisse, ut, quæ ex Paulo percepe-
rant, dogmata oppugnarent, novasque res inter christianos molirentur. Mo-
shem. De Reb, christian ante Constantin. Sec. i. num. lx. in notis.
62
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
winter, Tillemont" concludes, that this epistle was written
near the middle of the year. Witsius thinks it was written
in the beginning of the summer. So likewise Baronius.
W
It seems very probable, that Paul came to Rome about
the end of February, or soon after, before April, or at the
utmost in the beginning of it. But before the writing of this
letter several things had passed. His apology before the
emperor was over, Onesiphorus had made the apostle divers
visits. Several of the apostle's assistants or fellow-labour-
ers had been with him, since his arrival, and had taken
directions from him. Demas was gone to Thessalonica,
Crescens to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia. The epistle to the
Ephesians likewise, I suppose to have been written before,
and if it had not been sent away, it lay ready, at least, to be
carried by Tychicus, together with this to Timothy. If
therefore Paul came to Rome in March, this letter might be
sent away in May, or the beginning of June. The direction,
ch. iv. 21, "Do thy diligence to come before winter," might
proceed from tenderness for Timothy, the apostle himself
having lately felt the inconveniences of a winter-voyage;
and may also lead us to think there would be need of Timo-
thy's making despatch, after the receipt of this letter, lest
he should be overtaken by bad weather.
*
Z
In dating this epistle at the time I have done, I have fol-
lowed Lightfoot, y Baronius, Estius, Hammond, Wit-
a b
sius. Who have all well asserted this date. Witsius, the
last mentioned, has an argument upon the point, which he
has all along conducted with great candour, and concluded©
u Il y prie S. Timothée de le venir trouver avant l'hiver, ainsi ce ne pouvoit
pas être plus tard que vers le milieu de l'année. S. Paul, art. 49. Mem. tom. I.
▾ Observant, jussisse hac epistolâ Paulum, ut festinato ad se accederet, et, si
fieri posset, ante hiemem, assumto secum Marco. Venit autem Paulus Ro-
mam, mense, ut creditur, Februario. Pone, scriptam hanc epistolam esse
ineunte æstate: potuit Timotheus cum Marco ante hiemem Romæ esse ; ubi
fuit, quando illæ scribebantur epistolæ, quibus præfixum illius nomen est:
quemadmodum et Marcus ibi fuit, quo tempore scribebatur illa ad Colossen-
ses, et ad Philemonem. Quidquamne probabilius est, quam omnia ista ex
mandato Pauli esse facta? Ubi supra. sect 12. num. v.
w Sed et cum illud admonet, ut ante hiemem se Romam conferat: certe, si
quis exacte consideret tempus, et locum ipsum, Timotheumque agentem in
Âsiâ, ut ejusmodi reddi posset epistola, et ipse Troadem ad sumendam pænu-
lam proficisceretur, ac Romam ante hiemem se conferret: plane inveniet, hoc
ipso anno, ineunte æstate, hanc ad Timotheum scriptam epistolam. Baron.
ann. 59. num. x.
X
Harmony of the N. T. in his Works, Vol. i. p. 324.
Annal. 59. num. x.
a Præf. in 2 ep. ad Timoth.
z Præf. in 2 ad Timoth.
Apost. sect. xii. apud Meletem. Leyd. p. 182, &c.
b De Vitâ et Rebus Pauli
Mea si desideretur &TIKOσiç, fateor equidem aliquamdiu me in rationum
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
63
with much modesty: though to me he seems to have re-
moved every difficulty in a very satisfactory manner. And
he speaks of Salmero, as being of the same opinion. And
besides, in the course of the argument cites from Cocceius,
and Solomon Van Till, (with whose writings I am but little
acquainted,) divers observations, confirming the same opinion.
Cave likewise was of this opinion, when he wrote the Lives
of the Apostles, and the first volume of the Lives of the
primitive Fathers, in English; expressing himself very
clearly, and properly, both in the life of Paul, and the
life of Timothy, but when he wrote his Historia Literaria, be
speaks in the article of St. Paul, as if he had quite changed
his mind: though in the article of St. Peter, as it still stands
in the new edition at Oxford, he speaks exactly as he had
done before.
f
e
If he altered his mind, I suppose it must have been in
compliance with Pearson, who of late has been followed in
this particular by many; who, if they had carefully read
the above-named authors, might easily have discerned the
superiority of their arguments.
To him likewise I suppose it must be chiefly ascribed,
conflictu animi ancipitem hæsisse, quæ quibus anteponendæ sint. Omnibus
tamen perpensis, non dissimulo, eo me magis propendere, ut scriptionem
hujus epistolæ ad priora Pauli apud Romam vincula referendam esse arbitrer.
Ib. sect. 12. num. viii.
d It is not improbable, but that about this time St. Paul wrote his second
' epistle to Timothy. I know that Eusebius, and the ancients, and most mo-
'derns after them, will have it written a little before his martyrdom, induced
• thereto by that passage in it, that he was " then ready to be offered, and the
' time of his departure was at hand." But, surely, it is most reasonable to
think that it was written at his first being at Rome, and that at his first
coming there, presently after his trial before Nero. In it he appoints Timothy
shortly to come to him, who accordingly came, and his name is joined to-
gether with the apostle's, in the front of several epistles, to the Philippians,
Colossians, and Philemon.' Cave's Life of St. Paul, sect. 7. num. 5. p.
103, 104.
e Life of Timothy, num. vii.
f Epistolam secundam ad Timotheum scriptam esse Romæ, in primâ Pauli
captivitate contendit cl. Hammondus. Sed errat omnino vir eruditissimus.
Quisquis enim totius epistolæ contextum, omnesque hujus temporis circum-
stantias serio perpenderit, quin scripta sit anno 64, paulo ante Apostoli mar-
tyrium, dubitare nequit. De S. Paulo. Hist. Lit. tom. I. p. 12.
• Durante biennali captivitate, Paulus inde scripsit quatuor vel quinque
epistolas, ad Colossenses, Ephesios, Philippenses, et Philemonem, in quibus
nullæ notæ, nulla indicia, unde vel divinando quis assequi posset, Romæ
Petrum tunc fuisse.- -In posteriori ad Timotheum, quam hoc etiam tempore
scriptam esse, maxime est probabile. -Carcere Romano liberatus, dum ad-
huc in Italiâ hæreret, scripsit epistolam ad Hebræos. De Petro, H. L. p. 9.
¹ Paulus Romæ [A. D. lxvii.] e carcere in discrimen vitæ vocatur ab altero
Nerone, et apologiam habet, sive defensionem suam,' vel' sui,' quod in pri-
64
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
k
i
that by the apostle's first answer, or apology, many of late
have understood an apology made in a second imprisonment
at Rome. Which, as before shown, is contrary to the ge-
neral opinion of ancient christian writers: and indeed ap-
pears to me a very unlikely meaning. And to him I suppose
it to be entirely owing that Paul's lion, whom all christi-
ans in general had hitherto understood to be the emperor
Nero, has on a sudden dwindled into "Elius, or Helius, the
emperor's freed man and favourite.
m
Upon the whole, it appears to me very probable, that this
second epistle to Timothy was written at Rome, when Paul
was sent thither by Festus. And I cannot but think, that
this ought to be an allowed and determined point. Accord-
ingly, I now proceed to mention some observations in the
way of corollaries.
I. This second epistle to Timothy affords not any argu-
ment that Peter was not at Rome, when Paul came thither a
second time, and suffered martyrdom.
Upon these words, ch. iv. 16, " At my first answer, no man
stood with me, but all forsook me," Beza says: 'Where'
oribus vinculis factum non est; ubi habuit tantum defensionem et confirma-
tionem evangelii,' adversus Judæos scilicet. Annal. Paulin.
* See before, p. 50—53.
P. 24.
k Eusèbe, S. Jérome, S. Chrysostome en quelques endroits, et Théodoret,
ont entendu cette première défense de son premier voyage. S. Chrysostome
s'en éloigne en d'autres endroits, et l'entend d'une première comparition de S.
Paul devant Néron dans son dernier voyage. Mais l'autre sentiment est plus
autorisé, et fondé sur le sens le plus naturel du texte, &c. Du Pin, Diss.
Prelim. P. II. 1. 2. ch. ii. sect. viii. p. 53.
1 In quâ defensione tantum erat et Pauli et suorum periculum, ut omnes sui
eum desererent, et nemo illi adesset, 2 Tim. iv. 16, 17. Sed ereptus est ex ore
leonis, nempe Helii Cæsareani. Ann. Paulin. ibid.
m I refer to the collections of Grotius upon 2 Tim. iv. 17, whereby it ap-
pears to have been common to give such denominations to bad princes, not to
their officers. And I shall transcribe here a curious passage, to which he only
refers, showing, that Nero, for his bad temper, was early called a lion. Adde
hæc scholiastis in Juvenalis Sat. v. Seneca sub Claudio, quasi conscius adulte-
riorum Juliæ, Germanici filiæ, in Corsicam relegatus, post triennium revocatus
est. Qui etsi magno desiderio Athenas intenderet, ab Agrippinâ tamen, erudi-
endo Neroni, in palatium adductus, sævum immanemque natum et sensit cito,
et mitigavit, inter familiares solitus dicere; non fore sævo illi leoni, quin, gus-
tato semel hominis sanguine, ingenita redeat sævitia. Lipsius in notis ad Tacit.
Ann. 1. 12. cap. 9.
" Nobis sane non probatur conjectura doctissimi Pearson, qui, communis
sententiæ pertæsus, Helium Cæsareanum designatum fuisse existimat in Anna-
libus Paulinis. Neronis potius et furor et dignitas, aptâ eâ metaphorâ signifi-
catur; quomodo, defuncto Tiberio, Marsias Agrippæ libertus dixit domino suo,
Mortuus est Leo. Basnag. ann. 64. n. vi.
• Ubi tum Petrus, si Romæ erat? Num enim quæso Paulum deseruisset?
Sed quod in genere dicitur, etsi non temere sic loquitur Paulus, ita tamen acci-
piendum est, ut aliqui excipi potuerint, sed perpauci. Bez. in loc.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
65
was Peter then, if he was at Rome? Did he desert Paul in
the time of his difficulty: But the good man adds: That
'Paul's general expressions need not to be understood abso-
lutely, without any exception.' That is very charitable and
benevolent. But indeed, if Peter had then been at Rome,
he could not have afforded any assistance to his brother
apostle. Nor would Paul have expected it of him. For
Peter was himself an obnoxious person. Paul? refers only
to such, as by their station were likely to be of some use to
him, if they had appeared with him, and had exerted them-
selves in his behalf.
But though Peter's not appearing upon that occasion af-
fords not any argument that he was not then at Rome, the
entire silence concerning him throughout this epistle, affords
good reason to think he was not then at Rome. For ch. iv.
2, Paul sends salutations from Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, and
Claudia. If Peter had been then at Rome, he would have
been mentioned likewise. We do justly argue from St.
Paul's omitting Peter among his salutations sent to divers of
the Roman christians, ch. xvi. that Peter was not then in
that city. It is also rightly argued from the silence con-
cerning Peter in the epistles to the Ephesians, Philippians,
Colossians, and Philemon, that Peter was not at Rome when
they were written. To which ought to be added this second
epistle to Timothy, as farther confirming the same thing, if
written about the same time. But then, if it was written in
the year 61, as I suppose, it will not afford any argument
against Peter's being at Rome in 64 or 65, and then suffer-
ing martyrdom there. About which there ought not to be
any doubt. That Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome, is said
by the same writers that speak of the martyrdom of Paul
there. The martyrdoms of both the apostles have a like
degree of credibility. For neither is Paul's martyrdom at
Rome founded upon the testimony of any sacred book of the
New Testament. If this second epistle to Timothy was writ-
ten at the time here argued for, we have no proof from scrip-
ture that Paul was a second time at Rome. Nevertheless,
he must have been there a second time, if he suffered mar-
tyrdom there, as ecclesiastical history says. Consequently,
P Loquitur de iis qui prodesse poterant, et qui gratiâ valebant apud aulicos,
-Potest et ita exponi: Omnes,' id est, pene omnes. Est. in loc.
¶ Denique si mentitur traditio de loco Petrini martyrii atque sepulchro, quo
nobis indicio liquebit Paulum Romæ interfectum fuisse atque conditum?
Unum nobis est argumentum fama constans, in quo etiam fundamento collo-
catur quæ per animos invasit, de Petri in urbem et adventu et morte, immota
explorataque Veterum sententia. Basnag. ann. 64. num. x.
VOL. VI.
F
66
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
the martyrdom of Paul at Rome, has no other, nor better
evidence, than the martyrdom of Peter in the same city.
2. We cannot conclude from this second epistle to Timo-
thy, that St. Luke was qualified to write the history of the
apostle Paul for the space of several years lower than he has
done in the book of the Acts.
Whitby says upon ver. 11, of the fourth chapter of this
epistle: Hence it appears, that Luke must be alive in the
12th or 13th year of Nero, when this epistle was indited.'
St. Luke might be then alive. But this epistle, if written in
the 7th or 8th of Nero, affords not any proof that Luke lived
to the 12th or 13th of Nero, or that he was then with Paul.
And it may be reckoned probable, that St. Luke did not
accompany the apostle after his release from his imprison-
ment at Rome.
'
C
6
Again, says Wall upon Acts xxviii. 30, 31, St. Luke
wrote this book about the year 63.—It is a wonder that
' he did not add the history of the rest of his life, whither he
went, when he was set free, and what he did in the five
years afterwards. One might have guessed, that Luke
• died about this time. But it was not so. He was with
• Paul a little before Paul died; as appears from 2 Tim. iv.
11.' But, that St. Luke was alive and with Paul in the
year
67, or 68, cannot be inferred from this epistle, if it was writ-
ten in the year 61.
6
3. We are now able to vindicate the character of Demas.
Says Wall upon 2 Tim. iv. 10, At the former imprison-
'ment, five years ago, Demas was one of Paul's fellow-la-
• bourers.
As we learn from Philem. ver. 24.' But that
remark will appear preposterous, if the second epistle to
Timothy was written before that to Philemon, as I think it
was.
Upon our order of the epistles the case will stand thus.
Some time after Paul's coming from Judea to Rome, upon
the appearance of some unexpected difficulties, Demas, who
had come to Rome to meet Paul, was discouraged. He did
not apostatize from the christian religion. But out of too
great regard for his own safety, he absented himself from the
apostle, and went where Paul had rather he should not have
gone. This is what St. Paul intends, when writing to Timo-
thy, he here says: "Demas hath forsaken me, having loved
this present world, and is departed unto Thessalonica," ch.
iv. 10. But it was not very long before he returned. Ac-
cordingly, Paul makes honourable mention of him, Col. iv.
14, and Philem. 24, epistles, written near the end of his con-
finement at Rome.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
67
How disagreeable to think, that a fellow-labourer of Paul,
who had attended him in his bonds, near the end of a two
year's imprisonment at Rome, should afterwards forsake
him! According to our account his fault, whatever it might
be, was first, and his repentance last: and so sincere and
complete, that Paul readily accepted of it, and joins him
with his best friends in the salutations sent to Colosse, and
Philemon. And, perhaps, Demas had been very useful at
Thessalonica, though the apostle did not send him thither.
Grotius upon 2 Tim. iv. 10, says: 'wer conclude from
'Philem. ver. 24, and Col. iv. 14, that Demas repented of
'his fault.' But that is inconsistent with the late date of the
second epistle to Timothy. For if those texts prove Demas's
repentance, the second to Timothy must have been written
before those two epistles: as Beza perceived, when he al-
lowed the repentance of Demas.
S
4. Cave's argument for the time of St. Mark's writing
his gospel, built upon the supposition, that this second epis
tle to Timothy, in which that evangelist is mentioned, was
written just before St. Paul's martyrdom, is of no value.
5. This second epistle to Timothy, affords not any argu-
ment against the supposition, that the epistle to the Hebrews
was written by St. Paul in the year 63, about the time of his
being released from his confinement at Rome.
(
Le Clerc in his French edition of the New Testament, in
his notes upon Heb. xiii. 23, says: 'Nothing" of that kind
happened to Timothy, during the life of St. Paul, if it had,
' he would not have failed to take notice of it in his second
epistle to him, written a very short time before his death.
And he would have thence taken occasion to say something
'to Timothy, by way of commendation and encouragement,
or otherwise. If then Timothy was not imprisoned, during
6
6
r Vide hic etiam bonos interdum metu aut malis exemplis mutari. ‹ Quare,
qui stat, videat ne cadat.' Sed et culpæ hujus poenituisse Demam colligimus
ex loco Philem. 24. et Coloss. iv. 14. Grot. ad 2 Tim. iv.
s Videtur ille postea resipiscens ad Paulum revertisse, cum fiat ejus mentio in
epistolâ ad Philemonem, quam probabile est post hanc scriptam fuisse, cum
in câ fiat mentio Timothei ipsius in inscriptione, atque etiam Marci, quasi jam
cum Paulo versantis. Bez. ad Tim. iv. 10.
t Factum id circa annum 65, Petro et Paulo jam morte sublatis. Cum
enim illum epistolâ secundâ ad Timotheum, non longe ante martyrium scriptâ,
Romam accersiverat Paulus; probabile est, Marcum vel eodem, vel saltem se-
quenti anno illuc venisse, ibique Evangelium vel primum condidisse, vel prius
conditum edidisse. H. L. T. I. p. 24. in Marco.
" Il n étoit rien arrivé de semblable à Timothé, pendant la vie de S. Paul,
qui lui écrivit sa 2 épitre très peu de tems avant que de mourir, et qui n'au-
roit pas manqué d'en parler en quelque occasion. &c. Notes sur. Heb.
xiii 23.
F 2
68
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'Paul's life; the mention of these his bonds, and his re-
'lease, proves this epistle to the Hebrews not to have been
'written till after Paul's death.' Le Clerc speaks also to
the like purpose in his 'Ecclesiastical History. And some
before Le Clerc must have been affected with this diffi-
culty. As may be concluded from Beza's Notes upon Heb.
xiii. 23.
To which I answer, first, that the original word rendered
by us,
set at liberty," may signify" "sent abroad on an
errand." But upon that I do not now insist, and therefore
say, secondly, the epistle to the Hebrews is now generally
supposed to have been written by Paul in the year 68, soon
after his release from his imprisonment at Rome. And we
know, from the epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians,
and Philemon, that Timothy was with Paul at that time,
when his imprisonment was near the period. It is not at
all improbable, that Timothy might be imprisoned, and soon
set at liberty again: as divers of Paul's fellow-labourers
were. But it is unreasonable to expect, that any notice
should be taken of these things, in either of the epistles to
Timothy one of which was written before Paul's first im-
prisonment, as it is called: and the other soon after the be-
ginning of it.
6. There can be no ground from this
a second imprisonment of Paul at Rome.
in the time of his imprisonment in that
been sent thither from Judea by Festus.
epistle to conclude
For it was written
city, when he had
7. There may be many other things said upon a suppo-
sition, that this epistle was written in a second imprisonment
of Paul at Rome, in the year 67, or thereabout. All which
must now fall to the ground.
is so.
It is often said that error is endless. And it is certain,
that one error is productive of another. This in particular
It has occasioned forced and wrong interpretations
of divers texts of this epistle, and many false and groundless
suppositions, contrary to the truth of history. I shall take
notice of but one more, beside those which have been already
mentioned. Tillemont, in his history of St. Paul's affairs, in
the year 65, some while after he had been set at liberty from
▾ Mentio fit Timothei in vincula conjecti et dimissi. cap. xiii. 23. Quod
non contigerat ante posteriorem ad Timotheum, ubi nulla ejus rei, uti nec in
priore, veľ minima mentio. Quam tamen Paulus non prætermîsset, si quid
simile contigisset, cum ad laudem Timothei, et constantiam in eo augendam,
multum faceret. Itaque in vincula, post conscriptas demum ad eum epistolas,
aut etiam post mortem Pauli, conjectus fuerit. H. E. A. D. 69. p. 459.
* Vid. Mill. Prolegom. num. 68, 69.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
69
C
his captivity at Rome, says: It was, perhaps, at this time,
that he suffered at Antioch in Pisidia, at Iconium, and
Lystra, the afflictions, which he mentions in general, in his
• second epistle to Timothy, ch. iii. 11.' Which to me ap-
pears very absurd, and I had almost said, ridiculous.
I shall now mention one observation more, of a different
kind.
8 We have no reason upon the whole to regret St. Paul's
imprisonment at Rome.
When we read the opinion of that great company which
had heard Paul's pleading in Caesarea. Acts xxvi. 31, “This
man doth nothing worthy of death, or of bonds:" and what
Agrippa said to Festus, in the next verse. "This man might
have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed to Cæsar:"
we may be disposed to wish that appeal had not been made,
thinking, that in that case he might now have been set at
liberty. But if we consider things maturely, we shall per-
ceive it to have been necessary. It was, indeed, prudently
made, being the only probable means of his escape from the
continued persecutions of the enraged Jews.
But beside that, there are very many advantages attending
it: which ought to reconcile us to it, and induce us to ac-
knowledge the over-ruling providence of God in it. With-
out that appeal Paul would not have been mentioned to
Agrippa. Nor should we have bad that excellent apology
for himself and his doctrine, which he made before Agrippa,
and Festus. We should not have had the fine history of the
apostle's voyage to Rome, in which are so many affecting
incidents. And though he came to Rome as a prisoner, he
had there a great deal of liberty. "Nor was the word of
God bound." As he was able to say in this epistle, written
soon after his settlement at Rome, 2 Tim. ii. 9. And in his
epistle to the Philippians, ch. i. 12-14, written afterwards,
are these remarkable words, " But I would, ye should un-
derstand, brethren, that the things which have happened
unto me, have fallen out rather to the furtherance of the
gospel. So that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the
palace, and in all other places. And many of the brethren
waxing confident by my bonds, are much more bold to speak
the word without fear. Says St. Luke, "Two whole years
Paul dwelt in his own hired house, and received all that
came in unto him. Preaching the kingdom of God, and
teaching those things, which concern the Lord Jesus Christ,
with all confidence, no man forbidding him," Acts xxviii.
30, 31.
× St. Paul, art. 47. Mem. Ec. T. I.
70
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Jerom thinks it was a handsome dwelling, in which was
a spacious room, where Paul could receive a good deal of
company, and display his apostolical gifts to advantage. So
he beforehand wrote to Philemon, " to prepare him a lodg-
ing," ver. 22. Not that he should want many things for his
own accommodation. But he wished to have a dwelling in
a frequented part of the city of Colosse, and large enough
to admit conveniently all who were desirous to be informed
concerning his doctrine.
""
Paul had a great desire to go to Rome, and testify there
the gospel of Christ. He thought, it is likely, that he should
there have a good opportunity to propose it to Jews and
Gentiles, of inquisitive tempers, and distinguished charac-
ters. Rom. i. 9, 10,—“ Without ceasing making mention
of you always in my prayers: making request (if by any
means now at length I might have a prosperous journey by
the will of God) to come unto you.' And ver. 14, 16, “ I
am debtor both to Greeks and Barbarians, to the wise and
unwise. So, as much as in me is, I am ready to preach the
gospel to you that are at Rome also, for I am not ashamed
of the gospel of Christ; for it is the power of God unto sal-
vation, to the Jew first, and also to the Greek." See
likewise ch. xv. 28–32. Well, Paul's desire was fulfilled.
He was brought to Rome: and although not in the way, and
in the circumstances which himself would have chosen: yet
I suppose, that in the end he had good reason to be well
satisfied. Indeed, I think, that the time of his abode at
Rome, must have been, upon the whole, as comfortable, and
honourable, and useful, as any period of the like duration,
since his conversion to the faith of Christ. He was bound,
and was guarded by a soldier. But it needs not to be sup-
posed, that the chain was always upon his hand. And not-
withstanding the disgraceful circumstance of his bonds, and
the disadvantage of his outward appearance in some respects,
such were the dignity and importance of his behaviour, such
♪ Simul autem et præpara mihi hospitium.' Non puto tam divitem fuisse
apostolum, et tantis sarcinis onustum, ut præparato egeret hospitio, et non unâ
contentus cellulà, breves corporis sui spatio ædes amplissimas existimaret.—
Si autem hoc non dispensatorie, sed vere quis existimet imperatum, apostolo
magis quam Paulo hospitium præparandum est. Venturus ad novam civitatem,
prædicaturus crucifixum, et inaudita dogmata delaturus, sciebat ad se plurimos
concursuros: et necesse erat, primum, ut domus in celebri esset urbis loco, ad
quam facile conveniretur. Deinde ut ab omni importunitate vacua, ut ampla,
quæ plurimos caperet audientium; ne proxima spectaculorum locis, ne turpi
viciniâ detestabilis: postremo, ut in plano potius sita esset, quam in cœnaculo.
Quam ob causam eum existimo etiam Romæ in conducto mansisse biennio.
Nec parva, ut reor, erat mansio, ad quam Judæorum turbæ quotidie conflue-
bant. Hieron. in Philem. ver. 22. T. IV. p. 453.
St. Paul's second Epistle to Timothy.
71
Z
the superiority of his discourse above that of all other men,
and such the works which God enabled him to perform,
as could not but secure bim the regard of all serious and
discerning men. And success in his work would alleviate
all his sufferings. For which reason we also ought to re-
joice in them, and on account of the testimony thereby given
to the truth and innocence of the christian doctrine.
In the introduction to the first part of this work, where our
concern was with facts occasionally mentioned in the books
of the New Testament, I said: Here is withal an account of
'proceedings and sentences of courts of judicature, in cities
' of the first rank, and most general resort: and of some
'discourses made before persons, next under the Roman
' emperor, of the highest rank and distinction:' referring to
the history in Acts xxiii. xxiv. xxv. xxvi. But now I should
choose to say:
• And of some discourses made before per-
sons of the highest rank and distinction, not excepting the
Roman emperor himself.' From what has been just now
argued, it appears to be very probable, that Paul, when
brought to Rome, pleaded once, if not twice, before Nero.
And though those pleadings may have been very short; yet
from thence, and from the treatment which Paul had pre-
sently afterwards in the imperial city, ariseth a very forcible
argument for the innocence of the christian doctrine and its
teachers.
6
Every one perceives, that St. Paul's pleadings upon the
occasions before referred to, in the presence of the Jewish
council at Jerusalem, and before Felix, and Festus, and
Agrippa, at Cæsarea, do us great honour. Particularly, in
this last mentioned apology, the doctrine which Paul
preached as received from heaven, was reported to those
great personages, and the honourable company attending
them. He lays before them the history of his life, from his
youth up, before he was a christian, and afterwards. He
plainly declares his doctrine, and the zeal with which he
had spread and propagated it every where, among Jews and
Gentiles, and his unwearied diligence in the cause in which
he was engaged. And in the end all acknowledge, that he
did nothing contrary to the peace of society: and that he
might have been set at liberty. But having appealed to
the emperor, it was now requisite that the cause should be
referred to his tribunal, and be finally determined there.
z Simul autem admirandum de magnanimitate apostoli, et in Christum
mente ferventis. Tenetur in carcere, vinculis stringitur, squalore corporis, ca-
rorum separatione, pœnalibus tenebris coarctatur; et non sentit injuriam, non
dolore cruciatur; nihil novit aliud, nisi de Christi evangelio cogitare. Hieron.
in Philem. tom. IV. p. 450. m.
72
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
0
Here therefore is another testimony to the innocence of
Paul and his doctrine. Festus, the governor of Judea, cer-
tainly wrote a letter to the emperor, giving an account of
Paul. Of this all may be satisfied, who observe what is said,
Acts xxv. 24-27. Šo Lysias, the tribune, and command-
ing officer at Jerusalem, when he sent Paul to Felix at Cæsa-
rea, wrote a letter, containing an account of the prisoner, and
the proceedings against him hitherto, ch. xxiii. 25-30. In
like manner now acted Festus. Nor can it be imagined, that
any governor should presume to falsify, prevaricate, or dis-
guise, in such a letter. It might be very respectful to the
emperor, and favourable to the prisoner. But there could
be nothing but truth. And there must have been all the
truth, that was needful to give a just notion of the cause.
And yet Paul is not condemned, but obtains an order for
such a custody, as leaves him at liberty to " dwell by him-
self, in his own hired house," and to receive all who came to
him, and to discourse to them of his doctrine. Here he was
two years during which time he had no molestation. And
at length he was released. He was all that time in one
place. And the place of his abode was well known. He
might have been called for at any time. But there were no
complaints made against him, or none such as could induce
those in power to change the order first given.
When Paul lay bound in the castle of Antonia, at Jerusa-
lem, after he had been brought before the Jewish council,
and his life was in imminent danger; "the night following,
the Lord stood by him, and said, Be of good cheer, Paul:
for as thou hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou
bear witness also at Rome," Acts xxiii. 11. Which word
of our Lord was fully accomplished: as we are assured in
the history, which St. Luke has given of the apostle's going
to Rome, and dwelling in that city two whole years, and in
the epistles, written by himself, during that period: which
by the divine goodness are still preserved to us.
According to the preceding argument, the second epistle
to Timothy was sent away from Rome, about the summer of
the year 61, probably in May, or June.
SECT. XI.
The Epistle to the Philippians.
There still remain three epistles of St. Paul to be con-
sidered by us, which are generally allowed to have been
written during the time of his imprisonment at Rome: the
St. Paul's Epistle to the Philippians.
73
epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians, and Philemon.
And I shall speak of them in the order in which they have
been just named.
The epistle to the Philippians was written in the second
year of the apostle's imprisonment. Timothy, who had come
to him from Ephesus, according to his desire, 2 Tim. iv. 9-
21, is joined with the apostle in the inscription at the begin-
ning of the epistle. It seems to have been written not long
before the end of his two years' imprisonment. For he had
some hopes of a release, ch. i. 24, 25. "Nevertheless to
abide in the flesh, is more needful for you. And having this
confidence, I know that I shall abide, and continue with your
all, for your furtherance, and joy of faith." Yea, he ex-
presseth hopes of making the Philippians a visit, ver. 26,
"That your rejoicing may be more abundant in Jesus Christ
for me, by my coming to you again." And ch. ii. 19, “ But
I trust in the Lord Jesus, to send Timothy shortly unto you,"
66
and ver. 23, 24, "Him therefore I hope to send pre-
sently, so soon as I shall see how it will go with me. But
I trust in the Lord, that I also myself shall come shortly."
But though he had hopes of obtaining his liberty, he was
not yet certain of it. As appears from those words just cited,
so soon as I shall see how it will go with me:" and from
what he says, ch. ii. 17, “ Yea, if I be offered upon the sacri-
fice and service of your faith, I joy, and rejoice with you
all." See also ch. i. ver. 20. In the mean time, he sends
back to them Epaphroditus, who had come to Rome, with a
kind present from the christians at Philippi, and who had
been dangerously sick, but was now recovered. And it is
likely that by him this epistle was carried. So it follows in
ver. 25-30, of the second chapter, "Yet I supposed it ne-
cessary to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother, and com-
panion in labour, but your messenger, and he that ministered
to my wants.I have sent him therefore the more care-
fully that when ye see him again, ye may rejoice." Of
their kind regard to him, he speaks again, ch. iv. 10—19.
In the end of the epistle he sends salutations to the Philippi-
ans from "the brethren that were with him," and from "all
the saints, chiefly these of Cæsar's household." Who may
be supposed to be the apostle's converts, and the persons
who chiefly contributed to his being set at liberty, and had
already given him hopes of it, and may likewise have been
friendly to him in other respects. And at the beginning of
this epistle, ch. i. 13, speaking of the progress of the gospel,
he says
"So that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all
the palace, and all other places."
74
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
The salutations in this epistle are singular, being different
from those at the end of the other epistles, written about the
same time. First it is said, "The brethren which are with
me greet you" intending, as I apprehend, Mark and others,
the apostle's fellow-labourers, mentioned by name near the
end of the epistles to the Colossians and Philemon, but not
so mentioned here. Then it is added, "All the saints salute
you:" meaning all the christians at Rome in general,
"chiefly, they that are of Cæsar's household." The kind
present from the Philippians, it is likely, had recommended
them to the notice of all at Rome. That testimony of respect
for the apostle was highly pleasing, and very edifying to the
christians in that city. It seems to have been a handsome
sum. And it may be reckoned probable, that the collections
made for the apostle at Rome, and the contributions brought
in from abroad, were all put into one bank, and lodged in
the hands of some person or persons of good credit and sub-
stance. Possibly, there was now a superfluity. For St.
Paul says to these Philippians, "I have all, and abound. I
am full." If there was any thing superfluous, beyond what
was requisite for his maintenance at Rome, it would be of
use for defraying the expenses of the journies which he had
in view. And this may be one reason, why this epistle is
inscribed" to all the saints, which are at Philippi, with the
bishops and deacons." For there must have been such offi-
cers in many of the churches to which the apostle sent let-
ters, though they are not mentioned. But the bishops and
deacons at Philippi had encouraged the contributions made
for the apostle, and had assisted in conveying them to him.
And therefore they could not be omitted.
St. Paul came to Rome, as I suppose, in the spring of the
year 61.
"There he dwelled two whole years in his own
hired house," Acts xxviii. 30. Consequently, his captivity
ended in the spring of the year 63.
Hereby I am led to think, that this epistle to the Philip-
pians was written in the year 62. It was carried by Epa-
phroditus. Some time after he was gone, I suppose (as a does
Mill likewise) that St. Paul sent Timothy to Philippi, agree-
ably to his design, mentioned, ch. ii. 19-23. And when he
wrote the epistle to the Hebrews, in the spring of the year
63, he was in expectation of Timothy's return to him, Heb.
xiii. 23. According to this computation, the epistle to the
a
• De visendis enim Philippensibus, ubi primum e carcere evaserit, omnino
cogitat.- -Et quidem paullo post missas hasce literas libertatem adeptus,
Timotheum in Macedoniam misit, uti liquet ex Hebr. xiii. 23, &c. Mill. Prol.
num. 68.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Colossians.
75
Philippians was written, and sent away, in the year 62, and
some while before the end of it.
SECT. XII.
The Epistle to the Colossians.
b
The epistles to the Colossians, and Philemon, were sent
away together. Chrysostom, as formerly observed, thought
that the epistle to Philemon was first written. That he
concluded from Col. iv. 7-9. However, I shall first speak
of the epistle to the Colossians, according to the order in
which the epistles lie in our volume of the New Testament.
The epistle to the Colossians was carried by Tychicus and
Onesimus, as we perceive from ch. iv. 7-9, "All my estate
shall Tychicus declare unto you.--Whom I have sent un-
to you for the same purpose, that he might know your estate,
and comfort your hearts: with Onesimus, a faithful and be-
loved brother, who is one of you. They shall make known
unto you all things (which are done) here."
These two letters, as before said, were sent away at the
same time.
But it is likely, that the letter to Philemon was
first delivered. For till Onesimus had been received by his
master, he could not be a fit person to join in delivering a
letter to the church of Colosse.
Timothy joins with the apostle at the beginning in the
salutation" to the saints and faithful brethren in Christ,
which are at Colosse." Near the end of the epistle are salu-
tations from Aristarchus, said by the apostle to be his
"fellow prisoner," from Mark. "Jesus called Justus,
Epaphras, Luke the beloved physician, and Demas."
It might have been expected, that this letter should be
carried by Epaphras, who had come to the apostle at Rome
from Colosse, ch. i. 7, 8. But he was now the apostle's
"fellow prisoner," as is said, Philem. ver. 23. However, he
and Aristarchus may have been set at liberty about the same
time with St. Paul. Such things were frequent in the early
days of the gospel, and before Nero became a persecutor,
according to an observation of Jerom in his commentary
upon the epistle to Philemon, ver. 22, cited by us not
long ago.
As Timothy joins with the apostle in the salutation at
the beginning of this epistle, he was still at Rome, and not
yet sent away to Philippi. I therefore conclude, that this
epistle was written about the same time with that to the
• See before, p. 57.
b See Vol. iv. ch. cxviii.
76
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Philippians, in the year 62, and some while before the end
of it.
SECT. XIII.
The Epistle to Philemon.
Philemon was a citizen of Colosse, in Phrygia. Pauld
writes this epistle to him in behalf of Onesimus, a slave, who
had robbed his master, and run away. Him Paul had con-
verted to the christian faith at Rome, during his bonds,
which are several times mentioned in this epistle.
Timothy is joined with Paul in the salutations at the be-
ginning of the epistle. At ver. 23 and 24, the apostle sends
salutations from Epaphras, then his " fellow prisoner:" from
Mark, whom Timothy had brought with him to Rome, ac-
cording to Paul's desire, 2 Tim. iv. 11: from Luke and
Aristarchus, who had accompanied the apostle in his voyage
from Judea to Rome, and had continued with him ever
since and from Demas, who had departed from the apostle
for a while, but was now returned. Compare 2 Tim. iv. 10.
From ver. 19, it is argued by Jerom, as well as by some
learned commentators of late times, that the whole of this
epistle was sent in the apostle's own hand writing.
e
St. Paul had now good hopes of obtaining his liberty. For
he says, at ver. 22; "But withal prepare me also a lodging.
For I trust, that through your prayers I shall be given unto
you." Nevertheless, as Timothy joins with the apostle in
the salutations at the beginning of the epistle, I think it was
not yet fully determined. For Paul says to the Philippians,
ii. 23, that “he hoped to send him to them presently,
so soon as he should see how it would go with him.” As
Timothy was still at Rome, and not sent away to Philippi, it
may be argued, that the apostle did not yet certainly know
the success of the attempts made use of by his friends to
procure his liberty. I therefore conclude, that this epistle
was written about the same time with that to the Philippians,
in the year 62, and some while before the end of it.
d Totum autem, pro quo rogat, illud est: Onesimus, servus Philemonis,
fugam furto cumulans, quædam rei domesticæ compilârat. Hic pergens in
Italiam, ne in proximo facilius posset apprehendi, pecuniam domini per lux-
uriam prodegerat, &c. Hieron. in Philem. T. IV. p. 449. Vid. et Theodoreti
argum. in ep. ad Philem. T. III. p. 516.
eQuod dicit, tale est. Quod Onesimus furto rapuit, ego me spondeo red-
diturum. Cujus sponsionis epistola hæc et manus testis est propria; quam
non solito more dictavi, sed meâ manu ipse conscripsi. Hier. ib. p. 452.
St. Paul's Epistle to Philemon.
77
These three epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians, and
Philemon, are also placed by Mill in the year 62.
I will now add a few observations concerning the epistle
to Philemon.
Grotius
Philemon's station is not certainly known.
thought he dwelt at Ephesus, and was one of the elders of
that church. Beausobre, in his notes upon the first verse of
this epistle, speaks of Philemon ash one of the pastors of
the church of Colosse.
one
To me it appears evident, that Philemon was an inhabi-
tant of Colosse. For his servant, Onesimus, is recommended
by St. Paul to the church in that city, and said to be “
of them," ch. iv. 9. And the christians at Colosse are
required by the apostle to "say to Archippus, take heed to
the ministry, which thou hast received," ver. 17. Which
Archippus is saluted in the epistle to Philemon, ver. 2.
Theodoret expressly says, that Philemon was a citizen of
Colosse, and that the house in which he dwelt, was still
remaining there. Theophylact calls him a Phrygian.
Jerom likewise says, he was of Colosse. But he bestows
so many words to make it out, that we may be led to think
there were some in his time who disputed it.
Philemon, therefore, was a Colossian. But whether he
was an elder there, or only a private christian, in good cir-
cumstances, is not so certain. The inscription is,-
"unto Philemon, our dearly beloved, and fellow labourer."
Which last expression is ambiguous. It may imply, that
Philemon was an elder in the church of Colosse. Or no
f Vid. Prolegom. num. 68–70. et 80—82.
· Philemoni dilecto.] Videtur habitâsse Ephesi, ubi Onesimus postea epis-
copatu functus est, ut et Ignatii literæ, et alii scriptores tradunt.- Et ad-
jutori meo.'] Id est uni Presbyterorum illorum, qui Ephesi plures erant, Act.
xx. 17. Grot. in Philem. ver. 1.
h Il paroît par là, que
Philémon étoit un des Pasteurs de l'église de Colosses. Beaus.
i
: Πολιν δε ειχε τας Κολοσσας. Και ή οικια δε αυτε μέχρι το παροντος μεμε-
Theod. arg. ep. ad Philem. T. III. p. 516.
νηκε.
est
* Theop. ep. ad Philem. T. II. p. 861.
1 Si autem Philemon, ad quem hæc epistola scribitur, Onesimi dominus
et ad Colossenses refertur, quod ex iis sit, ratio nos ipsa et ordo
deducit, quod et Philemon Colossensis sit, et eo tempore communem ad om-
nem ecclesiam Onesimus epistolam tulerit, quo privatas et sui commendatrices
ad dominum literas sumserat. Est et aliud indicium, quod in hac eâdem
epistolâ et Archippus nominatur, cui hic cum Philemone scribitur: 'Dicite,'
inquit, Archippo: Vide ministerium, quod accepisti a Domino, ut illud
impleas.' -Ex quo puto, aut Episcopum fuisse Colossensis ecclesiæ, cui
admonetur studiose et diligenter præesse, aut evangelii prædicatorem. Aut si ita
non est, illud mihi impræsentiarum sufficit, quod et Philemon, et Archippus,
et Onesimus ipse, qui literas perferebat, fuerint Colossenses, &c. Comm. in
Philem. T. IV. p. 445.
78
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
m
more may be intended thereby, than, in general, that Phile-
mon was some way useful in helping forward the gospel.
In the Apostolical Constitutions, Philemon is said to have
been ordained bishop of Colosse by the apostles. But
their testimony is of very little weight. I do not perceive
Jerom to say expressly, that" Philemon was bishop, or
elder at Colosse. Perhaps he was not positive about it in
his own mind. The author of the Commentary upon thir-
teen of St. Paul's epistles, by some reckoned to be Hilary,
deacon of Rome, says, that Philemon had no ecclesiastical
dignity, but was one of the laity. And Ecumenius, in his
prologue to the second epistle of St. John, formerly cited,
appears also to have thought Philemon to be a man in a
private station.
p
Perhaps some have been the rather unwilling to allow,
that Philemon was a bishop, or elder, because he had a
wife, whose name was Apphia, and because he was a man
of substance, who had one slave at least, if not more.
Nevertheless we have just observed two learned men, of
very good judgment, Grotius and Beausobre, who were
not much swayed by those considerations. One of whom
thought Philemon to have been an elder in the church of
Ephesus: the other, one of the pastors of the church of
Colosse. To them I can now add a Dr. Doddridge.
However, as the thing is of no great importance, so I
must acknowledge, that it is not very easy to be decided.
St. Paul's expression, "fellow labourer," as before observed,
is ambiguous. His manner of address, which is very ear-
nest, farther induces me to hesitate. If Philemon had been
an elder, he must have known his duty and could not have
needed so pressing an exhortation to receive a penitent, and
him one of his family.
:
Onesimus, unquestionably, was received by the church
of Colosse, as a good christian, upon the apostle's recom-
mendation. It is as reasonable to think, that Philemon was
reconciled to him: and, probably, gave him his freedom.
In the Apostolical Constitutions he is said to have been
bishop of Berea in Macedonia. When Ignatius wrote his
epistle to the Ephesians, about the year 107, their bishop's
m Const. Ap. 1. 7. cap. 46.
r
n Scribunt igitur Paulus et Timotheus Philemoni carissimo et co-operatori;
qui ideo carrissimus dictus est, quod in eodem Christi opere versetur. In ep.
ad Philem. p. 446.
• Philemon nullâ erat ecclesiasticæ
ordinationis præditus dignitate, sed vir laudabilis, unus ex plebe, &c. Proleg.
in ep. ad Philem.
P See Vol. v. ch. ix.
See his preface to Philemon, p. 585, and his Paraphrase of the first verse,
p. 589, of the Family Expositor, Vol. V.
Lib. 7. cap. 46.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
79
name was Onesimus. And Grotius thought him to be the
same, for whom Paul interceded with Philemon. But that'
is not certain.
SECT. XIV.
The Epistle to the Hebrews.
I shall inquire, 1. To whom it was written. 2. In what
language. 3. By whom.
writing it.
4. The time and place of
I. In the first place let us consider to whom this epistle
was written, A. D. 63.
6
Sir Isaac Newton thought, that" this epistle was writ-
ten to Jewish believers, who left Jerusalem about the
time that the war broke out, and went into Asia.' Accord-
ing to this account, the epistle could not be written till
some while after the breaking out of the war in Judea, in
the year 66. But it will be difficult to show, that Paul,
whom Sir Isaac allows to be the writer, lived so long. Not
now to mention any thing else.
V
Dr. Wall was inclined to the same opinion, or somewhat
not very different. 'I agree, says he, that the epistle was
written to Hebrews, that is, to the Hebrew Christians of
'some place. But for the place or country, I think, they
" were rather the Hebrew Christians of Asia, (Ephesus, Mi-
letus, and thereabout,) Macedonia, Greece, &c. where St.
• Paul had spent most of his time, than that they were those
' of Jerusalem,' &c.
The late Mr. Wetstein conjectured, that the epistle was
written by Paul to the Jewish believers at Rome, soon after he
had been released from his confinement in that city. Which
conjecture, I believe, will be followed by very few. And
as it has no ancient authority, and is destitute of all appear-
ance of probability, I suppose it need not be confuted.
Vid. Basnag. Ann. 60. num. xxvii.
• See before, notes p. 77.
"The epistle to the Hebrews, since it mentions Timothy, as related to the
'Hebrews, must be written to them, after their flight into Asia: where Timo-
thy was bishop, and by consequence after the war was begun.' Newton's
Observations upon the Apoc. of St. John, ch. i. p. 244.
▾ Critical Notes upon the N. T. p. 317, 318.
Si conjecturæ locus est, existimaverim potius ad Judæos qui Romæ dege-
bant, et Christo nomen dederant, scriptam fuisse: quo admisso, facile intelli-
gitur, quî factum, tum ut Paulus, qui Româ quidem, sed non Italiâ, excedere
jussus erat, brevi se rediturum speraret, tum ut Itali Romanos salutarent
Wetsten. N. T. tom. II. p. 386, 387.
80
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
Lightfoot thought, That this epistle was sent by Paul
'to the believing Jews of Judea, a people, says he, that had
'been much engaged to him, for his care of their poor,
'getting collections for them all along in his travels.' He
adds: It is not to be doubted, indeed, that he intendeth
'the discourse and matter of this epistle to the Jews
throughout their dispersion.-Yet does he endorse it, and
send it chiefly to the Hebrews, or the Jews of Judea, the
' principal part of the circumcision, as the properest centre
to which to direct it, and from whence it might be best
• diffused in time to the whole circumference of the dis-
persion.'
6
6
Whitby, in his preface to the epistle to the Hebrews, is
of the same opinion, and argues much after the same man-
ner with Lightfoot.
6
Z
a
So likewise y Mill, Pearson, Lewis Capellus, and Beza
in his preface to this epistle, and the editors of the French
N. T. at Berlin in their general preface to St. Paul's epistles,
and in their preface to this epistle in particular. Of this
Mr. Hallet had no doubt, who in his Synopsis of the epistle
says: This epistle was particularly designed for the He-
brew Christians, that dwelt in one certain place, and was
'sent thither, as appears from the apostle's saying, ch. xiii.
19, 23. "I beseech you the rather to do this, that I may
'be restored to you the sooner.- -I will see you.' And
'what particular place can this be supposed to be, but
Judea? There the Christians were continually persecuted
by the unbelieving Jews, as we read in the Acts of the
apostles, and as St. Paul takes notice, 1 Thess. ii. 14. Hebr.
x. 32-36. ch. xii. 4, 5. By these persecutions the IIe-
brew Christians were tempted to apostatize from Christi-
'anity, and to think, there was strength in the arguments
urged by the persecutors in favour of Judaism. The
apostle therefore sets himself to guard against both these
dangers.' And what follows.
(
6
6
6
6
"
This appears to me to be the most probable opinion.
For 1. It is the opinion of the ancient christian writers,
who received this epistle.
X
It may be taken for granted, that this was the opinion of
Harmony of the N. T. Vol. I. p. 340.
y Per Hebræos autem istos potissimum fideles Hierosolymitanos intelligit,
apud quos ante duos annos versatus fuerat. Hinc illud, iva aжOкатаσ-
Tuow vμiv. cap. xiii. 19. Mill. Proleg. num. 83.
z Annal. Paulin. p. 20, 21.
a Ex quibus conjicere licet, hanc
epistolam a Paulo sub finem priorum vinculorum Româ scriptum fuisse ad
Hierosolymitanos Judæos, qui in Christum crediderant. L. Capel. Hist. Ap. p. 80
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
81
C
ď
Clement of Alexandria, and Jerom, and Euthalius, who
supposed this epistle to have been first written in Hebrew,
and afterwards translated into Greek. It may be allowed
to have been also the opinion of many others, who quote
this epistle, as written to the Hebrews, when they say no-
thing to the contrary. Nor do I recollect any ancients, who
say it was written to Jews living out of Judea.
f
Chrysostom says, that the epistle was sent to the believ-
ing Jews of Palestine. And supposeth, that the apostle
afterwards made them a visit. Theodoret in his preface
to the epistle allows it to be sent to the same Jews. And
Theophylacts in his argument of the epistle expressly says,
as Chrysostom, that it was sent to the Jews of Palestine.
So that this was the general opinion of the ancients.
h
2. There are in the epistle many things especially suit-
able to the believers in Judea. Which must lead us to
think it was written to them. I shall select divers such
passages.
1.) Hebr. i. 2," Has in these last days spoken unto
us by his Son.”
2.) Ch. iv. 2, " For unto us was the gospel preached,
as well as to them."
how
3.) Ch. ii. 1-4, "Therefore we ought to give the more
earnest heed to the things that we have heard-
then shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation, which
at the first began to be spoken by the Lord, and was con-
firmed unto us by them that heard him: God also bearing
them witness with signs and wonders, and with divers mira-
cles, and gifts of the Holy Ghost."
Does not that exhortation, and the reason, with which it
is supported, peculiarly suit the believers of Judea, where
Christ himself first taught, and then his disciples after him,
confirming their testimony with very numerous and conspi-
cuous miracles?
4.) The people, to whom this epistle is sent, were well
acquainted with our Saviour's sufferings, as they of Judea
C
b Ap. Euseb. H. E. 1. 6. cap. 14.
Scripserat, ut Hebræus
Hebræis, Hebraïce, id est, suo eloquio disertissime. De V. I. cap. v.
d Argum. ep. ad Hebr. ap. zac. p. 670.
e
Πε δε 8σιν επιςελλει; Εμοι δοκει εν Ιεροσολύμοις και Παλαισινη.
Δυο μεν εν ετη εποίησεν εν Ρώμη δεδεμενος ειτα αφείθη, ειτα εις τας Σπανίας
ηλθεν ειτα εις Ιεδαιαν εβη, ότε και Ιεδαιες ειδε. Και τοτε παλιν ηλθεν εις
Ρωμην, ότε και ὑπο Νέρωνος ανηρέθη. Pr. in ep. ad Hebr. T. XII. p. 2.
f'Vid. Theodoret argum. ep. ad Hebr.
8 Τοις εν Παλαισίνη δε
Kaι Iεpoσoλvμg εTISEMEL. Theophyl. arg. ep. ad Hebr. p. 872.
h Voyez la préf. de Beausobre sur l'epître aux Hébr. num. xxxviii
VOL. VI.
G
82
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists,
must have been. This appears in ch. i. 3; ii. 9, 18; v. 7, 8;
ix. 14, 28; x. 11; xii. 2, 3; xiii. 12.
5.) Ch. v. 12," For when ye ought to be teachers of
others," and what follows, is most properly understood of
christians in Jerusalem and Judea, to whom the gospel
was first preached.
6.) What is said, ch. iv. 4-6, and x. 26-29, is most
properly applicable to apostates in Judea.
7.) Ch. x. 32-34, "But call to remembrance the former
days, in which, after ye were illuminated, ye endured a
great fight of afflictions-to the end of ver. 34. This
leads us to the church of Jerusalem, which had suffered
much, long before the writing this epistle, even very soon
after they had received the knowledge of the truth. Comp.
Acts viii. 1; ix. 1, 2; xi. 19; and 1 Thess, ii. 14. Grotiusi
supposeth as much.
8) Those exhortations, ch. xiii. 13, 14, must have been
very suitable to the case of the Jews of Jerusalem, at the
supposed time of writing this epistle, a few years before
the war in that country broke out.
6
9.) The regard shown in this epistle to the rulers of the
church or churches, to which it is sent, is very remarkable.
They are mentioned twice or thrice: first in ch. xiii. 7,
"Remember your rulers, who have spoken unto you the
word of God: whose faith imitate, considering the end of
their conversation." These were dead, ask Grotius ob-
serves. And Theodoret's note is to this purpose: Hel
intends the saints that were dead, Stephen the proto-mar-
tyr, James the brother of John, and James called the Just.
And there were many others, who were taken off by the
Jewish rage. Consider these,' says he, and observing
their example, imitate their faith.' Then again at ver. 17,
Obey then that have the rule over you, and submit your-
selves. For they watch for your souls."
And once
more, ver. 24,"Salute all them that have the rule over you,
and all the saints." Upon which Theodoret says: This m
way of speaking intimates, that their rulers did not need
'such instruction. For which reason he did not write to
•
i Post Stephani mortem vehementer vexati fuere illi in Judeâ christiani, ut
videre est, Act. xi. 19. 1 Thess. ii. 14. Grot. ad Heb. x. 34.
• Qui
k Loquitur autem de iis, qui jam obierant, ut ostendunt sequentia.
vobis locuti sunt verbum Dei:' nempe in diversis oppidis: forte etiam diversis
temporibus, cum mortuis alii successerint. Id. ad Hebr. xiii. 7.
1 In ep. ad Hebr. cap. xiii. tom. III. p. 459. D.
m Αινιττεται ὁ λογος, ὡς οἱ προςατευοντες αυτων τοιαυτης διδασκαλίας εκ
εχρησαν· οὐ δη χαριν εκ εκείνοις επετειλεν, αλλα τοις μαθηταις. Ibid.
p. 462. D.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
83
'them, but to their disciples.' That is a fine observation.
And Whitby upon that verse, says: 'Hence, it seems evi-
'dent, that this epistle was not sent to the bishops or rulers
of the church, but to the whole church or the laity.' And
it may deserve to be considered, whether this repeated no-
tice of the rulers among them does not afford ground to
believe, that some of the apostles were in Judea? Whether
there be sufficient reason to believe that, or not, I think
these notices very proper and suitable to the state of the
Jewish believers in Judea. For I am persuaded, that not
only James, and all the other apostles, had exactly the
same doctrine with Paul: but that all the elders likewise,
and all the understanding men among the Jewish believers,
embraced the same doctrine. They were, as I apprehend,
the multitude only, #λŋ¤os, plebs, or the men of lower rank
among them, who were attached to the peculiarities of the
Mosaic law, and the customs of their ancestors. This may
be argued from what James and the elders at Jerusalem say
to Paul. Acts xxi. 20-22. "Thou seest, brother, how
many thousands of Jews there are that believe. And they
are all zealous of the law.— What is it therefore? The
multitude must needs come together.' It is hence evi-
dent, that the zeal for the law, which prevailed in the minds
of many, was not approved by James, or the elders. That
being the case, these recommendations of a regard for their
rulers, whether apostles, or elders, were very proper in an
epistle sent to the believers in Judea.
""
For these reasons I think that this epistle was sent to the
Jewish believers at Jerusalem, and in Judea.
6
But there are objections, which must be considered.
1. Obj. Ch. vi. 10, "God is not unrighteous, to forget
your work and labour of love,in that ye have minister-
ed to the saints, and do minister." Upon which Dr. Wall"
remarks: 'Here again we are put upon thinking, to what
church, or what christian this is said. For as to those of
'Jerusalem, we read much in Paul's former letters, of their
'poverty, and of their being ministered to by the Gentile
christians of Galatia, Macedonia, Corinth: and in the Acts,
'by the Antiochians: but no where of their ministering to
⚫ other saints. If it is of them that St. Paul speaks this, it
'must be meant of their ministering to their own poor.
For that they were famous at first, when the rich men sold
their lands, and brought the money to the apostles, and
they had all things in common, and none lacked. But in
'the time since that, they were very poor, and were relieved
n Critical Notes upon the N. T. p. 306.
"
G 2
84
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
<
by other churches.' The late Mr. Wetstein, whose °
words I place below, argued much after the same manner
with Dr. Wall. This objection perhaps, might be
strengthened from Heb. xiii. 2, "Be not forgetful to enter-
tain strangers." And from ver. 16, " To do good, and to
communicate, forget not."
Answ. But the poverty of the Jews in Judea, and the
contributions of the Gentile churches for their relief, are no
reasons, why such admonitions as these should not be sent
to them. They are properly directed to all christians, that
they may be induced to exert themselves to the utmost.
The Gentile churches, among whom St. Paul made collec-
tions for the saints in Judea, were not rich. As he says,
1 Cor. i. 26," For ye know your calling, brethren-
not many mighty, not many noble, are called."And of
the churches in Macedonia, he says, 2 Cor. viii. 2.
"How that in a great trial of affliction, the abundance of
their joy, and their deep poverty, had abounded unto the
riches of their liberality." In like manner there might be
instances of liberality to the distressed, among the believers
in Judea. There is a fine example recorded, Acts ix.
36-39. Nor was there ever any city or country in the
world, to whom that exhortation, "be not forgetful to enter-
tain strangers," or, "be not unmindful of hospitality,"
της φιλοξενιας μη επιλανθάνεσθε, could be more properly
given, than Jerusalem and Judea. For the people there
must have been much accustomed to it at their festivals,
when there was a great resort thither from all countries.
And the writer of an epistle to the christian inhabitants of
Jerusalem and Judea would naturally think of such an ad-
monition; being desirous that they should not fall short of
others in that respect. And we may here not unfitly re-
collect the history of St. Paul's going to Jerusalem, and
how he and his fellow travellers were entertained at Cæsa-
rea, in the house of Philip the evangelist, and at Jerusalem,
in the house of Mnason, an old disciple. As related Acts
xxi. 8-16.
6
2. Obj. Upon ch. xiii. 18, 19, the same? Dr. Wall says,
One would think, that Paul should have prayed and pur-
'posed to go any whither, rather than to Jerusalem, where
0
• Secundo, non possunt intelligi, qui Hierosolymis degebant. Hi enim
pauperiores erant, et opus habebant, ut eorum inopia ab aliis ecclesiis subleva-
retur.――lis vero, ad quos hæc epistola scripta est, commendatur beneficen-
tia, xiii. 16; vi. 10. Erant ergo tales, non qui stipem accipere, sed qui dare
debebant, solebantque. Wetst. ubi supr. p. 368. fin.
P As before, p. 316.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
85
6
he had been so used: and where he fell into that five
' years' imprisonment, from which he was but just now de-
livered. To the like purpose also Mr. Wetstein.
But there is not any improbability, that Paul might now
desire to see his countrymen in Judea; if he might go
thither with safety, as I think he might. Almost three
years had now passed since he left Judea; and his trial,
or apology, had been over two years. And he was now set
at liberty by the emperor himself. No man, not very pre-
sumptuous, would admit a thought of disturbing him.
However, I suppose, that the apostle would behave dis-
creetly so as to give no needless provocation to any, and
that he would stay but a short time in Judea, and then go to
Ephesus. There have been men of good sense, who have
supposed, that Paul went to Jerusalem about this time, par-
ticularly Chrysostom among the ancients, and divers mo-
derns, one of whom ist Pearson.
6
u
r
s
3. Obj. St. Peter's epistles were written to the Hebrew
christians, scattered in Asia, and Pontus, Galatia, Cappa-
'docia, and Bithynia. St. Paul must have written an epis-
'tle to those Hebrew christians, to whom St. Peter writes
'his two epistles. For St. Peter, 2 epist. iii. 15, cites to
them what "Paul had written unto them." No epistle of
'Paul was written to Hebrews, particularly, but this. So
'that these must be the Hebrews of the above named
' countries,'
To which I answer, that St. Peter's epistles were not sent
to Jews, but to Gentiles, or to all christians in general, in
the places above mentioned, as will be clearly shown here-
after. When St. Peter says,
66 as Paul has written unto
you," he may intend Paul's epistle to the Galatians, and ▾
some other epistles written to Gentiles. If he refers at all
to this epistle to the Hebrews, it is comprehended under
that expression, ver. 16, "as also in all his epistles."
4. Obj. This epistle to the Hebrews seems to have been
written in Greek. But if it had been sent to the Jewish
believers in Judea, it would have been written in Hebrew.
¶ Ubi supra, p. 386.
s Lud. Capell. Hist. Apost. p. 39.
sur les épîtres de St. Paul. num. lv.
• See before, p. 81.
L'Enfant et Beausobre, Préf. générale
t Paulus e Cretâ cum Timotheo
in Judæam navigat. Heb. xiii. 23. Annal. Paulin. p. 21. A. Chr. 64.
u Wall, as before, p. 318, 319.
▾ Videtur respicere Petrus ad
Rom. ii. 4. ubi de Dei' longanimitate' similia habet his quæ docet hic Petrus:
dicereque ad Asiaticos scriptam epistolam, quæ ad Romanos data, eo quod
epistolæ Pauli, quamquam ad singulas ecclesias, et homines singulos, missæ,
omnium christianorum illius ævi communes jure haberentur. Cleric. H. E. A.
69. p. 459.
86
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
W
To which I answer, that allowing the epistle to have
been written in Greek, it might be sent to the believers in
Judea. If St. Paul wrote to the Jewish believers in Pales-
tine, he intended the epistle for general use, for all chris-
tians, whether of Jewish or Gentile original. Many of the
Jews in Judea understood Greek. Few of the Jews out of
Judea understood Hebrew. The Greek language was
almost universal, and therefore generally used. All St.
Paul's epistles are in Greek, even that to the Romans.
And are not both St. Peter's epistles in Greek? and St.
John's, and St. Jude's? Yea, did not St. James likewise
write in Greek, who is supposed to have resided at Jerusa-
lem, from the time of our Lord's ascension, to the time of his
own death? His epistle is inscribed "to the twelve tribes
scattered abroad." But I presume, that they of the twelve
tribes who dwelt in Judea, are not excluded by him, but
intended. Nor could he be unwilling, that his epistle should
be read and understood by those, who were his special
charge. The epistle written by Barnabas, a Levite, or
ascribed to him, was written in Greek. Not now to men-
tion any other Jewish writers who have used the Greek
language.
II. Thus we are unawares brought to the inquiry, in
what language this epistle was written. For there have been
doubts about it among both ancients and moderns. So
that we are obliged to take some particular notice of this
point. But I should have deferred the consideration of it,
till we had observed the writer of the epistle, if the just
mentioned objection had not brought this inquiry in our
way in this place.
Z
And it may be recollected, that I formerly alleged
divers learned and judicious moderns, who have been of
opinion, that Greek, and not Hebrew, was the original lan-
guage of this epistle. To them I now add several others:
y James Capellus, S. Basnage, a Mill in his Prolegomena
w Ils n'ont point eu d'autre raison de croire, que S. Paul avoit écrit en
Hébreu, que celle qu'il écrivoit à des Hebreux. Or cette raison, toute
vraisemblable qu'elle paroît, n'est point convaincante, parcequ'il est certain,
que la langue Grecque étoit entendue dans la Judée, quoiqu'elle ne fût pas
la langue vulgaire. Tous les auteurs du Nouveau Testament ont écrit en Grec,
bien qu'ils écrivissent pour tous les fidéles, soit Hébreux, soit Gentils. Beaus.
Préf. sur l'épître aux Hébreux. num. xv.
* See Vol. iv. ch. lxxii.
y Jacob. Capell. observat. in ep. ad Hebr. sect. ii et iii.
z Ann. 61. num, vi.
a Et sane magis adhuc futilis est
eorum sententia, qui hanc epistolam Paulo quidem Hebraïce scriptam volunt,
ab alio autem aliquo traductam fuisse in sermonem Græcum. Nihil enim
clarius atque evidentius, quam eam linguâ Græcâ primitus conceptam fuisse,
&c. Prolegom. num. 95-98.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
87
C
b
to the New Testament, and the late Mr. Wetstein, and also
Spanheim in his Dissertation concerning the author of this
epistle, which well deserves to be consulted. One argu-
ment for this, both of Spanheim, ande Wetstein, is taken
from the Greek paronomasias in the epistle, or the frequent
concurrence of Greek words of like sound. Which seems
to be an argument not easy to be answered.
Some ancient christian writers were of opinion, that the
epistle to the Hebrews was written in the Hebrew language,
and translated into Greek by Luke, or Clement, of Rome.
Jeroms in particular, seems to have supposed, that this
epistle was written in Hebrew. And Origen also is some-
times reckoned among those, who were of this opinion.
But I think I have shown it to be probable that he
thought it was written in Greek. It seems likewise, that
they must have been of the same opinion, who considered
the elegance of the Greek language of this epistle as an
objection against its having been written by St. Paul. For
if the Greek epistle had been supposed to be a translation,
the superior elegance of the style of this epistle above that
of the other epistles of Paul could have afforded no objec-
tion against his being the author of it.
Indeed the ancients, as Beausobre said formerly, had no
other reason to believe that St. Paul wrote in Hebrew, but
that he wrote to the Hebrews. So likewise says Capellus.
The title deceived them. And because it was written to
k
Ad hæc observamus, 1. epistolam ad Hebræos, quæ nunc Græce exstat,
non esse interpretis, sed ipsius auctoris. Qui putant ad Hebræos non aliter
Hebraïce scribi debuisse, manifesto falluntur. Omnes enim novi fœde-
ris libri, etiam Matthæi, ut ad ipsum vidimus, linguâ Græcâ scripti sunt.
Hanc linguam plerique Judæi nôrant. Wetstein. T. Gr. T. II. p. 385.
quam
с
Spanh. De Auctore epist. ad Heb. Part. III. cap. ii. tom. II. p. 245–252.
d Nono, decretorium fere argumentum est a Græcorum idiotismis, hac in
epistolâ passim conspicuis. Pauca hæc de multis. Auctor. cap. v. versu 8.
elegantem adhibet παρωνομασιαν, Scil. Εμαθεν αφ' ών επαθε, qualem He-
braïsmus non ferebat. Græci contra mire sibi in talibus placent, &c. Spanh.
ubi supr. n. xii. p. 249.
e Porro manifestæ reperiuntur paro-
nomasiæ, et oμolorελevra, quæ si in aliam linguam convertantur, pereunt.
Hebr. v. 8. et ver. 14. καλε τε και κακ8. vii. 3. απατωρ, αμητωρ. xi. 37.
· επρισθησαν, επειρασθησαν. ix. 10. βρωμασι και πωμασι. xiii. 14. μεν σαν και
μεsoav. Talia auctor potius sectatur quam interpres. Wetst. ib. p. 385.
f See Vol ii. ch. ii. xxii. and Vol. iv. ch. lxxii.
h See Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii. and Vol. iv. ch. lxxii.
i Vol. iv. ch. lxxii. See likewise here, p. 86. note".
Vol. iv. ch. cxiv.
* Qui volunt hanc epistolam Hebraïce scriptam, hos decepit titulus. Cum
enim ad Hebræos scribebatur, Hebraïce quoque scribi debuisse sunt opinati.
Sed meminisse debuerant, etiam Hierosolymis magnum fuisse linguæ Græcæ
Cis Hierosolymam paucissimi Judæi aliter quam Græce loquebantur.
Jacob. Capel. Observat. in Nov. Testam. p. 109.
usum.
A
88
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Hebrews, they concluded it was written in Hebrew. For
none of the ancients appear to have seen a copy of this epis-
tle in that language.
III. I now proceed to the third inquiry, who is the wri-
ter of this epistle. And many things offer in favour of the
apostle Paul.
1. It is ascribed to him by many of the ancients.
Here I think myself obliged briefly to recollect the testi-
monies of ancient authors, which have been produced at
large in the preceding volumes. And I shall rank them
under two heads: first, the testimonies of writers who used
the Greek tongue, then the testimonies of those who lived
in that part of the Roman empire, where the Latin was the
vulgar language.
S
q
r
n
There are some passages in the epistles of Ignatius,
about the year 107, which may be thought by some to con-
tain allusions to the epistle to the Hebrews. The epistle
seems to be referred to bym Polycarp bishop of Smyrna, in
his epistle written to the Philippians in the year 108, and "
in the relation of his martyrdom, written about the middle
of the second century. This epistle is often quoted as
Paul's by Clement of Alexandria, about the year 194.
It is received, and quoted as Paul's by P Origen, about 230.
It was also received as the apostle's by Dionysius, bishop
of Alexandria in 247. It is plainly referred to by Theog-
nostus of Alexandria, about 282. It appears to have been
received by Methodius, about 292, byt Pamphilus, about
294, and by" Archelaus, bishop in Mesopotamia, at the
beginning of the fourth century, by the Manichees in the
fourth, and by the Paulicians, in the seventh century. It
was received, and ascribed to Paul by* Alexander, bishop
of Alexandria, in the year 313, and by the Arians in the
fourth century. Eusebius, bishop of Cæsarea, about 315,
says, 'There are fourteen epistles of Paul, manifest and
'well known: but yet there are some, who reject that to
'the Hebrews, alleging, in behalf of their opinion, that it
was not received by the church of Rome, as a writing of
Paul.' It is often quoted by Eusebius himself, as Paul's,
and sacred scripture. This epistle was received by Atha-
nasius without any hesitation. In his enumeration of St.
See Vol. ii. p. 87, 88.
6
•
n P. 111.
w
9 P. 690, 721.
• P. 194-196.
▾ P. 403.
Z
V
a
b
m P. 106.
P P. 495, 501.
" P. 225, 239.
r Vol. iii. p. 152.
t P. 226.
w P. 448.
u P. 258.
* P. 567.
у Р. 581, 582.
a P. 119, 120.
z Vol. iv. p. 98, 102, 103.
b P. 155, 157.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
89
ས་ ་
k
d
m
Р
r
q
Paul's fourteen epistles, this is placed next after the two to
the Thessalonians, and before the epistles to Timothy, Titus,
and Philemon. The same order is observed in the Synopsis
of scripture ascribed to him. This epistle is received as
Paul's by Adamantius, author of a dialogue against the
Marcionites in 330, and bye Cyril of Jerusalem, in 348, by f
the council of Laodicea, in 363. Where St. Paul's epistles
are enumerated in the same order, as in Athanasius, just
taken notice of. This epistle is also received as Paul's byg
Epiphanius, about 368, by the Apostolical Constitutions,
about the end of the fourth century, byi Basil, about 370,
by Gregory Nazianzen, in 370, by Amphilochius¹ also.
But he says it was not received by all as Paul's. It was
received by Gregory Nyssen, about 371, by" Didymus of
Alexandria, about the same time, by Ephrem the Syrian,
in 370, and by the churches of Syria, by Diodorus of
Tarsus, in 378, by Hierax, a learned Egyptian, about the
year 302, bys Serapion, bishop of Thmuis in Egypt, about
347, byt Titus, bishop of Bostra, in Arabia, about 362, by
Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia, in Cilicia, about the year
394, by Chrysostom, at the year 398, by Severian, bishop
of Gabala, in Syria, 401, by Victor of Antioch, about 401,
by y Palladius, author of a life of Chrysostom, about 408,
by Isidore of Pelusium, about 412, bya Cyril, bishop of
Alexandria, in 412, by Theodoret, at 423, by cc Eutherius,
bishop of Tyana, in Cappadocia, in 431, bydd Socrates, the
Ecclesiastical Historian, about 440, byee Euthalius, in
Egypt, about 458, and, probably, byff Dionysius, falsely
called the Areopagite; by the author of the Quæstiones et
Responsiones, commonly ascribed to Justin Martyr, but
rather written in the fifth century. It is in the Alexan-
drian manuscript, about the year 500, and ii in the Sticho-
metry of Nicephorus, about 806, is received as Paul's by kk
Cosmas of Alexandria, about 535, by¹¹ Leontius, of Constan-
tinople, about 610, by' mm John Damascen, in 730, by an Pho-
Z
V
c P. 162, 163..
f P. 182.
i P. 279.
m P. 296.
P P. 321, 322.
s P. 271.
P. 537, 547.
✓ Vol. v. p. 6.
b P. 15, 17.
ee P. 71.
hh Vol. v. p. 82.
11 P. 143.
b
gg
X
d P. 167.
6 P. 187-189.
k P. 287.
n P. 303.
9 P. 377.
t P. 274, 404.
w P. 571.
z P. 10.
cc P. 33.
ff P. 73, 74.
W
сс
e P. 173, 174.
h P. 227.
! P. 292, 293.
。 P. 310.
r Vol. iii. p. 288.
u Vol. iv. p. 395.
› P. 586.
a P. 13.
dd P. 172.
88 Vol. ii. p. 129.
kk P. 95
ii P. 86,
nn P. 150.
mm P. 147.
u
90
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
0
tius, about 858, by Ecumenius, about the year 950, and
by Theophylact in 1070. I shall not go any lower.
I shall now rehearse such authors as lived in that part
of the Roman empire, where the Latin was the vulgar
tongue.
r
t
Here in the first place offers Clement in his epistle to the
Corinthians, written about the year 96, or, as some others
say, about the year 70. For though he wrote in Greek,
we rank him among Latin authors, because he was bishop
of Rome. In his epistle are divers passages, generally
supposed to contain allusions, or references to the epistle
to the Hebrews. Irenæus, bishop of Lyons, about 178, as
we are assured by Eusebius, alleged some passages out
of this epistle, in a work now lost. Nevertheless, it does
not appear, that he received it as St. Paul's. By Tertullian,
presbyter of Carthage, about the year 200, this epistle is
ascribed to Barnabas. Caius, about 212, supposed to have
been presbyter in the church of Rome, reckoning up the
epistles of St. Paul, mentioned thirteen only, omitting that
to the Hebrews. Here I place Hippolytus, who flourished
about 220. But it is not certainly known where he was
bishop, whether at Porto in Italy, or at some place in the
east. We have seen evidences, that he did not receive
the epistle to the Hebrews as St. Paul's. And perhaps
that may afford an argument, that though he wrote in Greek,
he lived where the Latin tongue prevailed. This epistle
is not quoted by Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, about 248,
and afterwards. Nor does it appear to have been received
by Novatus, otherwise called Novatian, presbyter of
Rome, about 251. Nevertheless it was in after times
received by his followers. It may be thought by some,
that this epistle is referred to by Arnobius, about 306,
and Lactantius about the same time. It is plainly quoted
by another Arnobius in the fifth century. It was received
as Paul's by Hilary, of Poictiers, about 354, and by Lu-
cifer, bishop of Cagliari, in Sardinia, about the same time,
and by his followers. It was also received as Paul's bye
C. M. Victorinus. Whether it was received by Optatus,
of Milevi, in Africa, about 370, is doubtful. It was received
as Paul's byg Ambrose, bishop of Milan, about 374, by h
4 Those passages are alleged,
W
a
d
X
b
• P. 154, 155.
P P. 157.
with remarks, vol. ii. p. 46-50, and see p. 53.
t P. 397-400.
8 P. 288-291.
▾ Vol. iii. p. 40—43, and 55.
* P. 116, 120, 121.
a P. 480.
e P. 256.
C
P. 176-178, and 182.
а
a P. 425, 436.
" P. 115-117.
y P. 479.
b
Vol. iv. p. 179.
$ P. 328.
C
c P. 250.
8 P. 334.
* P. 538, 539.
d P. 251.
b P. 366.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
91
i
P
r
the Priscillianists, about 378. About the year 380, was
published a commentary upon thirteen epistles of Paul
only, ascribed to Hilary, deacon of Rome. It was received
as Paul's by Philaster, bishop of Brescia in Italy, about
380. But he takes notice that it was not then received by
all. His successor Gaudentius, about 387, quotes this!
epistle as Paul's. It is also readily received as Paul's bym
Jerom, about 392. And he says, it was generally received
by the Greeks, and the christians in the east, but not by
all the Latins. It was received as Paul's by" Rufinus in
397. It is also in the catalogue of the third council of
Carthage in 397. It is frequently quoted by Augustin as
St. Paul's. In one place, he says, 'It is of doubtful autho-
rity with some. But he was inclined to follow the opinion
' of the churches in the east, who received it among the
'canonical scriptures.' It was received as Paul's by Chro-
matius, bishop of Aquileia, in Italy, about 401, by s Innocent,
bishop of Rome, about 402, byt Paulinus, bishop of Nola, in
Italy, about 403. Pelagius" about 405, wrote a commentary
upon thirteen epistles of St. Paul, omitting that to the Hebrews.
Nevertheless it was received by his followers. It was
received by Cassian, about 424, by Prosper of Aquitain,
about 434, and by the authors of the works ascribed to
him: by Eucherius, bishop of Lyons, in 434, bya Sedulius,
about 818, by Leo, bishop of Rome, in 440, by Salvian,
presbyter of Marseilles, about 440, by Gelasius, bishop of
Rome, about 496, bye Facundus, an African bishop, about
540, by Junilius, an African bishop, about 556, bys Cas-
siodorius, in 556, by the author of the imperfect Work
upon St. Matthew, about 560, by ii Gregory, bishop of Rome,
about 590, by kk Isidore of Seville, about 596, and by¹¹ Bede,
about 701, or the beginning of the eighth century.
f
It may
Z
W
b
y
h
V
X
be now needful to make a few remarks.
It is evident that this epistle was generally received in
ancient times, by those christians, who used the Greek lan-
guage, and lived in the eastern part of the Roman empire.
I forbear to insist here on the seeming references in Ignatius
1 P. 381.
m P. 436, 451, 454, 455.
• P. 487.
¶ P. 508.
t P. 589.
* Vol. v. p. 29.
• P. 52.
c P. 65.
k P. 386, 387.
1 P. 388.
n P. 483, 484.
P P. 494, 506–509.
r P. 581.
$ P. 586.
u P.590.
* P. 36.
▾ P. 591.
, P. 38, 39.
a P. 57, 58.
d P. 76.
b P. 62.
e P. 101.
f P. 107.
# P. 129, 130.
8 P. 110, 113.
b P. 121.
** P. 135—137.
11 P. 144.
92
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
and Polycarp. But Clement of Alexandria, before the end
of the second century, received this epistle as Paul's, and
quotes it as such frequently, without any doubt or hesita-
tion. And had a tradition from some before him, concerning
the reason why the apostle did not prefix his name to this,
as he did to the other epistles.
n
Concerning the Latin writers, it is obvious to remark,
that this epistle is not expressly quoted, as Paul's, by any
of them in the first three centuries. However, it was known
to Irenæus, and Tertullian, as we have seen, and possibly
to others also. It is generally supposed, that there are
divers allusions and references to this epistle, in the epistle
of Clement of Rome, written to the Corinthians. However,
I formerly mentioned m two learned men, who did not think
that a clear point. I have since met with another of the
same mind, whose words I place below. And I must
likewise refer to a consideration, formerly proposed: that
the little notice taken of this epistle by Latin writers in the
second and third centuries; and Eusebius P and Jerom
assuring us, that by many of the Romans in their time this
epistle was not received; seem to weaken the supposition,
that Clement had often alluded to this epistle. For if the
church of Rome, in his time, had owned it for an epistle of
Paul, it is not easy to conceive, how any Latin christians
afterwards should have rejected it, or doubted of its
authority.
0
However, it is manifest, that it was received as an epistle
of St. Paul by many Latin writers in the fourth, fifth, and
following centuries.
The reasons of doubting about the genuineness of this
epistle, probably, were the want of a name at the beginning,
and the difference of argument, or subject matter, and of
style, from the commonly received epistles of the apostle,
as is intimated by Jerom. Whether they are sufficient
reasons for rejecting this epistle, will be considered in the
course of our argument.
r
2. There is nothing in the epistle itself, that renders it
impossible or unlikely to be his.
m See Vol. ii. p. 50.
- ?
Sed quis dubitaret, quin ex
epistolâ ad Hebræos multa habeat, cum Eusebius illud diserte annotet
Nec tamen illud tam exploratum est. Phrasium et sententiarum æqualitas, ex
quâ illud unice derivandum est (nam nusquam a Clemente citatur) non est adeo
perfecta et frequens, non adeo singularis, ut ex Ep. ad Hebræos eas repetitas
esse, inde evincatur. Herman. Venern. Diss. ii. de Tit. ep. ad Ephes. num.
viii. p. 343.
• See Vol. ii. p. 54.
P Vid. Euseb H. E. 1. 3. c. 3. p. 72. B. C. and in this work, Vol. iv. ch. lxxii.
q See Vol. iv. ch. cxiv.
r Ibid. id.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
93
10,
t
$
For the epistle appears to have been written before the
destruction of Jerusalem; as was of old observed by Chry-
sostom, and Theodoret, and has been argued also by many
moderns." That the temple was still standing, and sacrifices
there offered, may be inferred from ch. viii. 4, "For if he
were on earth, he should not be a priest: seeing there are
priests, that offer according to the law:" and from ch. xiii.
“We have an altar, whereof they have no right to eat,
which serve the tabernacle." Moreover, if the temple
had been destroyed, and the worship there abolished, the
writer would not have failed to take some notice of it, in
support of his argument, and for abating the too great
attachment of many to the rites of the Mosaic institution.
To this purpose speaks Spanheim in a passage which I have
transcribed below. And in like manner another learned
commentator, to whom I refer. It is also probable,* that
those words, ch. iii. 13, "While it is called to-day,” refer to
the patience which God yet continued to exercise toward
the Jewish nation. He seems to have had in view the
approaching desolation of Jerusalem, which would put an
end to that "to-day," and finish the time which God gave
to the Jews, as a nation, to "hear his voice." And Light-
footy argues from ch. xii. 4, "Ye have not yet resisted
unto blood:" that the epistle was written before the war in
Judea was begun.
Indeed those words have been the ground of an objection
against this epistle having been sent to the believing Jews in
Judea, because there had been already several martyrdoms
in that country. That difficulty I would now remove.
And I have received from a learned friend the following
observation, which may be of use. It seems to me,' says
he, that the apostle here, as well as in the preceding
Z
u
› Vid. Chrysost. Pr. in Ep. ad Heb. T. XII. p. 4. C. D.
* Theod. in Heb. xiii. 9, 10.
Quærentibus, quo tempore,
et unde scripta sit epistola ad Hebræos, nihil est quod respondeamus, nisi
scriptam fuisse, cum Judæi adhuc gloriarentur templo Jerosolymitano, et
sacerdotio Mosaïco: de quibus ubique loquitur scriptor, ut etiamnum stanti-
bus. Cleric. Hist. Ec. An. 69. p. 461.
▾ Quia nata hæc epistola, stante templo et Levitico sacerdotio--Heb. viii.
4. Neque alias necesse fuit declamare in sacrificiorum usum, et praxin sacer-
dotii, penitus eo templi et urbis et reipublicæ eversione sublato. Neque maxime
omnium prægnans argumentum Judæis confundendis, et coërcendis pseudo-
apostolis, ab ipsâ jacturâ cultûs, et Hierosolymitanæ sedis restitutionis spe
nullâ amplius affulgente prætermisisset. Spanhem. ubi supra, P. II. cap. vi.
p. 3. T. I. p. 229.
* See Beausobre's preface to the epistle to
* The same.
the Hebrews, num. iii.
p. 339.
y Harm. of the N. T. Vol. i.
-- προς την ἁμαρτιαν ανταγωνιζομενοι.
94
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
C
'context, alludes to the Grecian games or exercises: and
'he signifies, that they, to whom he writes, had not been
'called out to the most dangerous combats, and had not
run the immediate hazard of their lives. Which, I sup-
'pose, might be said of them, as a body, or church.' And
I shall transfer hither Mr. Beausobre's note upon this place.
There had been martyrs in Judea, as Stephen, and the
'two James's. But for the most part the Jews did not put
the christians to death, for want of power. They were
' imprisoned and scourged. See Acts v. 40, and here ch.
'xiii. 3. And they endured reproaches, and the loss of
' their substance, ch. x. 32-34. These were the sufferings,
which they had met with. The apostle therefore here
' indirectly reproves the Hebrews, that though God treated
'them with more indulgence than he had done his people
• in former times, and even than his own Son, they never-
'theless wavered in their profession of the gospel. See
I ver. 12.,'
6
3. There are divers exhortations in this epistle, much
resembling some in the acknowledged epistles of St. Paul.
1.) Heb. xii. 3,—" Lesta ye be wearied, and faint in
your mind." Gal. vi. 9, " And let us not be weary in
well-doing, for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not."
And see 2 Thess. iri. 13. and Eph. iii. 13.
C
2.) Heb. xii. 14, "Follow peace with all men, and holi-
ness, without which no man shall see the Lord." An
exhortation very suitable to Paul, and to the Jewish believers
in Judea: admonishing them not to impose the rituals of
the law upon others, that is, the Gentile believers, and to
maintain friendship with them, though they did not em-
brace the law. It has also a resemblance with Rom. xii.
18. But the words of the original are different.
3.)Heb. xiii. 1, "Let brotherly love continue:" and what
follows to the end of ver. 3. Then at ver. 4, “Marriage is
honourable. But fornicators and adulterers God will judge.”
Here is an agreement with Eph. v. 2, 3, " And walk in love,
as Christ also has loved us. -But fornication and all un-
cleanness, and covetousness, let it not be once named among
you."
-Ver. 4, "For this ye know, that no fornicator,
nor unclean person, nor covetous man,- has any inherit-
ance in the kingdom of God."
d
4.) Ch. xiii. 16, "But to do good, and to communicate,
να μη καμητε, ταις ψυχαις εκλυομενοι.
b Το δε καλόν ποιέντες μη εκκακωμεν Καιρῳ γαρ ιδια θερισομεν, μη
εκλυόμενοι.
• Ειρηνην διώκετε μετα παντων, και τον ἁγιασμον
d Της δε ευποιίας και κοινωνίας μη επιλανθάνεσθε.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
95
e
forget not. For with such sacrifices God is well pleased."
That exhortation is very suitable to Paul's doctrine, and has
an agreement with what he says elsewhere, as Philip. iv.
18, "An odour of a sweet smell, a sacrifice accepta-
ble, well pleasing to God." Moreover as is observed by
Grotius upon this text, the word communicate, or commu-
nion, is found in a like sense in the Acts and in other epis-
tles of St. Paul. See Acts ii. 42. Rom. xv, 26. 2 Cor. viii.
4. ch. ix. 13.
4. In the next place I observe some instances of agree-
ment in the style, or phrases, of the epistle to the Hebrews,
and the acknowledged epistles of St. Paul.
1.) Heb. ii. 4, "God also bearing them witness with
signs, and wonders, and divers miracles, and gifts of the
Holy Ghost."
"Signs and wonders," together, seldom occur in other
books of the New Testament. But they are found several
times in the Acts, and St. Paul's epistles. The phrase is in
Matt. xxiv. 24, and Mark xiii. 22, and once likewise in St.
John's gospel, ch. iv. 48. But it is several times in the
Acts, ch. ii. 19; iv. 30; v. 12; vi. 8; viii. 13; xiv. 3; xv.
12. The most remarkable are these, where there are three
different words. Acts ii. 22,- "A man approved of
God among you bys miracles, and wonders, and signs."
Rom. xv. 19,- "Through mighty signs and wonders,
by the power of the Spirit of God." 2 Cor. xii. 12,
"In signs, and wonders, and mighty deeds." 2 Thess. ii.
9," With all power, and signs, and lying wonders."
h
The word
2.) Ch. ii. 14,-" That through death he might de-
stroy him that had the power of death."
καταργεω Οι καταργεομαι, is, I think, no where used in the
New Testament, except in Luke xiii. 7, and St. Paul's epis-
tles, where it is several times: and is sometimes used in a
sense resembling this place, particularly 2 Tim. i. 10,
« Who has abolished death :” καταργησαντος μεν θανατον,
And 1 Cor. xv. 26. Compare Dr. Doddridge's Family
Expositor, Vol. IV. upon 1 Cor. xv. 24.
3.) Ch. iii. 1," Holy brethren, partakers of the
heavenly calling" Philip. iii. 14," The prize of the
e Koivwviac vox refertur ad pecunias, et ea, quæ pecuniis comparantur.
Vide Act. ii. 42. Rom. xv. 26. 2. Cor. viii. 4; ix. 13. Grot. in Heb. xiii. 16.
f Συνεπιμαρτυμεντος τ8 Θε8 σημείοις τε και τέρασι, και ποικίλαις δυνάμεσι, και
πνευματος άγιε μερισμοις.
δυνάμεσι, και τερασι, και
εν δυνάμει σημείων, και τεράτων, εν δυνάμει
σημείοις.
πνευματος θες.
k
h
i
g
-εν σημείοις, και τερασι, και δυνάμεσι.
—εν παση δυνάμει, και σημείοις, και τέρασι ψευδες.
96
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
high calling of God in Christ Jesus." 2 Tim. i. 9,——————
"Who has called us with an holy calling."
4.) Ch. v. 12,-" And are become such as have need of
milk, and not of strong meat." 1 Cor. iii. 2, "I have fed
you with milk, and not with meat.” However, in the ori-
ginal, there is no great agreement in the words, except that
in both places" milk" is used for the first rudiments of the
christian doctrine.
5.) Ch. viii. 1,—" Who is set on the right hand of the
throne of the majesty on high. Eph. i. 21,-" And set
him at his own right hand in the heavenly places."
6.) Ch. viii. 6; ix. 15; and xii. 24, Jesus Christ is styled
"mediator." So likewise in Gal. iii. 19, 20. 1 Tim. ii. 5,
and in no other books of the New Testament.
και σκια των επερανιών.
7.) Ch. viii. 5, "Who serve unto the example and
shadow of heavenly things."-Kai Kia-wy savior. x. 1,
"For the law having a shadow of good things to come,
and not the very image of the things."
Σκιαν εχων των
μελλόντων αγαθών, εκ αυτην την εικόνα των πραγμάτων. Col. ii.
17," Which are a shadow of things to come. But the
body is of Christ.” Α εστι σκια των μελλοντων" το δε σωμα
το Χριστό.
A
ανεδισ
8.) Ch. x. 33, "Whilst ye were made a gazing-stock,"
or spectacle, "both by reproaches and afflictions." Ovedio-
μοις τε και θλίψεσι θεατριζομενοι. 1 Cor. iv. 9, “ For we are
made a spectacle unto the world " -οτι θεατρον εγενήθημεν
τῷ κόσμῳ.
1
9.) St. Paul, in his acknowledged epistles, often alludes
to the exercises and games, which were then very reputable
and frequent in Greece, and other parts of the Roman em-
pire. There are divers such allusions in this epistle, which
have also great elegance. So ch. vi. 18,
So ch. vi. 18, "Who have fled
for refuge to lay hold of the hope set before us," or the
reward of eternal life, proposed to animate and encourage
us. And ch. xii. 1, "Wherefore seeing we also are com-
m
1 See 1 Cor. ix. 24-26. 1 Tim. vi. 12. 2 Tim. ii. 5. and ch. iv. 7, 8.
m Κρατησαι της προκειμενης ελπίδος : • ad obtinendam spem propositam,
sc. vitam æternam. Elegantissima metaphora est vocis πрoкεμεvηs, e veterum
certaminum ratione ducta. Proprie enim pокεto0αι dicuntur ra alla, sc.
præmia certaminis, quæ publice proponuntur in propatulo, ut eorum adspectus,
certaque eorum adipiscendorum spes certaturos alacriores redderet ad certa-
men ineundum, victoriamque reportandam ; ut interpretabamur supra ad 2
Tim. iv. 8. Tо aπokɛiσlaι, quod eamdem significationem obtinet. J. Tob.
Krebsii Observat. in N. T. e Josepho. p. 377.
Ego vero puto φευγειν accipi pro συντόνως τρεχειν, et sumptam transla-
tionem a gymnicis ludis; quo spectant etiam vocabula кparŋoɑI, KATATETαO-
ματος, et προδρομε. Bez. in loc.
" See Mr. Hallet upon the place, note a p. 336.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
97
-4
passed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay
aside every weight, and the sin which does so easily beset
us, and P let us run with patience, the race that is set before
us. Ver.
Ver. 2, "Looking unto Jesus, who for the joy that
was set before him endured the cross." And ver. 3, "Lest™
ye be wearied, and faint in your minds." And ver. 12,
"Wherefore lift up the hands that hang down, and the
feeble knees."
S
All these texts seem to contain allusions to the celebrated
exercises and games of those times. And under each of
them I have referred to, or transcribed the notes of some
learned critics and commentators, tending to illustrate them.
And to these may be added, if I mistake not, the place
before taken notice of, ch. xii. 4, "Ye have not resisted
unto blood, striving" against sin."
t
10.) Ch. xiii. 9, " Be not carried about with divers and
strange doctrines.” Διδαχαις ποικίλαις και ξέναις μη περιφέρεσθε.
Eph. iv. 14, "That we henceforth be no more children,
tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of
doctrine" κλυδωνιζομενοι, και περιφερομενοι παντι ανεμω
της διδασκαλιας.
""
11.) Ch. xiii. 10, "We have an altar, whereof they have
no right to eat." 1 Cor. ix. 13, " And they that wait at
And ch. x.
the altar, are partakers with the altar.'
18," Are not they which eat of the sacrifices, partakers of
the altar."
0
Ογκον αποθεμένοι παντα “ deponentes omne pondus. Tota hæc oratio
translatitia est; quasi nobis in stadio non sine magnis difficultatibus curren-
dum: quâ translatione sæpe utitur Paulus. In primis igitur monet, ut oyxov
abjiciamus, qui vocabulo crassa omnis et tarda moles significatur. Bez. in loc.
A stadio sumta similitudo. Ibi qui cursuri sunt, omnia quæ oneri esse
possunt, deponunt, &c. Grot. in loc. And see Hallett as before, note ".
•
- Τρεχωμεν τον προκειμενον ἡμιν τον αγωνα. Loquendi ratio est agonistica,
et petita a cursoribus, qui stadium absolvunt. De voсе πрокεμαι satis multa
afferebamus supra, Cap. vi. 18. -Sensus autem Apostoli est: Curramus
in stadio, nobis proposito ad currendum:' voce aywv pro loco, sc. stadio,
sumta. Krebs. ubi supra, p. 390.
4 Ος αντι της προκειμενης χαρας, κ. λ. Vid. Krebs. ib. p. 390.
Hæc duo verba a palæs-
* Ίνα μη καμητε, ταις ψυχαῖς ὑμων εκλυομενοι..
trâ et ab athletis desumpta sunt, qui proprie dicuntur kaμvev, et fuxais
εxλvεσ¤αι, cum corporis viribus debilitati et fracti, omnique spe vincendi abjectâ,
victas manus dant adversario.Neque dubium est, quin Apostolus eo
respexerit. Id. ib.
8 Διο τας παρειμένας χειρας και τα
παραλελυμενα γονατα ανορθώσατε. Quemadmodum Paulus saepissime delec-
tatur loquendi formulis ex re palæstricâ petitis; ita dubium non est, quin hic
Athletis enim et luctatoribus tribuuntur
quoque respexisse eo videatur.
παρειμεναι χειρες et παραλελυμενα γονατα, cum luctando ita defatigati, viribus-
que fracti sunt, ut neque manus neque pedes officio suo fungi possint, ipsique
adeo victos se esse fateri cogantur. Id. ib. p. 392.
See here, p. 93.
VOL. VI.
H
Προς την ἁμαρτιαν ανταγωνιζομενα.
98
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
12.) Ch. xiii. 20, 21, " Now the God of peace- -make
you perfect." Which is a title of the Deity, no where
found in the New Testament, but in St. Paul's epistles.
And in them it is several times, and near the conclusion, as
here. So Rom, xv. 33, "Now the God of peace be with
you all." See likewise ch. xvi. 20, and Philip. iv. 9.
And 1 Thess. v. 23. And "the very God of peace sanctify
you wholly." And 2 Cor. xiii. 11," And the God of love
and peace shall be with you."
5. The conclusion of this epistle has a remarkable agree-
ment with the conclusions of St. Paul's epistles in several
respects.
1.) He here desires the christians, to whom he is writing,
to pray for him, ch. xiii. 18, "Pray for us." So Rom. xv.
30; Eph. vi. 18, 19; Col. iv. 3; 1 Thess. v. 25'; 2 Thess. iii. I.
V
2.) It is added in the same ver. 18, "For we trust we
have a good conscience, in all things willing to live honestly."
Which may well come from Paul, some of the Jewish be-
lievers not being well affected to him, or being even offended
with him. So says Theodoret upon this place, and Chry-
sostom" to the like purpose, very largely. To which
might be added ver. 32, "And I beseech you, brethren, to
suffer the word of exhortation." It is also observable, that
St. Paul makes a like profession of his sincerity, in pleading
against the Jews, before Felix, Acts xxiv. 16.
3.) Having desired the prayers of these christians for
himself, he prays for them, ch. xiii. 20, 21, “ Now the God
of peacemake you perfect-through Jesus Christ:
to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen." So Rom. xv.
30-32, having asked their prayers for him, he adds ver.
33,"Now the God of peace be with you all. Amen. Com-
pare Eph. vi. 19-23, and 1 Thess. v. 23; 2 Thess. iii. 16.
4.) Ch. xiii. 24, "Salute all them that have the rule over
you, and all the saints. They of Italy salute you." The
like salutations are in divers of St. Paul's epistles, Rom.
xvi; 1 Cor. xvi. 16-21; 2 Cor. xiii. 13; Philip. iv. 21, 22.
Not to refer to any more.
5.) The valedictory benediction at the end, is that which
Paul had made the token of the genuineness of his epistles,
2 Thess. iii. 18. So here, ch. xiii. 25, "Grace be with
• Διαβεβλητο αυτοις, ὡς τ' αναντια τῳ νομῳ κηρύττων. Διδασκει τοινυν
αυτες, ώς εκ αλλε τε χαριν τετο ποιεί, αλλα τῳ θειῳ λόγῳ πειθόμενος.
τετο και την συνειδησιν εις μαρτυρίαν εκάλεσε. Theod. in Hebr. xiii. 18.
T. III. p. 461.
w In Heb. xiii. hom. 34. tom. XII. p. 313, 314.
Δια
* Et hoc ad exemplum Pauli. Eph. vi. 24; Col. iv. 18; 1 Tim. vi. 21;
2 Tim. iv. 22; Tit. iii. 15. Qui alibi explicat, quæ sit illa gratia, nempe
Christi. Grot. in Heb, xiii. 25.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
99
you all. Amen." Indeed, sometimes it is "the grace of our
Lord Jesus Christ be with you." But at other times it is
more contracted. So Col. iv. 18,
"Grace be with you."
1 Tim. vi. 21," Grace be with thee." See likewise Eph.
vi. 24; 2 Tim. iv. 22; Tit. iii. 15. The same observation
is in Theodoret.
6. The circumstances of the epistle leads us to the apostle
Paul.
1.) Ch. xiii. 24, "They of Italy salute you." The writer
therefore was then in Italy, whither we know Paul was sent
a prisoner, and where he resided two years, Acts xxviii.
where also he wrote several epistles, still remaining.
2.) Ver. 19, He desires them "the rather to pray for him,
that he might be restored to them the sooner." Paul had
been brought from Judea to Rome. And he was willing
to go thither again, where he had been several times. And
though the original words are not the same, there is an
agreement between this and Philem. ver. 22, " I trust, that
through your prayers, I shall be given to you."
This par-
ticular is one of the arguments of Euthalius, that this
epistle is Paul's, and written to the Jews of Palestine.
Z
3.) Ver. 23," Know ye, that our brother Timothy is set
at liberty. With whom, if he come shortly, I will see you."
Timothy was with Paul, during his imprisonment at Rome:
as is allowed by all. For he is expressly mentioned at the
beginning of the epistles to the Philippians, Colossians,
Philemon, written when he was in bonds. He is mentioned
again, Philip. ii. 19. When the apostle writes to Timothy,
he calls him "his son," or dearly beloved son." 1 Tim.
i. 2; 2 Tim. i. 2. But when he mentions him to others, he
calls him brother. 2 Cor. i. 1; Col. i. 1; 1 Thess. iii. 2.
In like manner Titus. Comp. Titus i. 4, and 2 Cor. ii. 13.
66
This mention of Timothy has led many, not only moderns,
but ancients likewise, to think of Paul as writer of the
epistle, particularlyª Euthalius. And undoubtedly, many
others have been confirmed in that supposition by this cir-
cumstance.
The original word, añoλedvμevov, is ambiguous, being ca-
pable of two senses: one of which is that of our translation,
* Το σύνηθες ακροτελευτον τέθεικε, την της χάριτος μετεσιαν. Theod. in
loc. T. III. p. 462.
2 Μαρτυρείται δε και εν τοις έξης ή επιςολη
ὑπαρχεσα Παύλε, τῳ γράφειν, ότι και τοις δεσμοις με συνεπαθήσατε, και εκ τε
λεγειν, περισσότερον εύχεσθε, ἵνα ταχιον αποκαταςαθω ύμιν. Euthal. ap.
Zacagn. p. 670.
3 Και εκ τε λεγειν, γινώσκετε τον αδελφον
ἡμων Τιμοθεον απολελυμένον--ουδείς γαρ αν, οιμαι, απέλυσεν εις διακονιαν
Τιμοθεον, ει μη Παυλος. κ. λ. Euthal. ib. p. 671.
a
H 2
100
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
"set at liberty," that is, from imprisonment: the other is
dismissed, "sent abroad on an errand." In this last sense
it was understood by Euthalius. Who, in the place just
cited, says, 'That scarcely any one can be thought of, be-
side Paul, who would send Timothy abroad upon any ser-
'vice of the gospel.' And indeed this passage doth put us in
mind of what Paul says to the Philippians, ch. ii. 19, “But
I trust in the Lord Jesus, to send Timothy shortly unto you,
that I also may be of good comfort when I know your
state. Him therefore I hope to send presently, so soon as I
shall see how it will go with me. But I trust in the Lord,
that I also myself shall come shortly," ver. 23, 24. Which
induced Beausobre to say in the preface to this epistle:
The sacred author concludes with asking the prayers of
'the Hebrews, ch. xiii. 19, "That he may be restored to
• them." These words intimate, that he was still prisoner,
'but that he hoped to be set at liberty. Therefore he adds,
' in the 23d ver. that he intended to come and see them with
Timothy, as soon as he should be returned. If this
'explication be right, this epistle was written at Rome some
'time after the epistle to the Philippians, and since the depar-
ture of Timothy for Macedonia.
b
Thus we are brought to the time of this epistle. Never-
theless, before I proceed to speak distinctly to that, I would
conclude the argument concerning the writer of it.
All these considerations just mentioned, added to the
testimony of many ancient writers, make out an argument of
great weight (though not decisive and demonstrative) that
the apostle Paul is the writer of this epistle.
It should be observed, I have hitherto declined the use of
two arguments often insisted upon in discoursing of this
point.
One of which is the testimony of St. Peter: 2 epist. ch.
iii. 15, 16. This I have omitted, because I am not satisfied
that he and the author of this epistle write to the same per-
Nor does it appear certain to me, that St. Peter there
takes any particular notice of this epistle as one of Paul's.
b Preface sur l' épître aux Hébreux. n. 37. p. 429.
sons.
<
с
C
Says Mr. Hallet, Introduction, p. 21, "Some learned men have attempted
to prove this point from what St. Peter says, 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16. If it could
be proved, that he speaks of the epistle to the Hebrews, the testimony of this
apostle would fully determine the dispute. But as I do not think, it can be
• certainly proved, that he speaks of this epistle, without proving that St. Paul
' was the author of it, I cannot argue from this passage. Those on the other
⚫side go upon the supposition, that St. Peter's epistles were written to the
Hebrews, or Jews. But it seems to me abundantly more natural to suppose,
that they were written to Gentile christians, if we consider many passages of
the epistles themselves.'
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
101
However as many learned men look upon that passage of
St. Peter, as a full testimony to Paul's being the writer of
this epistle, I shall refer to several, or transcribe below a
part at least of what they say: particularly & Mill, © Span-
heim, and f Basnage.
6
g
h
i
e
The other argument omitted by me is that taken from
Heb. x. 34, “For ye had compassion of me in my bonds."
On this insist & Spanheim, Mill, and Basnage, to prove
that this epistle was written by Paul. But Mr. James Pierce
translates the words thus: "For ye sympathized with those
who were in bonds." And in his notes says: 'Were it cer-
tain, that the common is the true reading of the place,
'there would be little room left to doubt of the epistle's be-
ing written by St. Paul. But the Alexandrian, and other
'manuscripts, of the best note, read here despois instead of
6 δεσμοις με.
And the same is confirmed by ancient versions.'
And that this is the truer reading, may be seen in Bengelius,
Wetstein, and Mill himself: though in his argument con-
cerning the author of the epistle, he has been pleased to
argue from the common reading. If Paul here referred to
his bonds, I should think he intended his imprisonment in
Judea, as Mill thought, not at Rome, as Basnage does, in
the place just cited. I make no doubt but that the He-
brew believers in Judea afforded St. Paul relief and com-
fort, whilst he lay prisoner at Cæsarea. But as I do not
here discern any plain reference to that, I do not form any
argument from this text, in behalf of the writer of the
epistle.
d Et quidem epistolam hanc eam ipsam fuisse, quam ad Hebræos christi-
anos miserat apostolus noster, disertis verbis D. Petri constat. Ep. 2. cap. iii.
15, &c. Mil. Proleg. num. 86-91.
e Vid. Spanhem. Diss. de Auct. ep. ad Hebr. Part. 1 cap. ii.- V.
f Hebræis Paulum scripsisse, planum est ex posteriore Petri; Paulus pro
sibi datâ sapientiâ scripsit vobis.' Hebræos enim adibat scripto Petrus cir-
cumcisionis apostolus. Quænam autem Pauli ad Hebræos scripta epistola, si
nostra non est ?———Ipsa igitur est, quæ omnium in manibus versatur atque
oculis. Basn. ann. 61. num. iv.
5 Prima esto circumstantia
vinculorum illa mentio. Capite x. ver. 34.- Constat enin, soli Paulo, et
fere semper, venisse hoc in usu. Et quas omnes ex Italiâ transmisit epistolas,
vinculorum suorum mentione quasi distinxit. Spanh. ib. P. II. cap. 4.
h Auctorem habet hæc epistola, si qua usquam alia, D. Paulum. Alloqui-
tur auctor Hebræos istos, velut ipsius in carcere memores, ejusque vinculis
оνμπaðηoаνтaç. Ista apostolo nostro congruere, nemo non videt. Hieroso-
lyma ipse duos ante annos eleemosynas ecclesiarum detulerat, ubi ab universâ
illic ecclesiâ benigne exceptus erat, toto tempore, quo Cæsareæ mansit incar-
ceratus. Mill. Prol. num. 85.
¡Â manu catenatâ epistolam
in Italiâ exaratam fuisse, cernimus et videmus: vinculis meis mecum affecti
fuistis. Barnabam vero aut Lucam compedibus in Italiâ fuisse detentos, vete-
rum in monimentis ne minimâ quidem literâ invenimus. Basnag. An. 61. n. iv.
102
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
I say no more by way of argument. But there are ob-
jections, which ought to be considered.
1. Obj. Heb. ii. 3, "How shall we escape, if we neglect
so great salvation, which at the first began to be spoken
by the Lord, and was confirmed unto us by them that heard
him ?"
Hence it has been argued, that the writer of this epistle
placeth himself with those who had received the doctrine of
the gospel from Christ's apostles. But Paul had it from
Christ himself, as he says at large in the first chapter of the
epistle to the Galatians. This has been thought by Grotius
and Le Clerc¹ a good reason why Paul should not be es-
teemed the writer of this epistle.
k
To which I answer, that it is not uncommon for Paul to
join himself with those to whom he is writing, and to say us,
where he might say you: especially, when he says any thing
that is humbling, and that might be thought disagreeable.
So Col. i. 12, 13, "Giving thanks to the Father, who-
has delivered us from the power of darkness.". This I
take to be a plain instance. To which might be added,
according to the judgment of some commentators, Eph. ii.
3, and Tit. iii. 3. The note of Grotius upon this last cited
text may be observed. And now I transcribe below m the
answer of Mr. Wetstein to this objection: which is in the
main agreeable to what I have just said.
I would also observe, that there is another instance in
this epistle, much resembling the text, upon which the pre-
sent objection is founded. Heb. xii. 1,- "Wherefore
upon
k Præterea Paulo hanc epistolam abjudicat, quod hujus scriptor se iis annu-
meret, qui non a Christo, sed ab ejus discipulis, notitiam evangelii acceperit.
cap. ii. 3. Cum contra Paulus auctoritatem sibi addat inde, quod hanc notitiam
a Christo ipso acceperit. Grot. Pr. in ep. ad Hebr.
¹ Videtur et scriptor epistolæ ad Hebræos, cap. ii. 3. &c. eorum numero
censeri velle, qui evangelium acceperant ab iis, a quibus auditus erat ipse
Christus.. Quod in Paulum non quadrat, qui evangelium ab ipso Jesu
Christo et Deo accepisse se non falso gloriatur, Gal. i. Cleric. H. E. Á. D. 69.
p. 459.
m Hebr. ii. 3. Paulus se iis annumerat, qui notitiam evangelii a discipulis
Christi acceperunt; cum tamen ad Galatas non semel testetur, glorieturque,
se non ab hominibus, sed ab ipso Christo fuisse institutum, Gal. i. 1, 12, 17;
ch. ii. 6. Ratio discriminis ex modo dictis manifesta est. In epistolâ ad
Galatas id agit, ut auctoritatem suam adstruat; hic autem, ubi de supplicio
desertoribus impendente loquitur, ut minus ingrata esset comminatio atque
admonitio, seipsum illis annumerat, comm. 1. Aεɩ пμaç πρoσεxεIV TOLS AKBσ-
θεισιν, μη ποτε παῤῥυωμεν—πως ήμεις εκφευξομεθα.-Postquam igitur
ita cœpisset, consequens erat, ut in eâdem figurâ pergeret, scriberetque s
σωτηρία —— εs ǹµas εßɛßauwen. Ita Eph. ii. 3; Col. i. 12, 13; Tit. iii. 3. ubi
gentium peccata, et pœnam imminentem describit, et seipsum illis annumerat.
J. J. Wetstein. N. T. tom. II. p. 384.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
103
-let us lay aside every weight, and the sin which does
so easily beset us.". And this way of writing is suit-
able to Paul's style and method in his acknowledged
epistles.
Secondly, I would farther add, if it might not be esteemed
too prolix, that in divers other places we find Paul, when
he asserts the resurrection of Jesus Christ, insisting also
upon the testimony of the other apostles, and likewise of
other disciples. Thus, preaching at Antioch in Pisidia,
Acts xiii. 30, 31, " But God raised him from the dead. And
he was seen many days of them, which came up with him
from Galilee to Jerusalem, who are his witnesses unto the
people." And also 1 Cor. xv. at the beginning: which I
shall recite largely, as full to the point. "Moreover, bre-
thren, I declare unto you the gospel, which I preached unto
you, which also ye have received. By which also ye
are saved, if ye keep in memory what I preached unto you.
For I delivered unto you first of all, bow that Christ
died for our sins, according to the scriptures: and that he
was buried, and that he rose again the third day, according
to the scriptures: and that he was seen of Cephas, then of
the twelve. After that he was seen of James, then of all
the apostles. And last of all he was seen of me.
""
And this context, perhaps, will justify me in proceeding
somewhat farther. When St. Paul says, 2 Tim. ii. 8,
"Remember, that Jesus Christ was raised from the
dead, according to my gospel :" he intends, as I apprehend,
to lead Timothy to recollect the gospel, that had been
preached by him in such and such circumstances, confirmed
by miracles wrought by him, and agreeable to the pro-
phecies of the ancient scriptures, and the testimony of the
other apostles, and disciples of Christ. As he also says, at
ver. 2, of the same chapter," The things that thou hast heard
of me among many witnesses:" literally, "by many wit-
nesses :" that is, confirmed by many witnesses.
And he
may be supposed to intend not only the prophets, which
is Grotius's interpretation, but likewise the testimony of
all the apostles of Christ, and of many others, to which
he had appealed in his preaching.
n
Upon the whole, it seems to me, that the expression of this
text is highly becoming the apostle Paul, especially, suppos-
ing him to be here writing to the believers of Jerusalem
and Judea. And indeed, as before shown, the beginning of
this second chapter of the epistle to the Hebrews affords, in
" Multis adductis testibus prophetis, qui hæc prædixerant. Hebr. xii. 1.
Grot. in 2 Tim. ii. 2.
104
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
my opinion, an argument of no small force, that they are the
christians to whom it is sent.
2. Obj. Another objection against this epistle being St.
Paul's is, that it is supposed to have in it an elegance supe-
rior to that of his other writings. This has been judged by
Grotius, and Le Clerc, who were formerly quoted, sufficient
to show, that it was not written by Paul.
0
In order to judge the better of this, it may be of use to
recollect what we have already seen in divers ancient writers,
relating to this point.
Eusebius has a passage of Clement of Alexandria, from
his institutions, at large cited by us formerly: where
Clement says, 'That the epistle to the Hebrews is Paul's,
and that it was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew
'language, and that Luke having carefully translated it,
published it for the use of the Greeks. Which is the rea-
'son of that conformity of style, which is found in this
'epistle, and the Acts of the Apostles.'
6
г
6
6
The opinion of Origen in his homilies upon this epistle as
cited by Eusebius, and by us from him, is, That the style
' of the epistle to the Hebrews has not the apostle's rudeness
' of speech
--but as to the texture of it, is elegant
Greek, as every one will allow, who is able to judge of
'the differences of style.' Again he says, The sentiments
of the epistle are admirable, and not inferior to the
acknowledged writings of the apostle. This will be
'assented to by every one who reads the writings of the
apostle with attention.' Afterwards he adds, If I was
'to speak my opinion, I should say, that the sentiments are
'the apostle's, but the language and composition another's,
'who committed to writing the apostle's sense, and as it
'were, reduced into commentaries the things spoken by his
'master.' And what follows.
$
6
Eusebiuss himself, speaking of Clement's epistle to the
Corinthians, says, Paul having written to the Hebrews in
'their own language, some think that the evangelist Luke,
' others, that this very Clement, translated it into Greek.
• Which last is the most likely, there being a great resem
blance between the style of the epistle of Clement, and
the epistle to the Hebrews. Nor are the sentiments of
• See Hist. of the Apost. Vol. v. ch. ii.
P Vol. ii. ch. xxii.
9 Και την προς Εβραιες επιτολην Παυλο μεν ειναι φησι, γεγραφθαι δε
Εβραιοις Εβραϊκῇ φωνῇ. Λεκαν δε φιλοτιμως αυτην μεθερμηνευσαντα, εκδεναι
τοις Έλλησιν, κ. λ. ap. Εuseb. Η. Ε. 1. 6. c. 14. in.
Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii. from Euseb. H. E. 1. 6. cap. 25.
• H. E. 1. 3. cap. 38.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
105
'those two writings very different.' This passage has been
already twice quoted by us: once in the chapter of Cle-
ment bishop of Rome, and again in that" of Eusebius.
6
Philaster, bishop of Brescia, about 380, as formerly
quoted, says, 'There are some, who do not allow the epistle
to the Hebrews to be Paul's: but say, it is either an
epistle of the apostle Barnabas, or of Clement bishop of
Rome. But some say, it is an epistle of Luke the evangelist.
Moreover, some reject it, as more eloquent than the
apostle's other writings.
•
w
Jerom, about 392, in his article of St. Paul in the book
of Illustrious Men, as before cited also, says, 'The epistle,
'called To the Hebrews, is not thought to be his, because of
'the difference of the argument and style: but either Bar-
nabas's, as Tertullian thought, or the evangelist Luke's,
according to some others; or Clement's, bishop of Rome :
who, as some think, being much with him, clothed and
• adorned Paul's sense in his own language. Moreover
6
he wrote as a Hebrew to Hebrews in pure Hebrew, it
being his own language. Whence it caine to pass that,
'being translated, it has more elegance in the Greek, than
his other epistles.'
I need not allege here any more testimonies relating to
this matter. We sufficiently perceive by what has been
said, that many ancient christians supposed the Greek of
this epistle to have a superior elegance to the received
epistles of St. Paul. And to some of them the Greek was
their native language. And others, as Jerom, though
Latins, may be supposed to have been good judges in this
matter.
*
Some learned men of late times, as Grotius and Le Clerc,
have thought this to be an insuperable objection. Of this
opinion likewise was Jacob Tollius: who in his notes
upon Longinus, Of the Sublime, has celebrated the sublimity
of this epistle, and particularly the elegance of the begin-
ning of it. Which alone he thinks sufficient to show, that
t Vol. ii. ch. ii.
αναπαύσεις
u Vol. iv. ch. lxxii.
X
▾ Ibid. ch. cx.
w Ibid. ch. cxiv.
Ejusmodi σηριγμες, και
avaravσuç statim in initio eloquentissimæ, et nescio annon omnem gentilium
scriptorum sublimitatem superantis, certe adæquantis epistolæ ad Hebræos
reperias; quam vel hoc uno Pauli non esse probaverim. Sed sunt avaravoɛıç
illæ non deorsum ruentis orationis, verum contra ea in cœlum ascendentis
ςηριγμοι. Ita vero incipit: Πολυμερώς, και πολυτρόπως, παλαι ο Θεος
λαλήσας τοις πατρασιν, κ. λ. Ubi tres consequenter sunt positi Pæones quarti
cum syllabâ post singulas remanente, velut ad subsistendum, dum ita in
cœlum ad Deum velut gradibus scriptor adscendit. J. Tollius ad Longin. de
Sublim. sect. 39. not. 22.
106
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
it is not Paul's. Others allow the fine contexture of the
style of this epistle; but do not see that consequence.
These are obliged to account for it: which they do several
ways.
Mr. Wetstein, who allows that the epistle is St. Paul's,
and that it was written in Greek, thinks that y Paul having
now lived two years at Rome, may have improved his
Greek style. But in answer to that it may be said, that we
have several epistles of Paul, written near the end of his
imprisonment at Rome, in which we perceive his usual
style.
Z
Again, Mr. Wetstein adds, "That this is a learned epistle,
' and may have been composed with more care and exactness
'than letters written to friends, or to churches, whose
'urgent necessities obliged him to write in haste.' But
neither will this, I believe, be sufficient to account for the
difference of style in this, and the epistles received as Paul's.
For no care and attention will on a sudden enable a man to
alter his usual style, in a remarkable manner.
6
It remains therefore, as seems to me, that if the epistle be
Paul's, and was originally written in Greek, as we suppose,
the apostle must have had some assistance in composing it.
So that we are led to the judgment of Origen, which
appears to be as ingenious and probable as any. • The
• sentiments are the apostle's, but the language and compo-
'sition of some one else: who committed to writing the
apostle's sense, and as it were reduced into commentaries
the things spoken by his master.' According to this
account, the epistle is St. Paul's, as to the thoughts and
matter, but the words are another's. Jerom, as may be
remembered, said, ' He wrote as a Hebrew to Hebrews in
'pure Hebrew, it being his own language. Whence it
'came to pass, that being translated, it has more elegance in
• the Greek, than his other epistles.' My conjecture, which
is not very different, if I may be allowed to mention it, is,
that St. Paul dictated the epistle in Hebrew, and another,
who was a great master of the Greek language, immedi-
ately wrote down the apostle's sentiments in his own
elegant Greek. But who this assistant of the apostle was,
is altogether unknown.
y Potuit Paulus aliter scribere, cum esset in Græciâ, aliter postea, cum in
Italiam translatus ex usu frequentiori linguæ Græcæ, et Hebraismos vitare, et
facilius scribere didicisset. Wetst. N. T. Tom. II. p. 385.
z Potuit hanc epistolam, quæ erudita est, longiori meditatione elaborâsse,
cum alias ad familiares amicos, vel ad ecclesias, ubi necessitas urgebat, festi-
nantius effudisset. Ibid.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
107
b
2
The ancients, beside Paul, have mentioned Barnabas,
Luke, and Clement, as writers, or translators of this epistle.
But I do not know that there is any remarkable agreement
between the style of the epistle to the Hebrews and the
style of the epistle commonly ascribed to Barnabas. The a
style of Clement, in his epistle to the Corinthians, is verbose
and prolix. St. Luke may have some words, which are
in the epistle to the Hebrews. But that does not make out
the same style. This epistle, as Origen said, 'as to the
'texture of the style is elegant Greek.' But that kind of
texture appears not in Luke, so far as I can perceive.
There may be more art and labour in the writings of Luke,
than in those of the other evangelists: but not much ele-
gance, that I can discern. This epistle to the Hebrews is
bright and elegant from the beginning to the end, and
surpasseth as much the style of St. Luke, as it does the
style of St. Paul in his acknowledged epistles. In short,
this is an admirable epistle, but singular in sentiments and
language: somewhat different in both respects from all the
other writings in the New Testament. And whose is the
language, as seems to me, is altogether unknown: whether
that of Zenas, or Apollos, or some other of the apostle Paul's
assistants, and fellow-labourers.
C
3. Obj. There still remains one objection more against
this epistle being written by St. Paul: which is the want
of his name. For to all the thirteen epistles, received
as his, he prefixeth his name, and generally calleth himself
apostle.
This objection has been obvious in all ages. And the
omission has been differently accounted for by the ancients,
who received this epistle as a genuine writing of St. Paul.
6
6
6
6
Clement of Alexandria, in his institutions, as cited by us a
formerly from Eusebius, speaks to this purpose, The epistle
to the Hebrews, he says, is Paul's. But he did not make
' use of that inscription, "Paul the apostle." Of which he
assigns this reason. Writing to the Hebrews, who had
' conceived a prejudice against him, and were suspicious of
him, he wisely declined setting his name at the beginning,
'lest he should offend them. He also mentions this tradition:
• forasmuch as the Lord was sent as the apostle of Almighty
God to the Hebrews, Paul out of modesty does not style
a Clement est diffus,
-&c. Beaus. Pref. sur. l'épître aux Hébreux. num.
Lucam autem hujus epistolæ scriptorem ostendunt etiam
vocabula et loquendi genera quædam Lucæ velut propria. Grot. Præf. in ep.
c Tout le monde reconnoît de l'éloquence et de
vii.
ad Hebr.
l'élévation dans l'epître aux Hébreux. Beaus. ibid.
d Vol. ii. ch. xxii.
108
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'himself the apostle of the Hebrews: both out of respect
'to the Lord, and that being preacher and apostle of the Gen-
'tiles, he over and above wrote to the Hebrews.'
Jerom also speaks to this purpose, 'That Paul might
'decline putting his name in the inscription, on account of
'the Hebrews being offended with him.' So in the article
of St. Paul, in his book of Illustrious Men. In his com-
mentary upon the beginning of the epistle to the Galatians,
he assigns another reason, that Paul declined to style
' himself apostle at the beginning of the epistle to the He-
'brews, because he should afterwards call Christ "the
'high priest, and apostle of our profession." See ch.
iii. I.
f
Theodoret says, that Paul was especially the apostle of
the Gentiles. For which he allegeth, Gal. ii. 9, and Rom.
xi. 13. Therefore writing to the Hebrews, who were not
' entrusted to his care, he barely delivered the doctrine of
the gospel, without assuming any character of authority.
For they were the charge of the other apostles.'
I need not quote any others; which would be only a repc-
tition of the same, or like reasons.'
All these reasons may not be reckoned equally good.
And, perhaps, none of them are sufficient and adequate to
the purpose. But though we should not be able to assigu
a good reason, why Paul omitted his name; the epistle,
nevertheless, may be his. For there may have been a
good reason for it, though we are not able to find it out. It
is the work of a masterly hand, who for some reason
omitted his name. Paul might have a reason for such
silence, as well as another.
i
Lightfoot says, ' Paul's not affixing his name to this, as
he had done to his other epistles, does no more deny it to
e Vel certe quia Paulus scribebat ad Hebræos, et propter invidiam sui apud
eos nominis titulum in principio salutationis amputaverat. De V. I. cap. v.
f Et in epistolâ ad Hebræos propterea Paulum solitâ consuetudine nec
nomen suum, nec apostoli vocabulum præposuisse, quia de Christo erat
dicturus: Habentes ergo principem Sacerdotum, et Apostolum confessionis,
Jesum ; nec fuisse congruum, ut, ubi Christus apostolus dicendus erat, ibi
etiam Paulus apostolus poneretur. In ep. ad Gal. cap. i. T. IV. p. 225. in.
8 Εβραιοις δε γράφων, ὧν εκ ενεχειρίσθη την επιμελειαν, γυμνην των
αξιωματων εικοτως την διδασκαλίαν προσηνεγκεν ὑπο γαρ την των αλλων
añosλwv пpoµndeiav ereλ8v. Theod. in Hebr. T. III. p. 392.
h Verum est, Paulum omnibus aliis epistolis, si hanc excipias, et nomen
suum præposuisse, et titulos addidisse, quibus sibi auctoritatem conciliaret.
Nec tamen inde consequitur, hanc, de quâ agimus, Pauli non esse. Aut enim
dicendum erit, nullius esse, quia nomen nullum prefixum est: aut si alius
quis contra morem receptum nomen suum reticere potuit, idem æquo jure
etiam Paulo licuit. Wetst. N. T. tom. II. p. 384. med.
i See his Works, Vol. I. p. 339.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
109
6
be his, than the first epistle of John is denied to be Jolin's
upon that account.'
k
1
Tillemont says, Possibly Paul considered it as a book,
'
' rather than a letter: since he makes an excuse for its
brevity, ch. xiii. 22. For indeed it is short for a book,
but long for a letter.' The same thought is in Estius.
This may induce us to recollect an observation of Chry-
sostom to the like purpose, formerly m taken notice of.
It is, I think, observable, that there is not at the begin-
ning of this epistle any salutation. As there is no name of
the writer, so neither is there any description of the people,
to whom it is sent. It appears from the conclusion, that it
was sent to some people in a certain place. And, undoubt-
edly, they to whom it was sent, and by whom it was
received, knew very well from whom it came. Neverthe-
less there might be reasons for omitting an inscription, and
a salutation at the beginning. This might arise from the
circumstances of things. There might be danger of offence
in sending at that time a long letter to Jews in Judea.
And this omission might be in part owing to a regard for
the bearer, who too is not named. The only person named
throughout the epistle is Timothy. Nor was he at that time
present with the writer.
Indeed I imagine, that the two great objections against
this being a genuine epistle of the apostle; the elegance of
the style, and the want of a name and inscription, are both
owing to some particular circumstances of the writer, and
the people to whom it was sent. The people, to whom it
was sent are plainly Jews in Judea; and the writer, very
probably, is Paul. Whose circumstances at the breaking
up of his confinement at Rome, and his setting out upon a
new journey, might be attended with some peculiar em-
barrassments; which obliged him to act differently from his
usual method.
IV. Thus we are brought to the fourth and last part of
our inquiry concerning this epistle, the time and place of
writing it. Mill was of opinion, that this epistle was
written by Paul in the year 63, in some part of Italy, soon
after he had been released from his imprisonment at Rome.
* S. Paul. art. 46. Mem. T. I.
¹ Sed post hæc omnia, an vera ratio omissæ salutationis est, quod hæc
epistola scripta est per modum libri, non per modum epistolæ? Unde in fine
dicit: Etenim perpaucis scripsi vobis.' Quod de epistolâ non erat dicturus,
cum sit epistola prolixa. Est. de Auct. Ep. ad Hebr. p. 893.
m See Vol. iv. ch. cxviii.
n Interea, mox ut e carcere evasit
apostolus, recessit in ulteriorem aliquam Italiæ partem, ibique scripsit episto-
lam ad Hebræos. Proleg. num. 83.
110
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
4
Mr. Wetstein appears to have been of the same opinion.
Tillemont P likewise placeth this epistle in the year 63,
immediately after the apostle's being set at liberty; who,
as he says, was still at Rome, or at least in Italy. Basnage i
speaks of this epistle at the year 61, and supposeth it to be
written during the apostle's imprisonment. For he after-
wards speaks of the epistle to the Ephesians, and says, it r
was the last letter, which the apostle wrote during the time
of his bonds. L'Enfant and Beausobre, in their general pre-
face to St. Paul's epistles, observe, that in the subscrip-
tion at the end of the epistle it is said to have been
'written from Italy. The only ground of which, as they
add, is what is said, ch. xiii. 24. "They of Italy salute
you."
This has made some think, that the apostle wrote
to the Hebrews, after he had been set at liberty, and when
'he was got into that part of Italy which borders upon
Sicily, and in ancient times was called Italy. Nevertheless,
'there is reason to doubt of this. When he requests the
prayers of the Hebrews, that "he might be restored to
'them the sooner," he intimates, that he was not yet
'set at liberty.' Accordingly, they place this epistle in
the year 62.
•
"
There is not any great difference in any of these opinions
concerning the time, or place of this epistle: all supposing,
that it was written by the apostle, either at Rome, or in
Italy, near the end of his imprisonment at Rome, or soon
after it was over, before he removed to any other country.
I cannot perceive why it may not be allowed to have
been written at Rome. St. Paul's first epistle to the Corin-
thians was written at Ephesus. Nevertheless he says, ch.
xvi. 19, “ The churches of Asia salute you." So now he
might send salutations from the christians of Italy, not ex-
cluding, but including those at Rome, together with the
rest throughout that country.
The argument of L'Enfant and Beausobre, that Paul was
not yet set at liberty, because he requested the prayers of
the "
Hebrews, that he might be restored to them the
sooner," appears not to me of any weight. Though Paul
was no longer a prisoner, he might request the prayers of
those to whom he was writing, that he might have a pros-
perous journey to them, whom he was desirous to visit, and
г
• Wetst. N. T. tom. II. p. 387. in.
9 Ann. 61. num. ii.—vi.
P S. Paul. art. 46.
Epistolarum omnium, quas primis in vinculis exaravit apostolus, ea, quæ
ad Ephesios, ultima esse videtur.~ Ibid. num. vii,
• Préf. gén. sur les épîtres de S. Paul. num. lii.
St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews.
111
that all impediments of his intended journey might be
removed. And many such there might be, though he was
no longer under confinement. Paul was not a prisoner
when he wrote the epistle to the Romans. Yet he was very
fervent in his prayers to God, that he might have a prosper-
ous journey, and come to them, ch. i. 10.
For determining the time of this epistle, it may be ob-
served, that when the apostle wrote the epistles to the
Philippians, the Colossians, and Philemon, he had hopes
of deliverance. At the writing of all those epistles, Timo-
thy was present with him. But now he was absent, as plain-
ly appears from ch. xiii. 23. This leads us to think that
this epistle was written after them. And it is not unlikely,
that the apostle had now obtained that liberty, which he ex-
pected when they were written.
Moreover in the epistle to the Philippians he speaks of
sending Timothy to them, ch. ii. 19-23. "But I trust in
the Lord Jesus, to send Timothy shortly unto you, that I
also may be of good comfort, when I know your state."
Timothy therefore, if sent, was to come back to the apostle.
"Him therefore I hope to send presently, so soon as I shall
see how it will go with me." It is probable that Timothy
did go to the Philippians soon after writing the above-
mentioned epistles, the apostle having gained good assur-
ance of being quite released from his confinement. And
this epistle to the Hebrews was written during the time of
that absence. For it is said, Heb. xiii. 23," Know ye that
our brother Timothy is set at liberty. With whom, if he
come shortly, I will see you. Know ye that our brother
Timothy is set at liberty:" or has been sent abroad.'
word is capable of that meaning. And it is a better and
more likely meaning, because it suits the coherence. And
I suppose that Timothy did soon come to the apostle,
and that they both sailed to Judea, and after that went
to Ephesus; where Timothy was left to reside with his pe-
culiar charge.
The
Thus this epistle was written at Rome, or in Italy,
soon after that Paul had been released from his con-
finement at Rome, in the beginning of the year 63.
And I suppose it to be the last written of all St. Paul's
epistles, which have come down to us, or that we have any
knowledge of.
* Et quidem paullo post missas hasce ['ad Philippenses'] literas, libertatem
adeptus, Timotheum in Macedoniam misit, uti liquet ex Hebr. xiii. 23.–
Neque enim verbis istis significatum vult apostolus, Timotheum tum temporis,
secum unà vinculis liberatum fuisse, sed a se ob certa negotia fuisse dimissum.
Mill. Proleg. num. 68.
112
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Who was the bearer of it, is not known. At the end of
the epistle in some manuscripts, is a subscription to this
purpose that it was carried from Italy by Timothy.'
But that subscription is esteemed of no authority by all
learned men in general, Beza in particular. I put below "
part of what he says. It is inconsistent with what is said of
Timothy, ch. xiii. 23. Timothy was to accompany the
writer: the epistle was sent before.
CHAP. XIII.
That the Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was
written to them.
Mr.
THE epistle to the Ephesians is one of the acknowledged
epistles of St. Paul. There never was any doubt among
christians, who was the writer. But there has been, espe-
cially of late, a dispute concerning the persons to whom it
was sent some thinking that the common inscription is
false, and that this is either a general epistle, or that it was
sent to the Laodiceans. Of this opinion is a Mill in his Pro-
legomena to the New Testament, who has had many follow-
ers. Some of whom must be here mentioned by me.
James Pierce, who likewise speaks of Mr. Whiston as of
the same opinion. The author of a Latin letter, or disser-
tation in the third volume of Mr. La Roche's Literary Jour-
nal, published in the year 1731. That letter is anonymous.
But the writer is Artemonius, otherwise Samuel Crellius,
author of Initium Evangelii S. Joannis Apostoli restitutum.
This I was assured of by Mr. La Roche, the editor. W.
Wall in his Critical Notes upon the New Testament. Dr.
Benson. The author of a letter at the end of the second
b
C
" Puto igitur hanc subscriptionem non satis considerate adscriptam fuisse a
quopiam, qui occasionem ex eo arripuerit, quod Timothei et Italorum mentio
facta fuerat. Nam etiam et in Claromontano codice, et in Syrâ interpretatione
non exstat. Bez. ad cap. xiii. in fin.
a Quidni igitur scripta fuerit ad Laodicenses? Proleg. num. 74. vid. ib.
num. 71-79. et num. 237.
b See an advertisement at the end
of his paraphrase upon the Ep. to the Philippians, p. 114, &c.
• See La Roche's Literary Journal for April, May, and June, 1731. vol. III.
p. 165-183. Et Conf. Artemonii Initium Evangel. S. Joan. restitutum.
p. 212. edit. Londini. 1726.
d See Dr. Benson's History of
the first Planting the Christian Religion, Vol. II. p. 270-276. first ed. p.
290-297. 2d. ed.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 113
volume of Dr. Benson's History of the first Planting the
Christian Religion. Which learned author has also since
published a postscript to that letter, which is at the end of
the third volume of the same work of Dr. Benson. The
unknown author of an edition of the New Testament, in
Greek and English, in two volumes octavo, published at
London in 1729. Campegius Vitringa, the son, professor
of divinity in the university of Franequer, wrote a disser-
tation on the same side of the question; and not having
therein finished his design, his successor, Mr. Venema,
added another dissertation, both together making more than
one hundred and thirty pages in quarto. Lastly, Mr. J. J.
Wetstein in his notes upon the beginning of this epistle.
Who also has put a mark under the text, showing Laodicea
to be, in his opinion, the right reading, instead of Ephesus.
I here mention no more. But perhaps some others may be
taken notice of hereafter.
e
The common reading however has been defended by f se-
veral. I mention two authors of great note. One is Le Clerc,5
• Dissertat. de genuino titulo epistolæ D. Pauli, quæ vulgo inscribitur ad
Ephesios. Ap. Campeg. Vitring. Fil. Diss. Sacr. Franequeræ. 1731. p. 247-379.
f Vid. J. C. Wolf. Curæ in N. T. tom. IV.
p. 1–13. I may be allowed
likewise to take notice of a Commentary upon the epistle to the Ephesians,
published in the Dutch language, by Peter Dinant, a learned minister at Rot-
terdam, in the year 1721. Of which an honourable account is given in the
Bibliotheca Bremensis, where we are assured: Ampla operi præmisit Prolego-
mena, in quibus primo loco apostolum Paulum vere epistolæ ad Ephesios
scriptorem esse demonstrat.. Agit deinde de Epheso, ejusque, cum apostolus
hanc epistolam conscriberet, statu: de Dianæ cultu. Hinc refutat Grotium,
qui Marcionem secutus non ad Ephesios, sed Laodicenses, scriptam hanc epis-
tolam credidit. Sententia quoque Usserii, qui non ad solos Ephesios, sed
plures ecclesias destinatam, adeoque pro encyclicâ habendam putat, examina-
tur, ac rejicitur. Bibliotheca. Hist. Phil. Theolog. Classis quintæ Fasc.
tertius. p. 533, 534. Bremæ. 1721.
• Postea scripsit epistolam ad Ephesios, quam viri quidam docti [Joan.
Millius, in Prolegom. ad N. T. cujus conjectura paucis, credo, probabitur :]
suspicantur ad Laodicenos datam, sed sine ullo sat firmo argumento. Volunt
quidem in hac epistolâ quædam esse, quæ Ephesiis non conveniunt, ut cum
cap. i. 15. Paulus se audîsse fidem et caritatem ' Ephesiorum ait, quas ipse
per se nôrat, non ex auditu. Sed nihil vetat, quin Romæ audiverit, Ephesios
constanter eas virtutes coluisse, ex quo ipse eos viderat, eoque in hisce verbis
respexerit. Similiter, et quæ habet cap. iii. 2. 'Si tamen audîstis dispensa-
tionem gratiæ Dei, quæ data est mihi in vobis,' in Ephesios optime quadrant,
si ita intelligantur, ut si, Græce, & yɛ non sit dubitantis, sed adfirmantis, et
significet quandoquidem,' ut cap. iv. 21, et alibi. Ejusdem cap. iii. 4. ait
Paulus posse eos, ad quos scribit, legentes intelligere prudentiam ejus in
mysterio Christi,' quam non tam lectione eorum, quæ in hac epistolâ anteces-
serunt, quam ex præsentis sermonibus intellexerant Ephesii. Sed nihil nos
cogit eo confugere. Nam revera poterat hoc intelligi, vel ex iis quæ supe-
Tioribus capitibus leguntur. Alia argumenta, leviora multo, et omnium
VOL. VI.
1
114
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
in his Ecclesiastical History, whose words I have placed
below. He had seen Mill's argument, and slighted it.
He thought that few would be moved by it. However,
he briefly considers, and answers the principal objections,
taken from Eph. i. 15; iii. 2, and 4. As for any other
arguments, he says, they are of too little moment to be
opposed to the general consent of christian writers. So
that, says he, there is no reason, why we should doubt,
whether this epistle was written to the Ephesians.
•
•
The other writer is Whitby, in his preface to this epistle.
A part of which I cheerfully transcribe here. That this
'epistle to the Ephesians was indeed written by St. Paul,
and directed to them, and not to any other church, we
'cannot doubt, if we believe either the epistle, or Paul
himself. For, first, it begins thus, "Paul an apostle of
'Jesus Christ to the saints which are at Ephesus."` And in
this reading all the versions, and all the manuscripts
agree. Secondly, in the close of the epistle he speaks to
them, "That you may know my affairs, and how I do,
Tychicus, a beloved brother, and faithful minister in the
Lord, shall make known unto you all things; whom I
• have sent unto you for the same purpose.". Ch. vi. 21,
22. And in the second epistle to Timothy, he says,
Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus," 2 Tim. iv. 12.
Moreover, thirdly, all antiquity agrees, that this epistle
was written by Paul to the Ephesians.' And what
follows.
6
C
6.66
Those arguments appear to me a sufficient defence of
the present reading. Nevertheless the other opinion, con-
trary to Le Clerc's expectation, has of late much prevailed :
as appears from the number of the patrons of it above
named. And as the arguments of those two learned men,
whose writings are well known, have not been judged
satisfactory; there can be little reason to expect, that any
thing said by me should be of much weight. And, indeed,
it has sometimes happened, that certain opinions have had a
run, and it has been in vain to oppose them: though after-
wards they have fallen of themselves, being unsupported
by any good evidence.
However, as a fair occasion offers, I shall enlarge upon
the arguments just mentioned, in favour of the present read-
ing in our Bibles. After which I will particularly consider
the objections brought against it.
christianorum consensui opposita, non adtingam. Quare an ad Ephesios scripta
sit hæc epistola, nihil est cur dubitemus. Cleric. H. E. Ann. 62. num. viii.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
115
1. The present reading at the beginning of this epistle,
"to the saints which are at Ephesus, and to the faithful in
Christ Jesus," is the reading of all Greek manuscripts, and
of all ancient versions, the Latin, Syriac, Persic, Arabic,
Ethiopic, and all others. It is altogether inconceivable, how
there should have been such a general concurrence in this
reading, if it had not been the original inscription of the
epistle.
2. It may be argued from the epistle itself, that it was
written to the Ephesians.
Says the apostle here, ch. ii. 19-22; "Now therefore
ye are fellow citizens with the saints, and of the household
of God. And are built upon the foundation of the apostles,
and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner
stone. In whom all the building fitly framed together,
groweth unto an holy temple in the Lord. In whom you
also are builded together for an habitation of God through
the Spirit." It has been observed that h St. Paul frequently
accommodates his style to the persons to whom he is writing.
In the first epistle to Timothy, sent to him at Ephesus, he
useth architect style. So particularly, ch. ii. 15. In like
manner here the apostle may be well supposed to allude to
the magnificent temple of Diana, on account of which the
people of Ephesus much valued themselves, as appears from
Acts xix. 27, 28, 34, 35.
I might, perhaps, refer likewise to ch. iii. 18, but forbear,
it being an obscure text.
And that the epistle was sent, not to strangers, but to
christians, with whom the apostle was well acquainted, I sup-
pose to be certain from internal characters. But the show-
ing that is deferred till by and by.
3. That this epistle was sent to the church at Ephesus,
we are assured by the testimony of all catholic christians in
all past ages.
This we can now say with confidence, having examined
the principal christian writers from the first ages to the be-
ginning of the twelfth century. In all which space of
time there appears not one who had any doubt about it.
The testimony of some of these is especially remarkable,
on account of their early age, or their learning, or some other
considerations.
One of them, remarkable for his early age, is Ignatius,
who was bishop of Antioch in the latter part of the first, and
the beginning of the second century, and suffered martyrdom
at Rome in the year 107, or, as some think, in 116. In a
¹ See Dr. Benson upon 1 Tim. iii. 15.
I 2
116
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
i
letter of his to the Ephesians, written at Smyrna, as he was
going from Antioch to Rome, he says, ' Ye are the com-
panions in the mysteries of the gospel of Paul, the sancti-
fied, the martyr, [or highly commended,] deservedly most
happy, at whose feet may I be found, when I shall have
' attained unto God, who throughout all his epistle makes
' mention of you in Christ Jesus.
C
6
He plainly means the epistle of Paul to the Ephesians, in
which the apostle commends those christians, and never
blames them.
So I wrote in the first edition in 1734, when I collected
the passages of Ignatius, bearing testimony to the books of
the New Testament. Afterwards, in 1735, was published
the letter above mentioned at the end of the first edition of
Dr. Benson's History of the first Planting the Christian Re-
ligion. Which occasioned my adding a note upon that quo-
tation from Ignatius, at p. 154-156, of the second edition of
the first volume of this work in 1748.
6
'The learned writer of that letter, instead of μvnμovever
υμων would read μνημονεύω υμων : meaning that Ignatius
• himself mentioned the Ephesians in every epistle. In an-
swer to which I said, that conjecture appears to be with-
'out foundation: forasmuch as in all the editions of Igna-
'tius's epistles the verb is in the third person: not only in
the Greek of the smaller epistles, which I translate, but
also in the old Latin version of the same small epistles.
'Qui in omni epistolâ memoriam facit vestri in Jesu Christo.
'So likewise in the Greek interpolated epistles, and in the
• Latin version of the same. There is therefore no various
reading. And a new one ought not to be admitted, unless
'the sense should require it. Which it does not appear
to do here. For Ignatius is extolling the Ephesians. And
one part of their glory is, that the apostle throughout his
epistle to them had treated thein in an honourable manner.'
So I wrote in the note just referred to. And though
that learned writer has been since pleased to publish a
postscript to his letter, he has not produced any manuscript,
or version of this epistle of Ignatius, where the verb is found
in the first person.
6
C
However, in order to support his proposed reading he
excepts to our interpreting the word vnuovevw, of an
honourable mention. In answer to which I did in the same
note produce proof of the word's being used sometimes for
an honourable or affectionate mention or remembrance.
a
3 Παυλο συμμυςαι τε ἁγιασμενο, τε μεμαρτυρημένο, αξιομακαριςός εν
παση επιςολύ μνημονεύει ύμων εν Χριτώ Ιησε. Ignat. ep. ad Eph. cap. xii.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 117
And the noun μrnpoovvov, is evidently thrice used in the
New Testament for an honourable memorial, Matt. xxvi.
13; Mark xiv. 9; Acts x. 4. Of these examples I have
been reminded by a learned friend.
That learned author excepts likewise to our interpretation
of ev waon emiσtory," throughout all his epistle," and would
εν παση επιστολῇ,
translate," who make mention of you in every epistle:"
that is, as he understands it, Ignatius tells the Ephesians, to
whom he is writing, that he made mention of them in every
one of his epistles. In answer to which I said in the above-
mentioned note, that Pearson had well defended the inter-
pretation, for which we contend. And I alleged a part of
the note of Cotelerius upon this passage of Ignatius. But
by some means Valesius is printed there, instead of Cotele-
rius. I now transcribe that note of Cotelerius at length.
Frustra sunt, et Andabatarum more digladiantur viri literati,
non videntes, ev Taσn etioтody esse, in tota epistolâ, ad Ephe-
sios nimirum scriptâ, qua illos laudat valde, ac semper
commendat, ut fuit ab Hieronymo observatum. And I shall
place here two instances of the use of the word wɑs, which
appear to me altogether similar, and therefore to the
pur-
pose. One is taken from the fifth chapter of Ignatius's
epistle to the Ephesians, where he says, If the prayer of
one or two be of such force, how much more that of the
bishop and the whole church, και πάσης εκκλησίας, The
other is in St. Paul's epistle to the Ephesians, ch. ii. 21;
"In whom all the building," or the whole building, "fitly
framed together, groweth unto an holy temple to God."
ν ᾧ πασα οικοδομη, κ. λ.
6
Εν
πας,
Indeed, Ignatius has mentioned the Ephesians in every
one of his epistles, except that to Polycarp. But it is
very unlikely, that this should be his meaning here. He
is extolling the Ephesians, as companions of Paul in the
mysteries of the gospel, and the like. To say to them
presently afterwards, and in the same period, that "he
inade mention of them in every one of his epistles," would
have an appearance of much vanity with which, I think,
Ignatius was never charged. And at the same time it
would be very flat and insipid. Moreover, it is observable,
that this is not one of the last epistles which Ignatius wrote.
But, according to the order in which they are mentioned k
by Eusebius, it is the very first of his seven epistles.
:
There is therefore no reason, why we should hesitate to
admit the sense, in which this place has been generally
understood by learned men.
* Vid. Euseb. H. E. 1. 3. cap. 36, and this Work, Vol. ii. p. 75.
118
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
1
We also find this sense in some ancient writers. Jerom
observes, that when the apostle wrote to the Corinthians,
he had occasion to blame them for fornication, for strifes
and contentions: but there is no fault found by him in the
Ephesians. To the like purpose Primasius in the preface
to his Commentary upon St. Paul's epistles, and " of his
argument of the epistle to the Ephesians in particular.
So that either those ancient writers understood Ignatius
as we do, or else they were led by the epistle itself to
form the same idea of it that we suppose him to have
had.
0
What Ignatius means by the apostle's mentioning, or
being mindful of the Ephesians throughout all his epistle
to them, is happily explained by bishop Pearson; whose
words I shall transcribe below, as his work is not in every
body's hands. Indeed this is a proper character of this
epistle, as may be easily perceived. Nor did any of the
ancients for that reason hesitate to allow, that it was sent to
the church at Ephesus.
I hope, that I have now justified the present reading, and
common interpretation of this passage of Ignatius.
The learned writer, with whom I have been arguing,
concludes his postscript in this manner.
· Should what has
'been offered not prove satisfactory, the difficulty will still
¹ Corinthii, in quibus audiebatur fornicatio, qualis nec inter gentes, lacte
pascuntur, quia necdum poterant solidum cibum capere. Ephesii autem, in
quibus nullum crimen arguitur, ab ipso Domino cœlesti vescuntur pane, et
sacramentum quod a seculis absconditum fuerat agnoscunt. Ep. ad Marcell.
T. II. p. 628. ed. Martian- -animadvertat magnam inter Corinthios et
Ephesios esse distantiam. Illis quasi parvulis atque lactentibus scribitur: in
quibus erant dissensiones, et schismata, et audiebatur fornicatio, qualis ne inter
gentes quidem.Ephesii vero, apud quos fecit triennium, et omnia eis
Christi aperuit sacramenta, aliter erudiuntur, &c. In ep. ad Eph. cap. v. T.
IV. P. i. p. 389, 390.
Ephesii sane nullâ reprehensione,
sed multâ sunt laude digni, quia fidem apostolicam servaverunt. Primas.
Præf. ad Comm. in S. Pauli Ep. ap. Bib. P. P. T. X. p. 144. H.
n
•
m
Ephesii sunt Asiani. Hi, accepto verbo, veritatis perstiterunt in fide.
Hos conlaudat Apostolus, scribens eis Româ a carcere. Argum. ep. ad
Eph. ib. p. 217. A.
-quæ scripsit S. Ignatius, S. Paulum
• in totâ epistolâ memoriam eorum facere in Jesu Christo.' Hæc a martyre
non otiose aut frigide, sed vere, imo signanter et vigilanter dicta sunt. Tota
enim epistola, ad Ephesios scripta, ipsos Ephesios, eorumque honorem et
curam maxime spectat, et summe honorificam eorum memoriam ad posteros.
transmittit. In aliis epistolis apostolus eos, ad quos scribit, sæpe acriter
objurgat -aut parce laudat. Hic omnibus modis perpetuo se Ephesiis
applicat, illosque tamquam egregios christianos tractat, evangelio salutis
firmiter credentes, et Spiritu promissionis obsignatos, concives sanctorum, et
domesticos Dei. Pro iis sæpe ardenter orat, ipsos hortatur, obtestatur, laudat,
utrumque sexum sedulo instruit, suum erga eos singularem affectum ubique
prodit. Pearson. Vind. Ignat. Part 2. cap. x. sub init.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 119
remain, how to reconcile the present reading in Ignatius,
with Dr. Mill's reasons against St. Paul's epistle being
'written to the Ephesians. The most plausible solution
' of which seems to be that in Mr. Locke..
And what
there follows to the end.
I think we should cheerfully accept of Mr. Locke's, or
any other reasonable solution of the difficulty, if there be
any. This, so far as I am able to judge, is better than to
attempt the alteration of a passage in an ancient author,
without the authority of any manuscript, when there is
nothing in the coherence, that necessarily requires it. And
much better, than to alter a text of an epistle of the New
Testament, contrary to the authority of all manuscripts, and
the concurring testimony of all ancient christian writers.
Beside that passage, there are in Ignatius's epistle to the
Ephesians, many allusions and references to St. Paul's epis-
tle to the Ephesians. Which shows, that he believed that
epistle to have been written to the church at Ephesus.
Those allusions (though not all of them) were taken notice
of by us long P ago. And Dr. Jortin having observed,
that Ignatius in his twelfth chapter takes notice of St.
Paul's epistle to the Ephesians, and his martyrdom, adds,
• And as he was writing to the same church, he often alludes
'to the apostle's letter to them.'
""
But there is one word in the twelfth chapter of Ignatius's
epistle to the Ephesians, of which I have not yet taken
sufficient notice. I mean the word συμμύσται.
"Ye are,
says he, "the companions of Paul in the mysteries of the
gospel" or, "ye are partakers of the mysteries of the
gospel with Paul." This is said out of a regard to St. Paul's
epistle to the Ephesians. And it fully shows, that Ignatius
thought that epistle to have been sent to the church, to
which himself was then writing. For that is their distin-
guishing character: at least it is a character, which is
more especially the character of the christians to whom
that letter is written.
6
r
I formerly gave an account of Palladius, author of
a Dialogue of the Life of Chrysostom, about the year 408.
In that work Palladius has an argument, in which he
observes, that Paul had called the Cretans liars, Tit. i.
12; the Galatians stupid, Gal. iii. 1; and the Corinthians
'proud, 1 Cor. v. 2. On the other hands he calls the
P See Vol. ii. p. 85.
upon Ecclesiastical History, p. 56.
S
9 See the first volume of his Remarks
r Vol. v. p. 6.
η αναπαλιν πιςες Ῥωμαιες αποκαλων, και μυσας Εφεσίες, οἷς και
ὑψηλότερον επιτελλει, και φιλαδελφες Θεσσαλονικεις, μονοις περιεγραψεν τες
ETAIV85; 8 TAVTWs. Pallad. ap. Chrys. T. XIII. p. 71. E.
120
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
• Romaus faithful, the Ephesians μvora, initiated, to whom
' also be writes in a sublime manner, and the Thessalonians
'lovers of the brotherhood.'
When Palladius says, that St. Paul called the Romans
faithful, it cannot be doubted, that he refers to Rom. i. 8.
And when he says that the Thessalonians were called" lovers
of the brotherhood," he must intend 1 Thess. iv. 9, 10.
When he speaks of the Ephesians as "initiated," it may not
be so easy to determine the text particularly intended by
him. But probably it is Eph. i. 9; or that joined with
others, such as ch. iii. 3, 4-6, and 9, and v. 32, ch. vi. 19.
For in this epistle the word "mystery" occurs frequently.
However, hereby we are assured, that this was, especially,
the character of the christians at Ephesus. And we
plainly perceive, that Ignatius supposed that epistle to have
been written to them.
C
6
Nor will my readers, possibly, blame me for prolixity, if
I here allege a passage of Jerom; where he says, That t
'still there are in the churches remainders of the same vir-
tues, or vices, for which they were remarkable of old.
'The Romans are still faithful and devout, the Corinthians
proud, the Galatians stupid, the Thessalonians lovers of
'the brotherhood.' In that place Jerom says nothing par-
ticularly of the Ephesians. But in his Commentary upon
the epistle to them he often observes, that " no epistle of St.
Paul was fuller of mysteries: which occasioned obscurity,
6
Roma-
t Usque hodie eadem vel virtutum vestigia permanent, vel errorum.
norum laudatur fides. Ubi alibi tanto studio et frequentià ad ecclesias, et ad
martyrum sepulchra concurritur ?—Non quod aliam habent Romani fidem,
nisi hanc quam omnes Christi ecclesiæ; sed quod devotio in eis major sit, et
simplicitas ad credendum.Corinthios quoque notat, quod indifferenter
vescantur in templis, et inflati sapientiâ seculari, resurrectionem carnis negant.
Macedones in caritate laudantur, et hospitalitate, ac susceptione fratrum.
Unde ad eos scribitur, 'De caritate autem fraternitatis, non necesse habemus
scribere vobis. Ipsi enim vos a Deo.didicistis, ut diligatis invicem. Etenim
facitis illud in omnes fratres in universâ Macedoniâ.' In ep. ad Gal. Pr. 2.
T. IV. p. 255.
" Satis abundeque ostendi, quod beatus apostolus ad nullam ecclesiarum
tam mystice scripserit, et abscondita seculis revelaverit sacramenta. Pr. 3. in
ep. ad Eph. T. IV. p. 375.
Non vobis molestum sit, si diu in obscurioribus immoremur. Causati enim
in principio sumus, inter omnes Pauli epistolas, hanc vel maxime, et verbis et
sensibus involutam. Comm. in ep. ad Eph. Ibid. p. 369.
Decenter quoque Ephesiis, qui ad scientiæ summam conscenderant, scribitur,
quod sint lux in Domino. In cap. v. p. 383.
Ephesii vero, apud quos fecit triennium, et omnia eis Christi aperuit sacra-
menta, aliter erudiuntur. Ib. p. 390.
Hæc idcirco universa replicuimus, ut ostenderemus, quare apostolus in hac
vel potissimum epistolâ obscuros sensus, et ignota seculis sacramenta conges-
serit. Pr. i. in ep. ad Eph. ib. p. 322.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 121
and rendered it very difficult to be explained. And in a
place already cited, he says of the Ephesians, that they had ▾
received the mystery hid from ages: that is, they were initi-
ated, or were partakers of the mysteries of the gospel with
Paul. And to the like purpose in several passages, just
transcribed at the bottom of the page,
6
6
6
6
By all which, I think, it must appear very evident, that
Ignatius supposed St. Paul's epistle to the Ephesians to
have been really written to them. And his judgment is
decisive: for he could not be mistaken. So says the
writer of the letter above mentioned; whose words are
these; I have been the longer,' says he, upon these
passages of Ignatius, by reason of the weight his authority
might justly claim in this case, was it certain, that he had
'spoken of this epistle of Paul, as written by him to the
Ephesians. For if this epistle was written in the ninth
' year of Nero, and that of Ignatius in the tenth of Trajan,
as bishop Pearson placeth them, the distance of time will
be but forty-five years. So that Ignatius being then far
' advanced in age, could not well be ignorant of the truth
of this matter. And besides, Onesimus was bishop of
Ephesus at the time Ignatius wrote his epistle to that
church, is mentioned in it, and had lately made Ignatius
a visit. So that had there been any doubt concerning this
'affair, he could easily have set him right.'
6
W
It might have been added, that Ignatius, at the time of
his writing his epistle to the Ephesians, had with him
Burrhus, a deacon of the church at Ephesus, and Crocus,
Euphus, and Fronto, all members of the church at Ephesus,
who were then with him at Smyrna. Who likewise, as may
be supposed, afterwards carried his letter to Ephesus.
If therefore by what has been said it appears evident,
that Ignatius has spoken of this epistle of Paul, as written
to the Ephesians (as I think he does) we have made
out what must be reckoned of great weight in this matter.
However, it is not Ignatius's testimony only that is
decisive. There are many other ancient writers, whose
estimony also is satisfactory and decisive.
For by Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen,
Cyprian, writers of the second and third centuries, this epistle
is expressly quoted as written by Paul to the Ephesians.
They so quote this epistle, without hesitation, as freely and
plainly as they do the epistles to the Romans, the Galatians,
Y
-sacramentum quod a seculis absconditum fuerat, agnoscunt.
« Vid. ep. ad Eph. cap. ii.
▾ Ephesii
Vid. supr. p. 118. not.'.
122
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
1
the Corinthians, or any other of the acknowledged epistles
of St. Paul.
It is quoted in the like manner by all writers in general
of every age, Latins, Greeks, and Syrians. I would parti-
cularly observe, that it is so quoted by Jerom, who also
wrote a commentary upon this epistle, and had seen many
ancient manuscripts and editions of the New Testament:
who never expresseth any doubt, whether this epistle was
written to the Ephesians, nor takes notice of any various
reading in the inscription of it. For which I refer to his
chapter, in the fifth volume of this work. This epistle is
quoted in the like manner by Athanasius, Epiphanius, Gre-
gory Nazianzen, and all the writers of every age, and of
different and remote countries.
We may also observe here, that in the fifth century there
were some christians who had a notion, that this epistle
was written to the Ephesians before the apostle had seen
them. It is likely that this notion was founded upon Eph.
i. 15. Nevertheless, they still thought the epistle to have
been written to the Ephesians: which is a proof that they
knew nothing to the contrary, and had never heard of any
various reading in the inscription of this epistle. Among
these is Euthalius, who in his prologue to St. Paul's epis-
tles considers the two epistles to the Romans and Ephesians
as epistles written to christians, whom the apostle knew by
report only. This is remarkable. It shows, that he had
no various reading in this place. If he had, he would have
taken notice of it. Euthalius was a learned man.
He put
out an accurate edition of the catholic epistles, and of St.
Paul's epistles, with a general prologue to them. And y
he had consulted, beside others, the manuscripts in the
library at Cæsarea in Palestine. Nevertheless he had not
met with any various reading.
And in the argument of the epistle to the Ephesians, now
placed in the edition of Euthalius, it is said, that the epis-
tle to the Ephesians was sent by Paul from Rome to them,
when he had not yet seen them, and had only heard of them.
I do not ascribe this argument to Euthalius. The reasons
were assigned a formerly. Euthalius wrote a prologue to
* Πεμπτη ἡ προς Εφεσίες κειται, πιςες ανθρωπες, και παραμένοντας, ἧς
εν τη προγραφη το μυτηριον εκτίθεται, παραπλησίως, τῇ προς Ρωμαιος
aμporεpois de εž akong pois. Euthal. ap. Zacagn. p. 524.
αμφοτέροις δε ακοης γνωριμοις.
y See Vol. v. p. 68; and Vol. iii. p. 229.
2
Ταυτην επιτέλλει απο Ρωμης επω μεν ἑωρακως αυτές, ακέσας δε περι
avтwv. Arg. ep. ad Eph. ib. p. 633.
a See Vol. v. p. 69.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 123
St. Paul's epistles. But it does not appear that he wrote
arguments to each of his epistles severally. The same
thing is also said of the epistle to the Ephesians in the Sy-
nopsis of Scripture ascribed to Athanasius. These I
reckon one and the same, but different from Euthalius.
b
And I may here take notice of a small inaccuracy in Mr.
Wetstein, who in his notes upon the beginning of the epis-
tle to the Ephesians, quotes both the prologue to St. Paul's
epistles, and the argument of the epistle to the Ephesians
in particular, as Euthalius's: though in his Prolegomena,
in his account of what Euthalius had done, he had observed,
and rightly, that those arguments were not composed by
Euthalius, but by another.
I therefore here suppose two, that is, Euthalius and
another, who wrote the arguments of St. Paul's epistles
severally; who may be the same that composed the Synopsis
ascribed to Athanasius.
However, beside these, there may have been about this
time some others of the same opinion. For Theodoret in
his preface to the epistle to the Ephesians observes, there e
were some, who said that Paul wrote to the Ephesians
before he had seen them. But he shows it to be a false
and absurd opinion, and concludes, saying: It is mani-
fest, therefore, that the apostle had preached the gospel to
' them, before he wrote to them.'
6
This affords a good argument that there was not in the
fifth century, nor before, any notice or apprehension of a
various reading in the inscription of this epistle. For if
there had, none would have admitted so absurd a suppo-
sition, that Paul wrote from Rome an epistle to the Ephe-
sians, before he had seen them.
Another thing deserving notice here is, that before the end
of the fourth century there was forged an epistle to the
Laodiceans, ascribed to Paul. For it is expressly men-
&
tioned by Jerom in his book of Illustrious Men, written about
392. Which must induce us to think, that the epistle to
the Ephesians was never called the epistle to the Laodi-
For then there could have been no pretence for
ceans.
b Ταυτην επιτέλλει απο Ρωμης, επω μεν αυτές έωρακως, ακέσας δε περι
avтwv Ap. Athan. T. II. p. 194. ed. Bened.
c Vid. N. T. Vol. II. p. 238.
d Vid. ejusd. Prolegom. Vol. I. p. 75.
τον δε θειοτατον Παυλον μηδεπω τες Εφεσιες τεθεαμενον, την δε
επιτολήν προς αυτός γεγραφέναι Theod. T. III. p. 290.
f
* Δεδεικται αρα σαφως, ὡς προκηρυξας αυτοις το ευαγγελιον έτως γεγραψε την
επιτολην. Ib. p. 292.
s Legunt quidam et ad Laodicenses.
Sed ab omnibus exploditur. De V. I. cap. v.
;
124
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
forging another with that title, to verify a false interpreta-
tion of Col. iv. 16.
I should now proceed to another argument. But I must
look back, to secure this, taken from the testimony of
ancient christian writers. For it has been argued from a
passage of St. Basil, in his books against Eunomius, that he
had seen some ancient manuscripts of this epistle, in which
these words," at Ephesus," were wanting. That passage,
as cited formerly, is thus: And Paul writing to the Ephe-
sians, as truly united to him "who is," through know-
ledge, called them in a particular sense "such who are,'
"saying," to the saints who are, and [or even] the faithful
' in Christ Jesus." For so those before us have transmitted
it, and we have found it in ancient copies.' This point
having been already examined by us largely, I refer to
what was then said. It was then argued by us, that St.
Basil does not here intimate, that the word or words, "at
Ephesus," were wanting in any copies seen by him. And
I would now observe farther, that our account of this
passage is confirmed by the works of other authors, both
before and after Basil. There had lived many learned
christian writers before his time. There were many learned
christians cotemporary with him: as his own brother, Gre-
gory Nyssen, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, and others:
and also soon after him, as Theodoret, and Euthalius: not
now to mention Jerom, or other learned Latin authors.
None of whom have said that the words, " at Ephesus," were
wanting in any copies, which they had seen. The various
reading, therefore, intended by Basil, must have been some-
what less, a small matter, not any thing like ev Epeow,
"at Ephesus." For so remarkable a reading could not
have been passed by in silence, unobserved by all others.
And every one may see, that in this very place, as well as
elsewhere, Basil cites this epistle, as written by Paul to the
Ephesians. And they are the christians, of whom Paul had
said, that through knowledge they were united to him
"who is."
In the place to which I referred just now, I gave an ac-
count of a Dissertation of L'Enfant, vindicating the common
reading; which was approved by Wolfius, and others.
However, Mr. Kuster was not satisfied. And in the pre-
face to his edition of Mill's New Testament, he says, 'That i
h See Vol. iv. ch. xcvii.
i Nec magis dialovτws apostolus Ephesios, ex sensu Basilii, vocaverit ovTAS
quam Romanos, Philippenses, etc. ad quos scribens eâdem plane loquendi
formulâ utitur. Kuster.
The Epistle inseribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 125
6
the argument, or interpretation of Basil, depends upon a
supposition, that the words, " at Ephesus," were wanting
' in the inscription of this epistle. Otherwise the christians,
'to whom that epistle is sent, could not have been reckoned
more especially united to him, "who is," or called “ such
'who are," rather than the Romans, or Philippians, or any
' other christians to whom Paul wrote.'
To which I answer: that is saying all, and the only
thing that can be said, in behalf of the supposition, that
the words, "at Ephesus," were wanting in some copies,
which Basil had seen. But though this may seem specious
and plausible, it is not conclusive. We have perceived
from Palladius, and Jerom lately alleged, that there were
some, who appropriated certain characters to divers churches.
The Romans were especially called faithful, the Ephesians
initiated, and knowing, and the Thessalonians lovers of the
brotherhood,
But it cannot be thence concluded, that other christians
were not entitled to the same characters: or that the same
things might not be also said of them. As may appear to
any one who does but look into St. Paul's epistles: in
which the faith of other churches is spoken of, beside that
of the Romans. And others, beside the Thessalonians, are
supposed to have been lovers of the saints, or the brother-
hood. Says the apostle, 1 Thess. i. 3, "Remembering without
ceasing your work of faith, and labour of love." 2 Thess.
i. 4, "So that we ourselves glory in you, in the churches of
God, for your patience and faith in all your persecutions."
2 Cor. viii. 7, "As ye abound in every thing in faith."
Eph. i. 1, "To the saints which are at Ephesus, and to the
faithful in Christ Jesus." Ver. 15, "Wherefore-
I heard of your faith in the Lord Jesus, and love unto all
the saints." Col. i. 2, "To the saints and faithful brethren
in Christ, which are at Colosse." Philem. ver. 5, "Hear-
ing of thy love and faith, which thou hast toward the Lord
Jesus, and toward all saints." And others, beside the Ephe-
sians, were partakers of the mysteries of the gospel with
the apostle. See Rom. xi. 25; 1 Cor. ii. 6, 7; Col. i. 25–27;
ii. 2; iv. 3.
after
That is the very observation of Palladius in the place
above cited: that when the apostle blames some for certain
vices, and commends others for certain virtues, he by no
means intends to intimate, that those vices, or those vir-
tues, were peculiar to the persons blamed or commended by
him.
The Romans were called by some in ancient times in an
126
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
+
especial manner faithful, the Ephesians initiated, and the
Thessalonians, or Macedonians, lovers of the brotherhood.
But they were not so, exclusive of others. For all the
churches or christians to whom Paul wrote, were faithful,
and initiated, or partakers with him in the mysteries of the
gospel, and lovers of the saints, or brotherhood: though
they might be reasonably exhorted to abound therein more
and more.
As are the Thessalonians themselves, 1 epist.
ch. iv. 10; see also ch. iii. 12. And indeed, if such pro-
perties did not belong to them, they could not have been
christians. Nevertheless, when these several characters had
been applied to some particularly, it is likely, that few
would scruple to follow the same way of speaking, if there
was occasion.
k
So in the present case, that observation in Basil having
been applied to the Ephesians by some men of no great
judgment, it was left there, and not applied to any others.
Indeed it is an impertinent observation, as Jerom calls it.
And, as it seems, was made use of by a few only. But it
might have been as properly said of other christians, as of
the Ephesians.
One thing more I add here. They who are for leaving
out the words, "at Ephesus," must read the place in this
manner, "to such as are saints, and faithful in Christ Jesus."
Then this should be a general epistle, not directed to any
one place, but to good christians every where. But that it
is not a general epistle, is manifest from Eph. vi. 21, 22.
without insisting now on any other places.
"But that ye
may also know my affairs, and how I do, Tychicus a
beloved brother, and faithful minister in the Lord, shall
make known unto you all things; whom I have sent unto
you for the same purpose, that ye might know our affairs,
and that he might comfort your hearts." This plainly
shows, that the epistle had not a general inscription,
saints and faithful men," but was inscribed to the saints of
some place. And who should they be, but the saints and
faithful at Ephesus: to whom it is inscribed in all Greek
manuscripts, and in all versions, and in all catalogues of
the books of the New Testament, whether composed by
councils or others?
66
66 to
4. Once more. St. Paul himself says, 2 Tim. iv. 12, “ And
Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus," very probably referring
to this epistle, as¹ was shown soine while ago. This is what
Whitby intends at the beginning of his preface to this
epistle before transcribed. That this epistle to the Ephe-
k See Vol. iv. ch. xcvii.
¹ See before, p. 34.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 127
4.
6
'sians was indeed written by St. Paul, and directed to
them, and not to any other church, we cannot doubt, if we
'believe either the epistle, or St. Paul himself.' By the
testimony of the epistle he means the inscription at the
beginning, where is" at Ephesus," in all manuscripts and
versions. By the testimony of St. Paul himself he means
what is said, 2 Tim. iv. 12, quoted above.
Having finished the argument in favour of the genuineness
of the common inscription of this epistle, which to me ap-
pears sufficient and satisfactory, I now propose to con-
sider objections, which have been raised by Mill, and others.
6
"
1. Obj. 'It is said, that there are in this epistle divers
'expressions, not suited to the christians at Ephesus, where
• Paul had been twice, and spent there almost three years.
• See Acts xviii. 19—21 ; xix. and xx. 1, and 17—38.’
Says Mr. Pierce, in the place before referred to, repre-
senting Mill's argument, 'He has proved it highly impro-
bable, that the epistle was at first written to the Ephesians.
'St. Paul had resided among them, and " kept back no-
thing that was profitable unto them." How then
'could he write to them, as though he had never seen, or
'been among them, but only had heard of them ? Eph. i. 5,
““Wherefore I also, after I heard of your faith in the Lord
'Jesus, and love to all the saints." Again, is it likely he
'would refer those to whom he had declared all the counsel
of God, so long together, to a bare report of himself?
Eph. iii. 2, "If ye have heard of the dispensation of the
grace of God, which is given me to you-ward." Or
'would he suppose, that they who had heard him preach a
'thousand times would need to "understand his knowledge
in the mystery of Christ," from what he said in a few verses,
or even the whole of that short epistle?' Eph. iii. 4.
To the like purpose another learned author, whom like-
wise I shall transcribe here, that this objection may appear
in all its strength, Hem intimateth, that he had only heard
of their faith in Christ, and of their love to all christians,
ch. i. 15. Again, he not only mentioneth his "hearing
' of their faith in Christ," but, ch. iii. 1, 2, he speaks, as if
he was dubious, whether they had heard of the extraordi-
'nary revelations, which he had received from heaven..
And verses 3, 4, he intimateth, that if they had never heard
of these things before, they might understand them from
'the brief hints which he had given them in this epistle. Is
' this like St. Paul's style to the churches of his own planting?
m Dr. Benson's History of the first Planting the Christian Religion, Vol. II.
p. 272. first edit. p. 292. second edit.
128
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
C
Or could a few lines, or even a larger epistle than
'this, have given them so clear a knowledge of St. Paul's
illumination, as their hearing him a thousand times? For
had he not been among them for the space of three years,
warning every one of them night and day with tears?'
But this difficulty, if I mistake not, will disappear
upon farther consideration, and a fuller examination of
the matter.
First. It appears from the epistle itself that the chris-
tians, to whom it is sent, were not unknown to Paul, nor
they to him; but they were well acquainted with each
other.
That the apostle was acquainted with these christians,
must, I think, be evident to all, who read without prejudice
the first fourteen verses of the first chapter of this epistle.
I insist only upon ver. 13, " In whom ye also trusted, after
that ye heard the word of truth, the gospel of your salva-
tion: in whom also after that ye believed, ye were sealed
with the holy Spirit of promise.' How could the apostle
write thus to any, but to such, whose conversion to christi-
anity he was well acquainted with, and that upon their
believing they had received gifts of the Spirit? How could
any man write thus to people whom he had but lately
heard of?
99
There are also many other passages of this epistle, which
show the apostle's knowledge of the state of these christians,
both before, and after their conversion. Some of which I
must select here.
Ch. ii. 1, 2, "And you hath he quickened, who were
dead in trespasses and sins: wherein in time past ye walked
according to the course of this world.". and throughout
that chapter to the end.
Then at ch. iii. 13, "Wherefore I desire, that
ye faint
not at my tribulation for you, which is your glory." That
must be said to christians, of whose tender affection for him
he was very sensible: recollecting, it is likely, what had
happened at Miletus, as related, Acts xx. 36-38. And
indeed it is throughout an affectionate, as well as instructive
and useful epistle.
Ch. iv. 20, "But ye have not so learned Christ." Ver.
21," If so be," or "forasmuch as ye have heard him, and
• Si tamen illud audîstis;'] Si tamen,' Græce, 'siquidem.' Non enim
dubitans hoc dicit apostolus, sed magis rem 'confirmans,' uti post Chrysosto-
mum annotat Theophylactus. Nam et alias interdurn vim confirmandi habet
conjunctio, si, ut secundæ ad Thessalon. primo vers. 6. Est. ad Eph. iv. 21.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 129
have been taught the truth as it is in Jesus." This the
This the apos-
the knew very well.
I cannot forbear to recite this place more largely, from
ver. 20 to 34, "But ye have not so learned Christ, foras-
much as ye have heard him, and have been instructed in him,
as the truth is in Jesus, to put off with respect to the
former conversation, the old man, which is corrupt accord-
ing to deceitful lusts, and to be renewed in the spirit of your
mind, and to put on the new man, which is created accord-
ing to God in righteousness and true holiness." Certainly
these are St. Paul's own converts and disciples. The case
of these people resembles that of the Galatians, Ch. iii. 1,
"Before whose eyes Jesus Christ had been evidently set forth
crucified among them." But to these christians, at Ephe-
sus, the apostle expresseth himself with more mildness, as
was fit, than to the Galatians.
Then ver. 30, "And grieve not the holy Spirit of God,
whereby ye were sealed unto the day of redemption:" or with
which ye were sealed in the day of redemption. These
Gentile christians had received the Spirit. And from
whom, I pray, if not from St. Paul? And that they had a
variety of spiritual gifts, is manifest from ch. v. 18-20.
Ch. v. 8, "For ye were sometime darkness: but now are
ye light in the Lord. Walk as children of the light."
Which shows, that the apostle knew the state of these
christians before and after their conversion.
And that St. Paul was acquainted with them, and they
with him, appears to me very evident from ch. vi. 21, 22.
6
Secondly, at ch. i. 15, are words, upon which an objec-
tion has been formed, as we have seen. "Wherefore I also,
after I heard of your faith in the Lord Jesus, and love unto
all the saints:" that is, according to Mr. Locke's para-
phrase: Wherefore I also here in my confinement having
heard of the continuance of your faith in Christ Jesus and
'your love to all the saints. And in his preface to this
epistle Mr. Locke has these expressions. • Wherefore
when he heard that the Ephesians stood firm in the faith,
whereby he means their confidence of their title to the
'privileges and benefits of the gospel, without submission
'to the law, he thanks God for them.'
Whitby's paraphrase of this verse is to this purpose:
'Wherefore I also having heard of your stedfast faith in the
'Lord Jesus, and your increasing love to all the saints; that
• See Dr. Doddridge upon the place, whose version, in the main, I have
here adopted.
VOL. VI.
K
130
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
is, that the faith and love wrought in you continues sted-
fast, and aboundeth.'
To the like purpose also P Grotius, whose words I have
placed below.
6
:
Theodoret's note upon ver. 15 and 16, is to this purpose
'Hence some have supposed, that the apostle wrote this
epistle to the Ephesians, when he had not yet seen them.
'But they should consider, that writing to the Corinthians,
'concerning whom he had received some disagreeable in-
• formation, he says, "It has been related to me of you, my
brethren, by them which are of the household of Chloe,
that there are contentions among you," 1 Cor. i. 11. As
'therefore when he had received information of some things
disagreeable, he wrote with grief of mind: so when he
• had received an account of things agreeable concerning
these Ephesians, he bestows commendation. He praiseth
'them, both for their piety and for their liberality to the
'saints; whereupon he also gives thanks to God, the author
of all good things.'
"
So that this text was no difficulty at all with Theodo-
ret. However, it may be expedient that I should enlarge
somewhat farther.
I observe, then, that St. Paul writes in the same manner
to Philemon, his own convert, whose faith therefore he cer-
tainly knew. Philem. 4, 5: "I thank my God, making
mention of thee always in my prayers: hearing of thy love,
and faith, which thou hast toward the Lord Jesus, and
toward all saints." That Philemon had been converted to
the faith of the gospel by Paul, I suppose to be evident
from ver. 19: "Albeit I do not say unto thee, how thou
owest to me thy bwnself besides." So that text 9 has been
generally understood: and how it can be interpreted other-
wise, I do not conceive.
Whitby's paraphrase is: ""Albeit I do not say unto
thee, how thou owest to me," by whom thou wast con-
verted, " even thy ownself," or the well-being of thy soul
““ besides.”,
Beausobre and L'Enfant in their preface to the epistle to
Philemon express themselves in this manner. • Philemon
was a considerable person at Colosse, a city of Phrygia.
St. Paul had converted him, either at Ephesus, or some
P Loquitur autem Paulus de profectu evangelii apud Ephesios, ex quo ipse ab
illis discesserat. Grot. in Eph. i. 14.
¶ Cæterum, si ad jus meum redeam, propter sermonem Christi, quem tibi
evangelizavi, et christianus effectus es, teipsum mihi debes. Hieron. in Ep. ad
Philem. T. IV. p. 452.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
131
6
' other city of Asia, when he preached the gospel in that
'country or else at Colosse itself, in one of the journies
which he had made in Phrygia.'
There are some other things to be observed here concern
ing this person. For in the first verse of that epistle Paul
calls Philemon beloved, and his fellow-labourer; which, if
I am not mistaken, indicate personal acquaintance, and
imply their having laboured together in the service of the
gospel at Colosse, or Ephesus, or in some other place.
And yet St. Paul, writing to Philemon, speaks of his
"having heard of his faith and love."
Still farther, it appears to me highly probable, that One-
simus, in whose behalf this epistle was written, knew Paul
before he saw him at Rome. He either had seen Paul at
his master's house at Colosse, or else at Ephesus, when
attending upon his master there. Paul was a prisoner at
Rome, and could not go abroad. "He dwelt in his own
hired house, with a soldier that kept him," Acts xxviii. 16,
and 30. It is likely, therefore, that Onesimus came first
to Paul. Being in straits, and knowing Paul's benevolent
temper, and what civilities he had received from his master,
Philemon, he might hope for some relief from him. Or,
possibly, hearing that Paul was at Rome, and recollecting
the discourses which he had heard him make, when attend-
ing on Philemon, he was touched with remorse for the faults
which he had been guilty of, and came to Paul for farther
instruction in the things of religion, and for advice and
comfort. He might also encourage himself with hopes of
Paul's interceding in his behalf, and obtaining a reconcilia-
tion with his master.
Says Beausobre in his preface to the epistle to Philemon,
It can hardly be doubted, that the repentance of his fault
obliged Onesimus to come to Paul, whom he knew to be
'his master's friend. For otherwise, he might have remained
• unknown at Rome.'
(6
Philemon then was well known to Paul. Nevertheless,
at the beginning of his epistle to him, he thanks God,
having heard of his love and faith." The meaning is, he
had received information of the continuance of his faith, and
of its bearing good fruit. If Paul could write thus to
Philemon, his convert, friend, and fellow-labourer, he
might write in a like manner to other christians, to whom he
was no stranger.
So likewise to the Colossians, ch. i. 3, 4; “ We give
thanks to God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,
praying always for you: since we heard of your faith in
K 2
132
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Christ Jesus, and of the love which ye have to all the saints:"
that is, having heard of the continuance of your faith, and
of the good fruits of it. This he had been assured of by
Epaphras, who had come to the apostle at Rome. It is not
to be supposed, that Paul now first heard of the faith
of the Colossians or the Laodiceans. I think that the
Colossians were Paul's own converts, and that the church
there had been planted by him. But supposing that to be
uncertain, I imagine, it cannot be questioned, that the church
there had been planted a good while ago, by some of the
apostle's assistants and fellow-labourers. Consequently,
the apostle did not now first know, and hear of the faith
and love of the christians at Colosse. He must have known
it before he came to Rome, and before he was apprehended
at Jerusalem. But he had lately received good tidings
concerning their steadiness and perseverance from some,
who had come from them to him at Rome.
St. Paul, since his coming to Rome, had received from
Tychicus an account of the state of things at Ephesus,
which upon the whole was very pleasing. He had received
from Epaphras a like account of the state of things at Co-
losse, and particularly a good account of the conduct of
Philemon. For all which he praiseth God in his epistles
to them. Indeed it could not but be matter of much joy to
the apostle, to hear of the continued faith of christians in
several places, notwithstanding the many difficulties attend-
ing the profession of christianity, and notwithstanding the
discouragement which his own long captivity might have
occasioned in the minds of many.
66
In these three epistles, to the Ephesians, the Colossians,
and Philemon, are the same expressions, near the beginning,
having heard of your faith and love." And they are all to
be understood in a like manner.
If these words were to be
understood in the epistle to the Ephesians of "now first
hearing:" it might be as well argued, that the epistle
could not be written to the Laodiceans. For, as before
intimated, it may be reckoned certain, that before Paul
came to Rome he knew of the faith of the church at
Laodicea.
ye
Thirdly, in the next place I consider that part of the
objection, which is raised from Eph. iii. 2, 3, 4,
" If
have heard of the dispensation of the grace of God, which
is given me to you-ward: how that by revelation he made
known unto me the mystery, as I wrote before in a few
words: whereby ye may understand my knowledge in the
mystery of Christ.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
133
To which part of the objection I answer, that "if ye have
heard of the dispensation," may be rendered," since," or
"forasmuch as ye have heard," and what follows.
Theophylact, approved by Whitby upon the place.
So
I observe farther. These things are as properly said to
the Ephesians, as to any other christians in that country, or
thereabout. They were all acquainted, and much alike
acquainted with them. If such expressions might be used
in an epistle to the Colossians, or the Laodiceans, they
might be used in an epistle to the Ephesians. No Gentile
christians, whether converted immediately by Paul himself,
or by some of his assistants or fellow-labourers, could be
ignorant of it. Nor could Paul doubt whether they knew
it. Nevertheless he might judge it proper to hint these
things, the more to confirm the instructions, and exhorta-
tions which he sent them, and to secure their steadiness in
the faith and profession of the pure gospel of Christ, as they
had been taught. And does he not speak more largely,
and more distinctly of this matter, in his epistle to the
Galatians, whom none ever denied to be the apostle's converts?
Gal. i. 11-20; "But I certify you, brethren, qvwpięw de
υμιν, that the gospel, which was preached of me, is not after
men. For ye have heard of my conversation in time
past- But it pleased God—to reveal his Son in me
Now the things which I write unto you, behold,
before God, I lie not." These things the Galatians were
not ignorant of. But in his epistle he reminds them of
them, and in a very solemn manner.
C
"
The writers, from whom this objection was taken, speak
of the Ephesians having heard the apostle 'preach a thou-
'sand times,' and ask: Could the apostle suppose, that
they who had heard him preach a thousand times, could
need to understand his knowledge of the mystery of
Christ, from what he said in a few verses, or even from
the whole of this short epistle?' But those expressions
appear to me very strong, and even unjustifiable: though
they are warranted by Mill, whom those learned men
follow.
r
He and they seem to conceive of the christians at Ephe-
sus, as a small society, consisting perhaps of two or three
hundred people. And they speak, as if they supposed that
church to have been formed and planted before the apostle
came thither, or very soon after his arrival: and that they
had all heard him preach once at least every day of the
• Quomodo convenit hoc civibus Ephesinis, qui sexcenties prædicantem
audierant apostolum? Mill. Prol. num. 72.
134
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
three years that he resided in that city. How else could
they think that the christians at Ephesus had heard Paul
preach a thousand times? He says indeed to their elders
at Miletus, Acts xx. 31, that "for the space of three years
he had not ceased to warn every one night and day with
tears." Certainly the apostle was very diligent in making
converts, and in confirming the believers there. But con-
versions were made gradually, not all at once, as is evident
from the account, which we have of Paul's preaching at
Ephesus, in the nineteenth chapter of the Acts; where
also St. Luke observes, at ver. 10, "that all they which
dwelt in Asia, heard the word of the Lord Jesus, both Jews
and Greeks.' This may lead us to think that Paul had
many converts in several parts of Asia. Some of these may
have seen, and heard the Apostle at Ephesus once only, or
however not often. To all these the epistle to the Ephe-
sians was sent. The inscription" to the saints and faithful
at Ephesus," the chief city, would comprehend all the be-
lievers in the country. And some converts may have been
made since the apostle was there. However, though it
should be allowed, that most of these christians had heard
the apostle often, the reading of this epistle might be of
great use to them. For it is an excellent epistle, as all
must allow, and not inferior to the most admired of St.
Paul's writings.
I have now considered the first, and, as I suppose, the
principal objection,
6
2. Obj. It is said, that in all St. Paul's epistles, written
'to particular churches, there is some particular case men-
tioned, respecting each church, that seems to be one reason
at least for writing to them: which is also observed in his
'epistle to the Colossians, whom he there cautions against
the worship of angels.'
6
I answer. That is a just observation. And the same
may be found in Jerom's preface to his Commentary upon
this epistle to the Ephesians: where he says, as the blessed
John in the Revelation, writing to the seven churches, either
reproves the faults, or commends the virtues of each: so
likewise, he says, does the apostle Paul in his epistles. And
$
s Necesse est enim, ut juxta diversitates locorum, et temporum, et hominum,
quibus scriptæ sunt, diversas et causas, et argumenta, et origines habeant. Et,
quomodo beatus Joannes in Apocalypsi suâ ad septem scribens ecclesias, in
unâquâque earum specialia vel vitia reprehendit, vel virtutes probat; ita et
sanctus apostolus Paulus per singulas ecclesias vulneribus medetur illatis, nec
ad instar imperiti medici uno collyrio omnium oculos vult curare. Pr. i. in
ep. ad Eph. T. IV. p. 320.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
135
he supposeth this epistle to have been written to the chris-
tians at Ephesus, and to be suited to their case.
But we are not to expect, that even an apostle should
censure, and find fault where there is little or no occasion
for it. It becomes him to own the good temper and con-
duct of any church that deserves it. And what church
could be so likely to deserve mild treatment, as the church
at Ephesus, which had had so much of the apostle's pre-
sence, and of his favourite disciple Timothy, upon whom he
has bestowed so great commendations? 1 Cor. iv. 17; xvi.
10; Philip. ii. 19-22; and who undoubtedly would be
faithful and diligent, where he was sent occasionally only,
or where he was stationed for a while. This was the case
here. I suppose that Timothy was left at Ephesus, when
Paul went up to Jerusalem. There he continued till after
the apostle's arrival at Rome, and after the writing of this
epistle to the Ephesians, of which we are now speaking.
Moreover, as is well known, when Paul was going up to
Jerusalem, he delivered, at Miletus, a most pathetic charge
to the elders of that church, and to Timothy with them, as
I suppose. See Acts xx. 17-38, particularly 28-31,
which certainly must have excited all to faithfulness and
zeal in the performance of their duty. Indeed he says, " I
know, that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter
in among you, not sparing the flock." There would arise
men, that would endeavour to devour, and lay waste the
church of Ephesus. Nevertheless, I think these earnest
warnings of the apostle must have been of great use to
defeat the designs of such evil men: so that they should not
be able to do much mischief there, at least for some while.
And says the apostle, ver. 31; "Watch, and remember,
that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every
one of you night and day with tears." This the apostle
does again very suitably in this epistle, in divers places
which cannot be overlooked, nor passed by us here. So
Eph. iv. 1, "I therefore the prisoner of the Lord beseech
you, that ye walk worthy of the vocation wherewith ye are
called." -ver. 17, "This I say therefore, and testify in
the Lord, that ye henceforth walk not as other Gentiles," and
what follows. So also ch. v. 1.And vi. 12-17.
These warnings have, probably, a respect to temptations,
which the Ephesians might meet with from their heathen
and idolatrous neighbours, and from deceitful and artful men
among christians. To such things as these Jerom supposed
Paul to have an eye in this epistle.
t
* Scribebat ad Ephesios Dianam colentes.- -Scribebat autem ad metropolim
136
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
And these written warnings, as well as others, seem to
have had a good effect. The church of Ephesus appears
to have behaved commendably for a good while. This may
be collected from Rev. ii. 1-6. And Ignatius at the begin-
ning of his epistle to them says, ch. vi. And indeed
Onesimus himself does greatly commend your good order
in God: that you all live according to truth, and that no
heresy dwells among you.' And ch. ix. I have heard of
some, who have passed by you, having perverse doc-
'trine: whom you did not suffer to sow among you.' And
to the like purpose in other places of that epistle.
<
3. Obj. It is said, 'that Timothy's name is not mention-
'ed in the introduction to this epistle: though it is found in
the_beginning of the epistle to the Colossians, and that
to Philemon. Hence it is argued, that Timothy was un-
'known to all, or most of the church, to whom this epistle
was written. Consequently it was not sent to the church of
Ephesus where Timothy was well known.'
6
In answer to which I would say, first, that I can see no
reason, why St. Paul should scruple to put Timothy's name
at the beginning of an epistle, written to christians, with
whom Timothy was not personally acquainted. Secondly,
There can be no reason to doubt, that Timothy was as well
known to the christians at Laodicea, as at Colosse. Thirdly,
Therefore there must have been some other reason for
omitting the name of Timothy at the beginning of this
epistle. Fourthly, That reason presently offers, and proba-
bly was this, that at writing this epistle Timothy was not
with the apostle at Rome. I think Timothy was now at
Ephesus. How then could his name be placed at the
beginning of an epistle written to the Ephesians from Rome?
6
6
4. Obj. 'At Philippi the church was settled with fixed
officers, before the apostle wrote. And therefore he
'directs his epistle not only to the christians in general there,
'but to the bishops and deacons. But there is no such
thing here: though the church of Ephesus had evidently
such officers, before the writing of this epistle." See
Acts xx. 17.
rant..
To which I answer, that there must have been fixed
officers in many churches, beside that at Philippi. Says
Asiæ civitatem, in quâ ita idololatria- -et artium magicarum præstigiæ vigue-
Hæc idcirco universa replicavimus, ut ostenderemus, quare apostolus
in hac vel potissimum epistolâ obscuros sensus, et ignota seculis sacramenta
congesserit; et de sanctarum contrariarumque virtutum docuerit potestate;
qui sint dæmones, quid valeant.. De quibus ait: Non est nobis pugna
adversum carnem et sanguinem, sed adversum principitatus et potestates.'
——Hieron. ubi supr. p. 322.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
137
V
St. Luke, in his account of the peregrination of Paul and
Barnabas in several places, Acts xiv. 21-23," they return-
ed again to Lystra, and Iconium, and Antioch, (in Pisidia,)
confirming the souls of the disciples.- And when they
had ordained them elders in every church, and had prayed
with fasting, they commended them to the Lord on whom
they had believed." Says Beza upon this text: In" every
church they ordained elders, that is, pastors, and deacons,
and other officers.' From what is said here Luke leads
us to conclude, what was done elsewhere. It was not need-
ful to mention such things every where. But very pro-
bably there were church-officers fixed in all the churches
in no long time after they were planted, and particularly
in Greece and Macedonia. From St. Paul's epistle we
know, that there were bishops and deacons at Philippi,
though not mentioned by St. Luke in his history of the
apostle's preaching there. Acts xvi. 12-40. Beza con-
cludes from 1 Thess. v. 27, that there were fixed officers
in the church at Thessalonica. And it is very manifest from
ver. 12 and 13 of that chapter: "And we beseech you,
brethren, to know them which labour among you, and are
over you in the Lord, and admonish you: and to esteem them
very highly in love, for their work's sake." St. Paul says
to Titus, ch. i. 5, "For this cause left I thee in Crete, that
thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and
ordain elders in every city, as I appointed thee," When-
ever Paul was in Crete, it is reasonable to think, that he
made there but a short stay. Nevertheless before he left
that island, he had given orders to Titus, to ordain " elders
in every city." And not long after coming thence he
wrote to him an epistle, with particular directions for that
purpose. Before Paul left Ephesus, it is likely, that he had
ordained several elders in that city, and in the district of
Asia. And yet he afterwards wrote to Timothy, giving
him directions concerning the qualifications of such persons,
that he might make a farther supply, where it was wanting.
Which must induce us to think, that the apostle was not
willing, that any churches should be destitute of fit guides
and instructors for any long time after they had been
'Per singulas ecclesias,' Kaт' εккλŋoιav. Sic antea dixit Lucas Kar' oikov,
pro 'domatim Presbyteros,' id est, Pastores et Diaconos, et alios ecclesiæ
gubernation: præfectos. Hic enim, ut alibi sæpe, generaliter accipitur Pres-
byteri nomen. Bez. in Act. xiv. 23.
u
V
Vos, pag. Hinc apparet, mitti solitas fuisse apostolicas epistolas presby-
terio, ad quod hæc abjuratio et præcedentes duo versiculi proprie pertineant;
quoniam alioqui absurda esset hæc petitio, si ad totum ecclesiæ cœtum refer-
Bez. in 1 Th. v. 27.
retur.
138
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
planted. St. Paul's epistle to the Galatians, is inscribed
"to the churches of Galatia," without any mention of bishops
or deacons. And yet there must have been there men of
that character.
6
66
W
C
St. Peter writes to the christians in Galatia, and other
neighbouring parts, and sends an admonition to such. 1
Pet. v. 1, 2, The elders which are among you I exhort.
Feed the flock of God, which is among you." And
from the epistle itself it may be concluded with certainty,
that there were fixed officers in the churches of Galatia,
though they are not mentioned in the inscription. For so
St. Paul directs, ch. vi. 6, "Let him that is taught in the
word, communicate unto him that teacheth in all good
things." There is no notice taken of any elders in the in-
scriptions of either of St. Paul's epistles to the Corinthians.
And yet there must have been such officers in that church.
Clement of Rome, in the first century, in his epistle to the
Corinthians, speaking of the apostles, says, ch. xlii. They
'went abroad, publishing the good tidings, that the king-
dom of God was at hand. And preaching in countries and
cities, they appointed their first-fruits, having first
proved them by the spirit, to be bishops and deacons of
those who should believe.' And afterwards, in ch. xliv.
'Wherefore we cannot think that they may be justly cast
'out of their ministry, who were either appointed by them
"[the apostles] or were afterwards chosen by other eminent
6 men with the consent of the whole church.'. -So writes
Clement. And thus he bears witness to two things. First,
that this was the general method of the apostles. And,
secondly, he assures us, particularly, that this had been
done in the church of Corinth. About which, I suppose,
he could not be mistaken. There must therefore have
been fixed officers in the churches of Thessalonica, Corinth,
and Galatia: though St. Paul has taken no particular
notice of them in the inscriptions of his epistles. It cannot
then be any just exception against this epistle having been
sent to the Ephesians, because their bishops or elders are
not named. For it was a common thing with the apostle, to
inscribe his epistles to the churches, or saints, of such a
place, without any particular notice of their officers, though
there were men of that character among them. I have
mentioned above, St. Paul's epistles to the Thessalonians,
the Corinthians, and the Galatians. To them might be
W
καθιςασαν τας απαρχας αυτων, δοκιμασαντες τῳ πνευματι, εις
επισκοπές και διακονες των μελλοντων πιςεύειν.
X
Τες ουν καταςαθεντας ὑπ' εκείνων, κ. λ.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
139
added the epistle to the Colossians. For that also is in-
scribed" to the saints, and faithful brethren in Christ,
which are at Colosse." And yet there must have been
elders in that church: one is mentioned whose name is
Archippus. However, it is in this manner only: Col. iv.
17," And say to Archippus, take heed to the ministry,
which thou hast received of the Lord, that thou fulfil it."
Nor does the apostle send his salutations to the church in
Laodicea by him in particular, but by the saints to whom
the epistle is inscribed. See ch. iv. 15. Once more, Timo-
thy, as is generally allowed, was at Ephesus when St. Paul
wrote to him those two epistles, which we have. When the
first was written, there must have been some elders in that
church, and yet more at the time of writing the second. It
cannot be contested by any. Nevertheless no salutations
are sent to the elders of Ephesus, in either of those epistles.
5. Obj. If this epistle was sent to the Ephesians, it
may be thought very strange, that St. Paul'should not
salute any of his friends there, where he had many friends
and acquaintance.'
There
But I cannot perceive this to be of much weight. There
is no epistle of St. Paul that has so many salutations in it,
as that to the Romans, whom he had never seen.
are no salutations of particular persons at the end of the
first epistle to Timothy, who was then at Ephesus. I sup-
pose Timothy to have been in the same city likewise, when
Paul wrote his second epistle to him. Nevertheless there
are in it no particular salutations, except those in ch. iv. 19,
"Salute Prisca and Aquila, and the household of Onesipho-
rus." Tychicus went with this epistle to the Ephesians.
And what is said ch. vi. 21-23, would be instead of many
particular salutations, and fully answer the end. For
Tychicus is there required to " make known unto them all
things, and to comfort their hearts." I might add, that no
particular persons are saluted by name in either of the
epistles to the Thessalonians, nor in the epistle to the Gala-
tians, nor in that to Titus, excepting only Titus himself, to
whom the epistle is sent.
C
6. Obj. Mr. Wetstein says, that the epistle to the
Ephesians is written to Gentiles, whereas the church at
'Ephesus consisted chiefly of Jews.'
I answer: That the epistle, called, to the Ephesians, is
y Imprimis vero observandum, cum ecclesia Ephesina ex Judæis potissi-
mum collecta fuerit, Act. xviii. 19, 21, 24, 25; xix. 9, 10, 17; xx. 21;
Apoc. ii. 2, 7; eam, ad quam hæc epistola scripta est, non ex Judæis, sed
ex Gentilibus fuisse congregatam. Wetst. N. T. tom. II. p. 239.
140
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
written to Gentiles, or to such chiefly, is allowed, and is
very manifest. And it seems to me very evident, from the
history which we have of St. Paul's preaching at Ephesus,
in the book of the Acts, that the apostle's chief harvest there
was from among the Gentiles.
the Gentiles. For a while indeed he
taught in the synagogue, but the behaviour of the Jews
obliged him to withdraw. Whereupon he preached in
another place. And I should conclude from what is in
Acts xix. 17–40, that the apostle had many more converts
there among Gentiles, than Jews.
7. Obj. It is argued from Col. iv. 16, that this epistle
was sent to the Laodiceans. For St. Paul says there :
“and when this epistle is read among you, or has been
'read among you, cause that it be read also in the church
of the Laodiceans: and that ye likewise read the epistle
'from Laodicea." Hereby, as is argued, must be intended
'the epistle called, to the Ephesians, but really sent to the
'Laodiceans. For, says Mill, and likewise others after
him, this epistle called, to the Ephesians, and the epistle to
'the Colossians, were both sent by the same messenger, and
' at the same time.'
<
Ꮓ
To which I answer, that if the epistle, called, to the Ephe-
sians, be the epistle intended by the apostle, and sent at the
same time with that to the Colossians, it is manifest, that it
was not sent to the Laodiceans. This may be concluded
from what is said to the Colossians, ch. iv. 15, "Salute the
brethren which are in Laodicea, and Nymphas, and the
church which is in his house." This plainly shows, that
there was not now any epistle sent to the Laodiceans. If
there had, there would have been no occasion for the apos-
tle to send this order to the Colossians. For it is impos-
sible to write a letter to any persons, or societies, without
saluting them, or doing somewhat that is equivalent. And
it is manifest, that in the epistle inscribed to the Ephesians,
the christians, to whom it is sent, are saluted. Particularly
ch. i. 1, 2, and ch. vi. 21, 22, 23. This has appeared evi-
dent to learned men of the first rank, and different cominu-
nions. So a Baronius, and Tillemont.
This last says,
z Quidni igitur scripta fuerit ad Laodicenses?---Sane per eundem nun-
tium missa erat hæc epistola, per quem delata erat epistola ad Colossenses,
Tychicum scilicet, nec non eodem tempore. Mill. Prol. num. 74.
a Sane nullam eidem tabellario ad Laodicenses fuisse a Paulo datam episto-
lam, satis constat: dum in eâ, quam tum scripsit ad Colossenses, salutari
mandat eos, qui Laodiceæ essent fideles, sic dicens: Salutate fratres, qui sunt
Laodicea.'——Libentius igitur Chrysostomo ac Theodoreto inhæremus, quam
cæteris, ut nulla a Paulo scripta fuerit epistola ad Laodicenses. Baron. ann.
60. num. xiil.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 141
'that
• d
<
since St. Paul orders the Colossians to salute those
of Laodicea in his name, it is a certain sign, that he did
'not write to them at that time.' Du Pin says: If St.
• Paul had written at the same time to the Laodiceans, he
' would not have charged the Colossians to salute them in
' his name.' And James Basnage: St. Paul did not
'then write to the Laodiceans, since he salutes them in his
letter to the church of Colosse.' The acute and honest
Mr. Peirce, though much inclined to Mill's opinion con-
cerning this epistle, saw this difficulty and owned it. But
'I have one objection,' says he, which I cannot so easily
get over. And were it not for that, I might fully agree
with him. My objection is, that it seems highly impro-
bable, that St. Paul should send his salutations to the
Laodiceans, in the epistle which he wrote to the Colossians,
' in case he had sent that epistle to the Laodiceans by the
same messenger.'
6
C
•
I am not unwilling to allow, that the epistle spoken of
in the latter part of verse 16, of ch. iv. to the Colossians, is
our epistle to the Ephesians: " and that ye likewise read
the epistle from Laodicea:" that is, the epistle that is to
come to you from Laodicea. So the place is rendered in
the French Testament of L'Enfant and Beausobre," and e
cause likewise to be read among you that which the Laodi-
ceans will send to you." And their note is this,"" that£ from
Laodicea that is to say, that which will come to you from
Laodicea." For the original has that sense.'
е
If the epistle to the Ephesians was sent away by the
apostle at the same time with those to the Colossians, and
to Philemon I should think, that Tychicus went first to
Ephesus, and there left the epistle to the Ephesians, with
an order, that it should be forwarded to Laodicea, and so
to Colosse. Tychicus having left that letter at Ephesus,
went forward with Onesimus to Colosse: where they de-
livered the epistles to Philemon, and the Colossians. And
then I suppose, that Tychicus's commission was at an end.
b Et puisque S. Paul ordonne aux Colossiens de saluer de sa part ceux de
Laodicée, c'est un marque indubitable, qu'il ne leur écrivit point alors.
S. Paul. note 69. Mem. Ec. tom. I.
En effet, si saint Paul, eût écrit en même temps aux Laodicéens, il n'eût
pas chargé les Colossiens de les saluer de sa part. Diss. Prel. 1. 2. ch. 2. sect.
d S. Paul n'écrivoit pas alors aux Laodicéens, puisqu'il
leur fait une salutation dans la lettre à l'église de Colosse. Basn. Hist. de
l'Eglise, 1. 8. ch. 3. n. iii.
viii.
e Et faites lire de même parmis vous celle que les Laodicéens vous envoyeront.
f Gr.' celle de Laodicée,' c'est à dire, celle qui vous viendra de Laodicée.'
Car l'original a ce sens là.
142
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
He had no order to go to Laodicea. The apostle's saluta-
tions to the brethren at Laodicea were to be taken care of by
the Colossians.
But I rather think, as before shown, that the epistle to the
Ephesians was written very soon after the apostle's arrival!
at Rome, and then carried to Ephesus by Tychicus. And
when Tychicus went now in the second year of the apos-
tle's imprisonment, with these epistles to the Colossians,
and Philemon; he came ashore at Ephesus, and there left
express orders, that the epistle, formerly sent to them,
should be soon forwarded by them to Laodicea, and so to
Colosse. Having so done, he went, as before said, with
Onesimus to Colosse: where they joined in delivering the
letters to Philemon, and the church at Colosse.
the commission of Tychicus was at an end.
And now
8 Obj.
• Once more, it is observed by learned men,
'that Marcion said, this epistle was written to the Lao-
'diceans, or called this the epistle to the Laodiceans.'
To which I answer, first. Humphry Hody denied, that s
Marcion reckoned the epistle called, to the Ephesians, to
have been written to the Laodiceans. And indeed this
point seems to lie in great obscurity. Nor is it said by any
one beside Tertullian, that I know of.
Secondly. Suppose Marcion to have affirmed this, what
does it avail? Grotius says, in his preface to this epistle,
Marcion called this the epistle to the Laodiceans. Nor
was there any reason why he should falsify in this matter.'
And to the like purpose others. To which I answer: Ca-
tholic writers of the same time, and since, call this the epis-
tle to the Ephesians. Nor is there any reason why they
should falsify. Yea, the same is said, not only by all catho-
lics, but likewise by all heretics in general. Let Marcion's
8 Decem tantum epistolas Pauli, cum particulis quibusdam ex epistolâ ad
Laod. -recepit Marcion hæreticus, quas librum apostolicum inscripsit.
De cæteris scripturarum libris nullum agnovit, præter Evangelium Lucæ,
illudque mutilatum. Epistolas etiam, quas recepit Paulinas, mutilavit, vitia-
vitque.- Simonius, in Hist. Crit. N. T. cap. 15. contendit, Marcionem
nullam epist. ad Laod. recepisse, sed epistolam ad Ephesios falso inscripsisse
ad Laodicenos. Sed in hoc Epiphanius falli non potuit, qui in apostolico
Marcionis recenset epistolam ad Ephesios loco 7mo, et illam ad Laodicenos
loco llmo. προς Λαοδικεις ια. Ideo vero dicit Tertullianus contra Marc. 1. v.
cap. xi.
Epistolam quam nos ad Ephesios præscriptam habemus,' a Mar-
cione ad Laodicenos inscriptam fuisse,' quoniam locus, qui ex Epistolâ ad
Laodicenos a Marcione adductus est, in epistolâ ad Ephesios exstabat. Quod
etiam observat Epiphanius. Hod. de Bibl. Text. origin. p. 664.
C
Grot.
Marcion hanc epistolam vocat ad Laodicenses, ex fide, ut credibile est,
ecclesiæ Laodicensis. Nam cur in eâ re mentiretur, nihil erat causæ.
Fr. in ep. ad Eph.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 143
credit be ever so good, this is a sufficient answer. For
what interest had the catholics to falsify here? If Marcion
said, this epistle was sent to the Laodiceans, he must have
been mistaken. We are assured, that what he said is false,
from the unanimous testimony of numerous inen, who had no
interest to deceive, and could not be deceived.
1
i
But Marciou's credit is very little in such an affair as
this. The same writer, who speaks of Marcion's calling
this the epistle to the Laodiceans, I mean Tertullian, does
also let us know, that Marcion rejected the epistles of Paul
to Timothy and Titus. And chargeth him with altering
the text of scripture, openly employing a knife, not a stile.
And speaks particularly of his leaving out textsm in the
epistle to the Romans. Will any say, that Marcion had good
reason for so doing? or that all this was owing to his supe-
rior care and judgment above other christians? For my
own part, I think not. And if he said, that this epistle was
written to the Laodiceans, not to the Ephesians, he was
mistaken at least. He had not, and could not have, any
good reason for it.
6
Mill," and other learned men after him, in defending their
opinion concerning this epistle, magnify the care and exact-
ness of Marcion. He flourished, they say, in the begin-
ning of the second century, and lived at Sinope, in Paphla-
gonia, which was in Asia Minor, as well as Laodicea.
And he affirmed that the epistle called, to the Ephesians,
was actually an epistle to the Laodiceans. Most probably,
' he had heard so from such as knew the fact, and could
inform him or rather, had seen some of the manuscripts,
'which gave it that title.'
6
But all this is said without any ground. Such suppo-
sitions are easily made. But there is no proof of the truth
of them. If there be any credit to be given to what the
ancients say of Marcion, he must have been a very rash,
and arbitrary, and careless critic-provided he at all deserve
i Tertull. adv. Marc. 1. 5. cap. xi.
k Miror tamen, quum ad unui hominem literas factas receperit, quid ad
Timotheum duas, et unam ad Titum, de ecclesiastico statu compositas, recusa-
verit. Adv. Marcion. 1. 5. cap. ult. p. 615.
¹ Marcion enim exertâ et palam machærâ, non stylo usus est; quoniam ad
materiam suam cædem scripturarum confecit. Id. de Præsc. Hær. cap. 38.
Quantas autem foveas in istâ vel maxime epistolâ Marcion fecerit, aufe-
rendo quæ voluit, de nostri instrumenti integritate patebit. Adv. Marc. 1. 5.
cap. 13.
■ Sed omnino verisimile est, Marcionem, qui Sinope
aliquamdiu agebat, haud procul a Laodiceâ, sive ex popularium suorum
traditione, seu etiam auctoritate exemplarium quorumdam, hanc epistolam
tanquam ad Laodicenses scriptam citâsse. Mill. Prol. num. 78.
144
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
the name of a critic. And if he thought this epistle to have
been written to the Laodiceans; it is likely, that he took up
that opinion without much inquiry, or examination, and
without sufficient reason, and perhaps without assign-
ing any.
Jerom speaking of Marcion and Basilides, who, as he
says, were not friendly to the Old Testament, and altered
the gospels and epistles of the New Testament, and rejected
both the epistles to Timothy, and the epistle to Titus, ana
that to the Hebrews, he adds: And if they assigned any
'reasons, why they did not reckon these epistles to be the
apostle's, we should endeavour to make an answer, and
'perhaps might say what would be sufficient to satisfy the
'reader. But now since with heretical authority they pro-
nounce, and say, this epistle is Paul's, and that not: they
may be fitly answered on the side of truth, in the same
manner that they assert falsehood.'
And Tertullian having spoken of Marcion's admitting
the genuineness of the epistle to Philemon, adds, ‘Never-
theless I wonder, that when he receives an epistle to one
'man, he should reject two to Timothy, and one to Titus,
'which_treat of the government of the church. He had a
'mind, I suppose, to alter also the number of the epistles:'
that is, as he had done of the gospels: which passage,
as the reader may remember, was quoted by us a for-
merly.
It hence appears, that Tertullian knew not why Marcion
rejected the epistles to Timothy and Titus. He knew that
Marcion rejected those three epistles. But he was not
aware of his having assigned any reasons for so doing:
• Licet non sint digni fide, qui fidem primam irritam fecerunt, Marcionem
loquor et Basilidem, et omnes hæreticos, qui vetus laniant testamentum; tamen
eos aliquâ ex parte feremus, si saltem in novo continerent manûs suas, et non
auderent Christi. -vel evangelistas violare, vel apostolos. Nunc vero cum
Evangelia ejus Christi dissipaverint, et apostolorum epistolas non apostolorum
Christi fecerint esse, sed proprias, miror, quomodo sibi christianorum nomen
audeant vindicare. Ut enim de cæteris epistolis taceam, de quibus quidquid
contrarium suo dogmati viderant, eraserunt, nonnullas integras repudiandas
crediderunt; ad Timotheum videlicet utramque, ad Hebræos, et ad Titum,
quam nunc conamur exponere. Et si quidem redderent causas, cur eas
apostoli non putarent, tentaremus aliquid respondere, et forsitan satisfacere
lectori. Nunc vero, quum hæreticâ auctoritate pronuntient, et dicant: Illa
epistola Pauli est, hæc non est; eâ auctoritate refelli se pro veritate intelligant,
quâ ipsi non erubescunt falsa simulare. Hieron. Pr. in ep. ad Tit. T. IV. p. 407.
P Miror tamen, quum ad unum hominem literas factas receperit, quid ad
Timotheum duas, et unam ad Titum, de ecclesiastico statu compositas, recu-
saverit. Adfectavit, opinor, etiam numerum epistolarum interpolare. Adv.
Marcion. 5. cap. ult. p. 615. D.
• See Vol. ii. ch. xxvii. num, vii. 11. See also here, note k
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them. 145
which shows, I think, that Marcion acted arbitrarily in such
things as these.
r
Indeed Tertullian, speaking of Marcion's attempting, or
designing to alter the inscription of the epistle to the
Ephesians, useth this expression: as if he had made more
than common inquiries about it.' But I
But I suppose Tertul-
lian, to speak by way of irony, and sarcastically: not al-
lowing Marcion uncommon diligence and exactness, but
intimating, that a man who acted thus, should be very care-
ful to be rightly informed.
All this I have said in the way of a general answer to
the argument taken from the supposed opinion of Marcion.
I will now more particularly inquire what Marcion said and
did, and what might be the ground and reason of his opi-
nion and conduct. And I think there are but two writers.
from whom we can receive any information, Tertullian and
Epiphanius.
The first is Tertullian. Is pass by another epistle,' says
he, which we have inscribed to the Ephesians, but heretics
'to the Laodiceans.'
6
6
t
Afterwards: According to the true testimony of the
church, we suppose that epistle to have been sent to the
Ephesians. But Marcion once had a mind to alter the
title, as if he had made a very diligent inquiry into that
' matter. But the title is of no importance, since the apostle
wrote to all, when he wrote to some.'
6
6
6
6
I hope I have rightly translated the word gestiit.' I
think it meaneth, had a mind to,' or was inclined,' or
showed an inclination so to do.
By these passages of Tertullian we are assured, first, that
this epistle, which was in the hands of catholic christians,
was, in all its copies, inscribed to the Ephesians. And
Tertullian was persuaded, that it was the true testimony, or
tradition of the church from the beginning.
Secondly, in the first of these passages Tertullian says,
that heretics called this the epistle to the Laodiceans:
by heretics meaning, as I suppose, Marcion and his
followers.
Thirdly, Tertullian says, that once, or upon some occa-
sion, Marcion had a mind to alter the title of this epistle.
• See below, notet.
• Prætereo hic et de aliâ epistolâ,
quam nos ad Ephesios præscriptam habemus, hæretici vero ad Laodicenos.
Tertull. adv. Marcion. 1. 5. cap. xi.
Ecclesiæ quidem veritate epistolam istam ad Ephesios habemus emissam,
non ad Laodicenos. Sed Marcion ei titulum aliquando interpolare gestiit,
quasi et in illo diligentissimus explorator. Nihil autem de titulo interest, cum
ad omnes apostolus scripserit, dum ad singulos. Ib. cap. xvii. p. 607.
VOL. VI.
L
146
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Here it may be questioned, whether by title be meant
what we call a running title, affixed to the epistle, or the
inscription, which makes a part of the epistle, and is inserted
at the beginning of it. I rather think this last to be intend-
ed. But take it either way, Tertullian supposed, that
Marcion had in his copies the same title, or inscription, with
the catholics, that is, to the Ephesians, or at Ephesus. Nor
does Tertullian say, that Marcion ever inserted the inscrip-
tion to the Laodiceans, in any of his copies. It seems to me
that he did not.
Consequently, what Tertullian says is, that Marcion, and
his followers, sometimes at least, called this the epistle to
the Laodiceans, and perhaps quoted it by that title. But
he had not in his copies any title, or inscription, different
from that of the catholics. Marcion gave out, that the
epistle, called by the catholics, to the Ephesians, was written
to the Laodiceans. He affirmed this to be right, and
that the catholics were in the wrong in calling it an epis-
tle to the Ephesians. For he was persuaded it was written
to the Laodiceans.
I think this is the most that is said by Tertullian, or that
can be collected from him. Yea, it seems to me, that I have
in a strong manner represented the whole of what is said by
him.
6
I now proceed to Epiphanius, who says, that" Marcion
' received only ten epistles of Paul. They are these. The
'first is that to the Galatians, the second is the first to the
Corinthians, the third is the second to the Corinthians, the
'fourth that to the Romans, the fifth is the first to the Thes-
'salonians, the sixth the second to the Thessalonians, the
'seventh is that to the Ephesians, the eighth to the Colos-
sians, the ninth to Philemon, the tenth to the Philippians.
He has also some parts of an epistle to the Laodiceans.'
So Epiphanius.
It is well known, that Marcion had an evangelicon, and
an apostolicon, or a gospel and an apostle. In the former,
as is generally said, he had St. Luke's gospel only. But
concerning the truth of that account I make no inquiries
now. Our concern at present is with St. Paul's epistles
only. And Epiphanius here expressly says, that Marcion
received ten, and placed them in the order in which they
are rehearsed above. He likewise says, that Marcion had
- Έχει δε και επιςολας παρ' αυτῷ τε άγιο αποτελε δεκα, αἷς μοναις
Αἱ δε επιςολαι αἱ παρ' αυτις λεγομεναι εισι πρωτη μεν προς
έβδομη προς Εφεσιες, ογδοη προς Κολοσσαεις.. Εχει δε και
πρos Aaodikelas λeyoμevns μepn. Epiph. H. 42. num. ix. p. 310.
κεχρηται..
Γαλατας-
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
147
some parts of an epistle to the Laodiceans. And he quotes,
as from him, those words which are in Eph. iv. 5, 6, after
this manner: "One Lord, one faith, one baptism, one Christ,
one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through
all, and in you all." Having so done, he says: 'Nor did
the unhappy Marcion think fit to take that passage from
the epistle to the Ephesians, but from the epistle to the
Laodiceans, which is not the apostle's.'
6
W
This account of Epiphanius led H. Hody to say, that
Marcion received eleven epistles of St. Paul. James Bas-
nage was of the same opinion. He says: 'It has been
conjectured by some, that Marcion confounded the epistle
to the Laodiceans with that to the Ephesians.But
that conjecture cannot be maintained. For he distinguished
'two epistles of St. Paul, one to the Ephesians, and another
'to the Laodiceans. And Epiphanius reproacheth him,
'because he rather chose to take his passage from the
epistle to the Laodiceans, which was not Paul's, than
from the epistle to the Ephesians, where are the same
' words.'
6
And indeed, I apprehend, that if we had Epiphanius only,
many might be of the same opinion. But comparing him
and Tertullian, and examining carefully the whole article of
Epiphanius, I think it must appear more probable, that
Marcion did sometimes quote the epistle to the Ephesians,
as if it had been sent to the Laodiceans. Nor can I per-
ceive any good reason to think, that any letter to the
Laodiceans was forged so early as the time of Marcion.
And now I would observe, that Epiphanius seems to
have been well acquainted with Marcion's apostolicon. For
he had his writings, and composed a treatise against him,
called Scholion, or Scholia, which he inserted, somewhat
altered, in his article of the Marcionites, in his large work,
called the Panarium, which we have.
Having observed this, I say, that from Epiphanius it
Ου γαρ
έδοξε τῳ ελεεινοτάτω Μαρκιωνι απο της προς Εφεσίες ταυτην την
μαρτυριαν λεγειν, αλλα της προς Λαοδικεας, της μη εσης εν τῳ αποτολῳ. Η.
42. p. 375. in.
w Marcion l'a citée. Il en tiroit même quelque preuve pour son hérésie. On
a conjecturé, qu'il la confondoit avec celle des Ephésiens.——Mais cette con-
jecture ne peut se soutenir, parceque Marcion distinguoit deux lettres de S.
Paul, l'une aux Ephésiens, l'autre aux Laodicéens. Et S. Epiphane lui fait
une espéce de reproche, de ce qu'il a mieux aimé tirer son passage de l'épîstre
aux Laodicéens, qui n'étoit point de S. Paul, que de celle aux Ephésiens, dans
laquelle on trouvoit les mémes paroles. J. Basn. Hist. de l'Egl. 1. 8. ch. 3. num.
iii.
Ελευσομαι δε εις τα ύπ' αυτε γεγραμμενα, κ. λ. Η. 42.
cap. ix. p. 309. C.
X
L 2
148
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
appears, that in Marcion's apostolicon the epistle to the
Ephesians was entitled, and inscribed to them as it was in
the copies of the catholics. And all the difference between
the catholics and him, upon this head, was, that he some-
times quoted this epistle, as written to the Laodiceans.
Epiphanius, who had seen Marcion's apostolicon, found
therein ten epistles, all inscribed, as in the catholic copies.
One of which, and the seventh in order, was that to the
Ephesians. However, in one place of Marcion's works, and y
but one, he had seen a passage of the epistle to the Ephe-
sians quoted, as from an epistle to the Laodiceans.
•
Some such thing as this induced Tertullian, a man of a
violent temper, to say: I pass by another epistle, which
we have inscribed to the Ephesians, but heretics to the
'Laodiceans.' However, from Tertullian, as before shown,
it appears, that in Marcion's copies of this epistle it had
the same title as in the catholic copies, and that he never
altered the inscription. And thus Tertullian and Epipha-
nius agree. For from this last likewise we plainly perceive
that in Marcion's Apostolicon was the epistle to the
Ephesians but not exactly in the same order, as with the
catholics.
:
And thus, if I mistake not, Marcion himself confirms the
common reading at the beginning of this epistle. And this
recompense we have of our diligent inquisition into this
affair. So it often happens. Opposition made to truth is the
means of establishing it.
This opinion of the case may be farther justified by two
considerations, which perhaps deserve to be mentioned.
One is, that there is no notice taken of this affair by any
other writers, beside Tertullian and Epiphanius. Jerom,
and many others, who often speak of Marcion and his prin-
ciples, say nothing of it. It is therefore very probable, that
his inscription of the epistle to the Ephesians was the same
as in the catholic copies. If not, his alteration here, as well
as in other places, would have been observed. The other is,
that all those, called heretics, so far as we know, had this
epistle inscribed to the Ephesians. The Manichees agreed
with Marcion in divers of his peculiarities. Nevertheless,
in their copies this epistle was inscribed to the Ephesians.
This has appeared from the quotations of it in the writ-
y Præter hanc tamen ad Ephesios epistolam, putat Epiphanius, recepta
etiam esse a Marcione epistolæ ad Laodicenses fragmenta. Exa de Kaι TNS
πρos Aαodikɛas μeon, inquit. E quibus tamen unicum illud a se productum
προς Λαοδικεας μερη,
reperit. Jac. Usser. Diss. de Ep. ad Laod.
The Epistle inscribed to the Ephesians was written to them.
149
ings of Faustus, and Secundinus, formerly taken no-
tice of.
z
But though the inscription of this epistle was the same
in Marcion's, as in the catholic copies, he sometimes quoted it
as an epistle to the Laodiceans, and was of opinion that it
was written to them. We are therefore now to inquire into
the ground and reason of this opinion.
a
Pamelius in his notes upon Tertullian, as cited by arch-
bishop Usher, (for I have not his edition at hand,) conjec-
tured, that the words of Col. iv. 16, were the occasion
of this opinion of Marcion. So likewise says Estius.
C
b
It is very probable, that those words gave occasion
to the forging an epistle to the Laodiceans. Theodoret, not
far from the beginning of the fifth century, as formerly d
cited by us, says in his commentary upon that text: Some
have hence imagined, that the apostle had also written to
the Laodiceans, and they have forged such an epistle.
'Nevertheless, the apostle does not say "the epistle to the
Laodiceans, but from Laodicea.”
e
That is the unvaried reading of this text in all the copies
of the New Testament, and in all ancient Greek writers.
And I have suspected, that the epistle to the Laodiceans
was forged by a Latin, and that the Latin version of that
text gave occasion to it. Fabricius in the introduction to
+
See Vol. iii. ch. lxiii. num. iv. 4. num. v. ib. sect. vii.
a Jacobus Pamelius, Annot. 259. in lib. 5. Tertulliani adv. Marcionem,
'Fortassis,' inquit, occasionem dedit Marcioni hujus tituli huic epistolæ impo-
nendi, quod legisset, Col. iv. Salutate fratres,' &c. Usser. Diss. de Ep. ad
Laod.
b Sciendum præterea est, Marcionem, antiquum
hæreticum, occasione præsentis loci, epistolæ ad Ephesios scriptæ titulum
mutâsse, inscribendo eam ad Laodicenos, tamquam ea non ad illos, sed ad
hos scripta esset, &c. Est. ad Col. iv. 16.
Et eam, quæ Laodicensium
est, vos legatis.'] Horum verborum occasione abusus quispiam concinnavit, at-
que evulgavit epistolam quamdam, velut a Paulo scriptam ad Laodicenses. Est.
in Col. iv. 16. d See Vol. v. p. 17, 18. e As some proof of this, I allege the
note of Theophylact upon this verse. "Which is the epistle from Laodicea ?
It is the first to Timothy. For that was written from Laodicea. However
it is an epistle, which the Laodiceans had sent to Paul.
good the reading such an epistle could do them, I do not know.
ἡ εκ Λαοδικείας ; ἡ προς Τιμοθεον πρώτη. Αύτη γαρ εκ Λαοδικείας εγραφη.
Τινες δε φασιν, ὅτι ἡν οἱ Λαοδικεις Παυλῳ επετειλαν. Αλλ' εκ οιδα τι αν
EKELVη EDEL AVTOLS TOOS BEλTIOL. Theoph. in loc. tom. II. p. 676.
some say,
εκείνη
εδει
But what
. Τις
Τις δε ην
f Quamquam hunc Pauli locum neutiquam puto testimonium perhibere
commentitiæ ad Laodicenses epistolæ, tamen quia ex illo, sive Latinâ potius
ejus versione ambiguâ ansam cepit quisquis illam supposuit, non fuit a me
omittendus. Lectionis nulla est in codicibus Græcis differentia. Omnes
enim, quantum scio, habent τηy εk Aαodikɛiag. Ita et Syrus, et Arabs, et
interpretes Græci, Chrysostomus, Theodoritus, Theophylactus, Ecumenius.
Neque Latinus aliter legisse videtur, etsi vertit: Eam, quæ Laodicensium est.'
Fabr. Cod. Apocr. N. T. tom. II. p. 853.
150
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
his account of the epistle to the Laodiceans speaks to the
same purpose.
In like manner I have for a good while been of opinion,
that the Latin version of this text was the occasion of the
mistaken notion of Marcion.
When I formerly gave an account of a Latin Commentary
upon thirteen of St. Paul's epistles, written about 380, 1
took notice, that the translation of Col. iv. 16, followed by
that author, was, "that ye read the epistle of the Laodi-
ceans." Et vos ut eam, quæ est Laodicensium, legatis.
The same translation is in the Commentary of Pelagius.
Et ea, quæ Laodicensium est, vobis legatur. Which affords
good proof, that this was the translation, which was in the
Latin version, then in use.
I also observed in the same place, that this expression is
ambiguous. It may import an epistle, written by the Lao-
diceans: or an epistle, which was their property, as having
been written to them. I have since found the same obser-
vation in Estius.
h
So Secundinus, the Manichee, in his
letter to Augustine, by the epistle of the Ephesians plainly
means the epistle to the Ephesians. For his words are
these: Against whom the apostle, in the epistle of the
Ephesians, says, "he wrestled." For he says: we
'wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principa-
lities, and powers," Eph. vi. 12.
6
(6
It is not unlikely, that a good number of the Latins, by
"the epistle of the Laodiceans," in Col. iv. 16, understood
an epistle written to the Laodiceans. And Marcion also,
having before him the Latin version, and understanding the
words in that sense, concluded, that St. Paul had written an
epistle to the Laodiceans. At length he was brought to
think, that the epistle, intended by St. Paul, was the epis-
tle inscribed to the Ephesians. Accordingly, he sometimes
quoted it with that title. This will be the more readily
admitted, when it is considered, that Marcion made use of
the Latin version of St. Paul's epistles. So say both k
Mill, and¹ Wetstein.
8 See Vol. iv. ch. cix. num. ii. 8.
h Fefellet tamen hos omnes ambiguitas verborum hujus loci, prout Latine
leguntur. Quod enim dicitur, eam quæ Laodicensium est,' intelligi potest,
vel ad quos, vel a quibus epistola scripta sit aut missa. Et quidem priori
modo Latini fere intellexerunt. Sed hanc ambiguitatem dissolvit Græca
lectio, quæ sic habet: Et eam quæ ex Laodiceâ est, ut et vos legatis.' Est
ad loc.
i Contra quos se apostolus in Ephesiorum epistolâ
certamen subiisse fatetur. Dicit enim, se non contra carnem et sanguinem
habere certamen, sed adversus principes et potestates. Secundin. ep. ad
Aug. sect. i. Ap. Aug. T. VIII. * Vid. Mill. Proleg. num. 378. et 606.
Ac principio, quod a nemine adhuc animadversum puto, (nisi a J. Millio
The Churches of Colosse and Laodicea planted by St. Paul. 151
And now, I suppose, it may appear, what regard is due to
the authority of Marcion in this matter.
Thus I have at large stated and considered all the mate-
rial objections against the common reading at the beginning
of this epistle, the epistle to the Ephesians. And the solu-
tions that have been offered, seem to me satisfactory. And
from the universal agreement of all copies in that reading,
and the unanimous testimony of all christian writers for the
first twelve centuries, it appears, that there is no more rea-
son to doubt of the genuineness of the inscription of the
epistle to the Ephesians, than of any other of the acknow-
ledged epistles of St. Paul.
This disquisition has been of greater length than might
have been wished. But if any things have been set in
a truer light than usual, it will be acceptable to some.
1
CHAP. XIV.
That the Churches of Colosse and Laodicea were planted
by the apostle Paul.
IT has been of late a prevailing opinion, that the chris-
tians at Colosse and Laodicea were not converted by
St. Paul. But to me it seems, that there is no good ground
for it.
C
a
Says Theodoret, in his argument of the epistle to the Co-
lossians, prefixed to his Commentary, Some are of opi-
nion, that when the divine apostle wrote this epistle, he
had not seen the Colossians. And they endeavour to
'support their opinion by these words, " For I would that
'ye should know, what great conflict I have for you, and
' for them at Laodicea, and for as many as have not seen my
• face in the flesh," ch. ii. 1. But they should consider, that
the meaning of the words is this, "I have not only a
'concern for you, but I have also great concern for those
• that have not seen me. And if he be not so understood,
'he expresses no concern for those who had seen him, and
Prol. 378. suboluisse putemus) comperimus? Marcionis codices N. T. non ex
Græcis exemplaribus, sed ex versione Latinâ veteri sive Italicâ conflatos fuisse,
&c. Wetsten. Prolegom. p. 79.
a Theod. tom. III. p. 342, 343.
152
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
6
' had been taught by him. Moreover the blessed Luke says
in the Acts," And after he had spent some time there, he
departed, and went over all the country of Galatia, and
Phrygia, in order," ch. xviii. 23. Colosse is a city of
Phrygia. And Laodicea, the metropolis of the country, is
'not far from it. How was it possible for him to be in
Phrygia, and not carry the gospel to those places? And
in another place the blessed Luke says, "Now when they
'had gone throughout Phrygia, and the region of Galatia,
and were forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the word
in Asia," ch. xvi. 6.
"'ch.
<
So says that very learned writer in the fifth century.
And those observations had led me to divers considerations,
inducing me to think, that the churches of Colosse and
Laodicea bad been planted by Paul, and that the christians
there were his converts.
1. The apostle was twice in Phrygia, in which were
Colosse, Laodicea, and Hierapolis. Says St. Luke, in the
places already cited by Theodoret, Acts xvi. 6,“ Now when
they had gone throughout Phrygia, and the region of Ga-
latia, and were forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the
word in Asia," And ch. xviii. 23, “And after he had
spent some time there, [at Antioch,] he departed, and went
over all the countries of Galatia and Phrygia, in order,
strengthening the brethren." To which St. Luke refers
again, ch. xix. 1, "Paul having passed through the upper
coasts, came to Ephesus." St. Luke does not mention any
cities by name. But there is no reason to say, that he was
not at Colosse. It is much more reasonable to think, that
in one, or rather in both those journies, Paul was at Colosse,
Laodicea, and Hierapolis, chief cities of Phrygia. For, as
Theodoret says, how was it possible, that he should be in
that country, yea, and go "through it," and "all over it,”
and not be in the chief places of it? St. Luke has not par-
ticularly named any places in Galatia, in which Paul was;
but he must have been in several towns and cities in that
country, where he planted divers churches, Gal. i. 1, 2.
So was he, in like manner, in several cities of Phrygia : where
also, in all probability, he planted divers churches.
This argument alone appears to me conclusive. The
accounts which St. Luke has given of St. Paul's journies
in Phrygia, are sufficient to assure us, that he preached
the gospel there, and made converts, and planted churches in
the chief cities.
2. Ch. i. 6," Which bringeth forth fruit, as it does also
in you, since the day ye heard it, and knew the grace of
The Churches of Colosse and Laodicea planted by St. Paul. 153
God in truth.” Of this St. Paul was assured. Which
renders it probable, that he was their father, or first teacher.
He speaks to the like purpose several times. Ch. ii. 6,7.
See likewise ch. i. 23. St. Paul knew that they had been
rightly taught the gospel. Nothing more remained, but
that they should persevere in the faith, which they had re-
ceived, and act according to it.
b
3. Epaphras was not their first instructor in the doc-
trine of the gospel. This may be concluded from ch. i. 7,
the words following those quoted above from ver. 6, "As
ye have also learned of Epaphras our dear fellow-servant,
who is for you a faithful minister of Christ." The Colos-
sians had been taught by Epaphras. But he was not
their first instructor. However he had faithfully taught
them, agreeably to the instructions which they had re-
ceived.
C
Theodoret upon ch. i. 7, 8, well observes, 'that the
apostle bestows many commendations upon Epaphras,
calling him" beloved," and "fellow-servant," and a
"faithful minister of Christ," that the Colossians might
' have the greater regard for him.' If Epaphras had first
taught the Colossians the Christian doctrine, I think the
apostle, when recommending him to their esteem and regard,
would have added, " by whom ye believed," or " by whom
ye were brought to the fellowship of the gospel," or some-
what else, to the like purpose. That would have been
a great addition to what is said at ver. 7, before cited, and
to what is said of him, ch. iv. 12, 13, “Epaphras, who is
one of you, a servant of Christ, saluteth you, always labour-
ing fervently for you in prayers, that ye may stand perfect
and complete in all the will of God. For I bear him re-
cord, that he has a great zeal for you, and for them that
are in Laodicea, and them in Hierapolis."
""
Epaphras, who is one of you.' Would the apostle
have used such an expression concerning Epaphras, if the
church of Colosse had been founded by him? Impossible.
He says as much of Onesimus, who was but just converted,
and was now first going to appear among them as a chris-
tian. His words at ver. 9, of the same chapter, are,
"Onesi-
mus, a faithful and beloved brother, who is one of you.”
I imagine, that St. Paul does the more enlarge at ver. 12,
13, upon the affectionate concern which Epaphras had for
these christians, being apprehensive of some prejudices
taken up against him, that might obstruct his usefulness
among them.
them. For he had brought the apostle an account
Καθως και εμαθετε απο Επαφρα.
• Ubi supra, p. 344.
b
C
154
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
of the state of this church. Which, though it was true and
faithful, was not in all respects agreeable: as is concluded
by commentators from what St. Paul writes in the second
chapter of this epistle.
4. St. Paul does in effect, or even expressly, say, that
himself had dispensed the gospel to these Colossians, ch. i.
21_25. I shall recite here a large part of that context, ver.
23-25,"If ye continue in the faith, grounded and settled,
and be not moved away from the hope of the gospel, which
ye have heard. whereof I Paul am made a minister.
Who now rejoice in my sufferings for you, and fill up that
which is behind of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh, for
his body's sake, which is the church. Whereof I am made
a minister, according to the dispensation of God which is
given to me for you, to fulfil," or fully to preach, "the word
of God." And what follows to ver. 29.
St. Paul therefore had been the "minister of God" to
these Colossians, as well as to other Gentiles. Nor would
they have been excluded, but included among other Gen-
tiles, to whom he had preached the word, if commentators
had not been misled by a false interpretation of those
words in ch. iv. 1, 2, of which we have already seen Theo-
doret's account, and shall say more presently. Those words
having been misinterpreted, a wrong turn has been given to
these likewise.
5. Chrysostom, in his preface to the epistle to the Romans,
speaks to this purpose, I see the apostle writing to the
Romans and the Colossians, upon the same things indeed,
'but not in the same manner. To them he writes with
'much mildness, as when he says-Rom. xiv. 1, 2. To
'the Colossians he does not speak of the same things, but
with greater freedom. "If therefore," says he, "ye be
• dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world"
' and what follows, ch. ii. 20-23.' Does not this observa-
tion lead us to think, that the Colossians were the apostle's
own converts, to whom a different address from that used
toward others might be very proper? And there are other
passages of this epistle beside that alleged by Chrysostom,
which might be taken notice of, as confirming the same
observation.
6. Ch. ii. 6, 7, "As ye have therefore received Christ
Jesus the Lord, so walk ye in him: grounded, and built up
d 'Orav
Όταν γαρ εδω Ρωμαιοις και Κολοσσαευσιν ὑπερ αυτων μεν επιτελλοντα,
ουχ' ὁμοιως δε ύπερ των αυτων, αλλ' εκείνοις μεν μετα πολλης της συγκατα-
Βιντεως.- Κολοσσαευσι δε ουχ' ούτω περι των αυτων, αλλα μετα πλείονος
πaßßŋoias, k. λ. Procem. in ep. ad Rom. T. IX. p. 427.
The Churches of Colosse and Laodicea planted by St. Paul. 155
in him, and established in the faith, as ye have been taught,
abounding therein with thanksgiving." Certainly these
exhortations of the apostle are the more proper and forcible,
supposing the Colossians to have been first taught and
instructed by him. Nor had he any occasion to be more
particular. They knew who had taught them. But I
think that in this, or some other of the places, where he
reminds the Colossians of what they had heard, and had
been taught, if those instructions had been received from
another different from himself, that would have appeared in
the expressions made use of by him. In short, if they were
converted by the apostle, there could not possibly arise in
his mind a doubt whether they remembered who had been
their first teacher, and who were his fellow-labourers who
had accompanied him in his journies, when he was in their
country. And therefore there was no need to remind them
of himself more expressly than he has done. The thing is
supposed all along.
6
6
6
7. The presence of Epaphras with Paul at Rome is an
argument that the Colossians had personal acquaintance with
the apostle. Indeed Grotius upon ch. i. 7, says, that Epa-
phras is the same as Epaphroditus, mentioned in the
epistle to the Philippians.' But Beausobre well observes
upon the same place: This may be the same name with
Epaphroditus, Philip. ii. 25. But it is not probable that it
is the same person. St. Paul had sent Epaphroditus to
Philippi. But Epaphras was still at Rome. And there is
reason to think, that he was a prisoner there. See Philem.
ver. 23.' If Epaphras was sent to Rome by the Colossians
to inquire after Paul's welfare, as may be concluded from
ch. iv. 7, 8, that token of respect for the apostle is a good
argument of personal acquaintance. And it is allowed, that
Epaphras had brought St. Paul a particular account of the
state of affairs in this church. Which is another argument
that they were his converts.
6
6
<
e
6
8. Ch. i. 8, " Who also declared unto us your love in the
Spirit:" that is, says Grotius, how you love us on ac-
count of the Holy Spirit given to you.' Or, as Peirce,
• Who also declared unto me the love you bear to me upon
a spiritual account.' Or, as Whitby, Your spiritual and
'affectionate love to me, wrought in you by the Spirit, whose
'fruit is love.' All thus understanding it of their love of
the apostle, and rightly, as seems to me. Nothing else can
be meant by it. For before, at ver. 4, he had spoken of
"their love to all the saints." This I take to be another
e Quomodo nos diligatis propter Spiritum Sanctum vobis datum. Grot. in loc
156
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
good proof of personal acquaintance. And the place is
agreeable to what he writes to the Thessalonians, allowed
by all to be the apostle's converts. 1 Thess. iii. 6," But
now when Timothy came from you unto us, and brought
us good tidings of your faith and charity: [that is the same
with Col. i 4, "Since we heard of your faith in Christ Jesus,
and of your love to all the saints:"] and that ye have good
remembrance of us always."
f
9. Ch. iii. 16," Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly
in all wisdom, teaching and admonishing one another, in
psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs, singing with grace
in your hearts to the Lord." This shows, that the Colossians
were endowed with spiritual gifts. And from whom could
they receive them, but from St. Paul? Apostles only are
allowed to have had the power and privilege of conveying
spiritual gifts to other christians. This text therefore
had been a difficulty with such as have supposed that
Paul never was at Colosse. But now that difficulty is re-
moved.
10. Ch. ii. 1, 2," For I would, that ye knew, what great
conflict I have for you, and for them at Laodicea, and for as
many as have not seen my face in the flesh: that their
hearts might be comforted." This quick change of persons
upon the mention of such as had not seen the apostle's face,
seems to imply, that the Colossians, to whom he is writing,
had seen him. For if the Colossians had been among those
who had not seen him, he would have expressed himself in
this manner: "I would that ye knew, what great conflict I
have for you, and for them at Laodicea, and for as many as
have not seen my face in the flesh, that your hearts might be
comforted." But upon the mention of such as had not seen
him, he says: "that their hearts might be comforted."
And having finished his testimony of concern for such “ as
had not seen his face," he returns to the Colossians, to
whom he was writing, and says, ver. 4, "And this
I say, lest any man should beguile you with enticing
words."
Theodoret, beside what he had said in the preface to this
epistle, which has been already transcribed, speaks again to
this purpose in his paraphrase of ch. ii. 1, 2, I would have
you be persuaded of my great concern for you, and
for the Laodiceans: and not only for you and the Lao-
f c Though several of the christians had spiritual gifts, and miraculous
powers, none but apostles could confer upon others such gifts and powers.'
Dr. Benson upon the Acts, Vol. I. p. 157, first edit. p. 162, second edit. In
like manner other commentators. And see Acts, ch. viii. 5-25.
\
The Churches of Colosse and Laodicea planted by St. Paul. 157
diceans, but likewise for all who have not seen me.
And that this is his meaning, appears from what follows:
"that their hearts may be comforted." He does not say
your:" but "their" that is, of such as had not seen
' him.'
6.66
11. Ch. ii. 5, "For though I be absent in the flesh, yet
am I with you in the spirit, joying, and beholding your
order, and the stedfastness of your faith in Christ.' It is
here implied, if I am not mistaken, that the apostle had
been with them, and had been present in the assembly of
the believers at Colosse.
12. What is said, ch. iv. 7—9," All my state shall Tychi-
cus declare unto you," and the rest, best suits the supposi-
tion of personal acquaintance, as before hinted. Indeed, I
think it to be full proof, that Paul was acquainted with them,
and they with him.
13. The salutations in ver. 10, 11, 14, from Aristarchus,
Mark, Luke, Demas, suppose the Colossians to have been
well acquainted with St. Paul's fellow-travellers, and fel-
low-labourers. And Timothy's name is in the salutation at
the beginning of the epistle. Consequently, the Colossians
were not unknown to the apostle, nor unacquainted with
him. And the like salutations are also in the epistle to Phi-
lemon, an inhabitant of Colosse.
14. Ch. iv. 15, "Salute the brethren, which are in Laodi-
cea, and Nymphas, and the church which is in his house.
Ver. 17. And say to Archippus : Take heed to the minis-
try, which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfil
it." This shows, that Paul was well acquainted with the
state of the churches in Colosse and Laodicea. And it
affords an argument that he had been in that country, and
particularly at Laodicea. He salutes the brethren there,
and Nymphas by name, and the church in his house.
is probable, says Theodoret, that he was one of the faith-
'ful in Laodicea, who had made his house a church, adorn-
'ing it with piety.' As for Archippus, the same Theodoret
says, That some had supposed him to have been minister
'at Laodicea: but,' says he, the epistle to Philemon shows,
that he dwelled at Colosse, where Philemon was.'
Philem. ver. 2.
i
6
It h
See
15. Ch. iv. 3, 4, "Withal praying also for us, that God
5 Ότι δε ταυτα κατα ταυτην αυτῳ την διανοιαν ειρηται και τα επαγόμενα
δηλοι να παρακληθώσιν αἱ καρδίαι αυτών. Ουκ ειπεν ύμων, αλλ' αυτων,
τετ' εςι, των μηδεπω τεθεαμένων. Theod. ib. p. 350, 351.
h Ibid. p. 363.
i Τινες έφασαν, τε τον Λαοδικείας γεγενησθαι διδασκαλον, κ. λ. Ibid.
168
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
would open unto us a door of utterance, to speak the mys-
tery of Christ, for which I am in bonds, that I may make it
manifest, as I ought to speak." And ver. 18," Remember
my bonds." Such demands may be made of strangers. But
they are most properly made of friends and acquaintance.
In a word, the whole tenour of this epistle shows, that
the apostle is not writing to strangers, but to acquaintance,
disciples, and converts.
16. Finally, an argument may be taken from the epistle to
Philemon, an inhabitant of Colosse, sent at the same time
with this to the Colossians.
From ver. 19th of the epistle to Philemon, I suppose it to
be evident, that he had been converted to christianity by
St. Paul. Indeed this might be done at some other place.
But it may as well have been done at home.
:
And St. Paul's acquaintance with Philemon and the
christians at Colosse, may be inferred from several things
in that epistle. At ver. 2, he salutes Apphia by name,
probably wife of Philemon and Archippus, probably pas-
tor at Colosse, at least an elder in that church: who, as
before observed, is also mentioned, Col. iv. 17. Once more,
at ver. 22, St. Paul desires Philemon " to prepare him a
lodging." Whence I conclude, that Paul had been at
Colosse before.
We might argue also from the characters of Philemon
and Archippus, in the first two verses of the same epistle.
The former the apostle calls his "fellow-labourer," and the
other his "fellow-soldier." Which expressions imply per-
sonal acquaintance, and that they had laboured with him in
the service of the gospel in some place. And what place
can be so likely as Colosse? There are many, of whom St.
Paul speaks in his epistles, as his "fellow-labourers,” or
"fellow-helpers," or "fellow-soldiers:" concerning whom
it may be made to appear, that he and they had laboured
together in some one place. And why then should these
two be exceptions? Yea, it may be reckoned not improbable,
that Archippus had been ordained by St. Paul himself an
elder at Colosse. Whether Philemon likewise was an elder
there, I do not say: though he may have been so.
From all these considerations it appears to me very pro-
bable, that the church of Colosse had been planted by the
apostle Paul, and that the christians there were his friends,
disciples, and converts. And if the christians at Colosse
were his converts, it may be argued, that so likewise
were the christians at Laodicea and Hierapolis. None of
which places were far asunder.
159
CHAP. XV.
OF THE SEVEN CATHOLIC EPISTLES.
I. The antiquity, and the reason of that Denomination.
II. Called also canonical. III. Concerning their recep-
tion in several ages. IV. Their order.
b
1. THERE are seven epistles, which we call catholic.
The antiquity of this denomination may be made manifest
from a few quotations. Eusebius, having given an account
of the death of James called the Just, and our Lord's bro-
ther, concludes: Thus far concerning this James, who is
'said to be the author of the first of the epistles called
'catholic.' In another place he says, 'That in his Insti-
'tutions Clement of Alexandria had given short explica-
'tions of all the canonical scriptures, not omitting those
' which are contradicted. I mean the epistle of Jude, and
the other catholic epistles.' They were so called there-
fore in the time of Eusebius, and probably before. Of
which likewise we have good proof. For St. John's first
epistle is several times called a catholic epistle by Origen, c
in his remaining Greek works, as well as in others. It is
likewise so called several times by Dionysius, bishop of
Alexandria. Athanasius, Epiphanius, and later Greek wri-
ters, received seven epistles, which they called catholic.
I only observe here farther, that they are so called likewise
by e Jerom.
d
с
They are called catholic, or universal, or general, because
they are not written to the believers of some one city, or
a
Τοιαυτα και τα κατα τον Ιακωβον, οὗ ἡ πρώτη των ονομαζομενων καθο
λικων επιτολων ειναι λεγεται. H. E. l. 2. c. 23. p. 66. D.
b -μη δε τας αντιλεγομενας παρελθων. Την Ιεδα λεγω, και τας λοιπας
καθολικας επιςολας. Ib. l. 6. cap. 14. in.
• See of this work, Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii. num. xiii.
d -ού το ευαγγελιον το κατα Ιωαννην επιγεγραμμενον, και ἡ επιτολη ἡ
каρоλIÊη. Aр. Euseb. 1. 7. cap. 25. p. 273. D. Vid. ib. p. 274. B. And
in this work, Vol. ii. ch. xliii. num. xiv.
e
* Petrus――scripsit duas epistolas, quæ catholicæ nominantur. De V. I. cap. i.
Jacobus――unam tantum scripsit epistolam, quæ de septem catholicis est.
Ib cap. 2.
Judas, frater Domini, parvam, quæ de septem catholicis est, epistolam reli-
quit. Ib. cap. 4.
160
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
country, or to particular persons, as St. Paul's epistles are,
but to christians in general, or to christians of several f
countries. This is the case of five, or the greater part of
them, with which the two others are joined. Moreover
when the first epistle of Peter, and the first of St. John, were
called catholic by the most early christian writers, the two
smaller of St. John were unknown, or not generally received.
II. These epistles are several times called canonical by g
Cassiodorius, about the middle of the sixth century, and h
by the writer of the prologue to these epistles, ascribed to
Jerom, though not his. The reason of which appellation is
not certainly known. Nor is it easy to perceive the pro-
priety of it. Du Pin says: Some Latins have called
these epistles canonical, either confounding the name with
catholic, or else to denote, that they also are a part of the
canon of the books of the New Testament.'
6
6
<
III. Of these epistles two only, the first of St. Peter, and
the first of St. John, were universally received in the time k
of Eusebius. However, the rest were then well known.
In proof of which I shall allege one passage only from him.
'Here,'¹ says he, it will be proper to enumerate in a sum-
mary way the books of the New Testament, which have
'been already mentioned. And in the first place are to be
'ranked the four sacred gospels. Then the book of the
Acts of the Apostles. After that are to be reckoned the
epistles of Paul. In the next place, that called the first
'epistle of John, and the first of Peter. After these is to
'be placed, if it be thought fit, the Revelation of John.
•
And among the contradicted, but yet well known to the
'most, [or approved by many,] are that called the epistle of
James, and that of Jude, and the second of Peter, and the
'second and third of John.'
f Or, as Leontius expresseth it, They are called catholic, because they are
'not written to one nation, as Paul's epistles, but in general to all.' See
Vol. v. ch. clviii.
8 Octavus codex canonicas epistolas
continet apostolorum--sed cum de reliquis canonicis epistolis magna nos
cogitatio fatigaret, subito nobis codex Didymi Græco stylo conscriptus in
expositionem septem canonicarum epistolarum Domino largiente concessus est.
De Instit. Div. Lit. cap. 8.
Vid. et Cassiodorii Complexiones canonicarum Epistolarum septem.
Prologus septem Epistolarum canonicarum. Ap. Hieron. tom. I. p. 1667.
i Diss. Prelim. 1. 2. ch. 2. sect. ix.
k Vid. Euseb. H. E. 1. 3.cap. 3. cap. 24. et cap. 25.
1 -αἷς ἑξης την φερομενην Ιωαννε προτεραν, και ὁμοιως την Πετρε
κυρωτέον επιτολην. των δε αντιλεγομενων γνωριμων δ' εν όμως τοις πολλοις
ἡ λεγομενη Ιακωβε φερεται, και ἡ Ιεδα ήτε Πετρε δευτερα επιςολη και ἡ
ονομαζόμενη δευτερα και τριτη Ιωαννε. Ibid. c. 25. in. See also in this
work, Vol. iv. p. 96.
Of the Seven Catholic Epistles.
161
And in the preceding volumes of this work we have
observed all the seven to have been received by Athanasius,
Epiphanius, Jerom, Augustine, and many other writers:
but the Syrian churches received three only of these
epistles. Nor does it appear, that more were received by n
Chrysostom or Theodoret. And Amphilochius, in his
Iambic poem, says, Of the catholic epistles some receive
seven, others three only.' However, as we proceed, we
shall particularly consider the claims of the disputed epistles,
under the names of those to whom they are ascribed.
6
0
6
6
IV. Before I conclude this introduction, I would take
notice of the order of these epistles, because there is some
variety in ancient authors. In the passage cited from
Eusebius at the beginning of this chapter, he says, that the
epistle of James was the first of those called catholic. In
the passage, since taken from him, where he mentions these
epistles according to the degree of authority which they had
obtained, he first speaks of the first epistle of John, and the
first of Peter. Nevertheless, when he comes to those that
were contradicted, the epistle of James is first named. This
is the order in the festal epistle of Athanasius: Seven ¶
'epistles of the apostles,' says he, called catholic: of James
one, of Peter two, of John three, and after them, of Jude
'one.' Which is our present order. The same order is
observed in the catalogue of Cyril of Jerusalem, the council
of Laodicea, Epiphanius, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius,
Jerom's letter to Paulinus Euthalius, Gelasius, bishop of
Rome, the Alexandrian manuscript, the Stichometry of
Nicephorus, patriarch of Constantinople, Leontius, J.
Damascenus. The same order is in Bede's prologue to
these epistles, largely transcribed by us in its proper place:
where he assigns reasons of this order, and particularly,
why the epistle of Jaines was placed first. In other authors
is a different order. By Rufinus they are rehearsed in
this manner: Two epistles of the apostle Peter, one of
James, the brother of the Lord, and apostle, one of Jude,
'three of John: the Revelation of John. One may be apt
to think, that St. John's three epistles are here mentioned
last, that they might not be separated from the book of the
Revelation. In the canon of the third council of Carthage,
they stand in this order: Two epistles of the apostle
6
S
I
m See Vol. iv, ch. ciii. and ch. cxix. and Vol. v. ch. cxlviii.
П Vol. iv. ch. cxviii. num. iv. and viii.
Р
• Vol. v. ch. cxxxi. num. iv.
-καθολικων επιςολων τινες μεν ἑπτα φασιν, οἱ δε τρεις μονας.
Amphil. p. 132. ver. 310, 311. And see Vol. iv. ch. xcix.
9 lb. ch. lxxv. num. iii.
s Vol. iv. ch. cxv.
VOL. VI.
See Vol. v. ch. clix.
Ch. cxvi.
M
162
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
V
'Peter, three of the apostle John, one of the apostle Jude,
one of the apostle James.' In Augustine's work of the
Christian Doctrine: 'Two" epistles of Peter, three of
John, one of Jude, and one of James.' In the catalogue
of pope Innocent: Three epistles of John, two epistles of
Peter, an epistle of Jude, an epistle of James. In the
commentary of Cassiodorius upon these epistles they are
in this order: Two epistles of Peter, three of John, of Jude
one, of James one.’
W
CHAP. XVI.
ST. JAMES, THE LORD'S BROTHER.
I. His History from the N. T. whereby he appears to have
been an apostle. II. His History from ancient authors.
A passage from Eusebius concerning him, with remarks,
showing him to be the same with James the son of Alpheus.
III. A passage of Eusebius, containing two quotations
from Clement of Alexandria, mentioning his appointment
to be bishop, or residing apostle at Jerusalem, and the
manner of his death. IV. A passage of Origen,
speaking of our Lord's brethren, and the death of James.
V. A Chapter of Eusebius, containing accounts of his
death from Hegesippus, and Josephus, with remarks.
VI. The time of his Death. VII. How he was related
to our Lord, and in what respect he was his brother.
VIII. That he was an apostle and the son of Alpheus.
IX. Why called the Less. X. Surnamed the Just, and
other marks of respect shown him. XI. A Review
of what has been said.
I. THERE is frequent mention of James in the Acts, and
St. Paul's epistles. If he was an apostle he must be
James, the son of Alpheus, always distinctly named in the
catalogues of the apostles, in the first three gospels, and in
" Vol. iv. ch. cxvii. num. ii. ▾ Ch. cxxii. w Vol. v. ch. cliii. num. iv
a Mat. x. 3; Mark iii. 18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
163
the first chapter of the Acts. Forb there was but one other
apostle of this name, James the brother of John and son of
Zebedee. However, the proofs of his being James the son
of Alpheus are deferred for the present. I begin with
writing the history of James, mentioned in the Acts and St.
Paul's epistles.
St. Paul, reckoning up the several appearances of our
Lord to the disciples after his resurrection, says, 1 Cor. xv.
5—8, "That he was seen of Cephas, then of the twelve.
After that he was seen of above five hundred brethren at
once:" meaning, I suppose, at the place in Galilee, where
he had appointed to meet the disciples. "After that he
was seen of James, then of all the apostles;" meaning, it is
likely, when they were witnesses of his ascension.
"And
last of all he was seen of me also."
By James must be here intended the same that is mention-
ed by St. Paul elsewhere. Moreover James, the son of
Zebedee, had been dead a good while before writing this
epistle to the Corinthians, in the year of Christ 56. It is
likely, that St. Paul speaks of him, who was still living. And
he here speaks of a particular appearance of Christ to him.
C
We learn from Jerom, that in the gospel according to the
Hebrews, there was an account of a particular appearance
of our Lord to James, the Lord's brother, who, according
to his computation, governed the church of Jerusalem thirty
years. It is to this purpose. Very soon after the Lord
was risen, he went to James, and showed himself to him.
For James had solemnly sworn, that he would eat no
bread from the time that he had drunk the cup of the Lord,
'till he should see him risen from among them that sleep.
"It is added a little after: " Bring," saith the Lord, " a table
and bread." And lower, "He took bread, and blessed,
'
6
6
and brake it, and then gave it to James the Just, and said
to him: My brother, eat thy bread. For the Son of man is
' risen from among them that sleep.'
C
999
b Nulli dubium est, duos fuisse apostolos Jacobi vocabulo nuncupatos:
Jacobum Zebedæi, et Jacobum Alphæi. Hieron. adv. Helvid. T. IV. p.
137. fin.
Evangelium quoque, quod appellatur secunduin
Hebræos, et a me nuper in Græcum Latinumque sermonem translatum est,
-post resurrectionem Salvatoris refert: Dominus autem cum dedisset sin-
donem servo Sacerdotis, ivit ad Jacobum et apparuit ei. Juraverat enim
Jacobus, se non comesturum panem ab illâ horà, quâ biberat calicem
Domini, donec videret eum resurgentem a dormientibus.' Rursusque post
paululum.
'Afferte,' ait Dominus, mensam et panem.' Statimque additur.
‹ Tulit panem, et benedixit, ac fregit, et post dedit Jacobo Justo, et dixit ei :
Frater mi, comede panem tuum, quia resurrexit Filius hominis a dormientibus.'
De V. I. cap. 2.
M 2
164
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
I think this story may be sufficient to show, that James,
called the Just, and the Lord's brother, was in high esteem
with the Jewish believers, who used the gospel above men-
tioned. But some of the circumstances of this account
must needs be fabulous. Nor is there any reason to think
that James, or any of the apostles, had a certain expecta-
tion of the Lord's rising from the dead: nevertheless I
shall mention a thought to be considered by candid readers.
Possibly this account is founded upon the history recorded
in Luke xxiv. 13-35, of the two disciples, to whom the
Lord appeared on the day of his resurrection, "to whom
he was known in breaking of bread." One thing more may
be concluded from this passage. They who used this gos-
pel, thought James, the Lord's brother, to have been an
apostle. For here is a reference to his partaking in the
eucharist, appointed by our Lord, where none were present
beside the twelve.
However, as I have proposed a conjecture concerning
the history in Luke xxiv. it ought to be observed, that the
two disciples, there mentioned, were not apostles. For at
ver. 35, it is said, that when they were returned to Jerusalem,
"they found the eleven gathered together, and them that
were with them.”
•
Upon that text of St. Paul, Dr. Doddridged mentions a
conjecture, which had been communicated to him: that
James had not seen our Lord after his resurrection, until
the time there mentioned by St. Paul. That by sickness,
or some other accident, James had been detained froin
'meeting his brethren, both on the day of our Lord's
resurrection, and that day sevennight, and likewise at the
'time when Christ appeared to the five hundred. And
'that he might in this respect be upon the level with them,
' our Lord appeared to him alone, after all the appearances
' mentioned before.' But I take that conjecture to be with-
out ground, as well as very improbable. St. Paul's words
do not imply that our Lord had not been seen by James
before, but that this was a particular appearance to him
alone, as Augustine has observed. Who likewise adds
very judiciously: Nor did Christ now first show himself
e
d See the Family Expositor, Vol. IV. p. 380.
Postea,' inquit, apparuit Jacobo. Non tunc autem primum accipere
debemus visum esse Jacobo, sed aliquâ propriâ manifestatione singulariter.
• Deinde apostolis omnibus ;' nec illis tunc primum, sed jam ut familiarius
conversaretur cum eis usque ad diem adscensionis suæ. Aug. de Consens.
Evang. 1. 3. cap. 25. num. 85. tom. III. p. 2.
St. Jumes the Lord's Brother.
165
f
'to all the apostles.' Which agrees with Lightfoot's ' inter-
pretation of that text.
I have one thing more to add. It seems to me, that
James here spoken of, was an apostle. And it will afford a
good argument, that James, sometimes called by ancient
christian writers bishop of Jerusalem, was an apostle.
Gal. i. 18, 19, "Then after three years I went up to
Jerusalem, to see Peter, and abode with him fifteen days.
But other of the apostles saw I none, save James the Lord's
brother."
This text seems decisive in favour of the apostleship of
James. St. Luke speaks of the same thing in this manner,
Acts ix. 27," Barnabas took him, and brought him to the
apostles." Comparing these two texts together, I conclude,
that James now resided at Jerusalem, and acted there as
president of that church. And I imagine, that Barnabas
first brought Paul to James, and James brought him to
Peter. Thus Paul had communion with all the apostles,
though he saw and conversed with none of them, beside
James and Peter.
When St. Peter had been delivered out of prison, in the
reign of Herod Agrippa, about the time of the passover, in
the year 44, "he came to the house of Mary, where many
were gathered together, praying. And when he had
declared unto them, how the Lord had brought him out of
prison, he said: Go show these things to James, and to the
brethren," Acts xii. 12-17. This also gives ground to
think, that James now presided in the church of Jerusalem.
C
Before, Acts xi. 29, 30, it is said: "Then the disciples at
Antioch determined to send relief unto the brethren which
dwelt in Judea. Which also they did, and sent to the
elders by the hands of Barnabas and Saul." Hence, some
have concluded, that James was not now at Jerusalem.
But there is no reason for that supposition. For it would
imply also, that none of the apostles were at Jerusalem;
whereas, probably, they were all there, or near it. We have
proof from the next chapter, already cited, that James, the
son of Zebedee, and Peter were there. For the former was
f. After the appearing to above five hundred brethren at once, which we
suppose, and not without ground, to have been that last mentioned, the
apostle relateth that "he was seen of James," 1 Cor. xv. 7, " and then of
"all the apostles." Which does plainly rank this appearance to James between
that to the five hundred brethren on the mountain in Galilee, and his coming
to all the apostles, when they were come again to Jerusalem. Which James
this was, Paul is silent of, as all the evangelists are, of any such particular
appearance. It is most likely he means "James the less," of whom he
speaks often elsewhere.' Harmony of the N.T. Vol. I. p. 273.
166
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
beheaded, and Peter imprisoned at Jerusalem by Herod
Agrippa about this time. And when Peter had been
brought out of prison he desired his friends to inform
James of it, as we have just seen. Therefore he certainly
was then at Jerusalem.
There are two ways of understanding that expression.
By elders may be meant elders in general, not excluding
the apostles. So in the place of Paul, before cited: “ After
that he was seen of above five hundred brethren at once."
Where the apostles are not excluded, but included in the
word brethren. For it is reasonable to think, that divers,
yea, most, if not all, of the apostles, were present at that time.
So here the apostles may be included in the general deno-
mination of elders. Or by elders may be meant such as are
called elders by way of distinction from apostles, as in Acts
xv. 4, 22; xxi. 18, who might be persons more especially
entrusted with the receiving and the distributing such con-
tributions. Neither of these senses oblige us to think that
James was not now at Jerusalem.
When the controversy about the manner of receiving the
Gentiles was brought before "the apostles and elders,"
assembled in council at Jerusalem; "after there had been
much disputing," Peter spoke, and then Barnabas and
Paul. After all which, James speaks last, sums up the
argument, and proposeth the terms upon which the Gentiles
should be received. To which the whole assembly agreed.
And they sent letters to the Gentiles in several places
accordingly. Acts xv. 1-29. It is manifest, I think, that
James presided in this council. And it may be thence
reckoned probable, that he was an apostle, as well as pre-
sident of the church of Jerusalem.
6
g
Chrysostom, in a homily upon the fifteenth chapter of the
Acts, says: James & was bishop of Jerusalem, and therefore
spoke last.' In the same place he justly applauds the pro-
priety of his discourse in the council.
St. Paul, in the second chapter of the epistle to the Gala-
tians, giving an account of some things which happened
when he was that time at Jerusalem, but are not mentioned
in the book of the Acts, speaks of James, Cephas, and John,
as pillars: "who also gave to him and Barnabas the right
hands of fellowship." Those expressions strongly imply
that James was an apostle, and presiding apostle in the
church of Jerusalem.
8 Επίσκοπος ην της εν Ιεροσολύμοις εκκλησίας οὗτος· διο ὑπερος λεγει
In Act. Ap. hom. 33. p. 253. T. IX.
St. James the Lord's Brother.
167
h
Jerom, in his book against Helvidius, allows that the
texts, which I have already cited, from the epistle to the
Galatians, show James, the Lord's brother, to have been an
apostle.
Afterwards, in the same chapter, giving an account of
what happened at Antioch: ver. 11, 12, he says, that "when
Peter was come thither, he did eat with the Gentiles, before
that certain came from James: but when they were come,
he withdrew, and separated himself, fearing them of the
circumcision." This, I think, implies that James resided
at Jerusalem, and presided in that church, and that he was
greatly respected by the Jewish believers there. Once
more, Acts xxi. 17, 18, when Paul went up to Jerusalem,
about Pentecost, in the year 58, the day after our arrival,
says St. Luke, “Paul went in with us unto James, and all
the elders were present;" and what follows. Here is another
proof that James resided at Jerusalem, and superintended
in that church.i
In what has been now alleged we have perceived evi-
dences of James being related to our Lord, forasmuch as he
is called his brother, and that he was much at Jerusalem,
and presided in that church, and that, probably, he was an
apostle in the highest sense of that word. We have also seen
reason to think that he was much respected by the Jewish
believers. And though we do not allow ourselves to en-
large upon every thing said of him in the history of the
council of Jerusalem, and his reception of Paul when he
went up to Jerusalem, and was imprisoned, yet I suppose
that every one may have discerned marks of an excellent
character, and of his admirably uniting zeal and discretion,
a love of truth and condescension to weak brethren.
epistle confirms that character. I think likewise that the
preservation of his life, in such a station as his, to the time
when he is mentioned last by St. Luke, (which we suppose
to have been about the time of pentecost, in the year of
Christ 58,) may induce us to believe, that he was careful to
be inoffensive in his behaviour toward the unbelieving part
of the Jewish nation, and that he was had in reverence by
many of them.
h
et frater Domini apostolus sit,
• nium veni Jerusalem, videre Petrum.'
• Et cognitâ gratiâ, quæ data est mihi'.
His
Paulo dicente: Deinde post trien-
Gal. i. 18, 19. Et in eâdem epistolâ :
-cap. ii. 9. Adv. Helvid. p. 138. in.
Dr. Whitby, in his preface to the epistle of St. James, has argued in a like
manner that I have done, that he was an apostle in the strict acceptation of the
word. And to the same purpose also Cave, at the beginning of his Life of
St. James the Less, in English.
168
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
II. I should now proceed to write the history of this per-
son from ancient authors. But that is a difficult task, as I
have found, after trying more than once, and at distant
spaces of time. I shall therefore take divers passages of
Eusebius, and others, and make such reflections as offer,
for finding out as much truth as we can.
6
k
Eusebius has a chapter concerning our Saviour's dis-
ciples.' Where he speaks of all these following, as said
to be of the number of the seventy: Barnabas, Sosthenes,
who joins with Paul in writing the first epistle to the Co-
rinthians, Cephas, whom Paul resisted at Antioch, of the
same name with the apostle Peter, but different from him,
Matthias, chosen in the room of Judas, and he who was put
up with Matthias, and James, to whom Christ showed him-
self after his resurrection, as related by St. Paul, 1 Cor.
xv. 7. 'He likewise,' says Eusebius,' was one of those call-
'ed our Saviour's disciples, and one of his brethren.'
Some
Upon this it is easy to observe, that beside the loose and
inaccurate manner in which this chapter is written by our
historian, here are, probably, several mistakes.
things will be readily assented to, as not unlikely; that
Matthias, and the other disciple put up with him, were of
the seventy. But omitting some other things, there is no
good reason to say that Cephas was different from Peter, or
that Sosthenes was one of the seventy. If those things are
wrong, there is the less reason to rely upon that account
which places James, the Lord's brother, in the number only
of his disciples, or of the seventy.
However, we here seem to discern the opinion of our
Ecclesiastical Historian, that James, the Lord's brother, so
often mentioned in the Acts, and St. Paul's epistles, was
not one of Christ's apostles. And there we have also bis
interpretation of these words. Cor. xv. 7," then he was
seen of all the apostles." By m which he understands others,
beside the twelve. And to the like purpose" Origen.
And it was formerly shown at large, in the chapter of Euse-
bius, that he did not esteem this James an apostle in the
highest acceptation of the word. It may be observed like-
wise, in the large account formerly given of Jerom's opinion
concerning this James, that P he seems not to be quite free
i. cap.
12. p. 30.
1
0
k Περι των μαθητων τε Σωτηρος ήμων. Η. Ε. l. i.
Έπειτα δ' ώφθαι αυτόν Ιακωβῳ φησιν· εἰς δε και ούτος των φερομενων τε
Σωτήρος μαθητων, αλλα μην και αδελφων ην. Ib. p. 31. B.
m Ειθ᾿ ὡς παρα τετοις κατα μιμησιν των δωδεκα πλειςων όσων ὑπαρξαντων
αποτόλων - προςίθησι λεγων' επειτα ώφθη τοις αποςόλοις πασι. Ib. p. 31.
"See Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii. num. xxviii. 11.
• Vol. iv. ch. lxxu.
num. ix. 20, 21, 22.
P Ch. cxiv. num. viii. 6.
St. James, the Lord's Brather.
169
t
r
from hesitation. Sometimes he speaks of him as one of the
twelve apostles, and sometimes not so. We have also seen
reason to think, that a Cyril of Jerusalem did not reckon
James, called bishop of Jerusalem, to have been one of the
twelve apostles. Gregory Nyssen likewise distinguishes
James, the son of Alpheus, one of the twelve apostles, from
James the Less, who was not of that number. The same
opinion appears in the Apostolical Constitutions.
Tillemont says
• The Greek christians of our time dis-
tinguished James the son of Alpheus, one of the twelve
'apostles, and James the Lord's brother, and bishop of
Jerusalem, as two different persons: so making us entirely
ignorant of the history of James, the son of Alpheus, and
excluding the Lord's brother from the number of apostles.
But the opinion of the Latins, who believe that they are
one and the same person, and the apostle, appears more
'conformable to the scripture, and is supported by the
authority of St. Paul in particular, who gives to James
'the Lord's brother the title of apostle in the same manner
'that he gives it to Peter.' Gal. i. 19.
6
6
III. Eusebius has " another chapter, entitled, Of things
'constituted by the apostles after our Saviour's ascension.'
Which is to this purpose. The first is the choice of
'Matthias, one of Christ's disciples, into the apostleship in
'the room of Judas. Then the appointment of the seven dea-
cons, one of whom was Stephen, who soon after his being
• ordained was stoned by those who had killed the Lord,
and was the first martyr for Christ. Then James, called
'the Lord's brother, because he was the son of Joseph-
6
·
to whom the virgin Mary was espoused. This James,
'called by the ancients the Just, on account of his eminent
'virtue, is said to have been appointed the first bishop of
'Jerusalem. And Clement, in the sixth book of his Iusti-
tutions, writes after this manner: That after our Lord's
'ascension, Peter, and James, and John, though they had
been favoured by the Lord above the rest, did not con-
tend for honour, but chose James the Just to be bishop of
Jerusalem. And in the seventh book of the same work,
he says, that after his resurrection, the Lord gave to
James the Just, and John, and Peter, the gift of know-
ledge. And they gave it to the other apostles. And the
other apostles gave it to the seventy, one of whom was
Barnabas. For there were two named James: one the Just,
1 Vol. iv. ch. lxxix. num. vii.
p. 413. B. C.
'S. Jacque le Mineur, Art. i. tom. I.
• De Christi Res. Or. 2. tom. III.
s See Vol. iv. ch. lxxxv. num. viii. 6.
u H. E. 1. 2. cap. i.
170
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'who was thrown down from the battlement of the temple,
' and killed by a fuller's staff. The other is he who was
beheaded. Of him that was called the Just, Paul also makes
' mention, saying: "other of the apostles saw I none, save
'James the Lord's brother.
Upon what has been thus transcribed a few remarks
may be properly made. In the former part of it Eusebius
seems to declare it as his own opinion, that James, called
the Lord's brother, was the son of Joseph, that is, by a for-
mer wife.
For clearing up this passage, I would farther observe: I
suppose the whole of this quotation to be taken from Cle-
ment. Some may indeed at first be apt to think that
the second passage of Clement concludes with the word
Barnabas. But I rather think that all which follows in
this quotation is Clement's, and nothing of Eusebius's. One
reason of my thinking so is, that in the twenty-third chapter
of the same book, where our Ecclesiastical Historian gives
an account of the death of James from Hegesippus, who
relates, that James was thrown down from the temple,
and killed by a fuller's staff, he twice says, that is, at v
the cntering upon that account, and at finishing it, that
this was agreeable to what had been before alleged from
Clement. The other reason is, that Eusebius seems not to
have been so clear that there were no more than two of
this name, as is implied in this passage, particularly in the
conclusion of it.
Upon these two passages, cited by Eusebius from Clement,
one from the sixth, the other from the seventh book of his
Institutions, we are led to observe, first, that James, called
the Just, is here supposed to be an apostle. Nor did Cle-
ment know of any more of the name James, in the New
Testament, beside James the son of Zebedee, and him called
James the Just. Secondly, I observe, that James, called
the Just, is supposed to have been appointed bishop of
Jerusalem, by three apostles especially, Peter, and the two
sons of Zebedee, and not by our Lord. And the order
and coherence of things in this chapter of Eusebius seems
to imply, that this was done soon after the martyrdom of
Stephen.
Which appears to me agreeable to the history in the Acts,
and the passages alleged thence at the beginning of this
V
Τον δε της τε Ιακωβε τελευτης τροπον ηδη μεν προτερον αἱ παρατεθείσαι
το Κλημεντος φωναι δεδηλωκασιν, απο το πτερυγια βεβλήσθαι, ξυλῳ τε την
προς θάνατον πεπλήχθαι αυτον ἱςορηκοτος. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 63. C.
* Ταυτα δια πλατες συνῳδα της Κλημεντι και ὁ Ηγησιππος. Ibid. p. 65. C.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
171
chapter. Peter always speaks first, as president among
the apostles, until after the choice of the seven deacons.
Every thing said of St. James after that implies his pre-
siding in the church of Jerusalem. And when St. Paul
mentions the three chiefs, who were pillars, Gal. ii. 9, with
whom he conferred at Jerusalem, he names James first. The
reason of his doing so, I take to be, that James then presided
in the church of Jerusalem.
*
Tillemont thinks, That Christ himself may have ap-
'pointed James to be bishop in that church: but the apos-
iles deferred the declaring it solemnly, till the time of
'the persecution, which broke out after the death of St.
Stephen. Then they thought of providing more particu-
larly for the church of Jerusalem, whence, perhaps, they
feared they should be constrained to remove.
This
obliged them to appoint a proper pastor: who should be
'obliged to stay there till his death, and should charge
'himself with every thing necessary for their welfare.'
C
To me it appears evident, that the apostles did not now
leave Jerusalem, nor till a good while afterwards. But
they were obliged to live privately. And the circum-
stances of things made it prudent to appoint one of their
number, who should preside in that church, and act in
their name. Though they could not all appear in pub-
lic, it was fit there should be one at least, to whom the
faithful might apply at any time, in case of need. This
choice, or appointment, is ascribed by Clement to three
of the apostles. But it might be done with the consent and
approbation of all.
a
As this episcopate, or superintendence, of James has
been thus mentioned, I shall here observe what notice is
taken of it by other ancient christian writers.
Eusebius, in one place, says, that James was appointed
bishop of Jerusalem by the apostles: in another by Christ
and the apostles. So likewise in the Apostolical Constitu-
tions. Jerom, in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers,
says, 'that James, surnamed the Just, was ordained bishop
of Jerusalem by the apostles, soon after the Lord's pas-
'sion.' In his Commentary upon the epistle to the Gala-
Ꮓ
с
St. Jacque le Mineur, Art. iv. mem. tom. I.
b
› See Acts viii. 1.
—ώ προς των αποςόλων ὁ της επισκοπής της εν Ιεροσολύμοις εγκεχειριζο
Opovos. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. in. Vid. et 1. 2. cap. 1. in. p. 38. B.
a
2 Τον γαρ Ιακωβε θρονον το πρωτο της Ἱεροσολυμων εκκλησίας την
επισκοπην προς το Σωτηρος και των αποτολων ὑποδεξαμενε, κ. λ. 1. 7. c. 19.
b Constit. 1. 8. cap. 35.
• Jacobus, qui appellatur frater
Domini, cognomento Justus. -post passionem Domini statim ab apostolis
Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatus. De V. I. cap. 2.
172
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
d
tians, he speaks as if the Lord himself had given him this
high trust meaning, perhaps, no more than that Christ
gave it him by the apostles: or that they in so doing had
acted by divine inspiration. Epiphaniuse ascribes this
appointment to our Saviour himself, as do f Chrysostom,
and & Ecumenius, and Photius. The Latin author of a
Commentary upon thirteen of St. Paul's epistles, says,
James was appointed bishop of Jerusalem by the apostles.
Nicephorus's account is, that he was so appointed by
our Saviour, or, as some said, by the apostles also.
I shall cite no more writers relating to this point, but pro-
ceed.
6
6
6
i
6
1
IV. I would now take a passage of Origen, from the
tenth tome of his commentaries upon St. Matthew, where be
discourseth upon Matt. xiii. 55, 56, "Is not this the car-
penter's son? Is not his mother called Mary? and his
brethren, James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas? And
his sisters, are they not all with us?" They thought,
says Origen, that he was the son of Joseph and Mary.
The brethren of Jesus, some say, upon the ground of
tradition, particularly what is said in the gospel accord-
ing to Peter, or the book of James, were the sons of
Joseph by a former wife, who cohabited with him before
Mary. They who say this, are desirous to maintain the
'honour of Mary's virginity to the last: [or her perpetual
virginity] that the body chosen to fulfil what is said,
"the Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power
of the Highest shall overshadow thee," Luke i. 55, might
' not know man after that. And I think it very reasonable,
that as Jesus was the first fruits of virginity among men,
Mary should be the same among women. For it would be
'improper to give that honour to any beside her. This
James is he whom Paul mentions in his epistle to the Gala-
tians, saying: "Other of the apostles saw I none, save
James, the Lord's brother." This James was in so great
repute with the people for his virtue, that Josephus, who
6
6
•
6
d Nunc hoc sufficiat, ut propter egregios_mores, et incomparabilem fidem,
sapientiamque non mediam, frater dictus sit Domini; et quod primus ei eccle-
siæ præfuerit, quæ prima in Christum credens ex Judæis fuerat congregata.
Dicuntur quidem et cæteri apostoli fratres Domini. Sed præcipue hic frater
dicitur, cui filios matris suæ ad Patrem vadens Dominus commendaverat. In
ep. ad Gal. cap. ii. 19.
e Hær. 78. num. vii.
f Chr. in ep. 1 ad Cor. hom. 38. p. 355. tom. X.
5 Ec. ad Act. xv. 13. T. I. p. 122.
h Phot. Ep. 117.
i Jacobum vidit Hierosolymæ, quia illic erat constitutus ab apostolis epis-
copus. In ep. ad Gal. cap. i. 19.
k Niceph. 1. 2. cap. 38.
1 Origen. in. Matt. T. X. p. 462, 463. T. III. Bened. p. 223. tom. I. Huet.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
173
6
6
6
wrote twenty books of the Jewish Antiquities, desirous to
assign the reason of their suffering such things, so that
even the temple was destroyed, says, that those things
were owing to them anger of God for what they did to
James, the brother of Jesus, called Christ. And it is won-
derful, that he who did not believe our Jesus to be the
Christ, should bear such a testimony to James.
says, that the people thought they suffered those things
upon account of James. Jude wrote an epistle of few
lines indeed, but filled with the powerful words of the
heavenly grace, who says at the beginning: "Jude, a ser-
vant of Jesus Christ, and brother of James.' Of Joses and
'Simon we know nothing."'
0
But
Origen, in his books against Celsus, quotes Josephus
again, as speaking of James to the like purpose.
there are not now any such passages in Josephus: though
they are quoted as from him, by Eusebius also. But he
does not say whether from his Jewish War, or from his
Antiquities, or in what book of either, as he sometimes does,
when he quotes Josephus. Jerom has twice quoted Jose-
phus for these things: first in this P article of St. James, and
then in that of Josephus himself: but not much more ex-
pressly than Eusebius.
Upon the long passage of Origen, just transcribed, I would
observe as follows:
It is strange, that Origen should take such particular
notice of the epistle of St. Jude, and say nothing of the
epistle of James, whose history he was writing, when it was
not unknown to him. It may be suspected that a para-
graph has been lost and dropt out of the Commentary in
this place. It is also strange that he should say he knew
nothing of Simon: when it is probable that he likewise
was one of Christ's apostles, called "Simon the Canaanite"
by Matthew, ch. x. 4, and Mark iii. 18, "Simon Zelotes"
by Luke, vi. 15, and Acts i. 13.
m
ειρηκεναι, κατα μηνιν Θε8 ταυτα αυτοις απηντηκεναι, δια τα εις
Ιακωβον τον αδελφον Ιησε τε λεγομενε Χρισε, ὑπ' αυτων τετολμημενα. Και
το θαυμαςον εσιν, οτι τον Ιησουν ήμων 8 καταδεξάμενος ειναι Χρισον, εδε
ηττον Ιακωβῳ δικαιοσυνην εμαρτύρησε τοσαυτην. Λεγει δε, ότι και ὁ λαος ταυτα
ενόμιζε δια τον Ιακωβον πεπονθέναι- -Περι δε Ιωσηφ, και Σίμωνος δεν
isopnoɑμev. Ib. p. 463. Bened. p. 223. Huet.
ἱςορησαμεν.
Contra Cels. I. i. p. 35. et l. 2. p. 69. Cantab. l. i. cap. 48. et 1. 2. cap.
13. Bened.
• H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 65. C. D.
P Tradit idem Josephus, tantæ eum sanctitatis fuisse, et celebritatis in populo,
ut propter ejus necem creditum sit, subversam esse Hierosolymam. Hier. De
Vir. Ill. cap. 2.
q Hic confitetur- et propter interfectionem
Jacobi apostoli dirutam Hierosolymam. Ib. cap. 13.
174
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
From what Origen says of the death of James it may be
concluded, that in his time christians were persuaded that
James had died a martyr for Christ, and had been killed by
the Jews, notwithstanding his eminent virtue. Though the
passages to which Origen refers are not now in Josephus,
and though it should be supposed that there was some inac-
curacy in Origen's quotations of him, or references to him,
I think it must be allowed, that christians had in his time a
tradition concerning the death of James, and that it hap-
pened in circumstances very dishonourable to those who
were the authors of it: insomuch that many were disposed
to think it was one of those things for which God was much
offended with the Jewish people. Moreover we have
already observed a brief account of the death or martyr-
dom of James in Clement, older than Origen, though in
part cotemporary with him.
All farther notice of that passage of Origen is deferred
till we come to consider how James was related to our
Lord.
V. As the death of James has been mentioned, I shall
now immediately take the accounts of it which are in Euse-
bius. And I will transcribe a large part of the twenty-
third chapter of the second book of his Ecclesiastical
History.
C
6
C
'But when Paul had appealed to Cæsar, and Festus
had sent him to Rome, the Jews being disappointed in
their design against him, turned their rage against James,
the Lord's brother, to whom the apostles had assigned
the episcopal chair of Jerusalem. And in this manner
'they proceeded against him. Having laid hold of him,
they required him in the presence of all people to renounce
'his faith in Christ. But he, with freedom and boldness
'beyond expectation, before all the multitude, declared
' our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ to be the Son of God.
They, not enduring the testimony of a man who was in
high esteem for his piety, laid hold of the opportunity,
when the country was without a governor, to put him to
'death. For Festus having died about that time in Judea,
the province had in it no procurator. The manner of the
' death of James was shown before in the words of Clement,
' who said, that he was thrown off from the battlement of
the temple, and then beat to death with a club. But no
one has so accurately related this transaction, as Hege-
sippus, a man in the first succession of the apostles, in the
• fifth book of his Commentaries, whose words are to this
<
6
6
St. James the Lord's Brother.
175
6
6
purpose: James," the brother of our Lord, undertook,
together with the apostles, the government of the church.
'He has been called the Just by all from the time of our
• Saviour to ours. For many have been named James.
But he was holy from his mother's womb. He drank
'neither wine, nor strong drink, nor did he eat any animal
food. There never came razor upon his head. He neither
' anointed himself with oil, nor did he use a bath. To him
' alone was it lawful to enter the holy place. He wore no
woollen, but only linen garments. He entered into the
temple alone, where he prayed upon his knees. Insomuch
'that his knees were become like the knees of a camel
by means of his being continually upon them, worshipping
God, and praying for the forgiveness of the people.
6
6
"
<
6
ousness.
Upon account of his virtue he was called the Just,
and Oblias, that is, the defence of the people, and righte-
Some therefore of the seven sects, which there
were among the Jews, of whom I spake in the former
'part of these commentaries, asked him," which is the gate
of Jesus: or, what is the gate of Salvation. And he
'said, Jesus is the Saviour, or the way of salvation. Some
' of them therefore believed that Jesus is the Christ.
And many of the chief men also believing, there was a
'disturbance among the Jews, and among the scribes and
pharisees, who said there was danger, lest all the people
"should think Jesus to be the Christ. Coming therefore to
James, they said, we beseech thee to restrain the error of the
6
r
Διαδέχεται δε την εκκλησίαν μετα των αποτολων ο αδελφος τε Κυρις Ιακωβος,
K. λ. p. 603. C. D.
επυνθάνοντο αυτε, τις ή θυρα τε Ιησε; και έλεγε τετον είναι τον
Ewrnpa. Le Clerc, in his observations upon this passage of Hegesippus, says,
he does not understand those words, what is the gate of Jesus.' And, per-
haps, the place has been corrupted. Tig n Oupa T8 Inσ8; quod quid sibi velit,
non intelligo. Sed forte locus est corruptus. H. E. p. 416. Ann. lxii. Mr.
Mosheim thinks, with great probability, that the question put to James was,
• What is the gate, or way of salvation? Tell us, how we may obtain eternal
life.' James answered, The gate of salvation is our Saviour Jesus Christ.'
Vitium vero ejus non in vocabulo Ovpa, sed potius in nomine Inos quæri
debere censeo. Judæi, quod manifestum est, sciscitantur sententiam Jacobi
de viâ seu de ostio salutis, id est, de verâ ratione ad salutem æternam perve-
niendi. Nullus ergo dubito, quin patrio sermone, quo utebantur, vocabulum
Jeschuah adhibuerint, atque ex Jacobo quæsiverint: Dic, rogamus, nobis,
quodnam tibi videatur esse salutis ostium.--Græcus quæstionis hujus inter-
pres vero, aut sermonis non nimis gnarus, aut minus attentus, nomen proprium
Servatoris nostri, Jesus, cernere se putabat, et perperam idcirco, quum owτŋpia
ponendum ipsi fuisset: Τις ἡ θυρα της σωτηρίας, vocabulum Ιησε scribebat:
Tɩç ǹ Oupa Inos; Ita si Judæorum quæstio intelligatur, nihil fieri aptius potest
responsione Jacobi: Ostium salutis est Servator noster, Jesus Christus.'
Moshem. De Reb. Christianor. ante Constantin. Sec. prim. num. 23. p. 95.
176
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'people. We entreat thee to persuade all that come hither
' at the time of passover to think rightly concerning Jesus.
For all the people, and all of us put confidence in thee.
'
t
Stand therefore upon the battlement of the temple,
'that, being placed on high, thou mayest be conspicuous,
and thy words may be easily heard by all the people.
For because of the passover, all the tribes be come hither,
and many gentiles. Therefore the scribes and pharisees,
before named, placed James upon the battlement of the
⚫ temple, and cried out to him, and said, O Justus, whom
we ought all to believe, since the people are in an
error, following Jesus who was crucified, tell us what
is the gate of Jesus. And he answered with a loud
' voice, Why do you ask me concerning the Son of man: he
even sitteth in the heaven, at the right hand of the great
power, and will come in the clouds of heaven. And many
were fully satisfied, and well pleased with the testimony
' of James, saying, Hosanna to the Son of David. But the
'same scribes and pharisees said to one another, We have
'done wrong in procuring such a testimony to Jesus.
Let us go up, and throw him down, that the people may
' be terrified from giving credit to him. And they went
' up presently, and cast him down, and said, Let us stone
James the Just. And they began to stone him, because he
" was not killed with the fall. But he turning himself,
kneeled, saying, I entreat thee, O Lord God the Father,
forgive them: for they know not what they do. As they
were stoning him, one said, Give over : what do ye? The
for
'just man prays
you. And one of them, a fuller,
'took a pole, which was used to beat cloths with, and struck
him on the head. Thus his martyrdom was completed.
And they buried him in that place, and his monument
'still remains near the temple. This James was a true
'witness to Jews and Gentiles, that Jesus is the Christ.
And soon after Judea was invaded by Vespasian and the
people were carried captive.' So writes Hegesippus at
large agreeably to Clement. For certain, James was an
excellent man, and much esteemed by many for his virtue:
'insomuch that the most thoughtful men among the Jews
'were of opinion, that his death was the cause of the siege
of Jerusalem, which followed soon after his martyrdom:
' and that it was owing to nothing else, but the wickedness
6
6
t See before, note s.
u
" Και λαβων τις απ' αυτων, είς των
γραφεων, το ξυλον εν ώ απεπιεζε τα ίματια, ηνεγκε κατα της κεφαλης τε
Sirais. Ib. p. 65. B.
St. James the Lord's Brother.
177
V
""
committed against him. And Josephus says the same
in these words:' These things befell the Jews in vindica-
⚫tion of James the Just, who was brother of Jesus, called
the Christ. For the Jews killed him, who was a most
'righteous man.' "The same historian, in the twentieth
'book of his antiquities, relates his death in this manner.'
The emperor being informed of the death of Festus, sent
Albinus to be prefect in Judea. But the younger Ananus,
'who, as we said before, was made high priest, was haughty
in his behaviour, and very enterprizing. And moreover
he was of the sect of the Sadducees, who, as we have also
'observed before, are above all other Jews severe in their
'judicial sentences. This then being the temper of Ananus,
he thinking he had a fit opportunity, because Festus was
'dead, and Albinus was yet upon the road, calls a council.
And bringing before them James, the brother of him who
is called Christ, and some others, he accused them as
transgressors of the laws, and had them stoned to death.
'But the most moderate men of the city, who also were
reckoned most skilful in the laws, were offended at this pro-
'ceeding. They therefore sent privately to the king, [Agrippa
'the younger,] entreating him to send orders to Ananus, no
more to attempt any such things. And some went away
'to meet Albinus, who was coming from Alexandria, and
put him in mind, that Ananus had no right to call a
'council without his leave. Albinus, approving of what
they said, wrote a very angry letter to Ananus, threatening
to punish him for what he had done. And king Agrippa
'took away from him the priesthood, after he had enjoyed it
'three months, and put in Jesus, the son of Damnæus.'
"These are the things which are related of James, whose
' is the first of the epistles called catholic."
<
Thus I have given a literal version of almost the whole
of this chapter, being desirous that my readers should see
the accounts which ancient writers have given of James:
though they are not altogether so credible, nor so entertain-
ing, as might have been wished. Nor do they any where
lie in better order than here. And therefore I have chosen
this chapter. The same things are transcribed by Jerom
from Eusebius, in his chapter of James the Just, in his cata-
logue of ecclesiastical writers: but very inaccurately, blend-
ing together Hegesippus, and Clement, and Josephus so
* Ο γεν Ιώσηπος εκ απώκνησε και τετ' εγγράφως επιμαρτυρεσθαι, δι' ὧν
φησι λεξεων Ταυτα δε συμβεβηκεν Ιεδαίοις κατ' εκδικησιν Ιακωβε το δίκαιο, ὡς
ην αδελφος Ιησε το λεγόμενο Χριςε επειδηπερ δικαιότατον αυτον οντα οἱ Ιεδαίοι
aterteivav. Ib. p. 65. D.
απεκτειναν.
VOL. VI.
N
178
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
that, without comparing Eusebius, it could not be known
what belongs to one, and what to the other. For which,
I think, he deserves to be censured. Nor could I pass it
by without notice, as an use may be made of it. For it
may induce us to suspect, that to such carelessness and inac-
curacy of quotation we owe those passages of Josephus, in
which he is said to have assigned the death of James as the
sole cause of the ruin of the Jewish people.
And now I proceed to make some remarks upon the
chapter of Eusebius, and the passages therein quoted by
him.
1. In the first place, it appears from Eusebius's introduc-
tion, at the beginning of the chapter, that he supposed the
martyrdom of St. James to have happened at a time when
there was no Roman governor in Judea, after the death of
Festus, and before the arrival of Albinus in the province.
What reason he had for this we do not certainly know. We
do not observe any notice of that circumstance in what he
has transcribed from Hegesippus. It is indeed expressly
said in the passage of Josephus. But if that passage be the
only foundation for the opinion, its authority may be ques-
tioned. For divers learned men have suspected the genu-
ineness of that part of the passage, which speaks of the
death of James. As will be shown more particularly by
and by.
*
2. Upon the first quotation, which is from Hegesippus,
it is easy for any one to observe, that there are in it many
things very unlikely: as that James should live in the
manner here represented, and particularly, that he should
eat no animal food that he had a right to enter into the
holy place when he pleased, whether thereby be understood
the holy of holies, or only the temple: that the scribes and
X
* Et Jacobus Justus, ecclesiæ Hierosolymitanæ antistes, quem misere truci-
dârunt: quod ipse Josephus paucis, copiosius Hegesippus apud Eusebium
memoriæ prodidit; quamquam in narratione hujus multa sunt, quibus nemo,
nisi rerum veterum et christianarum et Judaïcarum prorsus ignarus, fidem
habeat. Moshem. De Reb. Christian. ante Constantin. Sect. i. sect. xxiii.
p. 93.
Hic ab utero matris sanctus fuit:' Nazireatûs
nempe voto Deo consecratus, ut sequentia ostendunt. Nec fieri hoc potuisse
negârim. Nec vinum unquam bibit, nec siceram.' Ita debuit, si Naziræus
fuit. Ab animantium carnibus abstinuit.' Hoc vero Pythagoricum et
superstitiosum fuit institutum, de quo nihil in Mosaïcâ lege, et cujus reum
fuisse Jacobum, etiam postquam christianus factus est, vix credibile fit.
"Comam nunquam totondit.' Recte, atque ordine. Sic enim Lex jubet.
Num, vi. 3-5. Neque ungi, neque lavare balneo corpus unquam solitus.'
Non tantum præter, sed et contra legem hoc fuit, quâ multæ ablutiones
Judæis impositæ. Nec certe sordes quæsitæ quidquam ad sanctitatem
faciunt. Cleric. Hist. Ec. Ann. lxii. not. 2. p. 415.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
179
:
pharisees should place him on a pinnacle, or battlement of
the temple, to deliver his opinion to the people concerning
Jesus: ibat they should throw him down thence, and kill
him in the temple, or any of the courts of it: that they
should bury him near the place in which he is here said
to have been killed when the Jews, and all other people in
those times, usually buried their dead without the walls
of their cities: and, finally, that he should have a monument,
or pillar over him, near the place where he was buried,
which remained to the time of Hegesippus, after the war
was over, and the city of Jerusalem and the temple had
been overthrown. Concerning which last particular, Jerom,
in the catalogue above mentioned, says, "Hey was buried
'near the temple, where he had been thrown down. He
had a conspicuous monument, till the siege of Titus, and
'that since by Adrian. Some of our people have thought
that he was buried on mount Olivet. But that is a mis-
'taken opinion.' So that even in Judea there were dif-
ferent opinions concerning the place were James was
buried. Nevertheless, I presume, all were persuaded that
he had suffered martyrdom from the Jews at Jerusalem.
There was no different sentiment about that.
However, this difference of opinion concerning the place
where St. James was buried, deserves our notice; for it
may lead us to suspect some mistake in the account of
Hegesippus. Possibly, St. James was buried in mount
Olivet, though there was a pillar erected near the place
where he was killed. I think this may be of use to remove
some difficulties in the account of Hegesippus. The pillar,
which he saw, might be erected, after the siege of Jerusa-
lem, by some who remembered the place where St. James
had been killed. And some from that monument might
conclude he had been buried there, though really he was
not.
Z
I have made some remarks upon the passage of Hege-
sippus. A fuller critique may be seen in other writers:
partly aggravating the improbabilities of this account, partly
softening them, and striving to remove difficulties.
cordingly Petavius says, that a though there are in it
y
Ac-
et juxta templum, ubi et præcipitatus fuerat, sepultus est. Titulum
usque ad obsidionem Titi, et ultimam Hadriani notissimum habuit. Quidam
e nostris in monte Oliveti eum putaverunt conditum; sed falsa corum opinio
est. De V. I. cap. 2.
z Vid. Joseph. Scaliger. Animadvers. in
Euseb. Chron. p. 193, 194. J. Cleric. Hist. Ec. A. D. lxii. Petav. Animadvers.
ad Epiphan. Hær. lxxviii. Vales. Annot. in Euseb. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. et
Tillemont, S. Jacque le Mineur, Mem. Ec. tom. I. Basnag. Ann. 33. num.
184, &c.
Nec diffiteor nonnulla vel ab Hegesippo prodita,
a
N 2
180
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'several things very unlikely, yet the whole history ought
'not therefore to be rejected. To whom I am not unwilling
to accede. But as I have not room to enlarge upon parti-
culars, for showing the reasonableness of that judgment,
I must be content with recommending a careful and impar-
tial attention to the observations of the writers to whom I
have referred. However, I may by and by have an oppor-
tunity to mention a few thoughts, beside what I have al-
ready said, for removing difficulties and answering objec-
tions.
3. Eusebius says, that many thoughtful men among
'the Jews were of opinion, that the death of James was the
'cause of the siege of Jerusalem, and that it was owing
'to nothing else but the wickedness committed against him,
and that Josephus says the same.”
C
Origen speaks to the like purpose, as we have seen: but
not quite so strongly. The same is said by Jerom more
than once.
I mean in his book of Illustrious Men, and c
also elsewhere. But neither he nor Eusebius expressly
say, in what place of Josephus. Which may make us
think that they borrowed this from Origen. Nor does
Origen inform us in what work of Josephus those things
were said, though he has mentioned them several times.
Which may dispose us to think that they were no where
expressly in Josephus.
4. Eusebius proceeds, and says, that in the twentieth
book of his Antiquities, Josephus had related the death of
James, in a passage which he there transcribes. Which
passage is still in the works of Josephus. And what is
there said, may be very true, for the most part: that d
'Ananus the younger, being high-priest, and a man of an
•
vel ab aliis inserta, quæ parum probabilia videantur. Sed totam ipsam histo-
riam nego propterea damnandam esse. Petav. Animadv. ad Epiph. H. 78. n.
iii. p. 332.
b Tradit enim Josephus,
tantæ eum sanctitatis fuisse et celebritatis in populo, ut propter ejus necem
creditum sit, subversam Hierosolymam. De V. I. cap. 2. Vid. et
cap. 13.
• Transeamus ad Jacobum, qui frater Domini dicebatur,
tantæ sanctitatis, tantæque justitiæ, et perpetuæ virginitatis, ut Josephus
quoque historicus Judæorum propter hujus necem Jerosolymam subversam
referat. Hic primus episcopus ex Judæis Jerosolymæ credentis ecclesiæ.
Adv. Jovin. 1. 1. T. IV. P. 2. p. 182. in.
d Facile quidem crediderim Jerosolymitanos proceres graviter tulisse, quod
synedrium suâ auctoritate instituisset, cum dudum jus gladii a Romanis Judæis
esset ereptum: quod iterum inconsulto Cæsare ab Anano usurpatum timebant,
ne genti suæ gravi fortasse pœnâ luendum esset. Sed quæ de Jacobo, Jesu, qui
Christus dicebatur, fratre, habentur, merum adsumentum male feriati christiani
esse videntur: quâ de re alibi diximus. Cleric. ubi supr. sect. ii. p. 415. Conf.
ejusd. Ars Crit. part III. sect. i. cap. 14. num. xi.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
181
"
haughty and enterprizing temper, when there was no
Roman governor in Judea, convened a council, and had
some stoned to death, as transgressors of the laws; and
that many of the most discreet and moderate men among
the Jews were offended at this proceeding: forasmuch as
' whilst Judea was in the state of a province, the high-priest
had no right to call the council together, without leave,
and they feared that this action would be resented by the
' emperor.' All this, I say, is very likely. Nevertheless
those words, "James the brother of him who is called
Christ," have been suspected to be an interpolation. And
probably are so. Supposing those words to be an inter-
polation, we can gather no more from that passage, than
that Ananus did illegally condemn several persons to death,
as transgressors of the Jewish laws. But who they were,
or whether any of them were christians, or not, cannot be
determined with certainty.
e
5. Eusebius supposeth, that this passage of Josephus con-
firms the account given by Hegesippus: whereas it
appears, on the other hand, very difficult to reconcile them.
I do not perceive Hegesippus to say any thing of Ananus, the
high-priest. Nor has he expressly mentioned the Sad-
ducees, of which sect Ananus was. Nor does Hegesippus
say a word of the council of the Jews. And as the punish-
ment of stoning, when ordered by magistrates, was gene-
rally inflicted on men out of the city, it is probable, that
they who were put to death by the procurement of Ananus,
suffered without Jerusalem. But according to Hegesippus,
James died at the temple, or near it, and was buried not far
off from the place where he expired.
6. Since what is said of James in the passage of
Josephus, is justly suspected to be an interpolation, it
ought not to be regarded. Learned men of late times
e See Vol. i. p. 83, 84. See here likewise, noted.
f See Dr. Benson's History of St. James, sect. ii. p. 12. the second edition.
8 Quid magis contrarium esse potest, quam hæc Josephi, et illa Hegesippi
narratio? Nam Josephus quidem damnatum esse scribit in publico Judæorum
concilio; Hegesippus vero, per seditionem ac tumultum populi occisum.
Et Hegesippus quidem fuste fullonis necatum in mediâ urbe, Josephus autem
lapidatum occubuisse narrat. Fiebat autem lapidatio extra portas civitatis,
ut notum est. Vales. Annot. ad Euseb. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 41.
Secundo, qui fidem habent narrationi Hegesippi, eos oportet, aut Josephum
falsi arguere, aut suspectum habere hunc locum, quo res publice Jerosolymæ
gesta, adeoque notissima, aliter narratur; ut mirari subeat, ab Eusebio Josephi
et Hegesippi verba allata, eodem capite, nec eum tentasse ea in concordiam
redigere, aut alterutrius narrationis fidem in dubium non revocâsse. Cleric.
Ars Crit. P. III. sect. i. n. xii.
182
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
find it very difficult to determine how James died.
But that difficulty, as seems to me, is much increased by
paying too much regard to a passage, the genuineness of
which is far from being certain. Josephus indeed is an
older author than Hegesippus, and he is an historian of good
credit. But we should be first assured that the account is
his. If a passage, or part of a passage, has been inserted
in his works, and there is good reason to think it not his, it
should be disregarded, and stand for nothing.
If we once set aside that passage, we may soon come to
a determination concerning the manner of James's death.
That James bad suffered martyrdom at Jerusalem, was the
general persuasion of christians in the time of Eusebius, and
before, as we plainly perceive. Two ancient christian wri-
ters of the second century assure us, that his death was
completed by the blow of a fuller's pole, with which they
are wont to beat wet clothes. And Hegesippus, in particu-
lar, and at large, relates that his death was effected in a
tumultuous manner. The tumult began at the temple;
where the scribes, and pharisees, and other Jews, entered
into discourse with James. He, standing upon some emi-
nence, which Hegesippus calls TTEPUYLOV, and we now
generally render a battlement, or pinnacle, openly declared
and argued, that Jesus was the Christ, or the expected
Messiah, and that his doctrine contained full instruction
how men may be saved and obtain eternal life. At which
some leading men among the Jews were much offended.
They then laid hold of him, and perhaps dragged him out
of the temple. Some of the people threw stones at him.
And though he earnestly prayed to God in the behalf of
those who abused him, they persisted in their abuses, till
one struck him with a long pole, which put an end to his
life.
πτερύγιον,
St. John has recorded two instances of the Jews taking
up stones to throw at our Lord, when he was teaching in the
temple, ch. viii. 59, and ch. x. 31. The first is in these
words: "Then took they up stones to cast at him. But
Jesus hid himself, and went out of the temple, going through
the midst of them, and so passed by. They took up stones
to cast at him.” And if our Lord had not saved himself by
a miraculous exertion of power, they would have then killed
him. Divine Providence not interposing in a like manner,
when a like attempt was made upon James, he fell a sacri-
h Potest tamen fieri, ut Jacobus hoc tempore mortuus sit.
mortis ignotum. Cleric. H. E. Ann. Ixii. num. iii. in.
+
Sed genus
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
183
fice to the rage of the unbelieving part of the Jewish peo-
ple at Jerusalem.
Nor ought it to be thought exceeding strange, or abso-
lutely unaccountable, that some scribes and pharisees, or
other Jews, should gather about James at the temple, and
ask his opinion concerning Jesus, though they knew it very
well already or that they should come to him with pre-
tences of great respect, and assurances of paying a regard
to his judgment. For many like things are recorded in the
gospels: which every one is able to recollect. I shall
therefore take particular notice only of that second instance,
mentioned by St. John, of their taking up stones to throw
at our Lord, John x. 22—31," And it was at Jerusalem, the
feast of the dedication". And "Jesus walked in the
temple in Solomon's porch. Then came the Jews round
about him, and said unto him: How long dost thou make us
to doubt? If thou be the Christ, tell us plainly. Jesus
answered them: I told you, and ye believed not. The
works that I do in my Father's name, they bear witness of
me. Then the Jews took up stones again to stone him."
They came to Jesus, and desired an answer to a question
that had been answered before. But they pretend now to
desire it should be answered in the plainest and fullest man-
ner. Nevertheless they could not hear the answer with
patience.
I said just now, that two ancient writers of the second
century, Clement and Hegesippus, assure us, that the death
of James had been completed by a fuller's pole, after he
had been thrown off from the temple. I suppose this must
have been the opinion also of Eusebius, who has taken
notice of these things, and of other ancient christians. It is
the account which Jerom gives of the death of James, in
his article, in the book of Illustrious Men, and likewise k
elsewhere. The same is said by¹ Epiphanius.
i
Let this suffice for the circumstances and the manner of the
death of James.
VI. The time of the death of James may be determined
without much difficulty. He was alive when Paul came to
Jerusalem at the Pentecost, in the year of Christ 58. And it
i Qui cum præcipitatus de pinnâ templi, confractis cruribus, adhuc semi-
vivus――fullonis fuste, quo uda vestimenta extorqueri solent, in cerebro
percussus, interiit. De V. I. cap. 2.
k Hic autem Jacobus episcopus Jerosolymorum primus fuit, cognomento
Justus: qui et ipse postea de templo a Judæis præcipitatus, successorem
habuit Simonem, &c. Comm. in ep. ad Gal. cap. i. T. IV. p. 237.
Hær. 78. num. xiv. p. 1046.
.
184
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
is likely that he was dead when St. Paul wrote the epistle
to the Hebrews, at the beginning of the year 63. Theodo-
ret,m upon Hebr. xiii. 7, supposeth the apostle there to refer
to the martyrdoms of Stephen, James the brother of John,
and James the Just. According to Hegesippus the death of
James happened about the time of the passover, which might
be that of the year 62. And if Festus was then dead, and
Albinus not arrived, the province was without a governor.
Such a season left the Jews at liberty to gratify their licen-
tious and turbulent disposition. And they were very likely
to embrace it. We may therefore very reasonably place this
event at that juncture.
0
፡
And it is now the general opinion of learned men, that
James died about that time. Pearson," who seems to admit
the genuineness of the whole passage of Josephus, placeth
the death of James in the year 62. Him Mill follows. Le
Clerc, who disputes the genuineness of those words that
relate to James, allows that he might die about that time.
This also is agreeable to Tillemont's computation. And I
refer to Valesius.
r
q
VII. It still remains that we consider on what account
he was called the Lord's brother, and whether he be the
same as James the Son of Alpheus.
James, as we have seen, is called by St. Paul" the Lord's
brother," Gal. i. 19. All christian writers in general speak
of him in the like manner. The question is, in what sense
he was so.
That James was not the son of Mary, or our Lord's
brother by nature, has been well argued by christians in
former times, both Latins and Greeks, from our Lord's
words upon the cross, recorded John xix. 26, 27, where he
m Theod. tom. III. p. 459.
0
Prolegom. num. 56.
1 S. Jacque le Mineur, art. vii. in.
t
n Ann. Paulin. p. 19. A. Chr. lxii.
P H. E. An. 62. num. iii.
Vales. Annot. ad Euseb. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 41.
› Verum homines pravissimi hinc præsumunt opinioni suæ auctoritatem,
quod plures Dominum nostrum fratres habuisse sit traditum. Qui si Mariæ
filii fuissent, et non potius Josephi ex priore conjugio suscepti, nunquam in
tempore passionis Joanni Apostolo transcripta esset in matrem, Domino ad
utrumque dicente, Mulier, ecce filius tuus, et Joanni, Ecce mater tua; nisi
quod desolatæ solatium caritatem filii in discipulo relinquebat. Hilar. Pict.
Comm. in Matt. cap. i. p. 612. Ed. Bened.
t El ησαν δε τεκνα τη Μαρια, και ει ύπηρχεν αυτή ανηρ, τινι λογῳ παρεδιδε
την Μαρίαν τῳ Ιωαννη, και τον Ιωαννην τη Μαρια; Epiph. Hær. 78.
num. x. p. 1042. C.
Ει γαρ εγνω αυτην, και εν ταξει γυναικος ειχε, πως ως απροςατευτον αυτην,
και εδενα εχεσαν, τῳ μαθητη παρατιθεται, και κελευει αυτῷ εις τα ιδια αυτην
λaßɛw; Chrysost. in Matt. hom. 5. T. VII. p. 77.
St. James, the Lord's Brot er.
185
•
recommends the care of his mother to John: requiring her
to consider him as her sou, and him to take care of her, as
his mother.
And indeed it has been the opinion of all christians in
general, that Mary was always a virgin, and that she never
had any children by Joseph. We must therefore inquire in
what respect this James was our Lord's brother, and some
others his brothers, or sisters.
6
Eusebius, in a chapter quoted some while ago, the first of
the second book of his ecclesiastical history, without hesita-
tion says, that "James was said to be the Lord's brother,
because he also was called the son of Joseph. And Joseph
was reckoned his father, because the virgin Mary was es-
poused to him.'
W
Origen in a passage also cited above, says, that the
brethren of Jesus were the sons of Joseph by a former wife,
who had cohabited with him before Mary. And he men-
tions it as supported by an ancient tradition. This was the
opinion * of Epiphanius, and of many y ancient writers, both
Greeks and Latins.
X
Z
Jerom, in his article of this person, in his Catalogue of
Ecclesiastical Writers, says: James, who is called the
• Lord's brother, surnamed the Just, was as some think,
'the son of Joseph by another wife, but, as seems to me,
'the son of Mary, sister to our Lord's mother, mentioned by
'John in his gospel, John xix. 25.' And in his book against
Helvidius he delivers it as his opinion, that those called
our Lord's brethren in the gospels, were so named, as they
were cousins, or relations. He speaks to the like purpose
also bin his commentary upon Matth. xii. 49, 50.
u
" Τοτε δη και Ιακωβον, τον τε Κυριε λεγομενον αδελφον, ότι δη και οὗτος
Ιωσηφ ωνόμαζο παις τε δε Χρισε πατηρ ὁ Ιωσηφ, φ μνηςευθεισα ἡ παρθενος,
K. λ. L. 2. c. 1. p. 38. B.
▾ In Matt. T. X. p. 462, 463. T. III. Bened. P. 223. tom. I. Huet.
w See before, p. 172.
X
Epiph. Hær. 29. n. iii. et iv. Hær.
51. num. x. Hær. 78. num. viii. et ix. Ancorat. num. lx. p. 62.
y Greg. Nyssen. de Christi Resur. Or. 2. tom. III. p. 412, 413. Chrysost.
in Matt. hom. 5. tom. VII. p. 77. C. Theophyl. in Gal. i. 19. p. 448.
Niceph. Call. 1. 2. cap. 3. in Hilar. Pictav. Comm. in Matt. cap. i. p. 612. ed.
Bened. Ambros. de Instit. Virg. cap. vi. T. II. p. 260. Bened. Ambrosiastri
Comment. in Gal. i. 19. ap. Ambros. in App. T. II. p. 213.
z Jacobus, qui appellatur frater Domini, cognomento Justus, ut nonnulli
existimant, Joseph ex aliâ uxore, ut mihi videtur, Mariæ sororis matris Domini,
cujus Joannes in libro suo meminit, filius. De V. I. cap. 2.
Restat igitur, ut, juxta superiorem expositionem, fratres eos intelligas
appellatos, cognatione, non affectu, non gentis privilegio, non naturâ; quo-
modo Lot Abrahæ, quomodo Jacob Laban est appellatus frater, &c. Adv.
Helvid. T. IV. P. 2. p. 140.
Quidam fratres Domini de aliâ uxore Joseph filios suspicantur, sequentes
186
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
6
C
This opinion was at length embraced by Augustine. In
his exposition of the epistle to the Galatians, written about
the year 394, he speaks dubiously, saying, that James
was the Lord's brother, as he was the son of Joseph by a
'former wife, or else as he was related to his mother Mary.'
But in works written afterwards, he continually says,
that d our Lord's brethren were relations of his mother
Mary.
In-
The former, as appears from the authors just cited, was
the more ancient opinion. Nor does Jerom allege any
before him who held the opinion mentioned as his own.
deed he seems to have been the first who said that our
Lord's brethren were the sons of Mary, his mother's
sister, and therefore only cousins or relations. But
when he advanced this notion, he was inclined to think
Joseph also a virgin. As has been well observed by £ G. J.
Vossius.
e
f
However Jerom's opinion has prevailed very much of
late. I suppose it may be that of the Romanists in gene-
ral. It was also the opinion of Lightfoot. It is likewise
h
deliramenta apocryphorum, et quandam Mescham vel Escham mulierculam
confingentes. Nos autem, sicut in libro, quem contra Helvidium scripsimus,
continetur, non filios Joseph, sed consobrinos Salvatoris, Mariæ liberos, intel-
ligimus, materteræ Domini; quæ esse dicitur mater Jacobi minoris, et Joseph,
et Judæ; quos in alio Evangelii loco fratres Domini legimus appellatos.
Fratres autem consobrinos dici omnis scriptura demonstrat. In Matt. cap.
xii. T. IV. p. 53.
c Jacobus Domini frater, vel ex filiis Joseph de aliâ uxore, vel ex cogna-
tione Mariæ matris ejus debet intelligi. Aug. Expos. ep. ad Gal. cap. i. et
ii. num. viii. tom. III. P. 2.
d Fratres ejus sic accipite, sicut nôstis. Non enim novum est, quod auditis.
Consanguinei virginis Mariæ fratres Domini dicebantur. Scriptura tamen
hujusmodi cognationes fratres appellat. Nam Abraham et Lot fratres sunt
dicti, cum esset Abraham patruus Lot: et Laban et Jacob fratres sunt dicti,
cum esset Laban avunculus Jacob, &c. In Joan. Tract. 28. num. iii. tom.
III. P. 2. Vid. ibid. in Matt. Qu. xvii. et in Joan. Tr. x.
Et Lot frater Abrahæ dicitur, cum patruus ejus esset Abraham. Ex quâ
vocabuli consuetudine etiam fratres Domini vocantur in Evangelio, non
utique quos Maria virgo pepererat, sed ejus consanguinitate omnes propinqui.
Contr. Faust. 1. 22. cap. 35. T. VIII.
e Tu dicis, Mariam virginem non permansisse. Ego mihi plus vindico,
etiam ipsum Joseph virginem fuisse per Mariam, ut ex virginitatis conjugio
virgo filius nasceretur. Adv. Helvid. tom. IV. p. 142. in.
Et sane, qui Josephum putaret non habuisse uxorem, antequam B. Mariam
duceret, ante B. Hieronymum arbitror fuisse neminem; utcumque posterioribus
temporibus, in virginitate extollendâ immodicis, avide multi eam fuerint senten-
tiam amplexi. Vos. de Gen. Christi, cap. vi.
Vid. Baron. in Apparatu, num. Ixi. &c. Est. ad Gal. cap. i. 19. et alibi.
Tillem. S. Jacque le Mineur, Art. i. et ii.
↳ See Lightfoot's Works, Vol. I. p. 270, 541, 660.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
187
i
k
¹
embraced by Witsius, and Lampe, and many other pro-
testants. But Valesius, among the Romanists, in his anno-
tations upon the above-cited chapter of Eusebius, says, he m
thinks that James was the son of Joseph by a former wife.
The same opinion has been asserted by several among the
protestants, G. J. Vossius, and Basnage, and P Cave, in
his Lives of the Apostles written in English. Nor does it
appear that he had abandoned his first judgment, when a
he wrote his Historia Literaria.
n
0
I likewise have for a long time been much inclined to the
At quamvis Eusebius, Epiphanius, Gregorius Nyssenus, plurimique
veterum, in eamdem concesserint sententiam, non videtur mihi ea probabilibus
niti argumentis. Rectius Hieronymo accedemus, arbitranti eos, qui Domini
fratres dicuntur, fuisse ejus consobrinos, loquendi genere etiam Græcis et
Romanis noto. Wits. Comm. in ep. Jud. sect. 4. p. 454.
k Erat hic frater Jacobi minoris. -Quare fuit consobrinus Christi secun-
dum carnem, natus ex Mariâ, uxore Cleophæ, seu Alphæi, quæ soror erat
Mariæ Matris Domini. Lampe, in Evang. Joan. cap. xiv. 22. T. III. p. 167.
1 Fabr. Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap. 5. n. xi. T. III. p. 165. And see L'Enfant et
Beausobre, sur Gal. i. 19. et la preface sur l'epitre de S. Jacques. Dr. Benson
in his preface to the epistle of St. James, sect. ii. Doddridge in his preface to
the same epistle.
Ait igitur Eusebius, Jacobum, qui in
Evangelio et epistolâ Pauli frater Domini dicitur, filium fuisse Josephi ex
aliâ conjuge, quam Josephus ante Mariam sibi sociaverat. Cum Eusebio
consentit Epiphanius Gregorius Nyssenussed Hieronymus, in libro de
Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis Jacobum hunc idcirco fratrem Domini appellatum
esse existimat, quod filius esset Mariæ sororis matris Domini.
Multa qui-
dem de hoc argumento disseruit Baronius in Annalibus. Mihi tamen verior
videtur opinio eorum, qui Jacobum, et reliquos Domini fratres, Josephi ex
priore matrimonio filios esse dicunt. Hæc enim sententia magis convenit
verbis Evangelii. Vales. Annot. ad Euseb. 1. 2. cap. 1.
Fuit enim Jacobus filius Josephi, ac proinde oriundus ex stirpe David. Id.
in Annot. ad. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 40.
n Voss. de Gen. J. C. cap. vi.
Basnag. ann. ante Christ. 6. num. xxviii. et xxix.
P He was the son (as we may probably conjecture) of Joseph, afterwards
• husband to the blessed virgin, and his first wife. Hence reputed our Lord's
brother, in the same sense, that he was reputed the son of Joseph.-—Jerom,
• and some others, will have Christ's brethren so called, because sons of
Mary, cousin-german, or, according to the custom of the Hebrew language,
'sister to the virgin Mary. But Eusebius, Epiphanius, and the far greater
part of the ancients (from whom, especially in matters of fact, we are not
rashly to depart) make them the children of Joseph by a former wife. And
this seems most genuine and natural, the evangelists seeming very express and
• accurate in the account which they give of them. "Is not this the car-
penter's son? Is not his mother called Mary? and his brethren, James, and
Joses, and Simon, and Jude ?——Matt. xiii. 55, 56. By which it is plain,
that the Jews understood these persons not to be Christ's kinsmen only, but
'his brothers, the same carpenter's sons, having the same relation to him that
Christ himself had: though they indeed had more. Christ being but his
reputed, they his natural sons.' And what follows.
And what follows. The Life of James the
Less, num. 2.
9 S. Jacobus apostolus minor dictus,
cognomento Justus, frater Domini, Josephi utpote ex priori conjuge, seu, ut
Hieronymo placet, Mariæ sororis matris Domini filius. Hist. Lit. tom. I. p. 14.
188
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
same opinion; and have composed an argument upon the
question. But I have laid it aside, supposing it to be rather
too prolix, and too intricate, to be inserted in this place.
And after all, perhaps, some may think that the argument
does not afford a complete solution of all difficulties and
objections.
I therefore enter not at present into any
dispute about it, but leave every one to judge as he sees
good.
VIII. Whether James was the son of Joseph by a former
wife, or the son of Mary, wife of Cleophas, sister to Mary
our Lord's mother, or otherwise nearly related to her, he
was an apostle. I think it was clearly proved at the begin-
ning of this chapter from the New Testament, that James,
called " the Lord's brother," was an apostle in the highest
acceptation of the word. Consequently, he must be James
the son of Alpheus, or Cleophas. For those names seem to
be one differently written.
r
But how he was so is made out differently. They who
say that those called our Lord's brethren were sons of Cleo-
phas, husband of Mary, related to our Lord's mother, seem
to have here no difficulty. But they who suppose our
Lord's brethren to have been sons of Joseph by a former
wife, are somewhat embarrassed. However, I just observe,
that the account, given by Epiphanius, is this. Cleophas
and Joseph were brothers. The former died without issue,
and Joseph raised up seed to his brother. Accordingly,
James being the first-born of Joseph, was called the son
of Cleophas. In like manner speaks Theophylact.
But, as before said, I do not now form any debate about
this.
S
t
That James, called our Lord's brother, is the same as he,
who in the catalogues of the apostles is called the "son of
Alpheus," or "Cleophas," is allowed by Epiphanius, Chry-
sostom, and Theophylact. Epiphanius says, that James,
by nature the son of Joseph, who was called the Lord's
brother, and was an apostle, was appointed the first bishop
of Jerusalem. Chrysostom, in his comment upon Gal. i. 19,
says, that Paul calls James the Lord's brother, giving
6
t
r Vid. Epiph. Hær. 29. n. iii. iv. H. 51. n. x. H. 78. num. vii. viii. ix. et
Ancorat. num. lx.
S Πως δε
ην τε Κλοπα; Ακ ε Κλοπας
και Ιωσηφ αδελφοι. Τε Κλοπα απαιδος τελευτησαντος, ὁ Ιωσηφ εξανέςησεν
αυτή σπερμα, και έτεκε τέτον, και τις αλλες αυτε αδελφες, κ. λ. Theoph. in
Gal. i. 19.
—καταςαθεντος ευθυς Ιακωβ τε αδελφε Κυρι
καλεμενο και αποςολε επίσκοπε πρωτε υἱε Ιωσηφ φύσει οντος, κ. λ. Hær. 29.
" Ει γαρ σημαναι ὁν ελεγεν ηθελεν, ενην και εξ έτερο
γνωρίσματος τετο ποιησαι δηλον, και ειπειν τον τε Κλωπα, όπερ και ευαγγελισης
Eλɛyɛv. Chr. in Gal. cap. i. T. X. p. 678. E.
n. iii.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
189
6
' him that honourable appellation, when he might have said
"the son of Cleophas," as he is called in the gospels.'
Theophylact likewise says, that Paul calls him the Lord's
brother, by the way of an honourable distinction, when he
'might have called him the son of Cleophas. Nor was he
• the Lord's brother according to the flesh, but only thought
'to be so.' I mention no more ancient writers.
And that James, called the son of Alpheus in the cata-
logues of the apostles, was one of those who are called "the
Lord's brethren," I think, may be shown from the gospels,
by comparing several texts together.
In all the catalogues of the twelve apostles of Christ, the
four last mentioned are these. "James the son of Alpheus,
and Lebbeus, whose surname was Thaddeus, Simon the
Canaanite, and Judas Iscariot, who also betrayed him,"
Matth. x. 3, 4. "James the son of Alpheus, and Thaddeus,
and Simon the Canaanite, and Judas Iscariot, which also
betrayed him," Mark iii. 18, 19. "James the son of Al-
pheus, and Simon called Zelotes, and Judas the brother of
James, and Judas Iscariot, which was also the traitor,"
Luke vi. 15, 16. James the son of Alpheus, and Simon
Zelotes, and Judas the brother of James," Acts i. 13.
Let us now compare the texts in the gospels, where our
Lord's brethren are named. Matt. xiii. 55, "Is not this the
carpenter's son? Is not his mother called Mary? and his
brethren James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas ?" And
Mark vi. 3, " Is not this the carpenter, the son of Mary,
the brother of James, and of Joses, and of Judah, and
Simon ?"
All these, except Joses, seem to have been apostles. For
must not the three apostles, last mentioned before Judas
Iscariot, in the first catalogues, and the three last mention-
ed in the Acts, be three of the four called in the gospels our
Lord's brethren ?
And I should choose to translate the texts of St. Luke,
where the apostles are named, somewhat differently from
what is generally done, in this manner.
"James the son of
Alpheus, and Simon Zelotes, and Judas, brethren of James:
declaring, that both Simon and Judas were brethren of
James, the son of Alpheus, before named. A word must be
supplied. And the coherence leads me to think brethren
more proper than brother.
• Ειδε δε και Ιακωβον. Μετα τιμης δε και τετε μεμνηται, τον αδελφον τε
κυριε ειπων· ούτω και βασκανίας απηλλακτο καιτοι, ει ηβέλετο σημαναι, ειπεν
αν, τον τε Κλοπα εδε γαρ κατα σαρκα αδελφος ην τε κυριε, αλλ' ενομίζετο.
Theoph. in Gal. i. 19.
190
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
By all which we are led to conclude, that James, seve-
ral times mentioned in the Acts, and St. Paul's epistles, is
the same who in the catalogues of the apostles, is called
"James the son of Alpheus." For James, mentioned by
St. Paul, is called "the Lord's brother," and plainly ap-
pears to be an apostle. Consequently, he is "James the
son of Alpheus," mentioned in all the catalogues of the apos-
tles of Christ.
Wall, in his notes upon John vii. at the beginning, says,
These brethren and kinsfolk of our Lord, as they were
'but mean persons, so also they were some of the backward-
'est to believe in him.They that are most usually called
'his brethren were James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas.
6
6
<
-Two of these, James and Judas, some learned men
think to have been two of the apostles. And there were
'two apostles of those names that were brethren. But this
place, if they be of those that are meant in it, is a strong
argument against that opinion. For these brethren did
hardly yet believe in him; but the apostles did. This was
but half a year before he suffered.'
Upon which I would observe: when St. John says, ch.
vii. 5, "For neither did his brethren believe in him: he
does not intend to say that they had not faith in him. Gro-
tius's comment appears to me very right. • The meaning
is not that they did not believe at all; but that they did
'not believe as they should.'
W
Learned men are certainly in the right, when they say
that some of our Lord's brethren were apostles. And it
seems to me, that all those, who in the gospels are called
our Lord's brethren, had early and always an affection and
esteem for him. This may be perceived from several places
in the gospels, as Matt. xii. 46; Mark iii. 31; Luke viii.
19; See also John ii. 12. And in time they all believed in
him, and that rightly, as the Messiah. St. Luke, in the his-
tory of things after our Lord's ascension, Acts i. 13, 14,
having mentioned the names of the apostles, adds, "These
all continued with one accord in prayer and supplication,
with the women, and Mary the mother of Jesus, and with
his brethren." And St. Paul, 1 Cor. ix. 5, speaks of
"brethren of the Lord," not apostles, who laboured in
spreading the gospel in the world.
They of whom St. John speaks, had worldly views and
expectations. They were desirous, that Jesus, if he were
indeed the Messiah, should go to Jerusalem, and set up his
Kingdom in a glorious manner. Even after this, several who
" Non omnino, non ut oportebat. Grot. in loc.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
191
certainly were apostles, betrayed great ignorance, or weak
faith, or wrong apprehensions, by their discourses, and
questions put to our Saviour. Of Thomas, see John
xiv. 5. Of Philip, see ver. 8-11, and of Judas, ver. 22,
23.
Those brethren of our Lord proposed that he should
hasten to Jerusalem, to the feast of tabernacles, nigh at
hand. "Jesus said to them, my time is not yet come.
But your time is always ready. The world cannot hate
you. But me it hateth, because I testify of it, that the
works thereof are evil. Go ye up unto this feast. I go
not up yet unto this feast for my time is not yet full
come," ch. vii. 6, 7, 8. It is manifest, that he taxeth their
carnality and worldly-mindedness. As if he had said: 'It
' is not proper for me to go up to this feast, as yet, nor till
• after it is begun. But you may go up at any time, since
you have done little or nothing to make the Jews un-
friendly to you, as I have done who by the strictness of
my doctrine, and the freedom of my reproofs, have pro-
voked many to a great degree.'
"
6
:
It follows in ver. 9, 10, “When he had said these things
unto them, he abode still in Galilee. But when his brethren
were gone up, then went he also up unto the feast, not
openly, but as it were in secret." These words may afford,
in the opinion of some, another objection to the supposi-
tion, that these brethren of our Lord were apostles. But to
me the objection appears not of much moment. Some of
these brethren might nevertheless be among the apostles, and
go up to the feast before him. For our Lord seems not to
have been attended by all his apostles in that journey.
So much is implied in the manner in which it was per-
formed. "He went not openly, but as it were in private:'
in a more private manner than he had usually done, and
attended by a small number of his apostles only, several of
them having gone up to Jerusalem before him, upon occa-
sion of the approaching solemnity.
Chrysostom seems not to have doubted, that some of the
brethren of our Lord here spoken of were apostles, or at
least among his disciples. For discoursing on John vii. 3,
4, 5, he says: 'Observe y with me the power of Christ.
Of them who uttered these words, one was the first bishop
X
Compare Mr. James Macknight's Harmony of the Gospels, Vol. ii. p. 5.
* Συ δε μοι σκοπει τε Χρισε την δυναμιν. Απο γαρ τέτων των ταυτα
λεγοντων τα ῥηματα, ὁ πρωτος των Ιεροσολυμων επισκοπος γεγονεν, ŏ Нака-
ριος Ιακωβος.
Λέγεται δε και ὁ Ιέδας θαυματος τε γεγονεναι. In Jo.
hom. 48. T. VIII. p. 284. D.
192
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
' of Jerusalem, even the blessed James, of whom Paul says:
""Other of the apostles saw I none, save James the Lord's
• brother." And Judas also is said to have been a wonder-
ful man.' So says Chrysostom, who did not receive the
epistle of St. Jude, so far as we can perceive, though he did
that of St. James.
IX. This James is called by St Mark," the less," ch. xv.
40.
"There were also women looking on afar off. Among
whom was Mary Magdalene, and Mary the mother of James
the Less, and Joses, and Salome." That hereby is meant
James, the Lord's brother, and the son of Alpheus, is gene-
rally supposed, and I think reasonably. He can be no
other, because Joses is presently afterwards mentioned as
his brother, agreeably to other places of the evangelists,
where our Lord's brethren are named, Matt. xiii. 55;
Mark vi. 3. But interpreters are not agreed why he was so
called.
a
Z
It has been thought, that herein is a reference to James
the son of Zebedee, and brother of John, who had been
beheaded by Herod in the year of Christ 44. And Light-
foot says, that James, or Jacob, is commonly called James
the great, in distinction from James the son of Alpheus,
'who is called the Less, not for any dignity, or superiority of
' apostleship that he had above the other, but either because
this James was the elder, or because of the singular privacy
'that Christ admitted him to with himself, as he also did
• Peter and John.'
Here are several reasons of this denomination, but though
Lightfoot says James the son of Zebedee was commonly
called James the great, there is no instance of it in the New
Testament.
It may be observed, that the less, in the original, is not a
comparative, but a positive, the little, 78 μups. And so Beza
has translated. Maria Jacobi parvi et Jose mater. How-
ever in the Latin Vulgate it is Jacobi minoris. And it is
evident that ↳ Jerom so understood the word.
b
с
Gregory Nyssen thought he was called the Less, as not
Puto ita dictum inter Apostolos ad discrimen Jacobi Zebedaïdæ. Grot.
ad Marc. xv. 40.
The third part of the Harmony of the
four Evangelists, Vol. I. p. 634.
a
b Si non est Apostolus, sed nescio quis Jacobus, quomodo est frater Domini
putandus? Et quomodo tertius ad distinctionem majoris appellabitur minor?
quum major et minor non inter tres, sed inter duos soleant præbere distan-
tiam. Adv. Helvid. p. 138. in.
• Ο δε Μαρκος Ιακωβε τε
μικρό και Ιωση μητερα αυτην ειπεν, επειπερ ην αλλος Ιακωβος ὁ τε Αλφαίο,
δια τετο μέγας, ότι τοις αποτόλοις τοις δωδεκα συναριθμητο· ὁ γαρ μικρός εκ
nv avroic evapiojos. Greg. Nyss. de Christ. Res. Or. 2. T. III. p. 413.
St. James, the Lord's Brother.
193
being one of the twelve apostles. Which reason I cannot
admit, because I am persuaded he was an apostle, if he was
the Lord's brother. Nor do I perceive in the New Testa-
ment more than two of this name.
Some say, he was so called, because he was the younger
of the two apostles of this name.
But of this there is no
proof nor probability. For James, the son of Alpheus, must
have been his father's first-born, and may have been as
old, or older than James the son of Zebedee.
Some have conjectured that he might be so called on
account of his stature. Which conjecture is favoured by
the literal sense of the word in the positive degree, James
the Little. And some may be apt to think, that this was
one reason why the Jews at the temple, according to Hege-
sippus, placed him on an eminence, that he might be heard
by all the people, when assembled in great numbers. So
Zaccheus, being little of stature, and there being a great
crowd, climbed up into a sycamore tree, to see Jesus as
he passed by, Luke xix. Perhaps this is as likely a conjec-
ture as any.
Nevertheless I shall mention one more. He might be so
called on account of his inferiority, in comparison of the
other James. It is manifest, that during the time of our
Lord's abode on this earth, Peter, and James and John, the
two sons of Zebedee, were the most eminent and consider-
able of the disciples. They were the most favoured, and
were admitted by our Lord to some special measure of con-
fidence and freedom. And it is observable, that in all the
catalogues of the apostles, James the son of Alpheus, and
Simon the Canaanite, or Zelotes, and Judas, are the last
mentioned, except Judas Iscariot. Possibly these three,
whom I suppose to have been our Lord's brethren, were the
latest called to be apostles, and for a while were defective
in faith and understanding, or not so considerable and emi-
nent as some of the other apostles, particularly James the
son of Zebedee. The question put to our Lord by Judas,
one of them, recorded in John xiv. 22, seems a remarkable
instance of the slowness of his understanding in the things
of religion, under all the advantages which he had en-
joyed.
James therefore might be called "the Less," by way of
distinction from another of the same name, who had been
called to be an apostle before him, and was more eminent.
d Potuit etiam Jacobus parvus appellari ad corporis molem ratione habitâ ;
quomodo apud Romanos ob corporis affectiones Pauli, Magni, Longi, Crassi,
Claudii, Pulchri nuncupabantur. Basnag. ann. ante Dom. 6. num. xxxi.
VOL. VI.
0
194
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
And yet the appellation carried not in it any reflection.
This coincides with some things said by Lightfoot a-
bove.
However, it is mentioned only as a conjecture, to be con-
sidered by those who are disposed to do it. For I am not
able to say with assurance, what was the ground and reason
of this appellation.
X. We have seen divers proofs of the respect shown to
this person, which any one is able to recollect, and therefore
they need not to be repeated. However, I shall here take
notice of a few such things.
f
1. He is never called Justus, or the Just, in the New
Testament; but he seems to have been so called by many,
even in his life-time, as well as afterwards. Eusebius says,
that he was called the Just by the ancients on account of
the eminence of his virtue. He is several times so called
in the passages of Clement of Alexandria, quoted from Eu-
sebius some while ago. Hegesippus says, he had been
called the Just by all from our Saviour's time to his own:
and afterwards, that on account of his eminent virtue be
was called the Just, and Oblias. He likewise says, that i
the Jews at the temple called him the Just, as may be seen
in the account of his death, transcribed above. Jerom in
the beginning of his article of this person says, ' that James
'the Lord's brother was surnamed the Just.'
h
k
2. In his commentary upon the epistle to the Galatians,
at ch. i. 19, he says, 'that James, there spoken of, was in
⚫ such esteem for his sanctity, that it was no uncommon thing
for people to crowd about him, and strive to touch the hem
of his garment.'
3. Eusebius says, that m the episcopal chair in which
James was used to sit, was preserved to his time, and was
had in veneration by the church at Jerusalem.
e
XI. I have not been able to write the history of
ε Τετον δη εν αυτον Ιακωβον δν και δικαιον επικλην οἱ παλαι δι' αρετης
εкαλзν πρотερηµpara.--Eus. H. E. 1. 2. c. 1. p. 38. B.
προτερηματα.
f P. 169, 170.
8 Ο ονομασθεις ύπο παντων δικαιος απο των τε κυριε χρονων μέχρι και
uwv. Ap. Euseb. 1. 2. c. 23. p. 63. D.
i
h Δια
γεται την υπερβολην της δικαιοσυνης αυτο εκαλείτο δικαιος και
Ωβλιας. Ib. p. 64. Α.
και έκραξαν αυτω, και ειπον
Δικαιε, ᾧ παντες πείθεσθαι οφειλομεν. Ib. D. Vid. et p. 65. Α. et Β.
* Jacobus, qui appellatur frater Domini, cognomento Justus. De V. I. cap. 2.
1 Hic autem Jacobus episcopus Jerosolymorum primus fuit, cognomento
Justus; vir tantæ sanctitatis et rumoris in populo, ut fimbriam vestimenti ejus
certatim cuperent attingere. In Gal. T. IV. p. 237. in.
ល
·
-εις
- Τον γαρ Ιακωβε θρόνον τ8 πρωτο της Ἱεροσολυμων εκκλησιας-
δευρο πεφυλαγμενον οἱ τηδε κατα διαδοχην περιέποντες αδελφοι, κ. λ. Η. Ε. Ι.
7. c. 19.
The Epistle of St. James.
195
this person so regularly, as that of some others. For which
reason it may not be amiss to take a summary view of what
we have seen.
James, sometimes called the Less, the son of Alpheus, and
called the Lord's brother, either as being the son of Joseph
by a former wife, or a relation of his mother Mary, was one
of Christ's apostles. We have no account of the time when
he was called to the apostleship. Nor is there any thing
said of him particularly in the history of our Saviour, which
is in the gospels. But from the Acts, and St. Paul's epis-
tles, we can perceive that after our Lord's ascension he was
of note among the apostles. Soon after St. Stephen's death
in the year 36, or thereabout, he seems to have been ap-
pointed president, or superintendant in the church of Jeru-
salem, where, and in Judea, he resided the remaining part of
his life. Accordingly, he presided in the council of Jeru-
salem, held there in the year 49, or 50. He was in great
repute among the Jewish people, both believers and unbe-
lievers, and was surnamed the Just. Notwithstanding
which he suffered martyrdom in a tumult at the temple:
and, probably, in the former part of the year 62. He
wrote one epistle, not long before his death, of which we
shall speak presently,
CHAP. XVII.
THE EPISTLE OF ST. JAMES.
1. The Evidences of its Genuineness.
III. To whom.
II. When written.
HAVING now done all I am able for clearing up the his-
tory of this person, I come to consider the epistle ascribed
to him.
Here I would observe the evidences of its genuineness
and authority, the time when, and the people to whom it
was written.
I. And for the first point. This epistle seems to be
alluded, or referred to, by Clement bishop of Rome, Vol.
ii. ch. ii, num. xxxvii.-xl. and by Hermas, ch. iv. num.
xxviii.-xxxiv. It is not expressly quoted by Irenæus.
o 2
196
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Nor are there in him any undisputed references to it, ch.
xvii. num. v. 1, 2, 7. Nor do we perceive it to be quoted
by Clement of Alexandria, ch. xxii. num. viii. nor by Ter-
tullian, ch. xxvii. num. xi. 1. This epistle is quoted once
or twice by Origen, but as of doubtful authority, or not
received by all, ch. xxxviii. num. xi. We do not observe
any notice to be taken of this epistle by Cyprian, Vol. iii.
ch. xliv. num. vii. It seems to be referred to by Commo-
dian, a Latin writer, about the year 270, ch. xlix. num. iii. 6.
It is probable that it was received by the Manichees and
Paulicians, ch. Ixiii. sect. vi. num. iv. 9; sect. ix. num. ii.
5, 10–12. It seems to be referred to by Lactantius, ch. lxv.
num. vi. 5.
b
6
From a passage of Eusebius, cited in the preceding
chapter, it appears, that in his time, the beginning of the
fourth century, all the seven epistles called catholic, were
well known, and received by many. And he expressly says,
that the epistle of James was the first of them. And to the
like purpose again in another passage to be here taken
notice of by us. Having given a particular account of the
death of James, called the Just, and the brother of the
Lord, and bishop of Jerusalem, he concludes the chapter
in this manner. Thus far,' says he, concerning James,
'who is said to be the writer of the first of the epistles called
catholic. But it ought to be observed, that it is spurious:
[meaning, that it was a contradicted book of scripture, or
' at the utmost, that it was doubted of, or rejected by
many:] forasmuch as there are not many of the ancient
writers, who have quoted it: as neither that called Jude's,
' another of the seven epistles called catholic. However we
'know that these also are commonly used [or publicly read]
' in most churches, together with the rest.'
•
•
This passage is very satisfactory. For it assures us who
was the writer of this epistle : namely, James, before spoken
of, called the Lord's brother, surnamed the Just, who gene-
rally resided at Jerusalem. It also assures us, that though
it had been doubted of by some, it was then generally re-
ceived, and publicly read in the assemblies of christians.
They who have leisure and are curious, may see what was
farther observed by us formerly, relating to the opinion of
a See before, p. 160, 161.
b
Τοιαύτα και τα κατα τον Ιακωβον, οὗ ἡ πρώτη των ονομαζομενων καθο-
λικων ειναι λεγεται. Ιςεον δε ὡς νοθεύεται. Ου πολλοι γεν των παλαιων
αυτης εμνημονευσαν, ώς εδε της λεγόμενης Ιεδα, μιας και αυτης εσης των
ἑπτα λεγομενων καθολικων. Όμως δε ισμεν και ταυτας μετα των λοιπων εν
tλeisais dednμooievµɛvag ekkλnoiaiç. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 66. Comp. Vol.
iv. p. 104.
The Epistle of St. James.
197
Eusebius himself concerning this epistle, and the writer of
it, Vol. iv. ch. lxxii. num. ix. 17–24.
I only add here, that this epistle of St. James is one of
the three catholic epistles received by the Syrian christians,
and by Chrysostom and Theodoret. And that after the
time of Eusebius, this, and the other six catholic epistles,
were received by all Greeks and Latins in general: and
are in the catalogues of canonical scripture composed by
councils and learned authors: as was shown in a foregoing
chapter. However, there might be still some few who
doubted of its authority, especially in the east, as was observed,
Vol. v. ch, clii. 7.
This epistle was received by Jerom, as was distinctly and
largely shown in his article, Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. viii. 6.
Who in one place says, 'The apostles, James, Peter, John,
Jude, wrote seven epistles, of few words, but full of sense.'
It may nevertheless be worth the while to recollect here
particularly what he says of it in his book of Illustrious
Men, transcribed there at p. 125, James, the Lord's
'brother, wrote but one epistle, which is among
'the seven catholic epistles. Which too is said to have
'been published by another in his name.
But gra-
dually, in process of time, it has gained authority.
• This is he of whom Paul writes in his epistle to the Gala-
And he is often mentioned in the Acts of the
• tians.
"
'Apostles.'
"
"Which likewise,' says Jerom, is said to have been
published by another in his name:' that is, even that one
epistle is said by some to be spurious, and not really writ-
ten by James, though it bears his name. But I do not
believe there is reason to think that was ever said by any.
And I am persuaded, that what Jerom says here is owing
to a mistake of his, not rightly understanding Eusebius:
who, as may be remembered, says, This James is said to
'be the author of the first of the epistles called catholic.
But it ought to be observed that it is spurious.' By
which Jerom understood Eusebius to say, that this epistle
was falsely ascribed to James, and was not his: whereas
Eusebius means no more than that it was a contradicted
book, not received by all as of authority: or at the utmost,
that it was doubted of, or rejected by many.
This I sup-
e
c Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. v.
d Quæ et ipsa ab alio quodam sub nomine ejus edita asseritur.
e
iseov de wg vodeveтai μev. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 66. C.
ώς νοθεύεται μεν.
198
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
pose to have been clearly shown before. See Vol. iv. ch.
Ixxii. num. viii. 4-6; and also num. ix. 24.f
The reason why this epistle was not received by all, I sup-
pose to have been, that it was not certainly known that
James, the writer of it, was an apostle. We have observed
several ancient writers, who did not allow him to have that
high character. There were two apostles of this name:
James the son of Zebedee, and James the son of Alpheus.
That the writer of this epistle was not James the son of
Zebedee, must have been evident. Nor was it certain that
he was the son of Alpheus. Another reason of doubting of
his apostleship may have been that he was often called
bishop of Jerusalem, and said by some to have been ap-
pointed to that office by the apostles. This also may have
contributed to the doubt, whether he was one of the twelve
apostles of Christ.
Other reasons have been assigned in late ages, why some
might hesitate about receiving this epistle as a part of
canonical scripture. But those reasons are not to be found
in the most early antiquity: whereas we can plainly per-
ceive, that not a few learned christians of the first ages
were not satisfied the writer was an apostle; which must
have occasioned a demur concerning the high authority of
The epistle.
If this James was not one of the twelve apostles, he was
nevertheless a person of great distinction, as he was the
Lord's brother, and resided many years at Jerusalem after
our Lord's ascension, as president, or superintendent of the
church there, and of the Jewish believers in Judea in gene-
ral. Accordingly, Eusebius, who did not think this James
to be one of the twelve apostles, in his commentary upon
Isaiah, reckons fourteen apostles, meaning Paul, and this
James, though not equal to him. See Vol. iv. ch. lxxii.
num. ix. 23. And Jerom likewise, in one place, formerly
taken notice of, reckons this James, brother of the Lord,
an additional apostle with Paul, beside the twelve, Vol. iv.
ch. cxiv. num. viii. 6.
But I think it manifest, that James the Lord's brother,
who resided at Jerusalem, several times mentioned in the
Acts of the Apostles, and in St. Paul's epistles, was an apos-
tle, one of the twelve, and consequently the same with him
who is called the son of Alpheus. And as this epistle has
been all along ascribed to James, the Lord's brother,
f I likewise refer to Dr. Leonard Twell's Examination of the late new text
and version of the N. T. Part. 2. ch. 2. p. 82; who speaks to the like purpose.
The Epistle of St. James.
199
surnamed the Just, I receive it as a part of sacred scripture,
and think it ought to be so received.
II. Concerning the time of this epistle, there cannot be
very different apprehensions.
Mills says it was written before the destruction of
Jerusalem, aud a year or two before his own death,
about the year 60: which is also the opinion of Fabri-
cius.
But that appears to me rather too soon. If St. James
suffered martyrdom in the year 62, I should be inclined
to think this epistle was written in the beginning of that
year, or in 61, and but a short time before his death.
•
Eusebius says, When Paul had appealed to Cæsar,
' and had been sent to Rome by Festus, the Jews, who had
' aimed at his death, being disappointed in that design,
' turned their rage against James, the Lord's brother, who
' had been appointed by the apostles bishop of Jerusalem.'
In like manner Tillemont, adopting that thought, says, St.
• Paul having been sent to Rome near the end of the year
'60, by Festus, governor of Judea, the Jews finding them-
'selves not able to accomplish their design against him,
' turned their rage against James. Nevertheless they did
'not show it till eighteen months after, when Festus being
dead, and Albinus, who succeeded him, not being yet
arrived, the province was without a governor.'
That the Jews were much vexed, when Paul was sent to
Rome, and had thus escaped out of their hands, is very rea-
sonably supposed. But that their vexation upon that ac-
count was the occasion of the death of James, is mere con-
jecture. Nor does any thing like it appear in the accounts
of his death, which Eusebius has transcribed from He-
gesippus, and Josephus.
If I likewise may be allowed to mention a conjecture,
(which is at least as probable as that just taken notice of,)
I Ì should say, I am apt to think, that the death of James was
partly occasioned by the offence taken at his epistle: in
which are not only sharp reprehensions of the unbelieving
Jews for the crimes committed by them, but also affecting
De tempore, quo scripta est, certum est in primis exaratam fuisse ante
excidium Hierosolymitanum. De hoc enim, ut et generali Judæorum calami-
tate veluti jam imminente, loquitur cap. v. 1. Jam vero Jacobus statim post
Festi mortem martyrium obiit, teste Josepho, anno æræ vulgaris, ex rationibus
Pearsonianis, quas libenter sequor, lxii. adeoque uno vel altero ante mortem,
scriptam censuerim hanc epistolam, circa annum lx. Prol. num. 56.
h Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap. v. n. ix. tom. III. p. 165.
· H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. in.
* S. Jacque le Mineur, Art. vii. Mem. Tom. I.
200
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
representations of the dreadful calamities coming upon them,
ch. iv. 1, 8. v. 1–6.
III. I am now to consider to whom this epistle was
sent.
1
Beza says, it was sent to the believing Jews, dispersed
all over the world. Cavem seems to say to believing Jews
chiefly. And to the like purpose Fabricius. Grotius °
says, to all the people of Israel living out of Judea. Wall's
account of this epistle is this: 'It was written to such
Jews (being now Christians) as were dispersed abroad out
of Judea. This epistle consists of general exhortations
'to piety, patience, and other moral virtues. It has twice
or thrice mentioned our Saviour: but has nothing of his
miracles, or teachings, or death, or resurrection, or our re-
demption by him: of which Paul's, and Peter's, and John's
'epistles are full.'
6
6
""
To me it seems, that this epistle was written to all Jews,
descendants of Jacob, of every denomination, throughout the
world, in Judea, and out of it. For such is the inscription:
“James, a servant of God, and of the Lord Jesus Christ, to
the twelve tribes, which are scattered abroad, greeting."
No expression can be more general, than "the twelve
tribes.' There is not any limitation, restraining it to chris-
tians, or believers in Jesus. Nor does he wish them grace
or peace from Jesus Christ. It is only a general salutation,
or greeting. Indeed he does not dissemble his own cha-
racter. He calls himself "a servant of God, and of the
Lord Jesus Christ." He takes upon himself the character
of a christian, and perhaps of an apostle. But he does not
so characterize those to whom he writes. Nor is there any
christian benediction at the end of the epistle.
Nor can I see why "the twelve tribes scattered abroad”
should not comprehend those of them in Judea, which were
the peculiar charge of the writer. And divers things in
the epistle seem to belong to them especially. He means
therefore the people of the twelve tribes every where, in
Judea, and out of it.
A large part of the epistle is suitable to christians. But
there are divers paragraphs, that must be understood to be
addressed to unbelieving Jews, particularly, ch. v. 1–6. as
1
——fidelibus omnibus Judæis, cujuscumque tribus sint, per orbem terra-
rum dispersis. Bez. ad cap. i. 1.
m Scripsit, Paulo, ut videtur,
ante mortem, epistolam catholicam Judæis εv diaσπoра, Christianam præcipue
doctrinam professis. Cav. H. L. in Jacobo.
n Ad Judæos maxime Christianismum amplexos, qui usquequaque dispersi
degebant. Ubi supr. p. 160.
extra Judæam. Gr. ad loc.
• Id est, gente Israëliticâ qui erant
P Crit. Notes upon the N. T. p. 144.
The Epistle of St. James.
201
is generally allowed. I think likewise, that the first ten
verses of ch. iv. are addressed to unbelieving Jews. Where
it is said, "Whence come wars and fightings among you?
Come they not hence, even of your lusts, that war in your
members? Ye lust, and have not. Ye kill, and desire to
have, and cannot obtain. Ye fight, and war." These
things could not be said to christians. They must relate to
those disturbances, which, some while before the Roman
war broke out, were every where among the unbelieving
Jews.
I am of opinion, that this way of writing was chosen to abate
the offence, which the reproofs, and exhortations, and warn-
ings of the epistle were likely to occasion. St. James writes
in a general way. Let all apply to themselves those things,
which belong to them. Wall's note upon ch. v. 6, is to this
effect,' This is spoken, not to the christians, but to some rich
heathens, or infidel Jews, that oppressed and murdered
• them. No christians of those times had any wars, or
fightings, such as ch. iv 1. or killing, as here: viz. not in
'the time of James, bishop of Jerusalem.'
6
"
6
And says Whitby upon ch. iv. 1," Whence come wars ?”
'This epistle seems to have been written about the eighth
' of Nero, and the sixty-second of Christ, the year before
'the death of James: before which time the Jews had
'great wars and fightings, not only with their neighbours,
[see note upon Matt. xxiv. 6,] but even among them-
selves, in every city and family, saith Josephus: not
only in Judea, but in Alexandria, and Syria, and many
'other places.' A very proper note upon the text, as
seems to me. And what he says upon the following
verses of that chapter, and upon ch. v. 1-6, and in his
preface to the epistle, sect. v. and vi, deserves also
attentive regard. Where indeed he expressly says,
Since James writes to the whole twelve tribes, I doubt
'not but those of Palestine must be included.'
Mr. Pyle has spoken clearly to the like purpose
in the preface to his paraphrase of this epistle.
I shall now transcribe a part of Venerable Bede's note
¶ These circumstances gave occasion to this apostle, the residentiary of the
circumcision in Judea, to indite this epistle partly to the infidel, and partly to
the believing Jews.- It was directed to the Jews and Jewish converts of
the dispersion. Yet, as that to the Hebrews was intended for the general
benefit of all the scattered tribes, though directed to the natives of the holy
land; so, no doubt, this had an equal respect to them, over whom James
immediately presided, in the special character of their bishop. Pyle's Para-
phrase, Vol. ii. p. 290, 291.
202
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
upon the beginning of this epistle. From the words,
"scattered abroad," he is led to think of what is said,
Acts. viii. 1, that upon occasion of the persecution against
the church at Jerusalem, after the death of Stephen, they
were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judea
and Samaria, except the apostles, and says, that James
' writes this epistle to those who were scattered abroad, and
'suffered persecution for the sake of righteousness: nor to
them only, but also to those, who though they had be-
lieved in Christ, were not careful to be perfect in good
works, as what follows in the epistle plainly shows: and
⚫ likewise to such as continued unbelieving, and to the utmost
of their power persecuted those who believed.' Which
appears to me very right.
6
r Legimus, occiso a Judæis B. Stephano, quia facta est in illâ die persecutio
magna in ecclesiâ, quæ est Hierosolymis, et omnes dispersi sunt per regiones
Judææ et Samariæ, præter apostolos. His ergo dispersis, qui persecutionem
passi sunt propter justitiam, mittit epistoum. Nec solum his, verum etiam
illis, qui, perceptâ fide Christi, necdum operibus perfecti esse curabunt, sicut
sequentia epistolæ plane testantur; necnon et eis, qui etiam fidei exortes
durabant, quin et ipsam in credentibus quantum valuere, persequi ac perturbare
studebant. Bed. Expos. super Jacob. Epist.
203
CHAP. XVIII.
ST. PETER.
I. His history to the time of our Saviour's ascension.
II. To the council of Jerusalem, in the year 49.
III. He goes to Antioch, where he is reproved by
St. Paul for dissimulation. IV. His travels, and
the time of his coming to Rome. V. The time of
his death. VI. Several things, hitherto omitted, or
but lightly touched upon. 1. His episcopate at
Antioch. 2. His having been five and twenty years
Bishop of Rome. 3. His children. 4. His wife's
martyrdom. 5. His absconding at Rome. 6. The
manner of his crucifixion. VII. That he was at
Rome, and suffered martyrdom there.
6
I. THE land of Palestine,' says a Cave, at and before the
coming of our blessed Saviour, was distinguished into
'three several provinces, Judea, Samaria, and Galilee.
This last was divided into the Upper and the Lower. In
'the Upper, called also Galilee of the Gentiles, within the
'division belonging to the tribe of Naphtali, stood Bethsaida,
formerly an obscure and inconsiderable village, till lately
• re-edified and enlarged by Philip the tetrarch, and in
'honour of Julia daughter of Augustus, called by him
'Julias. It was situated upon the banks of the sea of Gali-
'lee, called also the sea of Tiberias, and the lake of Genne-
'sareth, which was about forty furlongs in breadth, and
a hundred in length, and had a wilderness on the other
'side, called the desert of Bethsaida, whither our Saviour
• used often to retire.'
6
c
At this place was born Simon, surnamed Cephas, or
Petros, Petrus, Peter, signifying a stone or rock. He was
a fisherman upon the fore-mentioned lake or sea: as was
also, in all probability, his father Jonas, Jonah, or John.
He had a brother, named Andrew. Which was the oldest
of the two is not certain. For concerning this there were
different opinions among the ancients. Epiphanius © sup-
b Joseph. Antiq. 1. 18. cap. 3. al. 2. in
d John i. 44.
a Life of St. Peter, sect. i.
c Id. de B. J. 1. 3. cap. 10. al. 18.
e H. 51. num. xvii.
e
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A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
&
6
i
posed Andrew to be the elder. But according to Chrysos-
tom, Peter was the first-born. So likewise Bede, and h
Cassian, who even makes Peter's age the ground of his
precedence among the apostles. And Jerom himself has
expressed himself in the like manner, saying, that the
keys were given to all the apostles alike, and the church
'was built upon all of them equally. But for preventing
dissension, precedency was given to one.
John might
have been the person. But he was too young.
Peter was preferred upon account of his age.'
C
And
St. John has informed us of the first acquaintance of
Simon Peter with Jesus, to whom he was introduced by his
brother Andrew. "He findeth his own brother Simon, and
saith unto him: We have found the Messiah. And he
brought him to Jesus. And when Jesus beheld him, he
said: Thou art Simon, the son of Jonas. Thou shalt be
called Cephas."
Undoubtedly, they had been from the beginning among
those, who are said to have "looked for the kingdom of
God, and waited for redemption in Israel." Andrew had
received Jesus as the Messiah. And his brother Simon
readily concurred in the same belief and profession. They
had heard John, and, as may be supposed, had been bap-
tized by him, as all Jews in general were. Being from his
testimony, and by personal conversation with Jesus, convin-
ced, that he was the Messiah, it is likely, that henceforward
they often came to him, and heard him, and saw some of
the miracles done by him. We may take it for granted,
that they were present at the miracle at Cana in Galilee,
it being expressly said, that "Jesus and his disciples were
invited to the marriage solemnity" in that place, John ii. 1,
2. It is also said, ver. 11, "This beginning of miracles did
Jesus in Cana of Galilee, and manifested forth his glory.
f Hom. in Matt. 58. al. 59. T. VII. p. 586. D.
8 In Evang. Joann. cap. i.
¹ Interroganti ergo Domino Jesu
Christo, quem eum crederent--respondit primus apostolorum Petrus, unus
utique pro omnibus. Idem enim unius habuit responsio, quod habeat [f.
habebat] omnium fides. Sed primum debuit respondere, ut idem esset ordo
responsionis, qui erat honoris, et ipse antecederet confessione, qui antecedebat
ætate. Cassian. de Incarn. 1. 3. cap. 12. ap. Bib. P. P. tom. VII.
i At dicis, super Petrum fundatur Ecclesia; licet id ipsum in alio loco super
omnes Apostolos fiat, et cuncti claves regni cœlorum accipiant; et ex æquo
super eos Ecclesiæ fortitudo solidetur: tamen propterea inter duodecim unus
eligitur, ut, capite constituto, schismatis tollatur occasio. Sed cur non Joannes
electus est virgo? Etati delatum est, quia Petrus senior erat: ne adhuc
adolescens, ac pene puer, progressæ ætatis hominibus præferretur. Adv.
Jovin. 1. i. T. IV. p. 168.
k Ch. i. 35-42.
St. Peter.
205
And his disciples believed on him:" that is, were confirm-
ed in the persuasion, that he was the Messiah.
1
The call of Andrew and Peter to a stated attendance on
Jesus is recorded by three evangelists.
Their father,
Jonas, seems to have been dead. For there is no mention
of him, as there is of Zebedee, when his two sons wer
called. It is only said of Andrew and Peter, that when
Jesus called them," they left their nets, and followed him."
At that time Jesus made them a magnificent promise.
"Follow me," said he, " and I will make you fishers of
men."
In time you will be qualified by me to gain men,
and to recover them, in great numbers, from ignorance
and error, folly and vice, and form them to just sentiments
' in religion, and the practice of virtue.'
6
From this time they usually attended on our Lord. And m
when he completed the number of his apostles, they were
put among them.
Having before written the history of St. John at large,
I need not be so particular in that of Peter, because these
two apostles were much together. However, I intend to
take notice of the most remarkable things in his life, espe-
cially after our Saviour's ascension.
Simon Peter was married when called by our Lord to
attend upon him. And upon occasion of that alliance, as
it seems, had removed from Bethsaida to Capernaum,
where was his wife's family. Upon her mother our
Saviour in a very gracious manner wrought a great miracle
of healing.
n
And I suppose, that when our Lord "left Nazareth, and
came and dwelled at Capernaum," (as mentioned Matt. iv.
13,) he made Peter's house the place of his usual abode,
when he was in those parts. I think we have a proof of it
in the history just taken notice of. When Jesus came out
of the synagogue at Capernaum," he entered into Simon's
house," Luke iv. 38. Comp. Mark i. 29, which is well
paraphrased by Dr. Clarke: Now when Jesus came out
of the synagogue, he went home to Peter's house.' And
there it was that the people resorted unto him in the evening,
Luke iv. 40; Matt. viii. 16; Mark i. 32-34.
Another proof of this we have in a history which is in St.
Matthew only, ch. xvii. 24-27, of our Lord's paying at
38.
1 Matt. iv. 18-20; Mark i. 16-18; Luke v. 1-9.
m Matt. x. 1-4; Mark iii. 13—19; Luke vi. 12—16.
n Matt. viii. 14, 15; Mark i. 29-31; Luke iv. 38, 39.
• It is called "Peter's house," Matt. viii. 14. "Simon's house,” Luke iv.
"The house of Simon and Andrew," Mark i. 29.
206
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Capernaum the tribute-money for the use of the temple,
and his directing Peter, when he had found a piece of
money, in the manner there prescribed, to pay it for both
of them. The text is to this purpose. "And when they
were come to Capernaum, they that received the tribute-
money, came to Peter, and said: Doth not your master pay
tribute? He saith, Yes. And when he was come into the
house, Jesus prevented him." -The beginning of that
account at ver. 24, is thus paraphrased by Dr. Clarke.
Now when they were come home to Capernaum, where
'Jesus used to dwell, the officers appointed to gather
the yearly offering for the service of the temple came to
• Peter.'
After the miracle of the five loaves, and two fishes,
"straightway Jesus constrained his disciples to get into a
ship, and to go before him to the other side, whilst he sent
the multitudes away." In their passage they met with a
contrary wind. In the fourth watch of the night," near
morning, "Jesus came toward them, walking on the sea."
And there not being yet light enough to know who he
was, they were affrighted, thinking it had been an appari-
tion, and cried out for fear. Jesus then spake to them, and
they knew him. After which follows a particular concern-
ing Peter, related by St. Matthew only. "Peter P answered
him, and said : Lord, if it be thou, bid me come unto thee
on the water. And he said, Come. And when Peter was
come down out of the ship, he walked on the water, to go
to Jesus. But when he saw the sea boisterous, he was
afraid and beginning to sink, he cried, saying: Lord, save
And immediately Jesus stretched forth his hand, and
caught him.And when he was come into the ship, the
wind ceased." Peter at first presumed too much upon the
strength of his faith, and was forward to show his zeal.
However, this must in the end have been of use to con-
firm his faith. He had here great and sensible experience
of the knowledge, as well as the power of Jesus. As soon
as his faith failed, our Lord suffered him to sink. And
upon his calling for help, Jesus immediately stretched out
his hand, and saved him.
me.
The next day our Lord preached in the synagogue at
Capernaum, as related by St. John, ch. vi. 24-65, where
many, who expected from the Messiah a worldly kingdom,
were offended at his discourse. And it is said, ver. 66-69,
"From that time many of his disciples," who had hitherto
followed him, and professed faith in him, "went back, and
P Matt. xiv. 28-31.
St. Peter.
207
walked no more with him. Then said Jesus unto the twelve:
Will ye also go away? Then Simon Peter answered him:
Lord, to whom should we go? Thou hast the words of eter-
nal life. And we know, and are sure, that thou art the
Christ, the Son of the living God.”
Some time after this, when our Lord had an opportunity
of private conversation with the disciples, he inquired of
them what men said of him, and then, whom they thought
him to be?" Simon Peter answered and said, Thou art the
Christ, the Son of the living God." Matt. xvi. 13–16. So
far likewise in Mark viii. 27-29, and Luke ix. 18-20.
Then follows in Matthew, ver. 17-19. "And Jesus
answered, and said unto him, Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-
Jona: for flesh and blood hath not revealed it unto thee,
but my father which is in heaven." That is, It is not a
partial affection for me, thy master, nor a fond and incon-
'siderate regard to the judgment of others, for whom thou
hast a respect, that has induced thee to think thus of me.
But it is a just persuasion formed in thy mind by observ-
ing the great works which thou hast seen me do by the
'power of God, in the confirmation of my mission and
doctrine,'" And I say unto thee, Thou art Peter, and upon
this rock will I build my church.- And I will give unto
thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven." By which many
interpreters suppose, that our Lord promised to Peter,
that he should have the honour of beginning to preach the
gospel, after his resurrection, to Jews and Gentiles, and of
receiving them into the church. If so, that is personal.
Nevertheless, what follows: "And whatsoever thou shalt
bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven. And whatsoever
thou shalt loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven." This,
I say, must have been the privilege of all the apostles. For
the like things are expressly said to them, Luke xxii. 29,
30, John xx. 21-23. Moreover, all the apostles concurred
with Peter in the first preaching both to Jews and Gentiles.
As he was president in the college of the apostles, it was
very fit, and a thing of course, that he should be primarily
6
a Dr. Clarke is very singular in his paraphrase of that text. Matt. xvi. 18,
'You shall be the first preacher of my true religion to the Gentile world.'
And ver. 19, ‹ You shall first open the kingdom of the Messiah, and make the
'first publication of the gospel to the Gentiles.' Upon both verses also refer-
ring to Acts x. When I first observed this, I was surprised. Nor could I
see the ground of it. But now I guess, that he confined this personal privilege
to Peter's first preaching to Gentiles at the house of Cornelius, because Peter
was then alone, and none of the apostles were there with him: whereas after
the pouring out of the Holy Ghost, all the apostles were present with him.
Acts ii. 14, "But Peter, standing up with the eleven, lift up his voice.".
208
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
concerned in the first opening of things. The confession,
now particularly before us, was made by him. But it
was in answer to a question that had been put to all. And
he spoke the sense of all the apostles, and in their name.
I suppose this to be as true in this instance, as in the
other, before taken notice of, which is in John vi. 68, 69.
In the account which St. John has given of our Saviour's
washing the disciples' feet, Peter's modesty and fervour are
conspicuous, John xiii. 1-10.
r
When the Jewish officers were about to apprehend our
Lord, "Peter having a sword, drew it, and smote a servant
of the high priest, and cut off his right ear.”
Our Lord
having checked Peter, touched the servant's ear, and heal-
ed him. So great is Jesus every where!
They that laid hold of Jesus, led him away to the house
of Caiaphas. The rest of the disciples now forsook their
Master, and fled. "But Peter followed him afar off unto
the high priest's palace, and went in, and sat with the ser-
vants to see the end." Here Peter thrice disowned his
Lord, peremptorily denying that he was one of his disci-
ples, or had any knowledge of him, as related by all the
evangelists. For which he soon after humbled himself, and
wept bitterly.
S
We do not perceive that Peter followed our Lord any
farther, or that he at all attended the crucifixion. It is
likely that he was under too much concern of mind to
appear in public, and that he chose retirement, as most
suitable to his present temper and circumstances.
On the first day of the week, early in the morning, when
Mary Magdalene, and other women came to the sepulchre,
bringing the sweet spices which they had prepared," they
saw an angel, who said unto them, Be not affrighted. Ye
seek Jesus, who was crucified. He is not here: for he is
risen.Go quickly, and tell his disciples that he is risen
from the dead" as in Matthew. "Tell his disciples, and
Peter:" as in Mark. "And behold he goes before you
· into Galilee." That was a most gracious disposal of Pro-
vidence, to support the disciples, Peter in particular, under
their great affliction.
Our Lord first showed himself to Mary Magdalene, and
afterwards to some other women. On the same day like-
wise on which he arose from the dead, he showed himself
* John xviii. 10, 11; Matt. xxvi. 51-54; Mark xiv. 46, 47; Luke xxii.
50, 51.
s Matt. xxvi. 57–71; Mark xiv. 53–72; Luke
xxii. 54-62; John xviii. 15—27.
· Matt. xxviii; Mark xvi; Luke xxiv; John xx.
St. Peter.
209
to Peter, though the circumstances of this appearance are
nowhere related. However it is evident from Luke xxiv.
33, 34. For when the two disciples who had been at “ Em-
maus, returned to Jerusalem, they found the eleven gathered
together, and those that were with them, saying, The Lord
is risen indeed, and has appeared unto Simon." That must
be the same appearance which is mentioned by St. Paul, 1
Cor. xv. 5, "and that he was seen of Cephas, then of the
twelve." And it has been observed, that as Mary Magda-
lene was the first woman, so" Peter was the first man
to whom Jesus showed himself after he was risen from the
dead.
In the twenty-first chapter of St. John's gospel are some
appearances of our Lord to his disciples, in which Peter is
greatly interested, to which the attentive reader is referred.
Our Lord there graciously affords Peter an opportunity of
making a threefold profession of love for him: which he
accepts, and renews to him the apostolical commission, and
as it were re-instates him in his high and important office:
requiring him, as the best testimony of love for his Lord, to
feed his sheep with fidelity and tenderness. And notwith-
standing his late unsteadiness, our Lord encourageth this
disciple to hope, that in his future conduct he would set an
example of resolution and fortitude under great difficulties,
and at length glorify God by his death, in the service to
which he had been appointed.
As we have now proceeded in the history of this apostle
to the time of our Lord's ascension, it may be worth the
while to look back, and observe those things in the gospels,
which imply his peculiar distinction, or at least are honour-
able to him.
By Mark ch. v. 37, and Luke viii. 51, we are assured,
that Peter was one of the three disciples whom our Lord
admitted to be present at the raising of Jairus's daughter.
That particular is not mentioned by Matthew, ch. ix.
18-26. From all the first three evangelists we know, that
Peter was one of the three whom our Lord took up with
him into the mountain, where he was gloriously transform-
ed, Matt. xvii. 1; Mark ix. 2; Luke ix. 28. He was also
one of the three whom our Lord took with him apart from
the other disciples, when he retired to prayer, a little be-
fore his last sufferings. As we know from Matt. xxvi. 37;
Mark xiv. 33. But that particular is omitted by Luke, ch.
xxii. 39-46.
-αλλ' εν ανδρασι τετῳ πρωτῳ, τῳ μαλιτα αυτον ποθεντι ιδειν. Chrys.
in 1 Cor. hom. 38. Tom. X.
VOL. VI.
P
C
210
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
And if it might not be reckoned too minute and particu-
lar, I would observe some things of this kind mentioned by
one evangelist only.
▾
There are several such things deserving notice in St.
Matthew. 1. In the catalogue of the apostles, Matthew
only calls Peter "chief," or "the first," ch. x.
2. He
only has the account of Peter's desiring to come to Christ
upon the water; and what follows, ch. xiv. 28-31. 3. He
alone has recorded what our Lord said to Peter, when he
gave him the keys of the kingdom of heaven, ch. xvi.
16–19. 4. He only relates our Lord's paying the tribute-
money for Peter, ch. xvii. 24-27. 5. He likewise says
that after Peter had denied Christ, "he wept bitterly," ch.
xxvi. 75.
In St. Mark are chiefly two things to be observed, as
honourable to Peter. The first is, that he was one of the
four apostles to whom our Lord addressed himself, when
he foretold the destruction of the temple, and the calamities
attending it, Mark xiii. 3. The other is, that in the message,
sent by the angel to the disciples after our Lord's resurrec-
tion, Peter is particularly named, ch. xvi. 7.
In St. Luke are these things remarkable. First, that
when our Lord warned Peter of his danger, he also assured
him, "he had prayed for him that his faith might not fail,"
Luke xxii. 31, 32. Secondly, we perceive from St. Luke
that our Lord appeared to Peter in particular on the day of
his resurrection, though the circumstances of that appear-
ance are not recorded, ch. xxiv. 33, 34.
In St. John's gospel are divers things honourable to Peter.
1. The profession of faith in Christ, related John vi. 67-69.
2. Peter's remarkable humility, expressed in an unwillingness
that Jesus should wash his feet, with our Lord's particular
discourse to him, ch. xiii. 6–10. 3. Peter's zeal in cutting
off the ear of the high priest's servant is related by other
evangelists. But St. John only mentions Peter by name,
ch. xviii. 10. 4. It is, I think, honourable to Peter, that
when he and John went together to the sepulchre, John,
only stooping down, looked in: but Peter went in, and
searched the sepulchre. After which John also went in, ch.
xx. 4-8. 5. St. John only mentions Peter's faith and zeal
in "casting himself into the sea," to go to Christ, ch. xxi. 7.
6. Our Lord's discourse with Peter concerning his love to
him, and his particular, repeated charge to "feed his sheep,"
ver. 15-17. 7. Our Lord's predicting to Peter his martyr-
dom, and the manner of it, ver. 18, 19.
Πρώτος Σιμων ὁ λεγομενος Πετρος.
St. Peter.
211
It is observable, that Matthew and John, the two apostles,
have mentioned more of these prerogatives of Peter than
the other two evangelists. We may hence conclude, that
the apostles, when illuminated by the Spirit with the know-
ledge of the true nature of Christ's kingdom, were quite free
from envy, and that Peter was not assuming and arrogant
among his brethren.
It may be here observed likewise, that as our sacred
historians were not envious, so neither were they fond and
partial. The several advantages and virtues of Peter are
recorded by some only. But his fault in denying Christ,
when under prosecution, is related by all.
II. In a short time after our Lord's ascension, Peter, as
president in the college of the apostles, proposed, that in
the room of Judas another should be chosen out of the men
that had accompanied them during the time that Jesus had
been with them. And when two such had been nominated,
and they had by prayer appealed to God, "who knows
the hearts of all men, the lot fell upon Matthias. And
he was numbered with the eleven apostles."
15_26.
Acts i.
I have here, and elsewhere, spoken of Peter as presiding
among the apostles, or having a primacy of order. For it
appears in what has been just mentioned, and in other
things related afterwards. And it is observable, that in all
the catalogues of the twelve apostles Peter is named first,
though there is some variety in the order of the names of
the other apostles. I might add, that
I might add, that wherever the
three disciples, Peter, James, and John, are mentioned
together, Peter is always put first, though there is a variety
in the order of the names of those two brothers, James and
John, sons of Zebedee. He is also first placed, where *
four are named, Andrew being added to them. And like-
wise where only he and John are mentioned. There is an
exception in Gal. ii. 9, where the order is James, Cephas,
and John. The reason of which I take to be, that James
there mentioned, then presided in the church of Jerusa-
lem, where Paul then was. I place below the thoughts
w See Mark v. 37, and Luke viii. 51; Matt. xvii. 1; Mark ix. 2; Luke ix.
28; Matt. xxvi. 37; Mark xiv. 33.
* See Mark xiii. 3.
a
Z
y Luke xxii. 8; Acts iii. 1; iv. 13, 19; viii. 14. ² See before, p. 167.
a Ordinis primatum quod attinet, illum a Petro abjudicari non posse cense-
mus, si qua fides evangelio. Neque ulla ratio assignari potest, cur Apostolo-
rum in indiculo a tribus Evangelistis exhibito, Petrus semper ordinem ducat.
Quippe solâ necessitate numerandi non scribitur Matthæo 'primus Petrus:
(sic enim sequens secundus dici debuisset :) sed quia in divino hoc collegio
præsidem agebat. Eo quidem munere functum fuisse, ubique Scriptura testatur.
P 2
212
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
of Basnage concerning this point, who speaks to the like
purpose without denying the equal dignity of the apostles,
or ascribing to Peter any jurisdiction over them. For
which there is not any the least foundation either in the
Gospels, or the Acts.
On the day of Pentecost next ensuing, the promised gift of
the Holy Ghost came down upon the apostles and their
company. And upon this occasion "Peter, standing up
with the eleven," preached to a great number of people
assembled about the apostles, and asserted the resurrection
of Jesus, and with such force, that about three thousand
were converted and baptized, Acts ii. 14-47.
Afterwards Peter and John healed a poor man at the
temple, who had been lame from his birth, a well known
person, forty years of age. And many being gathered
about them, Peter made an affecting discourse, whereby
many were awakened and convinced. And in a short time
after this, the number of believers at "Jerusalem was
about five thousand," ch. iii, and iv. 4. But the Jewish
priests and rulers were much offended. And whilst Peter
b
and John were speaking to the people, their officers came
and laid hold on them. And it being then evening, they
put them in prison till the next day. On the morrow there-
fore they were brought before the council. Having been
examined, they were at length dismissed, with a charge
not to preach any more in the name of Jesus, and were
severely threatened if they did, ch. iv. 1-22.
The number of believers being much increased, and
many being in low circumstances," some who were pos-
sessed of houses, or lands, sold them, and brought the
Aliorum sane Apostolorum ordinem mutavit Lucas in Actis, primum tamen
Petro locum servavit : Petrus, Jacobus, Joannes. Quid, nonne præsidis
functio fuit, surgere in medio discipulorum, eosque monere, ut in proditoris
Judæ locum alium sufficerent Apostolum? Si ordinis causâ non præerat
Apostolis, cur Petrus surgens cum undecim Judæos miraculum linguarum
stupentes alloquitur.. Cur etiam dum Joannis erat in comitatu Petrus, et
claudum sanandum alloquitur, et senatum Hierosolymitanum compellat, et
Simoni Mago minitatur? Rationis est quidem et consuetudinis, ut legatorum
primus orationem habeat, quomodo Paulus, qui Barnabam eminebat, præibat
in loquendo. Ut ad pauca redeamus, is Petro collatus honor est, ut primus et
in Judæis, in Gentibus, Ecclesiæ fundamenta jaceret. Qui longe maximus
honos principem Apostolorum decuit, nec a præsidis munere divelli potest.
Annon nobiliores Apostolatûs functiones honoratiori competebant? Basnag.
ann. 31. num. lxxv.
b How that five thousand in Acts iv. 4, ought to be understood, was shown
at p. 66 of Vol. v. I shall now add here the words of Seueur. Ainsi
croissoit l'Eglise Chrétienne parmi les Juifs. Et elle se montoit bien alors à
cinq mille personnes. A. C. 35. Histoire de l'Eglise, et de l'Empire, Vol. I.
p. 133.
St. Peter.
213
prices of the things that were sold, and laid them at the
apostles' feet. And distribution was made to every man
according as he had need." But a certain man named
Ananias, and Sapphira his wife, when they had sold a pos-
session, brought a part of the price, keeping back the rest,
though they declared it to be the whole price. For this
they were reproved by Peter, and were charged with hav-
ing lied to God himself, who acted by the apostles. At
this reproof Ananias and Sapphira were both struck dead
by the immediate hand of God, in a small space of time, one
after the other, ch. iv. 34-37; v. 1–11. We have here,
as seems to me, a proof, that Peter now presided in
the assembly of the apostles, and the whole church of
Jerusalem.
66
And," after this, "by the hands of the apostles were
many signs and wonders wrought among the people-
insomuch that they brought forth the sick in the streets,
and laid them on beds and couches, that at least the shadow
of Peter passing by might overshadow some of them.
There came also a multitude out of the cities round about
Jerusalem, bringing sick folks, and them that were vexed
with unclean spirits. And they were healed every one."
Ch. v. 12-16.
99
I put this in the history of St. Peter, as he has a share in
it. But I do not think that all the miracles here spoken of
were wrought by his hands, or by his shadow passing by.
It seems that many of these miracles were wrought by other
apostles, as hinted, or expressly said, at the beginning of
the citation, in ver 12. In a word, there were now miracles
wrought at Jerusalem in great numbers, by all and every
one of the apostles. This may be also farther argued
hence, that hereupon all the apostles were taken up, as is
said ver. 17, 18, " Then the high priest rose up, and all
they that were with him, and were filled with indignation.
And they laid their hands on the apostles, and put them in
the common prison.' The event may be seen in what fol-
lows, ch. v. 17-42. However, I am willing to allow, that
there were no miracles wrought by the shadow of any of
the apostles, except Peter's. This seems to be most agree-
able to St. Luke's expressions.
C
c Omnibus accurate perpensis, illorum opinionis magis sumus, qui soli
Petro id auctoritatis concessum fuisse putant, ut ipsius umbrå ægroti a morbis
suis recrearentur. Neque id obscure Lucas indicat. Præmissis enim Aposto-
lorum prodigiis, subinde hoc addit. In plateas efferebant ægrotos, et pone-
bant in lectis, ut venientis Petri vel umbra inumbraret aliquem eorum.' Cur
non dixit, ut prætereuntium Apostolorum vel umbra,' si facultatem ejusmodi
a Christo nacta fuit? &c. Basnag. Ann. 34. n. xviii.
}
214
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
" went
Upon the death of Stephen "there arose a great perse-
cution against the church that was at Jerusalem :" inso-
much that all the believers in general "were scattered
abroad throughout the regions of Judea and Samaria, ex-
cept the apostles. Then Philip," one of the seven,
down to Samaria, and preached Christ to them." And
many of the people there believed. "Now when the apos-
tles, which were at Jerusalem, heard that Samaria had
received the word of God, they sent unto them Peter and
John," that they might confer upon them the gift of the
Holy Ghost. Which they did by prayer, and laying on
of their hands. Here Peter reproved Simon of Samaria
as he is called: who himself was a believer for a while,
but had given proofs of insincerity. These two apostles
then returned to Jerusalem, and in their way thither
"preached the gospel in many villages of the Samaritans."
ch. viii. 1-25.
St. Paul, who informs us of his return to Jerusalem,
three years after his conversion, has assured us, that he
then saw Peter and James, and no other of the apostles.
Gal. i. 18, 19. And St. Luke having given the history of
St. Paul's opposition to the disciples, and of his conversion,
and return from Damascus to Jerusalem, says, that "Bar-
nabas brought him to the apostles," Acts ix. 1-30. These
two accounts are easily reconciled. Paul saw only Peter
and James. But they received him in the name, and with
the approbation of all the apostles, and thus he had com-
munion with them.
""
It follows in St. Luke's history, Acts ix. 31, " Then had
the churches rest throughout all Judea, Galilee, and Sama-
ria, and were edified; and walking in the fear of the Lord,
and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost, were multiplied.
This rest, as was formerly shown, commenced in the year
40, and probably continued a year or more. This season, as
we may well suppose, was improved by all the apostles,
and by Peter, in particular. Of whom it is said, that he
passed through all parts of the country," and came down
also to the saints that dwelt at Lydda.' Here, in the name
of Jesus Christ, he healed Æneas, who had the palsy, and
had kept his bed eight years. Whilst he was in that place,
a christian woman, named Tabitha, died at Joppa, which
was not far off. The disciples therefore sent to Peter de-
siring him without delay to come to them. Which he
did, and there restored her to life. "And he tarried
many days at Joppa, with one Simon, a tanner," ch. ix.
""
32-43.
St. Peter.
215
Whilst Peter was there, Cornelius of " Cæsarea by the
sea-side," (the city where the Roman governor had his resi-
dence,) a centurion, a worshipper of God, but not of the
house of Israel, nor a Jewish proselyte, had a vision;
wherein he was directed by an angel, to send to Joppa for
Simon, whose surname was Peter; from whom he would
receive farther information in the things of religion. When
the vision was over, he called two of his servants, and a
pious soldier, and sent them to Joppa. The day after, as
they drew near the city, Peter went up to the top of the
house to pray, about the sixth hour of the day, or noon.
There he fell into a trance or ecstacy, and had a vision. A
vessel descended, wherein were all sorts of living creatures,
wild and tame, clean and unclean. "And there came a voice
to him, saying, Kill and eat. But Peter said, Not so, Lord.
For I have never eaten any thing that is common or unclean.
And the voice spake unto him again the second time,
What God hath cleansed, that call not thou common.
While Peter thought on the vision, the Spirit said
unto him, Behold, three men seek thee. Arise therefore,
and get thee down, and go with them, doubting nothing ;
for I have sent them.- On the morrow Peter went away
with them, and certain brethren from Joppa, six in number,
accompanied him." The next day they arrived at Cæsarea,
and entered into the house of Cornelius, where were also
many others his relations, and intimate friends, whom Cor-
nelius had invited to come thither. “Peter said unto them,
Ye know, how that it is an unlawful thing for a Jew to
keep company, or to come unto one of another nation.
But God has shown me, that I should not call any man
common or unclean.". Whilst Peter was preaching, and
speaking to them the things concerning Jesus Christ, and
before he had finished, "the Holy Ghost fell on all of them
that heard the word. And they of the circumcision, which
believed, were astonished, as many as came with Peter,
because that on the Gentiles also was poured out the gift of
the Holy Ghost. For they heard them speak with tongues,
and magnify God.-Peter therefore commanded them to
be baptized in the name of the Lord. Then prayed they
him to tarry certain days." ch. x.
Thus the door of faith or the kingdom of heaven, or of
the Messiah, was opened to Gentiles, and they were received
into the church of God. And, if I may say it, God now
cleansed all Gentiles, and showed with full evidence and
divine attestations, that all men of every nation, who became
worshippers of God, and believed in Jesus, were accepted
216
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
of him, as his people, and the members of his church, and
in the way of salvation, without circumcision, or taking
upon them the observation of the rituals of the law of
Moses.
While Peter tarried at Cæsarea, the apostles and bre-
thren that were in Judea, heard that the Gentiles also had
received the word of God. And when Peter was come up
to Jerusalem, they that were of the circumcision contended
with him, saying: "Thou wentest in to men uncircumcised,
and didst eat with them." But Peter gave them an ac-
count of the transaction from the beginning, and all were
satisfied. "When they heard those things, they held their
peace, and glorified God, saying; Then hath God also to
the Gentiles granted repentance unto life."
An opinion has obtained among christians in late ages,
that Cornelius was a proselyte of the gate. Which opinion
is founded upon a supposition, that there were among the
Jews two sorts of proselytes: some called proselytes of
the covenant, or of righteousness, who were circumcised:
and others, called proselytes of the gate: who, though they
were not circumcised, observed some things, not obligatory
in themselves, as is supposed, in order to facilitate commerce
between the Jews and them. What those things were, or
supposed to be, I do not now inquire.
However, for clearing up this matter I would observe,
that there was but one sort of proselytes among the
Jews and that Cornelius was not a proselyte, but a
Gentile.
First. There was but one sort of proselytes among the
Jews. They were circumcised. So they became Jews by
religion, and were admitted to eat the passover, and to par-
take of all religious privileges, as the Jews by descent
did. They were called "strangers, or proselytes within
the gates," and "sojourners,"
sojourners," as they were allowed to
dwell, or sojourn among the people of Israel. And they
were so called, because they could not possess land. For
according to the law of Moses, all the land of Canaan was
to be given to the twelve tribes of Israel, the descend-
ants of the patriarch Jacob. Which enables us to discern
the propriety of the expression just mentioned.
What has been now said, may be illustrated by some
texts: which, though well known, shall be alleged here.
Exod. xii. 48, "And when a stranger shall sojourn with
thee, and will keep the passover to the Lord, let all his males
be circumcised. And then let him come near, and keep
it. And he shall be as one born in the land. 49, One law
St. Peter.
217
shall be to him that is home-born, and to the stranger that
sojourneth among you."
Lev. xvii. 8, Whatsoever man there be of the house of
Israel, or of the strangers, which sojourn among you, that
offereth a burnt-offering, or sacrifice ver. 13,—
children of Israel, neither any stranger, that sojourneth
among you." The same again, ver. 15, “One of your own
country, or a stranger."
Numb. ix. 14, “And if a stranger shall sojouru among
you, and will keep the passover to the Lord.
ye shall
have one ordinance, both for the stranger, and for him that
was born in the land."
Numb. xv. 15, "One ordinance shall be both for you of
the congregation, and also for the stranger that sojourneth
with you- -as ye are, so shall the stranger be before the
Lord. 16, One law and one manner shall be for you, and
for the stranger that sojourneth among you.'
In all these places by "stranger," and "stranger that
sojourneth among you," I suppose to be meant, men circum-
cised, according to the law of Moses.
Perhaps, it may be here asked, Could none, then, dwell
among the Israelites in the land of Canaan, but proselytes,
or circumcised men? To which I answer. It seems to me,
that no other had the privilege of a settled abode, or resi-
dence there, that is, to sojourn in the land. However, I
think, there must have been an exception for travellers,
passing through the country, even though they were idola-
ters, and for some, whose traffic was needful, and therefore
allowed of. As Patrick says upon Deut. xiv. 21, • There
were some called Nocherim, which we here translate
'aliens who were mere Gentiles, and not suffered to have
an habitation among them, but only to come and go in their
'traffic with them.'
6
And, if I mistake not, an argument of the apostle may
be hence illustrated; Eph. ii. 13, “But now, in Christ
Jesus, ye who some time were afar off, are made nigh,"
very nigh, even to a coalescence, "by the blood of Christ."
Ver. 19, "Now therefore ye are no more strangers, and
foreigners, but fellow-citizens with the saints, and of the
household of God." The apostle alludes to the state of
things in the Jewish commonwealth. "Now therefore,"
says he, "ye are no more strangers, and foreigners." Those
are not terms of distance, as they seem to be in our transla-
tion, and as some have supposed, but of nearness. They
are expressive of all the favour and privilege which could
be vouchsafed to any, not of the natural seed of Israel, be-
224
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
And as I have this opportunity, I shall now communicate
to the public some other thoughts of Mr. Hallet, relating to
the same subject, which I received from him at the same
time. 'That the decree in Acts xv. relates to the idolatrous
Gentiles in particular, is manifest. Indeed it is demon-
'strable from ver. 19, where St. James speaks of those,
""who from among the Gentiles are turned to God."
"Their being "turned to God" here is the same as their
becoming christians. They were not turned to God be-
'fore. And therefore they were (not devout, but) idolatrous
"Gentiles. They were plainly of the same sort with the
Thessalonians, who "turned to God from idols," 1 Thess.
i. 9, who are acknowledged to be idolatrous Gentiles.
'The same character then will prove, that the others were
'so too. The same thing is demonstrable from ver. 17.
For the expression, "all the Gentiles," can never be
restrained to a few proselytes of the gate. Farther, the
' letter of the church of Jerusalem was directed and sent to
'the believing Gentiles in Antioch, &c. ver. 23, to decide a
'dispute which was raised there. But the dispute there
was about idolatrous Gentiles in particular, ver. 2, 3, 5.
Consequently, the letter must be interpreted to speak of
'the same persons. Nay, the church at Antioch was com-
posed of such as had been idolatrous Gentiles. And
'therefore the letter must relate to that sort of men. And
when Paul went through Syria, Cilicia, Derbe, Lystra, &c.
(where it is allowed, there were converts from among the
idolatrous Gentiles,)" he delivered the decrees to them,"
'i. e. the said idolatrous Gentiles, to "keep," ch. xvi. 1, 4.’
So Mr Hallet.
6
•
S
Dr. Doddridge, in the third volume of his Family Ex-
positor, which is upon the Acts of the Apostles, has many
acute and judicious observations, relating to this subject.
And I am well satisfied, that he intended to write a disser-
tation concerning Jewish proselytes. Which is also ac-
knowledged by the learned editor of his posthumous
volumes though no such thing has been found among
his papers. And in his general introduction to the first
epistle of St. Peter, Dr. Doddridge freely declares, ‘that
there is no sufficient ground to suppose, that there ever
'were any such persons, as proselytes of the gate.' And
he thinks, that what he has suggested in his notes upon
the Acts may convince an attentive reader.' And indeed
I am of the same opinion concerning what he has said in
• See the note at the bottom of p. 218, of the sixth volume of the Family
Expositor.
St. Peter.
225
those notes. For which reason I do not so much regret
the loss of the dissertation, as otherwise I should.
'
t
Says Sueur, speaking of St. Peter's vision of the sheet:
• God thereby showed unto his servant, that thenceforward
he would have all the people of the world, without excep-
'tion, called to partake in his gracious covenant in his son
'Jesus Christ, and to the knowledge of salvation by him.'
That it was so understood by the primitive christians,
we have lately seen. And that this whole transaction was
so understood by the apostles, and by the evangelists,
their fellow-labourers, is manifest from the sequel of the
history in the book of the Acts.
it
For removing difficulties, and fully clearing up this point,
may be needful to consider that text. Gal. ii. 1, 2,
"Then fourteen years after, I went up again to Jerusalem
with Barnabas, and took Titus with me also. And I went
up by revelation, and communicated unto them that gospel,
which I preach among the Gentiles, but privately to them
which were of reputation, lest by any means I should run,
or had run, in vain.”
Some" who contend for the supposition of two sorts of
proselytes among the Jews, and think that the gospel
was preached several years to such as they call "proselytes
of the gate," before it was preached to idolatrous Gentiles;
and understand the decree of the council of Jerusalem to
bind those proselytes only, say, that the conversion of idola-
trous Gentiles was unknown to the church at Jerusalem,
when that decree was made, and explain the above-cited
words after this manner: That Paul communicated what
he had preached to the Gentiles, only to James and
Peter, and John, the three renowned apostles of the
circumcision, and that under the seal of the greatest se-
'crecy.'
But that cannot be St. Paul's meaning. For most, if not
all the converts at Antioch, must have been idolaters. But,
supposing for the present, that they had been devout Gen-
tiles; it is universally allowed, that before the controversy
arose at Antioch about circumcising the Gentiles that be-
lieved, the gospel had been preached for a good while by
* Et puisque Dieu rompoit cette séparation, il montroit à son serviteur, que
de-là en avant il vouloit appeller indifférement tous les peuples du monde à
son alliance de grâce en son fils Jésus Christ, et à sa salutaire connoissance. J.
Sueur Hist. de l'Eglise, &c. A. C. 41. Tom. I. p. 165.
" See Miscellanea Sacra in the Preface, and Essay iv. and Dr. Benson's
History of the first planting the Christian Religion, Vol. ii. chap. iii. sect. i.
ii. &c.
▾ Miscell. Sacr. Ess. iv. p. 50. Dr. Benson, as before,
Vol. ii. p. 52. second edit.
VOL. VI.
Q
226
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Paul and Barnabas to idolatrous Gentiles in Cyprus, Perga,
Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, Derbe, and other
places of which a particular account is given Acts xiii.
xiv. And presently after, St. Luke, relating the journey
of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem, says, ch. xv. 3, 4, " And
being brought on their way by the church [of Antioch]
they passed through Phenice, and Samaria, declaring the
conversion of the Gentiles: [or heathens:] and they caused
great joy to all the brethren. And when they were come
to Jerusalem, they were received by the church, and by
the apostles, and elders; and they declared all things, that
God had done with them." In which must have been in-
cluded their preaching not only at Antioch in Syria, but
also in all the other countries and cities mentioned just
before. Of this they gave an account to the church of
Jerusalem in general, and particularly to the apostles and
elders.
And Acts xv. 12, in the council. "Then all the multitude
kept silence, and gave audience to Barnabas and Paul, de-
claring what miracles God had wrought among the Gentiles
by them."
And ver. 25, 26, the apostles and elders, in their epistle,
speaking of Barnabas and Paul, say," they were men that
had hazarded their lives for the name of the Lord Jesus
Christ." Intending, as may be reasonably supposed, the
dangers, and sufferings, which they had met with, when
preaching the gospel to idolaters at Antioch in Pisidia, Ico-
nium, and Lystra, of which St. Luke has given an account,
Acts xiii. near the end, and ch. xiv, to which St. Paul also
refers, 2 Tim. iii. 11. These things Paul and Barnabas, or
the brethren that went up with them from Antioch, had
related to the church at Jerusalem, and to the apostles and
elders. For we hence plainly perceive, that these things
were well known there,
That is St. Luke's history. Let us now observe St. Paul's
own words in this text. "Then fourteen years after I went
up again to Jerusalem.- And I went up by revelation,
and communicated to them that gospel, which I preach
among the Gentiles:" meaning, as seems to me, the church,
or the believing brethren there. So say all the best inter-
preters in general. Dr. Hammond's paraphrase is in these
words: And by God's appointment, either first signified,
or afterwards confirmed to me by vision, (such as Paul
' had about several matters,) I went up at this time to Jeru-
"salem, and gave the church there an account of my
'preaching, and the success of it among the Gentiles. This
6
St. Peter.
227
6
X
'I thought fit to do, and yet first to do it to those that
were the principal men among them.' So Hammond. To
the like purpose Estius," whom I transcribe below. Le
Clerc's French version is to this purpose.
"And I ex-
plained" in public" to the saints the gospel which I preach
among the Gentiles: the which I also did in particular
to them who were in reputation." And Beausobre's: 1y
went thither by revelation, and I conferred with the faith-
ful about the gospel, which I preach among the Gen-
'tiles. I conferred about it also in particular with those
'who were most esteemed among them.' z
6
It follows in the same verse: "Lest by any means I
should run, or had run in vain." That is: This I thought
'fit to do, in order to secure the success of my ministry:
' for removing obstacles in the way of my preaching for
'the future, and that the minds of converts already made
'might not be unsettled. With those views I conferred
' with the believers at Jerusalem in public, and also in pri-
vate with those who were most esteemed.'
Ver. 3, "But neither Titus, who was with me, being a
Greek, was compelled to be circumcised." The apostle's
taking such particular notice of Titus in a letter to chris-
tians converted from idolatry, and calling him a Greek,
led us to think, that he was originally idolatrous.
Ver. 4, "And that because of false brethren, unawares
brought in, who came in privily to spy out our liberty in
W
Et contuli cum illis evangelium, quod prædico in Gentibus.' Augusti-
nus legit: Et exposui illis.' Sed intellige, more conferentis. Id enim vult,
etiam Hieronymo teste, quod in Græco est, avɛɛµηv avrois. Nam sensus
est: Communicavi cum illis qui Jerosolymis erant, de evangelio, quod præ-
dico inter Gentes, deque totâ ratione doctrinæ meæ quam tradidi, et etiam
nunc trado Gentibus, quarum sum Apostolus. Non itaque discendi studio,
quod supra negavit, evangelium suum nunc demum cum ecclesiâ Jerosolymi-
tanâ confert, &c. Est. ad Gal. ii. 2.
X
J'y allai――et j'expliquai en public aux saints l'évangile, que j'annonce
parmi les Gentils; ce que je fis aussi en particulier à ceux qui étoient le plus
en réputation. Le Clerc.
y Or j'y allai par révélation, et je
conférai avec les fidèles touchant l'évangile, que je prêche parmi les Gentils.
J'en conférai en particulier avec les plus célèbres entr' eux. Beaus.
018
The interpretation given by me of St. Paul's phrase kar idiav, as equivalent
to separately, particularly, may be much confirmed by a passage of Libanius,
which I here transcribe. Εγω δε σοι μετα της ύλης πολεως οιδα χαριν.
γαρ με και αυτον εν τοις παρ' εκείνοις ειναι γραμμασι και παλιν ιδια ταυτον
Liban. [ad Mavimum.] Ep. 1157. p. 553. ed. Wolf. To which
may be added another from Josephus. Επει δ' ὑπεσχημαι την αιτιολογίαν
ἁπάντων ιδια συγγραψάμενος παραδώσειν, εις τότε και την περι αυτης έρμη
vɛlav avaßaλsual. Antiq. 1. 1. cap. i. sect. 1.
ποιω.

Accordingly, the Latin Vulgate is thus: Seorsum autem iis, qui videbantur
aliquid esse. -And, in the margin of some of our Bibles, for privately is put
severally: which I think to be the true meaning
Q 2
228
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Christ Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage." Ver.
5, "To whom we gave place by subjection, no not for an
hour that the truth of the gospel might continue with
you."
Where St. Paul seems to refer to the rise of the dispute
at Antioch, which is thus related by St. Luke, Acts. xv. 1,
"And certain men, which came down from Judea, taught
the brethren, and said: Unless ye be circumcised after the
manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved." These, as the
apostle here says, had intruded themselves into the church
of Antioch, that they might bring them into subjection to
all the burdensome observances of the law of Moses. Upon
that account, and for defeating their design, he went up to
Jerusalem, and there acted, as just shown.
Ver.
This text, and the explication now given of it, may
receive illustration from the account which St. Luke gives
of Paul's coming to Jerusalem afterwards, where he first
converses with the brethren, and then has a conference
with James and the elders. The result of which is soon
made known to all. Acts xxi. 17, " And when we were
come to Jerusalem, the brethren received us gladly."
18," And the day following Paul went in with us uuto
James. And all the elders were present." Ver. 19, “ And
when he had saluted them, he declared to them a particularly
what things God had wrought among the Gentiles by his
ministry." Certainly St. Paul here intends heathens and
idolaters. Ver. 20, " And when they heard it, they glori-
fied the Lord, and said to him". ver. 25, "As touching
the Gentiles which believe, we have written, and concluded,
that they observe no such thing." The connection leads
us to suppose, that they speak of all Gentiles whatever,
idolatrous, as well as others.
Upon the whole the apostle assures the christians, his
converts, in Galatia, that his going to Jerusalem, his declar-
ing there to all, the gospel which he preached among the
Gentiles, and his conferring in private with the apostles,
particularly with those who were reckoned the chief of
them, were all done with a view to their benefit," that the
truth of the gospel might continue with them," and other
Gentiles. And the event, as related by St. Luke, and as
represented by the apostle himself in this epistle, was en-
tirely to his satisfaction.
St. Paul in this epistle most earnestly exhorts the Gala-
tians," to stand fast in the liberty with which Christ has
εξηγειτο καθ' ἐν ἑκατον ὧν εποιησεν ὁ θεος εν τοις εθνεσι δια της
διακονίας αυτ8.
St. Peter.
229
made us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke
of bondage," ch. v. 1, and he severely censures instability
in the genuine faith of the gospel. It would be, as seems
to me, very strange, to suppose him to say, that when he
was at Jerusalem, a few years only before writing this epis-
tle, he had studiously concealed the doctrine which he
preached among the Gentiles, from all but some few apos-
tles. His so doing, whether through fear, or from pruden-
tial considerations, or any reasons whatever, must have been
a great discouragement to those to whom he is writing.
How could it be expected, that they should openly assert
before all the world the true evangelical liberty, if himself
had been upon the reserve upon a late and important occa-
sion.
St. Paul's having a private conference with some of the
apostles, is no proof that he had any secrets withheld
from the knowledge of others. But it might be a pro-
per piece of respect to discourse with those who were
in great esteem, about what was to be communicated to
all.
His
If St. Paul had desired to conceal his preaching to
idolatrous Gentiles, he could not have done it.
preaching at Antioch, and his and Barnabas's peregrination
in divers other countries, related in Acts xiii. xiv. were well
known to all the christians at Antioch. And when Paul
and Barnabas went thence to Jerusalem about the question
that had been started there: it is very likely, that some
went to Jerusalem upon the same occasion, who were on the
imposing side of the question. If Paul had endeavoured
to conceal any thing of an offensive nature, they would not
have failed to divulge it.
We now proceed in the history.
Peter having by divine appointment and direction per-
formed that important service at the house of Cornelius in
Cæsarea, and having received Gentiles into communion
by baptism, without circumcision according to the law of
Moses: and his conduct having been approved by the
apostles, and brethren at Jerusalem: "they who had been
scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about
Stephen," and had hitherto preached the word to none
but Jews only, having heard of this transaction, when they
came to Antioch, "spake unto the Greeks, [there,] preach-
ing the Lord Jesus. And the hand of the Lord was with
them. And a great number believed, and turned unto the
Lord. Then tidings of these things came unto the ears of
the church which was at Jerusalem. And they sent forth
230
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Barnabas, that he should go as far as Antioch." He after-
wards brought Paul thither. And from that time forward
the gospel was freely preached to Gentiles, as well as
Jews, and with great success. Acts xi. 19-26.
Soon after the conversion of Cornelius, it is likely that
"the rest of the churches" before mentioned was abated,
till it was quite interrupted. However, Peter, and the
other apostles, still continued in Judea. And according to
the utmost of their power, as the circumstances of things
allowed, employed themselves in confirming the believers,
and making additions to their number.
Toward the end of his reign Herod Agrippa became an
open persecutor of the believers; " and killed James the
brother of John, with the sword. And because he saw it
pleased the Jews, he proceeded farther, to take Peter also.
Then were the days of unleavened bread.] And when he
had apprehended him, he put him in prison, and delivered
him to four quaternions of soldiers, to keep him:" that is,
sixteen in all, four of which were by turns to watch him:
intending after Easter to bring him forth to the people,'
Acts x. 1-4.
66
99
The conversion of Cornelius happened, as I suppose, in
the year 41 of our Saviour's nativity, according to the vul-
gar computation. And the Easter, or passover, here men-
tioned, was probably the passover of the year 44.
"Peter therefore was kept in prison. But prayer was
made without ceasing of the church unto God for him,” ver.
5. And he was delivered out of prison in a miraculous
manner, as related ver. 6-11. The divine being did not
allow that a period should be yet put to the life of that
apostle. One thing very observable in this history is the
composure of Peter's mind in a great extremity, and in the
near apprehension of death. For it is said, ver. 6, " And
when Herod would have brought him forth, the same night
Peter was sleeping between two soldiers bound with two
chains." In that posture the angel found him, who at that
instant was sent to assist his escape.
Having informed some of his intimate friends, assembled
at the house of Mary, in Jerusalem, of his wonderful deli-
verance out of prison, "he departed and went to another
place," ver. 17. Meaning either another house in Jerusa-
lem, or else some city, or village not far from it.
Where, probably, he lived privately, till the death of
Herod Agrippa, which happened before the end of that
year.
Some have thought, that Peter now went to Antioch or
St. Peter.
231
•
Rome. But there is no good evidence of either of those
opinions. Says Mr. L'Enfant upon the place: 'If St. Peter
had gone to some celebrated city, for instance, Antioch,
' according to some, or Rome, according to others, no doubt
St. Luke would have mentioned it, and some of the bre-
• thren would have accompanied him, according to custom.
From the manner in which St. Luke expresseth himself,
nothing is more natural, than to suppose, that St. Peter,
that he might not expose to danger the faithful at the
house where he first called, and where many were as-
sembled, retired to some other place in Jerusalem.'
In the year 49, or 50, was assembled the council of Jeru-
salem, concerning the question, "whether it was needful to
circumcise the Gentiles who believed, and to command them
to keep the law." At this assembly Peter was present,
and in the debate clearly declared his opinion, that "the
yoke of the law should not be laid upon the neck of the
disciples" from among the Gentiles. As a cogent argument
for his opinion, he reminded the assembly, how by divine
appointment he had preached the word of the gospel to
Gentiles at Cæsarea, and that God, "who knoweth the
hearts of all men," had shown his acceptance of them by
giving to them the Holy Ghost, though uncircumcised. By
which it had been made manifest, that they might be
saved by faith in Jesus Christ, without the rituals of the
law.
Whilst Paul was this time at Jerusalem, James, Peter,
and John, "gave to Paul and Barnabas the right hands
of fellowship," that they might proceed in preaching to
Gentiles: whilst they, and the other apostles, still con-
tinued in Judea to preach to those of the circumcision. Gal.
ii. 6-10.
III. Some short time afterwards, as it seems, Peter was
at Antioch, as we learn from St. Paul, Gal. ii. 11-16. I
place this journey of Peter to Antioch, after the council of
Jerusalem, according to the general opinion. But Basnage
argues, that it was before it. If it was not till after it
(as I rather think) it could not be long. For Barnabas was
now at Antioch. Whereas in a short time after their return
b Illud nobis verisimilius, Concilii Hierosolymitani celebrationi anteces-
sisse Petrinam hanc in Syriæ metropoli commorationem. Argumento est
disceptatio Pauli cum Petro, cujus dissimulationem obruisset auctoritate Synodi,
si jam coacta fuisset. Quin imo nulla Petro, et timendi Judæos, et eorum
gratiâ sese separandi a Gentibus, causa fuit, si tum temporis promulgata fuisset
Concilii Hierosolymitani Epistola; quo veluti clypeo, ad omnes telorum
Judaicorum ictus tutus erat. Basnag. Ann. 46. num. xxv.
232
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
thither from Jerusalem, he and Paul parted. Here Peter
at first conversed freely with the Gentile converts. But
when there came thither from Judea some Jewish believers,
zealous for the law," he separated himself, fearing them of
the circumcision." Herein Peter acted contrary to his own
judgment and declared opinion, through fear of the dis-
pleasure of others. St. Paul therefore represents his con-
duct, as dissimulation, or hypocrisy. What he now did, in
compliance with the zealots for the law, was a thing of
very bad tendency. St. Paul therefore justly "withstood
him," and so showed him to be blamable, that Peter ac-
quiesced. Hereby, as Paul expresseth it, "he compelled
the Gentiles to judaize," or become Jews. For his separat-
ing from them, as unfit for converse and communion with
the apostles of Christ, and the believers from among the
Jews, implied, that they were not acceptable in the sight
of God, nor in the way of salvation: and that in order to be
saved, it was needful for them to be circumcised, and keep
the law.
с
It was, as I suppose, soon after the council, and the
year 50, in which Peter came to Antioch. And I imagine,
that he now first of all went abroad out of Judea, into Gen-
tile countries. It is very likely, that he was desirous to
see the christian people at Antioch. But hitherto he had
been little used to converse with Gentiles. And when some
zealous Jewish believers came to Antioch from Jerusalem,
he was alarmed: recollecting, it is likely, how some at Je-
rusalem had contended with him after he was come from
Cæsarea, because he had been with men uncircumcised,
and" did eat with them," Acts xi. 23, and very well know-
ing, from long and frequent experience, the prevailing tem-
per of the people of his country. But it is reasonable to
think, that Peter never more showed the like unsteadiness,
but was firm ever afterwards.
66
с
This is the last time that Peter is expressly mentioned
He compelled the Gentiles to judaize,' or become Jews.] Our trans-
lation is, "Why compellest thou the Gentiles to live as do the Jews?" But it
is far from being exact. Τι τα εθνη αναγκάζεις ιδδαΐζειν ; to judaize is to
become a Jew, or proselyte to the Jewish religion. Esther viii. 17,“ And
many of the people of the land became Jews." Or, as in the seventy--
“ were circumcised and judaized.” Και πολλοι των εθνων περιετεμνοντο, και
sdaïlov. The Greek word is used in the same sense by Josephus. De B. J.
1. 2. cap. 18. n. 2. Απεσκευασθαι γαρ τες Ιεδαίες δοκέντες έκατοι, τες
eðaïšov˜aç εxov ev vпоia. To christianize, arianize, sabellianize, is to be-
come a Christian, an Arian, a Sabellian. And to judaize is to become a
Jew. Which, if I may be allowed to say it, shows the impropriety of the
use of the word Judaizer, now very common among learned moderns, as de-
noting a man, who is for imposing judaism upon others.
St. Peter.
233
е
in the New Testament, excepting his own epistles, and
1 Cor. i. 12, and ch. iii. 22. From which texts Pearson
concludes, that d St. Peter had been at Corinth, before
St. Paul wrote his first epistle to the church there. But
others think, that there were some at Corinth, who had
heard Peter preach in Judea and some who had seen
Christ in person. They who said, "I am of Cephas, or
of Christ," must be supposed to have been Jews, either
by descent, or religion.
I do not think these words can prove that Peter had
been at Corinth, before Paul wrote this epistle. At ch.
iii. 6, St. Paul says: "I have planted, Apollos water-
ed." He makes no mention of Peter's labours among the
Corinthians. Peter may have been at Corinth afterwards,
in his way to Rome. But I do not see any proof from
this epistle of his having been there.
f
IV. We have no where any very distinct account of this
apostle's travels. He might return to Judea, and stay there
a good while after having been at Antioch, at the time spo-
ken of by St. Paul in the epistle to the Galatians. How-
ever, I formerly quoted Epiphanius, saying, that Peter
was often in the countries of Pontus, and Bithynia. And
by Eusebius we are assured, that Origen, in the third tome
of his exposition of the book of Genesis, writes to this pur-
pose: Peter is supposed to have preached to the Jews
of the dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia,
and Asia. Who at length coming to Rome, was crucified
' with his head downwards, himself having desired it might
'be in that manner.'
For the time of Peter's coming to Rome, no ancient writer
d At certissimum est, Petrum non minus quam Paulum Corinthi fuisse, et
quidem antequam S. Paulus primam epistolam dedit ad Corinthios. Ita enim
Apostolus loquitur. 1 Cor. i. 12. Unde colligitur, non minus Cepham, et
Apollo, quam Paulum Corinthi fuisse. Pears. Op. Post. Diss. i. cap. vii. p. 37.
e Alii ergo Corinthi ab Apollo instituti post Pauli abitum, alii ab ipso
Paulo, alii qui ex Judæâ venerant a Petro, sub illis nominibus, alia atque alia
dogmata tradebant. -- Ego autem Christi.' Venerant enim ex Judæâ qui-
dam, qui ipsum Christum docentem audierant. Grot. ad 1 Cor. i. 12. Vid.
et Wits. de Vita Pauli. sect. 7. num. xx. Meletem. p. 104, 105.
Sunt viri docti qui existimant, Petrum Apostolum hoc anno Corinthum
venisse, dum in eâ urbe etiamnum esset Apollos.Sed propensio in Petrum
esse potuit, licet Corinthum pedem non intulisset. Nihil enim vetat fuisse
Christianos Corinthi, qui cum Petrum, in Judæâ aut alibi audivissent, magis-
trum eum suum dictitarent, et Paulo præferrent. Itaque iter hoc Petri nimis
levi conjecturâ nititur. Cleric. H. E. ann. 55. num. v.
f Vol. iv. ch. lxxxiv. num. iv.
'Os
8 Πετρος δε εν Ποντῳ- κεκηρυκεναι τοις εν διασπορα Ιεδαιοις εοικεν.
και επι τελει εν Ῥωμη γενόμενος, ανεσκολοπίσθη κατα κεφαλης, ούτως αυτος
ağıwoas madɛiv. Euseb. H. E. 1. 3. cap. i.
234
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
k
i
is now more regarded by learned moderns than Lactantius,
or whoever is the author of the book of the Deaths of Per-
secutors who says, that h Peter came thither in the time of
Nero. Insomuch that Pagi assents to this account; and
has shown it to be altogether improbable that St. Peter
came thither in the time of Claudius. He likewise ob-
serves some difficulties, which they are liable to, who sup-
pose that he first came to Rome in the reign of Claudius,
and afterwards in the reign of Nero. But though Peter did
not come to Rome before the reign of Nero, which began in
the year of Christ 54, we cannot say exactly the time when
he came thither, as is also m acknowledged by the same ex-
cellent chronologer.
However, it appears to me very probable, that St. Peter
did not come to Rome before the year of Christ 63, or 64, nor
till after St. Paul's departure thence, at the end of his two
years' imprisonment in that city.
The books of the New Testament afford a very plausible,
and probable, if not a certain argument for it. After our
Lord's ascension we find Peter, with the rest of the apostles,
at Jerusalem. He and John were sent by the apostles
from Jerusalem to Samaria, whence they returned to Jerusa-
lem. When Paul came to Jerusalem, three years after his
conversion, he found Peter there. Upon occasion of the
tranquillity of the churches in Judea, Galilee, and Samaria,
near the end of the reign of Caligula, Peter left Jerusalem,
and visited the churches in the several parts of that coun-
try, particularly at Lydda and Joppa, where he tarried
many days. Thence he went to Cæsarea by the sea side,
where he preached to Cornelius, and his company. Thence
he returned to Jerusalem: and some time afterwards he
was imprisoned there by Herod Agrippa. This brings
down the history of our apostle to the year 44. A few
years after this he was present at the council of Jerusalem.
Nor is there any evidence that he came thither barely for
that occasion. It is more probable, that he had not yet
h et per annos xxv. usque ad principium Neroniani imperii per omnes
provincias et civitates ecclesiæ fundamenta miserunt. Cumque jam Nero
imperaret, Petrus Romam advenit, et editis quibusdam miraculis, quæ virtute
ipsius Dei, datâ sibi ab eo potestate, faciebat, convertit multos ad justitiam,
Deoque templum fidele ac stabile collocavit. Quâ re ad Neronem delatâ
et primus omnium persecutus Dei servos, Petrum cruci adfixit, et Paulum
interfecit. De Mort. Persec. cap. 2.
i Critic. in Baron. ann. 43. num. iii.
k Ibid. num. ii.
m
num. ii.
1 Ibid. num. iii.
cum verus ejus adventûs annus nos lateat. Id. ann. 54
St. Peter.
235
been out of Judea.
Soon after that council he was at An-
tioch, where he was reproved by St. Paul.
The books of the New Testament afford no light for de-
termining where Peter was for several years after that. But
to me it appears not unlikely, that he returned in a short
time to Judea from Antioch: and that he stayed in Judea a
good while before he went thence any more.
And it seems
to me, that when he left Judea, he went again to Antioch,
the chief city of Syria. Thence he might go into other
parts of the continent, particularly Pontus, Galatia, Cappa-
docia, Asia, and Bithynia, which are expressly mentioned
at the beginning of his first epistle. In those countries be
might stay a good while. It is very likely that he did
so; and that he was well acquainted with the chris-
tians there, to whom he afterwards wrote two epistles.
When he left those parts, I think, he went to Rome:
but not till after Paul had been in that city, and was gone
from it. Several of St. Paul's epistles furnish out a cogent
argument of Peter's absence from Rome for a considerable
space of time. St. Paul, in the last chapter of his epistle
to the Romans, written, as we suppose, in the beginning of
the year 58, salutes many by name without mentioning
Peter. And the whole tenor of the epistle makes it reason-
able to think, that the christians there had not yet had the
benefit of that apostle's presence and instructions. During
his two years' confinement at Rome, which ended, as we
suppose, in the spring of the year 63, St. Paul wrote four,
or five epistles, those to the Ephesians, the second epistle
to Timothy, to the Philippians, the Colossians, and Phile-
mon in none of which is any mention of Peter. Nor is
any thing said, or hinted, whence it can be concluded that
he had ever been there.
I think therefore that Peter did not come to Rome before
the year 63, or perhaps 64. And, as I suppose, he ob-
tained the crown of martyrdom in the year 64, or 65.
Consequently, St. Peter could not reside very long at Rome
before his death.
n
It is very remarkable, that Nicephorus at the beginning
of the ninth century, in his Chronography, computes St.
Peter's episcopate at Rome to have been of two years' dura-
tion only. For that passage I am indebted to Basnage,
* Οἱ εν Ρώμη επισκοπεύσαντες απο Χρισε, και των αποςόλων" α' Πετρος
aπosodos eтn ß+ Ap. Scalig. Thes. Temp. p. 308.
• Lactantius, Eusebio paullo antiquior, Petrum non Claudio quidem, sed
Nerone imperante, Romam venisse tradit. Neque Lactantio propria chrono-
logia hæc est.- -In Nicephori enim Chronographiâ legimus: Qui Romæ
236
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
whose argument upon it I have placed below. Nice-
phorus, therefore, (and probably others likewise,) must have
supposed, that Peter did not come to Rome, till near the
end of his life.
As the foregoing is the most likely account of St. Peter's
travels, which I have been able to form; I do not see any
reason to believe that he ever was in Chaldea. Cosmas of
Alexandria, who thought, that by Babylon at the end of
St. Peter's first epistle is meant Babylon in Persia, must
have supposed, that this apostle was in that country. And
learned men who understood Babylon in the same sense,
take it for granted, that St. Peter travelled into that part
of the world. But I do not perceive them to support their
opinion by testimonies of ancient writers; which surely
would have been of advantage to it.
And there are some passages of ancient authors, where it
would be reasonable to expect an account of such a journey,
if there had been in those times any knowledge of it, or
well attested tradition about it.
Origen, in the passage cited by Eusebius, and already
quoted by us likewise from him, says: Peter is said to have
preached to the Jews of the dispersion in Pontus, Galatia,
Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia. Who at length coming
'to Rome was crucified.'
6
6
$
Eusebius, in his Chronical Canon, as published by
Scaliger, says, in the Greek, that Peter having found-
ed the church in Antioch, went away to Rome, preaching
• the gospel.'
6
t
Jerom in his book of Illustrious Men, in like manner says:
'that Peter having been at Antioch, and preached to the
Jews of the dispersion in Pontus, and the neighbouring
• episcopatum gesserunt a Christo et Apostolis. Petrus apostolus annis duo-
'bus.'
Quibus consequens est, Petrum biennium circiter ante mortem iter in
urbem direxisse. Secus diuturniorem ei episcopatum vindicâsset Nicephorus.
Basnag. ann. 42. num. x.
P See Vol. v. p. 98.
q Verum ego priorem sententiam tanquam longe verisimiliorem am-
plector, tum quod in Babylone Parthicâ magna esset Judæorum frequentia,
qui aixµadwrapxn suum habuerunt; tum quod Petro Antiochiâ discedenti
facilior ac commodior esset in hæc loca transitus, in quibus eum diu prædi-
câsse, nemo, opinor, facile negabit. Cav. H. L. in Petro. p. 6. Et. Conf.
Basnag. Ann. 57. num. iii. et ann. 46. num. xxv.
6
r Vid. Euseb. H. E. 1. 3. cap. i.
Πετρος ὁ κορυφαιοις, την εν Αντιοχεια πρωτην θεμελίωσας εκκλησίαν, εις
Ρωμην απεισε κηρύττων το ευαγγελιον. Chr. Can. p. 204.
t Simon Petrus,--princeps Apostolorum, post episcopatum Antiochensis
ecclesiæ, et predicationem dispersionis eorum, qui de circumcisione credide-
rant, in Ponto-secundo Claudii Imperatoris anno, ad expugnandum
Simonem Magum, Romam pergit. De V. I. cap. i.
St. Peter.
237
• countries went to Rome.' In another place Jerom says:
that "Christ was with the apostles in all the places
' whither they went. He was with Thomas in India, with
'Peter at Rome, with Paul in Illyricum, with Titus in Crete,
• with Andrew in Achaia.' Why does he not also say, that
Christ was with Peter in Babylon?
Ephrem the Syrian says, that Peter preached at Rome,
John at Ephesus, Matthew in Palestine, and Thomas in the
'Indies.'
<
W
Gregory Nazianzen speaks of Paul, as having for his
province all the Gentiles in general; Peter, Judea; Luke,
Achaia; Andrew, Epirus; John, Ephesus; Thomas, the In-
dies; and Mark, Italy.
6
6
Why do none of these writers take in Babylon, or Per-
sia, or Chaldea, as the apostle Peter's province ?
6
X
Once more. Says Chrysostom: This is one prerogative
of our city, (Antioch) that we had at the beginning the
'chief of the apostles for our master. For it was fit that
the place which was first honoured with the name of
christians, should have the chief of the apostles for its
pastor. But though we had him for a master awhile, we
'did not detain him, but resigned him to the royal city,
Rome. Or rather, we have him still. For though we
have not his body, we have his faith.' I might refer to
other places of Chrysostom, where he speaks of Peter's
having been at Rome. But why does he not also mention
Babylon?
•
I therefore rely upon the account before given of St.
Peter's travels, as most likely. And in particular I ob-
serve, that we have not in ancient christian writers any good
assurance of his having ever been in Persia, or Parthia. A
learned writer of our time, who contends that he was there,
and that his first epistle was written at the Assyrian Ba-
bylon, acknowledgeth, that y from that epistle of St. Peter
alone we have not any assurance of his having been at
Babylon.
V. In the history of St. Paul I have already shown it to
u Tom. IV. P. I. p. 167. ad Marcell. ep. 148.
▾ See Vol. iv. ch. cii. num. vi.
X
* Εν γαρ και τετο πλεονέκτημα της ημετερα
κορυφαιον λαβειν εν αρχη διδασκαλον.--Αλλα
αλλα παρεχωρησαμεν τη βασιλίδι Ρωμη, κ. λ.
T. III. p. 70.
Superest aliquid, quod ex hoc Petri loco
noscimus hic, quod aliunde non constat,
magnamque ibi messuisse Christo messem.
Part. II. p. 113.
In
* Orat. 25. p. 438. A.
πολεως, το των αποςόλων
-ουκ εις τέλος κατεχομεν,
Princip. Act. Ap. hom. 2.
discamus. Primum igitur cog-
Babylone etiam fuisse Petrum,
Heumann. Nova Sylloge Diss.
238
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
be probable, that he and Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome
in 64, or 65.
Z
Cave likewise, in his Life of St. Peter, written in Eng-
lish in 1676, placeth the death of this apostle in 64 or 65.
Nor was his mind much altered when he published his
Historia Literaria in 1688. For there also he supposeth
that St. Petera died a martyr at Rome, in the year of
Christ 64, at the beginning of Nero's persecution: and
indeed expresseth himself with a great deal of assurance
and positiveness.
C
Jerom concludes his article of St. Peter saying, 'He was
• buried at Rome in the Vatican, near the triumphal way,
' and is in veneration all over the world.' We likewise
formerly saw a passage of Caius, about the year 212, where
he speaks of the tombs of the two apostles, Peter and
Paul, at Rome. And Chrysostom, in a passage lately
cited, supposes St. Peter to have been buried in that
city.
VI. I shall now take notice of a few things hitherto
entirely omitted, or but slightly touched upon. His epis-
copate at Antioch, his having been five and twenty years
bishop of Rome, his children, his wife's martyrdom, said to
have absconded at Rome, the manner of his crucifixion.
1. We have seen several authors who speak of Peter's
having been at Antioch. Chrysostom seems to have sup-
posed, that he was there a good while. This may be
z
<< The date of his death is differently assigned by the ancients. That
' which seems to me most probable is, that it was in the tenth of Nero, or the
year 65. Which I thus compute. Nero's burning of Rome is placed by
Tacitus under the consulship of C. Lucanus, and M. Licinius, about the
• month of July, that is, A. ch. lxiv. This act procured him the hatred and
• clamours of the people. Which having in vain endeavoured several ways to
remove and pacify, he at last resolved upon this project, to drive the odium
upon the christians. Whom therefore, both to appease the gods, and please
the people, he condemned as guilty of the fact, and caused to be executed
• with all manner of acute and exquisite tortures. This persecution began, as
we may suppose, about the end of that, or the beginning of the following,
year. And under this persecution, I doubt not, it was St. Peter suffered,
⚫ and changed earth for heaven.' Cave's Life of St. Peter, sect. xi.
<
•
a Tandem sub Nerone, forsan circa annum 63, Romam venit, fideles,
quos ibi reperit, in ordinem redegit, ecclesiam constituit, auxit, et mox san-
guine suo locupletavit- Obiit igitur sanctus Petrus anno Christi 64,
Neronis 10, sub initium persecutionis Neronianæ, ut in opere vernaculo, De
Vitis Apostolorum,' latius disseruimus. Etenim cum Nero ob grande illud
scelus, Romanæ Urbis incendium, in odium omnium venisset, abolendo
rumori, inquit Tacitus, crimen conjecit in christianos, eosque hac de causâ
quæsitissimis pœnis affecit. Quin hac occasione rapti sint ad martyrium
Apostoli, nemo, cui sanum sinciput, dubitare potest. Hist. Lit. de Petro, p. 5.
b See Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. viii. 7.
c Vol. ii. ch. xxxii. num. i. 1.
a See before, p. 236.
St. Peter.
239
also implied in the passage of Jerom before cited from his
book of Illustrious Men, where he speaks of Peter's epis-
copate of Antioch. And in his commentary upon the
epistle to the Galatians, he says, that Peter was first
bishop of Antioch, and afterwards bishop of Rome. Euse-
bius, speaking of Ignatius and his epistles, calls him the
second bishop of Antioch after Peter. Jerom calls Igna-
tius the third bishop of Antioch after Peter. They both
suppose Euodius, of whom Eusebius speaks elsewhere,
to have been the first bishop of Antioch, or the first after
Peter.
i
What real foundation there is for all this, is hard to say;
whether it be built entirely upon what St. Paul writes,
Gal. ii. 11-16, or whether there was some other ground
for it.
But, as before said in the account above given of St.
Peter's travels, I think that St. Peter did not stay long
at Antioch, the first time he was there, which is mentioned
by St. Paul, but returned to Judea, and after some time leav-
ing that country, he went to Antioch again. Where he might
stay a while, and then go and preach in the countries men-
tioned at the beginning of his first epistle, and then go to
Rome.
2. It has been said, that Peter was bishop of Rome five
and twenty years. This is said by Jerom in his book of
Illustrious Men, and in his Chronicle, or his Latin edition
of Eusebius's Greek Chronicle, or Chronical Canon, as it
is sometimes called: where m he added divers things, not
said by Eusebius himself.
e See before, p. 236, note *.
f Denique primum episcopum
Antiochenæ ecclesiæ Petrum fuisse accepimus, et Romam exinde translatum
quod Lucas penitus omisit. Hieron. in ep. ad Gal. cap. ii. 11-13. T. IV.
P. I. p. 244.
g της κατ' Αντιοχειαν Πετρε διαδοχης
δεύτερος την επισκοπην κεκληρωμενος. Η. Ε. 1. 3. cap. 36. p. 106. D.
h Ignatius, Antiochenæ ecclesiæ tertius post Petrum apostolum episcopus.
De V. I. cap. 16.
1 H. E. 1. 3. cap. 22.
k Post episcopatum Antiochensis ecclesiæ, et prædicationem dispersionis
eorum, qui de circumcisione crediderant in Ponto -Romam pergit: ibique
viginti quinque annis cathedram sacerdotalem tenuit, usque ad ultimum
annum Neronis, id est decimum quartum. De V. I. cap. i.
m
¹ Petrus apostolus, quum primus Antiochenam ecclesiam fundâsset, Romam
mittitur, ubi evangelium prædicans xxv annis ejusdem urbis episcopus perse-
verat. Chron. p. 160.
—' Ïbid. xxv. annis ejusdem urbis
episcopus perseverat.'] Adjecta sunt ab Hieronymo, et ab eodem repetuntur in
Catalogo Scriptor. Ecc. Græca enim non habent. Ab Assumtione Domini,
ad id tempus, quo Petrus conjectus fuit in vincula ab Herode Agrippâ-
Petrus semper fuit in Palæstinâ, aut Syriâ. Herodes obiit quarto anno Claudii.
Quomodo igitur anno secundo Claudii profectus est Romam? Quomodo
viginti quinque annos Romæ perseveravit? Scaliger. Animad. p. 189.
240
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
But this is inconsistent with the history in the Acts. Nor
is it any where expressly said by Eusebius: though, per-
haps, it might be argued from some things said by him.
How the origin of this notion is accounted for by n Pagi,
and Baluze, both Romanists, may be seen in their own
words, which I transcribe below. I refer likewise to P
Basnage, and Dodwell. In all whom are good observa-
tions relating to this point.
0
'
s
t
3. Clement of Alexandria reckons Peter among those
apostles, who had children. According to him Philip was
another. Epiphanius says, that Peter came to Christ
after he was married, and had children. Jerom, in his
first book against Jovinian, takes notice, that in the Cir-
cuits, probably meaning the Recognitions, mention was
made both of Peter's wife and daughter. But, says he,
that is not a canonical book. And still we have a passage
in the Recognitions, where St. Peter's wife is mentioned:
but, as Cotelerius observes, what was said of Peter's
n Præstat hic Lactantii citati verba in medium afferre. Apostoli per annos
xxv. usque ad principium Neroniani Imperii per omnes provincias et civi-
*tates ecclesiæ fundamenta miserunt. Cumque jam Nero imperaret, Petrus
• Romam advenit.'--Ex his viginti quinque annis, qui ad prædicationem
omnium Apostolorum ex æquo pertinent, orta videtur opinio de xxv. annis,
qui vulgo tribuuntur S. Petro in sede Romanå. Pagi, ann. 43. num. iii.
• Fortassis ergo ex his viginti quinque annis, qui ad prædicationem omnium
Apostolorum æque pertinent, orta est opinio de viginti quinque annis, quos
quidam veteres, innumerabile recentiorum agmen, sancto Petro apostolo tri-
buunt in sede Romanâ. Sane licet frustra et supervacaneè a nonnullis negari
putem adventum ejus ad urbem Romam, qui clarissimis veterum testimoniis
comprobatus est; de tempore tamen multum ambigo, cum videam tot tantas-
que difficultates habere eorum sententiam, qui illum Romam venisse volunt
Claudio imperante, ut coacti sint duplicare profectionem ejus in urbem, et
duplex item ejus cum Simone Mago certamen comminisci, primo quidem
temporibus Claudii, dein principatu Neronis. Quæ res quam absurda sit,
cum id a nullo veterum proditum sit memoriæ literarum, pervident istarum
rerum periti.—Itaque si fas esset recedere a vulgari, et in animis hominum
insitâ opinione, ei Lactantianam lubenter præferrem; id est, Petrum quidem
Romæ prædicâsse evangelium facile concederem, non sub Tiberio Claudio, ut
vulgo putant, sed sub Nerone Claudio, &c. Steph. Baluz. annot. ad libr. de M.
P. cap. 2.
P Ann. 42. n. x. xi.
9 Diss. Singularis. cap. iii. n. 1. p. 13.
r
—η και αποτολες αποδοκιμάζεσι ; Πετρος μεν γαρ και Φιλιππος επαιδο-
woinσavto. Clem. Strom. 1. 3. p. 448. D. et ap. Euseb. H. E. 1. 3. cap. 30.
8 Μετα γαρ το γημαι, και τεκνα κεκτησθαι, και πενθεραν εχειν, συνέτυχε τῳ
σωτήρι, εξ Ιεδαίων ὁρμωμενος. Hær. 30. num. xxii. p. 147. Β.
t Possumus autem et de Petro dicere, quod habuerit socrum eo tempore quo
credidit, et uxorem non habuerit; quamquam legatur in Iɛpiodois et uxor
ejus et filia. Sed nunc nobis de canone omne certamen est. Contr. Jovin. 1.
1. T. IV. P. II. p. 168. in.
« ‹ Die autem posterâ sedens cum uxore Petri.'] Testatur Hieronymus
contra Jovinianum scribens, legi in Periodis et uxorem Petri et filiam. Ea
St. Peter.
241
}
daughter is wanting. Possibly these things may illustrate
the words of Peter, recorded Matt. xix. 27, "Behold, we
have forsaken all, and followed thee. What shall we have
therefore?" And indeed Origen, in his Commentary upon
St. Matthew, says: "It seems that Peter did not leave
'nets only, but also a house, and a wife, whose mother the
'Lord healed of a fever, and, as may be supposed, chil-
'dren, and possibly likewise some small estate.'
C
W
X
4. Farther, Clement of Alexandria, cited also by x
Eusebius, informs us: It was said, that the blessed Peter
seeing his wife led forth to death, rejoiced for the grace
of God vouchsafed to him, and calling to her by name,
'exhorted and comforted her, saying: "Remember the
'Lord." If time and place had been mentioned, it would
have added to the credibility of the story. However, she
might be at Rome, as we know Peter was.
And if so,
she might suffer about the same time with him. For Nero's
persecution took in people of both sexes, and of all condi-
tions, as we know from the accounts given by Tacitus. And
we learn from St. Paul, that Peter was attended by his wife
in his travels. 1 Cor. ix. 5.
6
6
5. It is also said, that St. Peter being imprisoned at
Rome, or being in some imminent danger of suffering, the
brethren there entreated him to consult his safety by flight,
and to reserve himself for farther service and usefulness.
At length he was persuaded, and went out in the dark
night. But when he came to the gate, he saw Christ en-
tering into the city. Whereupon he said: "Lord, whither
igitur Circuituum pars, in quâ de Petri filiâ (Petronillam illam vocant) sermo
erat, nunc desideratur. Uxorem autem memorant præterea Clem. A. Str. 7.
ubi et martyrium illius refert verbis, quæ citantur ab Eusebio, iii. 30. Origenes
ad Matt. xix. 27. Epiphanius, H. 30. n. 22. Hieronymus, ep. 34. Coteler.
ad Recognit. 1. 7. cap. 25.
V
▾ Origen. in Matt. Tom. XV. p. 682. T. III. Bened.
W
* Φασι γεν, τον μακαριον Πετρον θεασαμενον την αυτε γυναικα αγομενην
την επι θανατον, ήσθηναι της κλήσεως χαριν-επιφωνησαι δε εν μαλα
προτρεπτικως και παρακλητικώς εξ ονόματος προσειποντα Μεμνησο, ω αυτη, τε
κυριό. Str. 7. p. 736. B.
× H. E. 1. 3. cap. 30.
y Idem Petrus postea, victo Simone, cum præcepta Dei populo seminaret,
excitavit animos Gentilium: quibus eum quærentibus, christianæ animæ
deprecatæ sunt, ut paulisper cederet. Et quamvis esset cupidus passionis,
tamen contemplatione populi precantis inflexus est. Rogabatur enim, ut ad
instituendum et confirmandum populum se reservaret. Quid multa? Nocte
muros egredi cœpit. Sed videns sibi in portâ Christum occurrere, urbemque
ingredi, ait: Domine, quo vadis? Respondit Christus: Venio iterum crucifigi.
-Intellexit ergo Petrus, quod iterum Christus crucifigendus esset in servulo.
Itaque sponte remeavit. Interrogantibus christianis responsum reddidit,
statimque correptus, per crucem suam honoravit Dominum Jesum. Ambr.
Serm. contr. Aux. T. II. p. 867. A. B. ed. Bened.
VOL. VI.
R
242
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'art thou going?" Christ answered: "I am come hither
'to be crucified again." By which Peter apprehended him-
'self to be reproved, and perceived that Jesus spake of his
death, and that now he was to be crucified in his servant.
Accordingly Peter turned back, and gave satisfaction to the
'brethren. And being soon after taken up, he was cruci-
'fied.'
6
This story is in Ambrose, bishop of Milan, in the fourth
century. Tillemont z has endeavoured to find some
grounds for it, or references to it, in more ancient authors.
But they are very obscure and doubtful. Basnage a has
some remarks upon it, which may be read by such as have
leisure.
6. St. Peter's death, and the manner of it, we saw just
now in a passage cited from Origen, and likewise, that
when he was to be crucified, he desired it might be in that
way. So likewise Jerom, that he was crucified by order
' of Nero, and so crowned with martyrdom, his head down-
'ward, and his feet lifted up, saying he was unworthy to be
crucified as his Master was.' To the like purposed Pru-
dentius. Chrysostom also several times speaks of Peter's
being crucified with his head downwards.
6
e
And it is unquestioned, that f among the Romans some
were so crucified, to add to their pain and ignominy.
Nevertheless some ancient writers, who speak of Peter's
martyrdom by crucifixion, do not take notice of that
z S. Pierre, art. 35. et note 39. Mem. Tom. I.
a Ann. 65. num. xi.
c
b See p. 234.
• A quo et affixus cruci, martyrio coronatus est, capite ad terram verso, et
in sublime pedibus elevatis, asserens, se indignum, qui sic crucifigeretur, ut
Dominus suus. De V. I. cap. i.
d Primum Petrum rapuit sententia, legibus Neronis,
Pendere jussum præminente ligno.
Ille tamen, veritus celsæ decus æmulando mortis
Ambire tanti gloriam magistri,
Exigit, ut pedibus mersum caput imprimant supinis,
Quo spectet imum stipitem cerebro. IIɛpt sɛp. cap. 12.
άτε δη και πλειονος λαβων δυναμιν και μείζον το θαρσος ύπερ αυτε
αποθανειν, και τῳ σαυρῳ κατα κεφαλης προσομιλησαι, κ. λ. Chr. in Pr. Act.
hom. 4. T. III. p. 93. E.
Παυλος δε και Πετρος εχι ός μεν αποτμηθεις, ός δε απ' εναντίας τῳ δεσποτη
τε ταυρε την τιμωριαν δεξαμενος, ούτω μετέςη της παρεσης ζωης. In Gen.
hom. 66. Tom. IV. p. 630. A.
Ο Χριςος εταυρωθη· οὗτος εμελλεν αποκεφαλίζεσθαι· ὁ Πετρος κατωθεί
avεσkoλomioon. In 2 Tim. hom. 5. T. XI. p. 687. D.
f Vid. Basnag. ann. 65. num. xiv.
8 Ubi Petrus passioni dominicæ adæquatur. Tertull. Pr. cap. 36. p. 245
Tunc Petrus ab altero cingitur, quum cruci adstringitur. Id. Scorp. cap. 15
p. 633.
-------- Petrum cruci adfixit, et Paulum interfecit. De Mort. Persec. cap. 2.
St. Peter.
243
i
circumstance. Which has induced Basnage to dispute
the truth of it. Allowing that Peter was crucified in that
manner, he thinks it is not reasonable to suppose it was at
his own request. And it must be acknowledged that his
reasoning is plausible.
It seems to me, that Peter might be crucified in that
manner, and that it might be owing to the spite and malice
of those who put him to death. The saying, that it was
at his own desire, may have been at first only the oratorical
flight of some man of more wit than judgment. But the
thought was pleasing, and therefore has been followed by
6
many.
6
1
VII. Some learned men have denied that Peter ever was
at Rome, ask Scaliger, Salmasius, m Frederick Spanheim,
and some others. Mr. Bower is much of the same mind.
His words are: From" what has been hitherto said, every
impartial judge must conclude, that it is at best very
'much to be doubted, whether St. Peter ever was at Rome.'
Nevertheless there have been many learned men among the
protestants, as well as Romanists, whose impartiality was
never questioned, who have believed, and argued very well
that Peter was at Rome, and suffered martyrdom there. I
refer to some: Cave, P Pearson, Le Clerc, Basnage,
9
Ⓡ Barratier.
0
T
I shall therefore remind my readers of some testimonies
of ancient writers, relating to this matter, making
h Ubi supra, num. xiv.
1 Concesso, ut plures testantur,
sublimibus Petrum vestigiis affixum cruci, quin ex Prætoris mandato irrogatum
hoc supplicii, quo pereunti adderetur dolor et ludibrium non credere non
possumus. Præpostera sane et vana ea videtur esse modestia, quam ascri-
bunt Petro.Neque priscorum aliquem martyrum, qui in crucem acti fue-
runt, similis unquam incessit humilitas.- -Præterea certo certius est, atrocius
eorum fuisse supplicium, qui inverso, quam qui recto capite figebantur cruci.
-Martyris autem est, imperatam sibi mortem perferre fortiter, non vero
poscere, ut intendantur a carnifice tormenta. Id. ib. num. xv.
k Quum igitur Petrus ad reρiroμηv missus esset, videtur in diaσтoрa
Asianâ periisse, si conjecturæ locus est. Nam de ejus Romam adventu, sede
25 annorum et supremo capitis supplicio, ibidem, nemo qui paullo humanior
fuerit, credere posset. Jos. Scal. annot. ad Joh. xviii. 31.
1 De Petro vero a Nerone sublato non constat. Si non potest probari
Romæ illam fuisse unquam, quomodo ibi crucifixus? Putem ego cum Sal-
masio Babylone martyrium passum esse, si quid divinare in re incertâ licet.
Gallæus ad Lact. Instit. 1. 4. cap. 21. Vid. et de Salmasii sententiâ Pearson.
De Success. prim. Rom. Episcop. Diss. i. cap. viii.
n
m Diss. de fictâ profectione Petri Ap. in urbem Romam. Opp. Tom. II. p.
331, &c.
History of the Popes, Vol. I. p. 5.
P De Successione primorum Romæ
• Hist. Lit. in Petro.
episcoporum. Diss. i. cap. vii. et viii.
Hist. Ecc. ann. 67. n. i. et ann. 68. n. 1, 2.
Ann. 64. num. ix. x. xi.
$ De Successione Episc. Roman. cap. i.
R 2
244
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
also a few remarks upon them. And then let every one
judge.
6
.
t
v
I begin with Clement of Rome, who wrote an epistle to
the Corinthians, before the year of Christ 70, as some think,
or about the year 96, as others suppose. In that epistle
are these expressions. But not to insist any longer,' says
he, upon examples of former times, let us come to those
worthies that are nearest to us, and take the brave ex-
amples of our own age. Through zeal and envy they
'who were the most righteous pillars of the church have
'been persecuted even to a cruel death. Let us set
before our eyes the excellent apostles. Peter through
'unrighteous zeal underwent not one or two, but many
labours, till at last, being martyred, he went to the place
of glory that was due to him. Through zeal " Paul ob-
'tained the reward of patience. Seven times he was in
bonds, he was whipped, he was stoned. He preached
'both in the east and in the west. And having taught the
whole world righteousness, and coming to the borders
of the west, and suffering martyrdom under the gover-
nors, so he departed out of the world, and went to the
'most holy place, being a most eminent pattern of pa-
6
'tience.
6
6
×
w
To these men, who lived a divine life, was joined a
great multitude of choice ones, who having undergone
through zeal many reproaches and torments, became an
• excellent example among us.'
From these passages I think it may be justly concluded,
that Peter and Paul were martyrs at Rome in the time of
Nero's persecution. For they suffered among the Romans,
where Clement was bishop, and in whose name he was writ-
ing to the Corinthians. They were martyrs, when many
others were an example, or pattern, of a like patience
among them. To these apostles,' says Clement, was
joined a great multitude of choice ones,' or elect, that
is, christians. This is a manifest description of Nero's per-
secution at Rome, when a multitude of christians there were
6
u
V
6
Clem. ep. ad. Cor. cap. v. vi.
- εδιωχθησαν και έως θανατε δεινε.
Λαβωμεν προ οφθαλμων ἡμων τες αγαθές αποτολες. Πετρος δια ζηλον
και ούτω μαρτυρήσας επορεύθη εις τον οφειλόμενον τοπον της δόξης.
* Δια ζηλον ὁ Παυλος ὑπομονης βραβειον επεσχεν.
αδικον.
* Και επι το τερμα της δύσεως ελθων, και μαρτυρησας επι των ἡγεμενων,
ούτως απηλλαγη τε κόσμε και εις το άγιον τοπον επορεύθη, υπομονης γενομενος
μεγιςος υπογραμμος.
5 Τέτοις τοις ανδρασιν θειως
πολιτευσαμένοις συνηθροίσθη πολυ πλήθος εκλεκτων, οίτινες πολλαις αικίαις και
βασανοις δια ζηλον παθοντες ὑποδειγμα καλλιτον εγενοντο εν ημιν.
St. Peter.
245
put to death under grievous reproaches, and exquisite tor-
ments, as we are assured by Tacitus. These were joined
to the excellent apostles, Peter and Paul, before mentioned.
Therefore Peter and Paul had suffered at that place, and at
that time: and, as it seems, according to this account, at the
beginning of that persecution. Which may be reckoned
not at all improbable.
When Clement says, that "Paul suffered martyrdom
under the governors," he may be understood to mean" by
order of the magistrate." It cannot be hence inferred, that
Peter and Paul did not die by Nero's order, or in virtue of
his edict against the christians. It should be considered,
that Clement is not an historian. He is writing an epistle,
containing divers exhortations. It was not needful for him.
to be more particular. He does not name the city in which
either Peter or Paul died, nor the death which they underwent.
But he intimates, that they suffered a cruel death, together
with many choice ones among them. Which must mean
Rome. And he plainly represents these apostles as martyrs,
who had suffered through envy and unrighteous zeal. The
place and the manner of their death were well known
to the christians at Corinth, to whom Clement was writ-
ing.
If we consider where Clement was, he may be reasonably
excused from naming the emperor, or being otherwise more
particular. This epistle was written soon after some
troubles, which the christians at Rome had met with, as
appears plainly from the beginning of it: meaning, it is
likely, either the persecution of Nero, or of Domitian, the
next persecutor of the christians. It is not at all
strange, that at such a time Clement should think him-
self obliged to circumspection in the manner of his ex-
pressions.
C
Indeed the primitive christians were always very careful,
not to speak disrespectfully of heathen princes, or other
magistrates, how much soever they suffered from them.
The epistle begins in this manner. • The calamities and
afflictions, brethren, which have befallen us, have some-
'what retarded our answer to your inquiries.' Those
afflictions intend, as before said, the persecution of Nero
or Domitian. And if so, certainly there is much mildness
in the expressions. But a very different style is used pre-
sently after in speaking of the dissension which there was
among the christians at Corinth. It is called · a wicked
and ungodly sedition, unbecoming the elect of God, fc-
mented by a few rash and self-willed men.'
246
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Bishop Pearson has argued from this place, that Peter
and Paul did not die by order of Nero himself, but by
order of the prefects of the city, when Nero was absent,
and, particularly, on Feb. 22, in the year of Christ 68, and
the last year of Nero. And he says, that the Greek word,
which I have rendered governors or magistrates, never
denotes the emperor, but only the prefects of the city or
of the provinces.
a
b
But Pearson was very unhappy in that observation. For
Nero was at Rome in the beginning of the year 68. Pagi
and Basnage have shown, that whereas Nero was ab-
sent from Rome almost two years, the greatest part of
66, and 67, he arrived at Rome from Greece in Decem-
ber 67.
And the word, which I have rendered 'governors,' is often
used, not only for prefects, but also for kings and emperors,
or other supreme magistrates. Of which I place several
instances in the margin.
However both the noun and the verb are general words,
and are used concerning governors supreme and subordi-
nate. As is apparent from that well known text, Luke iii.
1, "Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius
e
7 S. Paulus (cum Petro) ultimo Neronis anno martyrium fecit. Factum
autem id est sub Præfectis in urbe, ut testatur Clemens Romanus, absente
scilicet Nerone, Februarii die 22. Ann. Paulin. p. 25. A. D. 68.
a Quod si Romam diserte non expresserit, Neronem certe multo minus
delineavit. Dicit enim Paulum επι των ἡγεμενων.Neque enim ἡγεμενοι
Imperatore, in provinciis præsertim, Præsidum loca sub variis nominibus obti-
nebant. -Neque hæc vox tantum in provinciis solennis fuit, sed etiam
Romæ -Tales erant Romæ, ultimo Neronis anno, duo Præfecti Prætorio,
Tigellines et Sabinus, et cum summâ potestate Helius. De Succession. prim.
Romæ Episcop. Diss. i. cap. 8. sect. ix.
b Ann. 67. num. ii.
ποταμε.
c Ann. 66. num. vi. et 67. n. v.
d 1 Kings xv. 13, it is said of Asa," And also Maachah his mother he
removed from being queen." In the LXX. it is thus: Kat Tny avα Tηv
Και την ανα την
μητερα ἑαυτε μετέςησε τα μη ειναι ἡγεμενην. 2 Chron. vii. 18. When God
appeared to Solomon, he said, "Then will I establish the throne of thy king-
dom. There shall not fail thee a man to be ruler in Israel." Ovк εžαρρησεтαι
σοι ήγεμενος ανηρ εν Ισραήλ. 2 Ch. ix. 26, “ And he reigned over all the
kings from the river." Και ην ήγεμενος παντων των βασιλεων απο το
Tоraμ8. When St. Matth. ch. ii. 6, quotes the words of the prophet Micah:
"Out of thee shall come a governor, ny8uevos, that shall rule my people
Israel:" he does not mean a governor of inferior rank, but the Messiah himself.
I shall add only a like instance or two from Josephus, and from a Greek
classic, though many might be mentioned. μεχρι ετος δωδεκατε την
Nepwvos nyεμоviac. Joseph. Ant. 1. 20. cap. x. sect. ult. n. 2.. -δωδεκατῳ
μεν έτει της Νερωνος ἡγεμονιας. De B. I. 1. 2. cap. 14. n. 4. του
πρεσβύτερον αυτών αποδείξαι Ρωμαιων ἡγεμονα. Dion. Ηal. 1. 4. cap. 4. p.
202. ed. Hudson.
• Εν έτει δε πεντεκαιδεκατῳ της ηγεμονίας
Τιβέριο Καίσαρος, ἡγεμονευοντος Ποντιο Πιλατε της Ιεδαίας.
St. Peter.
247
Cæsar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea." As the
words are well rendered in our version. But, literally,
they might be translated in this manner. "Now in the
fifteenth year of the government of Tiberius Cæsar, Pontius
Pilate being governor of Judea."
As for the words being in the plural number, it is no un-
common thing to prefer that to the singular, when we are
obliged to be cautious, and intend, as I suppose Clement
did, to speak in a general way. In short, Clement shows,
that Peter and Paul had died by martyrdom, and not in a
tumult of the people, but by order of the magistrate, mean-
ing the emperor, though he is not named.
So that I must take the liberty to say, that Pearson's ob-
servation, that Peter and Paul were put to death, not by
Nero, but by the prefects of Rome, or some other great
officer, in the absence of the emperor, appears to be of no
value. And it is destitute of all authority from history.
For we shall see as we proceed, that the death of these two
apostles is continually ascribed to Nero by all who speak
distinctly about it.
6
6
One thing more I must take notice of. From these
pas-
sages of Clement it has been argued, that Peter never was
at Rome, inf this manner. 'Clemens Romanus, (who was
personally acquainted with the apostles, and knew very
'well where they travelled,) writes a letter from Rome to
Corinth, and mentions St. Paul's travelling very far to
spread the gospel : but in the same section, though he
mentions St. Peter's sufferings and martyrdom, yet he
'says nothing of his travelling much, nor one word of his
ever having been at Rome.'
6
Upon which I beg leave to observe, first. It seems to
me that Clement says, Peter and Paul suffered martyrdom
at Rome, for speaking of the great multitude of the elect,
who had been an excellent example of patience among
'them,' meaning the Romans, he says, 'they were joined
'to' or with the good apostles,' before mentioned. There-
fore the apostles had suffered in the same place. Certainly
Clement, who wrote this, did not think that Peter died at
Babylon in Mesopotamia, and Paul at Rome in Italy. Se-
condly. The reason why Clement so particularly mentions
St. Paul's travels, probably, was, because the extent of his
preaching was very remarkable. And it is likely, that
Clement refers to Rom. xv. 19. Thirdly, his omitting to
f See Dr. Benson's Preface to St. Peter's first epistle, sect. iii. p. 157
second edition.
5 Τέτοις---συνηθροίσθη πολυ πλήθος εκλεκτων.
248
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
speak of Peter's travels is not a denial of his having travelled
a great deal. Nor does it imply that he had not been at
Rome. St. Paul must have been twice in the west, and at
Rome, if he suffered martyrdom there. But Clement does
not say so, though he knew it very well. As did the Co-
rinthians likewise. But when we speak or write of things
well known (as these things were at that time) there is no
need to be very particular. It was sufficient if Cle-
ment mentioned such things as would render his exhor-
tations effectual.
I shall now transcribe below h some like observations of
Pearson, in his confutation of Salmasius.
Upon the whole, I cannot but think that these passages
of Clement bear a testimony to the martyrdoms both
of Peter and Paul, and that at Rome, which cannot be
evaded.
Ignatius, about 108, writing to the Romans says, ' Ii do
'not command you, as Peter and Paul. They were apos-
tles. I am a condemned person.' Ignatius must have
supposed that the christians at Rome had been instructed by
Peter, as well as by Paul. The observations of Pear-
son, and ¹ Barratier, upon this place, which I put below, ap-
pear very just.
1
k
The preaching of Peter, or of Peter and Paul, quoted
¹ Denique manifestum est, nihil hic a Clemente de Urbe vel de Imperatore
diserte et expressim dictum esse, quia a Romanis ad Corinthios scripsit, qui
hæc omnia, non minus quam ipse, noverunt. Imo Clemens mentionem loci
non fecit, non quia ipse ignorabat, sed quia illi cognoverunt. Nam si igno-
râsset quo in loco, quâ in regione, aut quâ in orbis parte, mortuus est Petrus,
quomodo asserere potuit, eum martyrio coronatum fuisse? -Proculdubio
hæc loci omissio non ex ignorantiâ cujuspiam, aut scriptoris alterius, sed ex
certissimâ omnium, ad quos spectabat hæc epistola, tum Romanorum, tum
Corinthiorum, aliorumque fidelium cognitione et exploratâ scientiâ quæ ulte-
riorem expositionem minime requirebat. Ac tandem argumentum hoc nega-
tivum ex Clemente productum, non eorum sed nostrum est. Clemens optime
novit, et ubi, et quomodo passus est S. Petrus. Idem etiam bene noverunt
tum Romani, tum Corinthii. Aliter eos eâ de re certiores fecisset Clernens.
Pearson. de Success. prim. Romæ Episc. Diss. i. cap. 8. sect. ix.
Ουχ᾿ ὡς Πετρος και Παυλος διατασσομαι ὑμιν. Εκεινοι αποςολοι, εγω
KаTakρITоÇ. Ad Rom. cap. 4.
k Quid enim ex his verbis ad Romanos scriptis apertius, quam sanctissimum
martyrem in eâ sententiâ fuisse, quod Petrus, non minus quam Paulus, Romæ
evangelium prædicavit, et passus sit? Pearson, ib. cap. 7. n. ii.
1
Ignatius,-
-Romanis scribens, negat se ipsis, tamquam Petrum et
Paulum, præcipere velle. Cur Petrum et Paulum unâ nominat, nisi quod
uterque Romæ fuerit? Cur Petrum, si cum Romanis nullum nexum habuerit?
Si enim Romæ non fuerit, cum Romanis non scripserit, nil magis cum iis
commune habebat, vel iis præceperat, quam Jacobus, vel Judas, vel Joannes.
Manifestum est, Ignatium Romanum Petri iter novisse. Barrat. ubi supr.
num. iii. p. 5.
}
St. Peter.
249
7
m
by several ancient writers, (as has been shown in this work,)
though not as a book of authority, composed about the
middle of the second century, or sooner, makes mention of
Peter's being at Rome in this manner, as cited by Lactan-
tius. After his resurrection Christ opened to his disci-
ples all things that should come to pass, which things
· Peter and Paul preached at Rome. And what fol-
lows. There is another large quotation of this book
in the author of Rebaptizing, written about 256, where
it is supposed that Peter and Paul were together at
Rome.
C
Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, about 170, in a letter to
the church of Rome, inscribed to Soter their bishop, as
cited by Eusebius, takes notice, that P Peter and Paul
'going to Italy, taught there, and suffered martyrdom
' about the same time.'
´
6
r
Irenæus, about 178, speaks of the church of Rome, as
'founded and established by the two great apostles Peter
and Paul.' In another place he says, that Matthew
' wrote his gospel whilst Peter and Paul were preaching at
Rome, and establishing the church there.' Irenæus, who
was as likely to know as most, had no doubt about these
things. And some of his arguments with heretics are
partly built upon them; well knowing that they could
not be contested, and that they were generally allowed.
S
According to Clement of Alexandria, who flourished
about the year 194, St. Mark's gospel was written at the
desire of St. Peter's hearers at Rome.
Tertullian, about the year 200, and after, often speaks t
m See Vol. ii. p. 255, note ▾.
¹ Sed et futura aperuit illis omnia, quæ Petrus et Paulus Romæ prædicave-
runt. Et ea prædicatio in memoriam scripta permansit. Lactant. Inst. 1. 4.
cap. 21. p. 422.
• See Vol. iii. p. 70.
- Ομοιως, δε και εις Ιταλιαν όμοσε διδάξαντες εμαρτύρησαν κατα τον αυτον
Kaupov. Ap. Euseb. 1. 2. cap. 25. p. 68. The same passage is largely quoted,
Vol. ii. p. 135.
Sed quoniam valde longum est in
hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successiones: maximæ, et
antiquissimæ, et omnibus cognitæ, a gloriosissimis apostolis, Petro et Paulo,
Romæ formatæ et constitutæ ecclesiæ, eam quam habet ab apostolis tradi-
tionem, et annuntiatam omnibus fidem, &c. Adv. Hær. 1. 3. cap. 3.
· Adv. Hær. 1. 3. cap. 1. et ap. Euseb. 1. 5. cap. 8.
s Vid. Euseb. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 15. et lib. VI. cap. 14, and of this work,
Vol. ii. p. 224.
* Si autem Italiæ adjaces, habes
Romam. -Ista quam felix ecclesia, cui totam doctrinam apostoli cum san-
guine suo profuderunt! Ubi Petrus passioni Dominicæ adæquatur; ubi Paulus
Joannis exitu coronatur. De Præser. Hær. cap. 36. p. 245.
Nec quidquam refert inter eos, quos Joannes in Jordane, et quos Petrus in
Tiberi tinxit. De Baptism. cap. 4. p. 257.
Videamus quod lac a Paulo Corinthii hauserint.-
-Quid etiam Romani de
250
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
of Peter being at Rome, and teaching there, and suffering
martyrdom there, together with Paul, or about the same
time.
Caius, about 212, observes, that" in his time were to be
seen at Rome the tombs of the apostles Peter and Paul, who
had established that church.
V
Origen, about 230, as cited by Eusebius, says, that ▾
Peter having preached in Pontus, Galatia, and other
places, at length came to Rome, where he was crucified.
W
Cyprian at Carthage about 248, and afterwards, always
supposeth the church of Rome to have been established by
Peter. So likewise does Firmilian in Cappadocia, in his
letter written in 258.
X
Lactantius about 306, in his Institutions, ascribes the
death of Peter and Paul to Nero at Rome.
The same Lactantius, or whoever is the author of the
book of the Deaths of Persecutors, is very clear, that²
in the reign of Nero, Peter came to Rome, and that
by his order Peter was crucified, and Paul also put to
death.
Eusebius, both in his Demonstration, and in his Eccle-
siastical History, bears witness to the same things. Not
now to insist on his Chronicle. In the former,a he
a he says,
proximo sonent, quibus evangelium et Petrus et Paulus sanguine quoque suo
signatum reliquerunt. Adv. Marcion 1. 4. cap. 5. p. 505. B.
Orientem fidem Romæ primus Nero cruentavit. Tunc Petrus ab altero
cingitur, quum cruci adstringitur. Tunc Paulus civitatis Romanæ consequitur
nativitatem, quum illic martyrii renascitur generositate. Scorpiac. cap. 15.
p. 633. B.
εύρησεις τα τροπαια των ταυτην ίδρυσαμενων
εккλŋoιav. Ap. Euseb. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 25. p. 68. in. And see in this
work, Vol. ii. ch. xxxii. num. i. 1.
Ap. Euseb. 1. 3. cap. i.
u
V
w Factus est autem Cornelius episcopus de Dei et Christi ejus judicio-
cum nemo ante se factus esset, cum Fabiani locus, id est, cum locus Petri, et
gradus cathedræ sacerdotalis vacaret. Cyprian. ad Antonian. ep. 55. p. 104.
Post ista adhuc insuper pseudo-episcopo sibi ab hæreticis constituto, navi-
gare audent, et ad Petri cathedram, atque ecclesiam principalem -a schis-
maticis et profanis literas ferre-Cyprian. Cornelio. ep. 59. p. 135. Oxon.
1682.
* Atque ego in hac parte juste indignor ad hanc tam
apertam et manifestam Stephani stultitiam, quod qui sic de episcopatûs sui
loco gloriatur, et se successionem Petri tenere contendit- -multas alias petras
inducat. Stephanus, qui per successionem cathedram Petri habere se prædicat,
nullo adversus hæreticos zelo excitatur. Firmilian. ep. Cyprian. 75. p. 225.
X
› Itaque post illorum obitum, cum eos Nero interemisset, Judæorum nomen
et gentem Vespasianus exstinxit, fecitque omnia quæ illi futura prædixerant.
Institut. 1. 4. cap. 21. p. 423.
Z
Cumque jam Nero imperaret, Petrus Romam advenit. et convertit
multos ad justitiam Quâ re ad Neronem delatâ――et primus omnium
persecutus Dei servos, Petrum cruci adfixit, et Paulum interfecit. De Mort.
Persec. cap. 2.
Και Πετρος δε επι Ρωμης κατα κεφαλης
σαύρεται, Παυλος δε αποτέμνεται. Dem. Ev. I. 3. p. 116. C.
a
St. Peter.
251
b
'that Peter was crucified at Rome with his head downward,
' and Paul beheaded.' In his ecclesiastical history, speak-
ing of Nero as the first persecutor of the christians,'
he says, 'that he put to death the apostles, at which time
'Paul was beheaded at Rome, and Peter crucified, as his-
tory relates. And the account,' he says, is confirmed
'by the monuments still seen in the cemeteries of that city,
'with their names inscribed upon them.' And what follows.
In another chapter of the same work, he says: that e
Linus was the first bishop of Rome after the martyrdom
' of Paul and Peter.' It is needless to refer to any more
of the many places of this learned bishop of Caesarea,
where he appears to have been fully persuaded that these
two apostles accomplished their martyrdom at Rome.
d
•
с
Athanasius supposes both Peter and Paul to have suf-
fered martyrdom in that city.
Ephrem the Syrian, about 370, says, that Peter taught
at Rome.
f
Epiphanius, as may be remembered, says, 'that Matthew
wrote first, and Mark soon after, being a companion of
'Peter at Rome.' In another place he speaks of Peter
and Paul as the first apostles and bishops of Rome. After
whom, he says, were Linus, Cletus, Clement.
i
Jerom's opinion is well known from his article of St.
Peter in his Book of Illustrious Men, where he says, 'thath
• Peter was crucified at Rome in the fourteenth year of
'Nero's reign;' and from his chapter of St. Mark, whom
he calls the disciple and interpreter of Peter, and says, that
' at the desire of the brethren at Rome, he wrote a short gos-
'pel, according to what he had heard from Peter.' Not
now to refer to any other places.
k
6
We lately saw how Chrysostom says, that Peter having
been at Antioch, afterwards went to Rome. In another
b
Ταυτη γεν οὗτος θεομαχος εν τοις μαλιςα πρωτος ανακηρυχθεις, επι τας
κατα των αποτολων επήρθη σφαγας. Παυλος δη ουν επ' αυτης 'Ρωμης την
κεφαλην αποτμηθηναι, και Πετρος ώσαυτως ανασκολοπισθῆναι κατ' αυτον
isopavraι, K. λ. H. E. 1. 2. c. 25. p. 67. Vid. et 1. 2. cap. 22. fin. p. 62. D.
- Της δε Ρωμαιων εκκλησίας μετα την Παυλο και Πετρε μαρτυρίαν, πρωτος
κληρεται την επισκοπην Λινος. Η. Ε. 1. 3. cap. 2.
C
d Πετρος δε, ὁ δια τον φοβον των Ιεδαίων κρυπτομενος, και Παυλος εν
σαργανη χαλασθεις, και φυγων, ακέσαντες, εις 'Ρωμην δει ύμας μαρτυρήσαι, εκ
avεßaλovтo τηv añоdημav. Apol. pro fugâ suâ, p. 331.
e See in this work, Vol. iv. ch. cii. num. vi. 13. et opp. syr. Tom. I. p. 553.
f See Vol. iv. ch. lxxxiv. num. iv. 3. from Hær. 51.
num.
vi.
8 Εν Ρωμη γαρ γεγονασι πρωτοι Πετρος και Παυλος οἱ αποςολοι και επιστ
κοποι, ειτα Λινος, κ. λ. Hær. 27. num. vi.
h See Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. viii. 7.
* See before, p. 237
¹ The same, num. viii. 2
252
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
place he says, that' after Peter and Paul, Ignatius also suf-
fered martyrdom at Rome. Aud he thinks it a wise dispo-
sal of Providence, that so many should bear the most signal
testimony to truth in a place which was then the chief seat
of impiety and superstition.
According to Sulpicius Severus, who wrote about the
year 401, Paul ™ and Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome in
Nero's persecution.
Prudentius, about 405, has several times celebrated the
martyrdoms of Peter and Paul at Rome. One place was
transcribed from him not long ago.
n
To him I subjoin P. Orosius ° about 416.
And Theodoret, about 423, well observes, that P though
Nero put to death two of the principal christian lawgivers,
Peter and Paul, he could not abolish their laws.
I omit Augustine, and many others, who speak to the
like purpose. But I would add, for showing how general
this tradition is, that Abdias Babylonius, as he is called in
his apostolical history, supposes Peter to have been at
Rome, and to have suffered martyrdom there.
Nor can any of my readers forbear to recollect the
gene-
ral, and almost unanimous, testimony of ancient writers con-
cerning St. Mark: that he was a disciple of St. Peter, that
his gospel is the substance of St. Peter's preaching, and
that it was written at Rome.
It is not needful to make many remarks upon this tradi-
tion. But it is easy to observe, that it is the general, uncon-
tradicted, disinterested testimony of ancient writers, in the
several parts of the world, Greeks, Latins, Syrians. As
our Lord's prediction concerning the death of Peter is re-
corded in one of the four gospels, it is very likely, that
1 Οἱ δε την Ῥωμην οικεντες, άτε πολλης τοτε ασέβειας εσης εκεί, πλειονος
εχρηζον βοήθειας. Δια τετο και Πετρος και Παυλος, και μετ' εκείνες οὗτος εκεί
Tavτes εovonoav. Ch. hom. in S. Ig. Mart. T. II. p. 599. A.
m Tum Paulus ac Petrus capitis damnati. Quorum uni cervix gladio de-
secta, Petrus in crucem sublatus est. Sul. Sev. Hist. Sacra. 1. 2. cap. 29. al. 41.
n See before, p. 242.
• Nam primus Romæ christianos suppliciis et mortibus adfecit, ac per
omnes provincias pari persecutione excruciari imperavit. Ipsumque nomen
extirpare conatus, beatissimos Christi apostolos, Petrum cruce, Paulum gladio
occidit. Oros. Hist. 1. 7. cap. 7.
P See before, Vol. v. p. 25. from Theod. Serm. 9. De Legibus, Tom. IV. p.
611. D.
Apostol. Hist. de Petro, sect. xvi. &c. Ap. Fabr. Tom. II.
• Non infirmanda esse câ de re antiquitatis testimonia, multa monent. 1.
Convenientissimum sane fuit sciri locum, ubi Petro mors oblata est, ad illus-
trandum Christi de servi sui martyrio oraculum-Locus autem in ignora-
tione jacet, si in Romanâ civitate Petrus cruci suffixus non fuit. Basnag. ann
64. n. x
St. Peter.
253
christians would observe the accomplishment of it. Which
must have been in some place. And about this place there
is no difference among christian writers of ancient times.
Never any other place was named, beside Rome. Nors
did any other city ever glory in the martyrdom of Peter.
There were in the second and third centuries disputes be-
tween the bishop of Rome and other bishops and churches
about the time of keeping Easter, and about the baptism of
heretics. Yet none denied the bishop of Rome to have
what they called the chair of Peter.
t
It is not for our honour, nor our interest, either as chris-
tians, or protestants, to deny the truth of events, ascertained
by early and well attested tradition. If any make an ill
use of such facts, we are not accountable for it. We"
are not, from a dread of such abuses, to overthrow the
credit of all history: the consequence of which would be
fatal.
Fables and fictions have been mixed with the accounts of
Peter's being at Rome. But they are not in the most early
writers. They have been added since. And it is well
known that fictions have been joined with histories of the
most certain and important facts.
The two traditions, concerning Peter's being at Rome and
Paul's preaching in Spain, ought not to be compared toge-
ther. They are not at all alike. The latter is not attested
by so many, nor so early writers, as the other: and is,
probably, a mere conjecture, without any foundation,
• Gloriæ decorique maximo ecclesiis fuit, quod et doctrinâ et sanguine
apostolorum conderentur. Hinc exclamabat olim Tertullianus: Felix
ecclesia, cui totam doctrinam apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt.'
Qui fit ergo, ut nulla, præter Romanam, ecclesia in morte Petri exultârit et
triumphârit? Id. ib.
* Cum gravissimos in adversarios
inciderint olim episcopi Romani, Cyprianos, Firmilianos, aliosque bene mul-
tos, nonne eorum aliquis eam perstrinxisset; et gloriationem, quâ Romana se
efferebat ecclesia, utpote quæ nunquam præsentiâ Petri, sanguineque floruerit,
etsi ad ravim usque utroque ornamento superbiret? Id. ib.
U
Neque ulla unquam traditio fuit, quæ majore testium numero cingatur; ut
de Petri in urbem adventu dubitari non possit quin omnia historiæ fundamenta
convellantur. Basn. ann. 64. n. ix.
Tantus hac in re omnium consensus fuit, ut sane miraculo debuerit esse,
quosdam nostris seculis ortos, factum adeo manifestum negare præsumsisse.
Barrat. de Success. Ep. Rom. cap. i. num. i.
Quæ (ma-
Verum hi omnium veterum patrum testimonio refelluntur.
lum!) impudentia est, id quidem quod nemo veterum dixit, temere affirmare,
Petrum scilicet sedem fixisse Babylone; id vero quod veteres omnes ecclesiastici
scriptores disertissime prodiderunt, adventum videlicet Petri apostoli in
urbem Romam, pertinaciter negare! Atqui nihil in totâ historiâ ecclesiasticâ
illustrius, nihil certius, atque testatius, quam adventus Petri apostoli in urbem
Romam. Vales. Annot. ad Euseb. 1. 2. c. 15.
254
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
but the words of Rom. xv. 28, which are no proof at
all.
This argument may be censured by some as prolix, and
even needless. But as some of our own times, as well as
formerly, have denied or disputed this point, I have
thought it expedient to let my readers see the evidences of
what appears to myself, as well as to many other protestants,
very certain that St. Peter was at Rome, and suffered
martyrdom there.
CHAP. XIX.
THE TWO EPISTLES OF ST. PETER.
I. Their genuineness shown from testimony and internal
characters. II. The people to whom they were sent.
III. The place where. IV. The time when they were
written. V. Remarks upon 1 Pet. v. 13.
HAVING written the history of the apostle Peter, I now
proceed to his epistles. Concerning which three or four
things are to be considered by us: their genuineness, the
persons to whom they were sent, the place where, and the
time when they were written.
C
I. The first epistle was all along received by catholic
christians as authentic and genuine. This we learn from a
Eusebius. Who likewise says: Of the controverted
books of the New Testament, but yet well known, and
' approved by many, are, that called the epistle of James,
and that of Jude, and the second of Peter, and the second
' and third of John.' And in another place: One © epistle
of Peter, called the first, is universally received. This
the presbyters of ancient times have quoted in their writ-
ings, as undoubtedly genuine. But that called his second,
we have been informed, [by tradition,] has not been re-
'ceived as a part of the New Testament. Nevertheless,
appearing to many to be useful, it has been carefully
'studied with the other scriptures.' By which, I think,
we may be assured, that a great regard was shown to this
a See Vol. iv. p. 96–99, 123.
•
6
b P. 97.
c P. 98.
St. Peter's Epistles.
255
epistle by many christians in the time of our learned
Ecclesiastical Historian.
Jerom says:
"Peter" wrote two epistles, called catholic:
'the second of which is denied by many to be his, because
' of the difference of the style from the former.'
And Origen before them, in his Commentaries upon the
gospel of St. Matthew, as cited by Eusebius, says:
Peter, on whom the church is built, has left one epistle,
[universally] acknowledged. Let it be granted, that he
also wrote a second. For it is doubted of."
0
k
g
What those learned writers of the third and fourth cen-
turies say of these two epistles, we have found agreeable to
the testimony of more ancient writers, whom we have con-
sulted. For the first epistle seems to be referred to by 5
Clement of Rome. It is plainly referred to by h Polycarp
several times. It is also referred to by the martyrs at
Lyons. It was received by Theophilus, bishop of An-
tioch. It was quoted by Papias. It is quoted in the
remaining writings of " Irenæus, "Clement of Alexandria,
and Tertullian. Consequently, it was all along received.
But we do not perceive the second epistle to be quoted by
P Papias, nor by Irenæus, nor Tertullian, nor Cyprian.
However, both these epistles were generally received in
the fourth and following centuries, by all christians, except
the Syrians. For they were received by Athanasius, Cyril
of Jerusalem, the council of Laodicea, Epiphanius, Jerom,
Rufin, Augustine, and others. As may be seen in the al-
phabetical table, in St. Peter, at the end of the eleventh vo-
lume, to which the reader is referred.
q
r
3
Such are the testimonies of ancient writers concerning
these two epistles. If we consult the epistles themselves,
and endeavour to form a judgment by internal evidence:
I suppose it will appear very probable that both are of the
same author. And it may seem somewhat strange, that any
of the ancients besitated about it, who had the two epistles
before them. For with regard to some of the most ancient
writers, it may be supposed that the second epistle had not
been seen by them, it not having come to their hands to-
gether with the first.
The first epistle being allowed to be St. Peter's, we can
argue in favour of the other also after this manner. It
d Vol. iv. p. 459.
f See Vol. ii. p. 494, 495.
h P. 107, 108. See also p. 95, 96.
e H. E. 1. 6. cap. 25. p. 227. A.
¶ P. 179, 182.
P. 164.
m P. 179.
n P. 241.
' P. 293, 295.
¹ P. 119, 123, 125.
P P. 123.
8 P. 52.
k P. 207, 213.
• P. 292.
® Vol. iii. p. 44.
256
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
bears in the inscription the name of the same apostle. For
so it begins: "Simon Peter, a servant, and an apostle of
Jesus Christ." And in ch. i. 14, are these words: "Know-
ing, that shortly I must put off this my tabernacle, even as
our Lord Jesus Christ has showed me." The writer of
this epistle may have had a particular revelation concerning
the time of his death, not long before writing this. But it
is probable, that here is a reference to our Lord's predic-
tions concerning St. Peter's death, and the manner of it,
which are recorded in John xxi. 18, 19.
From ch. i. 16-18, it appears, that the writer was one
of the disciples, who were with Jesus in the mount, when
he was transfigured in a glorious manner. This certainly
leads us to Peter, who was there, and whose name the
epistle bears in the inscription.
Ch. iii. 1, “This second epistle, beloved, I now write
unto you in both which I stir up your pure minds by way
of remembrance:" plainly referring to the former epistle,
which has been always acknowledged for Peter's. These
words are express. But it might have been argued with
some degree of probability from ch. i. 12-15, that he had
before written to the same persons.
6
Once more, ch. iii. 15, 16, he calls Paul brother, and
otherwise so speaks of him and his epistles, as must needs
be reckoned most suitable to an apostle.
The writer therefore is the apostle Peter, whose name the
epistle bears in the inscription.
6
t
6
So that we are here led to that observation, which Wall
placed at the head of his notes upon this second epistle.
It is,' says he, a good proof of the cautiousness of the
'ancient christians in receiving any book for canonical,
that they not only rejected all those pieces forged by
'heretics, under the names of apostles:-but also, if any
good book affirmed by some men, or by some churches,
to have been written and sent by some apostle, were
' offered to them, they would not, till fully satisfied of the
fact, receive it into their canon.' He adds: There is
'more hazard in denying this to be Peter's, than there is in
'denying some other books to be of that author, to whom
they are by tradition ascribed. For they, if they be not
' of that apostle, to whom they are imputed, yet may be of
'some other apostle, or apostolical man. But this author is
either the apostle, or else by setting his name, and by
• other circumstances, he does designedly personate him ;
which no man of piety and truth would do.' And then
t Critical Notes upon the N. T. p. 358, 359.
(
St. Peter's Epistles.
257
6
C
he concludes: This epistle being written by him but a
little before his death, ch. i. 14, and perhaps no more than
one copy sent; it might be a good while before a number
' of copies, well attested, came abroad. to the generality of
the christian churches.'
What has been just said is sufficient to confute the opin-
ion advanced by Grotius, that " this second epistle was
written by Simeon, bishop of Jerusalem, after James, the
Lord's brother. Indeed that opinion cannot be admitted. It
is destitute of all authority from antiquity, and is inconsist-
ent with the whole tenor of the epistle itself, or at least
with many things in it. As has been well observed by
Vitringa, and has been now shown by us.
6
X
V
Jerom, in his article of St. Peter, in his book of Illustrious
Men, as already seen, says: • Peter w wrote two epistles,
'called catholic: the second of which was by many denied
to be his, because of its differing in style from the former."
Of this he speaks likewise in his epistle to Hedibia. Bas-
nage y says, he is not able to discern such difference of
style in the two epistles. However, Dr. Sherlock, now
bishop of London, has largely treated of this point in his
Dissertation concerning the authority of the second epistle
of St. Peter. Who observes, p. 203, that the first and
'third of the three chapters, into which this epistle is now
'divided, agree in style with the first epistle. The only
'difference is in the second chapter, the style of which is
no more like to that of the other two, than it is to that of
'the first epistle. The occasion of this difference seems to
be this, that in the second chapter there is a description
6
U
Scriptorem autem hujus epistolæ arbitror esse Simeonem, episcopum
post Jacobi mortem Hierosolymis, ejusdemque Jacobi, cujus epistolam habe-
mus, successorem et imitatorem, &c. Grot. in 2. ep. S. Petri.
▾ Verum quâcumque etiam specie se commendet conjectatio hæc Grotiana,
hactenus animum inducere non potui, ut eam probem. Epistola Petri poste-
rior talis est, ut scripta censeri nequeat ab impostore. Est enim gravis, et
sancto viro dignissima. Quod si ita est, certissime Petro erit vindicanda, quia
præter præfationem, non temere rejiciendam, alia per hanc epistolam sparsa
sunt, quæ personam Petri nobis digito quasi monstrant, ut cap. i. 18. iii. 15.
Vitring. Observat. Sacr. 1. 4. cap. 9. num. xlii.
W
Scripsit duas epistolas, quæ catholicæ nominantur: quarum secunda a
plerisque ejus esse negatur, propter styli cum priore dissonantiam. De V. I.
cap. i.
* Habebat ergo Titum interpretem, sicut et beatus
Petrus Marcum; cujus evangelium, Petro narrante, et illo scribente, composi-
tum est. Denique et duæ epistolæ, quæ feruntur Petri stylo inter se et charac-
tere discrepant, structurâque verborum. Ex quo intelligimus, pro necessitate
rerum diversis eum usum interpretibus. Ad Hedib. Qu. xi. T. IV. P. I. p.
183. al. ep. 150.
Nos styli discrimen deprehendere non
possumus. Neque continet aliquid, quod apostolo sit indignum. Basnag. A.
63. num. iii.
VOL. VI.
S
258
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
6
of the false prophets and teachers, who infested the
church, and perverted the doctrines of the gospel. Some
'ancient Jewish writer had left behind him a description of
'the false prophets of his own, or perhaps earlier times.
Which description is applied, both by St. Peter and St.
Jude, to the false teachers of their own times.' It is
added by his Lordship, p. 204, 'St. Jerom supposed, and
' others have followed his opinion, that St. Peter made use
' of different interpreters, to express his sense in his two
epistles. But had that been the case, the difference of
'style would have appeared in the whole, and not in one
part of it only which is the present case.
And 1 see no
reason to think that St. Peter did not write both his epis-
'tles himself.'
6
:
This is the account which his Lordship gives of the dif-
ference of the style, which all will allow to be ingenious,
whether they admit it to be right, or not.
For some may
think, that all this difference of style arises from the sub-
ject treated of in the second chapter.
Z
I conclude, therefore, that the two epistles, generally
ascribed to the apostle Peter, are indeed his.
Mr. Ostervald, of Neufchatel, speaking of the first of
these epistles, says: It contains very weighty instructions,
and is one of the finest books of the New Testament.'
Of the second he says: It is a most excellent epistle, as
well as the foregoing, and is written with great strength
• and majesty.'
Certainly, these epistles, and the discourses of Peter
recorded in the Acts, together with the effects of them, are
monuments of a divine inspiration, and of the fulfilment of
the promise which Christ inade to him, when he saw him
and his brother Andrew employed in their trade, and cast-
ing a net into the sea: "Follow me," said he, “and I will
make you fishers of men," Matt. iv. 19.
II. Concerning the persons to whom these epistles were
sent, there have been different opinions among both ancients
and moderns.
Eusebius, speaking of St. Peter's first epistle, as univer-
sally acknowledged, says: It is inscribed by him to the
Hebrews, "scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappa-
'docia, Asia, and Bithynia." They who were desirous
to know Jerom's opinion, may consider what is transcribed
from him, Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. viii. 7. For he does
not seem to me to have any settled judgment about
Concerning this, see more hereafter in the remarks upon St. Jude's epistle,
chap. xxi. near the end.
a See Vol. iv. p. 99.
2
St. Peter's Epistles.
259
the persons to whom Peter wrote. Didymus of Alexandria
supposed St. Peter's first epistle to have been sent to
Jews scattered abroad in several countries; to the same
purpose Ecumenius, not only in his argument of the epistle,
referred to by me formerly, but also in his commentary d
upon the beginning of the epistle.
f
C
Among the moderns not a few are of the same opinion,
as Beza and Grotius in their notes upon the first verse of
the first epistle, and Mille in his Prolegomena. Cave says,
St. Peter's two epistles were written chiefly to Jewish
christians. Tillemont, speaking of the first epistle, says
it is addressed particularly to the converted Jews in those
countries, but it speaks also to the Gentiles, who had em-
braced the faith.
i
h
1
k
In
But though some of the ancients, as just seen, say that
St. Peter wrote to the believers of the circumcision, we
have in the course of this work observed divers others, who
say he wrote to Gentiles: as the author of the Calling of
the Gentiles, by some supposed to be Prosper of Aquitain :
the author of the Divine Promises and Predictions, Juni-
lius, Cassiodorius in one place speaks of Peter's writing
to the Gentiles, in another m to believing Jews. Augus-
tine has twice said, that " Peter wrote to Gentiles.
like manner another author in a sermon joined with his
works, who may be supposed to have been his disciple.
Gregory, the first bishop of Rome, expresseth himself as
if he thought that St. Peter's epistles were sent to all chris-
tians in general, both Jews and Gentiles, in the countries
mentioned at the beginning of the first epistle. Bede, in
his prologue to the seven catholic epistles, largely cited by
us formerly, says, that St. Peter's epistles were sent to
such as had been proselyted from gentilism to judaism,
and after that were converted to the christian religion.
He speaks again to the like purpose at the beginning of
his Exposition of St. Peter's first epistle. But the Greek
"P. 303.
d
c P. 156.
Τοις εκ περιτομης οὗτος επιςελλει, ὡς ὁ μακαριος Ιακωβος" αλλ' εκείνος
αορίσως πάσι τοις υπο την οικεμενην κατοικουσιν Ιεδαίοις όπεδηποτε ουσιν.
Ούτος δε αφωρισμενως τοις κλιμασι Ποντε, κ. λ. Ecum. Τ. ii. p. 482. C. D.
e Num. 60.
f Reliquit post se epistolas duas, Judæis
christianis præcipue inscriptas. H. L. T. I. p. 5.
* Il l'addresse particulièrement aux Juifs convertis dans toutes ces pro-
vinces, quoiqu'elle, parle aussi aux Gentils qui avoient embrassé la foi. S.
Pierre art. 33. Mem. T. I.
n Vol. v. p. 38.
i P. 39.
m P. 113.
P Vol. v. p. 130.
1 P. 111.
k P. 107.
n Vol. iv. p. 510.
• 'The same.
a P. 145.
s 2
260
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
r
word, rendered by us "strangers," is not equivalent to
proselytes: as was observed long ago by Ecumenius upon
the place, and since by Basnage.
S
Mr. Wetstein argues from divers texts, that the first
epistle was sent to Gentiles. Mr. Hallet in his learned In-
troduction to the epistle to the Hebrews observes: 'Some,'
says he, go upon the supposition, that St. Peter's epistles
were written to Jews. But it seems to me abundantly
more natural to suppose, that they were written to Gentile
christians, if we consider many passages of the epistles
themselves.' Where" he proceeds to allege many pas-
sages, and, in my opinion, very pertinently.
<
which will be also alleged by me by and by.
V
Some of
Dr. Sykes has lately declared himself in favour of the
same sentiment, and argued well for it.
Mr. Basnage supposed that St. Peter's epistles were
written to Jews and Gentiles, chiefly the former.
To me it seems, that St. Peter's epistles were sent to all
christians in general, Jews and Gentiles, living in Pontus,
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia: the greatest part
of whom must have been converted by Paul, and had
T
Σημαινει δε το όνομα ου ταυτον τῳ προσηλυτῳ, κ. λ. Ecum. Vol. II. p.
483. D.
s Fallitur egregie Beda.A quâ se sententiâ
revocâsset, si vocem a Petro adhibitam, eπionμos, attendisset, quâ religionis
proselytus nunquam designatur. Basn, ann. 57. n. iv.
t Ad eos, qui ex Gentibus electi sunt, ut Christo et veritati obedirent. Cap.
i. 8, 18, 21, 22. ii. 10. iv. 3. Wetsten. N. T. tom. II. p. 681.
" See his introduction, p. 23-25.
▾ This epistle of St. Peter,' says he, 'was written to the strangers scattered
through several parts of the Lesser Asia. And it is plain, that he meant by
them Gentiles converted in those parts of the world to Christ. He does not
mean Jews, but such as were elect, according to the foreknowledge of God
⚫ the Father. Such," of whose salvation the prophets inquired, who prophe-
• sied of the grace that should come unto them," ch. i. ver. 10; such, "for
whom Christ was manifested in these last times," ver. 20; such as were λaos
ɛis πeρiπoinσiv, an acquired people, who had not obtained mercy, ch. ii. 9,
• 10;
as sheep going astray, but now returned," ver. 25; as men," who in
the time past of their life had wrought the will of the Gentiles," iv. 3.'
These are marks sufficient to describe the people to whom St. Peter wrote.
The Gentiles were "now begotten in Christ to a lively hope." They
were become now what Jews formerly were, a chosen generation, a royal
priesthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people," &c. The Scripture Doctrine
of the Redemption of Man by Jesus Christ, ch. iii. sect. 252. p. €2, 63; see
likewise ch. v. num. 832. p. 306, 307.
66
w Ut nostra fert opinio, ad utrosque scripta est, præcipue tamen ad Judæos,
qui sub apostolatum Petri ceciderant. Ad gentes quoque epistolam scriptam
fuisse, ex his explorate percipitur: Qui quondam eratis non populus, nunc
estis populus Dei,' 1 ep. ii. 10. Quæ Ethnicorum præcipue sunt.--Præ-
terea Ethnicorum idolatria his perstringitur: Incessimus in nefariis idolorum
cultibus,' iv. 3. Basn. ann. 57. num. iv.
St. Peter's Epistles.
261
been before involved in ignorance, and sin, as all people
in general were, till the manifestation of the gospel of
Christ.
That St. Peter wrote to all christians in those countries,
is apparent from the valedictory blessing, or wish, at the
end of the epistle, 1 Ep. v. 14," Peace be with you all
that are in Christ Jesus." Lewis Capellus, who thought
that St. Peter's first epistle was written to Jewish believers,
allows that the second epistle was written to all chris-
tians in general, and particularly to Gentiles, induced thereto
by the comprehensiveness of the address at the beginning of
that epistle" to them that have obtained like precious
faith with us." He should have concluded as much of
the first epistle likewise. For they were both sent to the
same people, as is evident from St. Peter's own words, 2
Ep. iii. 1.
Moreover, the inscription of the first epistle seems to
be as general as that of the second. Let us observe it dis-
tinctly.
<
"To the elect," EKλEKTOIS, says Wall upon the place:
'He useth the word ekλeктoι, choice ones, just as St. Paul
'does the word ȧyo, saints, for the word christians. And
'as St. Paul directs almost all his epistles "
"to the saints,"
6
that is, the christians, of such a place; so St. Peter
here, "to the elect," or choice ones, that is, christians,
sojourning in the dispersions of Pontus, Galatia, and
Bithynia.
"Strangers," Tapeпionμois. Good men, though at home,
παρεπιδημοις.
are strangers, especially if they meet with opposition,
trouble, and affliction, as those christians did to whom St.
Peter is here writing. For he speaks of their "trials and
temptations," ch. i. ver. 6, 7, and exhorts them, ch. ii. 11,
66
as sojourners, and strangers, ὡς παροικες και παρεπίδημος,
to abstain from fleshly lusts." Says Ecumenius upon ch.
i. ver. 1, 2, 'He calls them strangers, either on account
' of their dispersion, or because that all who live religiously
⚫ are called strangers on this earth, as David also says: "I
Quod
* Ad posteriorem autem B. Petri epistolam. -Nec fuit ea scripta, quem-
admodum prior, solis Judæis rog εK diaσropas, sed omnibus in universum
fidelibus, tum ex Judæis, tum ex Gentibus, ad Christum conversis.
liquet tum ex ver. 1. cap. i. Tots tooтiμov ηµiv λaxeoi misiv, (quod de Gentibus
proprie dicitur) tum ex eo quod cap. iii. 15, 16. dicit Paulum ad eos scripsisse
in omnibus suis epistolis. Atqui pleræque omnes Pauli epistolæ scriptæ sunt
ad Gentes ad fidem Christi conversas. Capell. Hist. Apost. p. 44.
* Εκλεκτοις παρεπιδημοις.] Το παρεπιδημοις, ητοι δια την διασποραν είπεν,
η και ότι παντες οἱ κατὰ Θεον ζωντες παρεπιδημοι λεγονται της γης, ώς και
Δαβιδ φησιν, κ. λ. cum. T. II. p. 483.
262
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
am a sojourner with thee, and a stranger, as all my fathers
'were," Ps. xxxix. 12.
Z
"Scattered throughout Pontusor, of the disper-
sion of Pontus, Galatia :-" so he calls them, not because
they had been driven out from their native country, but
because he writes to the christians of divers countries, who
also were but a few, or a small number, in every place where
they dwelled.
This may suffice for showing, that these two epistles
were sent to all christians in general, living in the
countries, mentioned at the beginning of the first epistle.
I shall now show, that these christians were for the most
part of Gentile stock and original.
""
1 Pet. i. 14, "As obedient children, not fashioning your-
selves, according to the former lusts in your ignorance.'
This might be very pertinently said to men converted from
gentilism to christianity; but no such thing is ever said
by the apostles, concerning the Jewish people, who had
been favoured with divine revelation, and had the know-
ledge of the true God. And ver. 20 and 21, he says, that
"through Christ they did now believe in God." There-
fore they were not worshippers of God, till they were ac-
quainted with the christian revelation. In like manner, ch.
ii. 9, St. Peter speaks of those to whom he writes, as "hav-
ing been called out of darkness into God's marvellous
light." Moreover, they once were not God's people, ver. 10,
"Which in time past were not a people, but are now the
people of God: which had not obtained mercy, but now
have obtained mercy. Words resembling those of St.
Paul, Rom. ix. 24, 25, where he is unquestionably speaking
of Gentile converts.
There are also other expressions, which plainly show,
that these persons had been Gentiles, and had lived in the
sins of gentilism. Ch. i. 18," Forasmuch as ye know, that
ye were redeemed from your vain conversation, received
by tradition from your fathers." And ch. iv. 3, " For the
time past of our life may suffice us, to have wrought the
will of the Gentiles: when we walked in lasciviousness,
lusts, excess of wine, revellings, banquetings, and abomina-
ble idolatries." St. Peter does not charge himself with
such things. But they to whom he writes had been guilty
in those respects. And by way of condescension, and for
avoiding offence, and for rendering his argument more effec-
tual, he joins himself with them.
Once more, when St. Peter represents the dignity of
2 Εκλεκτοις παρεπιδημοις διασπορας Ποντε,
St. Peter's Epistles.
263
those to whom he writes, upon account of their christian
vocation, ch. ii. 9, "as a chosen generation, a peculiar people,
a royal priesthood:" certainly, the expressions are most
pertinent, and emphatical, if understood of such as had
been brought from gentilism to the faith of the gospel, as
indeed they plainly were. For he there says,
they were to
show forth the praises of him, who had called them out of
darkness into his marvellous light."
66
To all which might be added, what was hinted before,
that the persons to whom Peter writes were, for the most
part, the apostle Paul's converts. This must be reckoned
probable from the accounts which we have in the Acts of
St. Paul's travels and preaching. Whence we know, that
he had been in Galatia, and the other countries, mentioned
by St. Peter at the beginning of his first epistle. More-
over he observes, 2 Ep. iii. 15, that "his beloved brother
Paul had written unto them." We may reasonably sup-
pose, that he thereby intends St. Paul's epistles to the
Galatians, the Ephesians, and Colossians, all in those
countries, and for the most part gentile believers. Nor do
I see reason to doubt, but that Peter had before now seen
and read St. Paul's two epistles to Timothy. And if we
should add them, as here intended also, it would be no
prejudice to our argument. For those epistles likewise were
designed for the use and benefit of the churches in those
parts.
To me these considerations appear unanswerable. I shall
therefore take notice of but one objection only, which is
grounded upon ch. ii. 12, "Having your conversation
honest among the Gentiles: that whereas they speak
against you as evil-doers, they may by your good works,
which they shall behold, glorify God in the day of visita-
tion."
a
Upon the first clause in that verse Beza says, that ª this
place alone is sufficient to show, that this epistle was sent
to Jews. But I think not. From St. Paul may be alleged
a text of the like sort, 1 Cor. x. 32, "Give no offence,
neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles, [kai 'EXλnoi,] nor to
the church of God." It might be as well argued from that
text, that the Corinthians were by descent neither Jews nor
Greeks, as from this, that the persons to whom St. Peter
wrote, were not originally Gentiles. In the text of St.
Paul, just alleged, by Jews and Gentiles, or Greeks, are
intended such as were unbelievers. So it is likewise in the
a Inter Gentes. εV TOLS EOVEσiv.] Vel unus hic locus tribubus illis dispersis
proprie fuisse inscriptam hanc epistolam convincit. Bez. in loc.
264
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
text of St. Peter, which we are considering: as is apparent
from the latter part of the verse, above transcribed at
large. St. Peter had a right to distinguish those, to whom
he writes, from the gentile people among whom they lived:
as he had at the beginning of his epistle called them elect,
or choice ones, and strangers, and they likewise went by
the name of christians, as we perceive from ch. iv. 16.
St. Peter's two epistles then were sent to all christians
in general, living in those countries: the greatest part of
whom had been converted from gentilism, or heathenism.
III. Our next inquiry is, concerning the place where
these epistles were written.
At the end of the first epistle St. Peter says: "The church
that is at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you."
Which text understood literally, has been thought by some
to denote Babylon in Assyria, or Babylon in Egypt. By
others it is interpreted figuratively, and supposed to denote
Jerusalem, or Rome. So that there are four opinions con-
cerning the place where this epistle is dated. All which
must be considered by us.
d
b
C
1. Pearson by Babylon supposes to be meant a town,
or city, of that name in Egypt. But it seems to me, that
little can be said for this opinion. Babylon in Egypt is an
obscure place. It was a frontier town, or strong castle,
with a garrison, as it is described by Strabo: in whose time,
the reign of Tiberius, was quartered there one of the three
Roman legions, appointed to keep the Egyptian people in
order. In such a place, as may be supposed, there were
but few Jews and not many inhabitants of any sort, beside
soldiers. This opinion likewise is altogether without the
authority of ancient christians. If St. Peter had written an
Explodatur figurata, admittatur literalis expositio. Non opus erit, ut in
Assyriam nos conferamus, si nudo urbis nomine standum esse arbitremur.
Alia enim erat urbs Babylonis nomine insignita, eaque Judææ multo vicinior,
a Babyloniis, post dira prophetarum vaticinia, Ptolomæorum permissu con-
dita et habitata. Pearson. de Succ. Rom. Episc. Diss. i. num. vii. &c.
c Duas enim vetus terrarum orbis habuit Babylones, alteram clarissimam
illam Chaldæorum regiam, alteram castellum quoddam Ægypti a Babyloniis
conditum. Posteriorem hic nominari, nemo crediturus fuisse videtur, nisi
fama fuisset vulgata, prioris Babylonis ætate nihil superfuisse, certe nullos
prorsus ei fuisse incolas. Heumann. Nova Sylloge Dissertat. P. II. p. 106.
d d'ɛsı
Αναπλευσαντι δ' εςι Βαβυλων φρέριον ερυμνον νυνι δ' εςι ςρατοπεδον
desi
ἑνος των τριων ταγματων των φρερεντων την Αιγυπτον. Strab. 1. 17. p. 807.
al. p. 1160.
* Abundâsse Judæis Ægyptiacam_Babylonem, vix probabile videtur,
propter et constitutum in eâ civitate Romanorum præsidium, cum signis et
aquilis suis quæ Judæis odio erant, et vicinitatem Alexandriæ, in quâ liben-
tius degebant. Basnag. Ann. 46. num. xxvii.
St. Peter's Epistles.
265
epistle in Egypt, in all probability, it would have been
dated at Alexandria. But there is not in early antiquity
any intimation, that s the apostle Peter was at all at Alex-
andria, or in any part of Egypt. If St. Peter had been at
Babylon in Egypt, and had founded a church there, it would
have been a church of great renown among christians:
whereas there is not for the first four centuries any
h
taken of a church, or bishop in that place.
6
i
k
notice
Le Clerc, who follows Pearson, says, in his notes upon
1 Pet. v. 13, ‹ Thereby is to be understood, not Babylon,
'which lay on the east side of the Euphrates, and where
'Peter never was, but a city in Egypt, so called, and ly-
ing not far from the place where now is Cairo.' But
what proof is there of Peter's ever having been in Egypt,
more than of his having been in Assyria?
1
2. Lewis Capellus conjectured, that by Babylon is to
be understood Jerusalem, But it is a mere conjecture,
quite destitute of foundation in antiquity. And therefore,
in my opinion, no more to be received, than the preceding
interpretation.
3. Divers other learned men think, that by Babylon is
f Si Petrus in Ægyptiacâ Babylone versatus est, cui probabile fiet, non
petivisse Alexandriam, civitatem totius orbis secundum Romam nobilissimam,
magnoque Judæorum numero frequentem; cum Alexandriæ in viciniâ
exstaret Babylon, et moris esset apostolorum, aliquâ in regione vestigium
ponentium, metropoles adire, ut majus theatrum haberet evangelii prædicatio,
quæ inde veluti ex fonte manabat urbibus provincialibus irrigandis. Id. ibid.
8 Quod vero in Egypto unquam versatus fuerit, ne levissima quidem anti-
quitatis umbra obtendi potest. Cav. de Petro, H. L. p. 6.
Quis vero veterum dixit, Petrum se Alexandriam contulisse? Hoccine dissi-
mulâssent tot eruditi scriptores, quos Alexandrina peperit ecclesia? Basnag. ib.
h Liquet omnes ecclesias apostolicas magnæ existimationis fuisse veteribus.
Hinc illud Tertullianum: "Percurre ecclesias apostolicas, apud quas ipsæ
• adhuc cathedræ apostolorum suis locis præsident." Proindeque ecclesia, quæ
Memphiticâ Babylone fuit, apostolicis esset inferenda, et multo honore cumu-
lata fuisset, utpote a Petro fundata. Jam vero tam obscura fuit Babylonica
illa ecclesia, ut labentibus quadringentis amplius annis, in antiquitatis monu-
mentis nullo vestigio reperiatur: nullâ fuit episcoporum successione, nullâ
martyrum passione nobilis. Quod de ecclesiâ apostolicâ, et in Imperio
Romano constitutâ, vix cogitatione fingi potest. Basn. ubi supra.
i Vid. ejus H. E. anno. 61. num. vii. et Annot. ad Hammondi Præmoni-
tionem in 1 Petri epistolam.
k Il faut entendre, non la Babylone, qui étoit à l'orient de l'Euphrate, et où
S. Pierre n'a jamais été; mais une ville d'Egypte, qui se nommoit ainsi, et qui
n'étoit pas loin de lieu où est-bâti le Caire. Le Clerc. sur. 1. ep. de S. Pierre,
v. 13.
1 Ego potius conjicerem Jerosolymæ fuisse scriptam,
et Jerosolymam a Petro fuisse dictam figurate Babylonem; quod tum tempo-
ris Jerusalem non esset amplius urbs, sed spiritualis quædam Babylon, in quâ
ecclesia Dei captiva quasi tenebatur, et gravi servitute premebatur, quâtenus
pridem a Judæis persecutionem pati cœperat. Cap. Hist. Ap. p. 42.
266
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
n
meant Babylon in Assyria. Som Beza, " Lightfoot, Bas-
°
nage. Cave, who supposeth the first epistle of St. Peter
to have been written at Babylon in Assyria, thinks that
his second epistle was written at Rome.
r
They who reject this opinion say, that the Assyrian
Babylon was at that time almost deserted. On the contrary,
they who embrace it, say, there were multitudes of Jews
in that country. Which may be true. For there were
many Jews in most countries. But it would have been
more to the purpose to produce some evidence from anti-
quity, that Peter was in that country.
The primitive
christians had in their hands St. Peter's first epistle. And
it was universally received as his. And it is dated at
Babylon. And yet ecclesiastical history affords no ac-
counts, that this apostle was in Assyria or Chaldea. Is not
this a proof, that there was not any very ancient tradition,
that he was in that country? We just now observed pas-
sages of Origen, Epiphanius, Gregory Nazianzen, Jerom,
Chrysostom, relating to St. Peter's travels. But none have
mentioned Babylon as a place where he travelled and
preached the gospel.
m
t
Says Mr. Beausobre: As " Peter was the apostle of the
Babylona proprie accipio pro celebri illâ Assyriæ urbe in quâ tum esset
Petrus, circumcisionis apostolus. Bez. in 1 Pet. v. 13.
" See his sermon upon 1 Pet. v. 13. Vol. ii. p. 1141-1147, and many
other places in his works.
• Basn. ann. 46. num. xxvii.
P Verum ego priorem sententiam, tanquam longe verisimiliorem, amplector,
tum quod in Babylone Parthicâ magna esset Judæorum frequentia, &c. Cav.
in Petro, H. L. p. 6.
¶ Epistola secunda Romæ, ut videtur, paullo ante mortem scripta. Id. ibid.
· An urbem illam S. Petrus adire maxime concupivit, quam Prophetarum
vaticinio, et justo Dei judicio percussam esse novit? Pearson, ubi supr. sect. iv.
Paullatim igitur defecit Babylon, a regibus primo, deinde a populo deserta.
Ib. num. v.
• In Assyriâ, ubi Babylon, immensa fuit Judæorum
multitudo, quos sub Petrinum cecidisse apostolatum, certum, exploratumque
est; ut nusquam gentium provinciam administrare suam felicius potuerit.
Basnag. ann. 46. num. xxvii.
t Sunt qui in dictâ Petri epistolâ Babylonis nomine non Romam, sed Baby-
lonem ipsam, quæ caput fuit Assyriorum, designari contendunt. Verum hi
omnium veterum patrum testimonio refelluntur. Certe qui Petrum Babylone
sedisse volunt, ostendant nobis oportet successionem episcoporum, qui Baby-
lonis ecclesiam post Petrum administrârunt. Quæ (malum!) impudentia
est, id quidem quod nemo veterum dixit, temere affirmare, Petrum scilicet
sedem fixisse Babylone; id vero quod veteres omnes scriptores disertissime
prodiderunt, pertinaciter negare! Vales. Annot. in Euseb. 1. 2. cap. 15. p. 33.
Negant enim Petrum Romæ fuisse; quod testatur antiquitas. Affirmant
autem Babylone fuisse, vel in Egypto, vel in Chaldæâ; quod nulla prodit
historia. Est in 1 Pet. v. 13.
u Comme il étoit l'apôtre des Juifs dispersés parmi les Payens, S. Jacques
ètant demeuré en Judée, il alla à Babylone et dans les provinces voisines, oú
St. Peter's Epistles.
267
"
•
'Jews scattered abroad among the Gentiles, St. James hav-
ing stayed in Judea, he went to Babylon, where a great
number of the Israelites had remained.' But may I not
take the liberty to ask a question, and say, who assigned
to these apostles those several provinces, with such limita-
tions? St. James stayed in Judea. It is allowed.
certain of it from the history in the Acts. Nevertheless he
did not confine his regards to the Jews in the land of
Israel. For he wrote an epistle, addressed "to the twelve
tribes scattered abroad.” And if Peter also was an apos-
tle, chiefly, of the circumcision; it was not of those only,
who were in Gentile countries, but of those likewise who
were in Judea where, as I apprehend, he spent the
greatest part of his life, even after our Saviour's ascen-
sion.
V
Mr. Beausobre says, 'Peter went to Babylon, where a
'great number of Israelites had remained.' That is, he
imagined that he did so. And it was fit for him so to
do. As Basnage, in a passage cited not long ago, says:
There was a multitude of Jews in Assyria, where was
Babylon. Nor could he any where more successfully
'execute his apostolical commission.' And because we
imagine that Peter might very fitly preach the gospel in
Assyria, we conclude that he went thither. But such rea-
sonings, if calmly considered, are of no weight. It would
be much better to allege some ancient testimonies, in be-
half of St. Peter's journey into Assyria, or Parthia.
Mr. Wetstein thinks that St. Peter's first epistle was
written in the country of Babylon, in Mesopotamia. As
there is somewhat new in his argument, I place below w
a large part of it. In particular, he says, that when a per-
il étoit resté un bon nombre d'Israëlites. Hist. de Manich. 1. 2. ch. 3.
T. I. p. 181.
✓ See note s.
W
w Cur Babylon in Italià potius, aut Ægypto, quam in Mesopotamiâ sit
quærenda, causam non video. Veteres quidem Romam intelligunt.-
Quod recentiores observant, Babylonem proprie dictam, quo tempore Petrus
hæc scribebat, habitatam non fuisse, verum est. At (præterquam quod et Ste-
phano Byzantino et Lucano constat, etiam Seleuciam eo tempore nomine
Babylonis fuisse appellatam) possumus Babylonem interpretari non urbem,
sed totam regionem. -Huic observationi addo aliam, quæ licet mihi nunc
primum in mentem venerit, suum tamen apud me pondus habet. Nimirum
ubi de pluribus vel provinciis vel urbibus loquimur, vel ubi ad plures scribi-
mus, ordini naturæ convenientius et simplicius videtur, ut incipiamus non ab
eâ, quæ loquentibus vel scribentibus est remotissima, sed proxima. Hunc
ordinem servavit Paulus, Col. iv. 13. et Joannes ex Patmo, Apoc. i. et ii.
Hunc ordinem accurate servavit etiam Petrus, si scripsit ex Mesopotamiâ mi-
nime autem, si vel ex Ægypto, vel ex Italiâ eum scripsisse existimemus.
Wetsten. in 2 Pet. v. 13. T. II. p. 697, 698.
268
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
son writes to the people of several cities, or countries,
it is natural to begin with that which is nearest to him. So
does Paul, Col. iv. 3, and St. John in Patmos, Rev. i. and
ii. The like order, says he, is also accurately observed by
St. Peter, if he wrote from Mesopotamia, not if we suppose
him to have written from Italy or Egypt.
But such observations, though ingenious and plausible,
are not demonstrative and decisive, even when they are
just and right. Which cannot be said of this. For sup-
posing St. Peter to have been in Mesopotamia, the country
nearest to him would be Cappadocia, as lying more east-
ward and more southward than the two first named. Cer-
tainly Pontus and Galatia were farther off from Mesopota-
mia than Cappadocia. The truth is, St. Peter begins
at the north, and so goes round. And that way of begin-
ning does as well suit Rome, as Babylon, so far as I can see.
Beside all this, there offers an argument, which appears
to me decisive. If the Assyrian Babylon was not now
subject to the Romans, but to the Parthians, (which I
suppose to be allowed by all,) it cannot be the place in-
tended by St. Peter. For the people, to whom he writes,
were subject to the Romans. And at the time of writing
this epistle he must have been within the territories of the
same empire, 1 Epist. ii. 13, 14, "Submit yourselves to
every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake: whether it be
to the king," or rather emperor, as formerly shown, "as
supreme or unto governors sent [from Rome] by him for
the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that
do well." Again, ver. 17, "Honour the king :" or rather,
the emperor. If St. Peter had not now been within the
Roman territories, he would have been led to express him-
self in a different manner, when he enforced obedience to
the Roman emperor.
This argument appears to me very obvious. And yet I
do not know that it has ever been thought of by any before.
Which makes me almost suspect the validity of it: though
I cannot discern where the defect lies.
St. Peter requires subjection to governors sent by the
emperor: undoubtedly meaning from Rome.
I suppose
that way of speaking might be properly used in any part
of the empire. But it might have a special propriety, if
the writer was then at Rome: where indeed, in all probabi-
lity, Peter then was.
4. So that we are now come to the fourth opinion con-
* Vid. Strab. 1. 16. p. 1081. in al. p. 745.
y See Vol. i. p. 89.
St. Peter's Epistles.
269
2
cerning the date of this epistle. Which is, that by Babylon
St. Peter figuratively means Rome. This is the opinion of
Grotius, and a Whitby, and Valesius, and all the learned
writers of the Roman communion in general.
b
They have, confessedly, in their favour, the testimony of
antiquity; which is no small advantage.
C
Eusebius having an account of St. Mark's gospel, and of
its having been written at the request of St. Peter's hear-
ers at Rome, adds: and it is said, that Peter mentions
'this Mark in his epistle, which, they say, he wrote at
• Rome: and that himself calls that city Babylon figura-
tively in those words: "The church that is at Babylon,
'salutes you, as does Mark my son.
d
999
This interpretation some suppose Eusebius to ascribe to
Papias. But Spanheim denies it. And perhaps it is not
certain. Whether Papias said so or not it was the pre-
vailing opinion in the time of Eusebius.
• e
Jerom in his book of Illustrious Men, in his article of St.
Mark, transcribes the just cited passage of Eusebius, but
expresseth himself more positively. Peter makes men-
⚫tion of this Mark in his first epistle, figuratively denoting
Rome by the name of Babylon. "The church which is
at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you, as
• does Mark my son.
² De Babylone dissident veteres et novi interpretes. Veteres Romam inter-
pretantur, ubi Petrum fuisse nemo verus christianus dubitabit; novi Babylo-
nem in Chaldæâ. Ego veteribus assentior. Nam quod Romam Babylonem
vocavit, non in hoc tantum serviit, ut si deprehenderetur epistola, non posset
inde sciri, quibus in locis viveret. Verum etiam. -congruentias plurimas
inter Babylonem et Romam vide, Orosii ii. 2, 3, 4. Grot. ad 1 Pet. v. 13.
a See him upon 1 Pet. v. 13.
b Romam Petrus figurate Babylonem vocavit, vel ob magnitudinem et
potentiam, vel propter impietatem.- -Potest etiam alia ratio hujus cogno-
minis afferri, quod scilicet, ut Babylonii Judæos in servitutem redegerant, sic
Romani tunc Judæos ditioni suæ subjecissent. Sunt qui in dictâ Petri epis-
tolâ Babylonis nomine non Romam, sed Babylonem ipsam, quæ caput fuit
Assyriorum designari contendunt. Verum hi omnium veterum patrum testi-
monio refelluntur. Vales. Annot. ad Euseb. H. E. 1. 2. c. 15. p. 33.
C
• Τε δε Μαρκε μνημονεύειν τον Πετρον εν τη προτερα επιτολῳ, ήν και
συνταξαι φασιν επ' αυτης 'Ρωμης σημαίνειν τε τετ' αυτον την πολιν τροπικω-
τερον Βαβυλωνα, προσείποντα δια τετων Ασπαζεται ύμας ή εν Βαβυλωνι
συνεκλεκτη, και Μαρκος ὁ υἱος με. Eus. Η. Ε. 1. 2. c. 15.
d Atqui primus omnium Eusebius narrationi de Marco hæc subjungit:
Esse, qui dicerent Romam figurate Babylonem appellari.'--Nec tamen
Papiæ ipsi adscribi eam interpretationem, quidquid vulgo sentiant, Valesio
ipso verba hæc a prioribus sejungente, supra demonstratum est. Vid. P. III.
num. xii. Spanhem. Diss. de fictâ Profect. Petri ad Rom. Part iv. num. ii.
tom. II. p. 375.
e Meminit hujus Marci et Petrus in epistolâ
primâ, sub nomine Babylonis figuraliter Romam significans: Salutat vos quæ
in Babylone est coëlecta, et Marcus filius meus. De V. I. cap. viii.
270
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
f
Bede, by Babylon understood Rome, as did Ecume-
nius. However, it may be here properly recollected, that h
formerly we saw an author, Cosmas of Alexandria, in the
sixth century, who hereby seems to have understood Baby-
lon in Assyria.
This opinion concerning the place of writing this epistle
is much confirmed by the general tradition of the ancients,
that St. Mark's gospel was written at Rome, at the request
of Peter's hearers, and that Mark here mentioned is the
evangelist. Nor is this contradicted by Cosmas, but con-
firmed by him. For he expressly says, that Mark, the
'second evangelist, wrote his gospel at Rome by the direc-
'tion of Peter.'
k
They who reject this interpretation, affect to slight Pa-
pias: whereas there is no good reason for it. If he said so,
certainly his testimony would be of some value. But we
do not clearly perceive that this was in Papias. However,
it is said by Eusebius. It was then a common opinion. Nor
did he know of a better.
Others insinuate likewise, that the reason why Jerom
was willing to confound Rome with Babylon, was, that he
was out of humour with the people of Rome; which seems
to me to be groundless. Jerom only transcribes what he
had found in Eusebius. They who reject the accounts of
those two learned ancients should by all means_produce
some evidence that Peter was in Mesopotamia. We have
good assurance that St. Mark's gospel was written at Rome,
and that Peter preached and suffered martyrdom there.
His two epistles therefore, probably, were written in
the same city, a short time before the period of his life.
Mill varies. In his note upon the place, he is for Baby-
lon in Egypt. But in his Prolegomena m he is for Rome,
f
Babylonem typice Romam dicit, videlicet propter confusionem multi-
plicis idololatriæ, &c. Bed. expos. 1 Pet. v. 13.
8 Βαβυλωνα δε την Ρωμην δια το περιφανες καλει, ὁ και Βαβυλων πολλῳ
χρονῳ εσχηκε. Ecum. in loc. tom. II. p. 526. A.
h See vol. v. p. 97, and 100.
¹ P. 94, and 336.
k Quod si ut Rufinus interpretatur, teste Papiâ nititur, infirmo sane tibicine
fultum est. Nec temere ad tropum in nominibus urbium aut regionum est
recurrendum, nisi ubi propria vocis significatio locum habere non potest.
Wetsten. N. T. tom. II. p. 697.
¹ C'est une imagination de Papias, que les anciens ont adopté avec trop de
facilité, et que S. Jérome auroit rejettée avec mépris, si, dans la mauvaise
humeur où il étoit contre Rome, il n'eût été bien aise de la confondre avec
Babylone. Beaus. Hist. Manich. 1. 2. ch. 3. T. I. p. 181.
m Romæ eam scriptam fuisse, notant ex traditione veterum Eusebius,
Hieronymus in Catalogo, et alii permulti. Hanc enim Babylonis nomine
designatam voluit Petrus, ceu communi tum temporis apud Judæos suos appel-
St. Peter's Epistles.
271
and argues well enough for that opinion. I suppose that
to be his final determination.
It may be best for me now to conclude this argument
with a part of Whitby's note upon 1 Pet. v. 13, which is
very agreeable also to the note of Estius upon the same
text. That Babylon, is figuratively here put for Rome,
' is an opinion so early delivered by Papias, and which af-
'terwards so generally prevailed, (as we learn from Eusebius,
Jerom, and Ecumenius,) that I subscribe to the note at
'the end of this epistle, cypan año Рwμns," it was written
από Ρώμης,
'from Rome," styled also " Babylon" by the author of the
'Revelations, ch. xvii. and xviii. For the apostle, at the
time of writing it, must be at Rome, figuratively, or at
some city, properly called Babylon. Now as it is uncer-
tain whether St. Peter ever was at Babylon in Chaldea,
or in Egypt, and improbable that he made any considerable
stay there so it is very improbable he should do it when
near his end. At Rome and Antioch, where he confess-
edly resided, church history is copious in giving an ac-
count of his successors in those sees. But who can show
any thing of this nature, with reference to either of those
Babylons? &c. &c.'
6
6
6
6
6
6
IV. The only thing remaining to be observed by us is
the time of writing these two epistles. Which I think to
be the year 63, or 64, or at the latest 65. I suppose Paul
to have left Rome in the spring of the year 63. St. Peter
was not then come thither. If he had been there, he would
have been mentioned by St. Paul in some of his epistles,
written near the end of his imprisonment at Rome. "How-
ever, not very long after St. Paul was gone, St. Peter
might come thither. Here, I suppose, he preached for a
while freely, and with great success. And it appears to me
probable, that both these epistles were written at Rome, not
long before the apostle's death.
That he was old, and near his end, when he wrote the
second epistle, is apparent from ch. i. 14. And that the
first epistle to the same christians had not been written
long before, may be argued from the apology which he
makes for writing this second epistle to them; ch. i. ver.
13-15, "Wherefore I will not be negligent to put you
always in remembrance of these things, though ye know
them, and be established in the present truth. Yea, I think
latione: quæ quidem et in hunc usque diem apud eos obtinet. Abarbinel,
aliique recentiores Judæi, commentantes in prophetias de Babylone, ad Romam
istas referunt; quod, sicut a Babyloniis olim in servitutem redacti fuerint, ita
postea jam a Romanis, &c. Proleg. num. 59, 69.
272
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
it meet, as long as I am in this tabernacle, to stir you up by
way of remembrance. Knowing, that shortly I must put
off this my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ has
showed me. Moreover, I will endeavour, that you may be
able after my decease to have these things always in re-
membrance.'
It is not unlikely, that soon after the apostle had sent
away Silvanus with the first epistle, some came from those
countries to Rome, where was a frequent and general resort
from all parts, bringing him informations concerning the
state of religion among them: which induced him to write
a second time for the establishment of the christians, among
whom he had laboured. And he might well hope that his
last words, and dying testimony to the doctrine, which he
had received from Christ, and had taught for many years.
with unshaken stedfastness, would be of great weight
with them.
V. I have now gone through the four inquiries proposed
at the beginning of this article. I shall here add only a
few remarks upon 1 Pet. v. 13, " The " church that is at
Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you. And so
does Mark, my son.
P
99
The word "church" is not in the original, but is inserted
in the translation. The same word is supplied in° Œcu-
menius, and in the Latin, and other ancient versions,
with the approbation of a Grotius, and many others. But
Mill in his notes upon this text, where he understands
the word Babylon literally, of a city of that name in
Egypt, argues, that thereby is intended St. Peter's wife,
or some honourable christian woman, of the city of Baby-
r
η Ασπάζεται ύμας ή εν Βαβυλωνι συνεκλεκτή, και Μαρκος ὁ υἱος με.
• Ασπάζεται ύμας ή εν Βαβυλωνι εκκλησία συνεκλεκτη.
P EKKλnota præfigunt Lin. [margine. manu recentiori:] Ecumen. Vulg.
Syr. Arab. Æthiop. ex interpretamento Mill. in loc.
¶ Ad vocem σvvεKλεKTη, et Syrus, et Arabs, et Latinus, addunt nomen eccle-
siæ, recte. Nam et ad ecclesiam scribit, et hæc, et illa, pariter Deo electa,
id est, a mundo segregata. Grot. in loc.
Nempe pro indubitato sumitur, ecclesiam Babyloniorum hic intelligi.
Atqui vero, si de ecclesiâ hic sermo, quum nulla ejus mentio facta sit in præ-
cedentibus, aperte dixisset Petrus εκκλησια εν Βαβυλωνι.. Mihi quidem
vehemens suspicio est, per την εν Βαβυλωνι συνεκλεκτην, intelligi hic Petri
uxorem, fidei simul susceptæ, vitæ, laborum, sociam; quæ Babylone, Ægyp-
tiacâ tunc, cum hæc scriberentur, egerit.- Si dicas, illud ἡ εν Βαβυλωνι
denotare potius feminam aliquam, quæ fixam sedem habuerit in Babylone,
nihil equidem repugno. Esto ǹ ev Baßvλwvi sive uxor Petri, sive etiam opu-
lenta quædam ac illustri loco nata femina apud Babylonios, quæ apostolum
hospitio exceperit; certe nihil hoc loco de ecclesiâ Babyloniorum. Mill.
in loc.
St. Peter's Epistles.
273
lon, where he then was. Which conjecture is countenanced
by s Wall.
Dr. Heumann proceeds farther. First, he says, that t by
t
"Mark my son,
we are to understand Peter's own son,
which he had by his wife. And then by "elected
together with you," is to be understood an excellent Jew-
ish woman of Babylon in Assyria, whom, with many others,
Peter had there converted to the christian faith, and after-
wards married: his first wife, mentioned, Luke iv. 38, by
whom he had Mark, being dead.
But it appears to me very unlikely that St. Peter should
send salutations to the christians of several countries
from a woman, not named by him. Beza says well, that ▾
St. Peter omits the noun " church," as is often done with
regard to words of common use.
What was the sense of
christians in former times, appears from Ecumenius, and
the versions taken notice of above. The same sense appears
in the Complexions of Cassiodorius, and the Exposition
of Bede.
6
'
With regard to St. Mark, Ecumenius says, that y Peter
'calls him "his son" according to the spirit, not accord-
ing to the flesh. Him he permitted to write the gospel.
But some, as he adds, have presumed to call Mark
son of Peter according to the flesh, arguing from Luke's
history, in the Acts of the Apostles: where Peter, having
$
• The word "church" is not in the Greek, but put by the translators, as
• understood in the Greek.-Dr. Mill thinks it to mean Peter's wife, who,
'being now at Babylon with her husband, did salute those christians to whom
the epistle was written. And then the reading of the words will be: "She
'who is your fellow-christian at Babylon, saluteth you." Wall, p. 357.
t Similem errârunt errorem, qui quem filium suum' hic loci nominavit
Petrus, eum non naturalem ejus fuisse filium, sed spiritualem arbitrati sunt.
-Maneat nunc, Petrum de filio sibi ex conjuge nato loqui; quem facile ex
hoc ipso loco cognoscimus fuisse socium paternorum itinerum, et simul
ovveρyov ev Xpisy. Heum. ubi supr. p. 110.
u
Relinquitur igitur, ut statuamus, loqui apostolum de uxore suâ, Baby-
lone natâ, ac tum, cum ibi versaretur Petrus, unâ cum aliis utriusque sexûs
Judæis in ecclesiam Christi traductâ. Hoc enim sibi volunt hæc verba: ǹ
εν Βαβυλωνι συνεκλεκτη. Quis nunc non videat, Petrum hanc vɛoputov,
singulari haud dubie pietate et prudentiâ conspicuam, duxisse in matrimonium,
comitemque postea habuisse sacrorum itinerum? Ex quo sequitur, priorem
uxorem, cujus Lucæ iv. 38, mentio, e quâ susceperat Marcum, fuisse extinc-
tam. Heum. ibid. p. 112, 113.
W
▾ Ecclesiæ nomen omittit ut in vocabulis communi usu tritis fieri solet.
Bez.
* Salutationes quoque ecclesiæ, quam de Babyloniâ,
id est, de seculi istius confusione, dicit electam, et Marci filii sui piâ institutione
transmittens. Cassiod. in loc.
Expos. in 1 Pet. cap. v.
X
* Μαρκον δε υἱον κατα πνευμα καλει, αλλ' 8 κατα σαρκα. cum. T. II.
p. 526. A.
VOL. VI.
T
274
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'been delivered out of prison by an angel, is said to have
come to the house of Mary, the mother of John, whose
'surname was Mark," as if he had then gone to his own
house, and his lawful wife."
6
6.66
z
That is a wrong deduction from the words of Acts xii.
12. But we hence perceive, that those people supposed
Mark the evangelist to have been the same as John, sur-
named Mark.
And I would also farther observe here, by the way,
'that Ecumenius a computes Silvanus, by whom St. Peter
'sent this epistle, and who is mentioned, chap. v. 12, to be
'the same who is several times mentioned by St. Paul in
his epistles, particularly 1 Thess. i. 1. 2 Thess. ii. 1.'
Who likewise, very probably, is the same as Silas, often
mentioned in the Acts.
Ecumenius there calls Silvanus "a most faithful man,
zealous for the progress of the gospel." Indeed all must
be sensible that he was an excellent man, who from gene-
rous principles attended the apostles of Christ in the jour-
nies undertaken by them in the service of the gospel. His
deputation from the apostles and elders, and church of
Jerusalem, with their letter to the christians at Antioch, is
very honourable to him. Acts xv. 27, 32. His stay there,
and Paul's choosing him for his companion in his travels,
when he and Barnabas separated, farther assure us of his
just sentiments concerning the freedom of the Gentiles from
the yoke of the law, and of his zeal for promoting true
religion.
Z
a
-ὡς εις την έαυτε οικιαν επανελθοντα, και την νομιμην συζυγον. Ib. Β.
* Πιτος ὑπερβαλλόντως ὁ Σιλουανος οὗτος, και περι το κηρυγμα ενθυμως
αγωνιζόμενος, ειγε και Παυλος αυτε μνημονεύει, και συνεργον αυτον μετα Τιμο
θες εν ταις επιτολαις παραλαμβανει Παυλος, λεγων, και Σιλουανος και Τιμο
Otoç. Ecum. ib. p. 525. D.
=
275
CHAP. XX.
THE THREE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN.
1. Their genuineness shown from testimony and internal
characters. II. The time of writing the first of these
epistles. III. The people to whom it was sent.
Observations upon the second epistle. V. Upon the
third. VI. The time when they were written.
IV.
I. I HAVE already written the history of St. John,
one of Christ's twelve apostles, and an evangelist.
I have also observed what is needful concerning the
gospel written by him. We are now to consider his epis-
tles.
The regard shown to them by the ancients, may be soon
perceived by recollecting briefly what has been largely
alleged by us from them in the several volumes of this
work.
6
8
694.
St. John's first epistle is referred to by Polycarp, vol. ii.
p. 108, is quoted by Papias, p. 119, 123, 125, and is refer-
red to by the martyrs of Lyons, p. 164. His first and second
epistles are quoted by Irenæus, p. 180. They were also re-
ceived by Clement of Alexandria, p. 225, 242. And, says
Origen, John, beside the gospel and Revelation, has left
us an epistle of a few lines. Grant also a second, and a
third. For all do not allow these to be genuine,' p. 495.
Dionysius of Alexandria receives John's first epistle, which
he calls his catholic epistle, ε ή επιστολη ή καθολική.
He
likewise mentions the other two, as ascribed to him, p.
The first epistle was received by Cyprian, and, probably,
the other two likewise, vol. iii. p. 45-47. The second
epistle is quoted by Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, p.
568. Eusebius says, Beside his gospel, his first epistle is
universally acknowledged by those of the present time,
and by the ancients: but the other two are contradicted:'
that is, doubted of by some, vol. iv. p. 96, 97. See also p.
124, 125. All the three epistles were received by Athana-
sius, p. 155, by Cyril of Jerusalem, p. 173, by the council
of Laodicea, p. 182, by Epiphanius, p. 187, 190. All three
were received by Jerom, p. 436, but the two last were doubt-
८
6
T 2
276
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
ed of by some in his time, p. 445, 446. All three were re-
ceived by Rufinus, p. 484, by the third council of Carthage,
p. 487, by Augustine, p. 494, 510, 511, and by all those
authors, who received the same canon of the New Testament
that we do. They are in the Alexandrian manuscript, vol.
v. p. 82. All three are also in the catalogues of Gregory
Nazianzen, vol. iv. p. 287, and of Amphilochius, p. 293.
But this last observes, that some received one of them on-
ly. And indeed it is acknowledged, that but one epistle of
St. John is received by the Syrian churches, p. 310, 312, 321.
Nor were any more received by Chrysostom, p. 537, 548, 549.
Venerable Bede, near the beginning of the eighth century,
in his Exposition of the second epistle, says, 'Some have
thought this and the following epistle not to have been
written by John the apostle, but by another, a presbyter
of the same name, whose sepulchre is still shown at Ephe-
whom also Papias mentions in his writings. But now
it is the general consent of the church, that John the
apostle wrote also these two epistles: forasmuch as there
' is a great agreement of doctrine and style between these
and his first epistle, and there is also a like zeal against
'heretics.' They who are desirous to see more quotations
of ancient writers, may consult the table of principal mat-
ters in the last volume, in St. John, Catholic epistles, and
Authors, who had the same canon of the N. T. with that
which is now generally received: which article may be
found under Canon of the scriptures of the N. T.
6
6
sus,
All the three epistles are now generally received as St.
John's in these parts of the world. And with good reason,
as seems to me. Said Origen: he has also left an epis-
tle of a very few lines. Grant also a second and a
'third.' That is very right. One epistle was received by
all, as certainly genuine. And it is not worth the while to
contend about the other two, when they are so very short,
and resemble the first in sentiment, phrase, and manner of
writing, as is well observed by b Mill. And of the second
a Quidam putant, hanc et sequentem epistolam non esse Joannis apostoli,
sed cujusdem presbyteri Joannis, cujus sepulcrum usque hodie monstratur in
Epheso. Cujus etiam Papias, auditor apostolorum, et in Hierapoli Episcopus,
in opusculis suis sæpe meminit. Sed nunc generalis ecclesiæ consensus habet,
quod has quoque epistolas Joannes apostolus scripserit, quia revera multam
verborum et fidei similitudinem cum primâ ejus epistolâ ostendunt, et simili
zelo detestantur hæreticos. Bed. Exp. in 2 ep. Joan.
b Epistolas autem istas habere auctorem Joannem- --ex eo plane constat,
quod in istis omnibus eadem passim sint vonuara, idem genus et character
dictionis. Secundæ, certe oλiyosiys, (neque enim continet ultra tredecim versus
ex hodiernis nostris) octo quidem versiculorum cum sensus, tum ipsæ pnouc,
St. John's three Epistles.
277
C
epistle, which consists of only thirteen of our verses, eight
may be found in the first, either in sense or expression.
The title of elder, at the beginning of these two epistles,
affords no just exception. It is a very honourable charac-
ter, well becoming John as an apostle, and now in years,
residing in Asia, as superintendent of all the churches in
that country. And St. Peter speaks of himself in the
same character, in his epistle universally acknowledged,
ch. v. 1.
Dr. Heumann supposeth, that here is a reference to
St. John's great age, at the time of his writing these two
epistles. And he thinks that St. John was then as well
known by that title as by his name. The elder therefore is
as much, as if he had said, the aged apostle. And he refers
to Wolfius, and others, who had before said the same, or
what is to the like purpose.
The want of a name at the beginning is no objection. It
is rather an argument that they are his: that being agree-
able to St. John, who prefixes not his name to that epistle,
which is unquestionably his.
And say Beausobre and L'Enfant in their preface to the
second and third epistles: It is certain, that the writer of
'the third epistle speaks with an authority, which the bishop
of a particular church could not pretend to, and could
'not suit John the elder, even supposing him to have been
bishop of the church of Ephesus, as the pretended apos-
'tolical constitutions say he was appointed by John the
apostle. For if Diotrephres was bishop of one of the
• churches of Asia, as is reckoned, the bishop of Ephesus
' had no right to say to him, as the writer of this epistle
6
exstant in epistolâ primâ.—Epistola autem tertia, ejusdem omnino coloris ac
characteris cum secundâ, per omnia sapit Joannem apostolum. Mill. Proleg.
num. 153.
• Quod aliqui Joanni cuidam alteri, Presbytero
vulgo dicto, adscriptas velint has duas epistolas, ii neutiquam vident, quam
fortiter contra ipsos militet illud ὁ πρεσβυτερος κατ' εξοχην; quique privato
homini, vel etiam episcopo, haudquaquam conveniat -imo vero apostolo
nostro peculiariter adaptatum et accommodatum erat: utpote qui jam plus-
quam nonagenarius fuerit, omnibusque provinciæ Asiaticæ ecclesiis præsederit.
Mill. Ibid. num. 153, 154. Vid.et Lamp. Prolegom. in Joan. 1. i. cap. 7.
num. viii.
d Deinde articulo ô docet Joannes, nomen hoc
sibi cum nemine commune esse, adeoque viso T8 πрEσßureρe titulo statim
scriptorem harum literarum agnovisse.. -Nihil proinde restat, quam ut statua-
mus, a Joanne isto titulo indicari ætatem suam provectissimam, morisque tum
fuisse, eum appellitari honoris ac reverentiæ causâ Senem,' sive Seniorem,'
vel etiam 'Senem apostolum.'_Græca proinde hæc, 'O Пρεoßureрos Taïw,
Πρεσβύτερος
melius reddi Latine non possunt, quam hoc modo: Grandævus apostolus
salutem dicit Gaio.-Heuman. Comm. in Joan. Ep. iii. ap. Nov. Syllog. Diss.
P. i. p. 279, 280.
278
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'does, ver. 10, "If I come, I will remember his deeds
'which he does." That language, and the visits made to
the churches, denote a man, who had a more general juris-
diction, than that of a bishop, and can only suit St. John
• the apostle.'
6
II. That may suffice for showing the genuineness of the
three epistles. Let us now make some remarks upon each
of them, beginning with the first. Concerning which there
are two inquiries that may be proper: the time when, and
the persons to whom it was written.
k
e
g
Grotius thought this epistle to have been written in
Patmos before the destruction of Jerusalem. Hammond
and Whitby likewise were of opinion, that it was written
before that great calamity befell the Jewish nation. Dr.
Benson f is inclined to place it in the year of our Lord 68,
of Nero 14, that is, after the Jewish war was broke out,
and not long before the destruction of Jerusalem. Mill, and
Le Clerc, who follows him, place this epistle in the year
91, or 92. Basnage i speaks of this epistle at the year 98,
and Baronius at the year 99. Beausobre and L'Enfant in
their preface to this epistle express themselves after this
manner: Although we cannot say any thing certain con-
cerning the time when St. John wrote this epistle, we
may be satisfied, that it was near the end of the first cen-
tury, when the apostle was far advanced in age.' Du Pin'
says, it is not known when it was written, but most proba-
bly, near the end of the apostle's life. Mr. Whiston m
thought this, and the other two epistles of St. John, to have
been written not long after each other, about the year of
Christ 82, or 83. Mr. Lampe supposeth this first epistle
to have been written after the Jewish war, before St. John's,
exile in Patmos, and, probably, some good while before it.
Consequently, he and Mr. Whiston do not differ greatly
about the time of this epistle.
6
6
6
n
I must likewise say, though the exact time is not known,
I am of opinion, it was not written, till after the Jewish war
e Puto autem scriptam, ut alibi dixi, ex Patmo hanc epistolam, non multo
ante excidium Hierosolymitanum. Grot. Pr. in 1 Ep. Joan.
f Preface to St. John's first Epistle, sect. iv.
* Proleg. num. 148-150.
i Ann. 98. num. iv.
1 Diss. Prelim. 1. 2. ch. 2. sect. xi.
h H. E. ann. 91. num. i.
k Ann. 99. num. vii-x.
Commentary upon St. John's three Catholic Epistles, p. 14.
n Acquiescimus igitur hactenus in judicio clarissimi Ensii de Canone N. T.
p. 270. Scriptæ tamen creduntur Joannis epistolæ ante exilium in Patmum
insulam. Neque est ratio, ob quam non statueremus, eas diu ante illud tem-
pus fuisse conscriptas. Lampe, Prol. cap. 7. num. iv. note (h).
St. John's three Epistles.
279.
was over. My reason is, that the arguments alleged, for
proving it to have been written sooner, are not satisfactory.
And in examining them, perhaps, some things may occur,
affording hints of a later date.
One argument is taken from ch. ii. 18," it is the last
time," or hour: meaning, as some interpreters think, the
last hour of the Jewish state and constitution. Nevertheless,
there are learned men, who do not assent to that interpre-
tation. Grotius himself owns, that the phrase is some-
times used concerning the world, or mankind in general, as
well as the Jews. And Mr. Lampe, who supposeth the
phrase to relate to the divine judgment upon the Jewish
people, says, it might be used not only at the time when
it was inflicting, but also after it was accomplished. Which
he supposes to be meant by those expressions, ch. ii. 8,
"the darkness is past, and the true light now shineth:"
[though Wolfius thinks no such thing there intended.]
And therefore, he says, het does not acquiesce in the reasons
alleged by Grotius and Hammond, to prove that this epistle
was written before that event.
6
S
Let me add here also a part of Wall's note upon ch. ii.
18, which to me appears not amiss. The saying of St.
John, "it is the last time," is spoken as a great many such
sayings of St. Paul, and the other apostles, had been,
according to the general charge given by Christ to the
'apostles, and to all other christians, to live in a continual
expectation of the judgment. They that interpret it
6
0
Ultima hora' (id est, ultimum tempus,) ubi ad Judæos sermo est, signi-
ficat tempus, proximum excidio urbis, ac templi, et reipublicæ Judæorum.
Grot. annot. in 1 ep. Jo. ii. 18.
P Vid. Wolff. Prolegom. in 1 ep. Joann. p. 243, 244. Conf. eund. ad i.
ep. cap. ii. ver. 18.
a Nomen, horæ extremæ' modo totum
humanum genus respicit, modo populum Judaïcum, ex quo erant apostoli, et
non pauci christianorum. Grot. in loca quædam N. T. de Antichristo: spe-
ciatim in 1 ep. Jo. cap. ii. Opp. tom. III.
• Alii maturius, aut brevi ante, aut saltem circa excidium Hierosolymitanum
scriptum esse existimant, qui nobis maxime ad verisimilitudinem accedere
videntur. Probabile enim est, per coxarηv úpav intelligi tempus judicii
divini in Judæos, cap. ii. 18. ejusque consummationem spectare verba cap. ii.
8. Lampe, Prol. 1. 1. c. 7. n. iv. p. 106.
•
sed non video, quomodo imminens illud judicium argumentum
esse possit, quo apostolus ad inculcandum et urgendum amorem mutuum uti
voluerit. Tenebræ omnino inferunt pristinam et Judæorum et Gentilium
conditionem, per quam non solum erroribus, sed et vitiis ita erant immersi, ut
vio σKOT8s appellari potuerint. Wolf. Cure in 1 Jo. ii. 8.
* Grotius et Hammondus ante excidium Hierosolymitanum scriptam esse
suspicantur; quod tamen loca adducta non evincunt. Licet enim excidium
illud in actum datum esset, dici tamen etiamnum poterat, quod hora illa
ultima venerit. Id. ib. note (h).
280
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
' otherwise, of the destruction of Jerusalem, as Grotius, and
'Hammond, are forced to suppose this epistle to have been
'written just before that destruction, about the year 69.-
Nor are St. John's words here like those of any one
'that was foretelling that event: but rather of one
'that was speaking of the present state of the christian re-
ligion.'
6
Again, it is argued, that the apostle might refer to the
calamities of the Jewish people in those words, ch. ii. 17,
"The world passeth away and the lust thereof." But those
are only general expressions, representing the uncertainty
of all earthly things. And therefore afford not any argu-
ment, that the apostle had therein a regard to affairs in Ju-
dea. For, if he had, his expressions would have been more
distinct and particular.
Thirdly, an argument is also brought from ch. ii. 13, " I
write unto you, fathers, because ye have known him that
is from the beginning." Whereby St. John has been sup-
posed by some to intend some aged christians, who had
seen Jesus Christ upon earth. Which is more likely to
have been the case of some in the year 68, about thirty-five
years after Christ's ascension, than many years afterwards.
To which I answer, that by "him that is from the begin-
ning," probably is intended God the Father, not Jesus
Christ. It is equivalent to what is afterwards said of others,
in the same verse, "I write unto you, little children, because
ye have known the Father." But it would not sound so
well to say: "I have written unto you, fathers, because
ye have known the Father." See also ver. 14.
W
V
Fourthly, it is argued to the like purpose from ch. ii.
*7, " I write no new commandment to you, but an old com
mandment, which ye had from the beginning." But thereby
may be meant no more than the commandment, which ye
had from the beginning of your being christians: or from
the time when you were first converted to the christian re-
ligion, whenever it was. And, as
And, as * Wolfius observes, none
" Unde etiam per mundum transeuntem cum suis cupiditatibus' ad idem
excidium reipublicæ Judaïcæ respicere evangelista potuit. Lampe, ib. p. 106.
▾ Nôstis Deum, qui Senex Dierum.' Dan. vii. 9, 13, 22.
Dat cuique
ordini quæ ipsi conveniunt. A primâ ætate novistis Deum, hujus mundi
opificem. Is autem is est, qui Christum misit, eumque pro se audiri voluit.
Grot. ad ver. 13.
Accedit, quod ad fratres scribat, qui
præceptum a principio audiverant. cap. ii. 7. Per quod intelligi debet princi-
pium prædicationis evangelicæ. A quo igitur non nimium removeri debent
illi, quos apostolus alloquitur. Lampe, ubi supra, p. 106.
X
W
* Quod ad alteram rationem attinet, nullus eorum, qui Joannis ætatę ad
Christi cognitionem adducti sunt, ab originibus evangelii nimium removebitur,
St. John's three Epistles.
281
of those to whom St. John wrote, in any part of his life, were
very far distant in point of time from the first preaching of
the gospel.
Since therefore there are no expressions in the epistle,
declaring the time of it, or clearly referring to the calami-
ties attending the downfall of the Jewish state, it appears
to me probable, that it was not written till a good while
after that event, about the year of Christ 80, or later.
III. We are next to consider to whom this epistle was
sent.
And here I observe: as the writer does not at the begin-
ning prefix his name, nor any where else mention it in the
epistle, so neither does he describe or characterize the per-
sons to whom he writes by the name of their city, or coun-
try, or any such thing.
The first expression of address is that in ch. ii. 1, "My
little children, these things write I unto you, that ye sin
not." And the epistle concludes with these words: "Little
children, keep yourselves from idols." And he several
times calls the christians, to whom he writes, "little chil-
dren," as ch. ii. 12, 18; iii. 7, 18; iv. 4; v. 21. Our Lord
spoke to the disciples in a like manner, John xiii. 33, and
xxi. 5. It is a tender and affectionate appellation, denoting
paternal authority, love, and concern. As an apostle, it
might be used by St. John in any part of life. Neverthe-
less it seems to imply, together with apostolical authority,
advanced age.
b
y
Z
а
Some have thought that this epistle was written to Par-
thians or Jewish believers in that country. We have seen
several ancient Latin authors who speak of it as inscribed
to Parthians. So Augustine, Cassidorius, and a Bede. I
have already spoken of this, and have referred to divers
learned moderns whose opinions deserve to be taken no-
tice of. I shall now add Mr. Whiston's thoughts relating
to this point, taken from his commentary upon St. John's
epistles, published in 1719. None of these three epistles
of St. John,' says he, p. 5, 6, were written to the Par-
thians, as some later Latin writers have supposed: but
' rather to the christians or churches of Asia, near Ephesus.
• This he argues from the perfect silence of all true antiquity,
as to St. John's ever preaching in Parthia: and from the
6
sive illi ante, sive post excidium Hierosolymitanum eo pervenerint. Omnes
enim sub originibus ejus eam adepti censeri debent, quippe quibus Joannes, ut
avтоπтηs earum, testis et præco, adfuerit. Wolf. ubi supr. p. 244.
y Vol. iv. p. 510.
z Vol. v. p. 111.
αυτοπτης
a P. 145.
。 As note ".
282
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
' account which we have in Eusebius from Origen, that
'Parthia was St. Thomas's province, and Asia St. John's:
'as also from the account in the Recognitions, ix. 29, that
Thomas really preached the gospel in Parthia, without a
syllable of St. John thereto relating. All which,' says
he, makes it plain that this pretended direction of any of
St. John's epistles to the Parthians stands upon no good
authority at all. And it is not improbable, that the occa-
'sion of this error was barely a false reading in some an-
'cient manuscript, where #pos Taplovs was read for pos
Tаpleves:" to the Parthians," for " to the virgins:" which
παρθενες
'latter inscription might easily be applied to the first epis-
tle. For as it is chiefly addressed to young christians, yet
uncorrupted, both as to fleshly and spiritual fornication,
such as in St. John's Revelations are called Tapevol,
virgins" so was the second epistle anciently affirmed
by some to be written " to the virgins:" as we learn from
'Clement of Alexandria, in Cassiodorius:' that is, from
Clement's Adumbrations upon the catholic Epistles, trans-
lated by order of Cassiodorius. For thered the second epis-
tle of St. John is said to be written to virgins.
6
6.66
с
And before, at p. 4, of the same commentary, Mr. Whis-
ton observes, St. John says nothing in his first epistle,
by which we can directly gather, to whom it was sent :
though it seems most probably to belong to his own Asia-
'tic churches.'
6
As I have quoted Clement, I must not omit the observa-
tion of L'Enfant and Beausobre: Clement e
says, that the
'second epistle of John was directed to virgins, undoubt-
edly intending by the means of this lady. But there is
nothing in the epistle, which suits virgins, more than other
' christians.'
6
6
f
Mr. Lampe says, 'This first epistle is written to believers,
as is abundantly manifest from the whole scope of the
'epistle. We also,' says he, easily admit, that Jewish
believers are especially regarded. Nevertheless we think
that St. John directed it to all believers of his time in ge-
c Vol. ii. p. 243.
d Secunda Joannis epistola, quæ ad virgines scripta est, simplicissima est.
Scripta vero est ad quandam Babyloniam, Electam nomine. Adumbr. in
ep. 2. Joan.
e As before, p. 584.
f Ad fideles eum scripsisse, abunde patet ex scopo epistolæ, cap. i. 4, toto-
que ejus argumento. Facile etiam admittimus, speciatim fideles ex Hebræis
innui. Universis tamen credentibus sui temporis Joannem hanc epistolam
destinâsse putamus, quia nulla restrictionis occurrit mentio. Lamp. ibid. num.
iii. 105.
St. John's three Epistles.
283
'neral: forasmuch as there appears not in it any expression
' of limitation.'
6
Du Pin says, Though there is no inscription, it appears
' from the beginning of the second chapter, that it is address-
ed to many christians. And there is no proof that it is
'sent to Jews rather than to Gentiles.'
h
6
On the other hand, Dr. Benson thinks, that the
apos-
'tle wrote this epistle to the Jewish christians in Judea and
• Galilee.'
But the former opinion appears to me more probable. For,
1. It is always called a catholic epistle. So it was called
by Dionysius of Alexandria, as before seen, as well as by
later writers. 2. It really appears to be so.
For there are
not in it any expressions of limitation. 3. There could be
very little occasion for that admonition to believers in Ju-
dea, in the year 68, after the war was broke out, which is
in ch. ii. 15; "Love not the world, nor the things that
are in the world." That admonition is rather suited to
people, who were supposed to be in easy circumstances,
and are in danger of being ensnared by the allurements
of prosperity. 4. Nor has the concluding exhortation of
the epistle, "keep yourselves from idols," any special
suitableness to believers in Judea : but is much more likely
to be directed to christians living in other parts of the
world.
6
1
Ecumenius in his comment upon the last verse of this
epistle says, it i was written to the whole church in ge-
neral. And in the proëm to his commentary upon the
second epistle he calls the first a catholic epistle. And
he says,
that epistle is not written to a certain person,
nor to the churches of one or more places, as the blessed
Peter's to the Jews in their dispersion, nor as James's
before him, to the twelve tribes of the Jewish people.
But he writes to all the faithful in general, whether
'assembled together or not. For which reason there is
no inscription to that epistle, as there is to the other
• two.'
To me therefore it seems, that this epistle was designed
8 Dissertat. sur la Bible. 1. 2. ch. 2. sect. xi.
See his preface to St. John's first epistle, sect. iv.
i φαμεν εν, ὡς επειδαν εκκλησια όλη ταυτα εγραφεν, κ. λ. Ecum. T. II.
p. 602. B.
k Ib. p. 605. B.
å
1 · Ου γαρ προς ώρισμενον εγραψε προσωπον, ουδε προς εκκλησιαν τοπων
τινων, ώσπερ εποίησεν ὁ μακαριος Πετρος αφωρισμένως προς τες εν τη διασπορα
επισημαινόμενος Ιεδαίοις γραφειν· και, προ τετε ὁ θεῖος Ιακωβος ταις δωδεκα
φυλαις- αλλα πασι πιςοις κοινον ποιεμενος τον λογον εκκλησιαζεσι και μη
εκκλησιαζεσι, τον της προγραφης παρέλιπε λόγον. Id. p. 606. B. 607. Α.
284
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
Or
for the churches in Asia under St. John's inspection, and for
all other christians, into whose hands it should come.
in other words, it was designed for all christians in general,
especially those under the apostle's inspection, and nearest
to him, without excepting the believers in Judea, or in any
other country whatever.
66
Nor am I aware of any thing in the epistle, that should
lead us to think Jewish believers in particular to be intended,
except what is in ch. ii. 2, where by our," some have
understood Jewish christians, and by "the whole world,”
Gentiles. But the coherence does not require that interpre-
tation. In the preceding verse is first mentioned that
general address, "my little children," which occurs several
times afterwards. He there says; "These things write I
unto you, that ye sin not." Having delivered that earnest
exhortation for avoiding all offensive harshness, he soon
afterwards joins himself with those to whom he writes,
adding: “And if any man sin, we have an advocate with
the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous. And he is the pro-
pitiation for our sins, and not for ours only," that is, mine
and yours, to whom I am now writing, who already be-
'lieve in Jesus, and have done so for a good while :
"but also for the sins of the whole world :" that is, of
'all men, of every nation and people, rank and condition,
in every part and age of the world, who shall believe
and repent.' Here is nothing to limit what the apostle
says to Jewish christians. And that this apostle does
frequently join himself with those to whom he writes,
with a like view to that above mentioned, must be evi-
dent to all who read this epistle with attention. See ch. i.
6-10; ii. 3; iii. 14, 18-22.
(
6
However, for the sake of such as are really inquisitive, I
shall here subjoin the note of Ecumenius upon those
words: "not for ours only, but also for the sins of the
whole world." Thism he said, either because he wrote
'to Jews, and intended to show, that the benefit of re-
pentance was not restrained to them, but extended to
Gentiles also: or else, that the promise was not made
'to the men of that time only, but likewise to all in fu-
¿ ture times.'
IV. St. John's second epistle is thus inscribed: "The
elder to the elect lady, and her children." Which has
Тето
m Τέτο δε είπεν, ητοι ότι προς Ιεδαίες εγραφε, και ίνα μη μονοις εκείνοις
περικλειση τα της μετανοίας, αλλα και προς τα εθνη εξαπλωση ταυτην η ότι μη
τοις κατ' εκείνο καιρε ἡ επαγγελια μονον, αλλα και τοις μετέπειτα πασι.
Ecum. in 1 ep. Joan. p. 565.
St. John's three Epistles.
285
"
been differently understood by ancients and moderns:
whose opinions may be seen in Wolfius, and in Dr.
Benson's preface to the second and third epistles of St.
John, and briefly in Beza, whom I transcribe below.
Some have hereby understood the christian church in
general. So Jerom. But that, as Beza well observes
in the place just transcribed, is a way of speaking of which
no like instance can be found. And it is inconsistent with
what is said in the conclusion of the epistle, where the writ-
er speaks of coming to see her, and sends her the saluta-
tions of the children of her elect sister.
Cassiodorius here 9 understood a particular church.
Mr. Whiston r says: St. John's second epistle was not
'written to a particular lady, but to a particular church :
' and not improbably to the church of Philadelphia.' Which
last I take to be said without any good foundation.
• s
Ecumenius, in his comment upon the last verse of this
epistle, says: Hence some argue that this epistle was
*sent not to a woman, but to a church. About which,' he
says,' he does not choose to dispute.' But in his introduc-
tion, or comment upon the beginning of the epistle, he
says, St. John did not scruple to write to a faithful
woman: forasmuch as "in Christ Jesus there is neither
n
" Wolf. Prolegom. in ep. Joann. ii. p. 320--326.
• Electæ Dominæ.' Nonnulli Electa' nomen proprium esse volunt.
Quod non probo. Dicendum enim esset кupią Eкλεктη, Dominæ Electæ.'
Alii hoc nomine volunt ecclesiam christianam in genere significari. Quibus
repugnat primum, quod hoc dicendi genus sit prorsus inusitatum. Deinde,
quod in extremis duobus versibus diserte pollicetur, se ad eam et filios ipsius
venturum, additque filiorum sororis salutem, quam et ipsam electam' vocat.
Puto igitur inscriptam esse epistolam præstanti alicui feminæ, quarum non-
nullæ ecclesias suis opibus passim sustentabant; et electam' illam vocari, id
est,' eximiam,' additâ Dominæ appellatione- -sicut Lucas Theophilum, et
Paulus Festum кparisov, id est, potentissimum, vel præstantissimum,' com-
pellant. Neque enim ab ejusmodi honestis titulis christiana religio abhorret,
quâtenus quidem justum ac fas est. Perinde est igitur acsi scriptum esset :
Eximiæ ac præstanti dignitate Dominæ. Etenim cur nomen proprium non
addidit? Nempe satis inter se noti ac familiares erant. Quamobrem etiam ne
nomen quidem suum exprimendum putavit. Bez. in Joan. ep. secund.
P Legimus in Carminum libro Una est columba mea.'
-Ad quam
scribit idem Joannes epistolam : Senior electæ dominæ, et filiis ejus
Ad Ageruch. ep. 91. [al. 11.] T. IV. p. 745.
κρατιςον,
•
Joannes senior, quoniam ætate provectus, electæ dominæ scribit ecclesiæ,
filiisque ejus, quos sacro fonte genuerat. Cassiod. in ep. Jo. ii.
As before, p. 469.
* Δια δε τε προσθηναι, ασπάζεται σε τα τεκνα της αδελφης σε της εκλεκτης,
βέλονται τινες βεβαιεν, ώς 8 προς γυναικα ή επιςολη, αλλα προς εκκλησίαν
περι οὗ δεν τῳ βελομενῳ διενεχθειην. cum. Τ. ΙΙ.
t
p. 612.
Προς δε γυναικα γραφων πιςην εδεν ὑπεςείλατο, ότι εν Χρισῳ Ιησῳ ουκ
αῤῥενα δε θηλυ οιδε. Ib. p. 606. C.
286
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
"
male nor female." And before, he speaks" of this epis-
tle being written to a particular woman.
▾
In the Adumbrations of Clement of Alexandria, as we
now have them in Latin, this epistle is said to be written
to a Babylonian woman, or virgin, named Electa.
And of late many learned men, whose " arguments I
place below, choose to read this inscription thus: "To the
lady Electa," or " Eclecta." But in my opinion the con-
clusion affords an objection. For it is not very likely that
two sisters should both have one and the same name. So it
may be sometimes but very seldom, as I imagine. This
was a difficulty with Wolfius and y Tillemont.
Dr. Heumann supposeth, that this woman's name was
Kuria, or Kyria, and renders the inscription after this man-
ner : "To the elect Kyria." Which opinion is embraced
by a Dr. Benson. But Wolfius is not quite satisfied
with it.
U
Tillemont has observed, that in the Synopsis of Atha-
-καθοτι και πρεσβυτερον ἑαυτον εν ταύταις γράφει, και προς γυναικα,
και έτερον Γαϊον, ένα και αυτον, ώσπερ και την γυναικα μιαν. Id. p. 605. Β.
▾ Secunda Joannis epistola, quæ ad virgines scripta est, simplicissima est.
Scripta vero est ad quandam Babyloniam, Electam nomine. Significat autem
electionem ecclesiæ sanctæ. Clem. A. ed. Potter. p. 1011.
W
Epistola secunda scripta est ad quandam Babyloniam, Electam nomine,
ut legas in Adumbrationibus ad hanc epistolam, quæ feruntur sub nomine
Clementis Alexandrini. Nomen enim proprium feminæ esse Electam, recte
observârunt viri doctissimi, perinde ut ExλɛKrog viri nomen est apud Hero-
dianum. Eandem Joannes Kupιav vocat, quemadmodum Latini feminas
honestas vocabant dominas, sive domnas. Et Nazianzenus ep. iv. Kupta Ty
μηrpi. Fabr. Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap. 5. tom. III. p. 343.
EKλεKTη quoque literâ majusculâ scribitur apud Wechelium, et in editione
R. Stephani, quam secutus est Millius, quamvis ipse eo nomine christianam
feminam indicari existimet. Wolf. in 2 ep. Jo. p. 323.
Electus cubicularius fuit Imp. Commodi genere Ægyptius, &c. Wetstein.
ad Joan. ep. 2. p. 729.
* Electam proprii nominis vocabulo vix habuerim, per comma 13, ubi
matronæ hujus soror itidem εKλεKTη appellatur. Quod ut illius ætatis moribus
non respondet, ita soror illa ɛKλɛKTη, tanquam Christiana, commode vocari
poterat. Wolf. ib. p. 325.
y Et on trouve de la difficulté à croire qù ɛкλɛктη en soit un, [nom propre]
parceque S. Jean. ver. 13. ledonne aussi à la sœur de cette dame, n'étant pas
ordinaire que deux sœurs aient le même nom; et parcequ'il auroit dû être
devant kupia plutôt qu'après. S. Jean l' Evangeliste. note xiv. Mem. T. I.
* Heuman. Pœc. T. II. p. 421-427. et T. III. p. 14, &c.
* See his preface to the second and third epistles of St. John, sect. iv.
b Posterius hoc argumentum me etiam adducit, ut nec Cyriæ nomen pro-
prium hic agnoscam. Ita enim apostolus scripturus erat: Kupig Ty εKλEKTY,
Κυρια τη εκλεκτή,
quemadmodum ver. 1, epistolæ tertiæ: Taip ru ayaπnry. Simili scribendi
ratione utitur Paulus. Rom. xvi. 5, Ασπασεσθε Επαινετον τον αγαπητον με.
Vid. etiam ib. ver. 8. et 12. et 13. Wolf. ib. p. 325.
• Néanmoins Saint Athanase met γράφει κυρια, και τοις τεκνοις αυτής, par
St. John's three Epistles.
287
nasius kʊpiα seems to be taken for a proper name. But that
is not clear. The expression is ambiguous, and may be as
well rendered: 'the elder writes to a lady, and her
'children,' as to Kyria, and her children. So likewise
thought Wolfius.
f
Before I proceed, I must detain the reader, whilst I ob-
serve, that the article of the Synopsis, quoted by Tillemont,
is exactly the same with the hypothesis, or argument, pre-
fixed to St. John's second epistle in the second tome of
Ecumenius. However, I do not suppose it to be really
Ecumenius's. I allow it to be a part of the Synopsis,
generally thought to have been composed by Athana-
sius, bishop of Alexandria, in the fifth century, as formerly
shown.
6
h
go
Ecumenius himself seems to me to have supposed this
epistle to have been sent to a christian woman, whose name
is not known. However in one place, in his prologue, he
has these expressions: Hei calls her "elect," either from
her name, or on account of the excellence of her virtue.'
Finally, then, others understand this inscription agree-
ably to our own translation: "The elder to the elect lady
and her children." This has hitherto been the common
opinion, and is favoured by Beza, m Mill, Wall, Wol-
fius, Le Clerc, and others. And Tillemont, in the place
P
before referred to, says: The second epistle of St. John is
'inscribed to exλEKTY KUρią. St. Jerom translates the word
εκλεκτή κυρία.
Kupią by dominæ, lady. And it is difficult to translate
otherwise in the fifth verse, where St. John repeats the
same word.'
6
6
1
11
It is not easy for me to decide in such a variety of opinions,
où il paroît avoir pris le mot de kvρią pour un nom propre. Mem. Ec. T. I.
S. Jean l'Evangeliste, note xiv.
d
Ταυτην ώς πρεσβυτερος γράφει κυρια και τοις τεκνοις αυτής. Athan.
Synops. S. S. T. II. p. 190. ed. Bened.
i
e Mihi quidem id ex phrasi istâ non admodum liquet. Wolf. ib. p. 323.
f Ecum. T. II. p. 603.
8 Vol. iv. p. 161, 162.
h Δυο δε τη εκλεκτη ταυτῇ επιμαρτυρεί, κ. λ.
Ecum. tom. II. p. 606. D.
Εκλεκτην δε η απο τε ονόματος, η απο της περι την αρετην φιλοτιμίας,
Kaλε. Id. p. 606. B.
* Alii utramque vocem pro appellativâ habent, matronæque nomen simili
silentio tectum censent, quo suum Joannes ipse texit. Hæc communior fere
est sententia. Wolf. ib. p. 324.
¹ See before, note º, p. 285.
m
Prolegom. num. 151.
• Ubi supra, p. 326.
n Critical notes upon the N. T. p. 378.
P Quoique ce mot puisse être un nom propre-il est assez vraisemblable
que c'est ici un nom appellatif, qui signifie, que c'étoit une Dame Chrêtienne,
à qui S. Jean écrivoit, et qui étoit connue à ceux qui lui devoient rendre cette
lettre, &c. Le Clerc, Remarques sur la 2 ep. de S. Jean.
288
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
each one of which is supported by great patrons. The ar-
guments for a proper name, either of Eclecta, or Kyria,
are plausible, and specious. But it is an object of some
moment that this notion was little, if at all, known to the
ancients. If it had, they would not have supposed that St.
John here writes to the church of Christ in general, or to
some christian church in particular. The Latin Adumbra-
tions of Clement of Alexandria, as they are called, are not
very material. The passage of the Synopsis, quoted by Til-
lemont, is ambiguous. Ecumenius has just mentioned the
opinion, that Eclecta might be the name of the person to
whom St. John wrote. But he does not seem to adhere to
it, as has been observed by Estius. Nor is there any no-
tice of this interpretation by Jerom, or Cassiodorius, or Bede,
authors in which it would be very likely to be found, if it
had been known in ancient times. And why it should not have
been known, if there is any foundation for it, would not be
easily shown. That Jerom did not take kupia to be a proper
name, appears not only from the Latin version of this epistle,
but likewise from his book of the Interpretation of Hebrew
names: where, as formerly observed, there are no proper
names collected out of the second epistle of St. John,
though there are other out of his two epistles, and indeed
from all the seven catholic epistles, excepting only this
one of St. John's second epistle.
r
S
κυρια
V. The third epistle of St. John is thus inscribed: "The
elder to the beloved Gaius." There seem to be two of
this name mentioned in the Acts, and St. Paul's epistles.
In the disturbance at Ephesus, it is said: "Having caught
Gaius and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's com-
Electæ.' Non liquet, an hoc sit nomen proprium mulieris, ad quam
scribitur epistola, an commune; id quod potius existimandum videtur; quo-
niam in fine epistolæ etiam soror ejus vocatur electa.' Non solent autem in
eâdem familiâ duæ proles esse cognomines. Posse sumi tanquam commune,
Ecumenius suâ expositione ostendit, et recte. Videtur fuisse mulier nobilis
sive genere, sive opibus.――Alioqui poterat vocare filiam.——Sed moris est
apud bene moratas gentes, infirmiorem sexum titulis et aliis decentibus modis
honorare. Est. in Joan. ep. ii. ver. 1.
r See Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. vi.
s Gaius quidam inter comites ejus nominatur in tumultu Ephesino, Act. xix.
29. qui Derbæus videtur dici, Act. xx. 4. Habebat etiam Corinthi hospitem
Gaium, Rom. xvi. 23. quem ipse baptizaverat, 1 Cor. i. 14. An hi sint
iidem inter se, aut cum Gaio Joannis, quis dispiciet? Beda, Pseudo-Dexter,
Lyranus, aliique affirmant.. Id quoque novum procreare dubium potest,
quod Gaius Paulinus Corinthi sedem ac domicilium habuerit, noster vero pro-
culdubio in Asiâ habitaverit, brevi ab apostolo visitandus, de cujus extra
Asiam post excessum Neronis itineribus tota antiquitas silet. Lampe, Proleg.
in Joan. 1. 1. cap. 7. num. xii.
St. John's three Epistles.
289
panions in travel, they rushed with one accord into the thea-
tre." Acts xix. 29. And among the same apostle's fellow-
travellers, who accompanied him in his journey toward
Jerusalem, is mentioned "Gaius of Derbe," xx. 4. There
is another Gaius, who appears to have been an inhabitant
of Corinth. 1 Cor. i. 14; Rom. xvi. 23. I see no reason
to think that Gaius, or Caius, to whom St. John writes, was
one of them. He seems to have been an eminent christian,
who lived in some city of Asia, not far from Ephesus, where
St. John chiefly resided after his leaving Judea. For at
ver. 14, the apostle speaks of "shortly coming to him."
Which he could not well do, if Caius lived at Corinth, or
any other remote place. Grotius thought him to be a good
christian, who lived in one of the churches or cities men-
tioned in the Revelation.
U
V
Mr. Whiston supposes Caius to have been bishop of
Pergamos. Mill was inclined to be of the same opinion.
But this is said only upon the ground of the pretended
Apostolical Constitutions, which in this case are of no
authority at all.
W
Dr. Heumann in his Commentary upon this epistle of
St. John has some curious and uncommon observations.
He does not choose to trouble himself with inquiring who
Caius was the knowledge of which, he thinks, would be
of no great use. It is sufficient that we know him to have
been a good christian. Nevertheless he appears to slight
the opinion just mentioned that he was bishop of Pergamos,
And he argues likewise, that he is different from those of
the same name mentioned in the Acts, or St. Paul's epistles.
And indeed it cannot be thought strange, that in the times
of the apostles, there were several christians of this name:
which seems to have been as common a name among the
Greeks and Romans, as any name whatever.
Dr. Heumann says, that a Diotrephes, mentioned by St.
John, ver. 9, and said, to" love to have the pre-eminence,'
* Vixit hic Caius in aliquâ ecclesiarum, quarum mentio in Apocalypsi.
Grot. in 3. ep. Joan. ver. 1.
Commentary upon St. John's Epistles, p. 14, 15, 16.
▾ Alteram vero illam ad Gaium, ecclesiæ Pergamensis episcopum, ab ipso
Joanne (si quid Apostolicarum Constitutionum auctori credimus) ordinatum.
Mill. Prol. num. 152.
* Commentarius in Joan. Ap. epistolam tertiam. Ap. Nov. Syllog. Disser-
tation. P. I. p. 276-328.
* Ibid. 277.
y Millius, Constitutionibus Apostolicis credulus, Caium hunc ecclesiæ Per-
gamenæ episcopum scribit in Prolegomenis suis ad N. T. Eandem amplexum
esse sententiam Guil. Whistonum in suo in hanc epistolam commentario, quis
mirabitur ? Ib. p. 277. in notis.
P. 277, 278.
VOL. VI.
a Ibid. p. 306, 307.
U
290
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
was not a heathen magistrate, nor a heretic, nor a bishop, but
a deacou in the church to which he belonged. Upon which
I observe, it was easy to show that Diotrephes was not a
heathen magistrate.
b
Dr Heumann seems likewise to have proved, that ↳
Diotrephes was not a heretic. For, as he argues, if
Diotrephes had been a corrupter of the true christian
doctrine, it would have been the duty of the apostle
to caution christians against familiar converse with him,
in like manner as he does in the tenth and eleventh
verses of his second epistle. Moreover, in that case, the
apostle would have signified his errors, and would have di-
rected men to beware of the leaven of Diotrephes. But
this he has not done. He only reproves his pride, want of
hospitality, and a perverse contempt, not of the apostle's
doctrine, but of his direction for receiving strangers. He
also quotes Calovius, as speaking to the like purpose.
с
d
And the late Mr. Mosheim, who, as I suppose, had not
seen Dr. Heumann's Dissertation, and gives a very different
account of this epistle in several respects, allows that Dio-
trephes was not a heretic. So likewise argued Mr. Lampe e
before either of them.
е
But I cannot say that Dr. Heumann has proved Diotre-
phes not to have been a bishop. For I think that every
thing said of him in the epistle implies his being president,
b Nunc, ille Diotrephes quis fuerit, investigandum venit. Erasmus 'novæ
heresis auctorem' vocat in Paraphrasi. Ac ita jam olim sensit Beda—-—Vc-
rum recte Buddeus hanc sententiam respuit. Quod si enim corruptor doctrinæ
apostolicæ fuisset Diotrephes, apostoli fuisset avocare christianos a familiari
cum ipso consuetudine; id quod fecit hæreticis in secundæ suæ epistolæ versu
decimo et undecimo. Fuisset item apostoli, notare ipsius errores, et, ut a fer-
mento Diotrephis caveatur, præcipere. Jam vero id non facit, sed superbiam
duntaxat ejus notat, et inhospitalitatem, et protervam non doctrinæ Joannis,
sed præcepti ejus de liberalitate in pios exules exercendâ, contentionem. lb.
p. 302, 303.
• Etiam Calovius ad h. 1. hac de causâ negat Diotrephen fuisse hæreticum. 'Si
hæreticus fuisset,' inquit, ' gravius sine dubio acturus adversus eum, et Caium
aliosque, de seductione ipsius cavendâ moniturus fuisset Joannes.' Quod ar-
gumentum accepit a Cornelio a Lapide, cujus pene omnes sunt annotationes,
quas ad hanc Joannis epistolam exhibet Calovius. Heuman. ib. p. 303, note (z.)
d Nullam igitur Diotrephes religionis dogmatibus injuriam inferebat, sed
iniquus tantum erat, et ultra modum rigidus dignitatis suæ custos. Moshem.
de Reb. Christianor. p. 176, 177.
e De causâ rixæ et contentionis inter Diotrephen et Joannem in diversa
abeunt interpretes. Bartholomæus Petri: Credibile est,' inquit,fuisse
quempiam ex illis Judæis titulo tenus christianis, qui Christi fidem ita susci-
piendam putabant, ut simul servaretur lex cæremonialis Mosis.'-
-Sed optime
observat Calovius, si Joannes id innuisset, quod tum sine dubio acturus ad-
versus eundem, et Caium aliosque de seductione ipsius cavendâ moniturus
esset. Nullius sane dogmatis, sed factorum tantum perversorum, Diotrephes
incusatur. Lamp. Prol. 1. 1. cap. 7. sect. xiv.
St. John's three Epistles.
291
or chief director of things in the church to which
Caius belonged. However, we will consider his argu-
ments.
f
In the first place he says, the principal reason why
learned men have thought Diotrephes to be a bishop is be-
cause they have understood those words, at ver 10, "and
casteth them out of the church," of excommunication. But
those words, he says, are capable of another sense. They
seem rather to mean, that by ill treatment he forced those
strangers to leave the church, to which they had applied for
relief, and to go elsewhere.
But granting this interpretation to be right, Diotre-
phes might nevertheless be a bishop. For that ill treat-
inent might be owing to an abuse of his episcopal power and
authority.
Again, says Dr. Heumann, the fault of Diotrephes lay
in seeking pre-eminence; which shows he was not a bishop:
for then he would have had pre-eminence. Nor does a man
seek what he has already.
But I cannot perceive that observation to be very mate-
rial. For a bishop may show improper love of power and
pre-eminence by arbitrary proceedings in the society over
which he presides, and by an arrogant behaviour toward
neighbouring bishops or superintendants, his equals, and
perhaps, in some respects, his superiors.
Finally, not to take notice of any other arguments of this
kind, Dr. Heumann thinks, that h Diotrephes was deacon,
f Alii igitur Diotrephen fuisse illius ecclesiæ episcopum crediderunt, hoc
potissimum usi argumento, quod excommunicâsse scribatur pios exules. Ve-
rum infra docebimus, ejicere ex ecclesiâ,' hic non esse excommunicare, atque
adeo affingi Diotrephi excommunicationem judicio præcipiti. Ib. 303.
5 Ac vel verbum piλorpwrɛvwv demonstrat nobis, eum haud fuisse episco-
pum: episcopus enim est ò pwTɛvwv in ecclesiâ. Atqui quod quis jam
habet, non expetit. Ib. p. 303, 304.
h Jam cum clarissime cognoscamus, nec hæreticum, nec episcopum, nec
presbyterum, nec ethnicum scilicet reipublicæ rectorem, fuisse Diotrephen, via
satis aperta est ad personam ejus inveniendam. Statim enim mentem nostrum
hæc subit quæstio: An forte fuit illius ecclesiæ diaconus, hoc est, bonorum
ecclesiasticorum administrator? Hoc enim officium certis hominibus jam
initio christianæ ecclesiæ demandatum fuissc, ex Act. vi. notum est. Ac
sane facilis nunc et perspicuus nobis videtur totus hic locus noster. Præerat
scilicet ærario ecclesiastico Diotrephes. Erat ejus pauperibus inde erogare
pecunias. Advenas autem fratres ideo non sublevabat, quod vix ecclesiæ
illius pauperibus alendis satis videretur suppetere. Id causatus, alio discedere,
aliorum auxilium implorare, jubebat: imo, dum nihil ipsis suppeditabat,
cogebat hoc ipso EOS EK TηS EKKλnotaç, ex illâ ecclesiâ, excedere, atque ita
erat εκβαλλων αυτές εκ της εκκλησιας. Erant, qui exulibus his ex aerario dari
aliquid volebant. Verum non audiebat hos providus, scilicet œconomus, sed
suam sequi sententiam cupiebat cæteros christianos omnes. Atque ita erat
U 2
292
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
and had the charge of the stock
of the stock or treasure of the
church to which he belonged, and therefore he was not
bishop.
k
But neither do I see the force of this argument. For
Diotrephes might have the disposal of the church-stock, and
yet be bishop. For in ancient times it was a part of the
bishop's office and care, to see that the revenues of the
church were managed and disposed to the best advan-
tage. This appears from Justin Martyr, and Cyprian.
They who desire to see more proofs, may consult Bing-
ham. Since then we allow Diotrephes to have had a
right to concern himself in the disposal of the church-
stock, it need not affect Dr. Heumann's main argument,
whether he was bishop or deacon.
To me, then, it seems, that Diotrephes was bishop in this
church, and that Caius was a man in a private station, of
good substance, and a liberal disposition. St. John says,
ver. 9, "I wrote unto the church :" or ratherm I would have
written unto the church, and at the same time to Diotrephes:
"but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the pre-eminence, re-
ceiveth us not." For that reason St. John sent this letter to
Caius.
Let us now consider what was the case to which St. Johu
refers in this epistle, and what was the fault of Diotrephes.
Concerning this there have been various sentiments of learn-
ed men.
Grotius supposed" these strangers here spoken
of to be believing Jews, whom Diotrephes, a Gentile, would
not receive, because they were Jews, or because they were
for joining the rites of the law with christianity. To the
φιλοπρωτεύων (sive, ut Petrus loquitur, κατακυριευων) αυτων. Quid? Tam
prudens et justus sibi videbatur œconomus, ut ne Joannis quidem apostoli
præcepto morem gereret, ratus scilicet, eum, si hic esset, ærariique rationes
haberet cognitas, aliter sensurum. Bonum doctorem esse Joannem, non nega.
bat: bonum eum esse œconomum, prudentemque in politicis rebus consilia-
torem, id vero negabat. Imo eo temeritatis provehebat, ut ludicra maledicta
effutiret in virum sanctissimum, et fortasse senem' appellaret, cætera quidem
summe venerabilem, sed hoc certe in genere delirum.' Ib. p. 306, 307.
i
* Οι ευπορέντες δε και βελομενοι κατα προαίρεσιν έκατος την εαυτε, ὁ βε
λεται διδωσι και το συλλεγομενον παρα τῳ προεσωτι αποτίθεται, και αυτος
επικάρει ορφανοις τε και χηραις και τοις παρεπιδημοις εσι ξενοις. κ. λ.
Apol. 2. p. 99. A. Par. 1636.
k et stipendia ejus episcopo dispensante perciperent. Cypr. ep. 41. al. 38.
1 Antiquities of the Christ. Church. B. I. ch. iv. sect. 6.
m
Scripsissem forsitan ecclesiæ. Vulgat. Vid. et Cleric. H. E. A. D. 92.
num. ii. Vid. et Grot. in loc.
n Is vero ex illo erat hominum genere, qui Judæos, quanquam Christum
professos, si legis ritus observabant, (quod in Judæâ christiani faciebant ad
hæc usque tempora, ut Sulpicius nos docet,) ad suos cœtus non admittebant.
Grot. in ep. 3. ver. 9.
St. John's three Epistles.
293
0
like purpose Le Clerc, and P Beausobre. This opinion is
much disliked by a Dr. Heumann. Mr. Mosheim likewise
argues against it, as an opinion quite destitute of foundation
in antiquity.
Others think that Diotrephes was a Jew, and zealous for
the law, and that he would not receive these strangers, con-
verts from among the Gentiles, because they did not take
upon them the observation of the rites and ceremonies of the
law of Moses. This opinion is mentioned by Lampe. But
he argues well against it.
8
And indeed both these opinions were confuted before,
when we showed that Diotrephes was not a heretic, or that
there is no reason to think him so.
It has been of late a common opinion among learned men,
that St. John here speaks of some, particularly Jews, who
had gone out into the world to propagate the christian reli-
gion. Who had acted upon a generous and disinterested
principle, refusing to take any thing from those among
whom they laboured, and whom they had converted to the
christian faith. And they think that St. John commends
Caius for encouraging such teachers, and blames Diotre-
phes for not receiving and helping them. But that opinion
appears to me without foundation. For I see nothing that
• Nolebat autem christianos circumcisus ab incircumcisis, seu Gentilibus,
in ecclesiam admitti. Cleric. ib.
P Son nom est Grec. Ce qui fait juger, qu'il étoit Payen d'origine; et
c'est peut-être pour cela qu'il ne vouloit pas qu'on recut Chrêtiens d'entre
les Juifs, fort méprisés par les Gentils. Préf. sur ii. et iii. ep. de S. Jean. p.
585. Voyez aussi la remarque sur l'ep. ii. ver 9.
Heuman. ubi sup. p. 303. note (a).
• Eam (causam) viri docti quærunt in conditione eorum, quos beneficiis
et amore ecclesiæ excludebat. Diotrephen nempe suspicantur origine fuisse
Ethnicum, illos vero, quos recipere nolebat, Judæos. Ex quo efficiunt, insi-
tum Ethnicorum animis contemptum Judæorum tantum apud eum potuisse,
ut sanctissimum amoris præceptum violaret. In hac conjecturâ, ut verum
fatear, nihil est quo moveri queat aliquis consideratus et rerum christianarum
non imperitus. Nam, ut omittam, omnibus eam præsidiis destitutam esse, si
noinen Diotrephis excipias, quod Græcum est—ut taceam, nusquam aliquid
memoriæ proditum extare, unde pateat, tam immani Judæorum odio et
despicientiâ christianos ex Græcis flagrâsse, ut in fratribus eos habere nollent,
et omni amoris fructu spoliarent, &c. Moshem. De Reb. Christian. ante
Const. M. p. 175.
s See before, p. 290, note e.
* Tertiam epistolam scripsit Gaio cuidam -Hominis liberalitatem laudat,
qui præcones quosdam evangelicos, e Judæâ gente, qui a Gentilibus nihil
accipere voluerant, opibus suis adjuvisset. Cleric. ubi supr.
Diotrephen duplici nomine S. Joannes objurgat: primum ideo, quod im-
perium sibi arrogaret in ecclesiâ--deinde propterea quod durum se ac inhu-
manum fratribus bene de religione christianâ promeritis exhiberet. Egressi
erant quidam ex coetu, cujus membrum Diotrephes erat, ad propagandum
inter vicinas gentes religionem christianam, &c. Moshem. ib. p. 175.
294
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
should lead us to think preachers here spoken of, but only
strangers in want.
Ver. 5, "Beloved," says St. John to Caius," thou doest
faithfully whatsoever thou doest to the brethren, and to
strangers:" that is, to the members of the church to which
'he belonged, and to strangers who came to the city
'where he dwelt: whom he
whom he had received civilly,
and courteously, and relieved generously if they were
' in want.'
<
Ver. 6," Which have borne witness of thy character be-
fore the church." 'Some such persons, or some members of
' that church, had been at the place where St. John resided.
And before the church they declared his good temper and
'liberality.' "Whom if thou bring forward on their jour-
ney, after a godly sort, thou shalt do well," And it will
'be very commendable in you, if after this any other such
persons should come to your city, you shall act in a like
'manner to them also, receiving them kindly, and forward-
ing them in their way. This will be very becoming your
• christian profession.'
6
6
Ver. 7, "Because that for his name's sake they went forth,
taking nothing of the Gentiles."
We learn from Bede, that there were in ancient times
two interpretations of these words. For the name of
Christ they went forth to preach the gospel. Or for the
'faith of Christ, and the profession of his name, they had
'left their native country, or had been expelled from it.'
This is the sense for which Dr. Heumann contends, and
therefore often calls these strangers exiles.
He supposeth these strangers to have been Gentile con-
verts, who had forsaken their native country, or had been
driven out of it, destitute of all things.
However this place may be understood partly otherwise:
That we who are christians ought to help these strangers
' in their difficulty, especially because they have not sought
'for relief among unbelieving Gentiles: though some even
' of them might have been disposed to give them assistance.'
Grotius explains the place in that manner. The same
W
" Duabus autem ex causis pro nomine Domini sunt profecti, aut ad præ-
dicandum videlicet nomen ejus proprie sponte venientes, aut propter nomi-
nis sancti fidem et confessionem à civibus seu contribubibus suis patriâ expulsi.
Bed. in 3. Joann. Ep.
a
▾ Nam exules illi christiani e patriâ suâ cum egressi sunt, nihil quidquarn
suorum bonorum acceperunt ab hostibus suis Ethnicis, sed coacti sunt abire
sine ullo vitæ subsidio. Heumann. ubi supr. p. 327.
• Μηδεν λαμβανοντες απο των εθνών.-In manuscripto απο των εθνικων.
——Potuerant in istâ calamitate adjuvari misericordia rwv ew, 'extraneorum.'
St. John's three Epistles.
295
6
sense is likewise in Estius. Whose note upon this text I
shall now transcribe at large, it being well suited to illus-
trate this epistle.
C
Ver. 8, "We therefore ought to receive such, that we
might be fellow-helpers to the truth." It should be an
allowed maxim, that we are to show kindness to such:
' otherwise we do not act the part of christians, who ought
'to encourage those who have a zeal for truth.'
Ver. 9, "I wrote to the church." Or "I should have
written to the church," and therein to Diotrephes. But
Diotrephes, who loveth to have the pre-eminence among
them, receiveth us not." I know he would not pay a re-
gard to my directions.'
6
6
Ver. 10, "Wherefore, if I come, I will remember his
deeds, which he does." That is, I will remind him of
his actions, and reprove and admonish him, in order
to his amendment, of which I do not despair.'
"Prat-
ing against us with malicious words." He proceeded
so far, as to speak of the apostle in a petulant manner.
Perhaps he said, that though St. John did well in giving
out general rules for the practice of piety; yet he had no
right to intermeddle in particular cases, concerning which
every one should judge for himself. "And not content
therewith, neither doth he himself receive the brethren, and
forbiddeth them that would, and casteth them out of the
church." 'Nor is that all. For he not only refuses to re-
Sed maluerint omnia christianis debere. Grot. ad ver. 7. Nos ergo.' Nos
christiani ubique locorum οφειλομεν απολαμβανειν.
Manuscriptus, ύπολαμ-
Bavɛv 70187es: id vero est, opitulari. Id. ad ver. 8.
X
* Quod ait apostolus, istos profectos pro nomine Jesu Christi,' potest
bifariam exponi, ait Beda, videlicet, aut ut prædicaturi evangelium ejus sponte
sint profecti ad Gentiles convertendos, aut ut propter fidem et confessionem
nominis Christi per contribules suos patriâ fuerint expulsi. Similiter, quod
sequitur, nihil accipientes a gentibus,' ambiguum est, an de gentibus ad fidem
Christi jam conversis accipiendum sit, an de nondum conversis. Et uterque
sensus suâ nititur probabilitate. Illo modo sensus est, quod hi, quamvis
annuntiâssent, et deinceps forent annuntiaturi gentibus evangelium seu fidem
Christi, essentque jam complures gentilium eorum prædicatione conversi, nihil
tamen ab iis exigere, vel accipere voluerint necessariæ sustentationis, hac scili-
cet de causâ, ne quod offendiculum darent evangelio Christi- -De gentibus
autem non conversis si sermo sit, tunc significatur, quod isti peregrini, quam-
vis egerent, quâcumque tantum ex causâ, nihil tamen ab hujusmodi gen-
tilibus accipere, nedum petere, voluerint; ne ii scandalizarentur, et longius a
christianâ religione averterentur. Dixissent enim: Ecce nulla est caritas inter
christianos-Utraque expositio bene probabilis est. Nec satis liquet, utra
sit præferenda. Est. in 3. Joan. ver. 7.
Certe nihil aliud sibi vult apostolus, quam se more suo molissimum,
placidissimumque in modum admoniturum esse Diotrephen peccati sui, rec-
tamque eum revocaturum in viam. Heum. ib. p. 309.
296
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
4
'ceive and entertain these brethren, but he also discourages
those who would relieve and entertain them. And thus
'he obligeth these strangers to leave your church, and go
• elsewhere.'
Z
By these last words most interpreters understand St. John
to say,
that Diotrephes excommunicated, or cast out of the
church," the brethren," members of it, who were for re-
ceiving these strangers. But Dr. Heumann says, that by
the persons whom Diotrephes cast out of the church, must
be understood these strangers, not the members of the
church. For, as plainly appears, Caius was not excommu-
nicated, though he had done what was opposed by Diotre-
phes. Nor need it be supposed, that all the strangers, here
spoken of, were obliged to leave that place, or society.
Diotrephes, it is true, discouraged their reception, and some
might remove elsewhere. Others of them, however, might
continue their abode there, encouraged by Caius and
some other pious members of this church, who did not
submit to the reasons or the orders of Diotrephes.
In this interpretation it is supposed, that "casting out of
the church," refers not to the persons last mentioned, who
would receive these strangers, but to "the strangers,'
whom Diotrephes would not have to be received. And
Beausobre says, the place may be so understood. Dr.
a
z Universi videlicet, qui hanc tractârunt epistolam, sibi persuaserunt, de-
scribi his verbis illud pœnæ ecclesiasticæ genus, quod excommunicatio vocari
solet. Facile quidem poterat hic error agnosci. Nam primo, Caium, id,
quod fieri nolebat Diotrephes, facientem, ab ipso non fuisse excommunica-
tum, in propatulo est. Sed age, rem totam intueamur propius. Initio igi-
tur considerandum quosnam ecclesiâ ejecerit Dintrephes. Ab omnibus, si
Beausobrium excipimus, hoc refertur ad propinquius, Taç Behoμevac, hoc est,
eos qui volebant exules hospitio excipere. Cum vero jam graves attulimus
causas, cur non credi possit hos excommunicatione ejecisse ecclesiâ, sequitur,
ut statuamus, hæc verba, εk Tηç ekkλŋoiaç ekßaλλa, pertinere ad remotius, ad
fratres exules. His scilicet, dum nec ipse ex ærario aliquid impertiebat, et
aliis quoque, ut nihil ipsis darent, suadebat ac persuadebat, hoc ipso migrare
eos cogebat alio, atque ita ' e suâ expellebat ecclesiâ.' Non erat igitur nostro
loco necesse excommunicationem tribuere Diotrephi. Sed satis evidens est id
eum effecisse, quod omissam priorum exulum receptionem necessario conse-
quebatur, ut videlicet exirent ecclesiâ, aliamque peterent, opum pariter et mi-
sericordiæ abundantiorem.. -Apparet hinc etiam facile, cum volentes exulum
misereri kwλɛvɛiv hic dicitur Diotrephes, non credi eum debere id vetuisse pro
imperio, sed allatis duntaxat causis, cur fieri id non oportebat, multos ab hoc
pietatis officio revocâsse- -Atque hoc ipsum nos admonet, verbo, εкßαλλεi,
non necessario significari, omnes illos exules revera abire coactas, sed id
etiam recte usurpari de conatu Diotrephis id efficiendi. Heumann. ibid. p.
310-313.
Les chasse de l'église.' Cela se peut rapporter ou aux frères, ou à ceux
qui les reçoient, ou aux uns et aux autres. Sur ver. 10.
St. John's three Epistles.
297
b
Heumann blames him for not saying that it ought to be so
understood.
There have been various conjectures of learned men con-
cerning the reasons of Diotrephes' conduct, which I do not
choose to take notice of now. Dr. Heumann supposeth,
that Diotrephes had the disposal of the revenues of the
church. There came to the place strangers, who needed
relief. But Diotrephes opposed the distribution of any of
the common stock, and also discouraged such as were will-
ing to assist them with their own. For all which, as may
be supposed, he assigned some reasons.
This appears to
me to have been the whole of the affair.
d
C
But whether these strangers were Jews, or Gentiles, I
cannot say. There might be some of both. Grotius and
Lampe think they were Jews, who had been driven out
of Palestine, or had been reduced to want by the general
and grievous calamity of that country, and had come into
Asia with hopes of relief, and for the sake of a settlement.
Heumann, as before seen, says they were Gentiles. For
certain they were christians. And St. John, I think, says,
that we ought to receive such, whether they be of Jewish
or Gentile stock, "that we may be fellow-helpers to the
truth:"that we also may serve the interests of truth,
'for the sake of which these persons have suffered the loss
• of all things.'
Ver. 11, "Beloved, follow not that which is evil, but that
which is good." Here the apostle exhorts Caius to persist
in his good conduct, and to be upon his guard, not to be
influenced by any bad examples.
In the twelfth verse he recommends to bim Demetrius, by
whom, as may be supposed, this letter was carried.
In the 13th and 14th verses he sends salutations, and
speaks again of coming to the place where Caius dwelled,
and of "speaking with him face to face." Which I sup-
pose he did.
And I please myself with the supposition, that his journey
b Hic enim in Gallicâ suâ N. T. versione animadvertit, hæc verba etiam ad
remotius referri posse, hoc est, ad fratres exules. Debebat vero indul-
gere meditationi, nec id relinquere dubium et incertum. Heum. ib. 311.
note (p).
с
• Υπερ τε ονοματος αυτε εξηλθον id est, a Judæà ejecti sunt per Ju-
dros incredulos ob Christum. Grot. ad ver. 7.
d Unde colligimus, peregrinos hos, quorum causam Joannes tam impense
egit, fuisse Judæos ex Palæstinâ cum eo profugos, qui pro se aliisque, per to-
talem regionis illius devastationem ad summam egestatem, redactis,
opem ecclesiarum Asiæ florentium implorabant. Lamp. Proleg. 1. 1. c. 7,
num. xvi.
298
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
was not in vain. I imagine, that Diotrephes submitted, and
acquiesced in the advices and admonitions of the apos-
tle. Of this I have no certain assurance. However I
may add, that neither does any one else know the con-
trary.
VI. Concerning the time of writing these two epistles,
nothing can be said with certainty. Mille placeth them
about the same time with the first, in 91 or 92. Whis- .
tonf likewise supposeth that they were all three written
about the year 82 or 83. I imagine that St. John was
somewhat advanced in age, and that he had resided a
good while in Asia, before he wrote any of these epis-
tles. Consequently, I am disposed to think that these
two were not written sooner than the first. And as it
was before argued, that the first epistle was written
about the year 80, these two may be reckoned to have
been written between the years 80 and 90.
CHAP. XXI.
ST. JUDE AND HIS EPISTLE,
I His history. II. Testimonies to the genuineness of the
epistle. 1. To whom it was sent. IV. The time when
it was written.
I. THE writer describes himself in this manner at the
beginning of the epistle, ch. i. ver. 1," Jude,ª the ser-
vant of Jesus Christ, and brother of James." Those two
characters lead us to think that he was one of those
called the Lord's brethren, and that he was an apostle.
Our Lord's brethren, as enumerated in Matt. xiii. 55, are
"James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas." In Mark
vi. 3, "James, and Joses, and Judas, and Simon." And
in the catalogues of the apostles are these. Matt. x. 3,
"James the son of Alpheus, and Lebbeus, whose sur-
As before, p. 278.
e
Proleg. num. 151.
See above, p. 279.
a
* Ιέδας, Ιησε Χρισε δελος, αδελφός δε Ιακωβε.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
299
name was Thaddeus. Simon the Canaanite.” Mark iii.
18," James the son of Alpheus, and Thaddeus, and Simon
the Canaanite." Luke vi. 15, 16, "James the son of
Alpheus, and Simon Zelotes, and Judas the brother of
James." Acts i. 13, "James the son of Alpheus, and
Simon Zelotes, and Judas the brother of James."
b
Thus he appears to have been sometimes called Judas,
at other times Thaddeus, or Lebbeus. As I do not in-
quire into the meaning and origin of these names, I re-
fer to others. I only observe, that it was no uncommon
thing among the Jews for a man to have different names, as
Simon, sometimes called Simeon, at other times Peter, or
Cephas. And Thomas was also called Didymus.
66
Jude, servant of Jesus Christ." He does not thereby
deny himself to be an apostle. St. Paul does not always
take upon himself that character at the beginning of his
epistles. It is wanting in his two epistles to the Thessalo-
nians, in the epistles to the Philippians and to Philemon.
The epistle to the Philippians begins in this manner; "Paul
and Timothy, servants of Jesus Christ, to all the saints in
Christ Jesus, which are at Philippi."
It follows. "And brother of James:" meaning James,
sometimes called the Lord's brother, and son of Alpheus,
one of the twelve apostles. And he does fitly so style him-
self, as that James was the eldest brother, and was of note
among the apostles, after our Saviour's ascension, and in
great repute among the Jewish believers. As appears from
Acts xii. 17; xv; xxi. 18-25; and Gal. i. 19; ii. 9.
We have no account of Jude's vocation to the apostle-
ship. Nor is there any thing said of him particularly in the
gospels, except what is related in John xiv. 21-23, in
the account, which that evangelist has given of our Lord's
most excellent and affectionate discourses with the disciples
a short time before his last suffering. "He that hath my
commandments, and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me.
And he that loveth me, shall be loved of my Father. And
I will love him, and will manifest myself to him. Judas
saith unto him, not Iscariot: Lord, how is it that thou wilt
manifest thyself to us, and not unto the world! Jesus an-
swered, and said unto him: If a man love me, he will keep
my words. And my Father will love him, and we will come
unto him, and make our abode with him."
This disciple still had the common prejudice concerning
↳ See Lightfoot's Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations upon St. Matthew,
Vol. II. p. 176. Witsii Comm. in ep. Judæ. num. ii. Cave's Life of St.
Jude, in English. Dr. Benson's Preface to this epistle, sect. i.
300
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
the kingdom of the Messiah. And he asks our Saviour
with surprise, how he could speak of manifesting himself to
a few only, when he was about to set up an universal mo-
narchy in great power and splendour? our Lord tells him
(what he might have known before) that his kingdom, as
Messiah, was spiritual, a kingdom of truth and righteousness:
and that the blessings and privileges of it were peculiar to
good men, who obeyed the precepts of true religion, which
had been taught by him. Such would be accepted,
and approved by himself, and by his heavenly Father, in
whose name he had spoken. This they would all know,
when he should come again among them, after his resurrec-
tion, and when the gift of the Spirit should be bestowed
upon them, and others his followers.
As there is little said of Jude in the history of our Saviour
before his resurrection, so St. Luke in the Acts has inserted
nothing particularly concerning him after it. However, it
is unquestionable that he partook of the plentiful effusion
of the Holy Ghost at the pentecost next after our Lord's
ascension and that he joined with the other apostles in
bearing an open testimony to our Lord's resurrection at
Jerusalem: and that he had a share with them in the re-
proaches and other sufferings, which they endured upon
that account.
It may be also reasonably supposed, that for a while he
preached the gospel in several parts of the land of Israel,
and wrought miracles in the name of Christ. But what
they were, we cannot say, because they are not recorded
by St. Luke nor any other credible historian near the
time.
As his life seems to have been prolonged, it may be also
reckoned very likely, that he afterwards left Judea, and
went abroad, preaching the gospel to Jews and Gentiles in
other countries. But we have no account of his travels,
that can be relied on. Some have said, that he preached in
Arabia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Persia: and that he suf-
fered martyrdom in this last-mentioned country. But of
these things there remains not any credible history.
с
Indeed, it may be questioned, whether St. Jude was a
martyr. It was formerly observed by us, that Heracleon,
a learned Valentinian, as cited by Clement of Alexandria,
reckons ª among apostles, who had not died by martyrdom,
d
c See Vol. v. ch. v. note b.
d
Ου γαρ παντες οι σωζόμενοι ωμολογησαν την δια της φωνης ομολογίαν,
και εξηλθον' εξ ων Ματθαιος, Φιλιππος, Θωμας, Λευις, και άλλοι πολλοι. Heracl.
ap. Clem. A. Str. 1. 4. p. 502.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
301
Matthew, Philip, Thomas, and Levi. And it was then said,
that by Levi, Heraclcon probably meant Lebbeus, that is,
Judas. Which is allowed by e Dodwell, and some other
learned writers, to whom we then referred. Nor does
jerom, in his article of St. Jude, in his Catalogue of
Ecclesiastical Writers, say any thing of his having died a
martyr.
6
h
pre-
Jerom, in his commentary upon the tenth chapter of St.
Matthew, where is the catalogue of the apostles, says, ' that f
the apostle Thaddeus, called by the evangelist Luke,
"Jude the brother of James," was sent to Edessa to Abga-
rus king of Osröene.' But Eusebius, in his account of
that affair, says, 'that 5 Thomas, one of the twelve, sent to
'Edessa Thaddeus, one of Christ's seventy disciples, to
'preach the gospel in those countries.' And in the
ceding chapter, where he speaks of Christ's seventy disci-
ples, he reckons Thaddeus, who went to Edessa, one of
them. Whence it came to pass, that Jerom called him an
apostle, and reckoned him one of the twelve, is not easy to
say. But I imagine, that what he says in his commentary
upon St Matthew, is an inaccuracy, owing to his writing in
haste. This conjecture receives confirmation hence, that in
the article of St. Jude, in the catalogue above mentioned, he
says nothing of that journey.
Before I proceed any farther, I must take notice of a
Dissertation of the learned Theodore Hasæus: in which he
argues, that Judas, called Lebbeus, and Thaddeus, is the
same as Levi, of whose call St. Mark, ch. ii. 13-17, and St.
Luke, ch. v. 27-32, give an account.
He supposeth, that St. Matthew, ch. ix. 9-13, gives
an account of his own call to be an apostle, and that St.
Mark and St. Luke give an account of the call of another
publican named Levi, or Lebbeus, or Judas.
Upon which I observe:
1. That is a very forced interpretation. The whole histo-
ry, and all the circumstances of it, show, that one and the
same person is spoken of by all the three evangelists.
e Diss. Iren. i. num. xxiv.
f Thaddæum apostolum, ecclesiastica tradit historia missum Edessan ad
Abgarum regem Osrœnæ, qui, ab evangelistâ Lucâ, Judas Jacobi dicitur. In
Matt. T. IV. p. 35. in.
8 H. E. 1. i. cap. 13. p. 32.
i Vid. Vales. Annot. in loc. p. 21.
n
Cap. 12. p. 31. A.
k Theodori Hasæi de Levi a Christo ad apostolatum vocato: ad loca Marci
ii. 14. seq. Luc. v. 27. seq. Disquisitio. Quâ eum non, ut vulgo putatur,
Matthæum, sed Judam Thaddæum esse ostenditur. Ap. Biblioth. Brem. Cl.
v. Fascic. iii. num. vi. p. 475, &c. Bremæ. 1721.
302
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
And the coherence renders it indubitable. The same things
precede and follow in those several evangelists; as may
be perceived by any one who compares them.
n
2. So far as we can find, it has been the opinion of the
most ancient and learned christian writers, that Matthew
and Levi are two names of one and the same man. So
thought¹ Eusebius. So likewise m Jerom in several places
of his works: which shows it was his settled opinion, and
that he never hesitated about it. The " compiler of the
Apostolical Constitutions says the same expressly. Victor
of Antioch, in his commentary upon St. Mark, says, that
Mark and Luke, when they give an account of his call at
the receipt of custom, designedly use a name by which he
was not so well known as that of Matthew. Jerom speaks
to the like purpose in a passage already P transcribed. It
is very likely, that Victor had seen that observation in more
ancient writers and possibly in Origen, in 4 whose preface
to his commentary upon the epistle to the Romans, as we
now have it in Latin only, is somewhat equivalent. How-
ever, he plainly says, that Matthew and Levi are only two
names of one and the saine man.
:
r
3. Hasæus argues, that Levi is never said in the gospels
to have been also called Matthew, nor is Matthew said to
be otherwise called Levi.
To which I answer, there was no necessity that we should
¹ Vid. Dem. Ev. 1. 3. cap. v. p. 119, &c. cited in this work, Vol. iv. p. 91, &c.
m Primus omnium Matthæus est Publicanus cognomento Levi, qui evan-
gelium in Judæâ Hebræo sermone edidit. Hieron. Prol. in Matt. T. IV. in
citat. supra, Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. vii.
Cæteri evangelistæ propter verecundiam et honorem Matthæi noluerant eum
nomine appellare vulgato, sed dixerunt Levi. Duplici quippe vocabulo fuit.
ld. in Matt. cap. x. tom. IV. P. I. p. 30.
Matthæus, qui et Levi, ex Publicano Apostolus. De V. I. cap. 3.
Περι δε αναγνωςων εγω Ματθαιος, ο και Λευις, ὁ ποτε τελώνης, διατασε
ooμal. Const. Ap. 1. 8. c. 22.
σομαι.
Est autem Levi hic idem omnino cum evangelistâ Matthæo. Et qui-
dem Marcus et Lucas nomen, quod illi familiare erat, primævâ appellatione
obnubunt, &c. Victor in S. Marc. ap. Bib. PP. Lugd. T. IV. p. 375. B. citat.
Vol. ii. hujus operis, ch. clxxii.
P See note m
¶ Prima nobis quæstio de nomine ipsius Pauli videtur exsurgere, cur is qui
Saulus dictus est in Actibus Apostolorum, nunc Paulus dicatur. -Inveni-
mus igitur in scripturis aliquantos binis, alios etiam ternis usos esse nomini-
bus. Sed nec evangelia quidem hunc renuunt morem. Nam et Mat-
thæus ipse refert de se, quod, cum transiret Jesus, invenit quendam seden-
tem ad telonium, nomine Matthæum. Lucas vero de eodem dicit, quia, cum
transiret Jesus, quendam vidit publicanum, nomine Levi, &c. Origen. in ep.
ad Rom. tom. II. p. 458. Basil.
• Nam observabam, Matthæum nunquam dici Levin, vel Levin vicissim
appellari Matthæum, &c. Has. ubi supra, p. 477.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
303
be told this. It is allowed, that Thaddeus, and Lebbeus,
and Judas, are names of one and the same apostle. And s
it was also so understood by ancient christians: some of
whom I have quoted below. Nevertheless St. Luke has
never told us, that Judas was surnamed Thaddeus, or Leb-
beus. Nor has St. Matthew, or St. Mark said, that Thad-
deus, or Lebbeus, was also called Judas.
These observations, as seems to me, are sufficient to con-
firm the common opinion. However I will add a thought
or two of less moment.
4. St. Matthew, in the catalogue of the apostles, placeth
himself in this manner, ch. x. 3, "and Matthew the publi-
cau :” και Ματθαιος ο τελώνης. May it not be hence argued
with probability, that he was the only publican among the
apostles, and that there was no other?
5. If we were to form a conjecture concerning the em-
ployment, that was followed by Jude, before he was an
apostle, it would be that of an husbandman. In the
Apostolical Constitutions the apostles are made to say:
Some of us are fishermen, others tent-makers, others hus-
'bandmen.' Undoubtedly several of the apostles were
fishermen. But by the latter part of the sentence no more
may be meant, than that there was among them one tent-
maker, even Paul, and one husbandman, intending, perhaps,
St. Jude. For Hegesippus, as quoted by Eusebius, writes,
"that" when Domitian made inquiries after the posterity
' of David, some grandsons of Jude, called the Lord's bro-
ther, were brought before him. Being asked concerning
their possessions and substance, they assured him, that
they had only so many acres of land, out of the improve-
'ment of which they both paid him tribute, and maintained
'themselves with their own hard labour. The truth of
'what they said was confirmed by the callousness of their
hands. Being asked concerning Christ, and his kingdon,
6
6
·
• Thaddæum apostolum▬▬▬▬qui ab evangelistâ Lucâ Judas Jacobi dici-
tur, et alibi appellatur Lebbæus, quod interpretatur corculus. Credendum-
que est eum fuisse trinominem ; sicut Simon, Petrus, et filii Zebedæi, Boaner-
ges, ex firmitate et magnitudine fidei, nominati sunt. Hieron. in Matt. x. T.
IV. p. 35. in.
Ην γαρ έτερος Ιεδας ο Λεββαίος, ὁ και επικληθεις Θαδδαίος, ὃν Ιακωβε φησιν
ειναι ὁ Λεκας, λεγων, Ιεδας Ιακωβε. Chrys. in Matt. hom. 32. [al. 33.] tom.
VII. p. 369.
Vid. et Hesychii Quæstiones. Diff. xiv. ap. Coteler. Monum. Gr. tom.
III. p. 11.
t Vid. Cav. H. L. in S. Juda.
" Ετι δε περιησαν οἱ απο γενος τε Κυριε υίωνοι Ιεδα, το κατα σαρκα λεγόμενε
αυτε αδελφε, ούς εδηλατόρευσαν, ώς εκ γενες οντας Δαβιδ. Euseb. Η. Ε. 1. 3.
cap. xx.
304
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
• of what kind it was, and when it would appear, they an-
swered, that it was not worldly and earthly, but heavenly
and angelical: that it would be manifested at the end of
the world when coming in great glory he would judge
'the living and the dead, and render to every man accord-
ing to his works. The men being mean, and their princi-
'ples harmless, they were dismissed.'
6
Hence some may argue, that St. Jude himself had been an
husbandman. And from this account, if it may be relied
upon, we learn, that this apotle was married, and had chil-
dren.
That may suffice for the history of St. Jude.
II. In the next place I am to observe the evidences of
the genuineness, and canonical authority, of the epistle as-
cribed to him.
Somewhat relating to this point has been already said in
the fifteenth chapter, concerning the catholic epistles in
general. To which chapter therefore the reader is referred,
though I may here transcribe some things from it, for show-
ing the authority of this epistle in particular.
6
It should be remembered, that Eusebius having enume-
rated the books of scripture universally received from the
beginning, and among them the first epistle of Peter, and
the first epistle of John, he adds: And among the con-
· ▾
' ▾
tradicted, but yet well known to the most, [or approved
by many,] are that called the epistle of James, and
that of Jude, and the second of Peter, and the second
• and third of John.' So that in his time this epistle was
well known, and received by many, though not by all.
6
This epistle is no where expressly cited by Irenæus,
who wrote about the year of Christ 178. Whether he
has at all referred to it, was considered formerly. And the
reader is referred to what was then
said.
Clement of Alexandria flourished about the year 194.
Eusebius, giving an account of his works, says that in his
Institutions, Clement had given explications of all the
canonical scriptures, not omitting those who were con-
tradicted. I mean the epistle of Jude, and the other catho-
lic epistles.
That work, entitled Institutions, is lost. But we have in
Latin a small treatise or fragment, called Adumbrations,
supposed to be translated from the Institutions. Here
▾ See before, p. 160.
* See Vol. ii. p. 181, 182.
X
μη δε τας αντιλεγομενας παρελθων, την Ιεδα λεγω και τας λοιπας
Kadoλıkaç Emisoλas. H. E. 1. E. cap. 14. in.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
305
.
´are notes upon the epistle of Jude: in which is an obser-
vation concerning the modesty of the writer: 'that y Jude
'who wrote a catholic epistle, did not style himself at the
beginning of it, brother of the Lord, though he was relat-
'ed to him, but "Jude the servant of Jesus Christ, and
'brother of James." "
6
Which observation serves to show whom Clement took
to be the writer of this epistle. He supposed him to be
one of them, who are called the Lord's brethren. Matt.
xiii. 55; Mark vi. 3; and an apostle. See Luke vi. 16.
In that Adumbration follow brief remarks upon almost
every verse of the epistle, except the last, or twenty-fifth
verse.
It might be observed likewise, that in that place Clement
declares his opinion concerning those called the Lord's bre-
thren, that they were children of Joseph.
This epistle is also quoted expressly by Clement in two
of his works, which remain entire, the Pedagogue or In-
structor, and the Stromata or Miscellanies.
Z
In the Pedagogue he speaks to this purpose: "I will that
ye should know," says Jude, "that God having once saved
the people out of Egypt, afterwards destroyed them that
believed not. And the angels, which kept not their first
estate, but left their own habitation, hea has reserved in
everlasting chains under darkness, unto the judgment of
the great day." And afterwards, he emphatically describes
the characters of those who are judged. "Woe unto them,
for they have walked in the way of Cain, and run greedily
in the error of Balaam for reward, and perished in the gain-
saying of Core."
Jude, ver. 5, 6, and 11.
,
In his Stromata, Clement writes to this purpose: 'Of"
'these, and the like heretics, I think, Jude spoke propheti-
'cally in his epistle: "Likewise also these dreamers," and
what follows, to "And their mouth speaketh great swelling
words :” that is, from ver. 8, to ver. 16. And that manner
of quoting shows, that the epistle was in the hands of
many people, or of all christians in general, to be consulted
by them.
y Judas, qui catholicam scripsit epistolam, frater filiorum Joseph, extans
valde religiosus, quum sciret propinquitatem Domini, non tamen dixit, se
ipsum fratrem ejus esse. Sed quid dixit? Jacobus, servus Jesu Christi,'
utpote Domini, frater autem Jacobi.' Adumbrat. in epist. Judæ. p. 1007.
ed. Oxon.
z Pæd. 1. 3. p. 239.
a
b
δεσμοις αίδιοις ύπο ζοφον αγριων [al. ἁγιων ] αγγελων τετήρηκεν.
- Επι τετων, οιμαι, και των όμοιων αἱρέσεων προφητικώς Ιέδαν εν τη επιστολη
ειρηκεναι Ομοιως μεντοι και ετοι ενυπνιαζομενοι· ὁ γαρ ύπερ τη αληθεια επιβαλ
λεσιν έως, και το ςόμα αυτων λαλει ὑπερογκα. Strom. l. 3. p. 431. Α. Β.
VOL. VI.
X
306
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
I have been thus prolix in rehearsing these passages of
Clement. For they appear to me a sufficient proof of the
antiquity and genuineness of this epistle: or that it was
written by Jude, one of Christ's twelve apostles. However
I would also refer those of my readers, who are willing to
look back, to Clement's testimony to this, and to the other
catholic epistles, as formerly observed in his chapter.
с
In Tertullian, about the year 200, is but one quotation of
this epistle. But it is very express: Hence it is, says he,
that Enoch is quoted by the apostle Jude.' Intending the
14th verse of the epistle, and making no doubt, that the
writer was an apostle.
In Origen, about the year 230, are divers plain quotations
of St. Jude's epistle.
6
с
In his Commentaries upon St. Matthew, which we have still
in Greek, having taken notice of the words of Matth. xiii. 55,
56, beside other remarks, he says, that James is the same
' whom Paul mentions in the epistle to the Galatians, as hav-
'ing been seen by him.' Gal. i. 19. He also observes a
passage, said to be in the Antiquities of Josephus, relating
to the same James. Then he adds: And Jude wrote an
' epistle, of few lines indeed, but full of the powerful words
' of the heavenly grace, who at the beginning says: “Jude
⚫ the servant of Jesus Christ, and brother of James." These
passages are of use to show us whom Origen took to be the
writer of this epistle.
6
'
•
•
f
Again, in the same Commentaries. And in the epistle
of Jude: "To them that are "beloved [or sanctified] in
• God the Father, and preserved in Jesus Christ and call-
• ed."
h
Once more, in the same Greek Commentaries upon St.
Matthew's gospel, having quoted 1 Pet. i. 12, he says:
But if any one receives also the epistle of Jude, let him
'consider what will follow from what is there said: " And
'the angels, which kept not their first estate, but left their
• See Vol. ii. p. 242–245.
d Eo accidit, quod Enoch apud Judam apostolum testimonium perhibet.
De Cultu Fem. 1 1. cap. 3. p. 172. A.
f
Ιακωβος δε εσιν οὗτος, ὃν λεγει Παύλος είδειν εν τη προς Γαλατας επιτολή,
ειπων κ. λ. Comment. in Matt. p. 223. C. Heut. p. 463. B. T. 3. Bened.
[ Και Ιέδας εγραψεν επιςολην, ολιγοτιχον μεν, πεπληρωμενην δε των της
ερανια χαριτος εῤῥωμενων λόγων, όςις εν τῷ προοιμιῳ ειρηκεν Ιέδας, Ιησε
Χριςε δελος, αδελφος δε Ιακωβε. Ibid. p. 223. D. al. p. 463. D.
5 Και εν τη Ιεδα επιςολή, τοις εν Θεῳ Πατρι ηγαπημενοις και Ιησε Χριςφ
τετηρημένοις και κλητοις. Ib. p. 332. A. al. 607. C.
h Ει δε και την Ιεδα προσοιτο τις επιςολην, ὁρατῳ τι επεται τῳ λόγῳ δια το
Αγγελος τε μη τηρήσαντας, κ. λ. Ib. p. 488. E. al. p. 814. C.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
307
own habitation, he has reserved in everlasting chains
' under darkness unto the judgment of the great day.""
This epistle is also quoted in those works of Origen,
which we now have only in a Latin translation. But for-
bearing to take farther notice of them here, I refer to the
account formerly given at large of Origen's testimony to the
scriptures, in the 2nd volume of this work.
Upon the whole we perceive, that there were some in his
time, who doubted of, or denied, the authority of this epistle.
But himself, as seems to me, admitted the genuineness and
authority of it. For he quotes it expressly, without hesita-
tion, as written by Jude, one of the Lord's brethren, and
brother of James, consequently apostle.
And he says,
that it was "full of the powerful words of the heavenly
grace."
I have not observed any notice taken of this epistlek in
the writings of Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, about the year
248, and afterwards.
6
It is quoted by the anonymous author against the Nova-
tian heretic, who wrote about the year 255. But he does
not name St. Jude. His words are; As¹ it is written:
"Behold he cometh with ten thousands of his angels, to ex-
'ecute judgment upon all," and what follows,' that is, the
14th and 15th verses of the epistle.
Eusebius flourished about the year 315. I have already
transcribed from him a m passage concerning the catholic
epistles, and among them concerning St. Jude's, which
ought to be recollected here. There is another taken from
him, at the beginning of this article. And I shall here
put down again a third passage transcribed above in the
chapter of the epistle of St. James. Where having given
an account of the martyrdom of St. James, he says: Thus P
'far concerning James, who is said to be the writer of the
'first of the epistles called catholic. But it ought to be
observed, that it is spurious, [that is, contradicted,] foras-
'much as there are not many of the ancients, who have
'made mention of it: as neither of that called Jude's, which
'likewise is one of the epistles called catholic. How-
6
1 Ch. xxxviii. Vol. ii.
* See Vol. iii. p. 47.
¹ Sicut scriptum est: Ecce venit cum multis millibus nuntiorum suorum,
facere judicium de omnibus, &c. Ap. Cyprian. in App. p. 20. Vid. et hujus
operis Vol. iii. p. 64.
m See p. 159, of this volume.
o P 196.
P H. E. 1. 2. c. 23. p. 66. C.
n P. 304.
x 2
308
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
'ever we know, that these also are commonly used
'[or publicly read] in most churches, together with the
'rest.'
That passage needs no comment This epistle was
generally received in the time of Eusebius, though not
by all.
Lucifer of Cagliari in Sardinia, about 354, has quoted
almost the whole of this epistle. He quotes it expressly,
as written by the excellent apostle Jude, brother of the
apostle James.
S
I need not particularly mention more authors. For after
the time of Eusebius, seven catholic epistles were generally
received by all christians, Greeks, and Latins. St. Jude's
epistle therefore, as well as the rest, was received by Atha-
nasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, Didymus of Alex-
andria, Jerom, Rufinus, the third council of Carthage. Au-
gustine, Isidore of Pelusium, Cyril of Alexandria, and others,
whose names may be seen in the alphabetical table in the last
volume, under the article of seven catholic epistles. But
it was not received by the Syrians.
1
And it may not be amiss to observe here, that we
have found this epistle oftener quoted by writers who
lived before the time of Eusebius, than the epistle of St.
James.
Of the authors above named there are two, of whom I
would take some farther notice.
Epiphanius, about 368, in his heresy of the Gnostics, ex-
pressly cites" the catholic epistle of the apostle Jude, bro-
ther of James, and of the Lord, written by inspiration.'
This epistle is received by Jerom, as written by the apos-
tle Jude, as may be recollected by those who have read his
chapter in the fourth volume of this work. Where,' in his
letter to Paulinus, he says, 'The apostles James, Peter,
John, Jude, wrote seven epistles, of few words, but full of
'sense.'
And in the chapter of St. Jude, in his Catalogue of Ec-
clesiastical Writers, he says: Jude," brother of James, left
6
4 Όμως δε ισμεν και ταυτας μετα των λοιπων εν πλείςαις δεδημοσιευμενας
εκκλησιαις. Ibid.
r See Vol. iv. ch. xci.
s Cum exhortetur Judas, gloriosus apostolus, frater Jacobi apostoli, &c.
Ap. Bib. PP. T. IV. p. 227. Č—E.
See Vol. iv. ch. ciii. Vol. v. p. 96, 97.
TW
" Ὡς και περι τετων, οιμαι, εκινήθη το άγιον πνευμα εν τῳ αποτολῳ Ιεδα,
λεγων δε εν τῇ ὑπ' αυτ8 γραφεισῃ καθολική επισολη. Ιεδας δε εςιν οὗτος, ὁ
αδελφος Ιακωβε και Κυρις λεγομενος. Η. 26. n. xi. p. 92. D.
τη
v Vol. iv. ch. cxiv. num. v.
w Ibid. num. viii. 8.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
309
6
a short epistle, which is one of the seven called catholic.
But because of a quotation from a book of Enoch,
'which is apocryphal, it is rejected by many. However at
length it has obtained authority, and is reckoned among
the sacred scriptures.'
There is some inaccuracy in Jerom's manner of expres-
sion. For a book to be at the same time rejected by the
most or many, and to be reckoned among the sacred scrip-
tures, are inconsistent. But it might have been properly
said: that whereas it had been rejected by many, because
' of a quotation from an apocryphal book; it had at length
'obtained authority, and was reckoned among the sacred
• scriptures.'
"
Z
Many learned men have carefully considered this diffi-
culty. But as the ancients overcame it, and at length ad-
mitted the authority of this epistle, perhaps it might have
been passed over as a thing of no great consequence. In-
deed, if there is a credible testimony to any book, or epistle,
that it was written by an apostle, such a passage need not
cause much hesitation. Origen has an observation in one of
his Latin tracts. 'St. Paul says: as Jannes and Jambres
' withstood Moses. This is not found in the public scrip-
tures, but in a secret book, entitled Jannes and Jambres.
For which reason some have been so daring, as to argue
against that epistle of Timothy, though in vain.' For cer-
tain such an objection could be of little weight against so
well attested a writing as St. Paul's second epistle to Timo-
thy. Nor ought it to weigh much in this case.
6
6
I might conclude here. But for the sake of some, shall
add the two following observations.
1. It is not certain that St. Jude cites any book. He
only says, that ª "Enoch prophesied, saying, The Lord com-
X
* Et quia de libro Enoch, qui apocryphus est, in eâ assumitur testimonium,
a plerisque rejicitur. Tamen auctoritatem vetustate jam et usu meruit, et
inter sanctas scripturas computatur. De V. 1. cap. iv.
y Beausobre and L'Enfant in their Preface to the epistle of St. Jude. Dr.
Benson in his Preface to this epistle, sect. i. and many others.
* Item quod ait, sicut Jamnes et Mambres restiterunt Mosi,' non inveni-
tur in publicis scripturis, sed in libro secreto, qui suprascribitur Jamnes et
Mambres. Unde ausi sunt quidam epistolam ad Timotheum repellere, quasi
habentem in se textum alicujus secreti. Sed non potuerunt. In Matt. Tract.
35. p. 193. tom. II. Basil. Et in hoc opere, Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii. num. xxv. 14.
• Verum quicquid et vetustis patribus et recentioribus quibusdam videatur,
non potest ullo mihi pacto probari, Judam apostolum ex libro scripto tempo-
ribus ejus extante, tritâque prophetiâ suum illud vaticinium deprompsisse.
Nam primo id Judas non testatur. Qui simpliciter habet, TooεONTEVσe. Pro-
phetiam scriptis ab eo consignatam esse non dicit. J. H. Heidegger. Hist Patr.
Exercita. x. de Prophetiâ Enochi. sect. v. tom. I. p. 271.
310
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
b
eth with ten thousands of his saints." Which might be
words of a prophecy, preserved by tradition, and inserted
occasionally in divers writings. Nor is there good evidence,
that in St. Jude's time there was extant any book entitled
Enoch, or Enoch's Prophecies, though there was such a
book in the hands of christians in the second and third cen-
turies. Moreover St. Jude might ascribe to Enoch what it
is reasonable to believe was the import of his prophecy.
C
I transcribe here an observation, which I have met with :
'St. Jude in his epistle, from the circumstances of the men
' and the manners of the people to whom Enoch preached,
gathered what might be the sum of Enoch's preaching, in
• this sort.
"Behold the Lord cometh." How? As at the
'giving of the law, “with thousands of his angels, to give
judgment against all men, and to rebuke all the ungodly
among them of all their wicked deeds, which they have
ungodly committed, and of all their cruel speakings, which
' wicked sinners have spoken against him.' Upon which
'words the Greeks, not knowing the course of the Hebrews
' in their feigned speeches, imagined, that Enoch left a book
' of his preaching behind him.'
6
"
d
99
Grotius has somewhat to the like purpose.
And J. H. Heideggere approved of this manner of inter-
At neque dicit Judas Henochum ita scripsisse; neque in libro qui Henochi
dicitur, prophetiæ hujus vel vola vel vestigium reperitur. Imo credibile est,
Judæ ætate suppositium hunc librum ne quidem in rerum naturâ fuisse sed a
putido et portenso nescio quo Cabbalistâ Græcanico, vel ab hæretico, et sciolo
aliquo Christum professo, sub Henochi nomine procusum esse. Witsius in ep.
Jud. num. xli. p. 502.
b Alii denique verisimilius arbitrantur, habuisse Judam ex notâ et confessâ
eo tempore traditione, quam veram esse Spiritu magistro cognovit, dignamque
judicavit, quam suâ hac epistolâ consecraret æternitati. Cui sententiæ ego
quoque hactenus acquiesco. Wits. ubi supr. num. xli. p. 503.
• The General Review of the Holy Scriptures, p. 38, by Thomas Hayne,
London, 1640, folio.
d Solebant Rabbini et angelis et magnis hominibus tribuere ea verba, quæ
verisimiliter dicere potuerunt. Tale illud quod de Enocho habebimus, et illud
quod Heb. xii. 21. et Actor. vii. 26, &c. Grot. ap. S. Jud. ver. 9.
Solebant, ut modo dixi, Rabbini et angelis et viris magnis tribuere ea dicta,
quæ dixisse poterant. Id. ad ver. 14.
Quod tunc Enoch aut dixit, aut dicere potuit, imminente diluvio, idem
Judas ad ingentem illam internecionem, quæ Judæis contumacibus immine-
bat, referre commode potuit. Id. ib. ad ver. 15,
с
•
• Distinguendum accurate est inter fundamentum prophetiæ, et ejus formu-
lam. Fundamentum quod attinet, est illud totam ɛyypɑpov. Alterum est,
quod scriptum reperitur, Enochum cum Deo ambulâsse." Ex eo Judæ pro-
clive fuit conficere Enochum non pro se tantum quæsivisse Deum, sed etiam
alios proposito terrore ultimi judicii ab impietate et injustitiâ deterruisse
neque potuisse cum Deo ambulare, vel pii viri officio defungi, nisi judicium
Domini venturi cum myriadibus angelorum hominibus suæ ætatis annuntiaret.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
311
f
pretation. He supposes St. Jude to refer to the words of
Moses. Gen. v. 22 and 24; " and Enoch walked with
God." Cocceius, also, as cited by Witsius, argued not
very differently, though Witsius did not fully approve
of it.
I shall add a thought or two confirming that method
of interpretation. St. Peter, 2 ep. ii. 5, calls Noah, “a
preacher of righteousness:" referring, I suppose, to the
history in Genesis, though it is not expressly said there.
And at ver. 7, 8, he says of Lot, that " he was vexed
with the filthy conversation of the wicked: and that
dwelling among them, in seeing and hearing, he vexed
his righteous soul from day to day, with their unlawful
deeds." These things are not expressly said in the book
of Genesis. Nevertheless, I make no question but the apos-
tle refers to what is there said, and deduceth these things
thence, and not from an apocryphal, or any other writing
whatever.
There is no necessity therefore to suppose, that St. Jude
quoted a book called Enoch, or Enoch's prophecies.'
6
2. Allowing St. Jude to quote such a book, he gives it no
authority. It was no canonical book of the Jews. That is
certain. Consequently, if there was such a book among
them, it was apocryphal. But though it was so, there might
be in it some right things. These St. Jude might take,
without approving the whole of it. To this purposes Je-
Cum igitur non potuerit non loqui de judicio Domini superventuro impiis, et
ii, de quibus S. Judas loquitur, sint ultimi temporis, conficit, Enochum diu
ante diluvium de iis prophetâsse-Porro quod formulam attinet prophetiæ,
cujus fundamentum ita in Scripturis ostendimus, illam ex iis verbis contexuit
Judas, in quorum virtute eam latere per ovvεoiv Tvεvμarikηy, intelligentiam
spiritualem,' probe scivit. Heid. ubi supra, num. x. p. 277.
£ Celeberrimus Coccejus conjectat Judam ex historiâ Mosaïcâ collegisse.
Nam,' inquit, prophetâsse Henochum, satis constat ex sacris literis. Am-
'bulavit enim cum Deo. Ergo cum Deo fecit, defectoribus se opposuit, ver-
• bis sine dubio in Spiritu Sancto dictis, et opere.- Porro Judas talia Heno-
'chum prophetâsse testatur, quæ optime et pathetice ei attribuuntur in proso-
popœïâ.' Quæ quidem non male mihi animadversa videntur; attamen non
validum satis firmamentum continere, cui Judæ allegatio commode inædifice-
tur. Nam Judas formulam prophetiæ Henocho adscribit, quæ ex Mose disci
non potest. Wits. ib. num. xli. p. 502, et 503.
8 Qui autem dicunt totum librum debere sequi eum qui libri parte usus sit,
videntur mihi et apocryphum Enochi, de quo apostolus Judas in epistolà
suâ testimonium posuit, inter ecclesiæ scripturas recipere, et multa alia, quæ
apostolus Paulus de reconditis est loquutus. Possumus enim hoc argumento
dicere: quia apud Athenienses ignotum Deum colere se dixit, quem illi in arâ
annotaverant, debere Paulum et cætera, quæ in arâ scripta fuerant, sequi, et ea
quæ Athenienses faciebant facere, quia cum Atheniensibus in culturâ ignoti
Dei ex parte consenserat. Hieron. in Tit. T. IV. p. 421.
312
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
→
b
rom has argued largely, and very well, in his commentary
upon the epistle to Titus, upon occasion of St. Paul's quo-
tation of Epimenides. Tit. i. 12. And Cave says, 'It is
no more strange, that St. Jude should quote an apocryphal
book, than that St. Paul should put down Jannes and Jam-
'bres for the two magicians of Pharaoh that opposed Moses.
• Which he must either derive from tradition, or from some
'uncanonical author of those times, there being no mention
' of their names in Moses' relation of that matter.'
6
As I have said so much about this text, I am induced to
take notice of some other like things in this epistle.
Says St. Jude, ver. 2 and 9, " Likewise also these filthy
dreamers defile the flesh, despise dominion, and speak evil
of dignities. Yet Michael, the archangel, when contending
with the devil, he disputed about the body of Moses, dared
not [chose not] to bring against him a railing accusation,
but said: The Lord rebuke thee."
Origen, in the third century, supposed that St. Jude
might refer to a book, called the Assumption, or Ascension
of Moses, though it was not a book of authority. But in-
deed, there is no good reason to think, that there was any
such book extant in the time of St. Jude. It is more proba-
ble that it was forged afterwards. Some therefore have
imagined, that St. Jude took this passage from some more
valuable Hebrew author, of whom however we have no
knowledge.
But to me it is apparent, that St. Jude refers to the vision
in Zech. iii. 1-3, "And he shewed me Joshua the high-
priest, standing before the angel of the Lord," and " Satan
standing at his right hand to resist him. And the Lord"
[that is, "the angel of the Lord," before mentioned]" said
unto Satan: The Lord rebuke thee." And what follows.
The text of St. Jude is parallel with 2 Pet. ii. 11, "Whereas
angels, which are greater in power, bring not railing accu-
sation before the Lord." Here also is a plain reference to
the vision in Zechariah. The thing itself, and that circum-
stance," before the Lord," answering to the expression in
Zechariah, "standing before the Lord," or "before the
angel of the Lord," put it, as seems to me, beyond question.
Campegius Vitringa has some curious observations upon
¹ Life of St. Jude, in English, p. 205.
¹ Michaël autem & εтоλμŋσε, non sustinuit,' non induxit animum, impin-
gere illi notam maledicti, id est, ultionem maledicendo sumere. Non quod
timuerit diabolum, sed quod ex decoro omnia agere voluerit. Wits. Comm.
in Ep. Judæ, ver. 9. p. 480.
k See Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii.
num. xiv. a citation from Origen's Books of Principles.
' Probabile nobis videtur, Judam scripsisse Tepi Te Inσs owμaros, et hodier-
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
313
m
this text of St. Jude. Instead of "the body of Moses," he
would read "the body of Joshua.' That is ingenious.
Nevertheless the common reading may be right, and may
be explained very agreeably to the passage of Zechariah.
For, according to an interpretation of that vision, formerly
taken from Ephrem the Syrian, Joshua, the high-priest,
there denotes the Jewish people. Whom St. Jude might
call "the body of Moses," as christians are called "the body
of Christ" by St. Paul, 1 Cor. xii. 20, 25, 27; Eph. i. 23,
and iv. 12, 16; Col. i. 18. The same interpretation was
proposed some while ago, and well supported in a Disser-
tation of a learned writer, who was not acquainted with
Ephrem.n
Once more. St. Jude says, ver. 6, "And the angels,
which kept not their first estate, but left their own habita-
tion, he has reserved in everlasting chains under darkness
unto the judgment of the great day." To which there is
a parallel place in 2 Pet. ii. 4. The learned writer, above
quoted, observes, that neither here have these apostles a
reference to any Jewish apocryphal book, but to some text of
sacred scripture, or of the Old Testament. But he then
deferred showing the place. Nor do I know that these texts
ever came in his way afterwards. I wish they had. For I
also am much inclined to believe, that in all these places
the apostles referred to passages of the Old Testament.
This may assist us in forming a judgment concerning the
opinion of the bishop of London, that St. Jude in his epis-
p
nam lectionem esse a manu imperitioris bibliographi, qui, cum nihil in Scrip-
turis memorabile legisset de corpore Josua,' sed contra ex Historiâ Sacrà
intellexisset, quid circa corpus Mosis' singulare accidisset, nec interea de
loco Zachariæ cogitaret, Josuæ nomen in illud Mosis commutavit. Sed quam
certum est, Judam his verbis respexisse locum illum Zachariæ, tam quoque
certum est, non scripsisse, Michaëlem disputâsse cum Diabolo de
corpore
Mosis.'- -Imo ex eâdem ratione liquidissime patet, Judam, quæ hic habet
' de corpore Mosis,' non desumpsisse ex apocrypho aliquo Judaïci ingenii, in
quo hanc fabulam offendisset. Respexit Judas, ut jam dixi, ad locum Zacha-
riæ, et inde recte evicit, Satanæ, potentissimi angeli, ab ipso principe angelorum
Michaële in judicio in ipsum proferendo magnam habitam esse rationem : ac
proin multo minus potestates' et glorias,' hoc est, potentissimos principes,
licet malos, nobisque adversos, a nobis esse vilipendendos. Campeg. Vitring.
Observ. Sacr. 1. 4. cap. ix. n. 35. p. 1003, 1004.
6
m See Vol. iv. ch. cii. num. vi. 6.
See Bib. Raisonnée, tom. XXXI. P. II. art. i. p. 243–269.
• Quid Petrus et Judas per alterum illud exemplum angelorum,' qui ' pecca-
verunt, principio et domicilio suo derelicto,' intenderint, et ad quam partem
Historiæ Sacræ respexerint, (ad Historiam enim Sacram respexisse certum est,)
nunc prætermitto, aliâ forsitan occasione commodiore indicandum. Id. ib.
num. 35.
P See his Dissertation concerning the authority of the
second epistle of St. Peter. And here in this Volume, p. 257.
314
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
tle, and St. Peter in the second chapter of his second epis-
tle, copied or imitated some Hebrew writer, who had left
behind him a description of the false prophets of his own
or former times. Which indeed is ingenious, and plausible.
Nevertheless I think, such conjectures ought not to be pre-
sently received as certain. St. Peter, and St. Jude, and all
the christians in general of their time, had before them the
scriptures of the Old Testament. Many of the cases refer-
red to by these apostles are evidently found there, such as
Cain, Korah, Balaam, the people of Sodom. And why
should not the other instances be taken thence likewise? If
they are, I presume, the argument would be more forcible
with all, than otherwise it would have been. Nor does the
resemblance of style in St. Peter and Jude afford a conclu-
sive argument that they both borrowed from some one Jew
ish author. The similitude of the subject might produce a
resemblance of style. The design of St. Peter and St. Jude
was to condemn some loose and erroneous christians, and to
caution others against them. When speaking of the same
sort of persons, their style and figures of speech would have
a great agreement. And certainly I think that the apostles
needed not any other assistance in confuting and exposing
corrupt christians, than their own inspiration, and an ac-
quaintance with the ancient scriptures of the Jewish
church.
III. We are now to consider to whom this epistle was
sent.
Witsius says, it was written to all christians every where,
but especially to christians converted from judaism: foras-
much as St. Jude refers to Jewish writings and traditions.
Moreover he wrote to the same christians to whom Peter
wrote, who were such as had been Jews.
To the like pur-
pose Estius.
г
S
Hammond says, the epistle was written to the Jews scat-
¶ Epistola hæc christianis quidem universim, et potissimum Hebræis scripta
est.- Ii quibus scripta est epistola, illis designantur epithetis, quæ sine Gen-
tium distinctione christianis omnibus competunt; quamvis credibile sit, potis-
simum eos spectari, qui ex Israëlitis in Christo crediderant. Iis enim sæpiuscule
argumentis utitur, quæ ex Judæorum libris, vel etiam traditionibus, desumpta
sunt. Videnturque prorsus iidem esse cum illis, quos Petrus posteriore suâ
epistolâ compellat. Wits. Comment. in ep. Jud. sect. viii. p. 460.
• Porro verisimile est, ad eosdem scriptam esse, ad quos scripsit B. Petrus, id
est, ad eos præcipue, qui ex circumcisione crediderant.- -Id ipsum indicant
illa verba versûs 5. • Commonere autem vos volo, scientes semel omnia.'
Nam id aptissime Judæis dicitur, a primâ ætate imbutis cognitione historiæ
sacræ. Est. Argum. in Ep. Jud.
s Videtur autem, sicut epistolæ Jacobi et Petri, scripta fuisse ad Judæos
dispersionis, christianam religionem amplexos, ut confirmarentur contra pravas
i.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
315
tered abroad, who believed the christian religion, to secure
them against the errors of the Gnostics.
L
Dr. Benson thinks that St. Jude wrote to Jewish chris-
tians, as his brother James had done, and, most probably, to
the Jews of the western dispersion.
Let us now observe the inscription of the epistle in the
writer's own words. "Jude, the servant of Jesus Christ,
and brother of James, to them that are sanctified by God
the Father, and preserved in Jesus Christ, and called," ver.
1. And ver. 3, " Beloved, when I gave all diligence to
write unto you of the common salvation: it was needful for
me to write unto you, and exhort you that ye should ear-
nestly contend for the faith, which was once delivered unto
the saints."
These expressions, as seems to me, lead us to think, that
the epistle was designed for the use of all in general who
had embraced the christian religion. And if St. Jude writes
to the same people to whom St. Peter wrote, that is a far-
ther argument for this supposition. For that St. Peter
wrote to all christians in general, in the countries named at
the beginning of his first epistle, was shown" formerly.
IV. We now come to the last point, the time of writing
this epistle. Here I shall observe the opinions of several.
Dr. Benson's opinion is, that this epistle was written
before the destruction of Jerusalem, a few weeks, or
'months, after the second epistle of St. Peter: forasmuch
as the state of things, as represented in both these epistles,
' is very much the same.'
W
Mill's conjecture is, that this epistle was written about
the year of Christ 90. But, as he says, there are no clear
evidences of the exact time when it was written.
X
Dodwell, whom Cavey follows, argues, that this epistle
was written soon after the destruction of Jerusalem, in the
year 71, or 72. But the reasonings of those learned men
are far from being conclusive.
L'Enfant and Beausobre were of opinion, that this epistle
doctrinas Gnosticorum, qui tunc temporis exorti sunt. Hammond. Admonit.
in ep. Judæ. Ex versione Clerici.
Preface to this ep. sect. ii. p. 446. See also his paraphrase of ver. 1.
" See before, p. 260, &c.
▾ Preface to the epistle of St. Jude, sect. iii. p. 448.
Fortasse quidem circa annum vulgaris æræ xc.
tempore nihil habemus explorate. Proleg. num. 147.
Diss. Iren. i. num. xiv.
J H. L. in S. Juda.
Verum de ipso præciso
* On ne se trompera pas en plaçant cette épître entre les années 70 et 75
de l'ére chrétienne. Préf. sur l' épître de S. Jude.
316
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
may be placed with great probability between the year 70,
and the year 75.
Witsius thinks it a was written in this apostle's old age,
and in the last age of the apostles of Christ, and when few,
or perhaps none of them, were living, besides St. John.
To the like purpose Estius.
b ს
6
Ecumenius in his note upon ver. 17, 18, of this epistle,
"Remember the words which were spoken before of the
apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ: that they told you there
should be mockers in the last time," Meaning,' says he,
by Peter in his second epistle, and by Paul in almost all
his epistles. Hence it is evident, that he wrote late, after
the decease of the apostles.'
C
d
If St. Jude referred here to St. Peter's second epistle, it
must be allowed that he had seen it, and wrote after St.
Peter which indeed is the opinion of many. So Ecume-
nius appears to have thought. So also says Estius. Dr.
Benson expresseth himself after this manner: that it seems
highly probable, that St. Jude had seen and read the se-
'cond epistle of St. Peter. For there are found in St. Jude
'several similar passages, not only to those in the second
chapter of the second of St. Peter, but also in the other
parts of that epistle.'
6
C
"
Nevertheless, I must still say, this appears to me doubtful.
For it seems very unlikely that St. Jude should write so
similar an epistle if he had seen St. Peter's. In that case
St. Jude would not have thought it needful for him to write
at all. If he had formed a design of writing, and had met
with an epistle of one of the apostles, very suitable to his
own thoughts and intentions, I think he would have for-
borne to write.
Indeed the great agreement in subject and design between
these two epistles affords a strong argument that they were
a
Tempus scriptæ hujus epistolæ, uti ad postremam apostolorum ætatem
referendum est, quod colligitur ex ver. 17, ita ad extremam quoque Judæ
senectutem pertinet, &c. Wits. in Jud. num. ix.
b Cæterum apostolis fuit posterior, non omnibus, sed plerisque jam ante
vitâ defunctis, ut Petro, et Paulo, et Jacobo. Nam Joannes adhuc supererat.
Est. ad Jud. ver. 17.
C
ύπο των αποςολων των ύπο Πετρε εν τη δευτερα επιςολη, και ύπο
Παύλε εν παση σχεδον επιςολη. Εκ τετε δε δηλον, ότι εσχατον μετα το παρελ-
θειν τες αποτολες, έγραφε ταυτα. Ecum. T. II. p. €33. D.
d Convenit argumentum hujus epistolæ cum iis, quæ B. Petrus scribit in
secundâ epistolâ, præsertim capite 2, et initio tertii. Nam quæ hic scribuntur,
adeo cum illis similia sunt, ut hujus auctor S. Judas eam non solum legisse
videatur, verum etiam, partim contrahendo, partim extendendo, partim iisdem
vocibus et sententiis utendo, imitatus fuisset. Est. Argum. Vid. eund. ad ver.
epistolæ 17.
e Preface to St. Jude, sect. iii.
St. Jude, and his Epistle.
317
written about the same time. As therefore I have placed
the second epistle of St. Peter in the year 64, I am induced
to place this epistle of St. Jude in the same year, or soon
after, in 65 or 66. For there was exactly the same state of
things in the christian church, or in some part of it, when
both these epistles were written.
I do not insist upon the expression, "in the last time,"
which is in ver. 18. Some would understand thereby the
last period of the Jewish state and constitution, immediately
preceding the destruction of Jerusalem. But I cannot in-
terpret the phrase, "the last time," in Jude, or "the last
days," in St. Peter iii. 3, in so limited a sense. I think that
thereby must be meant the days of the Messiah, or the late
ages of the world,
However, undoubtedly, that exhortation, ver. 17 and 18,
"But, beloved, remember ye the words which were spoken
before by the apostles of the Lord Jesus Christ: that they
told you there should be mockers in the last time:" do
imply, as Witsius and Estius observe, that it was then the
last age of the apostles: when several of them had left the
world, and few of them were still surviving. Which well
suits the date before mentioned, the year 64, or 65, or 66.
When St. Jude adviseth the christians to recollect, " and
be mindful of the words of the apostles of Christ," he may
intend their preaching, which these christians had heard,
or the writings of apostles, which they had read, and had
in their hands. Such discourses of St. Paul may be seen
recorded in Acts xx. 29, 30. And he writes to the like
purpose 1 Tim. iv. 1-5, and 2 Tim. iii. and iv. They who
suppose that St. Jude had seen and read the second
epistle of St. Peter, must think that he refers also to 2
Pet. ch. iii. 1–5.
There are some other expressions in this epistle which
may deserve to be here taken notice of by us. Ver. 3, “ It
was needful for me to write unto you, and exhort you, that
you should earnestly contend for the faith once delivered
to the saints;" and ver. 5, "I will therefore put you in re-
membrance, though ye once knew this." These expres-
sions seem to imply, that now some considerable time had
passed, since the whole scheme of the christian doctrine.
had been published to the world, and since the persons to
whom the apostle is writing were first instructed in it.
Upon the whole, as before said, this epistle might be writ-
ten in the year of Christ 64, or 65, or 66.
318
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
CHAP. XXII.
THE REVELATION OF ST. JOHN.
1. Its genuineness shown from testimony. II. From inter-
nal characters. III. Its time.
I. WE are now come to the last book of the New Testa-
ment, the Revelation: about which there have been differ-
ent sentiments among christians, many receiving it as the
writing of John, the apostle and evangelist, others ascrib-
ing it to John a presbyter, others to Cerinthus, and some
rejecting it without knowing to whom it should be as-
cribed.
I shall therefore here rehearse the testimony of ancient
christians, as it ariseth in several ages.
It is probable, that Hermas had read the book of the Re-
velation, and imitated it. He has many things resembling
it, vol. ii. p. 69-72. It is referred to by the martyrs at
Lyons, p. 164. There is reason to think it was received
by Papias, p. 118, 123. Justin Martyr, about the year 140,
was acquainted with this book, and received it, as written.
by the apostle John. For in his dialogue with Trypho he
expressly says: And a man from among us, by name
John, one of the apostles of Christ, in the revelation made
to him, has prophesied, that the believers in our Christ
'shall live a thousand years in Jerusalem, and after that
'shall be the general, and, in a word, the eternal resurrec-
'tion and judgment of altogether,' p. 136, 137. To this
very passage we suppose Eusebius to refer in his ecclesias-
tical history, when giving an account of Justin's works, he
observes to this purpose: He also mentions the Revelation
of John, expressly calling it the apostle's.' See p. 137,
note (s.) Among the works of Melito, bishop of Sardis,
one of the seven churches of Asia, about the year 177, Euse-
bius mentions one, entitled, Of the Revelation of John,' p.
•
•
The Revelation.
319
159. It is very probable, that Melito ascribed this book to
the apostle of that name, and esteemed it a book of canoni-
cal authority. Irenæus, bishop of Lyons in Gaul, about
178, who in his younger days was acquainted with Poly-
carp, often quotes this book as the Revelation of John,
the disciple of the Lord,' p. 181. And in one place he
says: 'It was seen not long ago, but almost in our age, at
the end of the reign of Domitian.' Ibid. And see p. 167.
Theophilus was bishop of Antioch about 181. Eusebius,
speaking of a work of his against the heresy of Hermo-
genes, says, he therein made use of testimonies or quoted
passages, from John's Apocalypse,' p. 204. The book of
the Revelation is several times quoted by Clement of Alex-
andria, who flourished about 194, and once in this manner:
'Such an one, though here on earth he is not honoured with
the first seat, shall sit upon the four and twenty thrones
'judging the people, as John says in the Revelation,' p. 245.
Tertullian, about the year 200, often quotes the Revelation,
and supposeth it to have been written by St. John, the same
who wrote the first epistle of John, universally received, p.
295. Again; the apostle John in the Apocalypse de-
'scribes a sharp two-edged sword coming out of the mouth
' of God,' ibid. He also says, ' We have churches, that are
disciples of John. For though Marcion rejects the Reve-
lation, the succession of bishops, traced to the original, will
assure us, that John is the author:' ibid. By John un-
doubtedly meaning the apostle.
"
"
"
From Eusebius we learn, that Apollonius, who wrote
against the Montanists about the year 211, quoted the Re-
velation, p. 393. By Caius, about the year 212, it was as-
scribed to Cerinthus, p. 401. It was received by Hippoly-
tus, about the year 220, p. 436, and by Origen about 230,
p. 495. It is often quoted by him. He seems not to have
had any doubt about its genuineness. In his commentary
upon St. John's gospel, he speaks of it in this manner:
• Therefore John, the son of Zebedee, says in the Revelation,'
p. 512. Se also p. 513, 577.
Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, about the year 247, or
somewhat later, wrote a book against the Millenarians, in
which he allows the Revelation to be written by John, a
holy and divinely inspired man. But he says he cannot
easily grant him to be the apostle, the son of Zebedee,
whose is the gospel according to John, and the catholic
epistle,' p. 694. He rather thinks it may be the work of
John, an elder, who also lived at Ephesus, in Asia, as well
6
320
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
as the apostle, p. 695. See likewise p. 718, 719, 720. More-
over, it appears from a conference, which Dionysius had
with some Millenarians, that the Revelation was about the
year 240, and before, received by Nepos, an Egyptian
bishop, and by many others in that country, p. 654, 692,
693, and that it was in great reputation, p. 718, 719. It
was received by Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, about 248,
and by the church of Rome in his time, vol. iii. p. 47, 48,
and by divers Latin authors, whose history is written in the
third volume of this work. As may be seen in the alpha-
betical Table of Principal Matters, in the article of the Re-
velation.
The Revelation was received by Novatus, and his follow-
ers, p. 118, 119, and by divers other authors, whose history
is written in that volume.
It is also probable, that it was received by the Manichees,
p. 404.
It was received by Lactantius, p. 541. and by the Dona-
tists, p. 565, by the latter Arnobius, about 460, p. 480, and
by the Arians, p. 581.
In the time of Eusebius, in the former part of the fourth
century, it was not received by all. And therefore it is
reckoned by him among contradicted books, vol. iv. p. 97.
Nevertheless it was generally received, p. 103, 125. ↑ Eu-
sebius himself seems to have hesitated about it. For he
says, It is likely, that the Revelation was seen by John the
elder, if not by John the apostle,' p. 125. It may be reck-
oned probable, that the critical argument of Dionysius of
Alexandria, was of great weight with him, and others of
that time. See p. 127, 128. The Revelation was received
by Athanasius, p. 155, 157, and by Epiphanius, p. 187, 190,
191. But we also learn from him, that it was not received
by all in his time, p. 190, 191. It is not in the catalogue of
Cyril of Jerusalem, about 348, and seems not to have been
received by him, p. 173–175. It is also wanting in the
catalogue of the council of Laodicea, about 363, p. 182.
Nevertheless I do not think it can be thence concluded,
that this book was rejected by the bishops of that council.
Their design seems to have been to mention by name those
books only which should be publicly read. And they
might be of opinion, that upon account of its obscurity, it
should not be publicly read, though it was of sacred autho-
rity. And some may be of opinion, that this observation
should likewise be applied to Cyril's catalogue just taken
notice of.
The Revelation.
321
The Revelation is not in Gregory Nazianzen's catalogue,
p. 287. Nevertheless it seems to have been received by
him, p. 287, 288. It is in the catalogue of Amphilochius.
But he says, it was not received by all, p. 293. It is also
omitted in Ebedjesu's catalogue of the books of scripture,
received by the Syrians, p. 321; nor is it in the ancient
Syriac version, p. 323.
It was received by Jerom, p, 436, 437, 446, 450. But he
says, it was rejected by the Greek christians, p. 456. It
was received by Rufin, p. 484, by the third council of Car-
thage in 397, p. 487, and by Augustine, p. 494, 514. But
it was not received by all in his time, p.
511. It is never
quoted by Chrysostom, and, probably, was not received by
him, p. 549. It is in the catalogue of Dionysius, called the
Areopagite, about 490, vol. v. p. 74. It is in the Alexan-
drian manuscript, p. 82, 84. It was received by Sulpicius
Severus, about 401, vol iv. p. 575, and by J. Damascenus,
vol. v. p. 147, and by Ecumenius, p. 156, 157, and by many
other authors, whose history is written in the fifth volume.
Andrew, bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, at the end of the
fifth century, p. 77, and Arethas, bishop of the same place
in the sixth century, wrote commentaries upon it, p. 103.
But it was not received by Severian, bishop of Gabala,
vol. iv. p. 572, nor, as it seems, by Theodoret, vol. v.
p. 19,
Upon the whole it appears, that this book has been gene-
rally received in all ages: though some have doubted of it,
or rejected it, particularly the Syrians, and some other
christians in the east. However, for more particulars, see St.
John, and the Revelation, in the alphabetical table, which
is in the last volume of this work.
It may not be improper for me here to remind my readers
of the sentiments of divers learned moderns concerning this
book, which were put together in Vol. ii. ch. xliii, num. xv.
and xvi. after having largely represented the criticisms of
Caius, and Dionysius of Alexandria, in the third century,
upon the style of this book, and of the other writings
ascribed to St. John. Where also is proposed this obser-
vation,It may be questioned whether their exceptions,
founded in the difference of style, and such like things,
or any other criticisms whatever, can be sufficient to
'create a doubt concerning the author of this book : which
was owned for a writing of John, the apostle and evan-
gelist, before the times of Dionysius and Caius, and so far
as we know, before the most early of those who disputed
' its genuineness.'
6
6
C
VOL. VI.
Y
322
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
II. Having thus represented the external evidence of the
genuineness of the book of the Revelation, or of its being
written by St. John, I should proceed to consider the in-
ternal evidence. But I need not enlarge here, because the
objections taken from the style, and some other particulars,
were stated and considered in the first volume, in the article
of Dionysius, above named, bishop of Alexandria.
I now intend therefore only to take notice of a few
things, of principal note, which learned men insist upon, as
arguments, that the Revelation has the same author with the
gospel and epistles, that go under the name of the apostle
and evangelist John.
1. Ch. i. ver. 1, "The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which
God gave unto him, to show unto his servants things which
must shortly come to pass. And he sent, and signified it
by his angel, unto his servant John.”
a
Hence it is argued, that John styles himself the "ser-
vant of Christ," in a sense not common to all believers, but
peculiar to those who are especially employed by him.
So Paul, and other apostles, call themselves "servants of
God and of Christ." Particularly Rom. i. 1, “ Paul a servant
of Jesus Christ." James i. 1," James a servant of God, and
of the Lord Jesus Christ." 2 Pet. i. 1, "Simon Peter, a
servant, and an apostle of Jesus Christ."
Jude v. 1,
66
Jude, a servant of Jesus Christ." So Moses is called
"the servant of God." Numb. xii. 7, and Heb. iii. 2.
And in like manner divers of the prophets. And in this
very book, ch. x. 7, is the expression: "as he has de-
clared unto his servants the prophets."
This observation may be of some weight for showing
that the writer is an apostle. But it is not decisive. And
in the same verse, whence this argument is taken, the
phrase is used in its general sense.
"Which God gave
unto him to show unto his servants."
2. Ver. 2, "Who bare record of the word of God, and
of the testimony of Jesus Christ, and of all things that he
saw."
Some suppose the writer herein to refer to the written
gospel of St. John, and to say that he had already "borne
testimony concerning the word of God, and Jesus Christ."
But, as formerly observed, these words may be under-
b
a Sed esse seinter notabiles Christi Jesu ministros,' quos ad ecclesiam
suam docendam, regendam, et curandam adhibebat.- Hoc sensu Moses,
David, Jesaïas, et prophetæ omnes sub œconomiâ vetere, et Paulus, et alii
apostoli sub œconomiâ novâ, vocantur servi Dei. Vitring. in Apoc. cap. i. 1.
b See Vol. ii. ch. xliii. num. xv.
The Revelation.
323
stood of this very book, the Revelation, and the things
contained in it. The writer says here very properly, at the
beginning, and by way of preface, that he had perform-
ed his office in this book, having therein faithfully record-
ed the word of God, which he had received from Jesus
Christ.
C
For certain, if these words did clearly refer to a written
gospel, they would be decisive. But they are allowed to
be ambiguous, and other senses have been given of them.
By some they have been understood to contain a declaration,
that the writer had already borne witness to Jesus Christ
before magistrates. Moreover, I think, that if St. John had
intended to manifest himself in this introduction, he would
have more plainly characterized himself in several parts of
this book than he has done.
This observation therefore appears to me to be of small
moment for determining who the writer is.
6
3. Farther, it is argued, in favour of the genuineness of
this book, that there are in it many instances of conformity,
'both of sentiment and expression, between the Revelation
' and the uncontested writings of St. John.'
Divers such coincidences, or instances of agreement, were
taken notice of formerly, and remarks were made upon them,
Vol. ii. p. 710-715. That which is at p. 713, appears to
me as striking as any. I shall therefore enlarge upon it
here. Our Saviour says to his disciples, John xvi. 33, “ Be
of good cheer. I have overcome the world." Christian
firmness under trials is several times represented by "over-
coming," or "overcoming the world," or "overcoming the
wicked one," in St. John's first epistle, ch. ii. 13, 14; iv. 4;
v. 4, 5. And it is language peculiar to St. John, being in
no other books of the New Testament. And our Lord says,
Rev. iii. 21, "To him that overcometh will I grant to sit with
me in my throne, even as I also overcame, and am set down
with my Father in his throne." Compare ch. ii. 7, 11, 17,
26; iii. 5, 12, 21; and xxi. 7.
• Ver. 2. Qui testatus est sermonem Dei, et testimonium J. C. et quæ
vidit.'] Duplici modo hæc accipi possunt, vel Joannem confessionem verita-
tis solennem coram tribunali Præfecti Asiæ Romani edidisse, ob quam ipse
missus fuerit in exilium; vel ipsum, evangelio a se edito, solenne de Christo,
ejusque dictis et gestis edidisse testimonium. Priore sensu vox μapтvρεiv
scriptoribus Græcis posterioris temporis receptissima est, et manifeste etiam
sumitur a Paulo, 1 Tim. vi. 13.- Veni igitur ultro in illam sententiam, quæ
hæc Joannis verba refert ad evangelium non prædicatum tantum a Joanne
solenniter, sed et scriptis confirmatum.- Quæ si sane sit hujus loci interpre-
tatio, certo simul testabitur de illius auctore, Joanne apostolo, ac proinde de
libri hujus divinitate, et summâ auctoritate. Vitring. in Apoc. cap. i. ver. 2.
Y 2
324
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
e
III. Concerning the time of writing this book, I need not
now say much, having before shown, in the history of St.
John, that it is the general testimony of ancient authors, that
St. John was banished into Patmos, in the time of Domi-
tian, in the latter part of his reign, and restored by his suc-
cessor Nerva. But the book could not be published till
after St. John's release and return to Ephesus in Asia.
As Domitian died in 96, and his persecution did not com-
mence till near the end of his reign, the Revelation seems
to be fitly dated in the year 95 or 96.
Mill placeth the Revelation in the year of Christ 96, and
the last year of the emperor Domitian. At first he suppos-
ed that the Revelation was written in Patmos. But after-
wards he altered his mind, and thought it was not writ-
ten until after his return to Ephesus from Patmos.
builds upon the words of Rev. i.9. If so, I apprehend it
might not be published before the year 97, or, at the soon-
est, near the end of the year 96.
h
He
Basnage placeth the Revelation in the year of Christ 96.
Le Clerc likewise, who readily admits the genuineness
of this book, speaks of it at the same year.
d See Vol. v. ch. ix. num. v.
* Eodem ordine septem istæ Asiæ civitates enumerantur, quo ex Patmo
insulâ adiri debebant. Wetsten. in Apoc. i. 11. tom. II. p. 750.
f Paucis post conscriptas has epistolas annis, exorta est christianorum per-
secutio sub Domitiano.—In insulâ vero Patmo, in quam relegatus erat
Joannes, Domitiani ultimo, seu anno æræ vulgaris xcvi. -facta est ipsi
Revelatio, quam universam postea expresso Christi mandato scriptis consigna-
vit. Scriptamque Domini ejusdem jussu misit ad septem ecclesias Asiæ.
Unde manifestum est, visionem non modo Joanni factam fuisse, sed etiam ab
eo literis traditam in insulâ Patmo.-Scriptam fuisse ex prædictis constat
anno vulgaris æræ xcvi. seu Domitiani xvi. et quidem ad finem ejusdem im-
perii, inquit Irenæus, seu tempore æstivo æræ vulg. xcvi. Proleg. num. 157.
•
8 Subjiciemus hic verba Millii, quæ in emendandis posuerat: Hic senten-
tiam,' inquit, mutavimus. Constat enim ex ipsis Joannis verbis Apoc. i. 9,
eum post reditum ad Ephesum hunc librum scripsisse.' Kuster. in notis, num
157. Proleg. p. 19.
h Vid. ann. 96. num. xii.
¹ At nemo de auctoritate ejus dubitârat ante Caium, Romanum presbyte-
rum, qui circa finem ii. seculi vixit. Cum Cataphryges eo libro abuterentur
fetum hunc esse apostoli negare, atque a Cerintho, præscripto ejus no-
mine, editum dicere maluit. At Justinus, et Irenæus, eo antiquiores, et qui
cum Joannis discipulis versati erant, apostolo hoc opus tribuerunt. Similiter,
cum medio seculo iii. Nepos, in Egypto episcopus, Chiliastarum deliria
eodem libro tueretur, Dionysius Alexandrinus eâdem de causâ Joanni eum
abjudicavit. Sed aliter senserant, quicumque Apocalypseos antea mentionem
fecerant, excepto Caio, quos sequuti etiam posteri omnes ad unum.— Multo
fide dignior Irenæus, qui passim hunc librum, quasi Joannis apostoli, ad
testimonium vocat, et diserte, lib. v. c. 30. Neque enim ante multum tem-
'pus visa est, sed ferme nostrâ ætate, sub finem imperii Domitiani.' Quæ ejus
verba Græca habet Eusebius, 1. 5. c. 8. J. Cleric. H. E. An. 96. num. v.
The Revelation.
325
:
k
Mr. Lowman supposes St. John to have had his visions
in the isle of Patmos in the year 95.
n
But Mr. Wetstein' favours the opinion of those, who
have argued, that the Revelation was written before the
Jewish war. He moreover says, that m if the Revelation
was written before that war, it is likely that the events of
that time should be foretold in it. To which I answer,
that though some interpreters have applied some things in
this book to those times, I cannot say whether they have
done it rightly, or not, because I do not understand the Re-
velation. But to me it seems, that though this book was
written before the destruction of Jerusalem, there was no
necessity that it should be foretold here: because our
blessed Lord had in his own preaching at divers times spo-
ken very plainly, and intelligibly, concerning the calamities.
coming upon the Jewish people in general, and the city and
temple of Jerusalem in particular. And his plain predic-
tions, and symbolical prefigurations of those events, were
recorded by no less than three historians and evangelists,
before the war in Judea broke out.
Grotius, who, as formerly seen, placeth this book in the
reign of Claudius, was of opinion, that the visions of this
* See the scheme and order of the prophecies in the book of the Revela-
tion, which is prefixed to his paraphrase.
1 Nos quidem, omnibus expensis, cum iis facimus, qui statuunt, Apocalypsin
ante bellum judaïcum fuisse scriptum. Wetst. N. T. tom. II. p. 746. m.
n
m Quæstio est non levis momenti, cum vera Apocalypseos interpretatio
maximam partem inde pendeat. Si enim scripta est ante bellum judaïcum,
et bella civilia in Italiâ; nullo modo probabile est, tantam rerum conver-
sionem omnino præteriri atque negligi potuisse. Sin autem post illos motus
compositos scripta est, probabilior erit eorum sententia, qui eventus in Apoca-
lypsi prædictos in seculorum sequentium historiâ quærendos existimant. Id. ib.
Lightfootus in genere censet, Apocalypsin hanc editam esse ante novissi-
mum Hierosolymorum excidium. Et certe si Joannes hanc Revelationem
vere a Christo Jesu accepisset sub Claudio, magnâ cum specie negari non
posset doctissimis his viris, quædam sigillorum visa' ad fata judaïsmi non
adeo incommode applicari posse. Sed obstant graves rationes, quæ nos in
hanc sententiam ire vetant. Vitring. in Apoc. cap. i. ver. 2. p. 7. Vid. et
in cap. vi. ver. 1, 2. p. 101–105.
• See Vol. v. ch. ix. num. v. 2.
F Et mitte septem ecclesiis.' Nempe hujus visi descriptionem. Neque ad
cætera hujus libri pertinet. Diversa visa diversis temporibus Joanni obtigere,
ut et prophetis aliis. Grot. ad Apoc. cap. i. 11.
Post absolutum Visum, monita salutaria continens ad septem episcopos et
ecclesias sequuntur Visa alia, quæ diversis temporibus apostolo obtigere, et
postea in unum volumen redacta sunt; quod et in prophetiis aliis evenit, sæpe
etiam non annotato temporis discrimine, sed dato intelligi ex iis quæ loco
quoque continentur. Pertinent autem hæc Visa ad res Judæorum usque ad
finem capitis undecimi; deinde ad res Romanorum, usque ad finem capitis
vicesimi; deinde ad statum florentissimum ecclesiæ christianæ ad finem
326
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
book were seen at several times, and afterwards joined toge-
ther in one book, in like manner as the visions and prophe-
cies of some of the prophets of the Old Testament.
Concerning this opinion it is not proper for me to dis-
pute, though there appears not any foundation for it in the
book itself, as Vitringa has observed. But that the book
of the Revelation, in its present form, sent as an epistle to
the seven churches of Asia, ch. i. ver. 4, was not composed
and published before the reign of Domitian, appears to me
very probable from the general, and almost universally con-
curring testimony of the ancients, and from some things in
the book itself.
Now therefore I shall transcribe r a part of L'Enfant's
and Beausobre's preface to the Revelation, at the same time
referring to Vitringa in the margin, who has many like
thoughts.
$
usque, &c. Ejusdem Annot. ad cap. iv. init. Vid. et ejus Commentatio ad
loca quæd. N. T. &c. citat. in hujus Supplementi volumine primo, p. 176.
9 Et vero Grotius et Hammondus ipsi causam suam produnt, ubi posteriorem
Apocalypseos partem sub Vespasiano Ephesi scriptam concedunt. Quis
enim illos docuit, Visa Joannis in Apocalypsi hoc modo distinguere, et diversa
illis et tam longe dissita assignare tam tempora quam loca ? Nullum indicium,
nulla significatio illius rei in ipsâ Apocalypsi exstat. Contra dicitur Joannes,
quæ vidit, vidisse in insulâ Patmo. Vitr. ib. p. 11, 12.
Г
Preface sur l' Apoc. de S. Jean. p. 613, 614.
$ Primo dubium non est, quin si testimoniis Veterum res conficienda sit,
communis antiquæ ecclesiæ traditio, firmata auctoritate Irenæi, hic multum
præponderet testimonio Epiphanii. Irenæus enim temporibus Joannis apos-
toli propior fuit, tanquam qui eodem adhuc seculo cum Joanne vixerit, et
traditionem nobis retulit suâ ætate communem, et omnibus notissimam.
Sed, quod plus etiam momenti causæ nostræ addit, non nititur nostra hæc
sententia de tempore scriptæ Apocalypsis solâ traditione Veterum. Potest
illa ex ipso hoc libro, etiam absque ullâ traditione veteris ecclesiæ, demon-
strari. Quare secundo observari velim, ex ipsâ Apocalypsi evidentissimas
adduci posse probationes, ex quibus evincatur, hunc librum non utique sub
Claudio, sed omnino post Claudii et Neronis tempora, quinimo sub Domi-
tiano, demum in lucem editum esse.- Quo tempore scripta est Apocalyp-
sis, ecclesiæ jam per Asiam inferiorem in celeberrimis locis non tantum erant
fundatæ et constabilitæ, sed jamdudum fundatæ et stabilitæ fuisse supponun-
tur. Redarguuntur enim pleræque a Domino gravium vitiorum et criminum,
quæ tractu longioris temporis ecclesias illas obrepserant. Ephesina jam 'reli-
querat primam suam caritatem.' Sardicensis dicebatur, nomine vivere, sed
vere mortua esse.' Laodicenam magnus occupaveret tepor,' eratque
' ærumnosa et miserabilis.' Hæc vero quam belle conveniunt temporibus
Claudii ! Ex ecclesiis enim septem, quæ hic memorantur, in Actibus Apostolo-
rum, aliarum mentio non est, quam Ephesinæ et Laodicenæ. Ephesina
autem a Paulo apostolo demum fundata est, secundum Annales Cestriensis,
anno Claudii Imperatoris extremo.-Liquet ex iisdem epistolis Joannis, illo
tempore, quo edita est Apocalypsis, Gnosticorum hæreses quæ dicuntur, in
florentissimis Asiæ ecclesiis altas jam egisse radices. Ad illas enim carnalium
hominum doctrinas sub mysticis nominibus Bileamitarum et Nicolaïtarum in
The Revelation.
327
"
Having quoted Irenæus, Origen, Eusebius, and divers
other ancients, placing St. John's banishment in Patmos in
the latter part of the reign of Domitian, and saying, that
he there saw the Revelation, they say: To these incon-
'testible witnesses it is needless to add a long list of others,
of all ages, and of the same sentiment: to whom the au-
thority of Epiphanius is by no means comparable.' And
then they go on: We must add to so constant a tradition
' other reasons, which farther show, that the Revelation was
not written, till after Claudius, and Nero. It appears from
'the book itself, that there had been already churches for a
'considerable space of time in Asia: forasmuch as St. John
' in the name of Christ reproves faults, that happen not but
'after a while. The church of Ephesus" had left her first
variis locis alluditur. Illam hæresim prævidebat Petrus in ecclesiâ brevi ex-
orituram, quando epistolam suam scribebat posteriorem, non longe ante Hie-
rosolymorum excidium. Judas, qui epistolam suam edidit, ut probabilis ratio
suadet, post Hierosolymorum illud excidium, hoc semen in primâ vidit herbâ.
Sed quo tempore scripta est Apocalypsis, non nata tantum, sed confirmata
erat hæc hæresis, et præcipuas Asiæ ecclesias inquinaverat. Quare si Judas
apostolus epistolam suain scripsit sub Vespasiano, quis neget, Apocalypsin
editam esse sub Domitiano? In ipsis illis epistolis passim supponuntur afflic-
tiones graviores, quas ecclesia Christi religionis suæ causâ jam sustinebat, et
sustinuerat; et inter illas supplicium capitale, quo confessores veritatis afficie-
bantur. Sic Dominus ad angelum ecclesiæ Ephesina: Novi laborem tuum,
Kαι Tην VπOμOVηv 68, et tolerantiam in afflictionibus.' Ad angelum Smyrnensis :
'Novi opera tua,' et rηv xiv, afflictionem, et paupertatem.' Ad angelum
Pergamena: 'Nec abnegâsti fidem meam, ne quidem in diebus, quibus Antipas,
testis meus fidelis, aπekтayon, occisus est.' Supponunt hæc manifeste, tem-
pore editæ Apocalypsis Gentiles jam cœpisse in christianos sævire, et ipsam
etiam mortem pœnæ loco illis quandoque solennibus judiciis irrogâsse." Id
vero hactenus non liquet factum esse imperante Claudio. Nero, postquam
humanitatem exuisset, sanguinem christianum primus bibit; Romæ tamen,
magis quam in provinciis. Post Neronem Domitianus, ultimis imperii sui,
idem tentavit. Ad quas postremas Domitiani persecutiones in his locis haud
dubie alluditur. Neronis enim illam persecutionem in provinciis Romani Im-
perii æque ac Romæ arsisse, nec liquet, nec probabile est. Ad Domitiani
itaque persecutionem hic manifeste alluditur. Quod argumento est, Apoca-
lypsin hanc sub ipso editam esse. Ejusdem hujus Domitianæi temporis ma-
nifestum habemus characterem in Joanne. Dicit enim exerte, 'se accepisse
hanc revelationem a Domino Jesu, cum ob confessionem veritatis evangelicæ
ageret in insulâ Patmo.' Vocatque se christianorum, illo tempore afflicto-
rum, socium in afflictione, regno, et patiente exspectatione Jesu Christi.'
Fuit igitur Joannes in exilio,' causâ veritatis relegatus in insulam Patmon.
Id vero quo modo accideret sub Claudio? Illum enim in christianos in pro-
vinciis aut exilio aut cæde sævîsse, nullibi legitur.-Domitiani igitur hic,
et nullius alius Imperatoris character est. Nero enim christianos capitali
supplicio Romæ affecit: sed Domitianus plures exilio, paucos morte punivit,
ut certi testes sunt Dio et Eusebius, et pluribus prosecutus est Dodwellus.
Diss. xi. De Pauc. Mart. sect. xvii. Quid cessamus itaque, tam evidentibus
probationibus convicti, fidem adhibere traditioni Veterum apud Irenæum ? Vi-
tring. in Apoc. cap. i. ver. 2. p. 9—11.
απεκτα
328
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
6
'love." That of Sardis " had a name to live, but was dead.”
'The church of Laodicea was fallen into lukewarmness and
indifference. But the church of Ephesus, for instance,
was not founded by St. Paul, before the last years of
• Claudius. When in 61, or 62, St. Paul wrote to them
from Rome, instead of reproving their want of love, he
'commends their love and faith, ch. i. 15. 2. It appears
'from the Revelation, that the Nicolaitans made a sect, when
this book was written, since they are expressly named:
'whereas they were only foretold, and described in general
terms by St. Peter in his second epistle, written after the
'year sixty, and in St. Jude's about the time of the de-
struction of Jerusalem by Vespasian. 3. It is evident, from
'divers places of the Revelation, that there had been an
open persecution in the provinces. St. John himself had
'been banished into Patmos for the testimony of Jesus. The
'church of Ephesus, or its bishop, is commended for their
"labour and patience," which seems to imply persecution.
This is still more manifest in the words directed to the
'church of Smyrna, ch. ii. 9, "I know thy works and tri-
bulation." For the original word always denotes perse-
cution, in the scriptures of the New Testament: as it is also
' explained in the following verse. In the thirteenth verse
' of the same chapter is mention made of a martyr, named
Antipas, put to death at Pergamus. Though ancient ec-
'clesiastical history gives us no information concerning this
'Antipas, it is nevertheless certain, that according to all the
'rules of language, what is here said, ought to be under-
'stood literally. All that has been now observed concern-
ing the persecution, of which mention is made in the first
chapters of the Revelation, cannot relate to the time of
Claudius, who did not persecute the christians, nor to the
time of Nero, whose persecution did not reach the provin-
And therefore it must relate to Domitian, according
to ecclesiastical tradition.'
C
6 ces.
The visions therefore here recorded, and the publication
of them in this book, must be assigned, so far as I can see,
to the years of Christ 95, and 96, or 97.
•
.
CHAP. XXIII.
THE ORDER OF THE BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.
1. Their order in ancient authors. II. General observations
upon their order. III. The order of the several parts of
the N. T. 1. The gospels. 2. The Acts. 3. St. Paul's
epistles in general. 4. Their order severally. 5. Of
placing them in the order of time. 6. The order of the
catholic epistles. 7. The Revelation.
b
I. IN showing the order of the books of the New Testament,
I begin with a passage of Eusebius, in a chapter, which is
entitled, Concerning the divine scriptures, which are uni-
'versally received, and those which are not such.' 'But,' says
he, it will be proper to enumerate here in a summary way
'the books of the New Testament, which have been already
' mentioned. And in the first place are to be ranked the
'sacred four gospels. Then the book of the Acts of the
Apostles. After that are to be reckoned the epistles of
'Paul. In the next place, that called the first epistle of
John, and the [first] epistle of Peter, are to be esteemed
authentic. After these is to be placed, if it be thought
fit, the Revelation of John, about which we shall observe
'the different opinions at a proper season. Of the contro-
verted, but yet well known, [or approved by the most,
or many,] are that called the epistle of James, and that of
Jude, and the second of Peter, and the second and third
of John: whether they are written by the evangelist, or
by another of that name.'
6
6
6
C
This passage, as my readers may well remember, was
transcribed by us formerly. And here the order is very
observable: the four gospels, the Acts, St. Paul's epistles,
the two catholic epistles of St. John and St. Peter, which
were universally received, and then the books that were
controverted, that is, not received by all, though by many.
The same order seems to have been followed by that an-
cient writer Irenæus. For in the third book of his works
2
Περι των ομολογεμένων θείων γραφων, και των μη τοιέτων. H. E. 1. 3.
cap. 25.
της καινης διαθηκης γραφας.
Vol. iv. p. 96, 97.
b
330
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
against heretics, where he is confuting the Valentinians, he d
in several chapters argues from the gospels of Matthew,
Mark, Luke, and John. Then in the twelfth chapter of that
book he largely quotes the book of the Acts. After which
he considers the authority of the apostle Paul, and quotes
both him and Peter.
•
h
f
In the festal epistle of Athanasius, the books of the New
Testament are enumerated in this order. The four gos-
'pels, the Acts of the Apostles, the seven catholic epistles,
the fourteen epistles of the apostle Paul, and the Revela-
tion.' They stand exactly in the same order in the Sy-
nopsis ascribed to him, though not composed till more than
a hundred years after his time. The same is the orders of
our Alexandrian manuscript. So likewise in Cyril of Je-
rusalem: the four gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, seven
catholic epistles, and the fourteen epistles of the apostle
Paul.' He omits the Revelation. The same is the order
of the catalogue of the council of Laodicea, omitting also
the Revelation. So likewise in the catalogue of John Da-
mascenus: the four gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the
⚫ catholic epistles, fourteen epistles of the apostle Paul, and
'the Revelation.' The same is the order of Leontius.
And in the Syrian catalogues as given by m Ebedjesu: the
four gospels, the Acts, three catholic epistles, and the four-
'teen epistles of Paul.'
O
6
n
k
6
Rufinus's order is the gospels, the Acts, Paul's epis-
'tles, the catholic epistles, and the Revelation.' The same
order is in the catalogue of the third council of Carthage.
In Gregory Nazianzen P also 'the four gospels, the Acts, the
'fourteen epistles of Paul, the catholic epistles.' The Re-
velation is wanting. The same order is in the catalogue
of Amphilochius, with the Revelation at the end, mentioned
as doubtful. In the Stichometry also of Nicephorus, pa-
triarch of Constantinople about the year 806, the four gos-
'pels, the Acts, Paul's fourteen epistles, and the seven ca-
tholic epistles.'
r
That is the order of Eusebius, and probably of Irenæus
likewise, as before shown, consequently, the most ancient.
It is also the order which is now generally received. And
to me it appears to be the best.
e Vol. iv. p. 155.
d Iren. 1. 3. cap. 1x. x. x1.
f P. 163.
i P. 182.
I P. 142.
8 Vol. v. p. 82.
k Vol. v. p. 147.
m Vol. iv. p. 321.
h Vol. iv. p. 173.
n P. 483, 484.
• P. 292, 293.
• P 487.
Vol. v. p. 86.
P P. 287.
The Order of the Books of the New Testament.
331
6
In Epiphaniuss the books of the New Testament are enu-
merated in this order: the four sacred gospels, the four-
• teen epistles of the apostle Paul, the Acts of the Apostles,
'the even catholic epistles, and the Revelation.'
t
I imagine that this must have been the order of Eutha-
lius. For he is supposed to have first published an edition
of Paul's epistles, and afterwards an edition of the Acts, and
the catholic epistles, about the year 490. In his prologue
to the Acts of the Apostles, addressed to Athanasius, then
bishop of Alexandria, he says: Having" formerly divided
the epistles of Paul into sections, I have now done the like
in the book of the Acts, and the seven catholic epistles.'
Hence I am led to argue that this was his order: Paul's
epistles, the Acts, and the catholic epistles.
6
6
<
X
6
W
Jerom's order, in his letter to Paulinus, is the four
gospels, St. Paul's epistles, the Acts, the catholic epistles,
and the Revelation.' 'Which is very agreeable to the order
of Epiphanius, and also of Euthalius, if I understand him
aright. But in Jerom's work of the interpretation of He-
brew names the order is thus: 'The gospels, the Acts of the
Apostles, the seven catholic epistles, the fourteen epistles of
Paul, and the Revelation.' In the letter to Læta, the order
is, the gospels, the Acts, and the epistles of the apostles.'
Augustine varies. In his work of the Christian Doctrine,
the scriptures of the New Testament are rehearsed in this
manner: The four books of the gospels, fourteen epistles
of the apostle Paul, the seven catholic epistles, the Acts
' of the apostles in one book, and the Revelation of John in
one book.' In another work: the gospels, the epistles of
apostles, [meaning Paul's epistles, and the catholic epis-
'tles,] the Acts of the Apostles, and the Revelation of John.'
In one of his works he quotes texts from the books of the
New Testament in this order: first a from the gospels, next
from several of the catholic epistles, then from almost all the
epistles of Paul, after that from the Revelation, and lastly
from the Acts of the Apostles.
6
b
Z
In the catalogue of Innocent the first, bishop of Rome,
this order is observable: The four gospels, St. Paul's
' fourteen epistles, seven catholic epistles, the Acts, and the
t See Vol. v. p. 68.
s Hær. 76. p. 941. cited Vol. iv. p. 187.
Εναγκος τοινυν ὡς ἔφην, την Παυλο βιβλον ανεγνωκως, αυτικα δητα και
τηνδε την των αποςολικων Πράξεων, άμα τη των καθολικων επιτολων ἑβδομαδι
Tovnoas, apris σOL TETOμpα. Euthal. ap. Zacagn. Monum. Vet. p. 405.
Cited, vol. iv. p. 436.
w P. 437.
་
* P. 471, 472.
a P. 514.
› P. 494.
b P. 586.
z P. 512.
332
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
6
'Revelation.' Isidore of Seville, in his several works, has
three or four catalogues of the books of the New Testa-
ment. In all of them we see this order: first, the gos-
'pels, then the epistles of the apostle Paul, then the catholic
epistles, after them the Acts, and then the Revelation.'
There were, according to him, two parts or divisions of the
New Testament, one called the gospels or the evangelists,
the other the apostles or the epistles. And in this last part
the book of the Acts was placed. The same is the order
in the Complexions or short Commentaries of Cassiodorius:
they are upon St. Paul's epistles, the catholic epistles,
the Acts of the Apostles, and the Revelation.
d
The three writers, alleged in this last paragraph, agree
very much with Augustine in the two passages first cited
from him in the preceding paragraph.
e
Chrysostom's order in the Synopsis ascribed to him, as
formerly observed, is very singular: the fourteen epistles
of the apostle Paul, the four gospels, the book of the Acts,
• and three catholic epistles.'
The catalogue of Gelasius also is particular for the place
of the Revelation. For he enumerates the books in this
order: the four gospels, the Acts, St. Paul's fourteen
epistles, the Revelation, and the catholic epistles.'
6
f
I suppose I ought not to omit the order of the books in
the 85th Apostolical Canon, as it is called, which is this.
The four gospels, Paul's fourteen epistles, seven catholic
epistles, two epistles of Clement, the Constitutions, the
Acts of the Apostles.'
I shall transcribe nothing more of this kind. They who
are desirous to see more examples may consult the alphabe-
tical table at the end of the last volume, in that article,
"The New Testament." Here is enough to be a founda-
tion for such remarks as are proper to be made, relating to
this point.
II. It is obvious to remark upon what we have now seen,
that in the several ages of christianity, and in several parts
of the world, there has been some variety in the disposition
of the books of the New Testament, in two particulars espe-
cially. For in some catalogues St. Paul's epistles precede
the catholic epistles, in others they follow them. And the
book of the Acts is sometimes placed next after the gospels,
in other catalogues it follows all the epistles.
Dr. Mill, who, in his Prolegomena, has an article concern-
Vol. v. p. 139.
d P. 113.
e Vol. iv. p. 537.
f Vol. v. p. 76.
• Vol. iv. p. 230.
The Order of the Books of the New Testament.
333
6
h
ing the order of the books of the New Testament, with re-
gard to the first particular, the placing in divers catalogues
the catholic epistles before St. Paul's, says, that possibly
the christians of those times supposed them to deserve
'precedence, because they were not directed to one church
or person only, as St. Paul's are, but to christians in gene-
ral, and many churches scattered over the world. Some
might also think the catholic epistles entitled to prece-
'dence, because they were written by those who were apos-
tles before Paul, and had accompanied our Lord in his
'personal ministry here on earth.'
6
The
Mill likewise argues, that this was the most ancient order,
because it is that of the Alexandrian, and some other ancient
manuscripts. But I do not think that to be full proof. For
Eusebius is older, and his order is the same as ours.
same order is in the catalogues of Rufin, the council of Car-
thage, Gregory Nazianzen, Amphilochius, and divers others,
very probably older than any manuscripts now in being.
And in many other writers likewise of great antiquity,
St. Paul's epistles precede the catholic epistles. Whereby
I am induced to think this must have been the most ancient
order.
The reason why the book of the Acts was sometimes
placed after all the epistles, some may think was because it
was not so generally received as the gospels, the thirteen
epistles of Paul, and some of the catholic epistles. Mr.
Wetstein hints at that reason.
i
But I rather think, that by
some it was judged proper, that the epistles of apostles
should immediately follow the gospels, containing the his-
tory of our Lord himself: and that the history of the apos-
tles and of their preaching, written by an apostolical man,
should not precede, but rather follow their writings.
by Eusebius, as we have seen, the book of the Acts of the
Apostles is reckoned among scriptures universally acknow-
For
In epistolarum quidem dispositione variatum est. In antiquissimis qucs
habemus manuscriptis, etiam Alexandrino nostro, Paulinis præmissæ sunt
catholicæ; eo quod hæ Judæis per orbem quaquaversum dispersis, adeoque
pluribus ecclesiis, inscriptæ sint; illæ vero singulis sive ecclesiis, sive etiam
hominibus. Ne dicam, quod in isthac dispositione rationem forsan habuerint
dignitatis apostolorum, a quibus scriptæ sunt; ut nempe apostoli Judæorum,
iique jam ab initio electi a Domino, ac cum eo per omne ministerii ipsius tem-
pus versati, præponerentur Paulo, apostolo gentium, ac cui novissime omnium
Christus visus erat. Postea autem Paulinæ positæ sunt ante catholicas.
Mill. Proleg. num. 236.
Apud orthodoxos vero hic Actuum liber non videtur eodem loco fuisse
habitus, quo reliqui N. T. libri. Wetsten. N. T. tom. II. p. 455.
334
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
k
ledged by catholic christians. It is so considered likewise
by Origen. And indeed, that this has been all along an
universally-acknowledged sacred book of the New Testa-
ment, appears from our collections from every age of chris-
tianity from the beginning. See "Acts of the Apostles"
in the alphabetical table of matters at the end of the last
volume.
m
Mr. Wetstein' argues from the 85th Apostolical Canon,
where the Acts of the Apostles are mentioned last. To
which I answer, first, that the age, when those canons were
composed, is uncertain. And secondly, that order may
have been there chosen out of a regard to the common rules
of modesty. For it is thus: the gospels, Paul's epistles,
the catholic epistles, two epistles of Clement, the Consti-
'tutions, and the Acts of us the apostles.' When a man
took upon himself the character of the apostles, and express-
ed himself in that manner, it was natural enough to reckon
the book, which contained the history of their own actions,
last of all. Surely it is trifling to form an argument from
that position in this canon. And Mr. Wetstein might have
observed, that in many catalogues, undoubtedly ancient,
the Acts immediately follow the gospels: and that, not only
in those catalogues where St. Paul's epistles have the pre-
cedence before the catholic epistles, but in divers others
likewise, where the catholic epistles precede.
III. Having made these general observations, I now
propose to consider distinctly the order of these several
parts of the New Testament: the gospels, the Acts,
St. Paul's epistles, the catholic epistles, and the Reve-
lation.
°
1. The order of the four gospels has generally been
this, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John. This is their order
in Irenæus, Origen, Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical
History, and in his ten Canons, as represented in his let-
ter to Carpian, Athanasius, the council of Laodicea,
Epiphanius, "the 85th Apostolical Canon, Gregory Na-
t
r
k Vol. ii. ch. xxxviii. num. viii.
V
¹ In. Can. Ap. 85. ordo librorum iste reperitur. iv. Evangelia, Epistolæ Pauli
xiv. Petri, Joannis, Jacobi, Judæ, Clementis duæ, Constitutiones, Acta.
Wetst. ubi supr. p. 455.
m See Vol. iv. p. 230.
• Vol. ii. p. 170.
n
η Και Πράξεις ήμων των αποτολων.
P P. 493.
9 Vol. iv. p. 95.
P. 155, 163.
s P. 182.
u P. 230.
t P. 188.
V
▾ P. 285.
The Orler of the Books of the New Testament.
335
zianzen,
a
W
* y
b
d
f
е
c
Amphilochius, the Syrian catalogue, Jerom,
* Rufin, Augustine, the Alexandrian manuscript, the
Stichometry of Nicephorus, Cosmas of Alexandria, e Ju-
nilius, an African bishop, Isidore of Seville, 5 Leontius
of Constantinople. And in like manner in all authors
and catalogues in general, distinctly taken notice of in
the several volumes of this work.
Nevertheless, in considering the testimony of Tertullian,
we thought we saw reason to apprehend, that in his time,
in the African churches at least, the gospels were disposed
according to the quality of the writers: in the first place
those two, which were written by apostles, then the other two,
written by apostolical men.
This was inferred from some
expressions in his works. But perhaps the argument is
not conclusive. However the four gospels are in the same
order in some Latin manuscripts, still in being, and also
in the Cambridge manuscript, which is Greek and Latin :
Matthew, John, Luke, Mark. But by Mr Wetstein, we are
assured, that it is the only Greek manuscript in which the
evangelists are so disposed. For certain the other order
must have generally prevailed.
1
k
m
2. Concerning the Acts the question is, in which part of
the New Testament it was generally placed by the ancients :
whether in the Evangelicon, or the Apostolicon. And un-
doubtedly, by those who mention it after St. Paul's epistles,
or after all the epistles of the apostles, it was placed in the
latter part. But, as we have seen, it is often mentioned by
ancient writers next after the four gospels. Was it then
reckoned a part of the Evangelicon, or of the Apostolicon?
From some passages of Tertullian it was formerly argued
by us, that the book of the Acts was placed in the second
part of the New Testament, and at the beginning of it. I
would now add, that I think the same may be argued from
Irenæus, who, having alleged passages from the four gos-
* P. 292, 293.
• P. 483.
c P. 86.
1 P. 138.
}
* P. 321.
a P. 494.
d P. 93, 94.
g P. 142.
y P. 436, 437, 439, 441
b Vol. v. p. 82.
e P. 106.
h See vol. ii. p. 301.
' Denique nobis fidem ex apostolis Joannes et Matthæus insinuant; ex
apostolicis Lucas et Marcus instaurant, iisdem regulis exorsi. Adv. Marcion.
1. 4. cap. 2. p. 503. A. Vid. et ibid. cap. 5. p. 505. C. D.
k Vid. Joseph Blanchini Evangeliarium Quadruplex Latinæ Versionis
Antiquæ.
1 Vid. Mill, Prolegom. num. 1269.
m Vidit tamen, nisi admodum fallor, hunc ipsum codicem Cantabrigiensem,
qui unus et solus omnium codicum Græce Scriptorum hunc ordinem servat.
Wetsten. Prolegom. p. 28.
n Vol. ii. p. 300.
• Vid. Iren. contr. Hær. 1. 3. cap. xi. fin. et cap. xii. in.
336
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
pels, proceeds to the Acts, and considers what he allegeth
thence as the doctrine, particularly of the apostles. And
Mill supposeth, that P in the most ancient times the Acts
were placed with the epistles, but before them, as the first
book of that part. However it is observable, that the Cam-
bridge manuscript has the Acts of the Apostles, though it
has not the epistles. But then Mill says, that ª volume once
had the epistles, as well as the gospels. And therefore,
probably, the book of the Acts stood at the head of that
part which contained the epistles. And for certain, I think
it best that the historical books of the New Testament
should appear together. Accordingly, as we have seen, the
Acts do in many ancient catalogues immediately follow the
gospels. And I wish that Mr. Wetstein had followed that
order which now prevails, and that he had not placed
the Acts of the Apostles, as he has done, at the head of
the catholic epistles, and after the epistles of St. Paul.
3. In the catalogues lately alleged, we have seen St.
Paul's epistles sometimes preceding the catholic epistles,
at other times following them. Here the order, as seems
to me, is of little consequence. But I rather prefer our
present order, which places St. Paul's epistles first: because,
excepting only the epistle to the Hebrews, all of them have
been all along universally acknowledged: whereas among
the seven catholic epistles, there are but two, which have
not been at some times contradicted books. Moreover St.
Paul's epistles immediately follow the historical books in
Eusebius. Whence I am willing to infer, that it is the most
ancient order.
4. I must say something about the order of St. Paul's
epistles severally. Our order is that of his thirteen epis-
tles, which have been universally acknowledged, and then
the epistle to the Hebrews, about which there had been
doubts in the minds of many for a good while.
Among the ancients there is some variety. To the Romans,
the Corinthians, the Galatians, the Ephesians, the Philippi-
ans, the Colossians, the Thessalonians, Hebrews, Timothy,
Titus, Philemon. So in the Festal Epistle of Athanasius,
P Primo loco posita sunt Acta Apostolorum.- -Subsecutæ sunt epistolæ
indubitato apostolicæ, quas corrogare undique liceret. Proleg. num. 195.
Marci evangelio suffixa est etiam notula, significans, post illud proxime
poni librum Actuum. Verum hæc est scribæ recentioris. Sequens enim
folium, quod primâ facie duodecim postremos versus epistolæ tertiæ B. Joannis
exhibet, alterâ primam partem capitis primi Actorum, clare indicat Exemplar
hoc jam olim, præter Evangelia et Acta, complexum fuisse catholicas saltem
epistolas. Mill. Proleg. num. 1270.
Vol. iv. p. 155.
The Order of the Books of the New Testament.
337
$
V
and in the Synopsis ascribed to him, and in the catalogue
of the council of Laodicea, and " in the Alexandrian manu-
script. In others may be found our present order, as in
the iambic poem of Amphilochius, the Syrian catalogue
in Ebedjesu, * Jerom, in his article of St. Paul, y Augus-
tine in his work of the christian doctrine, Ecumenius, and
many others.
w
Z
Epiphanius, observing how Marcion had disturbed the
order of St. Paul's epistles, says, that in some editions of
the New Testament, the epistle to the Hebrews was the
fourteenth, in others the tenth, being placed before the two
epistles to Timothy, and the epistles to Titus and Philemon :
and that in all good copies the epistle to the Romans was
the first, not that to the Galatians, as Marcion had disposed
them.
Theodoret and Chrysostomd have particularly taken
notice, that the epistle to the Romans was placed first,
though it was not the first in the order of time.
Concerning the reason of that disposition of the epistle
to the Romans, Theodoret observes, that it had been placed
first, as containing the most full and exact representation
• of the christian doctrine in all its branches. But some say,
6
it had been so placed out of respect to the city to which
' it had been sent, as presiding over the whole world.'
I have sometimes thought that first observation might be
applied to all St. Paul's epistles, as the ground and reason
of their situation. For the first five epistles, that to the
Romans, the two to the Corinthians, and the epistles to the
Galatians, and the Ephesians, are the largest of St. Paul's
epistles. And all that follow are shorter, excepting the
epistle to the Hebrews, which has been placed after those
sent to churches, or last of all, after those likewise which
were sent to particular persons, because its genuineness was
not universally allowed of.
But the other, the dignity of the cities and people to whom
the epistles were sent, has been more generally supposed
to be the ground and reason of the order in which they are
• See Vol. iv. p. 163.
▾ Vol. iv. p. 292.
y P. 494.
a Hær. 42. p. 373. C.
t P. 182.
W
☐ P. 321, 322.
" Vol. v. p. 82.
* P. 451.
z Vol. v. D. 154, 155.
b • Παντα δε τα αντιγραφα τα σωα και αληθη την προς Ρωμαίος έχεσι πρώτην,
αυχ᾿ ὡς συ Μαρκίων, την προς Γαλάτας εταξας πρώτην. Η. 42. p. 373. D.
e
Vol. v. p. 17.
d Vol. iv. ch. cxviii. num. vii. 2.
• Προτεταχασι δε την προς Ρωμαίες, ὡς παντοδαπην εχεσαν διδασκαλίαν,
και την των δογματων ακριβειαν
ȧTI Kαι TηY TOXIV Tiμwvtes, K. λ.
VOL. VI.
δια πλειόνων διδάσκεσαν. Τινες δε φασιν,
Theod. Pr. in Ep. S. P. T. III. p. 6.
Z
338
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
placed. How this is represented by Mill, may appear in
his own words, which f I place below.
were sent.
I also shall show this as well as I can. Epistles to
churches are placed first. Afterwards those to particular
persons. The epistles to churches are placed very much
according to the rank of the cities or places to which they
The epistle to the Romans is placed first, be-
cause Rome was the chief city of the Roman empire. The
two epistles to the Corinthians come next, because Corinth
was a large, and polite, and renowned city. Galatia was
a country in which were several churches, and therefore the
epistle to them might be placed before others, written to
one church only. Nevertheless, the epistles to the Romans
and the Corinthians have been preferred, as is supposed,
upon account of the great eminence of those two cities.
The epistle to the Ephesians follows next, because Ephesus
was the chief city of Asia, strictly so called. Afterwards
follow the epistles to the Philippians, the Colossians, and the
Thessalonians. But how to account for this order, accord-
ing to the method we here observe, 1 do not well know.
Colosse indeed might be reckoned a city of inferior rank,
and Philippi was a Roman colony. But Thessalonica was
the chief city of Macedonia, in which Philippi stood. And
if the epistles were disposed according to the dignity of
places, it is not easy to conceive why the two epistles to the
Thessalonians were placed after those to the Philippians,
and the Colossians. So that in this method, as seems to me,
the order of the epistles is made out in but a lame and im-
perfect manner. And there may be reason to apprehend
that the brevity of the two epistles to the Thessalonians, es-
pecially of the second, procured them this situation, though
they are the first written epistles of our apostle, and indeed
the first written of all the sacred scriptures of the New
Testament.
Among the epistles to particular persons, those to Timothy
have the precedence, as he was a favourite disciple of St.
Paul, and those epistles are the largest and fullest. The
epistle to Titus comes next, as he was an evangelist. And
that to Philemon is last, as he was supposed by many to be
f In iis vero disponendis, (exceptâ unâ ad Hebræos, de quâ mox,) spectata
est omnino dignitas ecclesiarum et hominum, quibus missæ sunt. Epistola
ad ecclesias Galatiæ, quæ erat integra provincia, merito præcedebat illas, quæ
ad unam datæ erant civitatem, Laodiceam, Philippos, Colossenses, Thessaloni-
cam. His tamen præponere visum est epistolas ad Romanos et Corinthios, ob
eminentem harum urbium dignitatem, quâ provinciam istam superare vide-
bantur. Epistolas integris ecclesiis inscriptas sequuntur, quæ ad singulos
homines datæ sunt. Proleg. num. 237.
The Order of the Books of the New Testament.
339
only a private christian. Undoubtedly Titus was a person
of greater eminence, and in a higher station than Philemon.
Moreover, by many the design of that epistle was thought
to be of no great importance.
The epistle to the Hebrews is fitly enough placed after
the rest, because for a while it was doubted of, as before
said. I likewise think it to be the last written of all St.
Paul's epistles.
5. Some learned men, who have examined the chrono-
logy of St. Paul's epistles, have proposed, that they should
be placed in our Bibles according to the order of time.
Dr. Wall, at the end of the preface to his Critical Notes upon
the Testament, has an argument to this purpose.
But first, it will be difficult to alter the order which has
been so long established in all editions of the original
Greek, and in all versions. Secondly, The order of their
times has not been yet settled. Many, I suppose, are of
opinion, that Dr. Wall's order is not right. Must the order
be altered again and again, to suit every one's fancy? That
would create a very troublesome and disagreeable con-
fusion.
I think that the knowledge of the order in which St.
Paul's epistles were written, must be very entertaining and
useful and I have done what is in my power to find it out.
But I am far from desiring that they should be placed, and
bound up together, according to my calculations. Before
an attempt of that kind is made, the order of time should be
settled, and determined, to the general satisfaction of all
learned and inquisitive men. And judicious christians,
who have studied the chronological order of the writings of
the New Testament, may have an advantage by it, though
the books are continued in their present order.
6. I say nothing here concerning the order of the seven
catholic epistles, because I have spoken to it sufficiently in
a preceding chapter.
bo
7. Finally, the book of the Revelation is now placed the
last of all, and has been generally so placed in former times,
and very fitly, ash Mill says in his observations upon the
· See this Vol. p. 161, 162.
h Agmen vero Novi Fœderis librorum claudit Apocalypsis; quæ cum circa
diversum plane a reliquis versetur argumentum, atque minus apte inter evan-
gelia et epistolas media fuisset interposita, commodissime in fine omnium
collocata fuit; quoniam tanquam liber propheticus futura respicit adhuc im-
plenda; ac denique insignem illam habet in calce clausulam de non addendo
quidpiam isti prophetiæ, vel ab eâ detrahendo: quâ etiam ad omnes N. T.
libros accommodatâ, canonem universum veluti obsignare convenientissimum
videbatur. Mill. Proleg. num. 239.
z 2
340
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
"
order of the books of the New Testament, it being prophe-
'tical of things to be hereafter fulfilled, and therefore of a
'different kind from the rest and having also near the end
that remarkable clause, ch. xxii. 18, 19, containing a cau-
'tion against adding to, or taking from it: which may be
applied to all the books of scripture.' To which might
be added, that there are not wanting divers reasons to think it
is the last written of all the books of the New Testament.
6
CHAP. XXIV.
That the Books of the New Testament, consisting of a
collection of sacred writings, in two parts, one called
Gospels, or Evangelicon, the other Epistles, or Apostle,
or Apostles, or Apostolicon, were early known, read, and
made use of by christians.
THAT the gospels, the Acts, and the epistles of the New
Testament, or divers of those epistles, were soon well
known, much read, and collected together, may be argued
from internal marks and characters, and from testimony.
1. Internal marks and characters are such as these.
1. It is obvious from the nature of the thing.
Who
composes and publishes any works without desiring to have
them perused? It is very likely, therefore, that the authors
of the books of the New Testament, who were at the pains
of writing histories, or epistles, would take care that they
should be known. The samo zeal that prompted any man
to write, would induce him to provide for the publication.
The importance of the subject would justify a concern to
spread the work. All must allow, that there never were,
and that there cannot be, any writings, containing more im-
portant facts and principles. To suppose that any of these
writers were indifferent about the success and acceptance
of what they had composed, is very absurd and unreason-
able.
2. All the writings, of which the New Testament consists,
were addressed to some, who would set a great value on
them, and would willingly recommend them to others.
the epistles, and the Revelation, as is manifest, are sent to
All
That the Books of the New Testament were early known. 341
christian societies, or particular persons. St. Luke's gos-
pel, and the Acts, were sent to the most excellent, or most
noble Theophilus. St. John intended his gospel for some
whom he had in his eye. As appears from ch. xx. 30, 31,
and from ch. xxi. 24, 25. And it is very likely, that St.
Matthew and St. Mark also wrote for some, who would
gladly receive and highly value their books, and get them
copied for the use and satisfaction of others.
3. In several of the books of the New Testament direc-
tions are given, which would tend to make them well
known. St. Paul, at the end of his first epistle to the Thes-
salonians, one of his first written epistles, enjoins, "that it
should be read to all the holy brethren," I Thess. v. 27.
The same method, undoubtedly, was observed with regard
to the second epistle, sent to the same Thessalonians, and
written not long after. Probably, the same practice ob-
tained in all the christian churches, to which St. Paul after-
wards sent any epistle. And the christian people of other
churches, beside those who had letters sent to them, would
be desirous to see the epistles of their great apostle, by
whom they had been converted, and would therefore get
them transcribed for their own use. At the end of the epis-
tle to the Colossians, ch. iv. 16, he directs: "And when
this epistle is read among you, cause that it be read in the
church of the Laodiceans, and that ye read the epistle from
Laodicea:" meaning, probably, the epistle to the Ephesians,
which was to come round to Colosse from Ephesus, by the
way of Laodicea. The apostle therefore was willing, and
even desirous, that his epistles should be read by others,
beside those to whom they were sent, for the sake of general
edification. And can it be questioned, whether other Gen-
tile churches in these parts, all which were of his own
planting, would not thankfully embrace the encouragement
hereby given them to look into his epistles, and to get them
transcribed, and read in their assemblies also?
4. St. Peter writes to this purpose in his second epistle,
which we may suppose to have been written in the year 64.
"And account, that the long-suffering of the Lord is salva-
tion, even as our beloved brother Paul also, according to
the wisdom given to him, has written unto you. As also in
all his epistles, speaking of these things, in which there are
some things hard to be understood. Which they that are
unlearned and unstable wrest, as they do the other scrip-
tures, unto their own destruction," 2 Pet. iii. 15, 16.
Here are several things to be observed. First, Peter
speaks of epistles of Paul sent to the same christians, to
342
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
#
whom himself was writing. Secondly, he speaks of other
epistles of Paul; as also in all his epistles. Thirdly, Peter
therefore had a knowledge of several epistles of Paul, sent
to the christians of those countries, and likewise of divers
others, which he intends in the phrase "all his epistles."
Fourthly, the christians, to whom Peter writes, were well
acquainted with the epistles which Paul had written to
them, and with the rest of his epistles, or divers of them.
Fifthly, it is supposed, and implied, that all, or at least
many of Paul's epistles, were well known and much read.
For Peter speaks of some, whom he calls unlearned, and
unstable, who wrested Paul's epistles, or some things in
them, to their own destruction. And very probably there
were other readers of the same epistles, who improved them
to their edification and salvation.
It seems to me, that what Peter says here, affords reason
to think, that at the time of writing this epistle, Paul's epis-
tles (most, or all of them) were well known among chris-
tians, and that Peter had good evidence of it.
b
When Peter says, " as our beloved brother Paul has writ-
ten unto you :" some learned men, Milla in particular, have
supposed, that thereby Peter intended the epistle to the He-
brews. But I think without reason, as Mr. Hallett has
largely shown. St. Peter's epistles are addressed to
"the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cap-
padocia, Asia, and Bithynia." It is not unlikely, therefore,
that St. Peter intends Paul's epistles to the Galatians, and
the Ephesians, and the Colossians, all situated in those
countries and likewise the two epistles to Timothy, who
resided much at Ephesus, and must have received the epis-
tles written to him, when in that city, and the epistle to
Philemon, who was of Colosse. And in the expression,
"all his epistles," some others must be intended, and in-
cluded: such as the epistles to the Thessalonians, the Co-
rinthians, Romans, Philippians, Titus: so many, however,
as the apostle Peter was then acquainted with. Mill has
observed passages in the first epistle to the Thessalonians,
and in the epistle to the Romans, and in that to the Phi-
lippians: in which are "some of those things hard to be
understood," to which St. Peter may be supposed to have
an eye.
d
+
These marks and characters there are in the books of the
New Testament, which may induce us to believe, that
a
Prolegom. num. 86.
b See his introduction to the epistle to the Hebrews, p. 21, &c.
с
Prolegom. num. 5.
d Ib. num. 28.
e Ib. num. 70.
That the Books of the New Testament were curly known. 343
they were soon dispersed among christians, and well known
to them.
This is also manifest from testimony.
1. The accounts, which we find in the ancients, concern-
ing the occasions of the several gospels, lead us to think,
that they were soon spread abroad after they were written.
Matthew is said to have written his gospel at the request
of the believers in Judea and Mark his, at the desire of
the christians at Rome, for the assistance of their memories.
When therefore those gospels had been written, divers co-
pies would be soon taken, that the ends, for which they
had been written, might be answered. The several defec-
tive and imperfect accounts, which had been published of
our Lord's words and works, induced St. Luke to write.
And when his fuller and exacter account was published, it
must have been attended to, and would be transcribed, and
communicated to many. Before St. John wrote, he had
seen the other three gospels. And the christians in Asia,
where he resided, were acquainted with them. Therefore
they were well known, and joined together. And when
his gospel was written, undoubtedly it was added to them,
and they were all joined together in one volume, for gene-
ral use.
That the first three gospels were well known in the world,
before St. John wrote, is supposed by Eusebius of Cæsarea,
who was well acquainted with the writings of christians
before his time. These are the words of that eminent man.
Having spoken of St. Matthew's gospel he goes on: And f
when Mark and Luke had published the gospels accord-
ing to them, it is said that John, who all this while had
preached by word of mouth, was induced to write for this
reason. The three first-written gospels being now deliver-
'ed to all men, and to John himself, it is said, that he ap-
' proved them.' And what follows. Before this last evan-
gelist wrote, the other three gospels had been delivered
' unto all men, and to John.' He therefore had seen them
before, and they were in the hands of many people.
6
What has been now said of the gospels, is applicable, in
a great measure, to the Acts, and the epistles of the New
Testament as may be perceived by all, without my en-
larging any farther.
2. Ignatius, who was honoured with the crown of mar-
tyrdom about the year 107, does, in his epistles, use expres-
sions, denoting two codes, or collections, one of gospels,
f See Vol. iv. p. 95.
g
8 See Vol. ii. p. 89, 90, 94; and Vol. v. p. 185, 186, 188.
344
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
the other of epistles of apostles. Such volumes there were
then, and may have been some good while before.
h
I shall here remind my readers of a few other like in-
stances. In the epistle to Dioguetus, certainly very ancient,
and by some ascribed to Justin Martyr, are these expres-
sions: The fear of the Lord is celebrated, and the grace
of the prophets is known, the faith of the gospel is esta-
'blished, and the tradition of the apostles is kept." By these
last expressions denoting, as is reasonable to think, a
volume of the gospels, and another of epistles of apostles.
Irenæus speaks of the evangelic and apostolic writings, in a
passage, which will be alleged presently. Tertullian
speaks of the sayings of the prophets, the gospels, and
"the apostles.' And in another place says: This I per-
'ceive both in the gospels, and the apostles.' I go no
lower, my intention at present being only to allege a few
writers of the earliest times.
6
k
3. As before shown from Eusebius, they who in the
reign of Trajan, about the year 112, travelled abroad to
teach the christian religion in remote countries, took with
them the scriptures of the divine gospels.' Nor can there
be any reason to doubt, that our ecclesiastical historian
here speaks of the four gospels, so well known in his own
time.
4. By Justin Martyr, about the year 140, in his account
of the christian worship, which is in his apology to the
emperor and senate of Rome, the whole world was assured,
that the gospels which he calls Memoirs of the apostles,
and their companions, were publicly read in the assemblies
of christians every Lord's day.
m
Certainly, the gospels were then well known, and had
been so for some while before.
5. Tatian, who flourished some time before and after the
year 170, composed a harmony of the four gospels. We "
have full assurance of it. Is not this sufficient evidence,
that the gospels were then, and had been for a good while,
generally known, and in common use? And does it not also
afford reason to believe, that it was then, and had been for
some while, an established, or generally received opinion
h See Vol. ii. p. 144.
1 Compendiis paucorum verborum, quot attinguntur edicta prophetarum,
evangeliorum, apostolorum? De Oratione, cap. 9. p. 125. C. quoted Vol. ii.
p. 299.
Ibid.
¹ P. 115; and Vol. v. p. 189.
m See Vol. ii. p. 131, 132; and Vol. v. p. 190.
n Vol. ii. p. 148, 149, 439; and Vol. v. p. 190.
That the Books of the New Testament were early known. 345
among christians, that there were four, and no more than
four authentic memoirs or histories of Jesus Christ?
6. I forbear to allege any thing from Clement of Alex-
andria, Irenæus, or Tertullian, for showing the notoriety of
the books of the New Testament in early times, because I
now insist only upon writers of the highest antiquity. But
I shall take notice of some things, which we have in the
accounts of the heresies of the second century.
However, that this argument may not be too prolix, I
entirely pass by Basilides.
<
Г
7. Valentinus is placed by Cave as flourishing about
the year 120. By Basnage P he is placed at the year 124.
By Milla between 123, and 127. And by Irenæus we are
assured, that the Valentinians endeavoured to support
their opinions from texts of the evangelic and apostolic
scriptures, or of the gospels and apostles, that is, both
parts of the New Testament: and that they argued
especially from the gospel according to John.'
6
s
And Tertullian allows, that t Valentinus used the books
of the New Testament entire, without altering them, as Mar-
cion did.
Mr. Wetstein says, the " Valentinians rejected the Acts
of the Apostles. And he thinks this appears from Irenæus.
But to me it appears manifest from Irenæus, that they re-
ceived the Acts. For in his confutation of them, in his
third book against heresies, he argues against them largely,
first from the gospels, then from the book of the Acts, and
lastly from the epistles of apostles. And Massuet, the
learned Benedictine editor of Irenæus, allows, that accord-
• Hist. Lit. p. 50.
• Proleg. num. 265.
V
P Ann. 124. num. vii.
* Και ου μονον εκ των ευαγγελικων, και των αποςολικων πειρωνται τας
αποδείξεις ποιεισθαι. Iren. l. i. c. 3. n. 6. p. 17.
s Hi autem qui a Valentino sunt, eo quod est secundum Joannem plenis-
sime utentes, ad ostensionem conjugationum suarum, ex ipso detegentur, nihil
recte dicentes. Id. 1. 3. cap. xi. n. 7. p. 190.
* Alius manu scripturas, alius sensus expositione, intervertit. Neque enim
si Valentinus integro instrumento uti videtur, non callidiore ingenio, quam
Marcion, manus intulit veritati. Marcion enim exerte et palam machærâ,
non stylo, usus est; quoniam ad materiam suam cædem scripturarum con-
fecit. Valentinus autem pepercit; quoniam non ad materiam scripturas, sed
materiam ad scripturas, excogitavit. De Præsc. Hær. cap. 38. p. 246.
" Acta Apostolorum rejecerunt Valentiniani. Quod constat ex Irenæo.
Hær. iii. 2. Wetsten. N. T. tom. ii. p. 455.
✓ Vid. Iren. contr. Hær. I. 3. cap. xi. xii.
w At ipsi Valentino nihil simile usquam adscribit Irenæus. Imo cum loco
mox citato, tum lib. 1. cap. viii. et ix. et alibi passim, satis significat Valen-
tinianos sibi coævos sic canonem scripturarum novo evangelio auxisse, ut nih.1
quidquam, nullum librum integrum, nullam ejusdem partem, (quod Mar-
346
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
ing to that ancient writer, the Valentinians did not reject
any books of the New Testament.
Irenæus, as we have just seen, says, that the Valentinians
endeavoured to support their opinions by the evangelic
and apostolic scriptures. The Acts were included in this
second volume of the New Testament according to the me-
thod of the ancient christians.
8. Heracleon, a learned Valentinian, is supposed by *
Grabe to have been contemporary with his master, Valenti-
nus, and to have appeared about the year 123. However,
he might continue a good while after that. Basnage y
speaks of him at the year 125. And Cave placeth him at
126. They who are so pleased, may recollect what was said
of his age a formerly.
Z
Heracleon seems to have written commentaries upon seve-
ral parts of the New Testament. Clement of Alexandria,
having quoted the words of Matt. x. 32, or Luke xii. 8, and
of Luke xii. 11, 12, says: Heracleon," explaining this
'place, has these very words,' which I need not transcribe
at present, though it be a valuable passage. There is in
Clement another short passage of Heracleon's commentary
upon St. Luke.
Origen, in his commentary upon St. John's gospel, often
quotes Heracleon. The passages of Heracleon's commen-
tary upon that gospel, with Origen's remarks, are collected
by Grabe. And from him they have been placed by
Massuet in his appendix to Irenæus. The passages of He-
racleon, quoted by Origen, are above forty in number, and
some of them long.
Heracleon's commentaries upon the gospels of St. Luke
and St. John, are an early proof of the respect shown to
the books of the New Testament. And it may be reason-
able to think, that others beside Heracleon, both catholics
and heretics, published about the same time commentaries
upon some of the books of the New Testament.
Origen e has at once given us Heracleon's observations
upon Matt. viii. 12 and Is. i, 2.
cioni non semel exprobat) ab eo abjecissent; sed vel parabolas Dominicas,
vel dictiones propheticas, aut sermones apostolicas,' ad hypothesim suam aptare
conatos, calumniam intulisse scripturis. Massuet. Diss. i. num. ix. p. xvii.
♪ Ann. 125. num. iii.
Spicil. T. I. p. 62. T. II. p. 69, et 80.
X
z H. L. p. 53.
b
a Vol. ii. p. 255, 256, note ˇ.
Ο Τστον εξηγεμενος τον τοπον Ἡρακλεων κατα λεξιν φησιν.
Strom. 1. 4. p. 502. A———D.
Vid. Eclog. Proph. ap. Cl. Al. p. 804. D. et Grabe, Spic. T. II. p. 85.
a Spic. T. II. p. 85-117.
d
с
Origen. Comm. in Joan. T. II. p. 256. C. Huet.
That the Books of the New Testament were early known.
347
Heracleon likewise received St. Paul and his writings.
For f he quotes, as his, the beginning of the twelfth chapter of
the epistle to the Romans. Moreover Origen has given us
Heracleon's interpretation of 1 Cor. xv. 53, 54.
I might add here some other things. But this is suf-
ficient to show that in the very early days of christianity,
the books of the New Testament were well known, much
used, and greatly respected.
i
9. Marcion about h the year 138, placed by some sooner,
in 127, or 130, had, and probably in imitation of other
christians, a gospel, and an apostle, or an Evangelicon, and
Apostolicon.
k
1
In the former as is generally said, was St. Luke's gos-
pel only, and that curtailed. But Mr. Lampe says, that m
Marcion did not reject the other gospels, though he
pre-
ferred St. Luke's. This he infers from a passage in Ter-
tullian, which seems to show that Marcion did not reject St.
Matthew's gospel.
I shall add another from Isidore of Pelusium, where he
says: Take the gospel [or the Evangelicon] of Marcion,
f
n
καθ᾽ ὁ και ὁ αποςολος διδασκει, λεγων, λογικην λατρείαν την τοιαυτην
Oεоσεßɛav. Ap. Orig. ib. p. 217. E. et Grabe Spic. p. 101.
Ap. Orig. ib. p. 255. D. et Grabe, p. 110.
h Vid. Pagi ann. 144. n. iii. et Asseman. Bib. Or. T. I. p. 389, note (4.)
¹ Vid. Cav. H. L. p. 54. &c. S. Basnag. ann. 131. iii.-
Prol. num. 306, 307.
v. 133. iv. Mill.
Απο το
* Adamant. Απο ποιων γραφων δειξαι ταυτα επαγγελλη; Marc.
Evayyɛdig kaι T8 añosоλ8. Dial. contr. Marcion. sect. 2. p. 54. Basil. 1674.
p. 821. D. T. I. Bened. Vid. et Epiph. H. 42. n. ix.
¹ Et super hæc, id quod est secundum Lucam evangelium circumcidens.
Iren. 1. 1. cap. 27. 2. al. cap. 29.
Nam ex iis Commentoribus, quos habemus, Lucam videtur Marcion elegisse,
quem cæderet. Tertull. adv. Marc. 1. 4. cap. 2. p. 503. Vid. et Epiph.
Hær. 42. n. ix.
Non enim
m Verum hinc quoque plus elicitur, quam voluit Marcion.
asserere Marcion ausus est, evangelia, quæ extra Lucam habemus, esse conficta
et falso evangelistis supposita. Nemo Patrum antiquiorum hujus criminis
Marcionem accusavit. Id tantum voluit, Lucæ evangelium, ductu Pauli
conscriptum, reliquis evangeliis præferendum esse.. Clarissima hæc esse
puto. Et quod prætensionem interpolationis attinet, hujus insigne statim cap.
7, [lib. 4. contr. Marc.] exemplum affertur: Cæterum et loco et illumina-
tionis opere secundum prædicationem occurrentibus Christo, jam cum pro-
phetam incipimus agnoscere, ostendentem in primo ingressu venisse se, non
ut legem et prophetas dissolveret, sed ut potens adimpleret. Hoc enim Mar-
cion, ut additum erasit.' Cum enim hæc verba Matthæi v. 17, inveniantur,
hinc inferimus, Marcionem evangelium Matthæi non simpliciter negâsse, sed
quæcumque erroribus ejus non patrocinabantur, pro lubitu erasisse. Atque
ita proculdubio etiam cum reliquis evangelistis egit. Lampe Proleg. ad Joan.
Evang. 1. 2. cap. 1. n. iv. p. 136, 137.
n
Ει προϊσχεται ὁ της Μαρκίωνος συνηγορος βλασφημίας, το παρ' εκείνοις
ονομαζόμενον ευαγγελιον λαβων αναγνωθι, και εὑρησεις ευθύς εν προοιμιῳ την
348
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
and you will presently see at the very beginning a proof
of their impudence. For they have left out our Lord's
'genealogy from David and Abraham. And if you pro-
'ceed a little farther, you will see another instance of their
'wickedness, in altering our Lord's words. "I came not,"
says he, "to destroy the law or the prophets." But they
have made it thus "Think ye, that I came to fulfil the
law or the prophets? I am come to destroy, not to ful-
'fil." Matt. v. 17.
It might be also argued from the dialogue against the
Marcionites, that they used St. Matthew's gospel. But I
forbear to allege any places in particular.
So that it may be reckoned probable, that Marcion did
not reject any of the four gospels. But undoubtedly he
made alterations in them, agreeable to his own particular
opinion, under a pretence that they had been corrupted by
some before his time.
0
Perhaps P Marcion filled up St. Luke's gospel out of the
rest, taking from them such things as suited his purpose.
Tertullian says, that his gospel, or Evangelicon, had no
title. That may have been the reason of it.
And we can
hence conclude, that in very ancient times, among the ca-
tholics, the four gospels were entitled, and inscribed, with
the names of the several evangelists. Which has been
denied, or doubted of by some.
r
Marcion had also an Apostolicon. In this were ten epis-
tles only of St. Paul, and those diminished, at least some of
them. Their order according to him, as we are informed
by s Epiphanius, was this: the epistle to the Galatians, the
first and second to the Corinthians, to the Romans, the first
ατοπίαν. Αυτην γαρ την κατάγεσαν επι Χριςον απο Δαβιδ και Αβρααμ
γενεαλογίαν απέτεμεν. Και μικρον ύτερον προϊων αλλην οψει κακονοιαν.
Αμειψαντες γαρ την τε Κυριε φωνην, Ουκ ηλθον, λεγοντος, καταλυσαι, τον
νομον, η τες προφητας, εποίησαν· Δοκεῖτε, ότι ήλθον πληρωσαι τον νομον, η
τες προφητας ; Ηλθον καταλυσαι, αλλ' 8 πληρώσαι. Isid. Pel. 1. i. ep. 371.
• Vid. Tertull. adv. Marcion. 1. 4. cap. 4.
P Occurrit primo loco Marcion et Marcionitæ, qui corruperunt libros N. T.
resectis omnibus iis, quæ Judaïcæ religioni favere putabant, et contracto toto
N. T. in duos codices, quorum priorem vocabant evangelium, ex Lucâ maxi-
mam partem conflatum, et subinde ex reliquis evangelistis integratum.
Wetst. Proleg. N. T. tom. I. p. 79.
¶ Contra Marcion evangelio, scilicet suo, nullum adscribit auctorem;
quasi non licuerit illi titulum quoque adfingere, cui nefas non fuit ipsum cor-
pus evertere. Et possem hic jam gradum figere, non agnoscendum contendens
opus, quod non erigat frontem, quod nullam constantiam præferat, nullam
fidem repromittat de plenitudine tituli, et professione debitâ auctoris. Contr.
Marc. 1. 4. cap. 2.
Vid. Mill. Prol. num. 347.
• Hær. 42. num. ix. et alibi.
That the Books of the New Testament were early known.
349
and second to the Thessalonians, to the Ephesians, the Co-
lossians, Philemon, the Philippians.
He received not any other epistles of St. Paul. It is
supposed likewise, that he rejected the catholic epistles,
and the Revelation. Whether he received the Acts of the
Apostles, I cannot say certainly: thought some learned
inen think he did not receive them. But then it should be
observed by us, that " the Marcionite Apostolicon was
reckoned very defective by the catholic christians.
And it may be inferred from the accounts which we have
in the best writers of the most early ages, that Marcion was
the most arbitrary and most licentious of all the ancient
heretics, in his judgment concerning the scriptures that
should be received, and in his manner of treating such as
were received by him. So that his opinion can be no pre-
judice to the genuineness or the notoriety of any of those
books of the New Testament, which were received by the
catholics, and indeed by most heretics likewise. I shall
place below a remarkable passage of Irenæus, where he
says: Marcion and his followers curtail the scriptures with
'great assurance, rejecting some entirely, and diminishing
the gospel according to Luke, and the epistles of Paul,
affirming those parts of them alone to be genuine which
they have preserved.All others, who are puffed up
' with the science falsely so called, receive the scriptures,
whilst they pervert them by wrong interpretations."
C
V
X
W
In another place he says, ' that " Marcion alone had open-
ly dared to curtail the scriptures.' And my readers can
easily recollect, how severely Tertullian censures Mar-
cion for altering the text of the scriptures, openly em-
ploying a knife, as he says, not a style, to render them
agreeable to his erroneous opinions.
* Acta Apostolorum rejecerunt Marcionita.-Tertullianus adv. Mar-
cionem, lib. v. cap. 2. Si ex hoc congruunt Paulo Apostolorum Acta, cur ea
respuatis, jam apparet.' Wetst. N. T. tom. II. p. 455.
Προενεγκε το Αποςολικον σε, ει και τα μαλιςα περικεκομμενον εςι. Dialog.
adv. Marcion. sect. i. p. 8. Basil. p. 806. T. I. Bened.
Unde et Marcion, et qui ab eo sunt, ad intercidendas conversi sunt
scripturas, quasdam quidem in totum non cognoscentes, secundum Lucam
autem evangelium, et epistolas Pauli decurtantes, hæc sola legitima esse
dicunt, quæ ipsi minoraverunt.--Reliqui vero omnes, falso scientiæ nomine
inflati, scripturas quidem confitentur, interpretationes vero convertunt. Iren.
adv. Hær. 1. 3. cap. xii. n. 12. p. 198. b. Massuet.
* Sed huic quidem, quoniam et solus manifeste ausus est circumcidere
scripturas, &c. Iren. 1. i. cap. 27. n. 4. p. 106. [al. cap. 29.] Vid. ib. num. 2.
* See Vol. ii. p. 297.
Marcion enim exerte et
palam machærâ, non stylo, usus est; quoniam ad materiam suam cædem
scripturarum confecit. De Præscr. Hær. cap. 38. p. 246. C.
350
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
However, I think, here is full proof, that the books of
the New Testament were well known in Marcion's time,
and before him: and that they were collected together in
two parts or volumes, an Evangelicon and Apostolicon. He
and other christians had a gospel and an apostle. But
theirs were fuller than his.
Z
10. We might, perhaps, not unprofitably recollect here
those passages of Eusebius of Cæsarea, where he speaks
of the scriptures of the New Testament: some of which
were universally received, others were contradicted: divers
of which last, nevertheless, were received by many. The
universally received by the sounder part of christians, were
the four gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, thirteen epistles
of Paul, one of Peter, one of John. It may be reckoned
not unlikely, that all these had been from ancient time in-
serted by most christians in their two volumes of the gos-
pel and apostle. And, probably, divers of the other books,
called controverted, or contradicted, were joined with the
rest in the volumes of a good number of christians.
III. There are some observations of Mr. Henry Dodwell
concerning the late forming of the canon of the New Testa-
ment, which cannot be easily overlooked, and seem to re-
quire some notice in this place.
6
6
1. He says, that a the canon of the sacred books was not
determined, nor what number of them should be of au-
thority in points of faith, before the time of the emperor
Trajan, who began his reign in the year of Christ 98.’
Ans. If hereby be meant all the books of our present
canon, this may be true. But then it is a trifling proposi-
tion. For some of them were not written, or have been
supposed by many not to have been written, till near the
end of the first century. How then could they be sooner
made a part of sacred scripture? or how could they be
placed in the number of books, esteemed to be the rule of
faith? But the first three gospels of St. Matthew, St. Mark,
and St. Luke, and possibly the fourth likewise, St. John's,
and many of the epistles of the New Testament, were well
known before the reign of Trajan, even as soon as they were
written. And wherever they were known, and by whom-
soever they were received, they were reckoned a part of the
rule of faith.
z See Vol. iv. p. 94-100.
a
·
Atqui certe ante illam epocham, quam dixi, Trajani, nondum constitutus
est librorum sacrorum canon, nec receptus aliquis in ecclesiâ catholicâ libro-
rum certus numerus, quos deinde adhibere oportuerit in sacris fidei causis
dijudicandis; nec rejecti hæreticorum pseudepigraphi, monitive fideles, ut ab
eorum usu deinde caverent. Dodw. Diss. Iren. i. num. 39. in. p. 67.
That the Books of the New Testament were early known.
351
2. The same learned man says, likewise, the canonical
scriptures of the New Testament lay hid in the cabinets of
particular churches and private persons, till the reign of
Trajan, and perhaps till the reign of Adrian.'
6
6
But I presume we have now sufficiently shown the false-
hood of this, and that the gospels, and other books of the
New Testament, were written and published with a design
to be read and made use of, and that they were soon di-
vulged abroad, and not purposely hid by any.
6
6
3. Farther says Mr. Dodwell: The epistles of Paul
were well known soon after they were written. His many
travels, and the mark of his hand at the end of them, oc-
'casioned this.'
6
We readily acknowledge it. It is very true. We think
also, that the gospels, the Acts, and other books of the New
Testament, were well known soon after they were written:
and that in a short space of time many copies were taken of
them, and thus they were divulged abroad. The first three
gospels were well known to St. John, and to many others,
before he wrote his gospel. Which must have been written
before the end of the first century, and, probably, a good
while before the end of it.
4. The same learned writer, speaking of the apostolical
fathers, Clement of Rome, Barnabas, Hermas, Ignatius,
Polycarp, says, they d several times quote apocryphal
books. And he so expresseth himself, as if he intended
to affirm this of all of them.
To which I must answer, that so far as I am able to
perceive, after a careful examination, there are not any
quotations of apocryphal books in any of the apostolical
fathers. They who are desirous of farther satisfaction
therein, are referred to their several chapters in the second
volume of this work, and to some additional observations
in the Recapitulation of the second part of the Credibility,
which is in the fifth volume.
e
с
b Latitabant enim usque ad recentiora illa seu Trajani, seu etiam fortasse
Hadriani tempora, in privatarum ecclesiarum, seu etiam hominum scriniis,
scripta illa canonica, ne ad ecclesiæ catholicæ notitiam pervenirent. Ibid.
num. 38. p. 66.
• Sequuntur epistolæ Paulinæ, quas a
primâ usque scriptione celeberrimas fecere ipsius apostoli tam crebræ peregri-
nationes, et nota ejus in omni epistolâ manus.-Proinde meminit eorum et
Petrus, meminit S. Clemens, meminit Ignatius, et Polycarpus. Ibid. num. 41.
p. 73.
d Habemus hodieque horum temporum scriptores
ecclesiasticos luculentissimos, Clementem Romanum, Barnabam, Hermam,
Ignatium, Polycarpum.-Sed et apocrypha adhibent iidem aliquoties, quæ
certum est in hodiernis non haberi evangeliis. Ibid. n. 39. p. 67.
e See Vol. v. p. 188, 244, &c.
352
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
5. Once more. The same learned writer says, 'that f
'before the reign of Trajan, the pseudepigraphal books of
'heretics had not been rejected. Nor had the faithful
• been cautioned not to make use of them.'
Which appears to me an observation of little or no
importance. If those pseudepigraphal books were not in
being before the reign of Trajan, how should they be
rejected before that time? That they were not sooner in
being, has been sufficiently shown. They are the pro-
ductions of heretics, who arose in the second century:
who asserted two principles, had a disadvantageous opi-
nion of marriage, and denied the real humanity of our
Saviour. In that second century many pseudepigraphal
gospels, Acts, travels, or circuits of apostles, were com-
posed. Which were afterwards made use of by the Ma-
nichees, the Priscillianists, and some others.
But those pseudepigraphal books of heretics never
were joined with the genuine writings of the apostles
and evangelists. They were always distinguished from
them, and were esteemed by all catholic christians in
general to be of little value, and no authority.
As ap-
pears from our collections out of ancient authors, and
particularly from the accounts given of those books by h
the learned bishop of Cæsarea at the beginning of the
fourth century.
CHAP. XXV.
The question considered, whether any sacred Books of the
New Testament have been lost.
THERE is a question which has been proposed by some
learned men: whether
whether any sacred books of the New
Testament, or any epistles of apostles and evangelists, writ-
ten by divine inspiration, have been lost? And some
have taken the affirmative, particularly a Mr. John Ens,
f See before, p. 350, note ².
8 Vol. v. p. 247, 248.
h See Vol. iv. p. 97, 98; and Vol. v. p. 244, 245.
a Et certe, pace et incolumi amicitiâ dissentientium id dictum sit, affirma-
tiva nobis eligi debere videtur sententia, et concedi, quod multi divini libri
perierint. Joh. Ens, Bibliotheca Sacra, cap. 4. sect. iv. p. 19. Amst. 1710.
Whether any of the Books of the New Testament have been lost. 353
b
с
and Mr. C. M. Pfaff, in a work published by him in the
early part of his life. Herman Witsius likewise has argued
on the same side in several of his works.
I. Here, in the first place, I observe, that some supposi-
tions have been made, and propositions laid down by learn-
ed men, which may form a prejudice in favour of the
affirmative side of the question, but afford no proof. Such
things should not be advanced by fair disputants.
As first, that the apostles of Christ were ever ready to
serve all the exigences of the church; which is very true.
And yet it does not follow that any epistles, or other writ-
ings, were composed by them for the general use of chris-
tians, beside those which we have. And, secondly, that e
it is unlikely that all the apostles of Christ should have
written no more letters than now remain: as it is also, that f
Paul should have written no more than fourteen epistles.
These, and such like observations, though adopted by s
Witsius, as well as some others, I choose to dismiss without
Itaque hoc misso, inspiciamus et rite perpendamus, quid probationi inserviat,
ad evincendum, quod apostoli plura exarârint scripta vere Оɛоπvεusa et divina,
quam nunc extant. Id. ib. sect. vi. p. 22.
b Chr. Matth. Pfaffii Dissertatio Critica de genuinis Librorum N. T.
Lectionibus. p. 46-48. Amst. 1709.
C
Coccejus asseveranter dicit, Judam, præter hanc epistolam, non scripsisse,
neque necesse habuisse scribere, neque a Spiritu Sancto impulsum fuisse ut
scriberet. Id mihi non videtur certum, imo nec probabile. Apostoli enim,
quum universalis ecclesiæ doctores et directores essent, et corpore ubique præ-
sentes esse non possent, et frequenter sine dubio ab ecclesiis consulerentur,
necesse habuerunt frequenter scribere. -Non autem magis opus fuit
omnes apostolorum epistolas superstites manere, quam omnes sermones Christi.
Sufficiunt quos habemus, ad perfectum canonem. Wits. Comment. in Ep. S.
Jud. sect. xii. p. 463. Vid. Id. De Vitâ Pauli apostoli. sect. 7. n. xi. sect. 8.
n. xxi. et sect. 12. n. xvi.
a Prima observatio est, quod alacres et paratissimi fuerint apostoli ad om-
nia conferenda, quæ usui et utilitati ecclesiæ inservire poterant. Ens, ubi
supr. sect. xx. p. 35.
e Porro attendamus, secundo, quod
quatuordecim habeamus epistolas a solo Paulo conscriptas: et judicet unus-
quisque, an sibi probabile videatur, Bartholomæum, Thomam, Jacobum,
Alphæi Andream, Philippum, et Simonem Zelotem, quorum nulla habemus
scripta, ne unicam quidem ad ecclesiæ ædificationem epistolam scripsisse, atque
Jacobum et Judam´unicam tantum, Petrum duas, et Joannem tres exarâsse ;
quum Paulus toties scripserit. Ens, ib. sect. xxxiii. p. 38.
f Immo nec illud veritatis speciem habet, ipsum Paulum non plures quam
quatuordecim epistolas scripsisse. Quod tertio observari velim. Id. sect. xxv.
p. 41.
Nullus equidem dubito, quin apostoli omnes pro
singulari suâ diligentiâ frequentissimas literas ad ecclesias curæ suæ commissas
dederint: quibus præsentes semper adesse non licebat, et quibus multa tamen
identidem habebant inculcanda. Wits. De Vitâ Pauli, sect. 7. num. xi. p. 98.
Laudanda profecto Dei benignitas est, quod ex tot Paulinis epistolis, quæ
perierunt, hanc tamen [ad Philem.] mole exiguam, et de re domesticâ agen-
tem, superare voluerit. Id. ib. sect 12. num. xvi.
VOL. VI.
2 A
354
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
a particular discussion, as they contain not any real argu-
ment.
A man who thinks of our Lord's great character and the
unparalleled excellence of his discourses, and the great
number of his miraculous works, and that he had twelve
apostles, and seventy other disciples, employed by him, all
zealous for the honour of their Master, and the good of his
people, might be disposed to say: Certainly, there were
many gospels, or authentic histories of his life, written be-
fore the destruction of Jerusalem. And yet, if there is any
credit to be given to ecclesiastical history, when John was
desired to write his gospel, about the time of that event, or
after it, there were brought to him no more than three gos-
pels, to be confirmed by him, or to have some additions
made to them. One of which only had been written by an
apostle, even Matthew's. And it is the concurrent testimo-
ny of all christian antiquity, that there were but four gos-
pels, written by apostles, and apostolical men. And yet
we have no reason to say that the true interest of mankind
has not been duly consulted.
k
i
And
II. I observe, secondly it is generally allowed by
learned men, and by h Mr. Ens, and Witsius, that the
epistles to the Thessalonians are among the first of St.
Paul's epistles that remain, or were written by him.
I think, that the conclusion of the first epistle to the Thes-
salonians suggests a very probable argument, that it is the
first epistle which was written by him with divine and
apostolical authority for the edification of christians. The
words intended by me, are those of 1 Thess. v. 27, “I charge
you by the Lord, that this epistle be read unto all the holy
brethren." This, as
This, as was formerly observed, I take to be
the first instance of enjoining the reading of a christian
writing in their religious assemblies, as a part of their wor-
ship. Christian people had before now, very probably, read
in that manner the books of the Old Testament. St. Paul,
who knew the fulness of the apostolical inspiration, asserts
his authority, and requires that the same respect should be
now shown to his epistle, and that it should be publicly
read among them for their general edification. If any such
thing had been done before, there would not have been oc-
casion for so much earnestness as is expressed in this di-
rection. This epistle is supposed to have been written in
¹ Ens, ubi supra, sect. xxviii. p. 45.
epistolis nunc est agendum; quarum, quæ
utramque ad Thessalonicenses, Corinthi, ut
sect. 7. num. xii. p. 99.
i At nobis de Paulinis
supersunt, primas esse constat
initio dixi, scriptas. Ubi supra,
* See before, p. 6.
Whether any of the Books of the New Testament have been lost. 355
the year 52, consequently not till near twenty years after
our Lord's ascension. If this be the first epistle of Paul,
written with apostolical authority, there were no sacred
writings of his of a more ancient date to be lost. And his
other remaining epistles are as many as could be reason-
ably expected.
III. There are many considerations, tending to satisfy us
that no sacred writings of the apostles of Christ are lost.
1. The four gospels, which we have, were written¹ for
the sake of those who certainly would receive them with
respect, keep them with care, and recommend them to others.
And if any other such authentic histories of Jesus Christ
had been written by apostles, or apostolical men, they would
have been received, and preserved in the like manner, and
would not have been lost.
2. We can perceive from the testimony of divers ancient
christian writers, that m the book of the Acts, which we still
have, was the only authentic history of the preaching of the
apostles after our Lord's ascension, which they had in their
hands, or had heard of; consequently, there was no other
such history to be lost.
3. The epistles of Paul, James, Peter, John, Jude, were
sent to churches, people, or particular persons, who would
show them great regard, when received, and would care-
fully preserve them, and readily communicate them to
others, that they might take copies of them, and make
use of them, for their establishment in religion and vir-
tue. If those apostles had written other epistles, and if
other apostles had sent epistles to churches planted by them,
or to particular persons, their disciples, or christian friends,
the case would have been much the same. Those epistles
would have been esteemed, preserved, and frequently co-
pied, and could not easily have been lost.
4. Moreover, the apostles and evangelists, who drew up
any writings for the instruction or confirmation of christian
people, must have been careful of them. The same princi-
ple of zeal for the doctrine taught by them, and for the wel-
fare of christian people, which induced them, amidst their
many labours, fatigues, and difficulties, to compose any
writings, would lead them to take due care that they should
answer the ends for which they were composed. Proofs of
such care we evidently discern in divers of the epistles of
apostles, which we have. A like care, probably, was taken
of the rest, and would be taken of epistles written by any
¹ See Vol. iv. p. 109, 110.
m See particularly Vol. ii. p. 174, 280; Vol. v. p. 142, 143, &c.
2 A 2
356
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
other apostles. They would be sent by fit messengers, and
be faithfully delivered. And they might be accompanied
with some proper directions, such as we find in several of
St. Paul's epistles: as that in the first epistle to the Thes-
salonians, requiring it to be read to all the brethren and
that in the epistle to the Colossians, iv. 16, that it should
be read first among themselves, and then sent to the church
of the Laodiceans: and that they likewise should read the
epistle that would be brought to them from Laodicea.
:
All which considerations must induce us to think, that no
sacred writings of apostles, composed for the instruction and
edification of christian people, their friends, and converts,
could be easily lost.
Let
IV. There are no sufficient reasons to believe, that any
sacred writings of the New Testament have been lost.
us however see what they are. For divers difficulties have
been thought of.
1. St. Paul says," 2 Thess. ii. 1, 2, "Now we beseech
you, brethren, that ye be not soon shaken in mind, or
be troubled neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter, as
from us, as that the day of Christ is at hand."
These words, as I apprehend, afford not any proof that
St. Paul wrote more epistles to the Thessalonians, than
those which we have. For a person, who had never written
one letter before, might use such expressions, if he had any
ground to suspect that some men were disposed to forge
letters in his name,
2. 2 Thess. iii. 17,0" The salutation of Paul with my
own hand, which is the token in every epistle: so I write."
But I think he might say this, though it were the very
first epistle written by him: provided he thought that he
should have occasion to write more, and had reason to sus-
pect that there were some men who might be disposed to
falsify his name. Nor does it follow that he afterwards
wrote any more epistles to the Thessalonians. However, he
could not be certain that he should not have occasion to
n
Atqui hujus rei nullum fuisset periculum, nulla monendi necessitas, nisi
varias acceperunt Thessalonicenses epistolas a Paulo missas. Qui enim unam
ac alteram solummodo ad ecclesias scribebat epistolas, illius nomen falsa epis-
tolæ ad ecclesias datæ non facile mentiri poterat. J. Ens, ubi supr. sect. xxix.
p. 46.
• Illud idem iterum agnoscit apostolus, statim allegato,
cap. iii. 17, dato signo epistolis suis peculiari, quo nullæ epistolæ a se missæ
carent. -Se dicit ypaper, ‘ scribere.' Quod paucis admodum epistolis vix
congruum videtur; præsertim quando dicit, se oùrw ypape, ut salutatio pro-
pria manu sit signum εν παση επιςολη, in quacumque epistola.. -Quid
erat periculi, quod datis epistolis committeretur fallacia, si nullas, præter et
post hasce duas, ad illos daret epistolas? Id. ib. sect. xxx. p. 46, 47.
Whether any Books of the New Testament have been lost. 357
write to them again. And he might judge it to be very
likely that he should write more letters, either to them, or
to others. This declaration, then, was a proper mark, which
might be of use to the Thessalonians, and to others, and a
security against all impositions of that kind.
3. 2 Cor. x. 9, 10, 11, "That I may not seem as if I
would terrify you by letters. For his letters, say they, are
weighty and powerful, but his bodily presence is weak, and
his speech contemptible. Let such an one think this, that
such as we are in word by letters, when we are absent,
such will we be also in deed, when we are present.'
Hence it is argued, that P the apostle had before now
written more than one, even several letters, to the Corin-
thians.
To which I answer. It is very common to speak of one
epistle in the plural number, as all know. And St. Paul
might well write, as he here does, though he had as yet sent.
but one letter to those to whom he is writing. And from
so long a letter, as is the first to the Corinthians, men might
form a good judgment concerning his manner of writing
letters, though they had seen no other.
4. 1 Cor. v. 9, "I wrote unto you in an epistle, not to
company with fornicators."
Hence it is argued, that St. Paul had written an epistle
to the Corinthians, before he wrote the first of those two,
which we have. Consequently, here is proof of the loss
of a sacred writing, which would have been canonical, if
extant.
S
And it must be acknowledged, that several learned men
have concluded as much from this text. Others however
see not here any such proof. And on this side have argued
Whitby and others. And I think it is of no small weight,
that several ancient writers understood the apostle to say:
t
P Cum duobus illis ex epist. ad Thessalonicenses locis conferam Pauli
dictum ad Corinthios. 2. x. 9, 10, 11.- -Quibus verbis apostolus statuit,
quod non unam epistolam, sed plures, ad Corinthios scripserit. Id. ibid. sect.
xxxiii. p. 49.
9 Inter illas est epistola quædam--ad
Corinthios scripta ante illam, quæ nobis prima est, de quâ apostolus: Eypaya
vµiv ev ty emisoλy, scripsi vobis in epistolâ.' 1 Cor. v. 9. Ens, ib. sect.
xxxiii. p. 51.
Ex quibus verbis hoc concludo, ante hanc ad Corinthios epistolam aliam
exstitisse, ubi Paulus a conversatione cum fornicatoribus eos deĥortatus fuerit.
C. M. Pfaff. ubi supr. p. 46.
Hinc autem apparet, aliam ante hanc a Paulo scriptam fuisse epistolam ad
Corinthios, quæ post interciderit. Estius in loc. Vid. et Grot. in loc. H. Wits.
de Vit. Paul. Ap. sect. 8. n. xxi. Mill. Prolegom. n. 8.
s See him upon the place.
Wolf. curæ in loc. Fabric. Cod. Apocr. N. T. p. 918, &c.
358
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
V
"I have written to you in this epistle." So "Theodoret,
Theophylact, and Photius in Ecumenius. They sup-
pose that the apostle here refers to somewhat before said
by him in the same epistle, and in this very chapter, ver. 2,
or 6, 7.
And that hereby is meant this epistle, seems to me very
evident. That interpretation suits the words. And there
are divers other places, where the same phrase is, and must
be so rendered, Rom. xvi. 22, "1 Tertius, who wrote this
epistle," O ypayas τyv etioтodny. 1 Thess. v. 27. I charge
you by the Lord, that this epistle "be read unto all the
holy brethren,” αναγνωσθήναι την επιστολην πασι τοις αγιοις.
And 1 Thess. iv. 6, "That no man go beyond, and defraud
his brother in any matter:" or "in this matter,” µŋ vπep-
βαινειν και πλεονεκτείν εν τω πραγματι τον αδελφόν αυτ8.*
Z
Fabricius says, they words, "I have written unto you,'
may be understood as equivalent to, "I do write." And it
may be remembered, that some while ago I quoted an an-
cient writer, who gives this interpretation,
"Ia have
'written unto you," that is, I write.' And intending, I
"that
think, somewhat to be afterwards said by the apostle in this
epistle: which appears to me to be right. Many like in-
stances might be alleged. I shall put in the margin some
passages from A. Gellius, where it is said: 'I have sub-
b
" Ουκ εν αλλη, αλλ' εν ταυτη. Προ βραχεων γαρ εφη. Ουκ οιδατε, ότι
μικρά ζύμη όλον το φύραμα ζυμοι ; Theod. in loc.
Υ
* Εν ποια επιστολή: Εν αυτή ταυτῇ· Επειδη γαρ ειπεν ανωτέρω, ότι
εκκαθάρατε την παλαιαν ζυμην, τον πορνευκότα, ὡς δεδηλωται, αινιττόμενος,
δι' οὗ ἐδηλετο το μη συναμιγνυσθαι πορνοις· ισως ὑπενοησαν αν ότι παντων
των πορνων, και των παρ' Ελλησι χωρίζεσθαι δει. Ερμηνεύει τοινυν περι
wolwv tapηyyɛiλɛ. Theoph. in. loc.
W
Και
* Πε εγραψεν; Εν οις λεγει, και εχι μαλλον επενθήσατε, κ. λ.
παλιν εκκαθάρατε την παλαιαν ζυμην, κ. λ. Τοις πορνοις τε κόσμε τετε.]
Ινα μη νομίσωσιν, οφείλειν και τοις των Ελληνων πορνοις μη συναμιγνυσθαι,
όπερ ην αδυνατον τοις πολιν οικεσι, διορθεται αυτο. Apud. cum. in. loc.
* I might refer to many other texts of scripture, and to passages of other
writers, Matt. xxvii. 8. εws Tηs onμepov. xxviii. 15.—μέχρι της σημερον.
Apoc. i. 3. και οἱ ακέοντες τες λόγες της προφητειας. Id est, ταυτης προ-
pnrɛiac, quomodo accepit Latinus. Grot. in loc. So Liban. ep. 1174. p.
558. Εμελλε μεν, και μη δοντος με την επιτολην, κ. λ. Etiamsi ego has
literas non scripsissem. Ep. 1177. p. 559. Και μην κακεινο δηλον, ότι
μείζονος απολαύσει της παρα σε προνοιας, μετα την επιτολην post traditas has
luveras.
› Possunt etiam verba, ɛypaya iµiv, reddi, 'scribo vobis,' &c. Bib. Gr. l.
4. cap. v. tom. III. p. 154.
² See Vol. v. p. 58; See likewise Vol. iv. p. 592.
a c
Scripsi vobis.'] Pro scribo. Vel ideo præteritum dicit, quia, cum le-
geretur, tempus scribendi præteritum esset. Sedul. Comm. in loc. Ap. PP
Lugd. T. VI. p. 540. C.
Verba Varronis subjeci. A. Gell. Noct. Att. 1. 2 cap. 20.
Whether any of the Books of the New Testament have been lost. 359
6
'joined the words of Varro :' that is, I shall subjoin them.
In another place, I have transcribed the words of Plu-
'tarch.' And in like manner often: when the words of an
author had not yet been transcribed, but were to be tran-
scribed soon after.
In John iv. 38, our Lord says to the disciples: "I sent
you to reap that whereon ye have bestowed no labour."
Nevertheless the disciples had not yet been sent forth by
him. But knowing what he designed to do, and also
knowing before-hand what would be the circumstances of
their mission, he says to them: When I shall send you to
preach the gospel, you will find the case to be as I now
' represent it.
•
In like manner St. Paul, having in his mind the whole
plan of the epistle which he was writing, and considering
some directions which he should give in the remaining part
of the epistle, says: "I have written unto you." If it be
asked, where are those directions? I answer: I think they
are in the tenth chapter of this epistle, where the apostle
cautions against idolatry, and dangerous temptations to it, and
against doing what might be understood to be religious
communion with idols and idolaters. These things I ap-
prehend the apostle then had in his mind.
"
What he says therefore here in ch. v. 9, 10, 11, is to
this purpose: I shall in this epistle deliver some cau-
tions against a dangerous and offensive intimacy with
'idolaters: but when I do so, it is not my intention to
'prohibit all civil commerce with Gentile people, "who
are fornicators, or covetous, or extortioners, or idolaters."
For at that rate you could not live in the world. But
here I am speaking of such as are professed christians.
"And I have now written unto you," that is, I now charge
you, and require it of you: "If any man called a bro-
ther," a professed christian, "be a fornicator, or covetous,
or an idolater, or an extortioner, with such an one, no not
'to eat:" that is, not to have any conversation with him.'
Compare 2 Thess. iii. 14, 15.
"
<
That appears to me the most probable account of this
text.
But if any hesitate about the reference to a place
that follows in the remaining part of the epistle, I still
Propterea verba Atteii Capitonis ex quinto Librorum, quos de Pontificio
Jure composuit, scripsi. Ib. 1. 4. cap. 6.
Verba ipsa Plutarchi, quoniam res inopinata est, subscripsi. Ib. cap. 12.
Ex quo libro plura verba adscripsimus, ut simul ibidem, quid ipse inter res
gestas et annales esse dixerit, ostenderemus. Ib. 1. 5. cap. 18.
Ipsa autem verba Chrysippi, quantum valui, memoriâ adscripsi--In libro
enim περɩ πρоvotas quarto dicit.--Ib. 1. 6. cap. 2.
360
A History of the Apostles and Evangelists.
hope I may insist upon it, that ev Ty LOTоy, which we have
τῇ επιστολῇ,
rendered in an epistle,' does, and must signify, in this
epistle.
5. 2 Pet. ii. 15, 16, " And account, that the long-suffer-
ing of our Lord is salvation: even as our beloved brother
Paul also, according to the wisdom given unto him, has
written unto you."
C
Hence it is argued, that St Paul wrote several letters to
the dispersed Jews, which are now lost. I answer, that this
argument depends upon the supposition, that the epistles
of St. Peter were sent to believing Jews: which is far from
being certain.
a
It is more probable, as was formerly
shown, that St. Peter's epistles were sent to believing Gen-
tiles in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia, or
to all christians in general in those countries. To which
christians Paul had indeed sent several letters. To them
were sent his epistles to the Galatians, the Ephesians, the
Colossians. To which might be added, his two epistles to
Timothy, then residing at Ephesus, the chief city of Asia.
To these, and other epistles of the apostle Paul, St. Peter
might refer. Nor can I see any reason at all to doubt, whe-
ther the epistles of Paul, intended by St. Peter, are not still
in being.
6. 3 John, ver. 9, "I wrote unto the church." Hence *
some have argued, that St. John wrote an epistle to the
church, where Diotrephes affected to have pre-eminence,
which is now lost.
Indeed this text has exercised the thoughts of many cri-
tics, as may be seen in Wolfii Cura. However, the words
may
be translated thus: "I had written," or " I would have
written to the church." This version has been approved
byf some. And to me it appears very right. If this inter-
pretation be admitted, there is no reason to conclude, that
any writing of St. John has been lost.
• S. Petrus, 2 ep. iii. 15, 16, plures literas ad dispersos Hebræos allegat,
quæ jam dudum periere. Neque enim, uti Millius putavit, f. x. col. 2. hic
citatur epistola ad Hebræos, quæ exstat, &c. Pfaff, ubi supra. p. 47. Conf
Ens, ubi supra. sect. xxxvi. xxxvii. p. 53, 54.
a See before, p. 261, &c.
e Eodem modo et literæ S. Joannis ad ecclesiam, in quâ Diotrephes o
piλoπρwrɛvwv erat, scriptæ et 3 Joh. ver. 9, memoratæ, periere. Pfaff. ib.
p. 47.
f See Whitby upon the place, and Dr. Benson.
And see before, p. 292, note m.
8. Some would from hence gather, that St. John wrote an epistle which is
now lost. But the primitive christians were not so careless about preserving
'the apostolic writings. There is not the least hint among the ancients, that
'there ever was such an epistle. And the apostle's words, in this place, are
fairly capable of another interpretation.'—Dr. Benson upon the place, p.703.
Whether any of the Books of the New Testament have been lost. 361
7. It is argued, thath Polycarp, writing to the Philip-
pians, expresseth himself, as if he thought St. Paul had
written to them more epistles than one.
To which it is easy to answer, that though the word be
in the plural number, one epistle only might be meant.
Secondly, it is not improbable, that Polycarp intended the
epistle to the Philippians, and also the two epistles of Paul
to the Thessalonians, who were in the same province of
Macedonia, as was shown formerly. Indeed this objection
is so obviated by what was said, when we largely consi-
dered the testimony of Polycarp to the New Testament, that
I think nothing more needs to be added here.
e
k
V. In treating this subject Mr. Ens could not help think-
ing of those passages of Origen and Eusebius, where they
speak of the apostles not being solicitous to write many
volumes. Which passages were taken notice of by us long
ago. He endeavours to evade the proper conclusion to be
thence drawn. But he owns, that the ancients had no
knowledge of those writings of the apostles, which he and
some others have imagined to be lost. And he thinks it
almost miraculous, or however a very wonderful dispensa-
tion of providence, that they should so soon perish, as to
be unknown to the ancients, as well as to us.
But does not that show, that this whole argument is
frivolous and insignificant? For plausible speculations can-
not be valid against fact and evidence. If the primitive
christians knew not of any apostolical writings, beside those
which have been transmitted to us, it is very probable there
were none.
b Memorat quoque Polycarpus in literis ad Philippenses, S. Paulum non
unam sed plures ad eos eπisolaç absentem scripsisse. Pfaff. ib. p. 47. Conf.
Ens, p. 51-56.
iSee Vol. ii. p. 100, 101.
* See Vol. ii. p. 494; and Vol. iv. p. 95, 96.
1 Fateor ingenue, vix concipi potest, unde tam cito tanta fuerit inter veteres
ignorantia de eo, quod apostoli multo plura scripserint, quam quidem illorum
et nostras pervenit ad manus. Fateor, vix concipi potest, ubi tam profunde
latere potuerint scripta illa apostolica, ut omnium fugerint oculos. At divina
hic mihi admiranda ac adoranda videtur providentia, quæ ad tempus data
scripta, dum aliorum quæ permanerent in vitæ canonem perpetuum nondum
esset in ecclesiis copia, deinde protinus e medio tolli voluerit. Ens, ibid. sect.
li. p. 68.
A
LARGE COLLECTION
OF ANCIENT
JEWISH AND HEATHEN TESTIMONIES
TO THE TRUTH OF THE
CHRISTIAN RELIGION;
WITH
NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS.
VOLUME I.
1
CONTAINING
THE JEWISH TESTIMONIES, AND THE TESTIMONIES OF
HEATHEN AUTHORS OF THE FIRST CENTURY.
PREFACE.
IT is well known that I have long since intended a col-
lection of passages of Jewish and heathen authors, who
bear testimony to the books or facts of the New Testa-
ment, or the affairs of christians in their own times. I have
also intimated, that I had by me large materials for that
purpose; at the same time expressing my doubts, whether
I ever should be able to put those materials into order.
But God, in his good providence, has prolonged my life.
And, having completed the Supplement to the second part
of the Credibility of the Gospel History, I have now put
my collections of Jewish and heathen Testimonies into such
order, that it has been judged not improper to begin the
publication.
This part of my design has been long deferred; but I
hope it is not the worse for that.
Many others of late times have made collections of this
kind.
This argument was not omitted by Mr. Addison, in his
Evidences of the Christian Religion, who has insisted,
though briefly, upon the testimonies of Tacitus, Suetonius,
Phlegon, Dion, Celsus, Macrobius, and other heathen au-
thors, and made good remarks upon them: intending like-
wise to add the testimonies of Jewish writers, but was pre-
vented by death.
In the year 1733 was published a book with this title-
An Appeal to the genuine Records and Testimonies of Hea-
then and Jewish Writers in Defence of Christianity: by
Thomas Dawson, D. D. Vicar of New Windsor, some time
Member of Convocation.a
That work has a pompous title, from which a great deal
might be expected; but it is little more than an angry de-
clamation against Dr. Sykes, for not showing due respect
to Phlegon, and Dionysius the Areopagite. I have made
no use of that work. Nor do I know that I shall have oc-
casion to take any farther notice of it.
An Argument in Defence of Christianity, taken from the
a It is in two parts; 201 pages for the first part, and 112 for the second;
in octavo.
366
PREFACE.
Concessions of the most ancient Adversaries, Jews and
Pagans, Philosophers and Historians: by Gregory Sharpe
L. L. D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and of the Society of
Antiquarians. I am indebted to this learned author, and
shall quote him sometimes,
b
In Î725 J. A. Fabricius published a volume in quarto,
concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion. In the 32d
chapter of which volume is a catalogue of authors, who
have supported the evidence of the Jewish and christian
religion by testimonies of heathen writers: where are
mentioned many authors, with whom I am unacquainted, as
well as others, whom I have seen, and of whom I shall take
notice presently.
e
Le Clerc, who, in the year 1727, revised that work of
Fabricius, in his Bibliotheque Ancienne et Moderne, ob-
serves, that there are in Pagan authors, still remaining,
' testimonies and events, which may be of great use to con-
'firm the truth of the christian religion. The same is said
b A small volume of 166 pages, published in 1755.
• Delectus argumentorum, et syllabus scriptorum, qui veritatem religionis
christianæ adversus atheos deistas, -lucubrationibus suis asseruerunt.
Hamb. 1725.
d Cap. xxxii. Ethnicorum testimonia,
veritati religionis naturalis, judaicæ, et christianæ suffragantia. Ibid. p.
634-643.
e Il y a dans les auteurs Payens qui nous restent
des témoignages et des évènemens, qui peuvent beaucoup servir à confirmer
la vérité de la réligion chrêtienne. C'étoit le sentiment d' Herman Con-
ringius, qui étoit, comme l'on fait, un très-savant homme. Bib. A. et M. T.
27. P. i. p. 71.
C
Le Clerc here follows the modern way of speaking; which indeed is
now in use with all learned men in general. But heathen people were
not called Pagans, Pagani,' before the year of Christ 365, about which
time, and afterwards, that denomination became common in Latin authors,
as Prudentius, Salvian, Orosius, Augustin. That denomination is sup-
posed to have had its rise from the state of things at that time. Sacri-
fices were prohibited by christian emperors in cities, but allowed of for a while
in villages and country-places. But I do not recollect that this way of
speaking is adopted by the Greek ecclesiastical historians, Socrates, Sozomen,
and Theodoret; though they wrote after this style was common in Latin
authors. To me it seems not quite proper to call those writers Pagans,
who lived before the times of the christian emperors.
I therefore gene-
rally say, Heathens, Gentiles, Greeks; Heathenism, Gentilism, Hellenism.
Hæc omnia, ut in urbibus primo sublata, sic permissa ad tempus in
pagis et vicis, ubi templa aliquamdiu Gentilibus patuere.Unde Paga-
norum nomen enatum est, primum auditum sub imperatoribus christianis,
primaque Paganorum mentio exstat in L. xviii. Cod. Theod. De Episcopis,
&c. Valentiano et Valente. A. A. Coss. Spanhem. Hist. Christ. Sec. iv.
T. i. p. 836. Vid. et Jac. Gothofred. in notis in Tit. de Paganis. Et
Conf. Pagi ann. 351. num. v.
Præceperas mihi, ut scriberem adversus vaniloquam pravitatem eorum,
qui alieni a civitate Dei, ex locorum agrestium compitis et pagis, Pagani
vocantur, sive Gentiles. Oros. Hist. 1. 1. cap. 1.
PREFACE.
367
by Herman Conringius, who, as is well known, was a very
· learned man.'
f
Unquestionably, Conringius of Brunswick was a very
learned man, author of many valuable works, and in great
esteem with divers princes of Germany. But I wish that
Le Clerc had quoted his words at length, 'or referred to
the work in which Conringius delivered judgment upon
this point, and where, possibly, he so enlargeth upon it, as
to afford us some instruction.
Houtteville, in his work entitled, The Christian Religion
proved by Facts; and in his Historical and Critical Dis-
course, prefixed to it, has alleged the testimonies of many
Jewish and heathen writers: Celsus, the emperor Julian,
Porphyry, Jamblicus, the Talmud, and the Rabbins. Fa-
bricius, in the fore-cited volume, has given a large account
of this performance.
I may not omit Tobias Eckhard, who has published a
learned and useful work, entitled," The Testimonies of such
as are not Christians, collected from ancient Monuments. Of
which there have been two editions, both in my hands, and
from which I have reaped benefit. This author also is in
the fore-mentioned catalogue of Fabricius.
The Christian Religion confirmed by the Testimonies
of ancient Pagan authors; by Dominique Colonia, of the
Society of Jesus. This author likewise is in the cata-
logue of Fabricius, who calls him a polite and eloquent
writer.
:
This work has a nearer resemblance with mine, than any
other which I have met with. Many authors are here
quoted and Colonia gives some account of them, for
showing the value of their testimony. I shall often quote
f See the Dictionary and Supplement of Moreri.
8 A large volume in quarto, at Paris in 1722.
h Non Christianorum de Christo Testimonia, ex antiquis Monumentis pro-
posita et dijudicata. Quarto. 1725, et 1736.
A
La Réligion Chrêtienne autorisée par le Témoignage des anciens Auteurs
Payens. Par le P. Dominique de Colonia, de la Compagnie de Jesus.
Lyon. 1718.
elegans ac disertus scriptor. Fabr.
Tom. 1. ch. 1. Phlegon, et Thallus,
k
ubi supra, p. 635.
ch. II. Ammianus Marcellinus. III. Marcus Antoninus, Dion, Capitolinus,
Claudian, Themistius. IV. Plutarch; where comes in the pilot Thamus,
Strabo, Lucan, Juvenal. V. Claudian. Again, VI. Chalcidius, Amelius,
and Macrobius. VII. Cornelius Tacitus. VIII. Celsus, the epicurean. IX.
The philosopher Porphyry—Tom. 2. ch. I. Lampridius. II. The younger
Pliny. III. The sophist Libanius. IV. The emperor Julian the apostate.
V. Lucian, of Samosata. VI. Rutilius Claudius Numatianus. VII. The
emperor Antoninus the pious. VIII. The emperor Marcus Antoninus again.
IX. The false prophet, Mahomet. X. Josephus the historian. XI. The true
acts of Pilate.
368
PREFACE.
him, or refer to him; whereby the character of the work,
and the judgment of the author, will be apparent to my
readers. Undoubtedly, he has learning and zeal, but
some allowances must be made for the credulity of his
church.
However, it can little become me to pass censures
upon others, who am as liable to be censured ; and
may fall into mistakes, nowithstanding my best care to
avoid them.
One fault in my work may be reckoned to be very
obvious, which is the prolixity of it. In regard to which
I beg leave to say beforehand, that I am to be distinct and
particular. These things have been already slightly
touched upon by many. I propose to enlarge, and set
them in a fuller light. I allege passages of ancient authors,
at length: I settle their time: I distinguish their works,
and endeavour to show the value of their testimonies. I
intend likewise to allege the judgments of divers learned
moderns, who have gone before me in this service. All
the persecutions of this time are a part of my subject, as
they were appointed by edicts of heathen emperors, and
were carried on by heathen governors of provinces, and
officers under them. I shall have an opportunity to show
the patience and fortitude of the primitive christians; and
the state of judaism, gentilism, and christianity, in the first
four centuries. As most of the authors to be quoted by
me, are men of great distinction in the republic of letters,
some occasions will offer for critical observations, which
cannot be all declined: but nice and intricate questions
will be carefully avoided, that the whole may be upon the
level with the capacities of all who are inquisitive, and
disposed to read with attention.
In the first volume are the Jewish Testimonies, and
the Testimonies of Heathen Authors, who lived in the first
century.
In the second volume are Heathen Writings of the se-
cond century among which are the letter of the younger
Pliny to Trajan, and that emperor's rescript; which will give
occasion for many observations concerning the sufferings
of the christians at that time, and afterwards; and the
remains of the work of Celsus against the christians, pre-
served in Origen; which afford an early and very valua-
ble testimony to the genuineness of the books of the New
Testament, and to the truth of the evangelical history
In the third volume will be Ulpian, Dion Cassius, Por-
phyry, Hierocles, and other heathen writers, and a history
PREFACE.
369
of the several persecutions of the christians in the third
century, concluding with that of the emperor Diocletian.
The fourth and last volume, in which will be the empe-
ror Julian, Ammianus Marcellinus, Libanius, and other
heathen writers of the fourth and fifth centuries, may be
as entertaining as any of the rest; but it cannot be so im-
portant. Julian, in his work against the christians, may
mention the names of the evangelists, and of the other writ-
ers of the New Testament, and quote the books more
distinctly than Celsus; but his testimony to the scriptures,
in the fourth century, cannot be so valuable as that of Cel-
sus in the second. However, these also deserve to be col-
lected, and put together in their proper order. We shall
there see the last struggles of expiring gentilism, and
some attempts to restore it, after it had been for a
while exploded with scorn and disdain. And we may
meet with more than a few men of great learning, and
fine abilities, who were still tenacious of the ancient rites,
and fond of all the fables upon which they were founded,
and by which they had been long upheld and encouraged.
The author professes great impartiality: for which reason
he is not without hopes that his work, notwithstanding
some imperfections, may be approved by the candid of
every denomination. If it shall be of some use to promote
good learning, and true religion, he will have great reason
to be well pleased.
2 B
VOL. VI.
A
LARGE COLLECTION
OF ANCIENT
JEWISH AND HEATHEN TESTIMONIES.
JEWISH TESTIMONIES.
CHAP. I.
THE FAITH OF MANY JEWISH BELIEVERS IN EARLY TIMES,
A VALUABLE TESTIMONY TO THE TRUTH OF
THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION.
I. That many of the Jewish people believed in Jesus as
the Christ, shown from the books of the New Testa-
ment. II. From other ancient writings. III. Their
faith a valuable testimony.
I. THE Lord Jesus was born at Bethlehem, and brought
up at Nazareth; and in Judea (understanding thereby the
land of Israel) he fulfilled his ministry. At Jerusalem he
was crucified: there he arose from the dead, and thence he
ascended to heaven.
A short time before his appearance in the world, John,
called the Baptist, a man of an austere character, and ac-
knowledged by all to be a prophet, who acted with a divine
commission, preached to the people, saying, "Repent, for
the kingdom of heaven is at hand." Be persuaded by me
to reform your lives, and break off every evil course, by
repentance; for the kingdom of God by the Messiah, long
'since promised by God, and foretold by the prophets, is
now about to be erected among you, which is a dispensa-
¿
2 B 2
372
Jewish Testimonies.
tion of the greatest purity and perfection, the privileges
of which are appropriated to sincere penitents only, and
really good men.' He also pointed to Jesus, as the per-
son who was to set up that kingdom, and was much greater
than himself.
Soon after which Jesus also appeared, preaching the like
doctrine in the name of God: recommending the practice
of strict and sublime virtue in heart and life; with a view,
not to honour from men, or any other worldly advantages,
but with an eye to the favour and approbation of God, who
knows all things. These were the general terms proposed
by him; forgiveness of past sins upon repentance, and
eternal life to perseverance in the profession of the truth,
and the practice of virtue; without any assurances of
worldly riches, honour, or preferment; and with frequent
intimations of many difficulties, and external discourage-
ments.
As he went about preaching that doctrine, he wrought
many miracles, healing all men, who came to him, of the
diseases they laboured under; and raising to life some
who had died. And twice he miraculously fed in desert
places, with a few loaves and small fishes, great numbers of
men, who had long attended upon his discourses. At the
beginning of his ministry, and during the time of it, there
were some extraordinary manifestations from heaven, bear-
ing testimony to him, as the "beloved Son of God," or the
Messiah, the great and extraordinary person, who had been
long since foretold, and promised, as the "seed of the
woman, that should bruise the head of the serpent, the seed
of Abraham, in whom all the families of the earth should
be blessed," and "the Son of David," in whom the promise
of an extensive and everlasting kingdom was to be fulfilled.
Of all which things the blessed Jesus sometimes, in the latter
part of his ministry, reminded the Jewish people, his hearers,
to induce them to act according to evidence, and to improve
the present opportunity, and accept the blessings offered to
them, lest they should expose themselves to the divine dis-
pleasure and resentment. But, as before hinted, he never
invited any with assurances of worldly advantages from
him and all were at liberty to act according to their own
judgment, and to "go away," or stay with him. John vi.
66-71.
Wherever he went, preaching that excellent and heavenly
doctrine, he was attended by many; who plainly discerned
it to be superior to that of their ordinary teachers, the
scribes and pharisees, and that he spoke and acted as a
That many Jews believed shown from the N. T.
373
prophet, with divine illumination and authority. The
The peo-
ple in general were so well satisfied of his great character,
that they could not help wondering, that their scribes and
rulers, for whom they had a great respect, did not publicly
acknowledge him to be the Messiah. "And many of the
people believed on him, and said: When the Christ
cometh, will he do more miracles than these which this
man has done?" John vii. 31. Again: "And many re-
sorted unto him, and said: John did no miracle. But all
things that John spake of this man were true.
And many
believed on him there," John x. 41, 42.
"Nevertheless, among the chief rulers also many believed
on him: but because of the pharisees they did not confess
him, lest they should be put out of the synagogue: For
they loved the praise of men more than the praise of God,"
Jolin xii. 42, 43. But Nicodemus, a pharisee, and a ruler,
and in the very early part of our Lord's ministry, came to
him of his own accord, and acknowledged him to be a
"teacher come from God," John iii. And it is very likely
that he went away fully convinced that he was the Christ.
And when the Jewish council reproved their officers for not
having apprehended Jesus, and brought him before them,
Nicodemus," being one of them," pleaded his cause, say-
ing, "Doth our law judge any man before it hear him, aud
know what he doth ?" John vii. 51. For which he was
reviled, as very ignorant and greatly mistaken. However,
he afterwards attended the burial of Jesus, together with
Joseph of Arimathea," another “ disciple of Jesus; but
secretly, for fear of the Jews. He was a rich man, and an
honourable counsellor: who went to Pilate, and begged the
body of Jesus, and wrapt it in a clean linen cloth, and laid
it in his own new tomb, hewn out of a rock," John xix.
38-42; Matt. xxvii; Mark xv; Luke xxiii.
66
Beside them, Jairus, ruler of a synagogue, and a noble-
man of Capernaum, were disciples of some distinction.
And there may have been some others in like stations, who
paid their respects to Jesus, though they are not named.
The centurion at Capernaum had such faith in Jesus, as to
believe him able to heal his sick servant at a distance, by
speaking a word only. He was a Gentile, but he was in
esteem with "the elders of the Jews," who lived in that
city. And they also joined with him in the request to Jesus
to heal his sick servant, saying, "that he was worthy, for
whom he should do this," Luke vii. 4. So that they also
were persuaded in their minds, that Jesus had power to
perform so great a miracle. Not now to take any notice of
374
Jewish Testimonies.
our Saviour's female disciples, though they also were, some
of them, respectable for their outward condition, as well as
for their eminent virtue.
Out of the number of his disciples Jesus chose twelve,
to be generally with him, and to be employed by him,
whom he named apostles; who, notwithstanding some im-
perfections and failings, owing to the prevailing prejudices
of the Jewish people, all continued faithful to him, except-
ing only Judas the traitor, a man of a worldly and covet-
ous disposition. And though the miscarriage and loss of
Judas could not but be a great grief and discouragement to
them, the other eleven kept together, even after the death of
their Lord.
When he was risen from the dead, he came again among
them, and showed himself to them: and though they were
not to be persuaded without good proof, in the end they
were all satisfied that it was he.
Having, in the space of forty days, been often seen by
them, and having frequently conversed with them, "speak-
ing of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God, he was
in their sight taken up into heaven." Acts i.
Soon after which, when they were assembled together,
to the number of "about one hundred and twenty," ano-
ther, named Matthias, was chosen in the room of Judas, to
be a witness with the rest of the things concerning the
Lord Jesus, and particularly his resurrection from the
dead.
At the next following Pentecost, the Holy Ghost, in a
remarkable manner, came down upon the apostles and their
company, agreeably to the promise which Jesus had made
to them. And henceforward the apostles, being fully qua-
lified, preached to all men in the name of Christ, exhorting
them to repentance, with the promise of the remission of
sins, and everlasting salvation. Acts ii.
Such was the effect of St. Peter's first discourse at Jeru-
salem, after our Lord's ascension, that "there were added to
them about three thousand souls:" and afterwards such
accessions were made, that their number was "about five
thousand," Acts ii. 41; iv. 4.
But though many miracles were done by the hands of
the apostles, and the whole company of the believers be-
haved in a very becoming manner, insomuch that it is said,
"they had favour with all the people;" Acts ii. 49: and again,
that "the whole multitude of them that believed was of one
heart, and of one soul; neither said any of them, that ought
of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had
That many Jews believed shown from the N. T.
375
all things common;" Acts iv. 32: yet they met with many
difficulties, and were ill treated by the Jewish rulers.
Peter and John were apprehended and brought before the
council, and examined, and were then commanded, not to
speak at all nor teach in the name of Jesus:" Acts iv. And
they were farther threatened, if they transgressed that
order. But they, nevertheless, thinking themselves obliged
to persist in their work, and "to obey God, rather than
men;" in a short time afterwards, all the apostles were
taken up, and put "in the common prison," and then
brought before the council: and having been "beaten,"
and again "commanded not to speak in the name of Jesus,'
they were dismissed, Acts v. Soon after this, Stephen, a
man of great eminence and usefulness among the disciples,
was stoned; Acts vi. vii. And James, brother of John,
one of the chief apostles of Jesus, was beheaded by order of
Herod Agrippa, then king in the land of Judea. "And
because he saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded farther
to take Peter also, and put him in prison, intending after
Easter to bring him forth to the people;" Acts xii. But
now Divine Providence interposed: Peter was miraculously
delivered out of prison; and Herod died under tokens
of divine displeasure. What is added is well wor-
thy of observation, "But the word of God grew, and
multiplied."
And gradually the apostles and their fellow-labourers,
with divine approbation and encouragement, enlarged their
views, and preached the gospels to Samaritans, and then to
Gentiles. But, wherever they went, they first addressed
themselves to the Jewish inhabitants, and particularly in
their synagogues, which there were at that time in many
cities of Greece, and elsewhere, and usually had some con-
verts among them. The evidences of the christian religion
were fairly and openly proposed, and to many they appear-
ed sufficient and satisfactory. The whole argument is
briefly summed up in those words of St. Paul before the
governor Festus, and king Agrippa, and the rest of that
great audience. "Having therefore obtained help of God,
I continue to this day, witnessing both to small and great,
saying none other things than those which the prophets and
Moses did say should come; that the Christ should be
liable to sufferings; and that, being the first who rose from
the dead," to die no more," he should show light unto the
people, and to the Gentiles," Acts xxvi. 22, 23. Thus, at
Antioch in Pisidia, it is said of Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii.
14, "they went into the synagogue on the sabbath-day;"
376
Jewish Testimonies.
where Paul made a long discourse- "Now, when the
congregation was broken up, many of the Jews, and reli-
gious," or worshipping "proselytes, followed Paul and
Barnabas, who, speaking to them, persuaded them to con-
tinue in the grace of God." Afterwards, at Iconium, "they
went both into the synagogue, and so spake, that a great
multitude of the Jews, and also of the Greeks, believed,"
Acts xiv. 1. And in like manner at other places. And
particularly at Thessalonica, Acts xvii. 1; and at Berea,
ver. 10; at Athens, ver. 17; at Corinth, xvii. 4; at
Ephesus, xviii. 19, and 26. When Paul came to Rome,
he was a prisoner. He therefore could not go to any
Jewish synagogue. But being "suffered to dwell by
himself, with a soldier that kept him, he called the chief
of the Jews together-And when they had appointed
him a day, there came many to him into his lodging; to
whom he expounded and testified the kingdom of God,
persuading them concerning Jesus, both out of the law and
the prophets, from morning to evening. And some believed,
and some believed not," Acts xxviii. 16-24.
As for the Jews at Jerusalem, we know, from the history
of the council, held there in the year of Christ 50, about
the terms upon which the Gentiles should be received, that
the believers were then numerous there, and greatly con-
cerned for the establishment and propagation of the gospel,
Acts xv.
And when St. Paul came thither again, at the
Pentecost of the year 58, as we compute, the believers
there were still steady and numerous. And St. James.
the apostle who presided there, and the elders, reminded
him, saying; "Thou seest, brother, how many thousands
of Jews there are that believe," Acts xxi. 20. By which
I suppose to be intended chiefly the church at Jerusa-
lem; though some others may be included, who were
come up thither upon occasion of the feast. And about
four years after this, near the end of his imprisonment
at Rome, or soon after it, Paul wrote his epistle to the
Hebrews, or the believers at Jerusalem and in Judea,
not excluding such as lived elsewhere, to confirm and
strengthen them, and fortify them against discourage-
ments.
Indeed, it should be particularly observed by us, that
there were societies of believers in other parts of Judea,
beside Jerusalem. For in the account of things about the
year of Christ 40, it is said, (Acts ix. 31,)" Then had
the churches rest throughout all Judea, and Galilee, and
Samaria, and were edified; and, walking in the fear of the
That many Jews believed shown from the N. T.
377
Lord, and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost, were multipli-
ed."´ And St. Paul, in his epistle to the Galatians, speaks
of his being "unknown by face unto the churches of Judea,
which are in Christ," Gal. i. 22. See likewise 1 Thess.
ii. 14.
:
Nor were all these men of the lowest rank and condition.
For, in the general account of the early progress of the
gospel, we are told, Acts vi. 7, " And the word of God in-
creased, and the number of the disciples multiplied in Je-
rusalem greatly and a great company of the priests were
obedient to the faith." And we can reckon up some by
name, who, upon several accounts, were men of eminence,
Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch, then residing at Jerusalem,
who generously undertook a share in providing for the
poor of the church: a man of substance undoubtedly, and
probably a man of good understanding, and great probity.
Barnabas, a Levite, a native of Cyprus, where he had an
estate in land, which he sold for the relief of those believers
in Jesus who were poor and indigent. Paul, a Pharisee,
son of a Pharisee, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, educated in
Jewish learning at Jerusalem under "Gamaliel, a doctor
of the law, and had in reputation among all the people,'
Acts iv. v. and xxii. and not unacquainted with Greek
literature, and a person of uncommon acuteness; who of a
violent persecutor, became a sincere convert to the faith,
and a zealous preacher of the gospel. In which service he
laboured as fervently, and as successfully, as any other of
the apostles; showing therein great fidelity and self-denial :
whose disinterestedness had been so conspicuous, that he
could openly appeal to the world, and say; "Though I
be free from all men, yet have I made myself servant to all,
that I might gain the more," 1 Cor. ix. 19.
99
The character of this person is so extraordinary, that I
must enlarge somewhat in his history: notwithstanding the
brevity which I have prescribed to myself in this article.
By the special choice and designation of Jesus Christ, after
his resurrection from the dead, he was added to the other
twelve apostles, "that he might bear his name before the
Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel :" Acts ix.
and xxvi. though it was foreseen, that he would “ suffer
many things" in that service. In the course of his ministry
he preached and asserted the christian doctrine to the
Jewish people in general, and before the Jewish council at
Jerusalem. He pleaded also, and preached the doctrine of
Christ before Felix and Festus, Roman governors of Judea,
and before king Agrippa, and his sisters Drusilla and Ber-
378
Jewish Testimonies.
a
nice, who were Jews by religion; and in the presence of
many other personages of great distinction at Cæsarea, the
residence of the Roman governor. Acts xxii.-xxvi. He
also pleaded before the emperor Nero at Rome; by whom
was signed the order of his confinement in that city, which
was a kind of free custody: where he " dwelt two whole
years in his own hired house, and received all that came
in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching
those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all
confidence," and with great success, "no man forbidding
him," Acts xxviii. 30, 31. At the end of which period he
was discharged, and set at liberty by the same authority by
which he had been confined. And then he went abroad
again, preaching the gospel, as he had done before, and
visiting and confirming the christian churches in several
places. Afterwards, as we have reason to believe, he came
to Rome again. And there, in the year 64 or 65, in the per-
secution of the christians, ordered by the same emperor, he
suffered martyrdom, being beheaded, as a Roman citizen;
so bearing his final testimony to the truth of that doctrine,
which he had long preached with great zeal and diligence.
I now proceed.
The chamberlain and treasurer of “ Candace, queen of
the Ethiopians," a Jewish proselyte, "who had come up to
Jerusalem to worship," Acts viii. 27. His high station,
and the great trust reposed in him, are arguments of his
ability and fidelity. His journey to Jerusalem indicates
his zeal for the religion which he had embraced: and
his reading the Jewish sacred scriptures, as he was re-
turning in his chariot, shows his studiousness to understand
them. His discourse with Philip, a disciple of Jesus, who
drew near to him, manifests inquisitiveness and openness
to conviction, which are laudable dispositions. And his
conversion to the faith of Jesus is therefore a testimony to
the truth of the christian religion, which cannot be slighted.
"Judas and Silas, chief men among the brethren" at
Jerusalem; Acts xv.-xviii. and the latter of them, as it
seems, a Roman citizen. Aquila and Priscilla, Jews of
Pontus, persons of good understanding, and uncommon
piety. Timothy, a young man of good understanding at
Lystra, who from his childhood had been instructed in the
scriptures of the Old Testament, being the son of a Jewess,
2 Tim. i. His mother Eunice, and his grandmother Lois,
also were believers, Acts xii. 12. John Mark, an evangelist,
a See the second Vol. (in the fifth of this edition) of The Supplement to
the Credibility,' &c.
That many Jews believed shown from the N. T.
379
son of Mary, a woman of great zeal and courage in the pro-
fession of the christian religion, an inhabitant of Jerusalem,
and nephew to Barnabas, Col. iv. 10. Luke, another evan-
gelist, by some thought to be the same as Lucius of Cy-
rene; Acts xiii. 1. If so, he was a Jew by birth. If he
was not that Lucius, yet very probably he was a Jewish
proselyte before he became a christian. With that Lucius
of Cyrene is mentioned, in the place just referred to, " Ma-
naen, who had been brought up with Herod the tetrarch."
Ab person, undoubtedly, of a liberal education.
Apollos, a Jew of Alexandria, an eloquent or learned man,
and "mighty in the scriptures" of the Old Testament,
Acts xviii. Crispus and Sosthenes, rulers in the Jewish
synagogue at Corinth, 1 Cor. 1; and Zenas, a Jewish lawyer,
Tit. iii. 18.
C
All these I have reckoned up briefly and imperfectly
among the Jewish believers; designedly omitting converts
from among the Gentiles. All these Jews, by their faith
and profession, bore a testimony to Jesus, well deserving
our regard. For they must have acted under as great
discouragements as can be conceived. They underwent
the keenest reproaches from the unbelieving Jews, their
neighbours, for receiving a person as the Messiah, who, in-
stead of working out a great deliverance for their nation,
as was generally expected and earnestly desired, had him-
self undergone an ignominious death. For my own part, I
always think of these early Jewish 'believers with peculiar
respect. I am not able to celebrate all the virtues of their
willing and steady faith under the many difficulties which
they met with. But I am persuaded that when the Lord
Jesus shall come again, he will bestow marks of distinction
upon
those who extricated themselves out of the snares, in
Μαναήντε 'Ηρωδε τε τετραρχε συντροφος.
• Herodis tetrarchæ collecta-
neus.' Vulg. • At vocabulum ovvrpopë latius patet, significatque eum, qui
a primâ ætate cum altero educatus est.'
Grot. in loc.
I say imperfectly.' For I have not rehearsed all the Jewish believers,
who are expressly mentioned, and by name. I have omitted several: as
Jason, who was so friendly to St. Paul at Thessalonica, as related, Acts xvii.
5-9; Sopater of Berea, Acts xx. 4. These two seem to be the same who
are mentioned again, Rom. xvi. 21, where they appear to have been the
apostle's kinsmen, and therefore must have been Jews. Aristarchus, a Thes-
salonian, Acts xx. 4, who is mentioned again in the epistle to the Colossians,
iv. 10, 11, written during the apostle's imprisonment at Rome, or near the end
of it, in the year 62. Where St. Paul calls him " his fellow-prisoner ;" and
reckons him among those" of the circumcision, who had been his fellow-
workers unto the kingdom of God." "Mnason of Cyprus, an old disciple;"
Acts xxi. 16. And there are divers others, who may be observed by attentive
readers of the Acts, and St. Paul's epistles.
380
Jewish Testimonies.
which their close connections with others had involved
them. And as "they were not ashamed of him, and his
words, but confessed his name in the midst of an adulterous
and sinful generation, he will not be ashamed of them, but
will confess them," and own them for his, "when he shall
come in the glory of his Father, with the holy angels,"
Mark viii. 38; Mat. x. 32.
For certain, I apprehend, that the faith of the Jewish
believers is of greater importance than the unbelief of other
Jews in the time of Jesus and his apostles.
II. What has been hitherto alleged we know from the
books of the New Testament. It will be worth while to
attend also to the informations of ecclesiastical history.
f
d
e
There is good reason to believe, that no christians were
involved in the miseries of the last siege of Jerusalem.
They are supposed to have left it before the siege began.
Some went to Pella, as mentioned by Eusebius, a city on
the other side of Jordan. Others might go elsewhere, into
Asia, or other remote countries, where they could get a
settlement. St. John, as I suppose, left Judea, and went
to Ephesus in the year 66, or thereabout, a short time be-
fore the war commenced. Some Jews of Jerusalem, and
other parts of Judea, might go with him, or follow him
afterwards. And, under his direction and assistance, they
might procure a comfortable settlement in some places not
far from him.
After the war was over in Judea, it is supposed, that the
believers, who had retired into the country beyond Jor-
dan, returned to Jerusalem, and formed a church there.
James, the Lord's brother, who had presided in the
church of Jerusalem, died, as we suppose, in the year of
Christ 62; who was succeeded by Simeon. In his Eccle-
siastical History Eusebius placeth his election after the
destruction of Jerusalem; but in his Chronicle it is so ex-
pressed, as if it had been done immediately after the death
of James. That is no very material circumstance: nor are
we able to determine which is right, for want of sufficient
d H. E. 1. 3. cap. 5. p. 75. A. Vid. et Epiph. H. 29. vii. H. 30. n. ii.
* See The Supplement, in this Vol. ch. ix. sect. iii. and ch. xx. sect. vi.
f Credibile est, Judææ christianos, non tantum Pellæ, ad ortum Jordanis,
commoratos esse, sed et per vicinas, immo et remotiores Romani imperii pro-
vincias, in quibus tutiores esse poterant, sparsos esse, &c. Cleric. H. E. ann.
71. num. i.
• See The Supplement to the Credib. in this Vol.
h H. E. L. 3. cap. xi.
chap. ix. sect. iv.
Jacobus, frater Domini, quem omnes Justum appellabant, a Judæis
lapidibus opprimitur; in cujus thronum Simeon, qui et Simon, secundus
assumitur. Chr. p. 161.
Jewish Believers mentioned by ancient Writers.
381
k
m
evidence. By Hegesippus he is said to have been son of
Cleophas, brother of Joseph; and therefore was our Lord's
cousin-german. But Eusebius mentions that in a doubtful
manner. We should therefore, as I apprehend, be cautious
of being too particular in our decisions about it. However,
Eusebius! justly reckons him among the eye and ear-wit-
nesses of the Lord: and according to Hegesippus, whose
ecclesiastical history Eusebius had before him, he suffered
martyrdom in Trajan's persecution. We therefore without
hesitation, place his death at the year of our Lord 107;
where also it is placed by Eusebius in his Chronicle.
Simeon was then 120 years old. By order of Atticus, pre-
sident of Syria, he was crucified; he must therefore have
been born several years before our Lord; and supposing
him chosen bishop of Jerusalem in the year 62, he presid-
ed in that church more than forty years.
"
0
He was succeeded by Justus, a Jew; and, as Eusebius
adds, 'there were then many believers of the circumci-
sion.' The P times of the ensuing successions of bishops
at Jerusalem, Eusebius says, he could never learn: but
it was said they had sat in the see for a short time only.
This he had learned from ancient writers, that to the war
in Adrian's time, (about the year 132,) there had been
'fifteen successions, who were all Hebrews by birth, and
had held the genuine doctrine of Christ.' Whose names
are all put down by him. In this catalogue of fifteen,
Eusebius reckons James the first, Simeon the second; after
which there follow thirteen more. Why their times were
so short we cannot say, there is no reason to think that
any of them were taken off by persecution: but possibly
they were all in years, seniority being esteemed a ground
of preference. After their defeat by Adrian, the Jews
were forbid to come to Jerusalem: from that time the
k -Ανεψιον, ὡς γε φασι, γεγονοτα το σωτηρος. Τον γαρ εν Κλωπάν,
αδελφον τε Ιωσηφ υπαρχειν Ηγησιππος ίςορει. Η. Ε. 1. 3. c. xi. p. 87.
Conf. 1. 4. cap. 22. p. 142. C.
1 Λογισμῳ δ' αν και τον Συμεώνα των αυτοπτων και αυτηκόων ειποι αν τις
γεγονεναι τα Κυρις. L. 3. c. 32. p. 104. Β.
m Ap. Eus. H. E. 1. 3. c. 32. p. 104. C.
n
Trajano adversus christianos persecutionem movente, Simon, filius Cleopa,
qui in Jerosolymis episcopatum tenebat, crucifigitur. Cui succedit Justus.
Ignatius quoque Antiochenæ ecclesiæ episcopus, Romam perductus, bestiis
traditur. Chr. p. 165.
Ο
* Της εν Ιεροσολύμοις επισκοπης τον θρονον Ιεδαιος τις ονομα Issoς,
μυρίων όσων εκ περιτομής εις τον Χρισον τηνικαυτα πεπιςευκότων εἰς και
αυτός ων διαδεχεται. 1. 3. c. 35.
P L. 4. cap. v.
p.
106.
4 Ib. 1. 4. cap. 6. vid. et Chr. p. 167.
382
Jewish Testimonies.
church there consisted of Gentiles, whose first bishop was
named Mark.
6
In
That there were Jews who believed in Jesus, we are as-
sured even by Celsus the epicurean, who wrote against the
christians about the middle of the second century.
divers parts of his work he personates a Jew: it is likely
that he had conversed with divers unbelievers of that na-
tion. He consulted them, that they might assist him in his
argument against the christians, and likewise furnish him
with scandal against them if they could. In this man-
'ner,' says Origen, this personated Jew addresseth those
who had believed from among the Jews-What ailed you,
• fellow-citizens, that you forsook the law of your country,
to follow him, whom we mentioned just now, by whom
you have been miserably deceived, leaving us, and going
over to another name, and another way of living?
And Origen, in his books against Celsus, says, that the
• Messiah had been foretold so long, and by so many, that
the whole nation of the Jews were in earnest expectation
of his coming; but since the birth of Jesus they have
'been divided in their opinion; for many of them have be-
•lieved that Jesus is the person whom the prophets fore-
'told; but others rejected him, despising him because of
'the meanness of his outward character.'
C
6
Irenæus says,
t
'there were many of the circumcision
'who believed in Jesus, who rose from the dead, hearken-
ing to Moses and the prophets, who beforehand preached
'the coming of the Son of God.'
6
;
Among these Jewish believers there were different senti-
ments. u
Origen says, 'there were two sorts of Ebionites
some who believed Jesus to have been born of a virgin,
as we do; some who supposed Jesus to be born as other
'men are. Origen speaks of both sorts of these men, as
fond of the Jewish observances. Afterwards,' in the same
6
$
Contr. Cels. 1. 2. sect. 1. p. 57. Conf. sect. 3. p. 58, 59.
-Ώτε το Ιεδαίων όλον εθνος ηρτημενον της περι τ8 ελπιζομενε
επιδημήσειν προσδοκίας, εις την προς αλληλες ζητησιν εληλυθεναι, το Ιησε
επιδημήσαντος και πολυ μεν πληθος αυτων ώμολογηκεναι Χρισον, και
πεπιτευκεναι αυτον ειναι τον προφητευομενον' τες δε μη πιςεύοντας, κ. λ.
Contr. Cels. 1. 3. n. 28. p. 127.
t
-etiam ipsum Dominum, qui resurrexit a mortuis, in quem et credunt
multi qui sunt ex circumcisione, qui et Möysem et prophetas audiunt præ-
dicantes adventum filii Dei. Iren. 1. 4. cap. ii. sect. 4.
u
ετι δε και τον Ιεδαίων νομον, ὡς τα Ιεδαίων πληθη, βιεν εθελοντες.
Οὗτοι δ' εισιν οἱ διττοι Εβιωναιοι, ήτοι εκ παρθενε ὁμολογεντες ὁμοιως ήμιν τον
Ιησεν, η ουχ ούτω γεγεννήσθαι, αλλ' ώς τες λοιπες ανθρωπος. Contr. Cels.
1. 5. sect. 61. p. 272
Εισι γαρ τινες αίρεσεις, τας Παυλο
επιςολας το αποτολε μη προσιεμεναι, ώσπερ Εβιωναιοι αμφότεροι, και οἱ καλε
Jewish Believers mentioned by ancient Writers.
383
book against Celsus, he says, that both sorts of the Ebionites,
like the Eucratites, rejected St. Paul's epistles; nor did
they consider him as a wise or good man.
W
6
Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, in a chapter en-
titled, Of the Heresy of the Ebionites, speaks to the like pur-
pose. 'Some,'
Some,' says he, who are not to be moved by
any means from their respect for the Christ of God, are
in some respects very infirm. They are called by the an-
'cients Ebionites, because they have but a low opinion of
Christ, thinking him to be a mere man, born of Joseph
and Mary, honoured for his advancement in virtue; and es-
'teeming the ritual ordinances of the law necessary to be
'observed by them, as if they could not be justified by
faith in Christ only. Others of them do not deny, that
'Jesus was born of a virgin by the Holy Ghost. Never-
theless, they do not acknowledge his pre-existence as God
'the Word: and, like the others, they are fond of the ex-
'ternal observances of the law of Moses. They also re-
ject Paul's epistles, and call him an apostate from the
'law.'
6
X
These two learned ancient authors speak of two sorts of
Ebionites, therein, as may be supposed, including those
who are sometimes called Nazarenes, and were the de-
scendants of the Jewish believers at Jerusalem.
It may be also here observed by us, that many learned
men are now of opinion, that there never was any man
named Ebion, the leader of a sect; but that the Ebionites
were so called from their low opinion concerning the per-
son of Christ, and their attachment to the external rites of
the law of Moses, and that opinion, as I apprehend, is
much countenanced by the passages which have been just
quoted.
We cannot deny that there were some believers who sup-
posed Jesus to have been born as other men: but I appre-
hend that the number of these was very small: nor do I re-
μενοι Εγκρατηται. Ουκ αν εν οἱ μη χρωμενοι τῳ αποτολφ ώς μακαριῳ τινι
και σοφῳ. Ib. n. 65. p. 274.
W
oi
Αλλες δε ὁ πονηρος δαίμων της περι τον Χρισον το Θες διαθέσεως αδυνα-
των εκσεισαι, θατεραληπτες εύρων, εσφετερίζετο. Εβιωναιος τετες οικείως
επεφημίζον οἱ πρωτοι, πτωχως και ταπεινως τα περι τε Χρισε δοξαζοντας λιτον
μεν γαρ αυτον και κοινον ήγεντο, κατα προκοπην ηθες αυτο μονον ανθρωπον
δεδικαιωμενον, εξ ανδρός τε κοινωνίας και της Μαριας γεγενημενον-Αλλοι δε
παρα τέτοις της αυτής οντες προσηγορίας, εκ παρθενε και το άγιον πνεύματος
μη αρνούμενοι γεγονεναι τον Κυριον, 8 μην εθ' ὁμοιως και οὗτοι προϋπαρχειν
αυτον Θεον λογον οντα και σοφιαν ὁμολογουντες, κ. λ. L. 3. cap. 27. p. 99.
* Et Origenes, cum duplices facit Ebionæos in disputatione contra Celsum,
Ebionæorum nomine abutens, sub priore illâ notâ Nazaræos, ut credibile est,
describit. Grot. Prol. in Matt. p. 5.
384
Jewish Testimonies.
collect
any christian writing, now extant, where that opi-
nion is maintained.
We must also allow that there were some who rejected
the apostle Paul, whilst they received the other apostles:
these likewise I suppose to have been few in number. I
know no work of any ancient author now remaining, who
speaks disrespectfully of him, excepting only The Recog-
nitions, or Clementine Homilies, of which we formerly took
particular notice.
Ꮓ
As for the other Ebionites, called also Nazareans, it is
allowed, as we have just seen, that they believed Jesus to
be born of a virgin, by an especial interposition of the pow-
er of God, or by the Holy Ghost. These also received the
apostle Paul. The Testaments of the twelve Patriarchs
were written by a Jewish believer of this character in the
second century. He plainly received Paul and his epis-
tles and the Acts of the Apostles, as was shown a formerly.
It is a very curious work. When it came in my way I
enlarged in my extracts of it. Nor do I now repent of that
labour.
That the Nazareans, called also believers from among the
Hebrews, received Paul, is apparent from Jerom's commen-
tary upon Is. iv. 1-3, quoted Matt. iv. 15, 16. The b
"Nazareans,' says he, 'whom I before mentioned, endeavour
'to explain this text after this manner. When Christ came,
and began to enlighten the world with his doctrine, the
'land of Zabulon and Naphtali was first delivered from the
errors of the scribes and pharisees, and shook off from
'their necks the heavy yoke of Jewish traditions. After-
wards, by the preaching of the apostle Paul, who was the
'last of all the apostles, the preaching was increased, and
even multiplied; and the gospel of Christ shone out
' among the Gentiles, and by the way of the sea. At length
•
"
Nota, quod primi apostoli salvatoris literam Sabbati destruunt adversus
Ebionitas, qui quum cæteros recipiant apostolos, Paulum, quasi transgressorem
legis, repudiant. Hieron. in Matt. xii. 2. T. 4. P. i. p. 46.
See The Credib. P. ii. Vol. ii. p. 373, and p. 380.
a See The Credib. P. ii. Vol. ii. p. 360.
-Nazaræi,
Adve-
b Hebræi credentes in Christum hunc locum ita edisserunt-
quorum opinionem supra posui, hunc locum ita explicare conantur.
niente Christo, ac prædicatione illius coruscante, prima terra Zabulon et terra
Naphtali scribarum et pharisæorum est erroribus liberata, et gravissimam tra-
ditionum judaïcarum jugum excussit de cervicibus suis. Postea autem per
evangelium apostoli Pauli, qui novissimus omnium apostolorum omnium fuit,
ingravata est, id est, multiplicata prædicatio: et in terminos gentium, et viam
universi maris Christi evangelium splenduit. Denique omnis orbis, qui ante
ambulabat, vel sedebat in tenebris, et idololatriæ ac mortis vinculis teneba-
tur, claram evangelii lucem aspexit. In Is. cap. ix. T. 3. p. 83.
i
Jewish believers mentioned by ancient Writers.
385
the whole world, that had walked, or sat in darkness,'
and had been held in the chains of idolatry and death, saw
the clear light of the gospel.' So he says that text was
explained by the Nazarenes, whom just before he called the
Hebrews that believed in Christ.
6
C
That the Nazarenes received all Christ's apostles, is evi-
dent from the passage just transcribed. It is also manifest
from Jerom's commentary upon Is. xxxi. 6-9. The Na-
'zarenes,' says he understand this place after this manner :
O ye children of Israel, who under the worst direction de-
nied the Son of God, return to him, and to his apostles:
for if you do that, you will then cast away your idols,
'which have been a sin to you; and the devil shall fall be-
'fore you, not by your own power, but by the mercy of
God; and his young men, who before fought for him, shall
be tributary to the church, and all his strength and power
'shall be subdued.'
6
d
e
The Ebionites are said to have adhered to the injunc-
tions of the law of Moses, after they had received the gos-
pel of Christ. Some of them,' as Jerom intimates, were
for imposing the legal observances upon all men, as ne-
'cessary to salvation; but the other Ebionites, (or Naza-
renes,) as the same ancient and learned writer owns, observ-
'ed these appointments themselves, as being of the seed
' of Israel, without imposing them upon others.' These
were evidently of the same opinion with the believers in
the church of Jerusalem: see the Acts of the Apostles, ch.
xxi. And divers learned moderns f are now convinced of
this, and readily allow that the Jewish believers, who were
called Nazarenes, did not impose the ordinances of the law
upon others, though they observed them as descendants of
Israel and Abraham.
• Nazaræi locum istum sic intelligunt. O filii Israël, qui consilio pessimo
Dei Filium denegâstis, revertimini ad eum, et ad apostolos ejus. Si enim hoc
feceritis, omnia abjicietis idola, quæ vobis prius fuerant in peccatum : et cadet
vobis diabolus, non vestris viribus, sed misericordiâ Dei: et juvenes ejus qui
quondam pro illo pugnaverant, erunt ecclesiæ vectigales, omnisque fortitudo
et petra illius pertransibit. In Is. cap. xxxi. T. 3. p. 267.
a Simul arat in bove et asino Ebion, dignus pro humilitate sensus paupertate
nominis sui, qui sic recipit evangelium, ut judaïcarum superstitionum, quæ in
umbrâ et imagine præcesserunt, cæremonias non relinquant. Hieron. in Is.
cap. i. T. 3. p. 9.
e Audiant Ebionæi, qui post passionem
abolitam legem putant esse servandam. Audiant Ebionitarum socii, qui
Judæis tantum, et de stirpe Israëlitici generis hæc custodienda decernunt.
Id. in Is. cap. i. T. 3. p. 15.
f Ego ad eos accedere non vereor, qui statuunt, Nazaræos, nullos chris-
tianorum, nisi Judæos, et Abrahæ posteros, legi Mosaïca alligare voluisse,
&c. Moshem. de Reb. Chr. ante C. M. p. 330.
VOL. VI.
2 C
386
Jewish Testimonies.
6
6
The Ebionites, or some who went under that denomina-
tion, must have received the Acts of the Apostles.
6
For,
as ge we learn from Epiphanius, they said they were called
Ebionites, or Poor, because in the times of the apostles,
they sold their goods, and laid them at the apostles' feet,
and by that means they had voluntarily reduced them-
'selves to poverty. For that reason men called them poor,
but they gloried in the name.' Manifestly referring to
the history in the fourth and fifth chapters of the Acts.
They who received that book must have received Paul and
all the apostles of Jesus, and very probably all their writ-
ings which were received by other christians.
h
I suppose likewise, that all the Jewish believers in gene-
ral received the gospel of St. Matthew entire, with the ge-
nealogy at the beginning. The testimony of Irenæus, as
seems to me, without searching for any other authority, is
sufficient to put it out of question: The gospel accord-
'ing to Matthew,' he says, was written to the Jews; for
they earnestly desired a Messiah of the seed of David:
' and Matthew, having the same desire to a yet greater de-
gree, strove by all means to give them full satisfaction,
that Christ was of the seed of David; wherefore he began
'with his genealogy.'i
Eusebius in a place above cited, says, that even those
Ebionites, (or Nazarenes,) who believed Jesus to be born
of a virgin by the Holy Ghost, did not acknowledge his
pre-existence, as God the Word.' Nevertheless, I pre-
sume they did believe Jesus Christ to be the Word, and
Wisdom, and Power of God. But they did not believe
the pre-existence of the Word as a distinct person, and se-
parate from God the Father; as Eusebius and some Arian-
8 Αυτοι δε δηθεν σεμνυνονται, ἑαυτες φασκοντες πτωχες, δια το, φασιν, εν
χρονοις των αποςόλων πωλείν τα αυτων ὑπαρχοντα, και τεθεναι παρα τες πόδας
των αποςόλων, και εις πτωχειαν και αποταξίαν μετεληλυθεναι και δια τετο
καλείσθαι ὑπο παντων, φασι, πτωχοι. H. 30. n. xiii. p. 141. A.
h Iren. 147. Mass. and see The Credibil. P. 2. Vol. ii. p. 171.
i As many mistakes have been entertained about the Gospel according to
the Hebrews, it may not be unseasonable to observe here, that probably it was
an Hebrew translation of St. Matthew's original Greek gospel, with additions
from the other gospels: to which possibly might be added some few par-
ticulars received by tradition from the early Jewish believers. See Credi·
bility, P. 2. Vol. i. ch. v. and Vol. ii. ch. xxix. Epiphanius therefore
says, that the Hebrew gospel of Matthew, used by the Nazarenes, was a full
gospel. Εχεσι δε το κατα Ματθαιον ευαγγελιον πληρεςατον Εβραϊςι. Η. 29.
num. ix. p. 124. The Nazarenes therefore did not reject the authority of the
other evangelists, but owned and acknowledged it. That St. Matthew wrote
in Greek, see The Supplement, in this Vol. p. 309. Says Lampe, Sy-
nops. H. E. p. 73. Græcâ vero linguâ omnes ne Matthæo quidem excepto,
usi sunt, ut a Judæis et Gentibus uterentur.
Jewish Believers mentioned by ancient Writers.
387
izing christians of his time did. That I take to be truth,
and the ground and reason why Eusebius expresseth him-
self as he does. And it might be easily shown, that k
the Nazarean christians did not reject St. John's gospel,
nor hold any principles that obliged them to reject or dis-
6
like it.
6
'
Finally, we are assured by St. Jerom, that' in his time
'there were many all over the East called Nazareans,
upon whom the Jews pronounced their curses as heretics.
They profess,' says Jerom, that they believe in Christ,
the Son of God, born of the Virgin Mary, who suffered
'under Pontius Pilate, and rose again from the dead, the
same in whom we also believe.'
I shall proceed no farther in this argument, nor go any
lower. There were for the first four centuries many Jews
who professed faith in Jesus as the Christ, notwithstanding
the difficulties and discouragements to which they were ex-
posed; for they were in an especial manner the object of
the spite and enmity of the unbelieving part of their nation:
and, besides, they were too much slighted and disregard-
ed by the Gentile christians.
m
III. I now leave it to my readers to judge, whether the
faith of so many Jewish believers, in the early days of the
gospel, be not a valuable testimony to the truth of the chris-
tian religion.
Some Jews have all along, in every age since, embraced
the christian religion, who have joined themselves to the
Gentile believers, and have been incorporated with them.
These are not now the subjects of my history.
k Vid. Lamp. Prol. in Joh. Evang. 1. 2. cap. i. sect. 1, 2, 3, et cap. iii. num.
38-43.
Usque hodie per totas Orientis synagogas, inter
Judæos hæresis est, quæ dicitur minæonem, et a Pharisæis nunc usque dam-
natur; quos vulgo Nazaræos nuncupant, qui credunt in Christum Filium Dei,
natum ex virgine Mariâ, et eum dicunt esse, qui sub Pontio Pilato passus est, et
resurrexit, in quem et nos credimus, &c. Hieron. ad August. ep. 74. [al. 89.]
tom. 4. p. 623.
™ See W. Wall, in the preface to his Notes upon the O. T. p. xi. xii.
2c2
388
CHAP. II.
Of the treatment given to the primitive christians by the
unbelieving Jews.
6
6
6
6
JUSTIN, in his Dialogue with Trypho," speaks to this pur-
pose For ye have killed the Just, and his prophets be-
'fore him; and now you despise, and, as much as in you
lies, disparage them who hope in him, and in God Al-
'mighty, Lord of the whole world, who sent him, cursing
in your synagogues those who believe in Christ. For it
is not now in your power to lay hands upon us, being
hindered by them who have the chief government of
things. But whenever you have had it in your power,
you have done that also For no other people are so
averse to us and Christ, as you, who are the authors of
all the prejudices which others have against Him and us:
for after that you had crucified Him, that one unblamable
and righteous Man, by whose stripes they are healed who
come to the Father through Him; and when ye knew
'that he was risen from the dead, and was ascended into
heaven, as the prophets had foretold; you not only did
'not repent of the evil that you had done, but you sent out
chosen men from Jerusalem into all the earth, saying, that
an atheistical sect, called christians, had arisen among
you: thus spreading abroad all those evil reports con-
cerning us, which all who are ignorant of us now believe.
So that you have been the causes not only of your own
wickedness, but likewise of the wickedness of others.'
Eusebius, rehearsing the works of Justin, has tran-
scribed this passage from his Dialogue with Trypho.
6
<
6
6
b
с
And afterwards, in the same dialogue, or the second part
of it— Notwithstanding all that Christ said to you, you
did not repent.
So far from it, that after he was risen
'from the dead you sent forth chosen men into all the
world, giving out, that a wicked and atheistical sect was
'risen, the author of which was one Jesus of Galilee, an
impostor; whom, when you had crucified, his disciples
'stole out of the sepulchre by night, where he had been
laid after his crucifixion, and that they deceived men,
ª Just. M. Dial. p. 234, 235. Paris. sect. 16, et 17. p. 127. Bened.
6
H. E. 1. 4. cap. 18.
c Dial. p. 335. Paris. sect. 108. p. 202. Bened.
Treatment of the Christians by the unbelieving Jews. 389
•
saying, that he was risen from the dead and ascended into
heaven. Moreover you gave out, that he taught those
wicked and impure and abominable things, which you
every where charge upon all those who confess Him to
be the Christ, and their master, and the Son of God.
And though your city has been taken, and your country
laid waste, you do not repent; but still pronounce curses
upon him, and upon all who believe in him.'
d
He has somewhat to the like purpose, once more after-
wards, in the same dialogue; where he chargeth them
with hating all who believed in God through Christ, and
killing them when they had power, and still continually de-
voting him and them to destruction.
Tertullian does not expressly say all this; but he
often intimates, that the Jews were the principal authors of
the reproaches cast upon the christians: and he speaks of
one calumny in particular, which had been then lately forg-
ed by them, in his own time.
Origen says much the same that Justin does. Having
taken notice of some things in Celsus, he says, that
'therein he acted much like the Jews of old, who at the
'rise of the christian religion spread abroad calumnies
against it; as if the christians killed a child, and ate it,
and putting out the lights practised promiscuous lewd-
6 ness. Which calumnies, though very absurd, were in for-
mer times believed by many.
6
f
And Eusebius, in his commentary upon Is. xviii. 1, 2.
We find in the writings of the ancients,' says he, that
d Dial. p. 363. Paris. sect. 133. p. 225. Bened.
e Nova jam de Deo nostro fama suggessit. Adeo nuper quidam perditissi-
mus in istâ civitate, etiam suæ religionis desertor, solo detrimento cutis, Ju-
dæus――picturam in nos proposuit sub istâ proscriptione, Onochoetes. Is
erat auribus canteriorum, et in togâ, cum libro, altero pede ungulato. Et
credidit vulgus Judæo. Quod enim aliud genus seminarium est infamiæ nos-
træ? Itaque in totà civitate Onochoetes prædicatur. Adv. Nat. 1. i. cap. 14.
p. 59. Vid. et Ap. cap. 16. p. 17. D. et conf. Minuc. Fel. cap. ix. et xxviii.
Dehinc, cum ex perseverantiâ furoris, et nomen Domini per ipsos blasphe-
maretur, sicut scriptum est: Propter vos blasphematur nomen meum in na-
tionibus:' (ab illis enim cœpit infamia :) et tempus medium a Tiberio usque
ad Vespasianum, non pœnitentiam intellexissent, facta est terra eorum deserta,
civitates eorum exustæ igni; regionem eorum sub eorum conspectu extranei
devorant. Adv. Marcion. 1. iii. cap. 23. p. 498. B.
f
1 Και δοκει μοι παραπλησιον Ιεδαίοις πεποιηκεναι, τοις κατα την αρχην της
το χρισιανισμό διδασκαλίας κατασκεδασασι δυσφημιαν τε λόγε ως αρα καταθυ-
σαντες παιδιον, μεταλαμβανεσι αυτό των σαρκων και παλιν, ότι οἱ απο τ8
λογο, τα τ8 σκοτε πραττειν βελομενοι σβεννύεσι μεν το φως, έκατος δε τη
TAQATUX8ON µLYVural. Contr. Cels. 1. 6. num. 27. p. 293.
8 Εύρομεν εν τοις παλαιων συγγραμμασιν, ὡς οἱ την Ιερεσαλημ οικεντες τε
των Ιεδαίων εθνες ἱερεις και πρεσβύτεροι γραμματα διαχαραξαντες εις παντα
390
Jewish Testimonies.
6
the priests and elders of the Jewish nation, who dwelt at
Jerusalem, wrote letters which they sent to the Jews
' abroad in all countries, traducing the doctrine of Christ,
as a new and strange heresy, and exhorting them not to
' embrace it.'
Whether the Jews did send out men in this manner, be-
fore the destruction of Jerusalem, to asperse the followers
of Jesus, is not quite certain. The question is particularly
considered by the Benedictines in their preface to Justin
Martyr. The origin of the early calumnies upon the chris-
tians is somewhat doubtful. Some have supposed them to
have been occasioned by the absurd doctrines, and vicious
lives, of those called heretics. However, I formerly i pro-
posed some observations, tending to show that they are not
to be accounted for in that way.
It is certain that the christians were very early aspersed
with crimes of which they were not guilty. When St.
Paul was come a prisoner to Rome, he sent for the chief
of the Jews of that city to come to him, who say to him-
"As for this sect, we know that every where it is spoken
against," Acts xxviii. 22. Those words might be spoken
in the year of Christ 61, and not far from the beginning
of it. And Tacitus, giving an account of Nero's persecution
of the christians, which seems to have begun in the year 64,
intimates, that the christians were generally hated for
'the crimes imputed to them.'
Whether the Jewish rulers did, before the destruction of
Jerusalem, send abroad messengers and letters on purpose
to defame the doctrine of Christ and his followers, or not,
it must be allowed to be true, which Justin says, that no
other people were so averse to Christ and his followers as
the Jews. It must be allowed to be very true, which he
likewise says of them, that they continued to anathematize
Jesus Christ and his followers.
In the authentic account of the martyrdom of Polycarp,
at Smyrna, when he was condemned to be burnt, it is said,
that presently the people brought together dried wood,
and branches of trees from their shops, and from the
1
διεπέμψαντο τα εθνη τοις πανταχε Ιεδαίοις, διαβαλλοντες την Χριστε διδασ
καλιαν, ὡς αἱρεσιν καινην και αλλοτρίαν τε θες, παραγγέλλοντες δι' επιςολων
μη παραδεξασθαι αυτην. Euseb. in Es. c. xviii. p. 424.
h Pr. Part. 3. c. iv. p. 76, &c.
i Credib. P. ii. ch. xxxix. in Vol. ii.
k Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et quæsitissimis pœnis affecit,
quos, per flagitia invisos, vulgus christianos appellabat. Tac. Ann. 1. 15. c. 44.
1 μαλιςα Ιεδαίων προθυμως, ὡς εθος αυτοις, εις τετο ὑπεργεντων. Ap.
Euseb. H. E. 1. 4. cap. 15. 133. A.
Treatment of the Christians by the unbelieving Jews.
391
'baths; in which, the Jews especially, as is usual with them,
'readily assisted.'
We are assured by Jerom, that the Jews anathematized
the christians under the name of Nazareans, in their syna-
gogues, thrice every day. So he writes in his commen-
tary upon Is. v. 18, 19. And again" in like manner upon
Is. xlix. 7, and upon the first chapter of the prophecy of
Amos.
6
•
Epiphanius says, that the Jews three times every day
'anathematized the Nazareans in their synagogues. For
they were more especially displeased with them, because,
though they were Jews, they believed in Jesus as the
Christ.'
All which may be very true. The Jews, as Jerom says,
anathematized in their synagogues all christians under the
denomination of Nazareans; and yet, as Epiphanius says,
they were more especially displeased with those believers
who were of the seed of Israel.
These passages of ancient christian writers do sufficiently
attest the early and continued enmity of the unbelieving
Jews, to all christians of every denomination.
There are still some other things to be here taken no-
tice of. For some time after our Saviour's ascension, they
aspersed the character of Mary, our Lord's mother, and re-
proached him with a spurious nativity. When these as-
persions were first given out, we cannot say exactly; but
they are in Celsus, who wrote against the christians about
the middle of the second century; and doubtless he had
them from the Jews: they are also in the Talmudical writ-
ings, as we shall see hereafter.
în Dicuntur autem hæc ad principes Judæorum, qui supra arguti sunt in
avaritiâ et luxuriâ; quod, provocati a Domino ad pœnitentiam, et postea ab
apostolis ejus, usque hodie perseverant in blasphemiis; et ter per singulos
dies in omnibus synagogis sub nomine Nazarenorum anathematizant vocabu-
lum christianum. In Is. cap. v. T. 3. p. 53.
n
Ipse enim bonus pastor posuit animam suam pro ovibus suis, et contemp-
sit eam; qui abominationi est genti Judæorum, cui ter per singulos dies sub
nomine Nazarenorum maledicunt in synagogis suis. Id. in Is. c. xlix. T. 3.
p. 353.
-antiquumque furorem et iracundiam tenentes,
usque hodie in synagogis suis sub nomine Nazarenorum blasphemant populum
christianum, et, dummodo nos interficiant volunt igne comburi. In Amos.
cap. i. p. 1378. fin.
P Ov
oi
ν Ου μόνον γαρ οἱ των Ιεδαίων παίδες προς τέτες κεκτηνται μισος, αλλ'
ανιςαμενοι έωθεν, και μεσης ἡμερας, και περι ἑσπεραν, τρις της ἡμερας, ότε
ευχας επιτελεσιν εν ταις αυτων συναγωγαίς, επαρώνται αυτοις, και αναθεμα-
τίζεσι, φασκοντες, ότι επικαταρασαι ὁ Θεὸς τες Ναζωραιος. Και γαρ τετοις
περισσότερον ενεχεσι, δια το απο Ιεδαίων αυτός οντας, Ιησεν κηρύσσειν ειναι
Xpisov, K. λ. Epiph. H. 29. sect. ix. p. 124.
Vid. Orig. Contr. Cels. 1. i. nuin. 28, et 32. p. 22, et 26.
392
Jewish Testimonies.
r
In order to disparage our Lord's miracles, they gave out
that they were perforined by magical arts, such as he had
learned in Egypt. This calumny also is in Celsus; and
doubtless he had it from the Jews. It is also in the Tal-
mudical writers, as we shall see hereafter.
In the time of the emperor Adrian, about the year of
Christ 132, the Jews rebelled under the conduct of the im-
postor Barchochebas, who set up himself for the Messiah,
who inflicted heavy penalties upon the christians, to in-
'duce them to deny and blaspheme Jesus Christ; and if
they did not, he ordered them to be put to death.' So
writes Justin Martyr, who lived at that time. Some have
censured Justin for saying that Barchochebas tortured
christians only; but without reason, as seems to me.
certain, the christians were, above all men, objects of his
and his followers' enmity: nor could any be called upon to
deny Jesus Christ, but such as had received him for the
Messiah. Of the sufferings of the christians at that time,
Eusebius speaks in his Chronicle, and in his Ecclesias-
tical History; not now to refer to any others.
t
• Vid. Orig. Contr. Cels. 1. i. sect. 28. p. 22.
V
For
* Και γαρ εν τῳ νυν γεγενημένῳ ιεδαίκῳ πολεμῳ, Βαρχοχεβας, ὁ της Ιεδαίων
αποτασεως αρχηγέτης, χρισιανες μόνες εις τιμωριας δεινας, ει μη αρνοιντο
Ιησεν τον Χρισον, και βλασφημοιεν, εκελευσατο απαγεσθαι. Αp. i. p. 72. Ε.
Par. p. 62. Bened.
* Cochebas dux judaïcæ factionis nolentes christianos adversum Romanum
militem ferre subsidium omnimodis cruciatibus necat. Chron. p. 167.
" H. E. 1. 4. c. 6.
▾ Vid. Moshem. de Reb. Christianor. ante Const. p. 238, 239.
393
CHAP. III.
JOSEPHUS, WITH HIS TESTIMONY AT LARGE TO THE FUL.
FILMENT OF OUR SAVIOUR'S PREDICTIONS CONCERNING
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TEMPLE AND THE CITY OF
JERUSALEM, AND THE MISERIES COMING UPON THE JEWISH
PEOPLE.
1. His time, works, and character. II. The state of things
in Judea in the time of our Saviour, and some while be-
fore. III. Our Lord's predictions concerning the destruc-
tion of the temple and the city of Jerusalem, and the
miseries to be endured by the Jewish people with the
several signs preceding those calamities, as recorded in
the gospels. IV. The dates of several events; viz. the
commencement and the duration of the war, and the siege
of Jerusalem—when the temple was burnt, and the city
taken. V. Of the abomination of desolation standing in
the holy place. VI. The actual accomplishment of our
Saviour's predictions concerning divers events that should
precede the great calamities coming upon the Jewish peo-
ple-the gospel preached all over the world—the disci-
ples of Christ persecuted in many places-declensions
among his followers famines, pestilences, and earth-
quakes in divers places-wars and commotions.
VII.
The occasion of the Jewish war with the Romans, as
represented by Josephus. VIII. The history of the Jew-
ish war from Josephus, with his account of the siege of
Jerusalem, and the miseries endured therein, and the
demolition of the temple and city of Jerusalem, and the
desolation of the land of Judea, being his testimony to
the fulfilment of our Lord's predictions of those events.
IX. Reflections upon the preceding history, and the value
of the testimony of Josephus. X. Other ancient writers,
who have borne witness to the accomplishment of our
Lord's predictions in the conquest of Judea by Vespasian
and Titus-Justus of Tiberias-Pausanias Antonius
Julianus-Suetonius-Tacitus-Dion Cassius-Philos-
tratus-The arch of Titus.
I. JOSEPHUS, son of Matthias, of the race of the Jewish
priests, and of the first course of the four and twenty, by
his mother descended from the Asmonean family, which for
394
Jewish Testimonies.
a considerable time had the supreme government of the Jew-
ish_nation, was born in the first year of the reign of Cali-
gula, of our Lord a 37.
દી
b
с
He was educated together with Matthias, who was his
own brother by father and mother, and made such profi-
cience in knowledge, that when he was about fourteen
years of age, the high priests, and some of the principal men
of the city, came frequently to him to consult him about
the right interpretation of things of the law. In the six-
teenth year of his age he retired into the wilderness, where
he lived three years an abstemious course of life, in the
company of Banus. Having fully acquainted himself with
the principles of the three sects, the Pharisees, the Saddu-
cees, and the Essenes, he determined to follow the rule of
the Pharisees. And being now nineteen years of age, he
began to act in public life.
Felix, when procurator of Judea, sent some priests of
his acquaintance for a trifling offence to Rome, to be tried
before Cæsar. Josephus, hearing that they behaved well,
resolved to go to Rome to plead their cause: but he had a
bad voyage; the ship was wrecked; and out of six hun-
dred persons, not more than eighty were saved. Soon
after his arrival at Rome, he became acquainted with Ali-
turius, a Jew by birth, but a stage-player, in favour with
Nero. By him he was introduced to Poppæa, the em-
peror's wife; by whose interest he procured that the priests
should be set at liberty. Josephus, who never omits what
may be to his own honour, adds, that beside that favour,
he also received from Poppæa many valuable presents;
and then he returned home. This voyage was made, as
hee says, in the 26th year of his age, which must have
been in the 62d or 63d year off Christ.
Upon his return to Judea he found things in great confu-
fusion, many being elevated with hopes of advantage by
a
g
Joseph. in Vitâ suâ. cap. i.
b Cap. 2.
• Ετι δε παις ων περι τεσσαρεσκαιδεκατον ετος· συνιόντων αει των
αρχιερέων και των της πόλεως πρωτων ὑπερ τε παρ' εμε περι των νομιμων
ακριβέσερον τι γνωναι. Cap. 2.
d μεγαλων δε δωρεών προς τη ευεργεσία ταυτη τυχων παρα Ποππηΐας.
C. 3.
- Μετ' εικοσον και έκτον ενιαυτον εις Ρωμην μοι
συνέπεσεν αναβηναι. Ib.
f Felix must have been removed
from his government some while before that; which may be thought to
create a difficulty in this account: but it may be observed, that Josephus
had heard of the good behaviour of those priests at Rome before he left Judea;
consequently they had been some while at Rome before he set out on his
journey.
g και πολλες επι τη Ρωμαίων αποφάσει μέγα φρονώντας. Vit. c. 4.
JOSEPHUS. His Life and Works.
395
a revolt from the Romans. He says, he did what lay in
his power to prevent it, though in vain.
Soon after the beginning of the war, in the year of
Christ 66, (when he must have been himself about thirty
years of age,) he was sent from Jerusalem to command in h
Galilee; where, having ordered matters as well as he could,
and made the best preparations for war, by fortifying the
cities in case of an attack from the Romans, he was at
length shut up in the city of Jotapata: which, after a
vigorous defence, and a siege of seven and forty days, was
taken by Vespasian, on the first day of July, in the 13th
year of Nero and the 67th of our Lord.
When that city was taken, by Vespasian's order strict
search was made for Josephus; for if that general was
once taken, he reckoned that the greatest part of the war
would be over. However, he had hid himself in a deep
cavern, the opening of which was not easily discerned above
ground. Here he met with forty persons of eminence, who
had concealed themselves, and had with them provisions
enough for several days. On the third day the Roman
soldiers seized a woman that had been with them. She
made a discovery of the place where they were; whereupon
Vespasian sent two tribunes, inviting him to come up, with
assurances that his life should be preserved. Josephus,
however, refused. Vespasian therefore sent a third tribune,
named Nicanor, well known to Josephus, with the like
assurances. Josephus, after some hesitation, was then will-
ing to surrender himself. But the men who were with him
exclaimed against it, and were for killing him and them-
selves rather than come alive into the hands of the Ro-
mans. Hereupon he made a long speech unto them, show-
ing that it was not lawful for men to kill themselves, and
that it was rather a proof of pusillanimity than courage: but
all without effect. He then proposed an expedient; which
was that they should cast losts, two by two, who should die
first. He who had the second lot should kill the first, and
the next him, and so on, and the last should kill himself.
It happened that Josephus and another were preserved to
the last lot. When all the rest were killed, he without
much difficulty persuaded that other person to yield up him-
self to the Romans. So they two escaped with their lives.
This has been judged to be a remarkable providence,
h Vit. cap. 7, 8. De B. J. 1. 2. c. 20.
Conf. cap. 8. sect. 9.
De B. J. 1. 3. c. 8. in.
k
¹ De B. J. 1. 3. cap. 7.
μεγιση γαρ ην μοιρα το πολεμις ληφθεις.
De B. J. 1. 3. c. 8. sect 1-7.
m See Tillotson's Serm. num. 186. Vol. 2. p. 564.
396
Jewish Testimonies.
by which Josephus was preserved to write the history, of
which we are now able to make so good use.
n
When Josephus had surrendered, Vespasian gave strict
orders that he should be kept carefully, as if he had intend-
ed to send him to Nero. Josephus then presented a request
that he might speak to Vespasian in private, which was
granted. When all were dismissed, except Titus and two
friends, he spoke to Vespasian after this manner: ' You °
'think, Vespasian, that you have in Josephus a mere pri-
soner. But I am come to you as a messenger of great tidings.
'Had I not been sent to you P by God, I know what the law
of the Jews is, and how it becomes a general to die. Do
you intend to send me to Nero? Are they, who are to
succeed Nero before you, to continue? You, Vespasian,
'will be Cæsar: you will be emperor. So will likewise
this your son.
Bind me therefore still faster, and re-
6
6
6
6
serve me for yourself. For you are lord, not of ine
only, but of the earth, and the sea, and all mankind.
And I for punishment deserve a closer confinement if I
speak falsehood to you in the name of God.' Vespa-
sian, as he says, at first paid little regard to all this;
but afterwards his expectations of empire were raised.
Besides,' as he goes on to say, he found Josephus to
have spoken truth upon other occasions: for when one
of his friends, who was admitted to be present at that
'interview, said, It appeared strange to him that Josephus
'should not have foretold to the people of Jotapata the
' event of the siege, nor have foreseen his own captivity, if all
'he now said was not invention to save his own life; Jose-
phus answered, that he had foretold to the people of Jota-
pata, that the place would be taken upon the forty-seventh
day of the siege, and that himself should be taken alive by
the Romans. Vespasian, having privately inquired of the pri
'soners concerning these predictions, found the truth of them."
All these things I have inserted here for showing the
<
n De B. I. 1. 3. c. 8. sect. 8.
• Ibid. sect. S.
P That is, that a Jewish general should make away with himself, rather
than be taken prisoner alive by heathen people. We know not of any such
law in the books of the Old Testament. And it seems to be a manifest con-
tradiction to what he says in the speech before referred to.
¶ Josephus's address to Vespasian is very precise and formal, predicting
things then future. Possibly, this speech was improved afterwards, and at
the time of writing this history made more clear and express, and more agree-
able to the event, than when first spoken.
Г
Among other presages of Vespasian's empire, Suetonius has mentioned
this of Josephus. Et unus ex nobilibus captivis, Josephus, cum conjiceretur
in vincula, constantissime asseveravit, fore, ut ab eodem brevi solveretur, ve-
rum, jam imperatore. Sueton. Vesp. c. 5.
JOSEPHUS.
397
His Life and Works.
character of this writer: though the prolixity of my nar-
ration be thereby increased.
S
It is very likely, that he often thought of Joseph in
Egypt, and of Daniel at Babylon; and was in hopes of mak-
ing a like figure at the court of Rome. But I suppose it
may be no disparagement to Josephus to say, that he was not
equal to them in wisdom, or in virtue and integrity. And
the circumstances of things were much altered: the promis-
ed Messiah was come; and the Jewish people were no
longer entitled to such special regard, as had been shown
them in times past. Nor was it then a day of favour and
mercy for them, but the day of the Lord's vengeance
against them, as Josephus himself saw and they were en-
tering into a long captivity, of which they have not yet seen
the end, after a period of almost seventeen hundred years,
though they are still wonderfully preserved.
:
Josephus was still a prisoner: but when Vespasian had
been proclaimed emperor, he ordered his iron chain to be
cutt asunder. When Vespasian went to Rome, Josephus
continued to be with Titus, and was present at the siege of
Jerusalem, and saw the ruin of his city and country.
After the war was over, when Titus went to Rome, he
went with him; and Vespasian allotted him an apartment
in the same house in which himself had lived before he
came to the empire: he also made him a citizen of Rome,
and gave him an annual pension; and continued to show
him great respect so long as he lived. His son Titus, who
succeeded him, showed him the like regard. And after-
wards Domitian, and his wife Domitia, did him many kind "
offices.
W
Josephus, however, does not deny that he had many
enemies but the emperors, in whose times he lived, pro-
tected him. Indeed, it is very likely that the Jews should
have little regard for a man who was with the Romans, in
their camp during the siege of their city. He particularly
says, that upon the first tidings of the taking of Jotapata,
the people of Jerusalem made great and public lamenta-
tions for him, supposing that he had been killed in the
siege: but when they heard that he had escaped, and was
with the Romans, and was well used by them, they loaded
him with all manner of reproaches, not excepting treachery
S
Josephus has several times spoken of his having had prophetic dreams,
and of his ability to interpret dreams that were ambiguous. Vid. De B. J. 1.
3. viii. 3 et 9, et de Vit. sect. 42.
De B J. 1. 4. cap. x. sect. 7.
▾ Ibid.
" Vit. cap. 76.
De B. J. 1 3. cap. ix. sect. 7.
398
Jewish Testimonies.
X
itself. Nor do we find that the Jewish people ever had
any great respect for his writings; though they have been
much esteemed, and often quoted, by christian and other
writers, in early and latter times.
Z
Of them we are now to take some notice.
The first is The History of the Jewish war, and the tak-
ing of Jerusalem, in seven books. In which work he goes
back to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Macca-
bees. In the preface he says, that he first wrote it in the
language of his own country, for the sake of such as lived
in Parthia, Babylonia, Arabia, and other parts: and after-
wards published it in Greek for the benefit of others, which
is what we have: it is generally supposed to have been
published by him in the seventy-fifth year of Christ, and
the thirty-eighth year of his own age. He professeth to
have written with great fidelity and for the truth of his
history appeals to Vespasian and Titus, and King Agrippa,
then living. He presented it to Vespasian and Titus;
which last not only desired the publication of it, but with
his own hand signed the book, that should be reckoned
authentic.
C
e
a
b
2. The Jewish Antiquities, in twenty books, or the his-
tory of the Jews from the creation of the world, to the
twelfth year of Nero, in which the war began. This work
was finished by him in the fifty-sixth year of his own
life, in the third year of the reign of Domitian, and the year
of Christ 93.
3. To this work is subjoined, as a part of it, or an ap-
pendix to it, His Life, written by himself some time after-
wards.
4. After the several above-mentioned works, he publish-
ed another work in two books, entitled, Of the Antiquity
of the Jews against Apion; being a vindication of the Jew-
ish people against the calumnies of that Egyptian author.
5. To Josephus likewise is generally ascribed a book en-
* Quamvis enim ejus scripta apud Judæos in nullo pretio fuerint-
Gentiles tamen pariter et christiani Josephum, licet Judæum, ejusque opera,
magni æstimârunt. Ittig. Proleg. pag. 88. ap. Havercamp.
y Josephus is quoted by Porphyry, not in his books against the christians,
but elsewhere. See the testimonies prefixed to the works of Josephus.
? Particular accounts of them are to be seen in Cav. Hist. Lit. Fabric. Gr. I.
4. cap. 6. tom. 3. p. 228, &c. Tillemont La Ruine des Juifs. art. 79. &c.
Hist. des Emp. tom. i.
a De B. J. 1. i. in Pro. sect. 2.
b In Proleg. sect. 5, &c. et 1. 7. cap. ult. fin.
d
In Vit. cap. 65. Adv. ap. l. i. c. 9.
•
• Αλλ' αυτοις απέδωκα τοις αυτοκρατορσι τα βιβλια. Vit. sect. 65. Conf.
Adv. Ap. ut supr.
ε ώςε χαραξας τη έαυτε χειρι τα βιβλια
δημοσιεύσεσθαι προσέταξεν. Vid. sec. 65,
Ant. 1. 20. cap. ult. fin.
JOSEPHUS. His Life and Works.
399
titled, A Discourse of the Maccabees; but, as ¤ Cave says,
there is good reason to doubt of its genuineness: and h
Mr. Whiston, who made an English translation of all the
above-named works of this writer, declined to translate
this, and would not publish it among the rest.
The works of Josephus, notwithstanding many things
in them liable to exception, which may be observed by
careful and impartial readers, are very valuable. In his
larger work, The Jewish Antiquities, he confirms the
truth of the history of the Old Testament: and, as in
several of the last books of that work he has brought
down the Jewish history from the ceasing of prophecy
among them to the twelfth of Nero, he has let us know
the state of affairs in Judea during the time of the evan-
gelical history. And he had before done the like in
the first two books of The Jewish War. What he has
therein said of Herod and his sons, of the Roman governors
in Judea, the Jewish sects and their principles, the man-
ners of the Jewish people, and likewise concerning the
Samaritans, greatly confirms and illustrates the history
of our evangelists; as was formerly shown in the first
part of this work, The Credibility of the Gospel His-
tory: the design of which was to confirm the facts oc-
casionally mentioned in the New Testament by passages
of ancient authors.
i
We are now to consider, whether there is any thing in
the works of this Jewish author more directly confirming
the principal facts of the New Testament: particularly,
whether he affords any evidences of the fulfilment of our
Lord's predictions concerning the destruction of the temple
and city of Jerusalem, and the great calamities coming upon
the Jewish people; and whether he has said any thing of
John the Baptist, our Lord's forerunner, or of our Lord
himself, or of any of his apostles.
I shall begin with the first article; for it is very likely,
that in his History of the Jewish War we should find many
things giving credit to the fulfilment of our Lord's predic-
tions concerning the Jewish people.
II. Judea was first brought into subjection to the Romans
by Pompey; who, after a siege of three months, took Jerusa-
• Nihilominus ad genuinum sit Josephi opus, justa est dubitandi ratio.
Cav. H. L. de Josepho, p. 35.
h See his note at the end of his Translation of Josephus.
Quam in multis capitibus evangelistarum narrationi suffragetur Josephus,
erudite nuper demonstravit Nathanaël Lardnerus in opere Anglice edito, de
Fide Historiæ Evangelicæ. Lond. 1727, 8vo. 2 volum. J. A. Fabric. Lux
Evangelii. p. 16. not. (A).
400
Jewish Testimonies.
1
lem in the year 63 before the christian era, about the time of
our k Midsummer. Josephus always dates the loss of their
liberty at that time. The same is said by m Tacitus.
But though the Jewish people then became subject to the
Romans, and it may be said, that from that time forward
the rod of heaven hung over them, they enjoyed many pri-
vileges, and the freedom of their worship, under the mild
government of those masters; as appears both from Jose-
phus, and from the historical books of the New Testament.
n
When Pompey became master of Jerusalem, he and
some of his officers entered into the temple, and the most
holy places of it; but he took nothing away. There were
then in it the table, the candlestick, with its lamps, the
pouring vessels, and the censers, all of gold, and great
quantities of spices, and two thousand talents in money; all
which he left untouched; and the day after he gave orders
that they who had the charge of the temple should cleanse
it, and perform the accustomed sacrifices. And he restored
the priesthood to Hyrcanus.
And that after this the Jewish people were, sometimes at
least, in a flourishing condition, appears from many con-
siderations. It was during this period that Herod repaired
the temple. Excepting the cloud of glory with which the
first temple had been favoured, that erected by Herod may
be reckoned to have been equal to it in the splendour and
magnificence of the building, and in rich and costly pre-
sents, and other ornaments.
When the Jewish people, after their return from the Ba-
bylonish captivity, laid the foundation of the new house,
many of the priests and Levites, and chief of the fathers,
who were ancient men, wept with a loud voice," Esr. iii.
12. But God encouraged them by the prophet Haggai, in
this manner, ch. ii. 3, "Who is left among you that saw
this house in its first glory? and how do ye see it now?
is it not in your eyes, in comparison of it, as nothing? Yet
now be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith the Lord and be
strong, all ye people of the land, and work; for I am
* See Prideaux, in the year before Christ 63, p. 439. And Joseph. Antiq.
1. 14. c. iv. 4. De B. J. 1. i. c. vii. sect. 6.
1 Τ8τ8 τ8 παθες τοις Ιεροσολύμοις αιτιοι κατέτησαν Υρκανος και Απιτοβε-
λος προς αλληλες τασιαζοντες. Την τε γαρ ελευθερίαν απεβαλομεν, και
vπηkоoι Pwμaιwv kaтesnμεv. Antiq. 1. 14. iv. 5. And compare what
Agrippa says to the Jews at Jerusalem. De B. J. 1. 2. c. xvi. 4. p. 187.
m Romanorum primus Cn. Pompeius Judæos domuit, templumque jure
victoriæ ingressus est. Tacit. H. 1. 5. c. 9.
n De B. J. 1. 1. c. vii. 6. Conf. Antiq. 1. 14. cap. iv.
• Vid. Antiq. 1. 15. cap. xi. De B. J. I. i. cap. xxi. et 1. 5. cap. v.
JOSEPHUS. The state of Judea.
401
with you, saith the Lord of hosts-
-For thus saith the
Lord of hosts
I will shake all nations: and the desire
of all nations shall come: and I will fill this house with
glory, saith the Lord of hosts. The silver is mine, and the
gold is mine, saith the Lord of hosts. The glory of this
latter house shall be greater than that of the former, saith
the Lord of hosts. And in this place will I give peace,
saith the Lord of hosts."
Here is undoubtedly, a renewal of the great promise con-
cerning the coming of the Messiah, the true Shechinah,
whose presence would make this second temple more glo-
rious than the first. But here is also a gracious assurance
of external grandeur and splendour. Silver and gold, and
'all the riches of the world, says God, are mine to bestow
' on whom I please. And notwithstanding the present mean
and despicable appearance of the building before your
eyes, I will fill it with glory, and will cause it to equal, or
even surpass, the former in splendour and magnificence
"For in this place will I give peace." My purpose
is to bless you abundantly, and to give you great pros-
perity.' Which gracious declaration was fulfilled.
That they were in flourishing circumstances at the time
of our Lord's preaching among them, is apparent: though
they were uneasy under subjection to the Romans. Jo-
sephus continually speaks of the temple, as very grand and
magnificent; and it appears to be so from his large and
particular description of it, in the fifth chapter of the fifth
book of his Jewish War, just before its final ruin.
when Titus, upon the fire having seized the temple, entered
it, with some of his officers, he says, that Titus saw it
to be far superior to the report of strangers, and not infe-
rior to our boastings concerning it.' And having related
how it was burnt, he says, it might be justly lamented,
'since it was the most admirable of all the works which
we have seen or heard of, for its curious structure and
magnitude, and for all the wealth bestowed upon it, as
well as for the reputation of its sanctity.' And he ex-
pressly calls it the temple that was built, or begun to be
built, in the second year of Cyrus, under the direction of
the prophet Haggai. And our Lord's disciples bear wit-
r
6
And
p παρελθων μετα των ἡγεμονων ενδον εθεάσατο τε νας το άγιον, και τα
εν αυτώ, πολυ μεν της παρα τοις αλλοφύλοις φημης αμείνω, το δε κομπε και
της παρα τοις οικείοις δοξης εκ ελαττω. De B. J. l. 6. cap. iv. 7.
a L. 6. iv. 8. Conf. l. 6. x. fin.
Απο δε της ύσερον, ήν ετει δευτερῳ Κυρε βασιλευοντος εποιησατο 'Αγγαίος.
L. 6. c. iv. 8.
VOL. VI.
2 D
402
Jewish Testimonies.
ness to the same, in some passages that will come before
us in reciting his predictions, of which we are now to
take notice, and then observe the fulfilment of them.
III. We find our Lord's disciples speaking of the magni-
ficence of the temple with admiration. So in Mark xiii. 10,
"And, as he went out of the temple, one of his disciples
saith unto him: Master, see what manner of stones, and
what buildings are here! And Jesus, answering, said unto
him: Seest thou these great buildings? There shall not be
left one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down.
And as he sat upon the mount of Olives, over against the
temple, Peter, and James, and John, and Andrew, asked
him privately: Tell us, when shall these things be? and
what shall be the sign, when all these things shall be fulfil-
led? And Jesus answering them, began to say: Take heed,
lest any man deceive you; for many will come in my name,
and say, I am Christ. And will deceive many. And
when ye shall hear of wars, and rumours of wars, be ye
not troubled; for such things must needs be: but the end
shall not be yet. For nation shall rise against nation, and
kingdom against kingdom; and there shall be earthquakes
in divers places; and there shall be famines and troubles :
these are the beginnings of sorrows-And the gospel
must first be published among all nations." And ver.
14-20," But when ye shall see the abomination of desola-
tion, spoken of by Daniel the prophet, standing where it
ought not, (let him that readeth understand,) then let them
that be in Judea flee to the mountains. And let him that
is on the house-top not go down into the house, neither
enter therein, to take any thing out of his house. And let
him that is in the field not turn back again for to take up
his garment. But woe to them that are with child, and to
them that give suck in those days. And pray ye, that your
flight be not in the winter, for in those days shall be afflic-
tion, such as was not from the beginning of the creation which
God created, unto this time, neither shall be."
The like things are in St. Matthew xxiv. 1-35, "And
Jesus went out, and departed from the temple; and his dis-
ciples came to him, for to show him the buildings of the
temple. And Jesus said unto them: See ye not all these
things? Verily I say unto you, there shall not be left here
one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down.
And as he sat upon the mount of Olives, the disciples came
unto him privately, saying: Tell us when these things shall
be, and what will be the sign of thy coming, and of the end
of the world? And Jesus answered, and said unto them:
JOSEPHUS. Our Lord's Predictions.
403
All
Take heed that no man deceive you; for many will come
in my name, saying, I am Christ; and will deceive many.
And ye will hear of wars, and rumours of wars: see that
ye be not troubled; for all these things must come to pass:
but the end is not yet. For nation will rise against nation,
and kingdom against kingdom: and there will be famines,
and pestilences, and earthquakes, in divers places.
these are the beginnings of sorrows. Then shall they de-
liver you up to be afflicted, and shall kill you: and ye will
be hated of all nations for my name sake. And then will
many be offended, and will betray one another, and will
hate one another. And many false prophets will arise, and
will deceive many. And, because iniquity shall abound,
the love of many will wax cold; but he that shall endure
to the end shall be saved. And this gospel of the king-
dom shall be preached in all the world, for a witness unto
all nations. And then shall the end come.
When ye,
therefore, shall see the abomination of desolation, spoken of
by Daniel the prophet, stand in the holy place, (whoso
readeth let him understand) then let them which are in
Judea flee to the mountains. Let him which is on the
house-top not come down to take any thing out of his house :
neither let him that is in the field return back to take his
clothes. And woe unto them which are with child, and to
them that give suck, in those days. But pray ye, that your
flight be not in the winter, neither on the sabbath-day. For
then shall be great tribulation, such as was not from the be-
ginning of the world to this time; no, nor ever shall be.
And except those days should be shortened, there should
no flesh be saved. But for the elect's sake, those days
shall be shortened. Then, if any say unto you: Lo, here is
Christ, or there, believe it not; for there will arise false
Christs, and false prophets, and shall show great signs and
wonders; insomuch that (if it were possible) they should
deceive the very elect. Behold, I have told you before.
Wherefore, if they shall say unto you, Behold, he is in the
desert, go not forth; Behold, he is in the secret chambers,
believe it not. For as the lightning cometh out of the east,
and shineth even unto the west, so shall also the coming of the
Son of man be; for wheresoever the carcass is, there will
the eagles be gathered together. -Verily I say unto
you, this generation shall not pass till all these things be
fulfilled; Heaven and earth shall pass away; but my words
shall not pass away."
Those inquiries of the disciples, and our Lord's answers
to them, are made in private; but they plainly refer to
2 D 2
404
Jewish Testimonies.
things said by our Lord publicly in the courts of the tem-
ple; we may do well therefore to look back to what pre-
cedes, as related in St. Matthew's gospel especially;
where are recorded the many woes pronounced by our
Lord upon the scribes and pharisees, and the people in
general, who were under their influence aud direction;
Matt. xxiii. 29-39, "Woe unto you, scribes and pharisees,
hypocrites; because ye build the tombs of the prophets,
and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous and ye say,
If we had been in the days of our fathers we would not have
been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets:
wherefore ye be witnesses unto yourselves, that ye are the
children of them that killed the prophets. Fill ye up then
the measure of your fathers. Ye serpents, ye generation of
vipers, how can ye escape the damnation of hell! Wherefore,
behold, I send unto you prophets, and wise men, and scribes :
and some of them ye will kill and crucify; and some of
them ye will scourge in your synagogues, and persecute
from city to city; that upon you may come all the righteous
blood shed upon the earth, from the blood of righteous Abel
unto the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias, whom ye slew
between the temple and the altar. Verily I say unto you,
All these things shall come upon this generation. O Jeru-
salem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest
them that are sent unto thee; how often would I have
gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her
chickens under her wings! and ye would not! Behold,
your house is left unto you desolate for 1 say unto you, ye
shall not see me henceforth, till ye shall say, Blessed is he
that cometh in the name of the Lord." Compare Luke xi.
47-51.
The like things are recorded by St. Luke, ch. xxi. 5-28,
a part of which I shall also transcribe here.
"And as
some spake of the temple, how it was adorned with goodly
stones, and gifts, he said: As for these things, which ye
behold, the days will come, in the which shall not be left
one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down.
And they asked him saying: Master, but when shall these
things be? and what signs will there be when these things
shall come to pass? And he said: Take heed that ye be not
deceived; for many will come in my name, saying, I am
Christ, and the time draws near: go ye not therefore after
them. But when ye shall hear of wars and commotions, be
not terrified; for these things must first come to pass but
the end is not by and by. Then said he unto them: Nation
shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom:
JOSEPHUS. Our Lord's Predictions.
405
and great earthquakes shall be in divers places, and fa-
mines, and pestilences, and fearful sights, and great sigus
shall there be from heaven: but before all these things
they shall lay their hands upon you, and persecute you,
delivering you up to the synagogues, and into prisons, be-
ing brought before kings and rulers for my name's sake.
And it shall turn to you for a testimony- -And ye
shall be betrayed both by parents, and brethren, and kins-
folk, and friends. And some of you shall they cause to
be put to death. And ye shall be hated of all men for my
name's sake. But there shall not an hair of your head perish.
In your patience possess ye your souls. And when ye
shall see Jerusalem compassed with armies, then know that
the desolation thereof is nigh: then let them which are in
Judea flee to the mountains; and let them which are in the
midst of it depart out. And let not them that are in the
country enter thereinto: for these are the days of ven-
geance, that all things which are written may be fulfilled.
But woe unto them that are with child, and to them that
give suck in those days. For there will be great distress
in the land, and wrath upon this people: and they shall
fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive
into all nations. And Jerusalem shall be trodden down
of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled."
And before this, when he was making his public entrance
into Jerusalem, says St. Luke, xix. 41-44, " And when he
was come near, he beheld the city, and wept over it, saying:
If thou hadst known, even thou, at least in this thy day, the
things which belong to thy peace! But now they are hid
from thy eyes! For the days will come upon thee, that thy
enemies shall cast a trench about thee, and compass thee
round, and keep thee in on every side, and will lay thee
even with the ground, and thy children within thee: and
they will not leave in thee one stone upon another, because
thou knewest not the time of thy visitation."
And afterwards, when they were leading him away to be
crucified, Luke xxiii. 27-31, "And there followed him a
great company of people, and of women; which also be-
wailed and lamented him. But Jesus, turning unto them,
said: Daughters of Jerusalem, weep not for me, but weep
for yourselves, and for your children; for behold the days
are coming, in which they will say: Blessed are the barren,
and the wombs that never bare, and the paps which never
gave suck. Then shall they begin to say to the mountains,
Fall on us; and to the hills, Cover us. For if they do
such things in a green tree, what shall be done in the dry!"
406
Jewish Testimonies.
Our Lord delivers these predictions, of which he had the
foresight, with marks of great and undissembled compassion
and tenderness. If all these desolations and calamities had
been now present, and before his eyes, and if they had been
the calamities of his best friends, he could not have been
more affected. He is particularly touched with the fore-
sight of the difficulties of such as are most helpless, the dis-
tresses of women with child, or who have infants at their
breasts. This is true compassion, the effect of the sensibility
of the human nature; which he is not ashamed of, and does
not dissemble. And that the apprehension of these cala-
mities, impending on the Jewish people, lay much upon
his mind, is manifest from his so often speaking of them.
And there are references likewise to the calamities coming
upon the Jewish people in divers parables. Luke xiii.
6-9: Matt. xxii. 1-7; Luke xiv. 17-24; Matt. xxi.
6–9;
33-46; Mark xii. 1-12; Luke xx. 9-19;-Luke
xix. 11-27. Compare Matt. xxv. 14-30, and also in the
miracle of the barren fig-tree. Matt. xxi. 18, 19; Mark xi.
12, 13, and 20, 21.
In what has been just transcribed from the evangelists,
are observable these several things:
1. Our Lord foretells the destruction of the temple and
city of Jerusalem.
2. He speaks of great and extraordinary afflictions and
distresses, which the Jewish people would suffer at that time.
3. He says, that the doctrine of the gospel should be
preached in all the world, or all over the Roman empire,
before the final ruin and overthrow of the Jewish nation.
4. He foretells, that his disciples and followers would be
brought before kings and governors for his name's sake, and
would suffer many hardships; and that some of them would
be put to death.
5. He intimates, that among his followers there would
be great declensions, and that they would betray each
other.
6. He foretells, that there would be famines, and pesti-
lences, and earthquakes, in divers places.
7. He speaks of wars and tumults in many places, preced-
ing the final ruin of the Jewish nation, and as preludes of it.
8. He likewise says, that at that time, and before it,
would appear many false prophets, and impostors, by
whom many would be deceived; and he warns men against
hearkening to them.
9. He declares that all these things would come to pass
before the end of that age or generation of men.
JOSEPHUS. The State of Judea.
407
10. He forewarns and advises those who regarded their
own welfare, to flee out of Judea and Jerusalem, when they
perceived the near approach of the calamities which had
been spoken of by him, which they might know when they
should see the Roman armies, with their idolatrous ensigns,
standing were they ought not; that is, near Jerusalem, or
in the land of Judea.
Of all these several things I propose to show the fulfil-
ment: though not exactly in the order in which they have
been just now mentioned.
IV. Before I enter upon the history of the fulfilment of
these predictions, it may be of use to observe, in general,
the dates of some events.
S
The war began, as Josephus says, in the second year of
the government of Gessius Florus, who succeeded Albinus,
successor of Porcius Festus, mentioned in the Acts of the
Apostles, in the month of May, in the twelfth year of the
emperor Nero and the seventeenth year of Agrippa, men-
tioned, Acts xxv. and xxvi. that is, in the month of May, in
the
year of our Lord 66.
t
'The temple was burnt on the tenth day of the month
of August, [in the year of Christ 70,] the same day and
month on which it had been burnt by the king of Baby-
lon.' Which Josephus repeats again afterwards.
V
"
The city was taken on the eighth day of September, in
the second year of the reign of Vespasian, or the year of
Christ 70.
That was the end of the siege of Jerusalem, which
began, as the same author" observes several times, about
the fourteenth day of the month Nisan, or our April.
The war therefore lasted four years and four months,
computing from May 66, to September in the year 70:
and the siege lasted about five months, computing from the
fourteenth day of April to the eighth of September, in the
year 70. If we carry on our computation to the taking of the
Και δη την αρχην ελαβεν ὁ πολεμος δευτερῳ μεν ετει της επιτροπης Φλωρέ,
δωδεκατῳ δε της Νέρωνος αρχης. Antiq. 1. 20. xi. 1.
Και προσελάμβανε την αρχην ὁ πολεμος δωδεκατῳ μεν ετει της Νέρωνος
ἡγεμονιας, ἑπτακαιδεκατῳ δε της Αγριππα βασιλειας, Αρτεμισι μηνος. De B.
J. 1. 2. cap. xiv. 4.
t
Παρην δ' ἡ ειμαρμένη χρονων περιοδος, ἡμερα δεκατη έως μηνος, καθ᾽ ἡν
και το πρότερον υπο τε των Βαβυλωνιων βασιλεως ενεπρήσθη. De B. J. 1. 6.
iv. 5.
Θαυμασαι δ' αν τις εν αυτή της περιοδε την ακρίβειαν
και μηνα γεν, ὡς ἔφην, και ήμεραν επετηρησε την αυτην, εν ᾗ προτερον ὑπο
Βαβυλωνιων ὁ ναος ενεπρησθη ἡ γεγονεν έτει δευτερῳ της Ουεσπασιαν
nyεμoviac. Ib. sect. 8.
* 'Εαλω μεν οὗτος Ιεροσολυμα ετει
δευτερο της Ουεσπασιανε ἡγεμονιας, Γορπιαις μηνος ογδοη. Ib. 1. 6. cap. x. in.
De B. J. 1. 5. cap. iii. 1. cap. xiii. 7. 1. 6. cap. ix. 3.
V
408
Jewish Testimonies.
castle of Massada, which happened in the year 73, (as we
shall see hereafter,) the war lasted seven years.
V. I think it proper here also to take notice of our Lord's
expressions concerning the sign whereby the approach of
these calamities might be discerned, Matt. xxiv. 15, 16,
“When ye therefore shall see the abomination of desolation,
-stand in the holy place; then let them which be in
Judea, flee to the mountains.' Mark xiii. 14, "When ye
shall see the abomination of desolation standing where it
ought not- then let them that be in Judea flee to the
mountains." Luke xxi. 20, "And when ye shall see Je-
rusalem compassed with armies, then know that the desola-
tion thereof is nigh."
By "the abomination of desolation," or the abomination
that maketh desolate, therefore, is intended the Roman ar-
mies with their ensigns. As the Roman ensigns, especially
the eagle, which was carried at the head of every legion,
were objects of worship, they are, according to the usual
style of scripture, called "an abomination.'
6
By "standing in the holy place," or "where it ought
not," needs not to be understood the temple only, but Je-
rusalem also, and any part of the land of Israel.
6
There are several things in Josephus, which will confirm
this interpretation. Pilate," says he, the prefect of Ju-
'dea, sending his army from Cæsarea, and putting them
into winter quarters at Jerusalem, brought the carved
'images of Cæsar, which are in the ensigns, into the city,
' in violation of the Jewish laws; since our law forbids the
'making of images. For which reason the former govern-
ors were wont to come into the city with ensigns destitute
of these ornaments. Pilate was the first who set up
images in Jerusalem: and he did it privately, the army
making their entrance in the night time: but, as soon as
the people knew it, they went in a large body to Cæsa-
rea, making earnest supplications that the images might
'be removed- -And at length Pilate gave orders
for bringing back the images from Jerusalem to Cæ-
'sarea.'
"
And not long after that, Vitellius, president of Syria, re-
ceived orders from Tiberius, to attack Aretas, king of Pe-
tra; whereupon he was going to march through Judea:
'Buty some of their chief men waited on him, and entreated
'him not to lead his army through their country, because
it was contrary to their laws that any images should be
brought into it, whereas there were a great many in his
Antiq. 1. 18. c. iii. sect. 1.
y Antiq. I. 18. cap. vi. 3.
X
JOSEPHUS.
Events preceding the Destruction of Jerusalem. 409
'army. And he hearkened to them, altered his intention,
' and marched his troops another way.'
Our Lord's disciples and followers therefore might well
be alarmed as soon as they saw Roman armies, with their
idolatrous ensigns, appear in an hostile manner in any part
of the land of Israel; but as they approached to Jerusalem,
the danger would be more imminent and pressing.
And as men unwillingly leave their native country, and
their accustomed habitations, and removals are always at-
tended with dangers and difficulties, our Lord recommends
flight in very urgent terms, lest any of those who loved him,
and respected his doctrine, should partake in the dreadful
calamities of the siege.
VI. We now observe some events spoken of by our Lord,
which would precede the great calamity coming upon the
Jewish nation.
1. One is, that "the doctrine of the gospel" should be
preached throughout the Roman empire, and in other places
adjoining to it.
"And this gospel of the kingdom," says he," shall be
preached in all the world, for a witness to all nations; and
then shall the end come:" Matt. xxiv. 14. "And the
gospel must first be published among all nations,” Mark
xiii. 10.
And however unlikely that might seem when those words.
were spoken by our Lord, they were verified. The epistles
of the New Testament, still extant, and written to christians
in divers cities and countries, are a standing monument of
it for they are sent to believers at Rome, Corinth, Galatia,
Ephesus, Philippi, Colosse, Thessalonica, and the Hebrews;
all written by St. Paul. And the epistles of the apostle
Peter are directed to christians, residing in Pontus, Galatia,
Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia. And the four gospels, and
the Acts of the Apostles, afford evidence, that there were
numerous converts to the faith of Jesus; for they were
written for the use of such. St. Paul says, Rom. xv. 19,
that," from Jerusalem, and round about unto Illyricum, he
had fully preached the gospel of Christ." He reminds the
Romans, i. 18, "that their faith was spoken of throughout
the whole world." To the Colossians he observes, "that
the gospel had been preached to every creature under hea-
ven;" ch. i. 23, and see ver. 6. The prediction therefore of
that great event had been accomplished within the limits of
the time assigned for it.
And Tacitus bears witness that the christian religion,
* Ann. 1. 15. cap. 44.
410
Jewish Testimonies.
which had its rise in Judea, had spread into many parts, and
had reached Rome itself, where the professors of it were
numerous, and many of them underwent grievous torments
in the reign of Nero, about the year of our Lord 64, and
afterwards.
2. Our Lord also says to his disciples, in his prophetical
discourses concerning the coming calamities upon Judea ;
"Before all these things they will lay their hands upon
you and persecute you, delivering you up to the syna-
gogues, and into prisons, being brought before kings and
rulers for my name's sakeAnd some of you shall they
cause to be put to death. And ye will be hated of all men
for my name's sake," Luke xxi. 12, and 16, 17. And to
the like purpose in the other evangelists.
The full accomplishment of these things is well known to
christians, from the book of the Acts, and the epistles of
the New Testament. The apostles of Jesus met with great
difficulties in preaching the gospel: and the converts made
by them were exposed to many sufferings. Peter and
John, and all the apostles, were brought before the Jewish
council, and were imprisoned, and beaten, and further
threatened: Acts iv. Stephen, an eminent disciple and
evangelist, suffered death by stoning; vi. vii. James, the
brother of John, was beheaded by King Agrippa; who also
shut up Peter in prison, with intention to put him to death
also: but he was miraculously delivered; ch. xii. Paul
was kept in prison two years in Judea, and afterwards as
long at Rome. He pleaded before Felix and Festus, Ro-
man governors in Judea, and King Agrippa the younger,
as well as before the Jewish council at Jerusalem; xxi.
-xxviii. And there is good reason to believe that he was
brought before Nero himself. Many of his sufferings and
dangers are enumerated in 2 Cor xi. 23-33.
They who received the doctrine taught by the apostles,
had also their share of afflictions and trials. Paul, whilst
he was their enemy, " made havoc of the church, entering
into every house; and, haling men and women, committed
them to prison: and when they were put to death he gave
his voice against them:He punished them in every
synagogue, and persecuted them even into strange cities:"
Acts viii. 3, and xxvi. 10, 11. And in his epistle to the He-
brews, he observes to them, that "they had endured a great
fight of afflictions: partly whilst they were made a gazing-
stock, both by reproaches and afflictions; and partly whilst
a See that fully proved in The Supplement to the Credibility, &c. in
this Vol. ch. xii. sect. 10.
JOSEPHUS. Events preceding the Destruction of Jerusalem. 411
"
66
they became companions of those who were so used; and
that they had joyfully taken the spoiling of their goods:
ch. x. 32-34. And Agrippa, before mentioned, began
with laying his hands upon certain of the church;" Acts
xii. 1. And that the believers suffered afflictions in other
places beside Judea, is manifest from 2 Thess. i. 3-6;
James ii. 5-7; 2 Pet. iv. 12-19. And the Jews at Rome,
whom Paul sent for to come to him, say; "As concerning
this sect, we know that every where it is spoken against.
Tacitus confirms the truth of these predictions of our
Lord. He has given a particular account of the sufferings
of many christians at Rome, before the desolations of Judea.
In the tenth year of Nero, the sixty-fourth of our Lord,
there happened a great fire at Rome. Nero was suspected
to have set it on fire himself. • b
For suppressing that
common rumour, Nero procured others to be accused, and
'inflicted exquisite punishments upon those people, who
were in abhorrence for their crimes, and were commonly
'known by the name of Christians.' And he says, that
they were condemned, not so much for the crime of burn-
ing the city, as for their enmity to mankind.' Thus Ta-
citus bears witness, not only to their undeserved sufferings,
but also to the reproaches they underwent, agreeably to
what our blessed Lord has said, that "they would be hated
of all men for his name's sake." However, these innocent
sufferers had their supports: for their unerring Master, all
whose words were true, has said "Blessed are ye, when
men shall revile and
you
and shall say all
persecute you,
manner of evil against you falsely, for my sake."
3. Further, our Lord intimates, that before the full accom-
plishment of his predictions concerning the miseries coming
upon the Jewish nation, there would be declensions of zeal
among his own professed disciples and followers.
“And then shall many be offended, and shall betray one
another—and because iniquity will abound, the love of
many will wax cold;" Matt. xxiv. 10, 12, and see Mark
xiii. 12, 13, and Luke xxi. 16.
What is said of this matter in the gospels may be veri-
fied from the epistles of the New Testament. The whole
epistle to the Hebrews is an argument to stedfastness, im-
plying the great danger of apostasy from the faith, or of
abatements of zeal for it: "Let us," says he, "hold fast
Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et exquisitissimis pœnis affecit,
quos, per flagitia invisos, vulgus christianos appellabat-Igitur primo cor-
repti qui fatebantur; deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens, haud perinde cri-
mine incendii, quam odio humani generis convicti sunt, &c. Ann. 15. c. 44.
412
Jewish Testimonies.
the profession of our faith without wavering-And let us
consider one another, to provoke unto love and good works;
not forsaking the assembling of ourselves together, as the
manner of some is; Heb. x. 23-25; and onwards to ver.
39. And ch. xii. 12, " Wherefore lift up the hands which
hang down, and the feeble knees." In ch. vi. 4-9, he
shows the great guilt, and the deplorable condition, of such
as apostatize. In his second epistle to Timothy, ch. i. 15;
"This thou knowest," says he, " that all they which are of
Asia [probably meaning such as were then at Rome] are
turned away from me; of whom are Phygellus and Her-
mogenes." And afterwards, ch. iv. 16, he complains of
other christians at Rome who deserted him when he made
his appearance there before Nero. "At my first answer
[or apology] no man stood with me: but all men forsook
me." And again, in the same epistle, ch. ii. 17, he speaks
of Hymeneus and Philetus: "who concerning the truth
have erred, saying that the resurrection is past already, and
overthrow the faith of some:" and see 1 Tim. i. 19, 20. I
allege nothing more from the books of the New Testament.
Tacitus, in his account of Nero's persecution of the
christians already quoted more than once, does also confirm
the truth of this prediction of our Lord: who says that
at first they only were apprehended, who confessed them-
'selves to be of that sect: afterwards, many more were
'taken up, whom they discovered to be of their number.'
6
C
Nor ought this to be thought exceeding strange, not-
withstanding the perfection of the christian doctrine, and
the evidences of its truth. For, in a great number of men,
it is very likely that some should be overcome by the diffi-
culties and dangers attending the profession of it. So says
the chief sower of his heavenly doctrine: “ some seed fell
in stony places. The same is he that heareth the word, and
anon with joy receiveth it: yet hath he not root in himself,
but dureth for a while; for when tribulation or persecution
ariseth because of the word, by and by he is offended.'
4. Our blessed Lord said that before the great calamity,
predicted by him, there would be "famines, and pestilences,
and earthquakes, in divers places."
We know, from the history in the Acts of the Apostles,
that there was a famine in Judea in the time of the emperor
Claudius; ch. xi. 25-30. It was not an accidental scarcity
at Jerusalem only, but it was a famine all over that country.
It began in the fourth year of that emperor, and lasted se-
с
c Igitur primo correpti, qui fatebantur; deinde indicio eorum multitudo
ingens, &c. Ann. 15 c. 44.
JOSEPHUS. Famines in divers Places.
413
e
d
veral years. We have a particular account of it in ª Jo-
sephus. He also says it was a very severe famine. And
in another place f he mentions the high price of corn at that
season; and says that this famine happened in the reign of
Claudius, not long before the war.
That famine is also taken notice of by Eusebius in his
Chronicle, and in his History, and by i Orosius.
k
h
There was also a famine at Rome, and in Italy, mention-
ed by Dion Cassius, which began in the first year of
Claudius, and continued in the next year.
There was another famine in the same reign, mentioned'
by Tacitus and m Eusebius; which seems to have been
chiefly in the tenth or eleventh year of that emperor.
To all these" Suetonius seems to refer, though he does
not mention the years in which they happened.
Concerning the famines in the reign of the emperor
Claudius, some modern historians and chronologers might
be consulted.
Our Lord speaks also of "pestilences." By Josephus
we are informed that, about the year of Christ 40, there
was P a pestilence at Babylon, in which the Jews suffered.
In the sixty-fifth year of the christian æra there was a
great mortality at Rome. At the same time there were
other calamities in divers parts of the Roman empire,
as we learn from Tacitus and s Suetonius, as well as from
t Orosius, who might transcribe from them.
d Ant. 1. 20. ii. 6.
S
e
• Επι τέτοις δη και μεγαν λιμον κατα
την Ιεδαιαν συνεβη γενεσθαι. Ib. cap. v. 2.
f -8 μην αλλα και τε δε τε πολεμε μικρον εμπροσθεν, Κλαυδιο Ρωμαιων
αρχοντος, και λιμου την χωραν ἡμων καταλαβοντος, ώς τεσσάρων δραχμων
πολεισθαι τον ασσαρώνα. Ant. 1. 3. xv. 3.
1
g
* Chr. p. 160.
i Or. 1. 7. cap. 6.
h H. E. 1. 2. cap. xii.
k Dio. 1. 60. p. 671. al. S49.
Frugum quoque egestas, et orta ex eo fames, in prodigium accipiebatur.
Tac. Ann. 1. 12. c. 43.
drachmis venundatus est.
m Fames facta in Græciâ. Modius sex
-Magna fames Romæ. Chr. p. 160. infr. m.
"Arctiore autem annonâ propter assiduas sterilitates, &c. Suet. Claud. c.
18. Vid. et cap. 19, et 20.
• Vid. Pagi, A. D. 72. n. vii. Reimari Annot. ad Dion. Cass. p. 948.
See also Credib. P. i. B. i. ch. x.
p φθορα εν Βαβυλωνι εγενετο αυτων.
Vid. Pagi, A. D. 67. n. iii.
vere.
Ant. 1. 18. ix. 8.
Tot facinoribus fœdum annum etiam Dii tempestatibus et morbis insigna-
Vastata Campania turbine ventorum, qui villas, arbusta, fruges passim
disjecit, pertulitque violentiam ad vicina urbi; in quâ omne mortalium genus
vis pestilentiæ depopulabatur, nullâ cœli intemperie, quæ occurreret oculis.
Sed domus corporibus exanimis, itinera funeribus complebantur. Non sexus,
non ætas periculo vacua. Servitia perinde ac ingenua plebes raptim exstingui,
inter conjugum et liberorum lamenta; qui dum assident, dum deflent, sæpe
414
Jewish Testimonies.
——and "earthquakes."
u
W
V
X
Tacitus speaks of an earthquake at Rome in the time
of Claudius, and of another at Apamea in the same reign.
In the reign of Nero there was an earthquake at Laodi-
cea, mentioned by Tacitus; and likewise by Eusebius
in his Chronicle; who says that in Asia three cities, name-
ly, Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse, were overturned by
an earthquake. And in like mannery Orosius. Possibly
the earthquake, which was most violent at Laodicea, was
felt in the other cities likewise.
Z
In the same reign there was an earthquake in Campania
mentioned by Tacitus and Seneca. By the former it
seems to be placed in the year of Christ, 62, by the latter in
the year 63. And there may have been other earthquakes
in the time of the just-mentioned emperors.
b
5. Our Lord foretells "wars and commotions" preceding
the final ruin: Matt. xxiv. 6; Mark xiii. 7; Luke xxi. 9.
Josephus has a long story of a disturbance in Mesopo-
tamia, occasioned by the ambition and indiscretion of two
eodem rogo cremabantur. Equitum, senatorumque interitus, quamvis pro-
miscui, minus flebiles erant, tanquam communi mortalitate sævitiam principis
prævenirent. Tacit. Ann. 16. cap. 13.
s Accesserunt tantis ex principe malis, probrisque, quædam et fortuita:
pestilentia unius autumni, quo triginta funerum millia in rationem Libitinæ
venerunt; clades Brittannica, quâ duo præcipua oppida, magnâ civium socio-
rumque cæde direpta sunt: ignominia ad Orientem, legionibus in Armeniâ
sub jugum missis, ægreque Syriâ retentâ. Sueton. Nero. cap. 39.
" Multa eo anno prodigia evenere.
In-
t Oros. 1. 7. c. 7.
sessum diris avibus Capitolium; crebris terræ motibus prorutæ domus. Ann.
12. cap. 43.
Tributumque Apamiensibus, terræ motu con-
vulsis, id quinquennium remissum. Id. 1. 12. c. 58.
▼
w Eodem anno ex illustribus Asiæ urbibus Laodicea, tremore prolapsa,
nullo a nobis remedio, propriis viribus revaluit. Ib. 1. 14. c. 27.
sæ.
* In Asiâ tres urbes terræ motu conciderunt. Laodicea, Hierapolis, Colos-
Ens. Chr. p. 161.
y Oros. 1. 7. cap. 7.
Z
Iisdemque Consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit, effigiesque
in eo Neronis ad informe as liquefacta. Et motu terræ celebre Campaniæ
oppidum Pompeii magnâ ex parte proruit. Ann. 1. 15. c. 22.
Pompeios, celebrem Campaniæ urbem. desedisse terræ motu, vexatis
quâcumque adjacentibus regionibus, Lucili virorum optime, audivimus: et
quidem diebus hibernis, quos vacare a tali periculo majores nostri solebant
promittere. Nonis Febr. fuit motus hic, Regulo et Virginio Consulibus, qui
Campaniam nunquam securam hujus mali, indemnem tamen, et toties de-
functam metu, magnâ strage vastavit. Nam et Herculanensis oppidi pars
ruit, dubieque stant etiam quæ relicta sunt. Et Nucirinorum colonia, ut
sine clade, ita non sine querelâ est. Neapolis quoque privatim multa, publice
nihil amisit, leviter ingenti malo perstricta. Villæ vero præruptæ passim sine
injuriâ tremuere. Adjiciunt his sexcentarum ovium gregem exanimatum, et
divisas statuas, &c. Sen. Not. Qu. 1. 6. c. 1.
b Antiq. I. 18. cap, ix,
JOSEPHUS.
415
Wars and Commotions.
it d
C.
was not
Jews, who were brothers. It seems to have happened c
about the year of Christ 40. Josephus says
inferior to any calamity which the Jews had suffered
hitherto; and that it occasioned the death of more than
fifty thousand people.
€
e
When Cuspius Fadus came procurator into Judea, in
the reign of Claudius, in the year of Christ 44 or 45, as f
Josephus says, he found the Jews in Peréa in a riot fight-
ing with the Philadelphians about the limits of the village
Mia. And indeed the people of Peréa had taken up arins
without the consent of their chief men, and had killed a
good number of the Philadelphians. When Fadus heard
of it, he was much displeased that they had taken up arms,
and had not left the decision of the dispute to him, if they
thought the Philadelphians had done them any injury.
Three of the principal men, who were the causes of the se-
dition, were apprehended and put in prison, one of whom
was afterwards put to death, and the two others banished.'
Afterwards, in the year of our Lord 49, whilst Cumanus
was procurator of Judea, there happened a tumult at Je-
rusalem at the time of Passover. The number of Jews
that perished in it was not less than twenty thousand, as it
is in his Antiquities; but in the Jewish War the number is
no more than ten thousand.
Whilst Cumanus was yet in Judea there happened a
disturbance between the Jews and the Samaritans, in which
many were killed on both sides.
i
Josephus also says that under Cumanus the troubles of
the Jewish people began, and that in his time they suffered
very much.
These disturbances went on increasing. At Cæsarea
there had long been contentions between the Jewish people
and the other inhabitants. And,' as Josephus says, in
one hour's time more than twenty thousand Jews were de-
k
c Vid. Usser. A. P. J. 4753. p. 864. Basnag. ann. 40. n. xiii. Tillem-
Ruine des Juifs. art. xxviii.
d Γίνεται δε και περι τες εν τη Μεσοποταμια και μαλιςα την Βαβυλωνα
οικέντας Ιεδαίες συμφορα δεινη, και εδεμιας ἧς τινος ελασσων, φονος τε αυτών
πολυς, και όποσος εχ ίςορημένος προτερον. Ib. sect. 1.
1
e Ib. sect. 9.
f Ant. 1. 20. cap. i. 1.
8 Antiq. 1. 20. c. v. 3. De B. J. 1. 2. c. xii. 1.
h Antiq. 1. 20. vi. 1. De B. J. 1. 2. xii. 3.
εφ' οὗ θορυβοι τε ηρξαντο, και φθορα παλιν Ιεδαίων εγενετο. De
B. J. 1. 2. c. xii. 1.
k Της δε αυτης ημερας και ώρας, ώσπερ εκ δαιμόνιο προνοιας, ανφρεν oi
Καισαρεις τες παρ' αυτος Ιεδαίες ὡς υπο μιαν ώραν αποσφαγηναι μεν ὑπερ
δισμυρίες, κενωθηναι δε πασαν των Ιεδαίων Καισαρειαν. De B. J. 1. 2. cap.
xviii. 1.
416
Jewish Testimonies.
stroyed, and all Cæsarea was at once emptied of its Jew-
ish inhabitants. Some fled, whom Florus caught, and sent
them bound to the gallies: at which the whole nation was
enraged. They therefore divided themselves into several
parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and
their neighbouring cities Philadelphia, Sebonitis, Gerasa,
Pella, and Scythopolis: and after them Gadara and Hip-
pos: and falling upon Gaulanitis, some cities they demo-
lished there, others they set on fire. Then they went to
Kedessa, belonging to the Syrians, and to Ptolemais, and
Gaba, and Cæsarea. Nor was Sebaste or Ascalon able
to withstand the violence with which they were attack-
ed. When they had burnt these to the ground, they de-
molished Anthedon and Gaza. Many also of the villages
round about these cities were plundered; and an immense
slaughter was made of the men found in them.'
The Syrians destroyed not a less number of the Jews:
so that the disorders all over Syria were terrible. For
every city was divided into parties armed against each
other; and the safety of the one depended upon the de-
struction of the other. The days were spent in slaughter,
and the nights in terrors, which were the worst of the two.
It was common to see cities filled with dead bodies, lying
unburied, those of old men mixed with infants, all dead and
scattered about promiscuously, and women without covering
for their nakedness."
'Atm Scythopolis the contention was carried so far, that
above thirteen thousand Jews were killed.'
'After that," other cities also rose up against the Jews
that were among them. They of Ascalon slew two thousand
and five hundred ; they of Ptolemais two thousand, and put
many others into prison. The Tyrians acted in the like manner;
as did also Hippos and Gadara and divers other cities of Syria.
At Alexandria fifty thousand lay dead in heaps: nor
would the remainder have been spared if they had not pe-
titioned for mercy.'
Not long after that, the men of Damascus having got
the Jewish inhabitants into the place of exercise, ev Tw
yuvao, they came upon them unarmed, and slew ten
thousand in an hour's time.
66
These are what our Lord calls "the beginning of sor-
rows," when there were wars and rumours of wars, one
people and nation rising up against another. The end was
not yet." Jerusalem was not yet besieged, nor the people
1 Ibid. sect. 2.
• Ibid. sect. 7, 8.
m Ib. sect. 3.
n Ib. sect. 5.
P De B. J. 1. 2. c. xx. sect. 2.
JOSEPHUS. The Occasion of the War.
417
in it shut up for universal destruction. But that period
was nigh. See Matt. xxiv. 6-8; Mark xiii. 7, 8; Luke
xxi. 9, 10.
VII. And now I think it may not be improper for us to
take notice of Josephus's accounts of the occasion of the
war.
Giving an account of the contentions of the Jews and
Greeks, or Syrians, at Cæsarea, where the latter obtained a
decree from Nero that the government of the city belonged
to them, he says: And this occasioned the war which
began in the twelfth year of Nero.' Soon after which the
Jews at Cæsarea were treated very contemptuously and in-
juriously, till they were all destroyed, as he there proceeds
to relate; and we have already in part transcribed from him.
In the last chapter of the Jewish Antiquities he complains
much of Albinus, and still more of Florus, who succeeded
him, and exceeded him in avarice and cruelty: insomuch,
that the Jews were ready to consider Albinus as a benefactor.
'Finally,' says he, without adding any thing more, it was
Florus who compelled us to take up arms against the Ro-
mans, thinking it better to be destroyed all at once than by
little and little.'
r
In his own life he says: • Is have mentioned all these
things to show that the Jews' war with the Romans was
not their own choice, but rather that they were compelled
by necessity.'
In another place he says: Andt at the temple Eleazar,
son of Ananias the high-priest, a young man of a daring
temper, and then governor, persuaded those who officiated in
the divine service not to accept of the gift or sacrifice of a
foreigner. That was the origin of the war with the Romans:
for thus they rejected the sacrifice of Cæsar for them."
[That is, as I apprehend, they refused to offer prayers and
sacrifices, as subjects ought to do, for the emperor, and for
the prosperity of the Roman empire.]
And though many
of the high-priests, and of the principal men of the nation,
4 Έν δε τετῳ και οἱ Καισαρέων Έλληνες νικησαντες παρα Νερωνι της
πολεως αρχην, τα της κρισεως εκόμισαν γραμματα. Και προσελάμβανε την
αρχην ὁ πολεμος δωδεκατῳ μεν ετει της Νέρωνος ἡγεμονιας. De B. J. 1. 2. c.
xiv. 4.
Και τι δει πλειω λεγειν ; Τον γαρ προς Ρωμαιος
πολεμον ὁ καταναγκασας ημας αρασθαι, Φλωρος ην, κρειττον ἡγεμενες αθρόες, η
κατ' ολίγον απολεσθαι. Antiq. 1. 20. xi. 1.
T
ότι 8 προαίρεσις εγενετο τ8 πολεμο προς Ρωμαιος Ιεδαίοις, αλλα το
Vit. sect. 6.
πλεον αναγκη.
t
--αναπείθει μηδενος αλλοφύλε δωρον η θυσιαν προσδέχεσθαι. Τετο δε
ην τε προς Ρωμαιος πολεμε καταβολη. Την γαρ ύπερ τετων θυσιαν Καισαρος
аπεрpılaν. De B. 1. 2. xvii. 2.
VOL. VI.
2 E
418
Jewish Testimonies.
earnestly entreated them not to omit the customary respect
for their governors, they could not prevail.'
•
Afterwards, near the conclusion of his History of the Jew-
ish War, when the city was actually taken, he says: But "
that which principally encouraged them to the war, was
an ambiguous oracle, found also in their sacred writings,
that about this time some one from their country should ob-
tain the empire of the world. This they understood to be-
long to themselves; and inany of the wise men were mis-
taken in their judgment about it: for the oracle intended
the government of Vespasian, who was proclaimed emperor
in Judea.'
That is a very remarkable passage: some farther notice
shall be taken of it by and by.
That the Jewish people were uneasy under subjection to
the Romans, even in our Saviour's time, long before the
war broke out, appears from many things recorded in the
gospels as their great aversion to the publicans, though
Jews, who were employed in collecting the Roman tribute ;
from the question brought to our Saviour "whether it was
lawful to give tribute to Cæsar or not :" Matt. xxii. 15-22;
Mark xiii. 13-17; Luke xx. 19–26; from the attempt
of some who followed our Lord for a time to make him a
king: John vi. 15: from their frequent and importunate
demands that he would "show them a sign from heaven,
meaning some token that he intended to work out for them
a temporal deliverance," that they might believe in him,"
and have full assurance of his being the Christ: Matt. xii.
38; xvi. 1-4; and elsewhere and from divers other
things, which must be obvious to all who have read the
gospels with attention.
C
V
This uneasiness under the Roman yoke continued and
increased. Observable here is the answer which was made
by Titus, after the temple was burnt, to the petition of Si-
mon and John, the two great leaders of the factions in Je-
rusalem: 'You have never ceased rebelling since Pom-
pey first made a conquest of your country and at length
'you have declared open war against the Romans. Our
• kindness to you has encouraged your enmity against us;
who have let you live in your country in peace and quiet-
" ness. In the first place we gave you your own country to
• live in, and set over you kings of your own nation; and far-
'ther, we preserved to you your own laws: and withal we
have permitted you to live either by yourselves, or among
' others, as you liked best. And, which is the greatest favour
" De B. J. 1. 6. cap. v. 4.
▾ De B. 1. 6. cap. vi. 2.
JOSEPHUS. The Occasion of the War.
419
6
6
' of all, we have given you leave to gather up that tribute
which you pay to God, together with all such other gifts
as are dedicated to him. Nor have we called those to ac-
'count who carried such donations, nor given them any
'obstruction: till at length you became richer than our-
selves, even when you were our enemies, and you have
• made preparations for the war against us with our own
money.'
6
There are other things likewise in Josephus, which de-
serve to be taken notice of in this place. Giving an account
of the assessment made in Judea after the removal of
Archelaus, he says: At" the persuasion of Joazar the
high-priest, the Jews did generally acquiesce. However,
Judas the Gaulanite, of the town called Gamala, associating
to himself Sadduc a pharisee, excited the people to rebel-
lion, telling them that an assessment would bring in down-
right slavery, and exhorting the whole nation to assert their
liberty. The whole nation heard their discourses with in-
credible pleasure. And it is impossible to represent the
evils the nation has suffered, which were owing to these
men: for Judas and Sadduc brought in among us this
fourth sect: and there being many who embraced their sen-
timents, they not only caused disturbances in the govern-
ment at that time, but laid the foundation of those evils
which followed: which indeed are owing to this principle,
till then unknown among us.'
He then delivers the character and principles of the
three chief and more ancient sects of the Jews, as he calls
them and after that returns again to the men of whom he
had been speaking before. • Judas * the Galilean was the
leader of the fourth sect. In all other points they hold the
same sentiments with the pharisees: but they have an in-
vincible affection for liberty, and acknowledge God alone
their Lord and Governor. From that time the nation became
infected with this principle: and Florus, by abusing his
power when he was governor, threw them into despair, and
provoked them to rebel against the Romans.'
Those two passages were cited by y me formerly; and
divers observations were made upon them, which still ap-
pear to me not impertinent. But I am unwilling to re-
peat them here: and I think that, in the connection in which
they are now cited by me, it must be apparent from them,
without farther remarks, that the nation in general was in-
fected with the doctrine of Judas of Galilee. They had an
W
Antiq. 1. 18. c. i. sect. 1.
› Vol i. p. 228, &c.
× Ibid. sect. 6.
2 E 2
420
Jewish Testimonies.
+
Z
invincible zeal for liberty, scorned subjection to the Ro-
mans, their masters, and took up arms against them. As
Capellus says, 'Florus, by his exactions, forced them
against their consent, or rather drove them who were al-
ready disposed to it, and wanted no incitement to rebel
' against the Romans.'
6
6
I would now take farther notice of the passage above
cited, wherein our Jewish historian says, what principally
encouraged them to the war was an ambiguous oracle
found in their sacred writings, that about that time some
one from their own country should obtain the empire of
the world.'
The truth and importance of that observation, as I appre-
hend, may be confirmed and illustrated by the accounts
which Josephus has given of numerous impostors or false
prophets, which arose among them about this time, agree-
able to our Lord's predictions, as I shall now show.
"Whilst a Fadus was procurator of Judea, a certain im-
postor, called Theudas, persuaded a very great multitude,
taking their effects with them, to follow him to the river
Jordan: assuring them that he was a prophet, and that,
causing the river to divide at his command, he would give
them an easy passage over: by such speeches he deceived
many. But Fadus was far from suffering them to go on in
their madness; for he sent out a troop of horse, who, com-
ing upon them unexpectedly, slew many, and took many
prisoners. Theudas himself was among the last mentioned.
They cut off his head and brought it to Jerusalem. These
things happened in Judea whilst Cuspius Fadus was pro-
curator.'
Fadus was sent into Judea by the emperor Claudius,
after the death of Herod Agrippa. This affair of Theudas
therefore must be rightly placed in the year of Christ
45 or 46.
That is transcribed from the twentieth and last book of
the Antiquities. In the same book afterwards, in another
chapter, in the history of transactions in the time of Nero,
Josephus says; Bute affairs in Judea went on continually
growing worse and worse. The country was again filled
with robbers and impostors, who deceived the people; but
Felix time after time apprehended and put to death many of
z Florus, pessimus homo, qui modis omnibus Judæos cum vexaret et oppri-
meret, cogit vel invitos, aut potius ultro ruentes impulit, adversus Romanos
rebellare. L. Capp. Hist. Jud. p. 121.
a Ant. 1. 20. cap. v. 1.
b That Theudas is different from him mentioned by Gamaliel, Acts v. 36,
as was shown formerly, Vol. i. B. ii, ch. vii.
Antiq. 1. 20. cap. viii. 5.
C
JOSEPHUS. False Prophets and false Christs.
421
them.' A little lower: "And indeed, by means of the
crimes committed by the robbers, the city was filled with all
sorts of impiety and impostors and deceivers persuaded
the people to follow them into the wilderness; where, as
they said, they should see manifest wonders and signs per-
formed by the providence of God. And many hearkening
unto them, at length suffered the punishment of their folly:
for Felix fetched them back and punished them. About
the same time there came a man out of Egypt to Jerusa-
lem, who said he was a prophet: and having persuaded
a good number of the meaner sort of people to follow him
to the mount of Olives, he told them that thence they
should see the walls of Jerusalem fall down at his command,
and promised through them to give them entrance into the
city. But Felix being informed of these things, ordered
his soldiers to their arms; and, marching out of Jerusalem
with a large body of horse and foot, he fell upon the
Egyptian, and killed four hundred of them, and took two
hundred prisoners: but the Egyptian, getting out of the
fight, escaped.'
This same story is also in The War, with some differ-
ences in the numbers, which were considerede formerly.
There the account concludes in this manner : • When f
they came to engage, the Egyptian fled, followed by a few
only. A large part of those who were with him were
either slain or taken prisoners. The rest of the multi-
tude, being scattered, shifted for themselves as they could.'
This is supposed to have happened in the year of Christ 55.
In The War, in the paragraph preceding his account of
the Egyptian impostor, having just before related how
Judea then abounded with robbers, called Sicarii, he says:
Besides them, there was another body of wicked men,
whose hands indeed were cleaner, but their intentions were
as impious; who disturbed the happy state of the city no
less than those murderers. For deceivers and impostors,
under a pretence of divine inspiration, aiming at changes
and innovations, made the people mad: and induced them
to follow them into the wilderness, pretending that God
would there give them signs and wonders. Felix judging
these proceedings to be no less than the beginning of a re-
volt, sent out his soldiers, both horse and foot, and destroyed
great numbers of them.'
In the fore-cited chapter of the twentieth book of the
Antiquities, speaking of the robbers in the time of Por-
d Ib. sect. 6.
! De B. J. 1. 2. c. xiii. 5.
e Vol. i. ch. viii.
8 Ib. sect. 4.
•
422
Jewish Testimonies.
cius Festus, about the year of Christ 60, he says that 'he h
also sent out both horse and foot to fall upon those who
had been seduced by a certain impostor, who had promised
them deliverance and freedom from the miseries under
which they laboured, if they would but follow him into the
wilderness. The forces destroyed him that had deceived
them, and those that followed him.'
i
Josephus speaks of six thousand who perished in the
outer courts of the temple after it had been set on fire.
'The soldiers,' says he,set fire to the portico; whereupon
some threw themselves headlong down the precipice, others
perished in the flames: and not one out of so great a num-
ber escaped. A false prophet was the occasion of the ruin
of those people, who on that very day had made proclama-
tion in the city, assuring them that God commanded them
to go up to the temple, where they would receive signs of
deliverance. And indeed there were then many prophets
suborned by the tyrants to impose upon the people, and tell-
ing them that they ought to wait for help from God.'
6
k
And presently after, proceeding to relate the omens and
prodigies foresignifying the calamities coming upon the
Jewish people, and the city of Jerusalem, which shall be
recited by and by, he says: Impostors, who spake lies
in the name of God, deceived this miserable people. They
neither attended to, nor believed, the manifest signs fore-
signifying the coming desolation: but like infatuated men
who have neither eyes to see, nor minds to perceive, they
neglected the divine denunciations,'
So truly did our Lord say: "I am come in my Father's
name, and ye receive me not. If another shall come in his
own name, him ye will receive:” John v. 43.
Our blessed Lord says, Matt. xxiv. 24, "For there will
arise false christs, and false prophets, and will show great
signs and wonders, insomuch that (if it were possible) they
will deceive the very elect." But our Lord does not intend
to say that any of those false prophets would exhibit or per-
form great wonders. The original word is dwoσt, they will
give: the same word that is in the Septuagint version of
Deut. xiii. 1," If there arise among you a prophet, or a
dreamer of dreams, and he giveth thee a sign, or a wonder;
kai dw oor onpelov ʼn Tepas, that is, shall propose, or promise,
some sign or wonder, as the sequel shows. Parallel with
the text just cited from St. Matthew is Mark xiii, 22, “ For
false christs and false prophets will arise, and will show
h Ant. 1. 20. cap. viii. sect. 10.
i De B. J. 1. 6. cap. v. sect. 2.
k Ibid. sect. 3.
JOSEPHUS. False Prophets and false Christs.
423
signs and wonders," the same word again,
και δώσεσι σημεία
kat Tepaτα, “in order to seduce, if it were possible, even the
elect."
The accounts which Josephus has given of the impostors
in his time, show the exact accomplishment of these predic-
tions of our Lord: "They persuaded the people to follow
them into the wilderness, where, as they said, they would
see manifest signs and wonders, performed by the power of
God:" or, assuring them, " that God would there give them
signs and wonders:" or, that " they should there receive
signs of deliverance," and the like.
The passages of Josephus bear witness to the fulfilment of
our Lord's prediction," that many false prophets would
arise, and deceive many," Matt. xxiv. 11.
}
Our Lord does also say there, at ver. 5, " And many will
come in my name saying, I am Christ: and will deceive
many." And it is easy to believe that some of the many
false prophets did expressly take to themselves that title,
though Josephus does not say it. But whether they did
or not, our Saviour's predictions are verified in the appear-
ance of those false prophets. 'Josephus,' says march-
bishop Tillotson, mentions several of these; of whom,
though he does not expressly say that they called them-
selves the Messias, yet he says that which is equivalent that
they undertook to rescue the people from the Roman yoke.
Which was the thing which the Jews expected the Mes-
sias would do for them. And therefore we find that
the disciples who were going to Emmaus, and knew not
that Christ was risen, and were doubtful what to think of
him, say: "We hoped this had been he that should have
redeemed Israel :" that is, they hoped this had been the Mes-
sias; that being, it seems, a common periphrasis of the Mes-
sias, that he was "he that was to deliver Israel.” Which is
agreeable to a note of Grotius upon the place. All they
therefore, who pretended that they were inspired, and sent by
God to deliver the Jewish people, were indeed "false Christs."
They took upon themselves the character of the Messiah.
•
We may now readily admit the truth of what Josephus
says in the passage transcribed not long ago: That what
principally excited the Jewish people, the wise men, as he
See Tillemont, Ruine des Juifs, art. 36. A. D. 52.
m Vol. iii. p. 552.
" Christi nomine populus judaïcus intelligebat vindicem libertatis. Nam
illud, ήμεις δε ελπιζομεν, ότι αυτος εςιν ὁ μελλων λυτρεσθαι τον Ισραηλ, de-
scriptio est nominis Christi. Quare quicumque se missos divinitus liberatorcs
populi judaïci dicebant, eo ipso Christos se profitebantur, et erant eudo-
Xpisai, &c. Grot. in Matt. xxiv. 5.
424
Jewish Testimonies.
calls them, as well as others, to the war with the Romans,
was the expectation of a great deliverer to arise among
them, who should obtain the empire of the world.' This
great deliverer was the Messiah. The numerous "false pro-
phets" and "false Christs," of whom Josephus speaks so
frequently and so distinctly, are full proofs of it.
The expectation of the coming of the Messiah, about the
time of the appearance of Jesus, was universal, and had
been so for some while. But with the idea of a prophet,
or extraordinary teacher of religion, they had joined also
that of a worldly king and conqueror, who should deliver
the Jewish people from the burdens under which they la-
boured, raise them to a state of independence, and bring
the nations of the earth into subjection to them, to be ruled
and tyrannized over by them; and because our Lord did
not perform, nor attempt this, they rejected and crucified
him. If he would but have assumed the state and character
of an earthly prince, scribes and pharisees, priests and peo-
ple, would all have joined themselves to him, and have put
themselves under his banner. Of this we see many proofs
in the gospels. This disposition prevailed to the last. The
people therefore, though they had already met with many
disappointments, when our Lord entered into Jerusalem, in
no greater state than riding upon an ass, accompanied him
with loud acclamations, and other tokens of respect, say-
ing: "Hosanna to the son of David. Blessed is the king
that cometh in the name of the Lord." And Jesus, our
Lord, not assuming then the character of an earthly prince,
was a fresh disappointment, and left deep resentments;
which rendered them susceptible of the worst impressions
from the chief priests, and their other rulers. And at their
instigation they desired Pilate, the Roman governor, to set
Barabbas at liberty, and crucify Jesus. With which cla-
morous and importunate demand he at length complied, still
bearing testimony to the innocence of him whom he unwill-
ingly condemned. The account of St. Matthew alone, with-
out any other, will suffice for showing this amazing trans-
action: "Pilate saith unto them: What shall I do then
with Jesus, who is called Christ? They all say unto him:
Let him be crucified. The governor said: Why? what evil
has he done? But they cried out the more, saying: Let him
be crucified. When Pilate saw that he prevailed nothing,
and that rather a tumult was made, he took water and
washed his hands before the multitude, saying: I am inno-
• Proofs of this, together with divers remarks, may be seen in Vol. i. p.
138, &c.
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea. A. D. 66.
425
Then
cent from the blood of this just person: see ye to it.
answered all the people: His blood be upon us, and our
children. Then released he Barabbas unto them. And
when he had scourged Jesus, he delivered him to be cru-
cified :" Matt. xxvii. 22—26.
The continued expectation of the Messiah, as a worldly
king and conqueror, as we have just seen in Josephus, and
their uneasiness under the Roman yoke, were the immediate
occasions of their rebelling against the authority to which
they were then subject. And the same principles that in-
duced them to reject and crucify Jesus, brought upon them
their utter and final ruin.
:
As the sin of the Jewish people in rejecting and crucify-
ing Jesus, after a life of perfect innocence and consummate
virtue, after speaking as no man had done before, and doing
works which no other man had done at Jerusalem, and in
every part of the land of Israel; after such preparations as
had been made for his reception by the prophets, and by the
testimony of John the Baptist, his forerunner: was very
great and aggravated and as they rejected the renewed
offers of mercy, and repeated and earnest calls to repent-
auce made by Christ's apostles, and went on increasing in
wickedness; God at length suffered the Romans to come
upon them with an armed force, demolished their temple,
and made desolate their city, and their whole country, with
many circumstances of uncommon and even unparalleled
distress. All which having been foreseen and often foretold
by the Lord Jesus in his public discourses, the accomplish-
ment of these predictions, in the event, is an argument of
great force in favour of his divine mission, and of his being
indeed the Messiah, additional to the excellent doctrine and
wonderful works of his ministry.
VIII. Having shown the occasion and causes of the war,
and having also observed the several things foretold by
the Lord Jesus, as preceding it, I now proceed to The His-
tory of the War itself, collecting it from Josephus, and mak-
ing my extracts in his own words.
The disturbances still increasing at Jerusalem, and the
animosity against Florus being very great, Cestius Gallus,
president of Syria, judged it not proper for him to lie still
"If ye were blind, ye should have no sin: but now you say, we see,
therefore your sin remaineth :" John ix. 41. "If I had not come and spoken
to them, they had not had sin: but now they have no cloak for their sin. If
I had not done among them the works which no other man did, they had not
had sin but now they have both seen, and hated, both me and my Father:"
John xv. 22-24.
¶ De B. J. 1. 2. cap. xviii. sect. 9.
426
Jewish Testimonics.
any longer; he therefore determined to march into Judea :
whereupon he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire,
and out of the rest two thousand chosen men, with six
cohorts of foot, and four troops of horse, beside the auxilia-
ries which were sent by the kings: of which Antiochus sent
two thousand horse, and three thousand foot, all archers.
Agrippa sent a thousand horse and two thousand foot.
Sohemus followed with four thousand. He then marched
to Ptolemais. Agrippa accompanied Cestius as a guide in
the journey, and as capable of being useful to him in other
respects. After he was come thither, Cestius took a part of
his army and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of
Galilee, which separates the country of Ptolemais from our
nation that he found destitute of its men, the multitude
having fled to the mountains, but full of all good things,
which he allowed the soldiers to seize as plunder: and he
set fire to the city, though its buildings were very beautiful,
resembling those of Tyre and Sidon, and Berytus. After
that he overran the neighbouring country, seizing whatever
came in his way, and setting fire to the villages: and then
returned to Ptolemais.' At this very time, as Josephus
adds in the same paragraph, the Jews found means to de-
stroy about two thousand Syrians, at Berytus, and near it,
Cestius being at a distance.
:
"Now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and
came to Cæsarea; and then sent part of his army before
him to Joppa; who coming suddenly upon that people,
who were prepared neither for flight nor for their own de-
fence, slew them with all their families, and then plundered
and burnt the city. The number of the slain were eight
thousand and four hundred. In like manner he sent a
number of horse into the toparchy of Narbata, not far from
Cæsarea, who slew many of the inhabitants, plundered their
goods, and set fire to the villages.'
•
Now also Cestius sent Gallus, commander of the
twelfth legion, into Galilee, where he slew more than two
thousand.'
Gallust then returned to Cæsarea, and Cestius moved
with his whole army and came to Antipatris. Thence he
set forward to Lydda, where he found the place empty of
men, the people being gone up to Jerusalem upon account
of the Feast of Tabernacles. However, he found there fifty
men, whom he slew, and burnt the city, and then marched
onward; and going up by Bethoron, he pitched his camp
at Gaba, fifty furlongs from Jerusalem.'
• Sect. 10.
s Ib. sect. 11.
Ib. cap. xix. sect. 1.
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea. A. D. 66.
427
The " Jews, seeing the war approaching to their metro-
polis, relying upon their numbers, went out to fight in a
hasty and disorderly manner, even in the time of the fes-
tival. But the rage which made them forget their religion
did also make them superior to their enemies. Cestius with
his whole army was in danger. Five hundred and fifteen
of the Romans were slain, whilst the Jews lost only two-
and-twenty. The most valiant of the Jews were Monoba-
zus, and Kenedæus, related to Monobazus, king of the
Adiabenes. Next to them were Niger of Peréa, and Silas
of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the
Jews, and Simon son of Gioras, to be hereafter often men-
tioned. After that the Jews retired into the city. Cestius
staid there three days.'
V
'At this time Agrippa with the consent of Cestius sent
to the Jews two ambassadors, Borcæus and Phoebus, men
well known to them, with assurances of plenary forgive-
ness from Cestius if they would lay down their arms and
submit. But the Jews would not so much as receive the
ambassadors. Phoebus they fell upon, and slew him, be-
fore he had spoken a word. Borcæus too was wounded:
but he retreated and escaped.'
6
'Soon after that, Cestius moved forward with his whole
army, and encamped upon an elevated spot of ground call-
ed Scopos [signifying the prospect or watch-tower]. Here
he rested three days. On the fourth day, which was the
thirtieth of October, he brought his army into the city. The
seditious,' as Josephus calls them, were much terrified, and
retired from the suburbs to the inner part of the city and the
temple. Cestius soon set fire to the place called Bezetha,
or the new city, and to the wood-market. After which he
came forward to the upper part of the city, and pitched his
camp over against the royal palace. And if at that time he
had attempted to make his way within the walls by force,
he would have won the city presently, and put an end to
the war at once. But Tyrannus Priscus, a general in the
army, and many officers of the horse, who had been cor-
rupted by Florus, diverted him from that design: which
was the occasion that this war lasted so long, and the Jews
were involved in such grievous calamities.'
<
X
So writes Josephus. And afterwards he says: If Ces-
tius had continued the siege a little longer he had certainly
taken the city. But God, as I think, for the wickedness
of the people abhorring his own solemnities, suffered not
the war to come to an end at that time.'
" Ib. sect. 2.
▾ Ib. sect. 3.
* Ib. sect. 4.
* Sect 6.
428
Jewish Testimonies.
•
Cestiusy then withdrew from the city. The Jews re-
sumed courage, and went after him; and coming upon his
rear, destroyed a good number both of horse and foot. That
night Cestius lay at his former camp, Scopos. As he went
farther off the next day, he even invited his enemies to pur-
sue him. The Romans suffered greatly. Among the slain
were Priscus, commander of the sixth legion, Longinus, a
tribune, and Æmilius Secundus, commander of a troop of
horse. It was not without a great deal of difficulty that
they got to Gabao, their former camp, and leaving behind
their baggage. There Cestius staid two days, and was in
great perplexity how to proceed. On the third day he
judged it expedient to move.'
That he might march on with the greater expedition,
he threw away every thing that might retard his march.
He killed the mules, and the other beasts, excepting only
such as carried weapons of war; which the Romans kept
for their own use, and that they might not fall into the
hands of the Jews to be afterwards employed against them.
In that march they met with such difficulties, that the Jews
were near taking the whole army of Cestius prisoners; and
would have effected it, if night had not come on.'
a
In their flight they left behind them many engines, for
sieges, and for throwing stones, and a great part of their
other instruments of war. The Jews pursued them as far
as Antipatris, and then returned, taking up the engines,
spoiling the dead bodies, and gathering up the prey which
the Romans had left behind them. So they came back to
their metropolis with great rejoicings. They lost but a few
men themselves. But they had slain of the Romans and
their auxiliaries five thousand and three hundred foot, and
three hundred and eighty horse. These things happened
on the eighth day of November, in the twelfth year of the
reign of Nero.'
6
b
After that calamity had befallen Cestius,' says Jose-
phus, many of the most considerable of the Jewish people
forsook the city, as men do a sinking ship.'
And it is very likely that at this time many of the chris-
tians also withdrew from Jerusalem and Judea. Eusebius
says that before the war began, the christians left Jerusa-
lem, and went to a place beyond Jordan called Pella.
b
• Seet. 8.
y Ib. sect. 7.
a Sect. 9.
Μετα δε την Κεσις συμφοραν, πολλοι των επιφανων Ιεδαίων, ώσπερ βαπ-
τιζόμενης νεως, απενηχοντο της πολεως. De B. J. 1. 2. c. xx. sect. 1.
οικείν
προ τε πολεμε, μεταπήναι της πολεως, και τινα της Περαιας πολιν
Πελλαν αυτην ονομαζεσιν. Η. Ε. 1. 3. c. v. p. 75. Α.
JOSEPHUS.
429
Transactions in Judea. A. D. 66.
a
Epiphanius speaks to the like purpose. Eusebius does
not quote any ancient author for what he says: but it might
be founded upon tradition, and such as could be relied
upon. As he resided near the place he might have satis-
factory information of it, and receive the account from the
descendents of those Jewish believers.
However, some of them may have gone abroad into other
countries. St. John, as is well known, lived for some time
in Asia. When he came thither we cannot say exactly;
but probably in the year of Christ 66, or sooner. Some of
the Jewish believers might go with him out of Judea, or
come to him into Asia afterwards. St. John, in his third
epistle, ver. 6, speaks of " strangers" who were under diffi-
culties. Some learned men have supposed that thereby
are meant Jewish believers, who had been driven out of
Palestine, or had fled from it, induced thereto by the ne-
cessity of the times and their fidelity to Christ, and had left
their substance behind them.
I think we may reckon it to be certain, or at least highly
probable, that none of the faithful disciples of Jesus were
shut up in Jerusalem at the siege: and that most of them
left it some while before it began, in the year of Christ 66,
or thereabouts, or sooner.
Our blessed Lord, speaking of the difficulties of these
times, and of the declensions of some of his followers, en-
courages faithfulness in strong terms: Mark xiii. 13, “ And
ye shall be hated of all men for my name's sake; but he that
shall endure unto the end shall be saved." And Luke xxi.
17-19, "And ye shall be hated of all men for my name's
sake; but there shall not an hair of your head perish. In
your patience possess ye your souls." And compare Matt.
x. 21, 22. These gracious assurances were now fulfilled.
The difficulties which the followers of Jesus met with were
very great; and the "love of many waxed cold," and some
apostatized to judaism, to avoid sufferings: nevertheless
they gained nothing by it. They joined themselves to the
unbelieving part of the nation, and had part with them in
the heavy calamities which befell them. But the faithful
followers of Jesus, who were steady to their profession, and
attended to his predictions concerning coming calamities,
and observed the signs of their near approach, escaped, and
obtained safety, with only the lesser difficulties of a flight,
which was necessary in the time of a general calamity.
f
The Jews, who had defeated Cestius, upon their return
d H. 29. sect. vii.
f Ib. c. xx. sect. 3, 4.
e See this volume, chap. xx. cel. v
430
Jewish Testimonies.
to Jerusalem, appointed governors and commanders for se-
veral places. Joseph, son of Gorion, and Ananus the high
priest, were chosen to govern the city, and to repair the
walls. Josephus, son of Matthias, our historian, was made
governor of both the Galilees. Others were sent to other
places.
Cestius & sent messengers to Nero in Achaia, to give him
an account of what had happened, and of the state of affairs
in Judea, and to lay the blame of all the disturbances upon
Florus.
h
Nero, as Josephus says, was not a little moved at these
things, though he dissembled his concern. However, he
chose for a general a man of known valour and experience
in war, several of whose important services are here men-
tioned by Josephus, agreeably to the testimony of the Ro-
mani authors, who represent Vespasian to have been chosen
for this service out of regard to his merit, when, upon some
accounts, he was disagreeable to Nero.
Vespasian sent his own son Titus from Achaia, where
he then was, to Alexandria, to fetch thence the fifth and
tenth legions. Himself having crossed the Hellespont, went
by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman
forces, and a good number of auxiliaries from the neigh-
bouring princes.
The Jews, elevated by the advantages which they had
gained over Cestius, determined to carry the war to a greater
в Ib. c. xx. sect. 1.
h De B. J. 1. 3. c. i. sect. 1, 2.
1 Missu Neronis, Vespasianus fortunâ famâque, et egregiis ministris, &c.
Tacit. Hist. L. v. cap. 10.
Claudio principe, Narcissi gratiâ legatus legionis in Germaniam missus est ;
inde in Britanniam translatus, tricies cum hoste conflixit.--Peregrinatione
Achaïca inter comites Neronis, cum, cantante eo, aut discederet sepius, aut
præsens obdormisceret, gravissimam contraxit offensam. Prohibitusque non
contubernio modo, sed etiam publicâ salutatione, secessit in parvam ac deviam
civitatem, quoad latenti, etiamque extrema metuenti, provincia cum exercitu
oblata est. Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut
eo tempore Judæâ profecti rerum potirentur. Id de Imperatore Romano
(quantum eventu postea patuit) prædictum Judæi ad se trahentes, rebellârunt ;
cæsoquo præposito, legatum insuper Syriæ consularem suppetias ferentem,
raptà aquilâ fugaverunt. Ad hunc motum comprimendum cum exercitu
ampliore, et non instrenuo duce, cui tamen tuto tanta res committeretur, opus
esset, ipse potissimum delectus est; et, ut industriæ expertæ, nec metuendus
ullo modo ob humilitatem generis ac nominis. Additis igitur ad copias dua-
bus legionibus, octo alis, cohortibus decem, atque inter legatos majore filio
assumto, ut primum provinciam attigit, proximas quoque convertit in se; cor-
rectâ statim castrorum disciplinâ: uno quoque et altero prælio tam constanter
initio ut in oppugnatione castelli lapidis ictum genu, scuto sagittas aliquot
exceperit. Sueton. Vespasian. c. iv.
k De B. J. 1. 3. c. i. sect. 3.
1 Ib. c. ii. sect. 1, 2, 3.
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea. A. D. 66.
431
distance. Accordingly they marched to Ascalon, a city
always at enmity with them, distant from Jerusalem five
hundred and fifty furlongs; [more than sixty miles.] Here
the Jewish people were defeated in two attacks, losing more
than eighteen thousand men, and two of their generals, John
the Essene, and Silas the Babylonian. Niger the Peraite,
the third general, narrowly escaped with his life.
Vespasian,m when he arrived at Antioch, the metropolis
of Syria, reckoned the third city of the Roman empire for
magnitude and dignity, found there Agrippa waiting for
him, and taking the whole army with him, he soon marched
forward to Ptolemais.
n
Titus making greater expedition than could have been
expected, especially in the winter season, came to his father
at Ptolemais, bringing with him the fifth and tenth legions:
to which were added the fifteenth legion, and eighteen co-
horts. There were also five cohorts from Cæsarea, with one
troop of horse, and also five other troops from Syria.
There was also a considerable number of auxiliaries from
the kings Antiochus [of Comagene], and Agrippa, and Se-
leucus, and Malchus the Arabian. So that the whole army
of Romans and auxiliaries, horse and foot, amounted to
about sixty thousand men, beside servants, whom Josephus
represents as far from being useless, according to the Roman
discipline.
Thus we have pursued the history to the end of the year
66, and into the beginning of the year 67.
。
Vespasian staid some while at Ptolemais. However
Placidus, who was before sent into Galilee, destroyed many
whom he met with in the open countries. He also made
an attack upon Jotapata, but was repulsed.
Vespasian leaves Ptolemais, and marcheth with his
army in great order into Galilee.
The first place taken by Vespasian was Gadara, which
at that time had in it few men of a military age. But he
slew all the young people: the Romans, from hatred of the
Jews, and resenting the defeat of Cestius, having no mercy
on any age. He also set fire to the city, and burnt all the
villages and smaller towns round about; making some to-
tally desolate, in others taking some captives.
r
Josephus leaves Tiberias, and enters Jotapata on the
twenty-first day of May.
S
The next day Vespasian marches to Jotapata, att the
siege of which he received a slight wound in one of his feet.
m Ibid. sect. 4.
9 Cap. vii. 1.
n Ib. c. iv. n. 2.
•
• Sect. 3.
L. 3. C. vi. 1.
s Ib. 4.
p Ib. n. 2, 3.
t Ib. sect. 22.
432
Jewish Testimonies.
"Whilst " Vespasian lay with his army before Jotapata,
he sent Trajan, commander of the tenth legion, to Japha,
not far off. The place was strong and surrounded by a
double wall. A large number made a sally upon the Ro-
mans. Being beaten back they retired within the outer
wall: but when they came to the inner wall, their fellow-
citizens refused to admit them, lest the Romans should also
force their way in with them. And now,' says Josephus,
it might be seen that God had given up the Galileans to
the Romans to be destroyed by their cruel enemies. The
number of the slain in the distress between the two walls,
was twelve thousand. Of this Trajan gave information to
Vespasian, desiring him to send his son Titus thither, that he
might have the honour of completing the conquest.
▾
Vespasian, suspecting there might still be some difficul-
ty, sent Titus with five hundred horse and a thousand foot.
When the place was taken, all the people, young and old,
were destroyed. None were saved excepting the male
infants and the women, who were made slaves. The num-
ber of those who were slain now, and in the former attack,
were fifteen thousand. The prisoners were two thousand a
hundred and thirty. This calamity befell the Galileans on
the five-and twentieth day of May.'
W
At the same time the Samaritans got together in a riot-
ous manner at mount Garizim. Whereupon Vespasian sent
against them Cerealis, commander of the fifth legion, with
six hundred horse, and three thousand foot; who slew
them all to the number of eleven thousand and six hun-
dred. This happened on the twenty-fifth day of the month
of June.
Now the final attack was made upon Jotapata, which
was taken after a siege of forty-seven days. All of every
age were slain, except infants and women. The captives
were a thousand and two hundred. The number of slain in
the last attack, and in the former encounters, was forty
thousand. Vespasian ordered the city to be demolished,
and set fire to all the castles. Thus Jotapata was taken
on the first day of July, in the thirteenth year of the reign
of Nero.
I think it may be worth the while to observe here, for
showing the violent and desperate disposition of the Jewish
people at this time, that in the distress of the last attack,
V
" Ib. sect. 31.
Θεος δ' ην αρα, ὁ Ρωμαίοις τα Γαλιλαιων παθη χαριζομενος, κ. λ. Ibid.
w Ibid. p. 32.
* Sect. 33-35.
* Τετο πολλές και περι τον Ιωσηπον επιλεκτων, επ' αυτοχειρίαν παρώξυνε.
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea. A. D. 66.
433
when the Romans were got within the walls of Jotapata,
many of the people made away with themselves rather
than come into the hands of the Romans. Josephus calls
them chosen men, who were near his person: they could
not kill the Romans; and they resolved not to be killed by
them,'
Z
Undoubtedly my readers recollect here what was taken
notice of formerly, which happened presently afterwards,
in the cave where a Josephus and forty other persons of
distinction had hid themselves. And several other like in-
stances may appear hereafter, as we proceed in this history,
which ought not to pass unnoticed.
b
:
Josephus now came into the hands of the Roman gene-
ral. He was still a prisoner, and carried a chain but he
had change of apparel given him, and was otherwise well
used.
d
C
The siege of Jotapata being over, on the fourth of July
Vespasian returned to Ptolemais. Thence he went to Cæ-
sarea by the seaside. Here he put two legions, for some
while, for their refreshment: but sent the tenth and fifth
to Scythopolis, that Cæsarea might not be over-burdened.
"In the mean time he sent some of his soldiers, both horse
and foot, to Joppa; which, though it had been demolished
not long since by Cestius, was repeopled by men who had
escaped from other cities. Here they built many ships,
and exercised a kind of piracy. Upon the approach of the
Romans, they betook themselves to their ships, which met
with a violent storm and were cast away. The number
that perished was computed to be four thousand and two
hundred. Here also some, rather than be drowned, or be
cast on the shore, and then be killed by the Romans, put
an end to their own lives. The place was now entirely de-
molished. However, by Vespasian's direction, a number
of horse and foot were left here, with orders to destroy
the neighbouring villages. So those troops overrun the
country, as they were ordered, and laid waste the whole
region.
f
In a short time Vespasian went from Cæsarea before
mentioned, to Cæsarea Philippi, to pay a compliment to king
Κατιδόντες γαρ, ώς εδενα των Ρωμαίων ανελειν δύνανται, τογε μη πεσειν αυτές
ὑπο Ρωμαίων προελαβον, και συναθροισθεντες επι τα καταλήγοντα της πόλεως
σφας αυτός ανειλον. Sect. 34.
z See p. 395.
ενθα τεσσαρακοντα μεν των επισημων ανδρας καταλαμβανει λανθα
νοντας. lb. c. viii. 1.
b lb. sect. 9.
d Sect. 2-4.
e
c Ibid. cap. 9. sect. 1.
Τινες δε, ὡς κεφοτερῳ, την θαλασσαν έφθανον, τῳ σιδηρῳ σφας αυτές
f Ib. sect. 7.
avaiρзvτεs. Ib. sect. 3.
αναιρέντες.
VOL. VI.
2 F
434
Jewish Testimonies.
Agrippa, by whom he had been invited, and by whom he
was now entertained twenty days.
g
Hearing of the revolt of Taricheas, Vespasian sent
thither his son Titus. Taricheas
Taricheas" was a strong place, and
had been fortified by Josephus. The number of people
who perished in the several attacks, and in taking the city,
was six thousand and five hundred.
i
After which Vespasian sat on his tribunal to consider
what should be done with the people that remained. And
at length by his order all the old men, and other useless
people, to the number of twelve hundred, were slain. Out
of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest,
whom he sent to Nero to work at the Isthmus. The rest
he sold for slaves, who were in number thirty thousand
and four hundred. This was done on the eighth day of
September.
The place to which Vespasian went was Gamala.
Where he met with great difficulties, and many of the Ro-
mans were slain. It was taken at last on the twenty-third
day of October. When there was no way of escaping left,
many Jews threw their children, their wives, and them-
selves, from the hill on which the citadel was built, into the
deep valley below. The number of those who thus preci-
pitated themselves was computed to be five thousand. The
rest amounted to four thousand. For here the Romans
spared none, not even infants. None escaped except two
women.
1
To Gischala Vespasian sent Titus: here about six thou-
sand were slain. But John, son of Levi, who had command-
ed in the place, escaped and got to Jerusalem, with some
others: which, as our historian says, was the work of God,
who saved John for the destruction of Jerusalem.
n
'Thus,' says Josephus, was all Galilee subdued, after
it had cost the Romans much labour.'
The next chapter of our author contains an account of
the state of things in Jerusalem after John came into it.
Where he likewise says: • At the same time there were
disturbances and civil wars in every city. And all they
who were quiet from the Romans, turned their hands one
against another. At this time robbers, and others of the
g Ib. sect. 7.
h
Cap. x. 1-10.
k De B. J. l. 4. cap. 1. sect. 1-10.
m
¡ Sect. 10.
¹ Ibid. cap. ii. n. 1—5.
να θες δε ην το εργον, αρα τε σωζοντος τον Ιωαννην επι τον των Ιεροσυλυ-
μwv oλεopov. Sect. 3.
μων ολεθρον.
πολλοις ίδρωσε προγυμνασασα Ρωμαιος.
• Ib, cap. 3.
Γαλιλαια μεν εν οὕτως ἑαλω πασα,
n
Sect. 5.
P Ib. sect. 2, 3
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea.
435
A. D. 68.
worst characters, came into the city, where it had been
long usual to receive all who came: but their numbers
consumed those provisions, which might have been of use
in a siege.'
q
They now exercised tyranny over the most considerable
men. Antipas, a man of royal lineage, the most potent man
in the city, to whom the care of the public treasure had
been committed, they laid hold of, and sent to prison: and
after him Levias, a man of great distinction, and Sophas,
son of Raguel, a man of like eminence, and both of royal
lineage. And not thinking themselves safe whilst they
were living, they sent some men, of desperate characters, to
put them to death in the prison.
8
Dissensions increasing, there were slaint in one night
eighty thousand and five hundred; and afterwards " twelve
thousand of the better sort, beside many others. Here also
are mentioned by name, as put to death by the zealots, or
others, divers men of great eminence, whose deaths our his-
torian laments in pathetic terms: Ananus," the most ancient
of the high-priests; Jesus, also high-priest, inferior to
Ananus, but yet a person of great eminence; and Zacharias,
son of Baruch; different from Zacharias mentioned in
Matt. xxiii. 35, and Luke xi. 51, as was shown in another w
place.
X
Soon after this, was put to death by the zealots, Gorion,
a man of great eminence for his own virtues, as well as upon
account of his family, nor did Niger,the Peraite, escape their
hands, though he had been so serviceable to them in this
war. • When they were killing him, he uttered this impre-
cation upon them-that, beside the war, they might undergo
famine and pestilence, and, after that, come to the mutual
slaughter of each other. All which imprecations God rati-
fied against those wicked men. And most justly did they
soon after reap the fruit of their madness in their mutual
dissensions,'
Z
These things being heard of in the Roman camp, the
commanders were for hastening the attack upon the city;
but Vespasian, as Josephus says, answered them, that the
Jews were not now making armour, nor building walls; but
they are every day tearing themselves to pieces by intestine
wars and dissensions, and suffer greater miseries than could
a Sect. 4.
r Sect. 5.
s L. 4. cap. v. Et conf. cap. iii. sect. 7.
u
t Cap. v. sect. 1
Μύριοι δε και δισχίλιοι των ευγενων οὕτω διεφθαρησαν. Sect. 3.
▾ Sect. 2, et 4.
* See Vol. i. ch. vi.
* Ib. cap. vi. sect. 1.
y Ib. sect. 1.
z Ib. sect. 2
2 F 2
436
Jewish Testimonies.
be inflicted upon them by us, if they were in our hands.
And it was the best way to let the Jews destroy one
another.
These things we suppose to have happened at the end of
the year 67, and the beginning of 68.
'However, Vespasian was not inattentive to affairs, and
took care to reduce other places before he went to Jerusa-
lem. He then left Cæsarea for a while, and marched to
Gadara, the metropolis of Perea,' as Josephus says, ' and
entered it on the fourth day of March.'
• After which he returned to Cæsarea, and left Placidus
to carry on the war in those parts; who took Abila, Julias,
and Besemoth, and other smaller cities and villages, as far
as the lake Asphaltites; insomuch that now all Perea was
in the hands of the Romans, excepting Macherus. This
expedition was very fatal to the Jews. Many of the jewish
people were slain by the sword, others were driven into the
river Jordan. The number of the slain was not less than
fifteen thousand, beside two thousand and two hundred
which were made captives. And Placidus had a rich booty
of asses and sheep, camels and oxen. This disaster was equal
to any that had yet befallen the Jews.'
In the mean time b Vespasian with a part of his army
went from Cæsarea to Antipatris; where he spent two days
in settling the affairs of that city. On the third day he
marched on, laying waste and burning all the villages. And
when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of
Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and then came
to Ammaus. Thence he went to the toparchy of Bethlepte-
phon; and destroying that and other neighbouring places,
he slew more than ten thousand, and made captives more than
a thousand: and on the second day of the month of July he
pitched his camp at Corea, not far from Neapolis, called by
the people of the country Mabortha, and then went to Jericho.
Not long afterwards he returned to Cæsarea. And e
now, when he was getting ready all his forces for the siege
of Jerusalem, he hears of the death of Nero, which happened
on the tenth of June, in the year of our Lord 68. Where-
fore Vespasian for a while put off his intended expedition
against Jerusalem, waiting to see to whom this empire
would be transferred, and expecting to receive orders from
him.
d
During the remaining part of the year 68 and the year
69, little was done by the Romans in the war against the
a L. 4. cap. vii.
c Ib. cap. ix. 1, 2.
Pagi ann. 69. n. xiii.
b Ib. cap. viii. 1.
d Nihil hoc anno alicujus momenti in Judæâ gestum.
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea. A. D. 69.
437
Jews. They kept garrisons in the places already conquered,
and fortified some places: but they made little progress, and
the siege of Jerusalem was deferred. This delay was a
favourable opportunity for the Jewish people to consider
and relent, and make peace with the Romans their enemies,
having first repented of their sins, and humbled themselves
before God but nothing of that kind came to pass. They
went on in their old way, quarrelling among themselves, and
forming parties, weakening themselves by divisions and
contentions, and thereby hastening their ruin.
:
Our Lord foresaw this, as appears from the terms of all
his predictions concerning them. He foresaw that nothing
would reclaim them, after his own teachings had failed of
the effect. When he was come near, he beheld the city, and
wept over it, saying: If thou hadst known, even thou, in
this thy day the things that belong to thy peace but now
they are hid from thine eyes: for the days will come upon
thee that thy enemies shall compass the round, and lay thee
even with the ground, and thy children within thee, because
thou knewest not the time of thy visitation:" Luke xix.
41-44. He would still send among them prophets, wise
men, and scribes, his apostles and evangelists; but they
would not hearken to them. They would reject their mes-
sage and abuse them: xxiii. 34.
e
At this time, says Josephus, a new war began at Jerusa-
lem. And Simou, son of Gorias, who for a while had been
troublesome to the people there by his furious attacks upon
the place, was admitted into the city in the month of April,
near the end of the third year of the war.
f
g
On the third day of July, in the year of our Lord 69,
Vespasian was proclaimed emperor by the Roman army in
Judea; as he had been proclaimed on the first day of the
same month at Alexandria; which day was reckoned the
beginning of his reign.
And may we not be allowed to suppose that Vespasian
and Titus were thus advanced by way of recompence for
their services, as instruments in the hand of Providence for
inflicting that punishment upon the Jewish people which
e
• Επανιςαται δε αλλος τοις Ιεροσολύμοις πολεμος. L. 4. c. ix. sect. 3. in.
f Cap. ix. sect. 12.
8 Ib. cap. x.
h Initium ferendi ad Vespasianum Imperii Alexandriæ cœptum, festinante
Tiberio Alexandro, qui Kal. Jul. sacramento ejus legiones adegit. Isque
primus principatus dies in posterum celebratus, quamvis judaïcus exercitus v.
nonas Jul. apud ipsum jurâsset, eo ardore, ut ne Titus quidem filius exspecta-
retur, Syriâ remeans, et consiliorum inter Municianum et patrem nuntius.
Tacit. Hist. 2. cap. 79. Conf. Sueton. Vespasian. cap. 6. Vid. et Pagi, ann.
69. n. vii. et Basnag. ann. 69. n. xxi.
-
438
Jewish Testimonies.
their crying sins deserved, and thus accomplishing the pre-
dictions concerning it? We cannot say that they were truly
virtuous; but they were persons of great eminence, and
many abilities: and they had a more social and benevolent
disposition than many others. Titus in particular is repre-
sented by Roman authors as a man of a very amiable i cha-
racter. And Josephus, who was present with him in the
war, often says that he unwillingly treated the Jewish peo-
ple so severely as he did, and that he often made them offers
of mercy, if they would lay down their arms, and accept of
reasonable terms.
k
Vespasian, not long after this, went to Alexandria, and
thence to Rome, leaving his son Titus to carry on the war
in Judea.
Vespasian staid some months at Alexandria, waiting for
a fair wind and good weather, or upon account of some
political views and considerations. Several extraordinary
things are related to have happened during his stay there,
which are related very briefly by Dion Cassius, more
particularly by Suetonius, and still more prolixly by "
Tacitus.
m
1
Two men of low rank at Alexandria, one of them blind,
i Titus, cognomento paterno, amor ac delicia humani generis. Sueton.
Tit. cap. i.
k Jos. de B. J. 1. 4. cap. xi.
¹ Dio. 1. 66. n. 8. p. 1082.
m Auctoritas et quasi majestas quædam, ut scilicet inopinato et adhuc novo
principi, deerat: hæc quoque accessit. E plebe quidam luminibus orbatus,
item alius debili crure, sedentem pro tribunali pariter adierunt, orantes opem
valetudinis, demonstratam a Serapide per quietem, restiturum oculos, si
inspuisset; confirmaturum crus, si dignaretur calce contingere. Cum vix
fides esset rem ullo modo successuram, ideoque ne experiri quidem auderet;
extremo, hortantibus amicis, palam pro concione utrumque tentavit, nec
eventus defuit. Sueton. Vespas. cap. vii.
" Per eos menses, quibus Vespasianus Alexandriæ statos æstivis flatibus
dies, et certa maris operiebatur, multa miracula evenere, quîs cœlestis favor et
quædam in Vespasianum inclinatio numinum ostenderetur. Ex plebe Alex-
andrinâ quidam, oculorum tabe notus, genua ejus advolvitur, remedium cœci-
tatis exposcens gemitu; monitu Serapidis dei, quem dedita superstitionibus
gens ante alios colit. Precabaturque principem, ut genas et oculorum orbes
dignaretur respergere oris excremento. Alius manu æger, eodem deo auctore,
ut pede ac vestigio Cæsaris calcaretur, orabat. Vespasianus primo irridere,
aspernari; atque, illis instantibus, modo famam vanitatis metuere, modo
obsecratione ipsorum, et vocibus adulantium, in spem induci: postremo
æstimari a medicis jubet, an talis cœcitas ac debilitas ope humanâ superabiles
forent. Medici varie disserere: Huic non exesam vim luminis, et redituram,
si pellerentur obstantia; illi illapsos in pravum artus, si salubris vis adhibeatur,
posse integrari.Igitur Vespasianus cuncta fortunæ suæ parere ratus, nec
quidquam ultra incredibile, læto ipse vultu, erectâ quæ adstabat multitudine,
jussa exsequitur. Statim conversa ad usum manus, ac coco reluxit dies.
Utrumque, qui interfuere, nunc quoque memorant, postquam nullum men-
dacio pretium. Tacit. Hist. 4. cap. 81.
1
JOSEPHUS.
439
Transactions in Judea. A. D. 66.
the other lame in one of his hands, came both together to
him in a humble manner, saying that they had been in a
dream admonished by the god Serapis to apply to him for
cure of their disorders; which they were assured might be
done for the one, if he would be pleased to anoint his eyes
and face with his spittle; and for the other, if he would
vouchsafe to tread upon his hand. Vespasian, as is said,
hesitated for a while. However, the physicians having been
consulted, they gave their opinion that the organs of sight
were not destroyed in the blind man, and that sight might
be restored if obstacles were removed; and that the other's
hand was only disjointed, and with proper remedies might
be set right again. At length, moved by the entreaties of
the distempered persons, and encouraged by the flatteries
of those about him, Vespasian performed what had been de-
sired, and the effect was answerable; one of them presently
recovered the use of his hands, and the other his sight.'
0
I do not see reason to believe that any miracle was now
wrought. It was a contrivance between Vespasian and
his friends and favourites. Nor could it be safe for any to
examine and make remarks upon an event, which an empe-
ror and his favourites recommended to public belief.
E
Suetonius has accounted for these stories in the introduc-
tion to his narration, saying that somewhat was wanting to
give dignity and authority to a new chosen emperor.'
And at the beginning of his Life of Vespasian, he observes,
that the P Flavian family was not renowned for its antiquity."
And it is easy for any to discern, from several things said
by Suetonius and Tacitus, that Vespasian was very willing
to encourage the belief of extraordinary things concerning
himself.
I think that what Spartian writes of some miracles
• Ad rei ipsius veritatem quod adtinet, non facile adfirmantibus credere
licet, cum vix tuturn esset id negare, quo Imperatori obsequentiores Ægyptii,
et quod proinde intererat Imperatoris, verum videri. Fraudes ejus retegere,
qui fallere vult, et omnibus Reipublicæ copiis instructus est, nunquam tutum
fuit, &c. Cleric. Ann. 138. n. iii.
P Imperium suscepit, firmavitque tandem gens Flavia, obscura illa quidem,
ac sine ullis majorum imaginibus. Vespasian. cap. i.
• Eâ tempestate supervenit quædam mulier, quæ diceret, somnio se moni-
tam, ut insinuaret Adriano ne se occideret, quod esset bene valiturus: quod
cum non fecisset, esse cœcatam: jussam tamen iterum Adriano eadem diceret,
atque genua ejus oscularetur, receptura visum, si id fecisset. Quod cum insom-
nium implêsset, oculos recepit, quum aquâ quæ in fano erat, ex quo venerat,
oculos abluisset. Venit et de Pannoniâ quidam natus cœcus ad febrientem
Adrianum, eumque contigit; quo facto et ipse oculos recepit, et Adrianum
febris reliquit: quamvis Marius Maximus hæc per simulationem facta com-
memoret. Spartian. Hadrian. cap. 25.
440
Jewish Testimonies.
г
ascribed to Adrian may illustrate this history: and there-
fore I have transcribed him below very largely. Spartian
lets us know that Marius Maximus, who before him had
written the life of Adrian, and some other emperors, said
those miracles were mere fictions. And says the learned
and judicious Reimar, in his notes upon Dion, Cassius:
Nor ought we to form any other judgment of the mira-
'cles ascribed to Vespasian. And perhaps it may deserve
notice, that, notwithstanding such fine things were ascribed
to Vespasian, Dion presently afterwards says he was not
' at all acceptable to the Alexandrians; but they hated him,
and ridiculed and reproached him both in public and
private.'
6
6
However, Crevier's observation is to this effect:
S
t
At the
same time we ought carefully to observe that these disor-
ders, which Vespasian cured, were not of an incurable
nature and consequently we are at liberty to think
that the healing them did not exceed the power of the
'dæmon.' And indeed popish saints and heathen dæmons
are much alike: nor is there any great difference between
heathen and popish credulity.
น
I cannot forbear to take notice of one remarkable history
in this reign. Sabinus in Gaul engaged with some others
in a revolt from the Romans, but was soon defeated. He
might then have escaped into Germany; but affection for
his wife, the best of women, whom he could not carry with
him, led him into another scheme, which he communicat-
ed to two only of his freed-men, in whom he could con-
fide. His country-house was burnt down, and he was sup-
posed to have perished in the flames: but really he retired
into a large subterraneous cavern, which he had near it. It
was universally believed that he had made away with him-
self: and his wife Epponina abandoned herself to all the
excesses of grief, and for three days and three nights re-
fused to take any sustenance. Sabinus hearing of it, and
Sed Marius Maximus hæc per simulationum facta commemorat. Ita
diserte Spartianus, Hadr. c. 25. Nec aliter de Vespasiani miraculis existi-
mandum. Reimar. in Dion. Cass. 1. 66. sect. 50. p. 1083.
* Το μεν θείον τετοις αυτόν εσεμνυνεν. Ου μεντοι και Αλεξανδρεις εχαιρον
αυτῳ, αλλα και πανυ ηχθοντο, κ. λ. Dio. p. 1082.
Hist. of the Rom. Emp. Vol. 6. p. 32.
" See Tillem. Vespasian. art. vi. et xvii. Crevier's Hist. of the Roman
Emperors, Vol. vi. p. 103, 104.
*Fusi Lingones. Sabinus festinatum temere prælium pari formidine
deseruit. Utque famam exitii sui faceret, villam, in quam perfugerat, crema-
vit; illic voluntariâ morte interiise creditus. Sed quibus artibus latebrisque
vitam per novem annos traduxerit, simul amicorum ejus constantiam, et insigne
Epponinæ uxoris exemplum, suo loco reddemus. Tacit. Hist. 4. cap. 67.
JOSEPHUS. Transactions in Judea. A. D. 70.
441
W
dreading the consequences, sent one of his freedmen to her,
to assure her of his life, and to advise her to keep up the
appearance of a mourner, still avoiding extremities. After-
wards she had access to him, and bore two children, of which
she delivered herself in the cavern. By various artful pre-
tences, and the faithfulness of friends, the truth was kept
secret, and Sabinus lay concealed nine years: in which in-
terval there were once some hopes of obtaining the em-
peror's pardon; and Epponina had Sabinus to Rome, so
disguised that none knew him. But, being disappointed in
those expectations, they returned to the place of their re-
treat. At length Sabinus was discovered. He, and Ep-
ponina, and their two sons, were brought before Vespasian.
She behaved with becoming firmness, yet endeavoured to
move the emperor's pity. Presenting her two sons to him
'These,' says she, Cæsar, I have brought forth, and nursed
in the cavern, that I might increase the number of your
supplicants.' And, as is said, neither the emperor himself,
nor any others with him, could refrain from tears. How-
ever, perceiving that he did not yield, she then upbraided
him; and told him she had lived more happily in the dark-
ness of a cave than he upon his throne. Sabinus and his
wife were condemned, but the children were spared. Plu-
tarch says, that thereby Vespasian provoked the ven-
geance of heaven, and brought upon himself the extinc-
tion of his family. It was,' says he, the most tragical
'action of that reign; a thing which neither gods nor dæ-
mons could bear the sight of.' Indeed, not only he, but
Tacitus and Dion show a dislike of that action. But we
have not Tacitus's conclusion of the story, he having de-
ferred it to a following book, which is now wanting. It
must appear not a little strange, that a general and his wife
should be put to death nine years after a disturbance had
been suppressed, and which had no bad consequences.
When likewise, of the two miscreant rebels and tyrants at
Jerusalem, one only was condemned to death, and the other
to perpetual imprisonment. Vespasian did not live long
after this. We now proceed in our history.
6
6
X
6
About this time the Jews became divided into three par-
ties, or factions; the leaders of which were John, Eleazar,
and Simon; by whom the city, and every part of it, and the
temple itself, were filled with slaughter and bloodshed.
This happened, as Josephus expressly says, whilst Titus
was with his father at Alexandria, and must therefore be
* Dio. 1. 66. p. 1090.
L. 5. cap. i. sect. 1.
Z
× Erot. sub fin.
z Ibid.
442
Jewish Testimonies.
a
rightly placed by us in the year 69, and perhaps not far
from the end of it. So,' as the same writer says, 'one
faction fought against the other: which partition in evil
cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of di-
vine justice.'
b
C
Eleazar had the temple, John was below him in the
city, Simon had the upper part of the city. Simon had
with him ten thousand, beside the Idumeans: his own men
bad fifty commanders, of which he was supreme. The Idu-
means that joined with him were five thousand, and had ten
commanders. With Eleazar were two thousand and five
hundred of the zealots. John had six thousand armed men
under twenty commanders; but soon after the beginning of
the siege these two parties united into one; after which
there were but two factions, John's and Simon's.
'But before that union, whilst they were in three par-
ties, out of spite to each other, as it seems, they set fire d
to several storehouses that were full of corn and other pro-
visions; as if they had done it on purpose to serve the
Romans destroying what had been sufficient for a siege
of many years. So they were taken with the famine
which could not have been, if they had not by this means
brought it upon themselves.' So says our Jewish his-
torian.
e
Titus now leaves Alexandria, and comes to Cæsarea,
designing to move forward to Jerusalem, and lay siege to it,
having with him an army of about sixty thousand men, Ro-
mans and auxiliaries. Hef pitched his camp at the place
called Scopus, making however two other encampments at
a small distance, one of which was on the Mount of Olives.
He presented himself before the city about the time of
Passover, which was on the fourteenth day of the month of
April, in the year of Christ 70: here he met with difficulties
at the first, as the Jews made furious sallies upon his army;
some of his soldiers were put by them into disorder, and
suffered very considerably.
h
The city of Jerusalem was surrounded by three walls,
excepting in such parts where were deep vallies which ren-
dered the place inaccessible: there it had but one wall.
a
όπερ αν τις, ὡς εν κακοις, αγαθον ειποι, και δικης εργον. Ibid.
b Ib. sect. 2, 3.
c L. 5. cap. vi. 1. Vid. et cap. iii. 1.
d ύπεμπιπρα τας οικίας σιτε μεσας, και παντοδαπων επιτηδείων τ
κατακαηναι δε πλην ολίγε παντα τον σιτον, ός αν αυτοις εκ επ' ολίγα διήρκεσεν
ετη πολιορκεμενοις. Λιμῳ γεν ἑαλωσαν, όπερ ήκιςα δυνατον ην, ει μη τετον
ἑαυτοις προπαρεσκευασαν. L. 5. cap. 1. sect. 4.
e De B. J. 1. 4. cap. xi. n. 5. L. 5. cap. i. et cap. ii. 1.
Cap. ii. sect. 3.
Cap. iii. 1.
¹ L. 5. cap. iv.
JOSEPHUS. Of the siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70. 443
6
On the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day
of May, the Romans got possession of the first wall, and
demolished a great part of it. Titusk then encamped within
the city, in a place called the Assyrians' camp. On the
fifth day after that, he got possession of the second wall,
but was repulsed and beat out of it again. • Whereupon
those Jews, who were armed, and were the fighting men,'
as our historian says, were much elevated, persuading
themselves that the Romans could never conquer the city:
form God had blinded their minds for the transgressions.
which they had been guilty of, so that they did not consi-
der the superior force of the Romans, nor discern how
the famine was creeping in upon them: for hitherto they
had fed themselves out of the public distresses, and drank
the blood of the city. But poverty was now become the lot
of many good men, and a great many had already perished
for want of necessaries: but they supposed the destruction
of the meaner people to be a benefit to them.' However,
Titus renewed the attack. The Jews defended themselves
resolutely for three days: but on the fourth day he again
became master of that wall; and then he demolished all
that part which lay to the north, and fortified the south side
with towers, and placed soldiers in them and then consi-
dered how he might attack the third and inmost wall.
Now Titus thought fit to relax the siege for a while,
in order to ease the soldiers, and to pay them subsistence-
money, as also to see whether the Jews would relent, and
make some proposals for surrendering, that he might show
them mercy.
Moreover Josephus, by order of Titus, took this opportu-
nity to address the Jews in a pathetic discourse: having
sought out a place to stand in, where he might be heard,
and be in safety. In that speech he entreats the Jews to
save themselves, their temple, and their country, and tells
them that they were fighting against God.
'Moreover,' says he, as for Titus, those springs which
were almost dried up when they were in your power, since
his coming, they run more plentifully than they did before;
accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other
springs about the city, did so far fail, that water was sold
in pitchers: whereas they now have such a quantity for
your enemies as is sufficient for themselves, and for their
cap. vii. sect. 2.
1 Cap. viii. sect. 1, 2.
k
-ib. sect. 3.
- Επεσκότει γαρ αυτων ταις γνώμαις
δια τας παρανομιας ὁ Θεος, κ. λ. Ib. sect. 2.
L. 5. cap. ix. sect. 1.
• Sect. 3, 4.
444
Jewish Testimonies.
cattle, and for watering gardens. The same wonderful
sign you had experience of formerly, when the aforemen-
tioned king of Babylon made war against us, who took
this city, and burnt the temple; though the men of that
time, I believe, were far from being such transgressors as
you are,'
With regard to that particular, the flowing of the springs
without the city in the time of the king of Babylon, Mr.
Whiston says in a marginal note upon the place: The his-
tory of this is now wanting elsewhere.'
6
Four days were spent in that relaxation. On the fifth
day, when no offers of peace came from the Jews, Titus
began to raise new banks at several places.
The famine now began to be very severe; and with
the famine increased also the madness of the seditious' [as
Josephus calls them, meaning John and Simon and the
officers under them]. There could no corn appear pub-
licly any where, but those robbers came running for it:
they also searched private houses; if they found any corn,
they tormented the people, because they had denied it; if
they found none, they tormented them nevertheless, because
they supposed the people had concealed it.'
S
r
any
Here Josephus enlargeth upon the miseries of the peo-
ple, and the great wickedness of their present governors.
But,' says he, it is impossible to enumerate every instance
of the iniquity of those men: but, in a word, never did
city suffer so great calamities; nor was there ever, from the
beginning of the world, any time more fruitful of wicked-
ness than that- These were the men who overthrew the
city, and compelled the Romans unwillingly to gain a dis-
agreeable victory. They did little less than throw fire
upon the temple, and seemed to think it came too slowly.'
"At this time many came out of the city to seek for
food, or with a view of making an escape, who were appre-
hended by the Romans, and crucified before the walls; and
many of them were scourged before they were crucified.
This seemed to Titus very grievous; for five hundred Jews
were taken in a day, and sometimes more; nevertheless he
allowed of it. To dismiss them and let them go off, would
not have been safe; nor could he spare men enough to keep
guard upon so many. Moreover, he hoped that the sight of
these miserable objects might dispose them in the city to
think of surrendering. The soldiers, out of anger, and hatred
-εδεν οιμαι των τοτε ησεβηκότων τηλικέτων ἡλικα ύμεις.
Ib. sect
1 L. 5. cap. x. sect. 1, 2.
Cap. xi. sect. 1
P.
4. p. 350. Haverc.
Cap. x. sect. 4, 5.
JOSEPHUS. of the siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70. 445
of the Jews, hung them upon the crosses, some one way,
some another, as it were in jest; and so great was the num-
ber, that room was wanting for crosses, and crosses were
wanting for bodies.'
Now also Titus ordered the hands of some of them who
had come out of the city to be cut off; and then he sent
them back, to let the people within the city know that
henceforward he should carry on the siege with vigour;
however, still wishing them to repent and not compel him
to destroy their city, and their admired temple. But they
who stood upon the wall returned reproaches upon him,
and upon his father Vespasian, telling him that death was
better than slavery, and that so long as they had breath
they would do the Romans all the harm they could. As
for the temple, they believed it would be preserved by him
who inhabited it: having him for their helper, they de-
spised all his threatenings; for the event depended upon God
only."
The Romans were employed in raising batteries: but
though they had begun to raise them on the twelfth day of
May, they had much ado to finish them by the twenty-ninth
day of the same month, after having laboured hard for
seventeen days successively in which time, however, four
batteries were completed.
But John found means to undermine them: so that they
fell down all at once, causing great confusion among the
Romans; and after that, Simon and his men made a furious
sally upon the Romans.
The Roman army was greatly discouraged to see their
batteries ruined in one hour, which had cost them so much
labour and many despaired, thinking it impossible to take
the city with the usual engines of war.
Titus consulted with the officers what might be fit to be
done: at length it was determined to encompass the city
with a wall; which was completed in three days, with
towers at proper distances to place soldiers in as garrisons.
Our blessed Lord says, Luke xix. 43: “ For the days will
come upon thee, that thy enemies shall cast a trench about
thee, and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every
side." Some think that this prophecy was now particularly
fulfilled in the building of the wall here mentioned by Jo-
sephus: others may suppose that it had its accomplishment
when the Romans laid siege to the city of Jerusalem, and en-
compassed it with an army.
W
The famine now increasing, it devoured whole houses.
Cap. xii. sect. 1, 2. * Sect. 3.
t Ib. sect. 5.
u Sect. 4.
446
Jewish Testimonies.
For a while they, who had no relations to take care of them,
were buried at the public expense: afterwards the dead
were thrown over the wall into the ditch.'
X
'When * Titus, in going his rounds near the vallies below
the walls, saw the dead bodies, and the putrefaction issu-
ing from them, he fetched a deep sigh; and, lifting up his
hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not
his doing.' However, he proposed erecting new platforms,
which was a difficult work, as all the timber near the city
was already consumed, and it was now to be fetched from
a great distance.
In the next chaptery Josephus relates the death of Mat-
thias, son of Boethus, one of the high-priests, and several
other persons of eminence, and divers others, who were
slaughtered by order of Simon in a most shameful manner.
Matthias was the person who had advised the admitting of
Simon into the city, contrary to the inclinations of many
others. Matthias had four sons, one of which had saved
himself by getting away to Titus; the other three were all
put to death together with their father; but with this express
order from Simon- -that the sons should be first slain be-
fore the eyes of their father; nor was burial allowed to
them. The execution was committed by Simon to Ananus,
son of Bamadus, the most barbarous man of his guards.
After them were slain Ananias a priest, and Aristeas, scribe
of the Sanhedrim, and fifteen other men of eminence among
the people. They also slew such as made lamentation for
these persons without farther examination."
6
Many did still find means to get out of the city: some
leaped down from the wall, others went out of the city with
stones in their hands, as if they were going to fight with the
Romans: but most of them died miserably. Some perished
by excessive eating upon empty stomachs. Moreover some
of them had swallowed gold, and were detected afterwards
in searching for it in their excrements. This, having been
observed in a few instances, excited the avarice of the
soldiers, who concluded that all the deserters were full of
gold; they therefore cut up their bellies and searched their
entrails. In this way,' as Josephus says, there perished
two thousand in one night. Nor does it seem to me that
any misery befell the Jews more terrible than this.'
•
When Titus heard of it he was greatly displeased; es-
pecially when he found that not only the Syrians and
Arabians had practised this cruelty, but the Romans like-
wise; he therefore gave orders that all, who for the future
* Cap. xiii. sect. 1.
z Sect. 4, 5.
X
* Sect. 4.
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70.
447
acted in that manner, should be put to death; but the love
of money prevailed against the dread of punishment: and
indeed it was God who had condemned the whole nation,
and defeated every method taken for their preservation.'
About this time John melted down many of the sacred
utensils in the temple to make use of them as instruments
of war. He also distributed the sacred wine and oil for
common use to persons who, in drinking and anointing
themselves, wasted them in a profuse manner.
b
But why do I stay to relate particularly these several
calamities? for at this time Mannæus son of Lazarus, fled
out of the city, and came to Titus; and told him that
through the one gate, which had been entrusted to his
care, there had been no fewer than a hundred and fifteen
thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, from
the day that the Romans encamped near the city, the four-
teenth day of the month of April, to the first day of July.
That was a prodigious number! The man was not a gover-
nor at the gate, but he was appointed to pay the public al-
lowance for carrying the bodies out, and therefore was
obliged to number them. Others were buried by their re-
lations, though their burial was no other than to bring them
and cast them out of the city. After that man there came to
Titus several other deserters of good condition, who told him
that the whole number of the poor, who had been thrown out
at the gates, was not less than six hundred thousand: the num-
ber of the rest could not be exactly known. They farther
told him that, when they were no longer able to carry out
the dead bodies of the poor, they laid them in heaps in large
houses, and then shut them up. They likewise said that
a measure of wheat had been sold for a talent: and that
afterwards, when it had been impossible to come out to ga-
ther herbs, because the city was encompassed with a wall,
some were driven to such distress, as to search the common
shores and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat the dung
which they found there; and that what they could not be-
fore endure to see, they now made use of for food. When
the Romans heard of these things, they commiserated
their case: but the seditious, who saw them, did not re-
pent till the same distress reached themselves: for they
were blinded by that fate which was coming upon the city
and themselves.'
There ends the fifth book of our author's History of the
Jewish War. The sixth book contains the progress of the
a Sect. 6.
с
b Sect. 7.
Πεπηροντο γαρ ύπο τε χρεων, ὁ τητε πολει και αυτοις ηδη παρην.
448
Jewish Testimonies.
siege, and the miseries of the people, till the city was taken
by Titus.
d
The Roman batteries are now raised at the end of one-
and-twenty days' hard labour, and the miseries of the city
increase. The Romans begin to batter upon the walls of
the tower called Antonia: the Jews make a vigorous de-
fence but the Romans gained possession of it about the
middle of July.
e
Titus thereupon ordered his soldiers to dig up the
foundations of the tower Antonia, to make way for him to
come up with his whole army; and being informed that on
that very day, the seventeenth of July, the daily sacrifice
had failed, and that it had not been offered up for want of
men, and that the people were greatly concerned at it, he
sent for Josephus, and commanded him to say to John the
same things that had been said before. Accordingly Jo-
sephus sought for a proper place to stand in; and in the
name of Titus himself earnestly exhorted John, and those
that were with him, to spare their own country, and to pre-
vent that fire which was ready to seize upon the temple, and
to offer to God therein their usual sacrifices. But John
cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations ;
adding withal, that he did not fear the city should ever
be taken, which was God's own city: after which Josephus
went on with a pathetic speech, which, though it did not
persuade John and his adherents, was not altogether with
out effect.'
f
And some, watching for an opportunity, fled to the
Romans; of whom were the high priests Joseph and Jesus,
and of sons of high-priests three, and four sons of Matthias,
as well as one son of the other Matthias, formerly mention-
ed, who with three of his sons had been killed by order of
Simon, son of Gioras; and many others of the nobility:
all whom Titus received very kindly, and sent them to
Gophna, a small city, where they might live quietly, follow-
ing their own customs; which offer they cheerfully accept-
ed: but as they did not appear, the seditious within the
city gave out that those men had been slain by the Romans.
It was in vain therefore, they said, for any to go over to the
Romans, unless they were willing to be put to death.
Titus therefore sent for those men from Gophna, and
let them go round near the wall with Josephus, to assure
the people that they might come over to him with safety.
f
d L. 6. cap. i. sect. 1-8.
e
Cap. ii. sect. 1.
h Ibid. sect. 3.
ὡς ουκ αν ποτε δείσειεν άλωσιν, Θεου γαρ ὑπαρχειν την πολιν.
Ibid. cap. ii. sect. 2.
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70.
449
If all this be true, as Josephus writes, it is a proof of
the good temper of Titus. Moreover, the Romans were now
pushing their conquests upon the temple itself, which Titus
seems unwilling to have destroyed.
i
6
And,' as Josephus adds, Titus was much affected with
the present state of things, and reproached John and those
with him: reminding them of the regard which had been
shown to the temple by the Romans, who had allowed them
to erect in the courts of it a partition wall, with inscriptions
in Greek, forbidding all foreigners to enter within those
limits, and allowing them to kill such as did so, though they
were Romans. I call to witness,' says he,' the gods of the
country, and every god, who ever had a regard to this place;
(for I do not now suppose it to be regarded by any of them ;)
I also call to witness my own army, and the Jews who are
with me, and your own selves, that I do not compel you to
pollute your sanctuary and if you will change the place
of combat no Roman shall come near it; for I will endea-
vour to preserve your temple, whether you will or not.'
Such things were spoken by Titus, and by Josephus
after him in Hebrew, to John and the rest with him; but
they perverted it, as if all these fine offers proceeded from
fearfulness, and not from any good will to them.
Titus therefore proceeded in his attacks. His soldiers
fought with the Jews at the temple, whilst he continued
on the higher ground in Antonia to observe their conduct.
They m had now made a broad way from the tower An-
tonia to the temple, and began to play on the temple with
their battering engines.
The " fight was very desperate. A cloister near Antonia
was set on fire. On the twenty-fourth day of July the Ro-
mans set fire to another cloister, when the fire proceeded fif-
teen cubits farther.
Whilst the Jews and Romans were thus fighting
at the temple, the famine prevailed in the city, till at length
they did not abstain from girdles and shoes. The very lea-
ther that belonged to shields they took off and gnawed.
Wisps of old straw became food to them.'
At P this time a woman named Mary, of a good family
beyond Jordan, who had fled from her native place to Je-
rusalem, to avoid the inconveniences of the war in the open
country, when all she had brought with her was consumed,
or taken from her by the rapaciousness of the tyrants and
1 Sect. 4.
m Sect. 7.
Cap. iii. sect. 3.
VOL. VI.
* Sect. 5.
2 G
n Sect. 8, 9.
¹ Sect. 5, 6.
P Sept.:4.
Dor M
450
Jewish Testimonies.
their adherents, was reduced to such extremity that she kill-
ed her sucking child, and dressed it for food.
On the eighth day of the month of August the Roman
batteries were completed, and Titus ordered the batteries to
play upon the temple. The battle between the Jews and
Romans was very desperate.
r
'Titus retired to the tower of Antonia, and resolved the
next day early in the morning to storm the temple with his
whole army, and to encamp about it. But certainly the di-
vine sentence had long since condemned it to the fire: and
now the fatal day was come, according to the revolution of
ages; it was the tenth day of the month August, the same
day upon which it had been formerly burnt by the king of
Babylon,'
S
The temple was now on fire: nevertheless Titus, still
desirous to save it, if possible, came near and went into the
sanctuary of the temple with his commanders, and saw it,
with what was in it: which he found to be far superior to
the accounts of foreigners, and not inferior to our boastings
and persuasion concerning it.'
Ast the fire had not yet reached the inner parts of the
temple, Titus gave fresh orders for extinguishing the fire,
and preserving the temple; but to no purpose: such was
the enmity of the soldiers against the Jews: filled also with
the hopes of plunder, and now animated with the rage
of war.
• Nor " can we forbear to wonder at the accuracy of the
period for this happened, as before said, in the same month,
and day of the month, in which the temple had been burnt
by the Babylonians. And the number of years, from its
first foundation by King Solomon to this its destruction in
the second year of Vespasian, are collected to be one thou-
sand and thirty, and seven months and fifteen days. And
from its second building by Haggai, in the second year of
king Cyrus, to it's destruction by Vespasian, there were
six hundred and thirty-nine years, and forty-five days.'
V
Whilst the temple was burning, every thing was plun-
dered that came to hand, and ten thousand of those who
were caught, were slain nor was there any regard had to
age or condition; but children and old men, profane per-
sons and priests, were all slain in the same manner.
'At this time the treasury chambers were burnt, where
was an immense quantity of money, and an immense number
of garments, with other precious things: for there it was
a Cap. iv. sect. 1.
n Sect. 8,
V
r Sect. 5.
Cap. v. sect. 1.
s Sect. 7.
t Ibid
▾ Sect. 2
JOSEPHUS. Of the siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70.
451
that the riches of the Jews were heaped up. The soldiers
also came to the rest of the cloisters in the outer court, where
were women and children and a mixed multitude of people,
to the number of six thousand: and before Cæsar had given
any orders about it, the soldiers in a rage set fire to the
cloister. Nor did any one of that multitude escape with his
life. A false prophet was the occasion of their destruction:
who that very day had made proclamation in the city that
God commanded them to go up to the temple, where they
would receive signs of deliverance. And indeed there was
then a great number of false prophets suborned by the lead-
ers of the factions to impose upon the people, who told them
that they should wait for deliverance from God.'
<
Thus,' as our author goes on in the words next follow-
ing, was this miserable people deceived by impostors, who
spoke lies in the name of God. But they did not attend
nor give credit to those prodigies which evidently foretold
their future desolation; but like men infatuated, who have
neither eyes to see nor minds to consider, they disregarded
the divine denunciations. There was a star, a comet re-
sembling a sword, which stood over the city and continued
for a year. And before the rebellion, and before the war
broke out, when the people were come together in great
multitudes to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth
day of the month of April, at the ninth hour of the night,
so great a light shone round the altar and the temple that
it seemed to be bright day which light continued for half
an hour. This, to the unskilful, seemed to be a good sign;
but, by the sacred scribes, it was judged to portend what
has since happened. And at the same festival a heifer, as
she was led by the high-priest to be sacrificed, brought
forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the
eastern gate of the inner court of the temple, which was
of brass, and very heavy, which was not without difficulty
shut in the evening by twenty men, and rested upon a basis
armed with iron, and was fastened with bolts that went deep
into the floor, which was made of one entire stone, was seen
to open of its own accord at the sixth hour of the night:
whereupon they who kept watch at the temple went to the
captain and told him of it. He then came thither, and not
<
X
* Ib. sect. 3.
У 9 Τετο μεν ότε ὑπερ την πολιν αςρον ετη
ῥομφαια παραπλησιον, και παρατείνας επι ενιαυτον κομήτης.
Mr. Whiston's translation is; Thus there was a star resembling a sword,
‹ which stood over the city; and a comet that continued a whole year.' And
he has a note to this purpose; • Whether Josephus means that this star was
different from that comet which lasted a whole year, I cannot certainly de-
' termine. His words most favour their being different one from another,'
2 & 2
452
Jewish Testimonies.
without difficulty had it shut again. This also appeared
to the vulgar a good sign; as if thereby God opened to
them the gate of happiness. But the wiser men concluded
that the security of the temple was gone, and that the gate
was opened for the advantage of their enemies; and they
said it was a signal of the desolation that was coming upon
them. Beside these, a few days after that festival, on the
one-and-twentieth day of May, there appeared a wonderful
phenomenon, almost exceeding belief; and the account of
it might seem fabulous if it had not been related by those
who saw it, and if the following events had not been an-
swerable to such signs: for before sunset chariots and troops
in armour were seen carried upon the clouds, and surround-
ing cities. And at the festival, which we call the Pentecost,
as the priests were going by night into the inner court of
the temple, as the custom was, to perform their ministrations,
they first felt, as they said, a shaking, accompanied with a
noise, and after that a sound, as of a multitude, saying,
"Let us remove hence.” But, which is still more awful,
there was one Jesus, son of Ananus, of a low condition, and
a countryman, who four years before the war began, when
the city enjoyed profound peace and flowing prosperity,
came up to the festival, in which it is the custom for
us all to make tabernacles, who on a sudden began to cry
out in the temple: "A voice from the east, a voice from the
west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusa-
lem and the temple, a voice against the bridegrooms and the
brides, a voice against the whole people." This was his cry,
as he went about both by day and by night, in all the lanes
of the city. Some of the chief men were offended at this
ill-boding sound, and, taking him up, laid many stripes upon
him, and had him beaten severely. Yet he said not a word
for himself, nor made any peculiar complaint to them that
beat him; but went on repeating the same words that he
had said before. Hereupon the magistrates, thinking it to
be somewhat more than ordinary, as indeed it was, bring
him before the Roman governor; where he was whipped
till his bones were laid bare. All which he bore without
shedding any tears or making any supplications: but with a
mournful voice at every stripe, cried out: "Woe to Jerusa-
lem." Albinus, the governor, asked him who he was, and
whence he came, and why he uttered those words. To all
which he made no answer, but continued making his mourn-
ful denunciations to the city. Albinus, thinking him to be
mad, dismissed him. And thenceforward, to the time of the
war, he did not go to any of the citizens; nor was he seen
JOSEPHUS. Of the siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70.
453
speaking to any; but only went on with his mournful de-
nunciation, as if it had been his premeditated vow :
❝ Woe,
woe to Jerusalem." He did not give ill language to those
who beat him, as many did frequently; nor did he thank
those who gave him food: but went on repeating to all the
doleful presage. But especially at festivals his cry was
the loudest. And so it continued for seven years and five
months, without his growing hoarse, or being tired there-
with, till he saw his presage in the siege; then he ceased:
for going round upon the wall, with his utmost force he
cried out: "Wo
Woe, woe once more, to the city, and to the
people, and to the temple." And then at last he added:
"Woe, woe to myself also." At which instant there came a
stone out of one of the engines that smote him, and kill-
ed him immediately and whilst he was uttering these
mournful presages, he gave up the ghost.'
Z
:
"If any one considers these things,' adds Josephus, ‘he
will be convinced that God takes care of mankind, and by
all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their be-
nefit; and that men perish by those miseries which they
madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves.'
Thus I have transcribed this whole article of Josephus at
length, and in the place and order in which it stands in his
own work. I must be so candid as to take notice of the re-
flections which some learned men have made upon it.
6
a
To this purpose speaks Dr. Willes, in his first discourse
upon Josephus: The prodigies, that he saith happened
before the destruction of Jerusalem, would agree better to
Livy or Tacitus, than to a Jewish historian.-The flying open
of the great brazen gate of the temple is the same as hap-
pened at Thebes, just before the great battle of the Lace-
demonians at Leuctra, when the great gates of the temple
of Hercules opened of themselves, without any one's touch-
ing them. I omit many other things of the like nature;
whence it is evident that Josephus endeavoured to Grecise
and shape the history of the Jews, as like as he could to
those of the Greeks and Romans.' So Dr. Willes. And I
shall transcribe below the passage of Cicero de Divinatione,"
to which he refers.
z Sect. 4.
a Prefixed to L'Estrange's edition of Josephus, p. 3, 4. 8vo.
b Quid? Lacedæmoniis paullo ante Leuctricam calamitatem, quæ signifi-
catio facta est, cum in Herculis fano arma sonuerunt, Herculisque simulacrum
multo sudore manavit? At eodem tempore Thebis, ut ait Callisthenes, in tem-
plo Herculis valvæ, clausæ repagulis, subito se ipsæ aperuerunt; armaque, quæ
fixa in parietibus fuerant, ea sunt humi inventa. De Divin. l. 1. c.
24. n. 74.
454
Jewish Testimonies.
6
6
6
6
с
Basnage in his History of the Jews speaks after this
manner: 'Besides, deception was easy in many of the things
' related by him. The bright light round the altar in the
night-time: the cow that brought forth a lamb as she was
'led to the altar: the chariots of fire that were seen in the
air, and passed over the city with a frightful noise, are very
' liable to suspicion: the opening of the temple seems to be
rather better attested than the others, because it is said that
'the magistrate came to shut it. But the meaning was doubt-
ful. To some it seemed to be an assurance that God had
opened the treasures of his benediction; whilst others con-
⚫cluded that he had abandoned the protection of his temple.
'But it is not easy to deny the truth of the history of the
man that cried," A voice from the east, a voice from the
'west," and every day predicted the ruin of the city for
'this man was brought before Albinus, who examined him.
He was severely scourged, and he was often beaten by the
people, who could not endure so dismal a noise: but he
'was all along unmoved. His cry continued for the space
of seven years. At length he was killed upon the walls of
the city, at the beginning of the siege. This is not a thing
about which men might be deceived. Josephus, who re-
lates it, was at Jerusalem when this preacher, who was
'treated as a madman, denounced its desolation: and he
might inform himself concerning his death. So that if
there are any things to which we ought to attend, it is this,
in which we must acknowledge somewhat extraordinary.'
So says Basnage.
6
'
6
(
:
I am inclined to go over and examine every one of these
prodigies.
•
There was a star, a comet resembling a sword, which
stood over the city, and continued for a year.'
6
How Mr. Whiston understood this has been seen already.
L'Estrange translates thus: What shall we say to the
'comet that hung over Jerusalem, for one whole year to-
gether, in the figure of a sword?' Archbishop Tillotson
in this manner: At a little before the destruction,' he tells
us, there hung over their city a fiery sword, which con-
tinued for a year together. A little before their rebellion
against the Romans there appeared a comet, which shined
so clear in the temple, and about the altar, as if it had been
day.' It must be confessed that is not exact. Tillemont:
6
"
6
c L. i. ch. viii. sect. 3. p. 224.
d Тато μεν ότε ύπερ την πολιν αςρον ετη ῥομφαια παραπλησιον, και
παρατείνας επ' ενιαυτον κομήτης.
é As before, p. 554.
JOSEPHUS. Of the siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70.
455
f
There was also a comet which appeared for a year, and
over Jerusalem an extraordinary star, which seemed to be
6 a sword. But Josephus does not say the time.' Neither
is this very exact. However, I have also transcribed below
the words of Josephus himself.
This is the first prodigy. And indeed it is a wonderful
and very awful thing. A star, resembling a sword, hanging
over a city, for a whole year. Upon this we cannot forbear
to observe that Josephus has not told us the time when this
star or comet appeared. He says, it continued for a year.'
But does not say when. A very strange omission. I must
take the liberty to add, that if, about the time of the siege of
Jerusalem, or some period within a few years before, there
had been a star resembling a sword, which hung over that
city for a year together, I should expect to find it in some
author beside Josephus, and an author that does not depend
upon him or borrow from him.
Tacitus has mentioned several of the prodigies preceding
the ruin of the Jewish people, but he does not mention this:
however, it must be owned that his omitting it is of no
great importance, as he does not appear to have been care-
ful to put down every thing of this kind.
6
2. It follows: And before the rebellion, and before the
war broke out, when the people were come together in great
multitudes to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth
day of the month of April, at the ninth hour of the night,'
or three hours after midnight, so great a light shone round
the altar, and the temple, that it seemed to be bright day :
which light continued for half an hour.' This prodigy is
related by Josephus so particularly and circumstantially,
as happening too at the time of passover, when Jerusalem
was full of people, and in the year 65, as it seems, that I am
not at all disposed to contest the truth of it. I think it
must have so happened. But the design of this appearance
is ambiguous. And, as Josephus says, some thought it to
portend good, others bad things. But that does not affect
the truth of the fact.
3. And at the same festival a heifer, as she was led by
the high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the
f Il parut aussi une comète pendant un an, et sur Jérusalem un astre extraor-
dinaire, qui sembloit être une épée. Joseph n'en marque pas le temps.
Ruine des Juifs. art. 41.
8 Evenerant prodigia, quæ neque
hostiis neque votis piare fas habet gens superstitioni obnoxia, religionibus ad-
versa. Visæ per cœlum concurrere acies, rutilantia arma, et subito nubium
igne collucere templum. Expassæ repente delubri fores, et audita major
humana vox, Excedere Deos:' simul ingens motus excedentium. Tacit.
Hist. 1. 5. c. 13.
456
Jewish Testimonies.
midst of the temple.' Here again I hesitate. I am surpris-
ed to see so trifling a story in a grave writer. I think Jo-
sephus inserted this to gratify his Greek readers.
4. The next prodigy is the opening of the eastern gate
of the inner court of the temple at midnight:' which, as be-
fore observed by Dr. Willes, has such a resemblance with
like stories told by credulous heathen people, that it seems
to be only an imitation of them, and has therefore the ap-
pearance of a fiction, by way of accommodation to the judg-
ment of heathen readers.
6
5. Beside these, a few days after that festival, on the
one-and-twentieth day of the month of May, there appeared
a wonderful phenomenon, almost exceeding belief: and the
account of it might seem fabulous, if it had not been related
by those who saw it, and if the following events had not
been answerable to such signs. For before sunset chariots
and troops of soldiers in armour were seen carried upon the
clouds, and surrounding cities.'
6
Such seeming appearances have often been the effect only
of imagination, without any reality. But this is related by
Josephus so particularly, and with so much solemnity, that
it is hard to contest the truth. And if it be true, this, and
the light surrounding the altar and the temple' before
mentioned, may be some of those things intended by our
Saviour when he said: "And fearful sights, and great
signs, shall there be from heaven :" Luke xxi. II. Of this h
Crevier speaks in this manner: 'I say nothing of the armed
chariots and troops of warriors that were seen fighting in the
air. That might be the natural effect of a phenomenon then
'not understood, but which we are now well acquainted with,
' and call the Aurora Borealis, or northern light.' A wise
observation truly! Who ever before saw or heard of an
Aurora Borealis in the day time? Josephus expressly says
that these chariots and warriors were seen
before sun-
setting.'
6. And at the festival, which we call the Pentecost, as
the priests were going by night into the inner court of the
temple, as the custom was, to perform their ministrations,
they first felt, as they said, a shaking, accompanied with a
noise, and then a sound, as of a multitude, saying, “Let us
remove hence.” ›
i
This passage is quoted by Eusebius, and this particular
is taken notice of by k divers ancient christian writers:
ʼn History of the Rom. Emp. Vol. vi. p. 240.
vii. Dem. Ev. l. 8. p. 402. And see the Credib. Vol. iy. p. 81.
i H. E. 1. 3. c.
K Και Ιωσήπος δε μετα βραχυν γενομενος χρονον, εφη, τινας αγγέλες τες ετι
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70. 457
·
but they do not always quote so accurately as might be
wished.
"
I beg leave to observe upon it; First of all, this is said
to have happened in the night time,' and therefore deserves
the less regard. Secondly, I do not know what ministra-
tions the priests had to perform in the inner temple in
the night. Doubtless they kept watch at the temple by
night as well as by day: but, so far as I can recollect, the
ministrations at the temple, which were of divine appoint-
ment, were performed by daylight. Thirdly, the sound of
a multitude, saying, "Let us go hence," has much of an
heathenish air.
All these signs or prodigies, just mentioned, (excepting
the star like a sword, of which before,) seem to be placed
by Josephus in the year of Christ 65; the year before the
war commenced.
a voice
7. The seventh and last is that of Jesus, son of Ananus,
who four years before the war began came up to the festival,
which we call the feast of tabernacles, and on a sudden
began to cry out: "A voice from the east-
against Jerusalem and the temple." And so it continued
for seven years and five months, till he saw his presage ful-
filled in the siege.' He therefore began this cry near the
end of the year 62. This last Josephus calls more awful
than the rest,' το δε τετων φοβερώτατον. And, as Le Clerc'
observes, if it be true, Josephus rightly says it was somewhat
'divine.' I hope we may depend upon the truth of this
history, which is related with so many particulars and cir-
cumstances.
All these things Josephus has recorded as affecting signs,
warnings, and presages of great calamities coming upon the
Jewish nation: omitting entirely the warnings, and predic-
tions, and admonitions, of Jesus Christ, and of his apostles
after him; and also the three hours' darkness over the whole
land of Judea, and the rending the veil of the temple, and
the earthquake near Jerusalem at the time of our Saviour's
παραμένοντας, ει μη βεληθειεν εκείνοι μετατηναι, καταλιπειν αυτους. Chr. in
Jo. Hom. 64. [al. 65.] p. 390. T. 8.
Josephus quoque refert, virtutes angelicas, præsides quondam templi, tunc
pariter conclamâsse: Transeamus ex his sedibus. Hieron. in Matt. xxvii. 51.
T. 4. p. 139. Conf. ep. ad Hedib. sect. viii. T. 4. P. i. p. 176.
Unde et Josephus in suâ narrat historiâ, quod, postquam Dominus cruci-
fixus est, et velum templi scissum est, sive liminare templi fractum corruit,
audita sit vox in adytis Templi Virtutum cœlestium, Transeamus ex his sedi-
bus. Id. in Ezech. c. 47. p. 1058.
¹ Quæ si vera sunt, non immerito Josephus rem divinitus contigisse cen-
suit. Cleric. H. E. An. 62. n. v.
458
Jewish Testimonies.
<
crucifixion. And though all these signs and warnings, re-
lated by himself, are considered by him as very affecting,
he acknowledgeth that they made not any great impression
upon his nation. And says: But they did not attend or
give credit to those prodigies, which evidently foretold their
desolation; but like men infatuated, who have neither eyes
to see, nor minds to consider, they disregarded the divine
denunciations.' And his history verifies the truth and just-
ness of this observation.
Now the Romans brought their ensigns to the temple,
and set them over against the eastern gate. There they
offered sacrifices to them, and there they made Titus em-
peror, with the greatest acclamations of joy. And all the
soldiers had such vast quantities of spoils, which they got
by plunder, that in Syria a pound weight of gold was sold
for half its former value.'
n
There were some priests, as Josephus says, sitting upon
the wall of the temple, who continued there till they were
pined with hunger; then they came down and surrendered
themselves. When they were brought by the guards to
Titus, they begged for their lives. But Titus answered, that
the time of pardon was over as to them, that being destroy-
ed, for the sake of which alone he should have saved them;
and it was very fit that priests should perish with their tem-
ple. Whereupon he ordered them to be put to death.
Now Simon and John, and they that were with them,
desire a conference with Titus; which he granted. He
placed himself on the western side of the outer court of the
temple, and there was a bridge that parted them. There
were great numbers of Jews waiting with those two tyrants,
and there were also many Romans on the side of Titus. He
ordered the soldiers to refrain their rage, and appointed an
interpreter: and, being conqueror, he spoke first. He then
reproached them in very bitter terms, and very justly. And
then concluded: However, I will not imitate your mad-
6 ness. If you will throw down your arms, and deliver up
your bodies to me, I grant you your lives. I will act like
a mild father of a family. What cannot be healed shall be
destroyed. The rest I will reserve for my own use.'
6
6
C
เ
They answered, they could not consent to that, because
they had sworn never to do it. They asked leave to go
through the wall that surrounded them with their wives and
children; so they would go into the desert and leave the
city to him. At which Titus was greatly provoked, that,
when they were now already in the case of men taken cap-
m L. 6. c. vi. sect. 1.
n Ibid.
• Sect. 2.
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70. 459
tives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him,
as if they were conquerors. He then gave orders that pro-
clamation should be made to them, that henceforward none
should be allowed to come over to him as deserters, nor
hope for security; for that now he would spare nobody, but
fight them with his whole army. He therefore gave orders.
to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city. On
that day however they did nothing. But the day following
they set fire to the repository of the archives, to the coun-
cil houses, to Acra, and to the place called Ophilas : at which
time the fire proceeded as far as to the palace of queen He-
lena, which was in the middle of Acra. The lanes also were
burnt down, as were all the houses that were full of the
dead bodies of such as had died by the famine.'
'On the same day the sons and brothers of king Izates,
and with them many other eminent men of the city, got
together, and besought Titus to give them his right hand
for their security. Whereupon, though he was now very
angry and much displeased with all who were still remain-
ing, he did not depart from his wonted moderation, but re-
ceived them. However he kept them all in custody. And
having bound the king's sons and kinsmen, he took them
with him to Rome, to be kept there as hostages for the fide-
lity of their country.'
Here, as I apprehend, we see a proof of the zeal of the
Jewish proselytes at this time. For such were the relations
of king Izates. These persons had chosen to reside much in
the holy city of Jerusalem: or they had come up thither to
the feast of the Passover this year, notwithstanding the dan-
ger it was in from the approaches of the Roman army. And
it was, as seems to me, a remarkable instance of the modera-
tion of this prince, that he now showed mercy to these per-
sons who might have come over to him long before, and
did not surrender themselves till matters were brought to
the utmost extremity, and after he had publicly declared
that he would spare none.
Titus still had difficulties remaining in taking the rest of
the city.
$
'Some there were who deserted to Titus, notwithstand-
ing the care of the tyrants to prevent it. These were all
received by the Romans, because Titus grew negligent as
to his former orders, and because the soldiers were weary
of killing, and because they hoped to gain money by spar-
P Sect. 4.
q
προς οἷς πολλοι των επισημων
δημοτων εκεί συνελθοντες, ἱκετευσαν Καισαρα, κ.λ.
Cap. vii. et viii.
$
Cap. viii. sect. 2.
460
Jewish Testimonies.
ing them. They therefore sold them with their wives and
children, though at a very low price. For there were
many to be sold, and but a few purchasers. Indeed the
number of those who were sold was prodigious. And yet
there were forty thousand of the people saved, whom Titus
permitted to go where they pleased.'
t
And now were fulfilled those words of Moses: " And ye
shall be sold for bondmen and bond women; and no man
shall buy you:" Deut. xxviii. 68. And likewise those
words of our Lord, Luke xxi. 24; " And they shall fall by
the edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive into
all nations. And Jerusalem shall be trodden down by the
Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled."
"At this time one of the priests, son of Thebuthus, whose
name was Joshua, upon his having security given him by
the oath of Cæsar that he should be preserved, upon con-
dition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious
things deposited in the temple, came out and delivered to
him from the wall of the temple two candlesticks, like to
those that lay in the temple, together with tables and cis-
terns, and vials, all of solid gold, and very heavy. He also
delivered to him the veils, and the garments of the high
priests, with the precious stones, and many other vessels be-
longing to the sacred ministrations. And now was seized
the treasurer of the temple, whose name was Phineas, who
discovered to him the coats and girdles of the priests with a
great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were reposited
for the use of the veil; as also a great deal of cinnamon and
cassia, and other sweet spices, which used to be mixed and
offered to God as incense every day. A great many other
precious things and ornaments of the temple were delivered
by the same person. Which things so delivered to Titus,
obtained for that man the same pardon that was allowed to
such as deserted of their own accord.'
V
At length, after great labour, and against a furious op-
position, the Romans became masters of the rest of the city,
and set their ensigns upon the walls in triumph, and with
great joy. They then plundered the houses, and killed
every one whom they met with in the streets. They set fire
to the city, and made the streets run with blood to such a
degree, that the fire of many houses was quenched with
men's blood. However it so happened that, when the slayers
had left off in the evening, the fire greatly prevailed in the
night. As all was burning, the eighth day of the month of
: Οἱ δημοτικοι δε διεσώθησαν ύπερ τετρακισμυρίες, ούς διάφηκε Καισαρ,
φιλον ην έκασῳ. Ibid.
u
Cap. viii. sect. 3.
✓ Sect. 4, 5.
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70.
461
September, came on to Jerusalem, a city which had suffer-
ed so many calamities during the siege, of which it was
upon no account so deserving, as upon account of its
producing such a generation of men as occasioned its over-
throw.
W
• When " Titus was come into this upper city, he admir-
ed some places of strength in it, and particularly those
strong towers which the tyrants in their madness had relin-
quished. And he expressed himself in the following man-
ner: “We have certainly had God for our helper in this
war. It is God who has ejected the Jews out of these for-
tifications. For what could the hands of men, or any
machines do, towards throwing down such fortifications?"
At which time he had many like discourses with his friends.
He also set at liberty such as had been bound by the
tyrants, and were still in the prisons. And when he en-
tirely demolished the rest of the city, and overthrew its z
walls, he left those towers to be monuments of his fortune,
which had fought with him, and had enabled him to take
what otherwise would have been impregnable.'
a
'The soldiers were weary of killing. But there were
many still alive. Titus therefore gave orders that none
should be killed but such as were in arms or made resist-
W
Cap. ix. sect. 1.
* Συν θεψ γ' επολεμησαμεν
K. λ. Ib.
y Undoubtedly Titus, upon entering into that part of the city which was
now taken, and so becoming master of the whole city of Jerusalem, had some
discourses with his generals suitable to the occasion. But Josephus, in imi-
tation of the Greek and Roman historians, who made speeches for their
generals, embellisheth here; and he makes Titus say some things which he
did not say. The tyrants, as Josephus calls them, were guilty of mad con-
duct in their divisions, in destroying, as they had done, many stores proper
for sieges, and in other respects. But Titus could not charge them with
folly and madness in relinquishing the three towers here referred to. Jose-
phus has given a particular description of them. De B. J. l. 5. c. iv. sect. 3.
They were strong and lofty buildings, raised upon the north wall of the city.
Herod had displayed his magnificence in them: but they were not fit for gar-
risons, or to be made places of defence. They were rather summer-palaces,
fitted for diversion and entertainment, with splendid apartments and sumptu-
ous furniture. The Jews did not relinquish any places of defence. They
vigorously defended their several walls, and the tower Antonia, and the tem-
ple. They had fully exercised all the military skill and courage of Titus, and
his many generals, and tired his soldiers: and induced them more than once
to despair of victory, as our historian himself has informed us. It appears
however from Josephus, that Simon made use of the tower Phasælus for his
own habitation, during a good part of the siege, Τηνικαυτα γεμην τυραννειον
aπedεixon тov Zwvos. Ib. sect. 3. p. 330. in.
απεδείχθη του Σίμωνος.
* Αυθις δε την αλλην αφανίζων πολιν, και τείχη κατασκαπτων, τετες τες
πυργος κατέλιπε μνημείον είναι της αυτό τυχης, ή συςρατιωτιδι χρησάμενος
κράτησε των άλωναι μη δυναμένων. L. 7. c. ix. sect. 1.
Cap. ix. sect. 2.
462
Jewish Testimonies.
auce, and to take the rest captive. Nevertheless the soldiers
slew the aged and the infirm: but for those who were in
their flourishing age, and might be useful to them, they
drove them together into the temple and shut them up
within the walls of the court of the women; over whom
Titus set one of his freed-men, and Fronto, one of his
friends, who was to determine the fate of each one accord-
ing to his desert. Many were ordered to be slain. But of
the young men he chose out the tallest, and the most beau-
tiful, and reserved them for the triumph. Such as were
above seventeen years of age he bound, and sent them to
work in the mines in Egypt. Titus also sent a great many
into the provinces, as presents to them, that they might be
destroyed in their theatres, either by the sword or by wild
beasts. They who were under seventeen years of age were
sold for slaves. And during the time that Fronto was de-
termining the fate of these men, there perished eleven thou-
sand for want of food. Some of them had no food through
the ill-will of those who guarded them. Others would not
take what was given them. And indeed there were so many,
that there was not food for them.'
Josephus does not here speak of any Jews being cruci-
fied at this time. Nevertheless, I apprehend that many now
suffered in that manner. For in b one of the last sections
of his life, giving an account of things presently after the
city was taken, he says he was sent by Titus with Cerealis,
one of his generals, and a thousand horse, to a village called
Thekoa, to see whether it was a place fit for a camp. As
I came back,' says he, ' I saw many of the captives crucified.
Among them I discerned three of my former acquaintance,
which gave me great concern. I thereupon went to Titus
with tears in my eyes, and spoke to him; who immedi-
ately gave orders to have them taken down, and that
the best care should be taken of them for their recovery.
However two of them died under cure: the third sur-
vived.'
C
The number of those who were taken captive during the
whole war was computed to be ninety and seven thousand:
and the number of those who perished during the siege
eleven hundred thousand. The greater part of them were
indeed of the same nation, but not inhabitants of the city.
For they were come up from all the country to the festival
of unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut in by the
army; which occasioned so great a straitness that there
d
c Sect. 3.
b De Vit. sect. 75.
4 Ωςε το πρωτον αυτοις
την τενοχωριαν γενεσθαι λοιμώδη φθοραν, αυθις δε και λιμον ωκυτερον.
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70. 463
came on a pestilential disorder, and then a famine, which
was more severe.'
e
And presently afterwards: 'This great multitude was
collected from other places. The whole nation was shut
up as in a prison: and the Roman army encompassed the
city, when it was crowded with inhabitants. Accordingly,f
the multitude of those who perished therein exceeded all
the destructions that men or God ever brought on the
world."
As many were hid in caverns, the Romans made
searches after them. If any were found alive they were
presently slain. But beside them they found there more
than two thousand: some killed by themselves and by one
another, and more destroyed by famine. The ill savour of
the dead bodies was offensive: nevertheless, for the sake of
gain, many of the soldiers ventured into the caverns, where
was found much treasure.'
'John," and his brethren who were with him in the ca-
vern, wanted food. Now therefore he begged that the
Romans would give him the right hand for security, which
he had often rejected before. But Simon struggled hard
with the distress he was in, till he was forced to surrender
himself, as we shall relate hereafter. So he was reserved
for the triumph, and to be then slain. John was condem-
ned to perpetual imprisonment. And now the Romans.
set fire to the extreme parts of the city, and burnt them down,
and demolished the walls to the foundation.'
i
But
• Thus k was Jerusalem taken in the second year of the
reign of Vespasian, on the eighth day of the month of Sep-
tember. It had been taken five times before. This is the
second time of its desolation.' Josephus then enumerates
these several times, and computes how many years it was
from the time of its being first built, and then adds:
neither its antiquity, nor its immense riches, nor the repu-
tation of the nation, celebrated throughout the whole world,
nor the great glory of its religion, has been sufficient to
preserve it from destruction. Such was the end of the siege
of Jerusalem.' These are the last words of his sixth book
of the Jewish War.
Then, at the beginning of the seventh book, he says:
'And¹ now, when no more were left to be slain, nor any
e Sect. 4.
f Πασαν γεν ανθρωπινην και δαιμονιον φθοραν
ὑπερβαλλει το πλήθος των απολωλότων. Ib.
g Sect. 4.
h Ibid. sect. 4.
i 'Ρωμαιοι τας τε εσχατιάς τε απεος
* Cap. x. ibid.
ενέπρησαν, και τα τείχη κατέσκαψαν. Ibid.
L. 7. cap. i. sect. 1.
464
Jewish Testimonies.
more plunder remained for the soldiers, Cæsar gave orders
that they should demolish to the foundation the whole city,
and the temple; leaving only the fore-mentioned towers
Phasælus, Hippicus, and Mariamne, and so much of the
wall as was on the west side of the city: that was spared
in order to afford a camp for those who were to lie in gar-
rison; but m as for all the rest of the whole circumference
of the city, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground,
by those who dug it up to the foundation, that there was
nothing left to make those who came thither to believe it
had ever been inhabited.' So said our Lord, Luke xix. 44,
"And they shall lay thee even with the ground, and thy
children within thee: and they shall not leave in thee one
stone upon another, because thou knewest not the time of
thy visitation."
·
The soldiers who were left in garrison near the city must
have been instruments in digging up every part of it to the
foundation. For Josephus, afterwards describing the jour-
ney of Titus through Palestine to Alexandria, and observing
how Titus was affected at the sight of the deplorable con-
dition of the place, has these expressions: Andº no small
part of its riches had been found in its ruins: this the Ro-
mans dug up. They found a great deal of gold and silver,
and other precious things, which the owners had treasured
up under ground against the uncertain fortunes of war; and
they were assisted by the captives in the discovery of such
things.'
6
And Eleazar, in one of his speeches at Massada, to be
farther taken notice of hereafter, where he persuades the
people with him to consent to be put to death, has these
expressions: Where is now that great city, the metro-
'polis of the whole Jewish nation ?. -Where is that city
which we believed to have God inhabiting in it? It is
'rooted up to the foundation, and has no other monument
• left but the army of those who have destroyed it, encamp-
ing upon its ruins-Who can consider these things and
'not be sorry that he is still alive? I cannot but wish that
we had all died before we had seen that holy city over-
'thrown by its enemies, and ¶ the holy temple so profanely
dug up to the foundation.'
6
C
τες
Αλλον άπαντα της πολεως περιβολον ούτως εξωμαλισαν οἱ κατασκαπτον-
K. λ. Ib.
n L. 7. cap. v. sect. 2. p. 412. Hav. Et. conf. 1. 6. cap. ix. sect. 4.
• L. 7. cap. viii. sect. 7. p. 430. Hav.
- Προῤῥιζος εκ βάθρων ανηρπασαι·
q
πριν τον ναον τον άγιον οὕτως ανοσιως εξορωρυγμένον. Ibid.
JOSEPHUS. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 70. 465
<
C
And Whitby, in his notes upon Matt. xxiv. 2, says: The
Jewish Talmud and Maimonides add, that Turnus [i. e.
Terentius Rufus] captain of the army of Titus, did with a
ploughshare tear up the foundations of the temple, and
thereby signally fulfil those words in Micah iii. 12: "There-
fore shall Zion for your sakes be ploughed as a field, and
Jerusalem become heaps, and the mountain of the house
as the high places of the forest."
6
Grotius has well observed upon Matt. xxiv. 1: That the
temple which had been repaired, or rebuilt by Herod, was
rightly esteemed to be the same temple that had been built
by Zerubbabel. So therefore Josephus says that the tem-
ple had been twice destroyed; once by the Chaldeans, a
second time by Titus. And the Jewish masters call the de-
struction made by Titus, "the destruction of the second
temple." Whilst this temple stood the Messiah was to be
expected, not only according to the prophecy of Daniel, but
likewise of Haggai, ch. ii. 8, and Malachi, ch. iii. 1.'
'Cæsar determined to leave there as a guard the tenth
legion, with some troops of horse and companies of foot.
Having now completed the war, he returned thanks to his
whole army, and distributed rewards among them. For this
purpose he had a large tribunal erected for him in the place
where he formerly encamped. That was a work of three
days.'
S
The rest of the army was sent away to several places;
but he permitted the tenth legion to stay as a guard upon
Jerusalem. Then he went to Cæsarea by the seaside, tak-
ing with him two legions, the fifth and the fifteenth, to_at-
tend him, till he should go to Egypt. At Cæsarea he laid
up the spoils in great quantities, and gave orders that the
captives should be kept there.'
t
From that Cæsarea Titus went to Cæsarea Philippi,
where he stayed some while, and exhibited all sorts of shows.
Here many of the captives were destroyed: some were
thrown to wild beasts, others in great numbers were com-
pelled to fight with each other. Whilst he was there he
heard of the seizure of Simon, son of Gioras, who during
the siege had commanded in the upper city, and who had
concealed himself under ground as long as he could, but
now fell into the hands of Terentius Rufus, who had been
left to keep guard at the ruins of Jerusalem. When Titus
was returned to Cæsarea by the seaside, Simon was brought
bound before him, who ordered him to be kept for the
triumph at Rome."
L. 7. cap. i. sect. 1.
VOL. VI.
$ Sect. 2.
2 H
* Cap. ii. sect. 1
466
Jewish Testimonies.
.u
V
At Cæsarea Titus solemnized the birthday of his
brother Domitian, on the twenty-fourth day of October,
in a splendid manner, doing honour to him in the punishment
of the Jews; for the number of those who were now slain, in
fighting with beasts, or were burnt to death, or fought with
one another, exceeded two thousand and five hundred : yet
did all this seem to the Romans, though they were destroy-
ed ten thousand ways, beneath their deserts. Afterwards
Titus went to Berytus, a city in Phoenicia, and a Roman
colony; there he stayed a longer time, and exhibited a
more pompous solemnity on his father's birthday, [November
17.] Here a great number of the captives were destroyed
in the like manner as before.'
"
W
Having stayed some while at Berytus, he set forward
to Antioch; and as he went exhibited magnificent shows in
all the cities of Syria, making use of the captives as public
instances of the overthrow of the Jewish nation.'
At Antioch he was received with loud acclamations.
Thence he went to Zeugma, which lies upon the Euphrates:
whither came to him messengers from Vologesus, king of
Parthia, who brought him a crown of gold, congratulating
him upon his victory over the Jews, which he accepted.
There he feasted the king's messengers, and then returned
to Antioch.
It does not appear that Titus celebrated any shows there;
and when the people of that place requested him to expel the
Jews out of their city, he refused to comply with them, and
confirmed to them all the privileges which they had hitherto
enjoyed there.
y
Having sent away the two before-mentioned legions by
which he had been attended, one to Mysia, the other to Pan-
nonia, and having given orders for sending Simon and
John, and seven hundred of the tallest and handsomest
of the captives, to appear in the triumph at Rome, he
went to Alexandria, and thence to Rome, and passing
through Palestine, in his way to Egypt, he was much
moved, as Josephus says, at the sight of the desolations of
that country.
When Titus came near Rome he was received with great
rejoicings by the people, who came out to meet him, as also
by his father Vespasian: and though the senate had decreed
to them two several triumphs, they chose to have but one.
Josephus has not informed us exactly concerning the time of
▾ Vid. Pagi ann. 70. n. iii. et Basnag. ann.
Cap. v. sect. 1.
-Sect. 2.
u
Cap. iii. sect. 1.
70. n. xviii.
y Sect. 2, 3.
W
z Sect. 3, 4.
X
JOSEPHUS. The Triumph of the Emperors at Rome. A. D. 71. 467
a
it; and learned critics are now of different opinions: some
place it near the end of the month of April, in 71: others b
argue that it must have been later.
6
с
Many other spoils,' says Josephus, were carried in
great abundance; but the most considerable of all were
those taken out of the temple at Jerusalem. There was the
golden table of many talents; and the candlestick, likewise
of gold, with its seven lamps, a number much respected
by the Jews: the last of all the spoils was the law of the
Jews: after which were carried images of Victory, made of
gold or ivory; after which came Vespasian first, on horse-
back, then Titus; Domitian also was there splendidly at-
tired, and riding upon a beautiful horse.'
d
The end of this pompous show was at the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus. When they came thither they stood
still; for it was the ancient custom of the Romans to stay till
word was brought that the general of the enemy was slain.
This was Simon, the son of Gorias, who had been led in
the triumph among the captives. A rope was put about
his neck, and he was led to a proper place in the forum,
where malefactors were put to death. When tidings of his
death were brought, all the people set up the shout of joy,
and sacrifices were offered up, with the accustomed prayers.
The emperor then went to his palace, and feastings were
made every where.'
e
And now Vespasian determined to build a temple to
Peace, which was finished in a short time, and in a splendid
manner. Here he laid up those golden vessels and instru-
ments, that were taken out of the Jewish temple, as ensigns
of his glory: but their law, and the purple veils of the
holy place, he ordered to be deposited in his palace.'
f
That temple was adorned with paintings and statues.
In it were collected and reposited all such curiosities as
men are wont to wander all over the world to obtain a
sight of,'
The book of the law does not now appear in what is call-
ed the triumphal arch of Titus, though the table and the
candlestick are very visible.
Josephus, in his Life, says, that when the city was taken,
Titus gave him leave to ask what he pleased.' One of his
requests was to have the sacred books, which were granted
to him. Here, in the History of the War, he seems to say
a Vid. Pagi ann. 70. n. vi.
c Sect. 5.
e Sect. 7.
8
b Basnag. 71. n. iii.
d Sect. 6.
f Ib. Sect. 7.
και βιβλιων ιερων ελαβον χαρισαμενε Τιτε. Vit. sect. 75.
2H 2
468
Jewish Testimonies.
h
they were deposited in the emperor's palace: possibly they
were placed there: but Josephus was allowed to have the
use of them when he desired it.
The temple of Peace, according to the description which
Josephus has given of it, appears to have resembled our Bri-
tish Museum, and other like rich cabinets of princes in se-
veral parts of Europe.
The temple of Peace was burnt down in the reign of
Commodus; but it is likely that many of the curiosities
deposited in it were preserved from the flames. And the
Jewish spoils were in being in the fifth century, and after-
wards, though not at Rome, as we learn from Adrian
Reland.
i
We have seen the overthrow of the city and temple of
Jerusalem; but there still remained some strong places in
Judea not yet taken by the Romans, of which Josephus has
given an account; and it is fit we should trace him to the
end of his History of the Jewish War: for, as our Lord
said, "Wheresoever the carcass is, there will the eagles
be gathered together" Matt. xxiv. 28. And see Luke
xvii. 37.
Lucilius Bassusk was sent into Judea by Vespasian as
lieutenant, where he received a sufficient army from Cerealis
Vitellianus: he soon took Herodion, and made the garrison
prisoners.
He¹ then determined to go to Macharus by means of
an accident, well improved, he became master of it without
much loss on either side.
6
Having m settled affairs there, he marched hastily to the
forest of Jardes; where, as he was informed, many were
gathered together who during the siege had escaped from
Jerusalem and Macharus. When they engaged, the battle
was fierce and obstinate on both sides; nevertheless, of the
Romans there were not more than twelve killed, and not
many wounded; but of the Jews not one escaped out of the
battle, but they were all killed, being not fewer in number
than three thousand and with them their general, Judas,
the son of Jairus, who had been captain of a band in the
siege of Jerusalem, and by getting out, through a vault un-
der ground, had privately escaped.'
h Τον δε νομον αυτων,
:
puλaTTεiv. L. 7. c. v. sect. 7.
-προσέταξεν εν τοις βασιλείοις αποθεμένες
i Imperante Commodo deflagravit hoc templum Pacis, teste Herodiano,
L. i. cap. 14. sed cum eo non periisse spolia Hierosolymitana certum est,
quoniam seculo quinto a Christo nato ea in Africam delata sunt, ut mox
videbimus, &c. Reland. De Spoliis Templ. Hieros. cap. 13. p. 133.
* L. 7. cap. vi. 1.
1 Ib. sect. 1—4.
m Ib. sect. 5.
Josephus.
469
Other Places in Judea reduced. A. D. 73.
'About this time the emperor sent orders to Lucilius
Bassus, and Liberius Maximus, that all Judea should be
exposed to sale: for he founded not any city there, but re-
served the country to himself. However, he assigned a
place for eight hundred men, whom he dismissed from the
army, which he gave them for their habitation. It is called
Ammaus, and is distant from Jerusalem sixty furlongs: he
also laid a tribute upon the Jews wherever they were, re-
quiring that every one of them should bring two drachmas
[half a shekel] every year to the capitol; the same that
they had been used to pay to the temple at Jerusalem.’
0
Bassus having died in Judea, Flavius Silva was sent to
succeed him in the government of that country; who soon
made an expedition against Massada, the only remaining
fortress; it was in the possession of Eleazar, a commander
of the Sicarii: he was a descendant of Judas, who had per-
suaded many of the Jews, as formerly related, not to submit
to the assessment made by Cyrenius when he came into Ju-
dea after the removal of Archelaus.
When there was no room left for escaping, Eleazar call-
ed together the principal persons, and consulted with them
what might be best to be done: at which time he made an
oration to them to induce them to kill themselves rather than
fall into the hands of the Romans.
That oration had great effect upon many : some however
there were who hesitated: he therefore went on, and made
another oration to the like purpose: all now were persuaded.
They then chose ten men of the number by lot to slay
all the rest. When these ten men had without fear slain
all the rest, men, women, and children, as determined, they
cast lots upon themselves, and he who had the first lot kill-
ed the other nine, and then himself. These people so died
with the intention that they might not leave so much as one
man among them to be subject to the Romans. However,
there was one ancient woman, and another woman related
to Eleazar, who exceeded most women in knowledge and pru-
dence, and five children, who had hid themselves in a cavern
under ground: they had carried water with them for their
drink, and lay quiet there, whilst the rest were intent upon
the slaughter of each other. The whole number of these
people, including the just-mentioned women and children,
was nine hundred and sixty. This slaughter was made on
the fifteenth day of the month of April, in the year 73, as may
be computed.'
" Sect. 6.
9 lb. sect. 7.
• Cap. viii. sect. 1.
r
Cap. ix. sect. 1, 2.
P Sect. 6.
470
Jewish Testimonies.
When the Romans entered the place the next morning,
their surprise was very great, as may be well supposed.
S
t
Soon after this some turbulent Jews were the occasion
of disturbances at Alexandria, where six hundred were
slain; and after that in Cyrene, where more than three
thousand suffered. The disturbance there was occasioned
by the imposture of Jonathan, a weaver, who persuaded
many people of the meaner sort to follow him into the
wilderness, where he promised to show them signs and
wonders. Moreover Vespasian sent express orders that
the Jewish temple of Onias, as it was called, built in the
præfecture of Heliopolis in Egypt, should be demolished:
which was done in the year of Christ 74, about two hundred
and twenty-four years after it had been first built, as " Pri-
deaux computes.
We before saw what was the number of those who were
computed to have perished in the siege of Jerusalem: but,
taking in also those who had suffered in other places out
of Jerusalem, these, added to the eleven hundred thousand
that perished in the siege, make the whole number thirteen
hundred and thirty-seven thousand four hundred and nine-
ty; an innumerable company still being omitted that pe-
rished through famine, banishment, and other miseries.
Which I think to be no aggravation at all.
IX. Let us now reflect.
W
1. All these things have we seen in Josephus, who at the
beginning of his work says: I Josephus, son of Matthias,
by birth a Hebrew of Jerusalem, and a priest, who myself
at first fought against the Romans, and was afterwards
forced to be present at the things that were done, have
written this history.'
• *
The conclusion of the whole work, at the end of the
seventh and last book of the Jewish War, is to this effect:
Here we put an end to our history, which we promised to
deliver with all accuracy to those who are desirous to know
how this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed.
Concerning the style let the readers judge: concerning the
truth, I may boldly say, that only has been aimed at
throughout the whole work.'
S
Perhaps likewise it may not be amiss to observe whạt he
Cap. x. xi.
t
-8κ ολιγες των απορων ενεπεισε
προσέχειν αυτῳ, και προηγαγεν εις τον ερημον, σημεία και φασματα δείξειν
vπoσxoμɛvoc. cap. xi. sect. 1.
" See his Connexion, &c. year before Christ 149. p. 266.
▾ See Usher's Anuals, p. 907. in English, Lond. 1658.
* De B. Jud. in Pr. sect. 1.
× L. 7. cap. xi. sect. 5.
JOSEPHUS. Reflections upon the foregoing History. 471
says
of this work in his first book against Appion, written
long afterwards, near the period of his life.
As for myself I have composed a true history of that
war, and of all the particulars that occurred therein, as hav-
ing been concerned in all its transactions: for I acted as
general among those among us who are called Galileans,
as long as it was possible for us to make any opposition:
and when I was taken captive by the Romans, Vespasian
and Titus had me kept under a guard, but obliged me to
attend them continually. At first I was in bonds; after-
wards I was set at liberty, and was sent to accompany Titus
when he came from Alexandria to the siege of Jerusalem
during which time nothing was done which escaped my
knowledge. What happened in the Roman camp, I saw,
and wrote it down carefully; what information the deserters
brought out of the city, I was the only man that understood
it: afterwards I got leisure at Rome: and when all my ma-
terials were prepared, I procured the help of one to assist
me in writing Greek. Thus I composed the history of those
transactions. And I was so well assured of the truth of
what I related, that I first appealed to those who had the
supreme command in that war, Vespasian and Titus, as wit-
nesses for me; for to them I first presented those books,
and after them to many of the Romans who had been in the
war. I also communicated them to many of our own men,
who understood the Greek philosophy; among whom were
Julius Archelaus, and Herod, a person of great gravity, and
king Agrippa himself, who deserved the greatest admiration :
all these bore testimony to me that I had the strictest regard
to truth; who would not have dissembled the matter, nor
have been silent, if through ignorance, or out of favour to
either side, I had altered or omitted any thing.'
2. Josephus's History of the Jewish War is an ample tes-
timony to the fulfilment of all the predictions of our Lord,
concerning the demolition of the temple and city of Jerusa-
lem, and the miseries to be endured by the nation during the
siege, which were such as had never before happened to any
people, nor were likely to happen again.
3. The sufferers in these calamities were generally men
of the worst characters, robbers and Sicarii, and others too
much resembling them. It is reasonable to believe that no
christians were then shut up in the city, nor many other good
men, to partake in the miseries of that long and grievous
siege. As St. Peter says, having instanced in the preserva-
tion of "Noah the eighth person, when God brought in the
y Contr. Ap. 1. i. sect. 9.
472
Jewish Testimonies.
flood upon the world of the ungodly, and then delivering just
Lot, when the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah were turned
into ashes," adds, with a view to other like cases, and pro-
bably to the destruction of Jerusalem itself: "The Lord
knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptations, and
to reserve the unjust unto the day of judgment to be
punished," 2 Pet. ii, 5-9.
Z
4. I think it ought to be observed by us that there was
not now any pestilence at Jerusalem, but the Jews perished
by the calamities of war. It might have been expected that
the bad food, which they were forced to make use of in the
straitness of the siege, and the noisome smell of so many
dead bodies lying in heaps in the city itself, and in the
vallies or ditches without the walls, should have produced
a plague: but nothing of that kind appears in the His-
tory: which must have been owing to the special interpo-
sition of Divine Providence. Josephus, in some of the
places where he speaks of the putrefaction of the dead
bodies, may use expressions equivalent to pestilential; but
he never shows that there was an infection: if there had, it
would have equally affected the Romans and the Jews,
and the siege of the place must have been broken up, and
the Romans would have gone off as fast as they could.
5. None can forbear to observe the time when all these
things came to pass. Our Lord says, Matt. xxiii. 36,
"Verily, I say unto you, all these things shall come upon
this generation." And xxiv. 34, "Verily, I say unto you,
This generation shall not pass till all these things be ful-
filled."
So likewise Mark xiii. 30, and Luke xxi. 32. So
it was.
All these things foretold by our Lord came to pass
before the end of that generation of men. Jerusalem and
the temple were no more, before the end of the year 70
of the christian epoch, and within forty years after his
crucifixion.
Concerning the time also our Lord said: "And this
gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world,
for a witness to all nations:" Matt. xxiv. 14. Comp. Mark
xiii. 10.
This we know from christian writings, particularly the
books of the New Testament, most of which were written
I est difficile que tant de peuples renformés dans une ville durant les cha-
leurs de l'été, de si méchantes nourritures et surtout la puanteur de tant de
corps morts, n'aient joint la peste à la famine. Joseph n'en parle néanmoins
qu'en un endroit, en passant; ce qui marque qu'elle ne fut pas considérable.
Till. Ruine des Juifs. art. 67. p. 960.
Vid. De B. Jud. 1. 5. cap. xii. sect. 4.
JOSEPHUS. The Value of his Testimony.
473
before the destruction of Jerusalem. They bear witness
that the gospel had been preached to Jews and Gentiles in
Judea, Syria, Asia, Greece, Macedonia, and Rome, and other
places, and with great success: and the preaching of the
gospel throughout the world was a testimony to all nations
that the calamities inflicted upon the Jewish people were
just and fit. They bear witness that the Jewish nation had
been called upon to repent, and were faithfully, and affec-
tionately, and earnestly warned and admonished; but they
refused to hearken. See the Acts of the Apostles, and Mark
xvi. 20; Rom. x. 18; Col. i. 6, and 23.
6
<
b
Says archbishop Tillotson: We have this matter relat-
ed, not by a christian, (who might be suspected of parti-
ality and a design to have paralleled the event with our
'Saviour's prediction,) but by a Jew, both by nation and
religion, who seems designedly to have avoided, as much
as possibly he could, the very mention of the christian name,
' and all particulars relating to our Saviour, though no his-
'torian was ever more punctual in other things.'
Says Mr. Tillemont: God had been pleased to choose
for our information in this history, not an apostle, nor any
' of the chief men of the church, but an obstinate Jew, whom
• neither the view of the virtue and miracles of the christians,
' nor the knowledge of the law, nor the ruin of his religion
and country, could induce to believe in and love the Mes-
'siah, who was all the expectation of the nation. God has
permitted it so to be, that the testimony which this historian
'gave to an event, of which he did not comprehend the
mystery, might not be rejected either by Jews or hea-
thens; and that none might be able to say that he altered
the truth of things to favour Jesus Christ and his disciples.'
Dr. W. Wotton says of Josephus: 'Hed is certainly an
author very justly to be valued, notwithstanding all his
'faults. His History of the Jewish War is a noble demon-
•stration of the truth of the christian religion; by show-
ing, in the most lively manner, how the prophecies of our
blessed Lord, concerning the destruction of Jerusalem,
were literally fulfilled in their fullest extent.'
6
And Dr. Doddridge, in his notes upon chap. xxiv. of St.
Matthew's gospel, says: Christian writers have always
e
b Vol. 2. p. 563. serm. 186, the seventh sermon upon 2 Cor. iv. 3, 4.
• Ruine des Juifs, art. i. p. 722.
Preface to his Miscellaneous Discourses relating to the Traditions and
Usages of the Scribes and Pharisees, p. xlix. The faults, which he observes
in Josephus, may be seen at p. xxxiii. &c.
e The Family Expositor, sect. 160. Vol. 2. p. 373.
474
Jewish Testimonies.
·
6
'with great reason represented Josephus's History of the
'Jewish War as the best commentary upon this chapter.
And many have justly remarked it as a wonderful instance
' of the care of Providence for the christian church, that he,
an eye-witness, and in these things of so great credit,
• should (especially in so extraordinary a manner) be pre-
'served to transmit to us a collection of important facts,
'which so exactly illustrate this noble prophecy, in almost
'every particular circumstance. But as it would swell my
' notes too much to enter into a particular detail of those
' circumstances, I must content myself with referring to
Dr. Whitby's excellent notes upon the twenty-fourth of
Matthew, and to archbishop Tillotson's large and accurate
' discourse on the same subject, in the second volume of his
'posthumous works. Serm. 183-187.'
6
Isidore of Pelusium, who flourished about the year 412,
in one of his epistles has these expressions: If you have
' a mind to know what punishment the wicked Jews under-
went, who ill-treated the Christ, read the history of their
'destruction, written by Josephus, a Jew indeed, but a lover
of truth, that you may see the wonderful story, such
as no time ever saw before since the beginning of the world,
nor ever shall see. For that none might refuse to give
'credit to the history of their incredible and unparalleled
sufferings, truth found out not a stranger, but a native, and
a man fond of their institutions, to relate them in a doleful
• strain.'
6
<
Eusebius often quotes Josephus, and, in his Ecclesiastical
History, has transcribed from him several articles at large.
Having rehearsed from the gospels divers of our Lord's pre-
dictions of the evils then coming upon Jerusalem and the
Jewish people, he adds: Whosoever shall compare these
'words of our Saviour with the history of the whole war,
published by the above-mentioned writer, must admire our
'Lord's great wisdom, and acknowledge that his foresight
was divine.'
In his Chronicle, as we have it from Jerom in Latin, Eu-
sebius says: 'In h subduing Judea, and overthrowing Je-
f Lib. 4. ep. 75. vid. et ep. 74.
8 H. E. 1. 3. cap. 8. p. 81. D.
h Titus, Judæâ captâ, et Jerosolymis subversis, DC millia virorum interfecit.
Josephus vero scribit undecies centena millia fame et gladio periisse, et alia
centum millia captivorum publice venumdata. Ut autem tanta multitudo
Jerosolymis reperirentur, causam Azymorum fuisse refert; ob quam ex omni
genere Judæi ad templum confluentes urbe quasi carcere sunt reclusi. Opor-
tuit enim in iisdem diebus eos interfici, in quibus Salvatorem crucifixerant.
Chron. p. 162.
JOSEPHUS. The Testimony of other Writers.
475
'rusalem, Titus slew six hundred thousand people: but Jo-
'sephus writes, that eleven bundred thousand perished by
• famine and the sword, and that another hundred thousand
'were publicly sold and carried captives: and he says that
'the occasion of there being so great a multitude of people
• at Jerusalem was this, that it was the time of passover;
' for which reason the Jews, having come up from all parts
'to worship at the temple, were shut up in the city as in
a prison. And indeed it was fit they should be slain at
'the same time in which they crucified our Saviour.'
It is certainly very fit that christians should attend to the
fulfilment of our Lord's predictions relating to the Jewish
people, which are so frequent, so solemn, and affectionate.
The testimony of Josephus is the most considerable of all:
it is the most full, and particular, and exact of any we have,
or have the knowledge of: and he was an eye-witness; and
he was manifestly zealous for the honour of his country:
he had a great respect for the temple, and its worship, and
for all the peculiarities of the Mosaic law; and he conti-
nued to have the same to the last, as appears from his own
life and his books against Appion.
X. Josephus, in the preface to his own work, intimates
that some histories of the war had been before written by
others: but he represents them as partial and defective,
and composed by men who were not well informed. Un-
doubtedly none of these remain now: they have been lost
long since.
Justus of Tiberias, contemporary with Josephus, between
whom there were many differences, also wrote a history of
the War. Josephus in his Life chargeth him with false-
hood, and blames him for not publishing his work until after
the death of Vespasian and Titus, and king Agrippa.
Josephus owns that Justus was well skilled in Greek
learning and he plainly says that he wrote of the war.
I do not clearly perceive Eusebius to have known any
thing of Justus but what he learned from the testimonies of
Josephus, above referred to by me.
1
k
Justus is in Jerom's Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers.
He seems to ascribe to him two books.
m
Photius I think speaks of but one work of this author,
i Και γαρ
80' απειρος ην παιδειας της παρ' Έλλησιν, ἡ θαῤῥων επεχείρησεν
και την ίσοριαν των πραγμάτων τετων αναγράφων, κ. λ. Joseph. Vit. sect. S.
Vid. et sect. 65.
* H. E. 1. 3. cap. x. p. 86. B.
I Justus Tiberiensis, de provinciâ Galilæâ, conatus est et ipse judaïcarum
rerum historiam texere, et quosdam commentariolos de Scripturis componere,
&c. De V. I. cap. 14.
m
Ανεγνώσθη 1858 Τιβέρεως χρονικον, κ. λ. Cod. 33. p. 20.
476
Jewish Testimonies.
which he calls a Chronicle. He says it began with Moses
and ended at the death of Agrippa. He also takes notice
of Josephus's censures both of the author himself and his
work.
n
Stephanus Byzantinus, in his article of Tiberias, says:
"Of this city was Justus, who wrote of the Jewish war in
'the time of Vespasian.'
Diogenes Laertius," in his Life of Socrates, quotes a pas-
sage from Justus of Tiberias, and seems to quote the same
book that was read by Photius.
Р
Several learned moderns are of opinion that Justus, like
Josephus, wrote two books, one of the Jewish War, another
of the Jewish Antiquities. Menage, in his notes upon Dio-
genes Laertius, ascribes to Justus three books, that is, Me-
moirs, beside the two before mentioned. I rather think
there was but one, and that what Justus wrote of the war
was comprised in the Chronicle. Menage's argument from
Suidas is of no value; for Suidas expresseth himself inac-
curately; nor does he mention more than two works: the
Memoirs, voμvηuara, are the same with Jerom's Commenta-
rioli de Scripturis. Indeed Suidas only transcribes Jerom,
or his interpreter Sophronius, and has done it inaccurately.
Some learned men lament the loss of this work. Others s
think it was of little value. I cannot but wish that the work,
which was in being in the time of Photius, had also reached
us. It must have been of some use. Perhaps the censure
passed upon it by Josephus, who was in great credit, has
been a prejudice to it.
r
I have allowed myself to enlarge in my notice of this wri-
ter, who lived at the time, and was an actor in the Jewish
war with the Romans. Though his work is not extant, he
is a witness to that important transaction.
- Εκ ταύτης ην Ι8τος, ὁ τον Ιεδαϊκον Πολεμον τον κατα Ουεσπασιαν
ἱςορησας. Steph. Byz.
• Φησιν Ι8τος ὁ Τιβερευς εν τῳ σεμματι. Diog. La. 1. 2. sect. 41.
P Unde colligo, (ex Hieronymi Catalogo,) ut Josephus, ita et Justum, non
modo de Antiquitatibus Judaïcis, sed seorsum etiam de Bello Judaïco scripsisse.
Voss. de H. Gr. Vid. et Vales. Ann. in Euseb. 1. 3. cap. x. Tillem. Ruine de
Juifs. art. 82.
Scripsit ille Historiam Judaïcam, eodem
tempore quo Josephus, a quo mendacii arguitur. Scripsit præterea vπoµvŋ-
µara, quorum meminit Suidas. Scripsit et Chronicon Regum Judæorum, qui
coronati fuere; ut est apud Photium: quod opus signat hic Laërtius. Menag.
in loc. p. 94.
Josephus, in Vitâ suâ, et alibi, quasi parum
fido scriptori conviciatur. Sed, de inimico, non magis ei crediderim, quam
Justo de Josepho crederem, si historia ejus exstaret, atque in eâ æmulo ab eo
detractum viderem. Utinam vero, quæcumque fuerit, ad nos usque pervenis-
set. Cleric. H. E. A. C. C. cap. vii.
• Tillem. as above, art. 80.
Г
JOSEPHUS. The Testimony of other Writers.
477
t
Pausanias, who lived in the second century, and wrote
after the year of our Lord 180, speaks" of a monument of
queen Helena at Jerusalem, which (city) an emperor of the
Romans had destroyed to the foundation.
6
▾
• Minucius Felix refers the heathen people not only to
Josephus, but also to Antonius Julianus, a Roman author,
from whom they might learn that the Jews had not been
' ruined nor abandoned of God till they had first abandoned
• him : and that their present low condition was owing to their
' wickedness and obstinacy therein, and that nothing had
' happened to them but what had been foretold.'
W
Who that Julianus was cannot be said. There have been
several of that name, one of whom was procurator of
Judea, and was present with Titus at the siege of Jerusalem,
as we know from Josephus. Tillemont says that * possibly
he wrote a history of the siege of Jerusalem. G. Vossius,
upon the ground of this passage of Minucius, puts Antonius
Julianus among Latin historians who had written a history
of the Jews.
Minucius reckons Josephus among Roman writers. Dr.
Davis suspects it to be an interpolation, and assigns not im-
probable reasons in his notes upon the place.
Suetoniusz has mentioned the occasion of the war, the
appointment of Vespasian to be general, his and his son's
triumph at Rome, and several other material things, which
have been already observed, or will in time be observed by
us from him.
b
a
What Tacitus has written upon this subject, so far as it
remains, may be taken notice of hereafter.
C
Dion Cassius is another witness, whose testimony also
may be taken more at large hereafter.
* See Tillem, L'Emp. Marc. Aurele. art. xxxii.
U
Y
Εβραιος δε ῾Ελενης γυναικός επιχωρίας τάφος εςιν εν πολει Σολύμοις, ἣν
ες εδαφος κατεβαλεν ὁ 'Ρωμαίων βασιλευς. Pausan. l. 8. cap. 16. p. 633.
Scripta eorum relege. Vel si Romanis magis gaudes, ut transeamus ve-
teres, Flavii Josephi, vel Antonii Juliani, de Judæis require. Jam scies,
nequitia suâ hanc eos meruisse fortunam : nec quidquam accidisse, quod non
sit his, si in contumaciâ perseverarent, ante prædictum. Ita prius eos dese-
ruisse comprehendes, quain esse desertos; nec, ut impie loqueris, cum Deo
suo esse captos, sed a Deo, ut disciplinæ transfugas, deditos. Minuc. c. 33.
Conf. c. 10.
Και Μαρκος Αντωνιος, ὁ της Ιεδαίας επιτροπος.
* Ruine des Juifs, art. 72.
W
Jos. de B. J. 1. 6. cap. iv. 3.
y Antonius Julianus Judaïcam videtur Historiam consignâsse, &c.
Hist. Lat. 1. 3. De Historicis incertæ ætatis.
2 Sueton. Vespas. c. 4, 5.
De
-ac triumphum utriusque judaïcum, equo albo comitatus est.
Domit. c. 2.
b Vid. Tac. Hist. Lib. v
Dio. 1. 66. sub. in.
478
Jewish Testimonies.
•
6
d
Philostratus says that when Titus had taken Jerusalem,
and filled all about it with dead bodies, and the neigh-
bouring nations offered him crowns, he said he was not
'worthy of such an honour, nor had he himself, he said, done
'that great work. He had only lent his hand in the service
of God, when he was pleased to show his displeasure.'
Philostratus says that Apollonius was much pleased with
that token of wisdom and humanity. He likewise says that
Apollonius wrote a letter to Titus, and sent it by Damis,
to this purpose: Apollonius sendeth greeting to Titus
emperor of the Romans. Since you refuse to be applaud-
ed for bloodshed and victory in war, I send you the
crown of moderation. You know for what things crowns
are due.'
6
6
e
Hence divers learned men have argued that Titus refused
to be crowned for his victory over the Jews. Basnage, and
other learned men, on the contrary, are of opinion that we
may rely upon the authority of Josephus, who tells us that
'he went from Antioch to the Zeugma, whither came to him
messengers from Vologesus, king of Parthia, and brought
him a crown of gold upon the victory obtained by him over
the Jews; which he accepted of, and feasted the king's
messengers, and then returned to Antioch.' Moreover he
accepted of a triumph for his victory over the Jews, and all
other honours customary upon the like occasions. Never-
theless, Olearius, in his notes upon the place, argues that'
Philostratus needs not be understood to say that Titus re-
fused the crowns offered him, but only said that he was un-
worthy of that honour, he having been only an instrument
in the hand of God for displaying his just vengeance against
guilty men.
And it must be owned that Olearius expresseth himself
with great judgment and moderation. Either way those
learned men are to be reckoned mistaken, who have main-
d Έπει δε Τιτος ήρηκει τα Σολυμα, και νεκρων πλεα ην παντα τα όμορα τε
εθνη επεφανεν αυτον. Ο δε εκ ηξις ἑαυτον τετ8' μη γαρ αυτον ταυτα ειργασθαι,
Θεμ δε οργην φηναντι επεδεδωκεναι τας ἑαυτε χειρας, κ. λ. Philos. de Vit.
Apol. 1. 6. cap. 29.
6
e Modestiam Titi laudibus effert Baronius, quod, oblatâ sibi coronâ aureâ
a provinciis, noluit coronari, testatus se prorsus indignum.' Usserius, aliique
eruditi, illud et ipsum tradunt, freti auctoritate Philostrati. -Basnag. ann.
70. n. xvi.
f Quem tamen Josephi locum immerito Philos-
trato opponi putem.- -Neque enim Philostratus repudiâsse coronam.' Ti-
tum ait, atque eâ non acceptâ legatos dimisisse, quod viro docto interpretes
persuasere, sed hoc tantum, quod eo honore se indignum dixerit; justitiæ Dei
vindicatricis instrumentum, cujus nullæ fuerint in istis patrandis propriæ vires,
sese exstitisse agnoscens, &c. Olear. in loc.
JOSEPHUS. The Testimony of other Writers.
479
tained that Titus refused to be crowned for his victory over
the Jews.
However, we are still to reckon Philostratus, at the be-
ginning of the third century, a good witness to the overthrow
of Jerusalem by Titus.
These are early heathen authors who have related the
destruction of Jerusalem, and thereby bore testimony to the
accomplishment of our Lord's predictions concerning it.
Nor can any forget the triumphal arch of Titus, still stand-
ing at Rome, of which we before took notice.
There is also an ancient inscription to the honour of
Titus, who, by his father's directions and counsels, had
subdued the Jewish nation, and destroyed Jerusalem, which
had never been destroyed by any princes or people be-
fore.'
h
Which has occasioned some learned men to say that even
inscriptions are not free from flattery. But then it must be
owned that the genuineness and antiquity of this inscrip-
tion has been called in question: and there are some reasons
to doubt whether this comes from the senate of Rome itself,
as is pretended.
g
Imp. Tito. Cæsari. Divi. Vespasiani. F.
Vespasiano. Aug. Pontifici. Maximo.
Trib. Pot. x. Imp. xvii. Cos. viii. P. P.
Principi. suo. S. P. Q. R.
Quod. Præceptis. Patris. Consiliisque, et
Auspiciis. Gentem. Judæorum. Domuit. Et
Urbem. Hierosolymam. Omnibus. Ante. Se
Ducibus. Regibus. Gentibusque, aut. Frustra
Petitam. aut. omnino. Intentatam. Delevit.
Ap. Gruter. p. 244.
h Ubi steterit, ignoratur. Scaliger vult ab Onufrio fictum. Ap. Gruter. Ib
480
CHAP. IV.
THREE PARAGRAPHS IN THE WORKS OF JOSEPHUS CONCERN-
ING JOHN THE BAPTIST, OUR SAVIOUR, AND JAMES, THE
LORD'S BROTHER; AND OBSERVATIONS UPON THE WRIT-
INGS OF JOSEPHUS.
I. Of John the Baptist. II. Concerning the Lord Jesus
Christ. III. Concerning James, the Lord's Brother.
IV. Concluding observations upon the writings and tes-
timony of Josephus.
6
a
6
b
1. ABOUT this time,' says Josephus, there happened a
difference between Aretas king of Petræa and Herod upon
this occasion. Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter
of Aretas, and lived a considerable time with her. But, in
a journey he took to Rome, he made a visit to Herod his
brother, though not by the same mother-Here falling in
love with Herodias, wife of the same Herod, daughter of
their brother Aristobulus, and sister of Agrippa the great,
he ventured to make to her proposals of marriage. She not
disliking them, they agreed together at that time, that when
he was returned from Rome she would go and live with
him. And it was one part of the contract, that Aretas's
daughter should be put away. This was the beginning of
the difference; and there being also some disputes about
the limits of their territories, a war arose between Aretas and
Herod. And in a battle fought by them Herod's whole army
was defeated.'
a
d
c
'But,' says Josephus, 'some of the Jews were of opinion
Antiq. 1. 18. cap. v. sect. 1.
b Our evangelists call him Philip, Matt. xiv. 3, and elsewhere. That diffi-
culty was considered formerly. Josephus and the evangelists mean the same
person, though they call him by different names. See Vol. i. B. ii. ch. v.
- Ο δε αρχην εχθρας ταυτην ποιησαμενος, περι τε όρων εν τη γη τη Γαμα-
λιτιδι, και δυναμεως ἑκατερῳ συλλεγείσης, εις πόλεμον καθίςανται και μαχης
γενομενης, διεφθαρη πας ὁ Ἡρωδε κρατος, κ. λ. Ib. sect. 1.
d Τισι δε των Ιεδαίων εδοκει, ολωλεναι τον Ηρωδε τρατον ύπο τ8 Θε8, και
μαλα δικαίως τιννύμενε κατα ποινην Ιωανν8 τε επικαλεμενε Βαπτις8. Κτείνει
γαρ τετον Ἡρωδης, αγαθον ανδρα, και τες Ιεδαιες κελευοντα αρετην επασ
κεντας, και τη προς αλληλες δικαιοσυνη και προς τον Θεον ευσεβεια χρωμένες,
βαπτισμῳ συνιεναι ούτω γαρ την βαπτισιν αποδεκτήν αυτῷ φανείσθαι, μη επι
τινων ἁμαρτάδων παραιτησει χρωμενων, αλλ' εφ' άγνεια το σωματος, άτε δη
και της ψυχης δικαιοσυνη προεκκεκαθαρμένης. Και των αλλων συςρεφομενων
JOSEPHUS. Of John the Baptist. A. D. 76.
481
that God had suffered Herod's army to be destroyed as a
just punishment on him for the death of John, called the
Baptist. For Herod had killed him, who was a just man,
and had called upon the Jews to be baptized, and to prac-
tise virtue, exercising both justice toward men and piety
toward God. For so would baptism be acceptable to God,
if they made use of it, not for the expiation of their sins,
but for the purity of the body, the mind being first purified
by righteousness. And many coming to him, (for they were
wonderfully taken with his discourses,) Herod was seized
with apprehensions, lest by his authority they should be led
into sedition against him; for they seemed capable of under-
taking any thing by his direction. Herod therefore thought
it better to take him off before any disturbance happened,
than to run the risk of a change of affairs, and of repenting
when it should be too late to remedy disorders. Being
taken up upon this suspicion of Herod, and being sent bound
to the castle of Machærus, just mentioned, he was slain there.
The Jews were of opinion that the destruction of Herod's
army was a punishment upon him for that action, God being
displeased with him.'
e
The genuineness of this passage is generally admitted by
learned men though Blondell hesitated about it. Tana-
quil Faber f received it very readily.
The genuineness of this paragraph may be argued in the
following manner :
6
It is quoted or referred to by Origen in his books against
Celsus. Besides,' says that ancient writer, I would have
Celsus, who personates a Jew, who after a sort admits
'John the Baptist, and that he baptized Jesus, to consider that
an author, who wrote not long after the time of John and
Jesus, says that John was a baptist, and that he baptized
και γαρ ήρθησαν επι πλειςον τη ακροάσει των λογων, δεισας Ηρώδης το επι
τοσυνδε πιθανον αυτε τοις ανθρωποις μη επι αποφάσει τινι φεροι, παντα γαρ
εφκεσαν συμβελη τη εκεινε πράξοντες πολυ κρειττον ἡγεῖται, πριν τι νεωτερον
εξ αυτε γενεσθαι, προλαβων αναιρειν, η, μεταβολής γενομένης, εις τα πραγματα
εμπεσων μετανοειν. Και ο μεν ὑποψια της Ηρωδε δεσμιος εις τον Μαχαιροντα
πεμφθεις, το προειρημένον φρέριον, ταυτῇ κτιννυται· Τοις δε Ιεδαίος δόξαν,
επι τιμωρία τη εκεινε τον ολεθρον επι τῳ σρατευματι γενεσθαι, τε θες κακως
Ηρωδη θέλοντος. Ib. sect. 2.
ό
e Des. Sibylles, 1. 1. c. vii. p. 28, 29.
f Fab. ap. Haverc. p. 269, 270.
* Εβελόμην δ' αν Κελσῳ, προσωποιησαντι τον Ιεδαίον παραδεξαμενον πως
Ιωαννην ὡς βαπτιςην, βαπτιζοντα τον Ιησεν, ειπειν ότι το Ιωαννην γεγονεναι
βαπτισην, εις αφεσιν ἁμαρτηματων βαπτίζοντα, ανεγραψε τις των μετ' 8 πολυ
το Ιωαννς και το Ιησε γεγενημενων. Εν γαρ τῳ οκτωκαιδεκατῳ της ισδαϊκής
αρχαιολογίας ὁ Ιωσηπος μαρτυρεί τῳ Ιωαννῃ ὡς βαπτιση γεγενομένῳ, και καθαρ
Owν тоis Baжтiσаμεvoiç εñaɣуελoper. Contr. Cels. 1. 1. sect. 47. p. 35.
VOL. VI.
2 1
482
Jewish Testimonies.
'for the remission of sins. For in the eighteenth book of
his Jewish Antiquities Josephus bears witness to John that
'he was a baptist, and promised purification to those who
' were baptized.'
6
Here it may be objected that Origen supposes Josephus
to say, that John promised purification, or forgiveness of
sins, to those who were baptized: whereas Josephus says
of John, that he taught the people to make use of baptism,
not for the expiation of their sins, but for the purity of the
body.'
6
But I do not think that a sufficient reason why we should
hesitate to allow that Origen refers to the passage which we
now have in Josephus. Certainly Origen did not design to
say, or intimate, that John promised to men the forgiveness
of their sins barely upon their being baptized: but only
upon the condition that they repented, or, as the phrase is in
the gospels, that they "brought forth fruits meet for repent-
ance:" or, as in Josephus, the mind being first purified by
righteousness.' I therefore proceed.
(
This passage of Josephus is distinctly and largely quoted
by h Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History.
i
Jerom also must be allowed to refer to the same in his
book of Illustrious Men, though he does it very inaccu-
rately.
This passage was read in Josephus by k Photius, as is ap-
parent.
I do not think it needful for me to refer to any more an-
cient authors: but I shall consider some difficulties.
Obj. 1. In the first place, it has been said that this passage
interrupts the course of the narration.
In answer to which I must say that I do not perceive it :
the connexion is very good in my opinion.
Obj. 2. Secondly, it is objected that in the preceding sec-
tion Machærus is spoken of as subject to Aretas; therefore
John the Baptist could not be sent prisoner thither by Herod
the tetrarch.
To which I answer: it is there said to be subject to
Aretas, father of Herod's wife: TOTE TаTP avτηs vπoтeλN.
πατρι αυτης υποτελή.
But it is also there said to be in the borders of the go-
vernment of Aretas and Herod : μεθοριον δε εστι της τε Αρετα
και Ηρωδε αρχης.
h H. E. 1. 1. cap. xi.
i Hic in decimo octavo Antiquitatum libro manifestissime confitetur,
propter magnitudinem signorum Christum a pharisæis interfectum; et Johan-
nem Baptistam vere prophetam fuisse. De V. I. cap. xiii.
k Cod. 238. p. 972.
JOSEPHUS. Of John the Baptist. A. D. 76.
483
The history in that very section does not lead us to think
that Macharus was in the possession of Aretas, but of Herod,
It is thus: Herod's wife, daughter of Aretas, having dis-
covered the agreement he had made with Herodias to come
and live with him; and having discovered it before he had
notice of her knowledge of the design, she desired him to
send her to Machærus, a place in the borders of the do-
minions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of her
intentions. Accordingly, Herod sent her thither, as thinking
his wife had not perceived any thing of the affair.'
By that means she got to her father. But hence, I think,
it may be collected that Macharus was not then a part of
her father's dominions: for if it had, her request to be sent
thither would have occasioned suspicions in Herod's mind.
Moreover, it may be argued, from many things in Josephus,
that Machærus was now in the possession of Herod the te-
trarch. It belonged to his father, Herod the Great, who had
both adorned it and fortified it and it was in the hands of
the Jewish people during the time of the war, and was ¹ one
of the last places that were taken by the Romans after the
siege of Jerusalem was over.
:
Obj. 3. According to our evangelist, the daughter of He-
rodias obtained the promise of John the Baptist's head at
the time of a public entertainment: and it was delivered to
her presently. But how could that be done if John was
imprisoned at Machærus, at a great distance from Herod's
court?
ก
m
To which I answer, first, that Herod the tetrarch may have
kept his birthday and made that entertainment at Macha-
rus; for his father, Herod the Great, had built a palace there,
with large and beautiful apartments. Says Tillemont:
'We learn from Josephus that he was beheaded at Machæ-
rus, where it is easily supposed that Herod made his feast:
[Mald. in Matt. p. 304, a.] for it was a palace as well as a
'citadel.' Secondly, supposing the entertainment to have
been made at the capital city of Galilee, the promise might
be made at the time of the entertainment, but the execu-
tion might be deferred till the next day, or till several days
after.
6
Obj. 4. Still it may be said that this paragraph con-
tradicts our evangelists: for, according to them, it was at
the solicitation of Herodias and her daughter that John was
1 Vid. De B. J.1. 7. cap. vi.
τι Μεσον δε το περιβολε βασιλειον ᾠκοδομήσατο, μεγέθει τε και καλλει των
OIKNOEWY TOAUTEλEG, K. λ. De B. J. 1. 7. c. vi. sect. 2.
S. Jean Battiste, art. viii. p. 101. Mem. Ec. T. i.
212
484
Jewish Testimonies.
beheaded. But here it is said that Herod put John to
death, because he feared he might be the cause of a sedi-
tion.
But there is no inconsistence in these things; for Herod
might, as is said in this paragraph, have apprehensions from
John's popularity, and be disposed, upon that account, to
take him off. Lesser differences there may be in several his-
torians, who write of the same matter with different views:
and some circumstances may be mentioned by one writer
which are omitted by others.
I shall give an instance from the writings of the New Tes-
tament: Acts ix. 22-25, “But Saul increased the more in
strength, and confounded the Jews which dwelt at Damas-
cus, proving that this is very Christ. And after that many
days were fulfilled, the Jews took council to kill him ; but
their lying in wait was known to Saul and they watched
the gates day and night to kill him. Then the disciples took
him by night, and let him down by the wall in a basket."
So says St. Luke. Let us now observe St. Paul himself.
2 Cor. xi. 31-33, “The God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who is blessed for evermore, knoweth that I lie not.
In Damascus the governor, under Aretas the king, guarded
the city of the Damascenes, desirous to apprehend me; and
through a window in a basket was I let down by the wall,
and escaped him." St. Luke and St. Paul write of the
same thing, as is apparent, and is allowed by all commenta-
tors and ecclesiastical historians: nevertheless, here is a
very considerable difference of circumstance. St. Paul
:
says nothing of the Jews, and St. Luke says nothing of the
governor of Damascus. But we can conclude from St.
Paul that the Jews had engaged the governor in their in-
terest, who, with the soldiers, kept strict guard at all the
gates of the city but there was a window or opening in
some part of the wall, to which his friends had access; and
through that they let him down by the side of the wall, in
a basket held by a rope, and he escaped. The danger
was very pressing, and the apostle was much affected
with it.
So far from contradicting the evangelists, this account in
the paragraph greatly confirms them. In the preceding
paragraph Josephus assures us of the unlawful contract made
by Herod, that Herodias should leave her first husband and
come and live with him. In this paragraph he gives an ac-
count of John's doctrine, very agreeable to that in the gos-
pels that he earnestly recommended the practice of righte
ousness toward men, and piety toward God; that he taught
JOSEPHUS. Of John the Baptist. A. D. 76.
485
men not to rely on baptism, or any other external rites, for
the forgiveness of their sins, unless their minds were also
purified by righteousness: and he assures us that John was
in great esteem with the Jewish people. The same is also
said by our evangelists, who tell us that "all men held John
for a prophet." He likewise says that John, called the Bap-
tist, was imprisoned by Herod, and afterwards put to death
by his order.
We may be the more induced to admit the genuineness of
this paragraph, because there is nothing in it out of charac-
ter. Josephus did not receive our Jesus as the Christ: nor
is there here any mention made of that part of John's cha-
racter, that he was the forerunner of the Christ, or referred
men to him.
There may have been many Jews who had a great regard
for John, and yet did not believe in Jesus as the Christ. St.
Paul met with twelve Jews of that sort at Ephesus, about
the year of our Lord 53, as appears from a history at the
beginning of Acts xix, "He said unto them: Have ye re-
ceived the Holy Ghost since ye believed? They said unto
him: We have not so much as heard whether there be any
Holy Ghost. And he said unto them: Unto what then
were ye baptized? And they said: Unto John's baptism.
Then said Paul: John verily baptized with the baptism of
repentance, saying unto the people that they should believe
on him which should come after him; that is, on Christ
Jesus." These men had received John's baptism as the
baptism of repentance, but they had not attended to that
other part of his preaching, that "they should believe on
him who came after him," till they were reminded of it by
St. Paul; and then they were presently satisfied, "When
they heard this, they were baptized in the name of the Lord
Jesus." And what follows.
Possibly those men, or most of them, had seen and heard
John, and been baptized by him; and left Judea before
Jesus had begun his public ministry and being at a dis-
tance from the land of Judea, had never had any distinct
account of the transactions there: but now being informed
of them, and being open to conviction, they became disci-
ples of Jesus, and believed in him as the Christ.
But many other Jews, not so well disposed, might stand
out. They might retain a great respect for John, as we sup-
pose Josephus to have done, as an holy man of an austere
character, who had recommended the practice of virtue, and
had been put to death by the tetrarch of Galilee, without
believing in Jesus as the Christ.
486
Jewish Testimonies.
6
0
Origen was well acquainted with the Jewish sentiments,
having often conversed with their learned men. And iù
his answer to Celsus, he puts him in mind that the Jews
'always make a difference between John and Jesus, and
⚫ between the death of each of them.'
6
Indeed both were for a while in great repute with the
Jewish people. But Jesus had greatly disappointed them
in not assuming the character of a temporal prince, as they
expected the Messiah should have done. And John was put
to death by a prince not much beloved: but Jesus was cru-
cified at the importunate demand of the Jewish rulers and
people in general.
Josippon, in the ninth or tenth century, though he says
nothing of Jesus Christ, or James, the Lord's brother, men-
tions the death of John the Baptist, and more agreeably to
the evangelists than this passage of Josephus which we are
considering. He represents the tetrarch Herod as a very
wicked prince. He says, that he P took to himself, to be
'his own wife, the wife of his brother Philip, though his bro-
'ther was still living, and she had children by him. He
'killed many wise men in Israel: and he killed that great
priest John, the baptizer, because he had said to him," it
is unlawful for thee to have thy brother's wife." Many
Jews, as it seems, have respected John the Baptist as an
eminently good man, without allowing him to have any con-
nexions with Jesus Christ.
6
•
II. In the same eighteenth book of Josephus's Jewish
Antiquities, but in a chapter preceding that in which is the
account of John the Baptist, just considered, is this para-
graph.
"At that time lived Jesus, a wise man, if he may be call-
αναγκαιον αυτῳ παραςησαι, ότι και τετο εκ οικείως τῳ ιεδαϊκῳ
προσωπῳ περιέθηκεν. Ουδε γαρ συνάπτεσι τον Ιωαννην οἱ Ιεδαίοι τῳ Ιησῳ,
και την Ιωαννε τη τε Ιησε κολασει. Contr. Cels. l. i. cap. 48. p. 38.
P Ipse accepit uxorem Philippi fratris sui adhuc viventis in uxorem, licet
illa haberet filios ex fratre ejus: eam, inquam, accepit sibi in uxorem. Oc-
cidit autem multos sapientes Israël. Occidit etiam Jochanan sacerdotem
magnum, ob id quod dixerat ei: Non licet tibi accipere uxorem fratris tui
Philipp in uxorem. Occidit ergo Jochananem Baptistam. Josipp. 1. 6.
cap. 63. p. 274.
4 Γίνεται δε κατα τ8τον τον χρονον Ιησες, σοφος ανηρ, είγε ανδρα αυτον
λεγειν χρη.
Ην γαρ παραδοξων εργων ποιητης, διδασκαλος ανθρωπων των
ἡδονῃ τ' αληθη δεχομένων. Και πολλες μεν Ιεδαιες, πολλες δε και τε Ελλη-
νικο επηγάγετο. Ὁ Χρισος οὗτος ην. Και αυτον ενδειξει των πρωτων ανδρων
παρ' ἡμιν, σαυρῳ επιτετιμηκοτος Πιλατε, εκ επαυσαντο οίγε πρωτον αυτον
αγαπησαντες. Έφανη γαρ αυτοις τρίτην εχων ήμεραν παλιν ζων, των θειων
προφητων ταυτα τε και άλλα μυρια θαυμασια περι αυτε ειρηκότων. Εις επι
νυν των χριστιανων απο τεδε ωνομασμένων ουκ επέλιπε το φυλον. Antig.
Jud. 1. 18. cap. iii. sect. 3.
JOSEPHUS. Of Jesus Christ. A. D. 76.
487
ed a man; for he performed many wonderful works. He
was a teacher of such men as received the truth with plea-
sure. He drew over to him many Jews and Gentiles. This
was the Christ. And when Pilate, at the instigation of the
chief men among us, had condemned him to the cross, they
who before had conceived an affection for him did not cease
to adhere to him. For on the third day he appeared to
them alive again, the divine prophets having foretold these
and many other wonderful things concerning him. And
the sect of the christians, so called from him, subsists to this
time.'
:
S
I
This passage is received by many learned men as genu-
ine by others it is rejected as an interpolation. It is
allowed on all hands that it is in all the copies of Josephus's
works, now extant, both printed and manuscript: neverthe-
less, it may be for several reasons called in question. They
are such as these.
1. This paragraph is not quoted nor referred to by any
christian writers before Eusebius, who flourished at the
beginning of the fourth century and afterwards.
If it had been originally in the works of Josephus, it would
have been highly proper to produce it in their disputes with
Jews and Gentiles: but it is never quoted by Justin Martyr,
or Clement of Alexandria, nor by Tertullian or Origen;
men of great learning, and well acquainted with the works
of Josephus. It was certainly very proper to urge it against
the Jews; it might also have been fitly alleged against Gen-
tiles. A testimony so favourable to Jesus in the works of
Josephus, who lived so soon after the time of our Saviour,
who was so well acquainted with the transactions of his own
country, who had received so many favours from Vespasian
and Titus, could not be overlooked or neglected by any
christian apologist.
If this passage had related only to some one of the first
followers of Jesus, the omission had not been so remarkable;
but it relates to Jesus himself; it declares his proper cha-
racter, his miracles, his crucifixion, and resurrection; and
that all this was agreeable to the predictions of the pro-
phets.
This passage is not only not quoted by Origen, but we can
Cav. H. L. in Josepho. Huet. Dem. Ev. Prop. iii. p. 32, &c. Fab. Bib.
Gr. 1. 4. cap. vi. Tom. 3. Whiston in his first dissertation. Spanhem. Opp.
T. i. p. 531. Tillem. Ruine des Juifs, art. 81. and note xl. H. E. Tom. i.
s J. Ittigii Prolegom. ap. Havercamp. p. 89. Blondel. des Sibylles, p. 18.
Tan. Fabr. ap. Havercamp. p. 267, &c. Cleric. H. E. An. 25. n. iv. et Ars
Crit. p. 3. cap. xiv.
488
Jewish Testimonies.
6
t
perceive that he had it not; for in the words next following
the notice taken of John the Baptist, as mentioned by Jose-
phus, and before quoted by us, he adds; The same writer,
though he did not believe Jesus to be the Christ, inquiring
into the cause of the overthrow of Jerusalem, and the de-
molition of the temple, when he ought to have said that their
attempt upon Jesus was the cause of the ruin of that people,
forasmuch as they had put to death the Christ before pro-
phesied of; he, as it were unwillingly, and not erring far
from the truth, says: These things befell the Jews in vindi-
cation of James called the Just, who was the brother of Jesus
called the Christ: forasmuch as they killed him who was a
most righteous man. That James is the same whom Paul, that
genuine disciple of Jesus, says he had seen, and calls the
Lord's brother, [Gal. i. 19.] not so much for the sake of con-
sanguinity, as their common education, and agreement in
manners and doctrine. If" therefore he says the destruction
of Jerusalem had befallen the Jews for the sake of James,
with how much more reason might he have said that this
had happened for the sake of Jesus who was the Christ, to
whose divinity so many churches bear witness; who, being
now recovered from the pollutions of vice, have given up
themselves to the Creator, and endeavour to please him in
all things?'
6
Afterwards, in his second book against Celsus, he argues
our Saviour's knowledge of futurities from his predictions
concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, which had not been
effected till the times of Vespasian and Titus. Which,' ▾
as Josephus writes, happened upon account of James the
Just, the brother of Jesus called the Christ; but in truth
upon account of Jesus the Christ, the Son of God.'
Origen speaks again to the like purpose in his com-
mentary upon St. Matthew; and says that this" James, the
same that is mentioned by Paul in his epistle to the Gala-
tians, [i. 19.] was so respected by the people for his righte-
ousness, that Flavius Josephus, who wrote the Jewish
Antiquities in twenty books, being desirous to assign the
ι Ο δ' αυτος, καιτοιγε απιςων τω Ιησε ὡς Χρισῳ, ζητων την αιτίαν της των
Ἱεροσολύμων πτώσεως, και της το νας καθαιρεσεως δεον αυτον εεπειν, ὅτι ἡ
το Ιησε επιβολή τέτων αιτια γεγονε τῳ λαῳ, επει απεκτειναν τον προφητευο-
μενον Χρισον, κ. λ. Contr. Cels. 1. 1. c. 47. p. 35.
น
Ειπερ εν δια Ιακωβον συμβεβηκεναι λεγει τοις Ιεδαίοις τα κατα την ερημω
σιν της Ιερεσαλημ, κ. λ. Ib.
-ὡς μεν Ιώσηπος γράφει, δια Ιακωβον τον δικαιον, τον αδελφον Ιησε
τε λεγομενε Χριςε ὡς δε ἡ αληθεια παρισησι, δια Ιησεν τον Χρισον τον υίον τε
08. Contr. Cels. 1. 2. sect. 13. p. 69.
W
w Comm. in Matt. Tom x. sect. 17. p. 463. Bened. T. i. p. 223. Huet
JOSEPHUS. Of Jesus Christ. A. D. 76.
489
6
6
cause why that people suffered such things, so that even
'their temple was demolished to the foundation, says that
'those things had happened because of the anger of God
against them, for what they had done to James the brother
' of Jesus called the Christ. And it is wonderful that he
'who did not receive our Jesus as the Christ, should ascribe
'such righteousness to James. He says that the people also
were of opinion that they suffered these things upon ac-
'count of James.'
X
After Origen, the same saying of Josephus concerning
James is also alleged by * Eusebius and Jerom; but with-
out saying any more than Origen what work of Josephus, or
what book of his works, it was in.
There is not now any thing of that kind in any of his
works: nor is it easily conceivable that there ever was.
But what I now allege these passages of Origen for, is to
show that it may be hence evidently and certainly con-
cluded that Origen never read in Josephus that testimony to
Jesus which we now have in his works.
a
I have above mentioned no other Latin author but Ter-
tullian, to whom Josephus was well known. But I might
also have insisted upon the silence of the other Latin
apologists for christianity of the first three centuries, as Mi-
nucius Felix, Cyprian, Arnobius, and Lactantius; to whom
so extraordinary a testimony to our Saviour, in so celebrated
a Jewish writer, would not have been unknown if it had
been in him.
b
Eusebius then, who flourished about the year of Christ
315, and afterwards, is the first christian writer in whom
this paragraph is found; and by him it is twice quoted at
large. After him, as is well known, it is quoted by Jerom,
a Sozomen, and many other following writers.
d
C
But it is observable that this paragraph is never quoted by
Chrysostom, whom I suspect to have had but little regard
× H. E. 1. 2. cap. xxiii. p. 65.
› Tradit idem Josephus, tantæ eum sanctitatis fuisse, et celebritatis in
populo, ut propter ejus necem crediturn sit, subversam esse Hierosolymam.
De V. I. cap. 2. vid. et cap. 13.
Quod vero attinet ad ista, ταυτα συμβεβηκεν Ιεδαίοις κατα εκδικησιν
Iakwẞ8 T8 dikais, k. λ. quæ, tanquam a Josepho probata in Antiquitatum
libris, affert Origenes,- et ex eo, ut puto, Eusebius, aliique, versimile est,
ea referri debere µvnμovikų åµaprŋμarı Origenis-Certe nullibi, quod
μνημονικῳ ἁμαρτηματι
sciam, haberi potuerunt in Antiquitatibus, ut quæ non agant de Hierosolymo-
rum excidio. Hudson. annot. ad Jos. Antiq. 1. 20. c. ix. sect. 1. p. 976. ed.
Hav. Vid. et Cleric. Ars Crit. p. 3. c. xiv. sect. 8-10.
3
et qui istos aut probat aut revincit Judæus Josephus Antiquitatum
judaïcarum vernaculus vindex. Tert. Ap. c. 19. p. 19.
b H. E. l. 1.
c. xi. Dem. Ev. 1. 3. p. 124. c De V. I. c. 13. d Soz. 1. 1. c. 1. p. 399.
490
Jewish Testimonies.
e
for Eusebius of Cæsarea. He several times refers to Jose-
phus as a proper writer, from whom men might learn what
miseries the Jewish people had undergone in their war with
the Romans, he not being a believer, but a Jew, and zea-
lous for the Jewish rites, even after the rise of christianity.'
He refers likewise f to what Josephus says of John the Bap-
tist, though inaccurately, as must be acknowledged: but
he never takes any notice of this testimony to Jesus; which
surely he would not have omitted, in his many arguments
with the Jews, if he had been acquainted with it, and had
supposed it to be genuine.
Some have supposed that this testimony of Josephus was
alleged by Macarius in the time of Dioclesian. But & Fabri-
cius has honestly and judiciously observed that there is no
reason to take that passage of Macarius for genuine.
2. This paragraph was wanting in the copies of Josephus
which were seen by Photius in the ninth century.
I make a distinct article of this writer, because he read
and revised the works of Josephus as a critic. He has in
his Bibliotheque h no less than three articles concerning Jose-
phus, but takes no notice of this passage. Whence it may
be concluded that it was wanting in his copies, or that he
did not think it genuine : but the former is the more likely.
He refers to the passage concerning John the Baptist in this
manner: This Herod, tetrarch of Galilee and Peræa, son of
'Herod the great, is he who put to death the great John the fore-
'runner, because, as Josephus says, he was afraid he would
stir up the people to rebellion. For all men paid great regard
'to John upon account of his transcendent virtue. In his
'time also our Saviour suffered.' How fair an occasion had
Photius here to refer also to the testimony given to Jesus,
which we now have, if he had seen it? Upon this article
e
και γαρ Ιεδαίος ην, και σφοδρα Ιεδαιος, και ζηλωτης, και των μετα
την Χριςε παρεσίαν.
Tηy Xpise Tapolav. In Matt. hom. 76. [al. 77.] T. 7. p. 732. Vid. et in
Matt. hom. 75. [al. 76.] p. 727. et in Jo. hom. 64. [al. 65.] T. 8. p. 390.
f In Jo. hom. 12. [al. 13.] T. 8. p. 73. A.
8 Hoc Josephi loco non utuntur Justinus, Tertullianus, Chrysostomus,
aliique complures, quando contra Judæos disputant. Non produxit Origenes,
alia Josephi laudans in libris contra Celsum. Nec Photius quidem tanto junior
meminit, in cujus Bibl. Antiquitates Josephi bis recensentur, cod. 76, et 238.
Ante Eusebium tamen. -allegaverit illum Marcarius quidam, cubiculi impe-
ratorii præfectus, siquidem genuinus sit hujus ad Diocletianum sermo, qui
refertur in Actis Sanctorum Macarii, a Cl. viro W. E. Tenselio, primum in
Dialogis menstruis Germanice editis, A. 1697. p. 556. Sed merito existiman-
dum, hæc Acta martyris Macariani, si non longe post Diocletianum plane
conficta, saltem interpolata, atque locum Josephi insertum a recentiore manu
esse. Fabr. Bib. Gr. T. 3. p. 237.
h Cod. 48, 76, et 238.
i Cod. 238. p. 973.
JOSEPHUS. Of Jesus Christ. A. D. 76.
491
of Photius the very learned Ittigius in his Prolegomena to
Josephus has just remarks, invincibly asserting the abso-
lute silence of this great critic concerning this paragraph of
Josephus.
1
And very observable is what Photius says in his article of
Justus of Tiberias. This writer, labouring under the com-
'mon prejudice of the Jews, and being himself a Jew, makes
'not any the least mention of the coming of Christ, or the
things concerning him, or the miracles done by him.' This
is very remarkable. This silence of Justus concerning our
Saviour was not peculiar to him, but was common to other
Jewish writers with him, very probably intending Jose-
phus. If Josephus had been an exception, he would not
have been omitted, but would have been expressly men-
tioned.
3. This paragraph concerning Jesus interrupts the course
of the narration; and therefore is not genuine, but is an
interpolation.
In the preceding paragraph Josephus gives an account
of an attempt of Pilate to bring water from a distant place
to Jerusalem with the sacred money; which occasioned a
disturbance, in which many Jews were killed, and many
others were wounded.
The paragraph next following this, about which we are
now speaking, begins thus: "And m about the same time
' another sad calamity gave the Jews great uneasiness.' That
calamity was no less than banishing the Jews from Rome by
order of the emperor Tiberius: occasioned," as he says,
by the misconduct of some Jews in that city.'
This paragraph therefore was not originally in Josephus.
It does not come from him: but it is an interpolation insert-
ed by somebody afterwards. This argument must be of
great weight with all who are well acquainted with the writ-
ings of Josephus, who is a cool and sedate writer, very
exact in connecting his narrations, and never failing to make
transitions where they are proper or needful.
I believe it is not easy to instance another writer who is
so exact in all his pauses and transitions, or so punctual
in the notice he gives when he has done with one thing and
Ap. Havercamp. p. 89.
' ώς δε τα Ιεδαίων νόσων, Ιεδαίος τε και αυτος ὑπαρχων το γενος, της Χριςε
παρεσίας, και των περι αυτον τελεσθέντων, και των υπ' αυτ8 τερατουργηθεντων,
αδενος όλως μνημην εποιησατο. Cod. 33. p. 20.
Ο Και ύπο τους αυτους χρόνους έτερον τι δεινον εθορυβε τους Ιεδαιες. L.
18. c. 3. sect. 4.
n oi
Και οι μεν
δια κακιαν τεσσαρων ανδρων
ελαυνοντο της πολεως. Sect. 5. fin.
492
Jewish Testimonies.
<
*
6
That must make this argument the
0
goes on to another.
stronger.
Tillemont was sensible of this difficulty, though he thinks
that the writers who maintain the genuineness of this pas-
sage have made good their point. It must be owned,
however,' says he, that there is one thing embarrassing in
'this passage, which is, that it interrupts the course of the
narration in Josephus. For that which immediately fol-
'lows begins in these terms: "About the same time there
happened another misfortune which disturbed the Jews."
For those words, “ another misfortune," have no connec-
tion with what was just said of Jesus Christ, which is not
' mentioned as an unhappiness. And, on the contrary, it
' has a very natural reference to what precedes in that place :
'which is a sedition in which many Jews were killed or
'wounded. Certainly it is not so easy to answer to this
difficulty as to the others. I wish that Mr. Huet and Mr.
• Roie had stated this objection, and given satisfaction upon
it. As for myself, I know not what to say to it; but that
Josephus himself might insert this passage after his work
was finished; and he did not then think of a more proper
' place for it than this, where he passed from what happened
in Judea under Pilate to somewhat that was done at the
'same time at Rome; and he forgot to alter the transition,
' which he had made at first.'
C
•
6
"
Undoubtedly the difficulty presses very hard, which will
allow of no better solution.
4. Let us now observe the paragraph itself, and consider
whether it be suitable or unsuitable to the general character
of Josephus.
'At the same time lived Jesus, a wise man, if he may be
called a man; for he performed many wonderful works.'
But why should Josephus scruple to call Jesus' a man?'
Were not Moses, Elijah, Elisha, and other prophets, men?
The wonderful works done by them were not done by their
own power, but by the power of God, bearing testimony
to their commission, or supporting them in the execution of
• Ruine des Juifs, note xl. Hist. des Emp. Tom. i.
P Sed quo judicio scriptum est quod sequitur: ειγε ανδρα αυτον λεγειν χρι.
Quænam, quæso, ratio est ? Quia, inquit, rapudośwv ɛpywv πoints Nv.
Ita-
que adeo, quando ita vult, dubitabitur in posterum a nobis, dii an homines
appellandi sint Moses, Elias, Elisæus? Nam et illi fuerunt Tapadožwv ɛpywv
ποιηται. Deinde, cum ait είγε ανδρα αυτον λεγειν χρη, quid, quæso, aliud
innuere vult, nisi Jesum Dominum esse Deum? In quo graviter errat hic pius
impostor. Judæi enim ne suspicabantur quidem, Messiam seu Christum fore
Deum, sed præstantissimum aliquem principem ex semine Davidis. Tan.
Fab. ap. Havercamp. Joseph. p. 269.
JOSEPHUS. Of Jesus Christ. A. D. 76.
493
it. Moreover, Moses himself, who is so highly extolled and
magnified by Josephus, is often called by him a man.
Why then should he scruple to say the same of Jesus?
However it should be owned that he has this expression
concerning Moses: So that his legislation, which was
from God, made this man to be thought superior to his own
nature.'
'He was a teacher of such men as received the truth with
pleasure.'
Very honourable to Jesus and his followers! But would
Josephus say this of them? And would he call the christian
religion the truth ?'
He drew over to him many Jews and Gentiles.'
That is not true of the Lord Jesus, if intended of his own
personal preaching, before his crucifixion. It was done
indeed afterwards. But this manner of speaking is more
suitable to a writer of the second or third century than to
Josephus.
This was the Christ.'
t
Jerom, in his article of Josephus, in his book of Illustrious
Men, quoting this passage, puts it thus: And he was be-
lieved to be the Christ.' Which is a qualifying expres-
sion for which there is no ground. Nor did Sophronius,
Jerom's Greek interpreter, follow that translation, but puts
it as it is in Eusebius, and other Greek writers: This was
the Christ.' But it cannot be supposed that Josephus
either thought or said that Jesus was the Christ.
V
6
It follows: And when Pilate, at the instigation of the
chief men among us, had condemned him to the cross, they
who before had conceived an affection for him did not cease
to adhere to him: for on the third day he appeared to them
alive again, the divine prophets having foretold these and
many other wonderful things concerning him.'
All must be sensible that this could not be said by any
man but a professed christian, which Josephus was not; there-
fore he could not write this.
"
6
And the sect of the christians, so called from him, sub-
sists to this day.'
Which Mr. Whiston translates in this manner : • And the
tribe of christians, so named from him, are not extinct at
r
S
Antiq. 1. 3. c. xv. 1. 4. c. viii. et alibi.
Θαυματος δε της αρετης ὁ ανηρ, κ. λ.
avno, K. λ. Ant. 1. 3. c. xv. sect. 3.
Ούτως ή νομοθεσια το θες δοκεσα τον ανδρα πεποιηκε της αυτό φύσεως
κρειττονα νομιζεσθαι. Ibid.
Et credebatur esse Christus.
* Ο Χριςος ούτος ην.
▾
See particularly Sozomen, 1. 1. cap. i. p. 399.
494
Jewish Testimonies.
this day.' But Mr. W, who thinks this passage to be
Josephus's, should not have rendered øvλov, tribe, because
Quay is the word always used by Josephus for tribe; and
quλov, which we have here, always signifies nation" in Jose-
phus: nor were the christians a nation or political society in
the first three centuries.
6
Here it is put for sect: it cannot signify any thing else
in this place. Jesus is called a 'wise man,' and is said
to have been a teacher of such as received the truth with
pleasure.' And though he had been crucified, they
who
had before conceived an affection for him did not
cease to adhere to him, because he appeared to them alive.
again.'
X
Here the word denotes sect. But aipeois, heresy, is the
word generally used by Josephus in speaking of the pha-
risees, sadducees, and Essenes, the three prevailing sects,
or different ways of philosophizing among the Jews.
The phrase Xpioτiavwv dvλov, here used, resembles the
phrase χριστιανων εθνος, which was in use in the time of
Eusebius, at the beginning of the fourth century, and de-
notes the sect of the christians.'
6
Moreover, the expression, subsists to this time,' or, is not
extinct at this day, imports a considerable space of time
since the crucifixion of Jesus; and does very reasonably
lead us to think that the composer of this paragraph lived
later than Josephus.
These considerations, as seems to me, are sufficient to de-
termine the point in question, and to satisfy all men that
Josephus was not the author of this paragraph. However,
I shall add one consideration more.
5. If Josephus were the author of this paragraph, it would
be reasonable to expect in him frequent mention of Christ's
miracles, whereas he is every where silent about them.
Josephus was a pharisee: he believed the miracles of
Moses and the Jewish prophets: he believed a divine pro-
vidence superintending human affairs, the immortality of
the soul, and the rewards of a future state. And he is will-
ing enough to relate extraordinary things, or such things as
had an appearance of being so.
W
Z
Therefore he tells a story of Eleazar's dispossessing a
- όπε και Παρθοι, το πολεμικωτατον φύλον. De B. J. 1. 2. c. 16. sect.
llav vµwv To quλov. Ib. p. 191. et passim.
4. p. 189. Hav.
* Vid. De B. J. 1. 2. c. viii. Ant. Jud. 1. 13. c. v. sect. 9. c. x. sect. 5. 1. 14.
c. i. et passim.
y τῳ εθνει των χρισιανων ἑαυτες
ovμμexoтas. Maximin. ap. Euseb. H. E. 1. 9. c. ix. p. 360. C.ad chris-
tianorum sectam se applicuisse cernerent. Vales.
συμμετχότας.
2 Vid. de. B. J. 1. 7. c. vi. Ant. 1 8. c. ii. sect. 5.
JOSEPHUS. Of Jesus Christ. A. D. 76.
495
dæmon by virtue of some incantations, and the use of a
certain root called Baanas.
b
Therefore he relates a dream of Archelaus, and then
another of Glaphyra, as very extraordinary, as confirming
the doctrine of the immortality of souls, and the belief of a
divine providence concerning itself about human affairs.
Those dreams are related by him both in the History of
the Jewish War, and in his Antiquities; and yet that dream
of Glaphyra is now considered by divers learned men as a
mere fiction.
с
I might refer to another silly story of the fulfilment of a
prediction of Judas an Essene: which is related by him
also in both those works, the War and the Antiquities.
Would any man please himself with such poor things as
these, and relate them to the world as matters of import-
ance, if he had any respect for the doctrine and miracles
of Jesus Christ? No. He was either unacquainted with
them, or resolutely silent about them; and never can be
supposed author of the honourable testimony here borne to
Jesus as the Christ.
Supposing these arguments to be of great weight, some
may ask how this paragraph came to be in the works of
Josephus? In that case I should answer, that probably some
learned christian, who had read the works of Josephus,
thinking it strange that this Jewish historian should say no-
thing of Jesus Christ, wrote this paragraph in the margin of
his copy, and thence it came to be afterwards inserted into
many copies of the works of Josephus: but for a good while
it was not in all; and therefore Photius did not see it in that
copy which he made use of.
Who was the first author of this interpolation cannot be
said. Tanaquil Fabere suspected Eusebius. I do not
charge it upon him; but I think it was first made about hist
time; for, if I am not mistaken, we have seen sufficient rea-
son to believe that this paragraph was not quoted by Origen,
nor by any ancient christian writer before Eusebius, that we
have any knowledge of.
2
Though many learned men have maintained the genuine-
Antiq. 1. 17. c. xiii. sect. 3-5. De B. Jud. 1. 2. c. vii.
b τοτε αμφι τας ψυχας αθανασιας εμφερες, και τε θεις προμηθεια τα
ανθρωπινα παρειληφοτος τη αυτέ, καλως έχειν ενόμισα ειπειν. Ant. l. 17. xiii. 5.
Vid. Noris. Cenotaph. Pis. Diss. 2. cap. xii. p. 238. et Le Clerc. Bib. Ch.
T. iv. p. 60.
e
d De B. J. 1. 1. cap. iii. sect. 4, 5. Ant. 1. 13. cap. xi. sect. 2.
Itaque constet necesse est, id intra illud tempus admissum fuisse, quod ab
Origene ad Eusebium fluxit. Mihi autem imprimis credibile fit, auctorem
hujus rexvaoμaros esse Eusebium. Fabr. ap. Havercamp. p. 272.
496
Jewish Testimonies.
g
ness of this paragraph, others have rejected it. And for
avoiding the charge of singularity, and for giving satisfac-
tion to some scrupulous persons, I shall, beside the authors f
before referred to, transcribe at the bottom of the page the
observations of Vitringa. And I add the judgment of Dr.
Warburton, now bishop of Gloucester, who has expressed
himself upon the subject in very clear and strong terms.
'If a Jew,' says h his Lordship, 'owned the truth of christ-
ianity, he must needs embrace it. We, therefore, cer-
'tainly conclude that the passage where Josephus, who was
as much a Jew as the religion of Moses could make him,
is made to acknowledge that Jesus is the Christ, in as strong
' terms as words could do it, is a rank forgery, and a very
stupid one too.'
6
6
III. There is yet one passage more in the works of Jose-
phus, which ought to be here taken notice of it is in the
twentieth book of his Antiquities, and to this purpose.
C
i
The emperor having been informed of the death of
Festus, sent Albinus to be præfect in Judea. And the king
[meaning Agrippa the younger] took away the high-priest-
hood from Joseph, and bestowed that diguity upon the son
of Ananus, who also was named Ananus-
This younger
Ananus, who, as we said just now, was made high-priest,
was haughty in his behaviour, and very enterprising and
moreover he was of the sect of the sadducees, who, as we
have also observed before, are above all other Jews severe
in their judicial sentences. This then being the temper of
Ananus, and he thinking he had a fit opportunity because
Festus was dead, and Albinus was yet upon the road, calls¹
k
f See p. 487, notes.
• Sed vehementer dubito, post doctissimas etiam Huetii curas, an non hic
fetus Josepho sit suppositus, et ab alienâ manu in textum intrusus. Utique pro
certo et indubio habeo, totum locum, ut nunc apud Josephum habetur, e
calamo Josephi non effluxisse: sed, si omnino Josephus Christi Jesu hoc in
contextu meminerit, locum a manu christianâ esse interpolatum mutatumque.
Quod jam si dicamus, ne sic quidem omnis sublata erit difficultas: sed restat
longe maxima de cohærentiâ horum verborum Josephi, quibus Christo testi-
monium perhibet cum sequentibus; Circa eadem tempora aliud etiam Ju-
dæos turbavit incommodum,' &c. Quæ tamen verba, si testimonium de
Christo e contextu Josephi sustuleris, egregie cum præcedentibus conspirabunt.
Ad quam difficultatem removendam nuper nihil aliud a doctissimo Tillemontio
produci potuit, quam verba Josephi, quæ de Christo agunt, contextui πapɛv-
OɛTIKOS inserta esse. In quo tamen dubito, an docti acquieturi sint. Vitring.
Observ. Sacr. 1. 4. cap. 7. sect. xi. p. 971.
h See Divine Legation.
of Moses, B. 2. Sect. 6. p. 295. Vol. i.
k Θρασυς ην τον τροπον, και τολμητης διαφεροντως.
¹ L. 20. cap. viii. sect. 1.
1 καθίζει συνεδριον κριτων και παραγαγων εις αυτο τον αδελφον Ιησε τε
λεγομενε Χρισε, Ιακωβος όνομα αυτῳ, και τινας έτερες, ὡς παρανομησαντων
κατηγορίαν ποιησάμενος, παρέδωκε λευσθησομενες.
3
JOSEPHUS. Of James, the Lord's Brother. A. D. 76. 497
a council of judges: and, bringing before them James the
brother of him who is called Christ, and some others, he
accused them as transgressors of the laws, and had them
stoned to death. But the most moderate men of the city,
who also were reckoned most skilful in the laws, were
offended at this proceeding. They therefore sent privately
to the king, [Agrippa before mentioned,] entreating him to
send orders to Ananus no more to attempt such things: and
some went away to meet Albinus who was coming from
Alexandria, and put him in mind that Ananus had no right
to call a council without his leave. Albinus, approving of
what he had said, wrote to Ananus in much anger, threaten-
ing to punish him for what he had done; and king Agrippa
took away from him the high-priesthood, after that he had en-
joyed it three months, and put in Jesus the son of Damnæus.'
This passage is cited from Josephus by m Eusebius, and
from the twentieth book of his Antiquities. It is also
quoted by Jerom, but very inaccurately. We perceive
likewise that it was in the copies of Josephus in the time
of Photius.
n
Nevertheless, there are learned men, of good judgment,P
who think that the words which we now have in Josephus
concerning James are an interpolation.
They were in Josephus in the time of Eusebius, and after-
wards: but it does not follow they were always there: in-
deed, there is a good deal of reason to believe that they were
not originally in Josephus.
I have elsewhere 9 carefully examined the most ancient
m H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 65, 66.
n
" De V. I. cap. ii. De Jacobo fratre Domini.
αυθεντισας καθίζει συνεδριον, και Ιακωβον τον αδελφον τε Κυριε,
συν έτεροις, παρανομιαν αιτιασαμενος, λιθοις αναιρεθῆναι παρασκευαζει, κ. λ.
Phot. cod. 238. p. 977.
P Facile quidem crediderim, Jerosolymitanos proceres graviter tulisse, quod
synedrium suâ auctoritate instituisset, cum dudum jus gladii a Romanis esset
Judæis ademtum ; quod iteruin inconsulto Cæsare ab Anano usurpatum time-
bant, ne genti suæ gravi fortasse pœnâ luendum esset. Sed quæ de Jacobo,
Jesu, qui Christus dicebatur, fratre, habentur, merum adsumentuin male feriati
christiani esse videntur. Cleric. H. E. ann. 62. n. ii. p. 415.
Sunt quoque rationes sat graves, quæ persuadeant hæc fuisse interpolata, et
scripsisse duntaxat Josephum : και παραγαγων εις αυτο τινας, και ὡς παρανο-
μησαντων κατεγορίαν ποιησαμενος, κ. λ. Statutosque coram eo nonnullos, et
accusatos perfractæ legis, tradidit lapidibus obruendos. Id. Ars Crit. P. 3.
cap. 14. sect. 12. Vol. 2. p. 289.
Illa de Jacobo, Jesu, qui Christus dicebatur, fratre, (licet agnita ab Eusebio,
aliisque eum sequutis, disertimque a Photio,) pro mero adsumento male feriati
christiani habentur a nonnullis; quam recte, кpiriкWTEρwv esto judicium.
Hudson, annot. ad Antiq. 1. 20. c. ix. sect. 1.
9 See this Vol. ch. xvi. sect. ii. v. vi.
2 K
VOL. VI.
498-
Jewish Testimonies.
accounts of the death of James, called the Just, and the bro-
ther of Jesus: those disquisitions will be of use here. The
persons of whom Josephus speaks, who were tried and con-
demned by the Jewish council at the instigation of Ananus,
were stoned, and probably without the city. But accord-
ing to the history of the death of James, given by Hegesip-
pus, a learned Jewish believer and writer in the second cen-
tury, the death of James was effected in a tumultuous man-
ner; the disturbance began at the temple, and he died there,
or near it. Some flung him down and threw stones at him:
but his death was completed by a blow on the head with a
long pole, such as fullers make use of in beating wet clothes.
This is said by Clement of Alexandria in his Institutions, as
cited by Eusebius, and by Hegesippus, as cited also by
him. That therefore is the true and ancient account of the
death of James, the Lord's brother: and the christians of the
second century knew nothing of that account of his death
which we now have in Josephus: therefore, probably there
was then nothing in him about it; for if there had, they
would not have been ignorant of it.
r
$
Moreover, it is very observable that, according to the
long and particular history of the death and martyrdom of
James, which we have in Hegesippus, that apostle suffered
alone: there was no attempt made upon any others, as the
passage now in Josephus intimates. And it is inconsistent
with the whole narrative that any others should be joined
with him.
And that James suffered martyrdom, not by order of
council, as now in Josephus, but in a tumultuous manner at
the temple, or near it, and by a blow on the head with a
fuller's pole, appears to have been the general and prevailing
opinion of christians in the fourth century, as well as before:
for it is mentioned by t Jerom, and u Epiphanius, very
agreeably to Hegesippus.
r
น
Δυο δε γεγονασιν Ιακωβοι· εἷς ὁ δικαιος, ὁ κατα τε πτερυγια βληθεις, και
ύπο γναφέως ξυλῳ πληγεις εις θανατον. Clem. A. ap. Εuseb. Η. Ε. 1. 2. c. i.
p. 38. D.
Conf. ib. cap. 23. p. 63. C. et 65. C. And see in this work, the
present Vol. ch. xvi. num. iii.
5 Και λαβων τις απ' αυτων, εἷς των γναφέων, το ξυλον εν ώ απεπιεζε τα
ἱματια, ηνεγκε κατα της κεφαλης τε δικαις. Και ούτως εμαρτυρησεν. Hege-
sipp. ap. Euseb. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 23. p. 65. B.
Qui cum præcipitatus de pinnâ templi, confractis cruribus, adhuc semivi-
vus- fullonis fuste quo uda vestimenta extorqueri solent, in cerebro per-
cussus interiit
et juxta templum, ubi et præcipitatus fuerat, sepultus est.
Hier. de V. I. cap. 2.
Qui et ipse postea de templo a Judæis præcipitatus successorem habuit
Simonem, quem et ipsum tradunt pro Domino crucifixum. Id. Comm. in ep.
ad Gal. cap. i. T. 4. p. 237.
u Hær. 78. num. xiv.
p. 1046.
JOSEPHUS. Of James, the Lord's Brother. A. D. 76. 499
In this place therefore Josephus gave an account of some
who were accused by Ananus, and condemned by his coun-
cil as transgressors of the Jewish laws: and what Ananus
did was upon several accounts disliked by many discreet and
moderate men: but there is not sufficient reason to believe
that James was particularly mentioned by him as one of
them.
It is certain we ought to be very cautious in admitting
quotations from Josephus by later christian writers; for they
had a great regard for him, and were fond of having his tes-
timony, whether there was ground for it or not. Theophylact,
upon John xiii. 33, and referring also to John vii. 34, says,
The Jews sought him when their city was taken, and the
'wrath of God fell upon them on all sides; as also Josephus
'testifies, that those things happened to them upon account
' of the death of Jesus.'
V
So says Theophylact. But from Origen, as before seen,
we have good reason to believe that there was no such ac-
count in the works of Josephus, and that he never said any
such thing.
C
In Suidas is a long article at the word JESUS, where it is
said that Josephus," who is often quoted by Eusebius
Pamphili in his Ecclesiastical History, expressly says, in
'his History of the Jewish War, that Jesus sacrificed with the
' priests at the temple.'
There is no such thing there now; and probably never
was in any good copies of the works of Josephus: but as he
was an author in great repute with christians, and he was
often appealed to, and too often quoted inaccurately, (of
which Jerom, in his article of St. James, is a remarkable
instance,) his works were as likely to suffer some interpo-
lations as any writer's whatever.
Blondel supposed, that to this desire of making an advan-
tage from Josephus we owe the insertion of the remarkable
testimony to Jesus which we have above so largely con-
sidered. What Blondel says appears to me so judicious,
and so apposite to the purpose, that I shall transcribe him
ὡς και Ιώσηπος μαρτυρεί, δια τον θανατον τε Ιησε ταυτα αυτοις
yεvεolaι. In Ev. p. 762. A.
W
Εύρομεν εν Ιωσήπον, τον συγγραφέα της άλώσεως Ἱεροσολυμων (οὗ μνημην
πολλην Ευσέβιος ὁ Παμφιλε εν τη εκκλησιατική αυτ8 ίςοριᾳ ποιειται) φανερως
λεγοντα εν τοις της αιχμαλωσίας αυτε ὑπομνημασιν, ότι Ιησες εν τῷ ἱερῳ μετα
των ἱερέων ἡγιαζε. Suid. V. Ιησες.
* De V. I. cap. ii. To Jerom might have been added Eusebius, and divers
other christian writers. Concerning Eusebius's inaccurate quotations of Jose-
phus somewhat was said formerly, Vol. iv. p. 80, 81. And they have been
observed and censured by Scaliger, and other learned moderns.
2K 2
500
Jewish Testimonies.
below in his own words: and let his judgment be added
to those of Vitringa and the bishop of Gloucester above
quoted.
IV. Supposing Josephus not to have said any thing of
Jesus Christ, some may ask: What could be the reason of
it; and how can it be accounted for?
To which I might answer, that such a question is rather
more curious than judicious and important; and it may be
difficult to propose a solution that shall be generally approv-
ed of. However, I shall hazard a few observations upon
the point.
Z
а
It is easy to believe that all Jews who were contemporary
with Christ or his apostles, and did not receive Jesus as the
Christ, must have been filled with much enmity against him
and his followers. We are assured by early christian writ-
ers of good credit, such as Justin Martyr, a Tertullian, and
others, that the ruling part of the Jewish nation indus-
triously spread abroad false and injurious reports among the
nations concerning the followers of Jesus. But the polite
and learned writers, such as Justus of Tiberias, and Jo-
sephus, might think it expedient to be silent. They had
nothing to say against Jesus or the christians with an appear-
ance of truth and credibility; they therefore thought it bet-
ter to be silent, and thereby, if possible, bury them in utter
oblivion.
b
It is not easy to account for the silence of Josephus any
other way. Many things are omitted by him of which he
* A même dessein, de tirer avantage de Josephe, quelque main hardie a
inséré dans ses Antiquités, lib. 18. c. 4, des paroles qui lui sont d'autant moins
convenables, qu'elles contiennent un témoignage honorable, tant de la per-
sonne de notre Seigneur, que de la sainteté et vérité du christianisme, de la
profession duquel cet auteur a toujours été très éloigné : et d'ailleurs qu'elles
sont notoirement une pièce d'attache sans liaison avec le reste de son discours,
tant précédant que suivant, et placée à l'endroit qu'elle occupe par affection
de parti plutôt que par raison. Blondel des Sibylles. p. 28.
2 Dial. cum Tryph. p. 234. D. Par. sect. 18. p. 102. Bened.
a Ad Nat. 1. i. cap. 13. p. 59. D. et adv. Marcion. 1. 3. cap. 23. p. 498.
b Le Cardinal Noris se fâche avec raison contre Joseph, de ce qu'il expédie
en dix lignes les neuf années du règne d' Archélaüs- -pour raconter au long
les deux songes, dont on a parlé cidessus. Mais on a encore plus de sujet de
se plaindre de la négligence, ou plutôt du silence affecté de cet Historien,
touchant le dénombrement, dont S. Luc parle, et touchant le meurtre des
enfans de Bethlehem, du tems de la naissance de notre Seigneur: pour ne pas
parler de sa vie, et de sa mort, dont il ne dit rien non plus: car on ne peut
guère douter, que le passage, où il en est parlé, ne soit fourré, par un chrêtien
malhabile, dans Joseph. S'il eut dit seulement un mot du dénombrement, et
du massacre de Bethlehem, on n'auroit point la peine de chercher le tems de la
naissance de Notre Seigneur. Mais ce Juif malicieux a voulu, autant qu'il
étoit en lui, ensevebir cette histoire dans un éternel oubli, en haine des chrê-
tiens. Le Clerc. Bib. Ch. T. 4. Art. i. p. 74, 75.
JOSEPHUS. Concluding Observations. A. D. 76.
501
could not be ignorant : he must have known of the massacre
of the infants at Bethlehem soon after the birth of Jesus. The
arrival of the wise men from the East, who were conducted
by a star, gave concern not only to Herod, but to all Jeru-
salem; Matt. ii. 8. Josephus was a priest: he could not but
have heard of the vision of Zacharias the father of John the
Baptist at the temple, Luke i. and it was a thing very proper
to have had a place in his History. The prophecies of
Simeon and Anna at the temple, and other things that hap-
pened there about that time, as we may think, must have
been well known to him: then the preaching and miracles
of our Saviour and his apostles at Jerusalem, and in Galilee,
and all over Judea; the crucifixion of Jesus at Jerusalem at
the time of a passover; the darkness for three hours at Jeru-
salem, and all over Judea; the death of James the brother
of John at Jerusalem, by Herod Agrippa: all these things
must have been well known to him.
Moreover, before Josephus had finished his work of the
Jewish Antiquities, or even the History of the Jewish War,
christianity had spread very much in Asia and in other
parts, and at Rome itself, where also many had suffered,
and that several years before the final ruin of Jerusalem
and the Jewish nation. The progress of the christian reli-
gion was a very considerable event; and it had its rise in
Judea.
C
The sect of the christians, which had its rise in Judea, and
consisted partly of Jews, partly of men of other nations, was
as numerous, or more numerous, in the time of Josephus,
than any of the three Jewish sects, the sadducees, pharisees,
and Essenes, whose principles are particularly described by
him in the War, and in the Antiquities; and therefore,
as we may think, were deserving of notice: but they were
not Jewish enough; they were not entirely Jewish and
they were followers of a leader whom our author did not,
and could not esteem, consistently with his prevailing views
and sentiments.
Josephus was well acquainted with affairs at Rome, and
in all the settlements of the Jewish people in Asia, and parts
adjacent. He is as exact in the account of the several succes-
sions in the Roman empire as any Roman historian whatever.
What a long and particular account has he given of the
conspiracy against Caligula, and his death, and the succes-
sion of Claudius?
e
I do not say that Josephus had read the books of the New
d Antiq. 1. 13. cap. v. et 1. 18. cap. 1
c De B. J. 1. 2. cap. viii.
e
Antiq. 1. 19. cap. i-iii.
502
Jewish Testimonies.
Testament: he might have come to the knowledge of most
of the things just mentioned another way: they are great
and remarkable events, about which a contemporary, and a
man of good intelligence, engaged in public life, could not
be ignorant: his silence therefore about christian affairs is
wilful and affected. It cannot be owing to ignorance, and
must therefore be ascribed to some other cause, whatever it
may be.
His profound silence, however, concerning the affairs of
the Christians in his time is no objection to their truth and
reality. The history of the New Testament has in it all the
marks of credibility that any history can have. Heathen
historians f of the best credit have borne witness to the time
of the rise of the christian religion, the country in which it
had its origin, and who was the author of it, and its swift
and early progress in the world.
Of all those things which are recorded in the gospels and
of the progress of christianity afterwards, we have uncon-
tested evidence from the evangelical writers themselves,
and from ancient christian. authors still extant, and from
heathen writers concurring with them in many particulars.
g
And Josephus, the Jewish historian, who believed not in
Jesus, has recorded the history of the Jewish people in
Judea, and elsewhere: and particularly the state of things
in Judea, with the names of the Jewish princes and Roman
governors, during the ministry of our Saviour and his apos-
tles. Whereby, as formerly shown at large, he has won-
derfully confirmed, though without intending it, the vera-
city and the ability of the evangelical writers, and the truth
of their history. He has also, as we have now seen in this
volume, borne testimony to the fulfilment of our Lord's pre-
dictions concerning the coming troubles and afflictions of
that people; which is more credible, and more valuable,
than if given by a believer in Jesus, and a friend and
favourer of him; so that, though all the passages in his
works which have been doubted of should be rejected, he
would be still a very useful writer, and his works very
valuable.
h
f quos vulgus christianos appellabat. Auctor hujus nominis Christus,
qui, Tiberio imperante, per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus
erat. Repressaque in præsens exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, non
modo per Judæam originem ejus mali, sed per Urbem etiam, &c. Tacit. Ann.
1. 15. cap. 44.
8 See Vol. i.
¹ Evangelicam quoque et apostolicam historiam Josephus confirmat in
multis, etiamsi vel maxime ponamus dubitandum esse de noiorni locorum
de Christo servatore. lib. xviii. Antiq. cap. 4. de Joanne Baptistâ lib. xviii.
cap. 7. de Jacobo. 1. 20. c. 8. et quæ de dirutis propter Jacobi necem injus-
JOSEPHUS. Concluding Observations. A. D. 76. 503
i
Josephus knew how to be silent when he thought fit, and
has omitted some things very true and certain, and well
known in the world. In the preface to his Jewish Antiqui-
ties, he engages to write of things as he found them men-
tioned in the sacred books, without adding any thing to
them, or omitting any thing in them: and yet he has said
nothing of the golden calf, made by the Jewish people in
the wilderness; thus dropping an important narrative, with
a variety of incidents recorded in one of the books of Moses
himself, the Jewish lawgiver, the most sacred of all their
scriptures.
The sin of the molten calf is also mentioned in other books
of the Old Testament in the confessions of pious Israelites :
as Neb. ix. 18, and Ps. cvi. 19. Nevertheless Josephus
chose to observe total silence about it.
A learned critic observed some while ago, as somewhat
very remarkable, that Josephus has never once mentioned
the word Sion, or Zion, neither in his Antiquities nor in his
Jewish War, though there were so many occasions for it, and
though it is so often mentioned in the Old as well as the
New Testament: and he suspects that omission to be owing
to design and ill-will to the christian cause.
And, if I was not afraid of offending by too great pro-
lixity, I should now remind my readers of am long argu-
ment of old date, relating to the assessment made in Judea
by order of Augustus, at the time of our Saviour's nativity,
near the end of Herod's reign, recorded by St. Luke, ch. ii.
tam Hierosolymis-ex iisdem Josephi libris laudant Origenes, 1. contr. Cels.
et 1. 2. et in Matthæi cap. xiii. Eusebius, 1. 2. c. 23. H. E. Hieronymus,
Catalogo Script. Ec. cap. 2, et 13. Suidas, Iwonros, et Inoss, hodie vero in
Josephi libris non reperiuntur. Fabric. Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap. vi. T. 3. p. 237, 238.
i Τετο γαρ δια ταυτης ποιήσειν της πραγματείας επηγγειλαμην, εδεν προσθεις,
að av TaρaλTV. Antiq. Pr. sect. 3. p. 3.
* Eruditionem, diligentiam, prudentiam, fidem, omnes collaudant, præter-
quam ubi nimio est in suam gentem affectu; v. gr. in rebus Mosis et Salomonis
-silentium nonnunquam affectatum, ut in iis quæ probro_cederent suæ
genti. Qualis ex. gr. fuit vituli aurei fabrica, et adoratio, tacita Josepho : ita et
in iis quæ faverent christianæ rei, eruditi passim notârunt, et nos subinde in
locis suis. F. Spanhem. H. E. T. i. p. 258. Conf. J. Otton. Animadver-
siones in Joseph. sect. ii. p. 305. Havercamp.
And by all means see Tillemont's remarks upon this Author's Antiquities,
Ruine des Juifs, art. 81.
¹ Sion, Tzion nomen, montem, munimentum, semel iterumque apud Jose-
phum quærens, nullibi inveni, neque iis etiam in locis, ubi expugnationem
arcis Tzion expresse tractat; quum tamen centies et millies ipsi occasio data
fuerit, ita ut plane sentiam ipsum studio et datâ operâ hoc tam gloriosum pro
Novo Testamento nomen pressisse silentio, &c. J. B. Ottii Animadversiones
in Joseph. ap. Havercamp. T. 2. p. 305
See Vol. ii. p. 290–305.
504
Jewish Testimonies.
:
In then quoted a passage from the Antiquities of Josephus,
whence it appears that there were then great disturbances
in Herod's family, and there were some pharisees who fore-
told, or gave out, that God had decreed to put an end to
'the government of Herod and his race, and transfer the king-
'dom to another.' Josephus here takes great liberties and
though he was himself a pharisee, and at other times speaks
honourably of that sect, he now ridicules them. He says°
they were men who valued themselves highly for their
exact knowledge of the laws; and talking much of their
interest with God, were greatly in favour with the women;
who had it in their power to control kings; extremely sub-
tle, and ready to attempt any thing against those whom they
did not like.' But it appears that the king, who was then talk-
ed of, and who was to be appointed according to the predic-
tions of the pharisees, was a person of an extraordinary cha-
racter, for he says that Bagoas, an eunuch in Herod's palace,
'was elevated by them with the prospect of being a father
and benefactor to his country, by receiving from him a
capacity of marriage, and having children of his own.'P
All these particulars, though not expressed with such
gravity, as is becoming an historian, and is usual in Jose-
phus, cannot but lead us to think that he was not unac-
quainted with the things related in the second chapter of
St. Matthew's gospel. Says the evangelist: "Now when
Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea, in the days of Herod
the king, behold, there came wise men from the East to Je-
rusalem, saying: Where is he that is born king of the Jews?
For we have seen his star in the East, and are come to worship
him. When Herod the king had heard these things he was
troubled, and all Jerusalem with him." The word rendered
"troubled" is of a middle meaning. How Herod was mov-
ed may be easily guessed, and is well known. The inha-
bitants of Jerusalem were differently moved and agitated,
partly with joyful hopes of seeing their Messiah "king of
the Jews;" partly filled with apprehensions from Herod's
jealousy, and the consequences of it.
It seems to me that Josephus had then before him good
evidences that the Messiah was at that time born into the
world: but he puts all off with a jest. Perhaps there is
not any other place in his works where he is so ludicrous.
n The quotation is as above, p. 292, 293, taken from the Antiquities, 1. 17.
cap. 2 sect. 4. p. 831. Havercamp.
• P. 292.
;
P Whiston translates: And for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by them
for that this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas
to marry, and to have children of his own body begotten.
JOSEPHUS. Concluding Observations. A. D. 76.
505
We are not therefore to expect that ever after he should take
any notice of the Lord Jesus, or things concerning him, if
he can avoid it.
And why should we be much concerned about any de-
fects in this writer's regard for Jesus Christ and his fol-
lowers: who out of complaisance, or from self-interested
views, or from a mistaken judgment, or some other cause,
so deviated from the truth as to ascribe the fulfilment of
the Jewish ancient prophecies concerning the Messiah to
Vespasian, an idolatrous prince: who was not a Jew by
descent nor by religion; who was neither of the church,
nor of the seed of Israel?
Josephus was a man of great eminence and distinction
among his people; but we do not observe in him a serious-
ness of spirit becoming a christian, nor that sublimity of vir-
tue which is suited to the principles of the christian religion;
nor do we discern in him such qualities as should induce
us to think he was one of those who were well disposed,
and were "not far from the kingdom of God:" Mark. xii.
34. He was a priest by descent, and early in the magis-
tracy; then a general, and a courtier; and in all showing a
worldly mind, suited to such stations and employments;
insomuch that he appears to be one of those, of whom, and
to whom, the best judge of men and things said, "How can
ye believe who receive honour one of another, and seek not
the honour that cometh from God only ?" John v. 44.
CHAP. V.
THE MISHNICAL AND TALMUDICAL WRITERS
1. The age and the authors of the Mishna and the Talmuds.
II. Extracts from the Mishna, with remarks. III. Ex-
tracts from the Talmuds. 1. Of our Saviour's nativity.
2. His journey into Egypt. 3. His disciples. 4. James
in particular. 5. His last sufferings. 6. The power of
miracles in Jesus and his disciples. 7. A testimony to
the destruction of the temple by Vespasian and Titus, with
remarks.
I. THE word Talmud is used in different senses; sometimes
it denotes the Mishna, which is the text; at other times it is
506
Jewish Testimonies.
used for the commentaries upon the Mishna : at other times
it includes both: I shall generally use it as distinct from
the Mishna, denoting the commentaries upon it, of which
there are but two, the Jerusalem and the Babylonian: of all
which good accounts may be seen in Wagenseil's preface
to his Tela Ignea Satanæ, and in Dr. Wotton's Discourses
upon the Traditions of the Scribes and Pharisees, and in
many other writings. The most authentic account is that
of M. Maimonides, in his preface to the Order of Seeds,
which is the first of the six orders into which the whole
work is divided; and may be seen in Pocock's Porta Mosis,
as it is also prefixed to the first volume of Surenhusius's
edition of the Mishna.
The compiler of the Mishna is Rabbi Jehudah Hakka-
dosch, or the Holy, upon whom the highest commendations
are bestowed by Maimonides, a as eminent for humility, tem-
perance, and every branch of piety, as also for learning and
eloquence, and likewise for his riches; which are magnified
by him and other Jewish writers, beyond all reasonable
bounds of probability.
"
b
And
But it may not be amiss for me to give my readers some
farther insight into this work, by reciting an article of Dr.
Prideaux in his Connexion of the History of the Old and
New Testament. He observes how the number of Jewish
traditions had increased: And thus,' says he, it went on
'to the middle of the second century after Christ, when An-
'toninus Pius governed the Roman empire, by which time
they found it necessary to put all these traditions into writ-
'ing: for they were then grown to so great a number, and
enlarged to so huge a heap, as to exceed the possibility of
being any longer preserved by the memory of men.
therefore there being danger, that under these disadvan-
'tages they might be all forgotten and lost, for the prevent-
ing hereof it was resolved that they should be all collected
' and put into a book; and Rabbi Judah, the son of Simeon,
who, from the reputed sanctity of his life, was called Hak-
kadosh, that is, the Holy, and was then rector of the school
which they had at Tiberias in Galilee, undertook the work,
' and compiled it in six books, each consisting of several
tracts, which all together make up the number of sixty
three- -This is the book called the Mishna; which book
was forthwith received by the Jews with great veneration
'throughout all their dispersions, and hath ever since been
held in high esteem among them-And therefore, as soon
Ap. Poc. Port. Mosis, p. 35, 36.
6
a
The year before Christ 446, p. 326, &c. Vol. i.
The Age and Authors of the Mishna and the Talmuds.
507
C
C
6
6
as it was published, it became the object of the studies of
all their learned men; and the chiefest of them employed
'themselves to make comments upon it: and these with the
• Mishna make up both their Talmuds, that is, the Jerusalem
Talmud, and the Babylonish Talmud. These comments
they call the Gemara, that is, the Complement; because
by them the Mishna is fully explained, and the whole tra-
ditionary doctrine of their law and their religion complet-
ed for the Mishna is the text, and the Gemara the com-
'ment; and both together is what they call the Talmud.
That made by the Jews of Judea is called the Jerusalem
• Talmud, and that made by the Jews of Babylonia, the Ba-
bylonish Talmud. The former was completed about the
year of our Lord 300, and is published in one large folio;
'the latter was published about two hundred years after, in
the beginning of the sixth century, and hath had several
editions since the invention of printing: the last published
at Amsterdam, is in twelve folios. And in these two Tal-
'muds is contained the whole of the Jewish religion that is
now professed among them: but the Babylonish Talmud
' is that which they chiefly follow.'
6
6
6
The same learned author again afterwards computes that
the Mishna was composed about the one hundred and fifti-
eth year of our Lord, the Jerusalem Talmud about the three
hundredth year, and the other Talmud about the five hun-
dredth year of our Lord.
e
And Wagenseil observes, that Rabbi Jehuda was con-
temporary with Antoninus the pious. Mr. Lampe, speaking
of several of the Jewish rabbins celebrated about this time,
says that R. Jehuda, author of the Mishna, died about the
year of Christ 194, or according to others in the year 230.
Dr. Lightfoot [Fall of Jerusalem, sect. vii. vol. i. p. 369.]
says, that R. Judah outlived both the Antonines, and Com-
modus also.' And afterwards, in the same page: He
compiled the Mishna about the year of Christ 190, in the
• latter end of the reign of Commodus; or, as some compute,
<
6
c Dr. Wotton, as above, p. 22, 23, says: The Jerusalem Talmud wants
the impertinences, and, consequently, the authority of the Babylonish Gemara
-It has little of that hyperbolical and fabulous stuff, for which the
' other is so highly valued by the modern Talmudists.'
d Rabbi Jehudam, qui Sancti cognomen inter suos meruit, et Antonini Pii
Imperatoris æqualis fuit, metus invaserat, ne, ob tantas gentis suæ miserias, et
in remotissimis terris deportationes, Oralis Lex plane in hominum animis obli-
teraretur. Wagens. Pr. p. 55.
← Sed præcipue eminuit R. Jehuda, quem Sanctum nominant, Mishnæ
auctor, qui circa annum 194, aut secundum alios 230, obiisse creditur. Lampe,
Synops. H. E. P. 111.
508
Jewish Testimonies.
•
in the year of Christ 220, and a hundred and fifty years after
the destruction of Jerusalem.'
I do not take upon me to contest at all what Prideaux
says of the times of the two Talmuds: but I must say a
few things about the time of the Mishna. I allow that
Rabbi Jehudah, the composer of it, was contemporary with
Antoninus the pious; though the stories told by the Jewish
writers, of the favours shown him by that emperor, must be
reckoned partly fabulous. But, allowing him to be contem-
porary with Antoninus, who died in the year 161, it does not
follow that the Mishna was composed so soon as the year of
Christ 150. R. Jehudah is supposed to have had a long life;
and the compiling of the Mishna, which must have been the
work of many years, and much leisure and deliberate
thought and consideration, may not have been finished be-
fore the year 190, or later. If therefore I place this work
at the year 180, I think I place it soon enough. Besides, it
is said that R. Jehuda had several sicknesses, some of long
continuance, which are particularly mentioned both in the
Jerusalem and the Babylonian Talmud, though with some
variations. These must have been obstructions to him in his
studies, and must have prolonged the labours of his work.
The nature of the work also required time. It is not a spe-
culation which might be spun out of a man's head at once.
But it is a collections of traditions from all quarters, and from
the contributions of other learned men of the nation, who had
treasured up these hitherto unwritten traditions in their me-
mories.
f
h
One thing more I may premise here, that it is the opinion
f Talmudici Operis fundamenta hoc seculo jacta, circa A. C. 190. Magistri
citius, imperante Antonino Pio. Fred. Spanh. Opp. T. i. p. 687. Vid. et
p. 793.
• Quamobrem, adhibitis in consilium auxiliumque
sapientissimis quibusque, sedulo ab iis, quibus licebat, Judæis, voce ac per
epistolas sciscitatus est, quænam a parentibus oralis legis scita didicissent, quin
et schedas undique conquisivit, quibus hactenus memoriæ causâ traditiones
inscriptæ fuerant. Ea omnia, secundum certa doctrinæ capita disposuit, et in
unum volumen redegit, cui nomen hoc Mishna, hoc est, devrepwois imposuit.
Wagenseil. Pr. p. 55.
h Scilicet, si per Talmud solam Mishnam intelligam, vere affirmavero, nul-
lam in toto Talmude reperiri blasphemiam, nihil christianis adversum, nullam
fabulam quoque, imo nec quicquam quod valde a ratione sit alienum. Con-
tinet enim meras tantum Tarpоrapadoosis, et est, ceu diximus, corpus juris
judaïci olim non scripti. Rem ita se habere, testem idoneum ac locupletem
sistere possumus, virum harum rerum scientissimum, omnique dignum præ-
conio, Josephum de Voisin.-Wagenseil. Præf. p. 57.
Quippe, quod in præfatione hujus voluminis satis dixi, id tamen nunc iterum
dico, in universâ Mishnâ, de Jesu servatore, nec vola nec vestigium ullum ap-
paret, imo ne de christianis quidem, ejus nomen profitentibus. Id in Confut.
Toldos Jesehu. p. x. sect. 4.
Extracts out of the Mishna. A. D. 180.
509
of divers learned men, well skilled in this part of learning,
that in the Mishna, which is a collection of Jewish tradi-
tions, there is little or nothing concerning our Saviour or
his followers. I allow also that here are none of those
open blasphemies which may be found in some other Jew-
ish writings.
II. I shall now make some extracts out of the Mishna.
;
1. In the tract concerning fasts are these words: 'Five i
heavy afflictions have befallen our ancestors on the seven-
teenth day of the month Tammuz [June,] and as many on
the ninth day of the month Ab [July:] for on the seven-
teenth day of Tammuz the tables of the law were broken
the perpetual sacrifice ceased; the walls of the city were
broke open; the law was burnt by Apostemus; and an idol
was set up in the temple. On the ninth day of the month
Ab, God determined concerning our fathers, that they should
not enter into the promised land; the first and second tem-
ple was desolated; the city Bither was taken; the holy
city was destroyed: for which reason, as soon as the month
Ab begins, rejoicings are abated.❜
1
¹ Quinque res luctuosæ patribus nostris acciderunt die septimo decimo men-
sis Tammuz [sc. Junii.] totidemque die nono mensis Abh [sc. Julii.] Nam
xvii. Tammuz fractæ sunt tabulæ Legis: cessavit juge sacrificium: Urbis
monia perrupta: Lex ab Apostemo combusta, idolumque in templo statutum.
Nono autem die mensis Abh, decrevit Deus de patribus nostris, non ingres-
suros eos in terram promissam: desolatum est templum primum et secundum :
capta est urbs Bither: diruta urbs sancta. Unde ex quo mensis Abh incipit,
lætitiam imminuunt. Tract. de Jejuniis, c. 4. sect. 7. Pars 2. p. 382. edit
Surenh.
k I think it cannot be disagreeable to my readers, if I here transcribe some
observations of Dr. Lightfoot, from what he calls a Parergon. Concerning
the fall of Jerusalem. Of his works, Vol. i. p. 362, though they are long:
The temple was burnt down, as Josephus a spectator setteth the time, “ on
'the tenth day of the month Lous." Which he saith was a fatal day to the
temple; for it had been burnt down by the Babylonians before on that day.
De Bell. l. 6. c. vii. And yet his countrymen, who write in the Hebrew
tongue, fix both these fatalities to the ninth day of that month, which they
⚫ call the month Ab. And they account that day fatal for three other sad
'occurrences besides. "On the ninth day of the month Ab," say they," the
⚫ decree came out against Israel in the wilderness that they should not enter
⚫ into the land. On it was the destruction of the first temple, and on it was
'the destruction of the second. On it the great city Bither was taken, where
• thousands and ten thousands of Israel, who had a great king over them, [Ben
• Cozba,] whom all Israel, even their greatest wise men, thought to have been
• Messias. But he fell into the hands of the heathen, and there was great afflic-
tion as there was at the destruct.on of the sanctuary. And on that day, a
day allotted for vengeance, the wicked Turnus Rufus ploughed up the place
of the temple, and the places about it, to accomplish what is said, "Sion
shall become a ploughed field." Talmud. in Taanith. per. 4. halac. 6.
• Maimon. in Taanith. per. 5.'
"
It is strange, that men of the same nation, and in a thing so signal, and
510
Jewish Testimonies.
Who is meant by Apostemus, or Appostemus, is not very
material, and therefore I do not inquire. I allege this pas-
sage as an early Jewish testimony to the destruction of the
holy city, or Jerusalem, and the second temple, as it is here
called.
1
2. In the tract concerning the woman suspected of adul-
te y, are these words: When the war of Vespasian began,
the coronets and bells of bridegrooms were forbidden by a
public decree. When the war of Titus began, the coronets
of brides were forbidden, and that no man should educate
his son in great learning. Because of the final issue of that
war every bride was forbidden to come abroad under an
umbrella. Nevertheless, our masters have [since] thought
fit to allow of it.'
C
6
C
of which both parties were spectators, should be at such a difference: and
et not a difference neither, if we take Josephus's report of the whole story,
and the other Jews' construction of the time. He records that the cloister-
walks, commonly called the Porticoes of the temple, were fired on the eighth
day, and were burning on the ninth: but that day Titus called a council of
war, and carried it by three voices, that the temple should be spared. But a
new bustling of the Jews caused it to be fired, though against his will on the
'next day. Joseph. ubi supr. c. 22, 23, 24. Now their Kalendar reckons
from the middle day of the three, that fire was at it as from a centre. And
they state the time thus: "It was the time of the evening when fire was put
'to the temple; and it burnt till the going down of the sun of the next day
And behold what Rabban Jochanan Benzaccai saith: If I had not been in
that generation, I should not have pitched it upon any other day but the
• tenth, because the most of the temple was burnt that day. And in the Jeru-
salem Talmud it is related that Rabbi and Joshua Ben Levi fasted for it the
• ninth and tenth days both." Gloss. in Maim. in Taanith. per. 8.'
1
-
• Such another discrepancy about the time of the firing of the first temple
by Nebuchadnezzar, may be observed in 2 Kings xxv. 8, 9, where it is said
"that"in the fifth month, on the seventh day of the month, came Nebuzara…
'dan, captain of the guard, and burnt the house of the Lord :" and yet in Jer.
lii. 12, it is said to have been "in the fifth month, on the tenth day of the
• month.' Which the Gemarists in the Babylon Talmud reconcile thus:
"It cannot be said on the seventh day, because it is said on the tenth. Nor
can it be said on the tenth, because it is said on the seventh. How is it then?
• On the seventh day the aliens came into the temple and ate there, and defiled
it the seventh, eighth, and ninth days. And that day, towards night, they
• set it on fire, and it burnt all the tenth day, as was the case also with the
'second temple." Taanith. fol. 29.'
The ninth and tenth days of the month Ab, on which the temple was
• burnt down, was about the two and three-and-twentieth days of our July.
And the city was taken and sacked the eighth day of September following.
Joseph. supr. c. 47.' So Lightfoot.
1 Orto bello Vespasiani, decreto publico abrogatæ sunt coronæ sponsorum
et tympana. Orto bello Titi, cautum est de coronis sponsarum, et ne quis
filium in Græcanicis erudiret. Propter postremum belli impetum, prohibeba-
tur sponsa in publicum prodire sub uranisco. Sed magistris nostris visum est,
facultatem ejus rei indulgere. Tractat. de Uxore Adulterii suspectâ. num
14. P. 3. p. 304. Edit. Surenh.
Extracts out of the Mishna. A. D. 180.
511
This also is an early testimony to the war, in which the
Jewish people were subdued by those two great generals,
Vespasian and Titus.
3. I shall now transcribe below another long passage from
the same tract: a part of which shall be translated.
• When m Rabbi Meir died, there were none left to instruct
men in wise parables.'
died, there came
When R. Akiba
When Simeon, son of Gamaliel,
locusts, and calamities were increased.
died, the glory of the law vanished away. Upon the death
of Gamaliel the Aged, the honour of the law vanished, and
there was an end to purity and sanctimony. When Rabbi
Ishmael, son of Babi, died, the splendour of the priesthood
was tarnished. When Rabbi [Judah] died, there was no
more any modesty or fear of transgression. Rabbi Pinchas,
son of Ishmael, said, When the temple was destroyed, all men
were covered with shame, both wise men and nobles; and
all now cover their heads: the bountiful are reduced to
poverty, and the violent and slanderers prevail: nor is there
any to explain the law, nor are there any who ask and in-
m Mortuo R. Meir, defecere qui homines erudiebant [doctis] parabolis.-
Mortuo R. Simeone Filio Gamalielis, venerunt locustæ, et auctæ sunt calami-
tates.-R. Ahibâ mortuo, decus legis evanuit.-Mortuo R. Gamaliele Sene,
evanuit honor legis, simulque mundities et sanctimonia, intermortuæ. R.
Ismaële filio Babi defuncto, occubuit splendor sacerdotii. Mortuo Rabbi
[Judâ Sancto] cessavit modestia, et timor peccati. R. Pinchas F. J. ait diruto
templo pudore suffusi sunt sapientes pariter et nobiles; obnubuntque capita.
Liberales ad pauperiem sunt redacti, contra invaluerunt violenti, et calumnia-
tores: nec superest explicans, nec quærens, nec interrogans. Cui ergo inni-
tendum est nobis? Patri nostro cœlesti. R Eliezer, cognomento Magnus,
ait: Ex quo templum devastatum est, cœpere sapientes similes esse scribis,
scribæ Ædituis, Æditui vulgo hominum. Vulgus autem hominum, in pejus
in dies ruit: nec quis rogans, aut quærens superest. Cui ergo innitendum?
Patri nostro cœlesti. Paullo ante adventum Messiæ impudentia augebitur, et
magna erit annonæ caritas. Vitis proferet fructum, sed vinum nihilominus
care vendetur. Summum in orbe imperium obruetur opinionibus pravis, et
nulli locum habebit correptio. Synagogæ convertentur in lupanaria, limites
Judææ desolabuntur, et regio, quanta quanta est, devastabitur. Viri insignes
oppidatim circuibunt, nec ulla humanitatis officia experientur. Fætebit
sapientia magistrorum, a delictis sibi caventes spernentur, et veritatis magnus
erit defectus. Juvenes confundent ora senum. Senes coram junioribus sur-
gent. Filius irritabit patrem. Nata insurget adversus matrem, nurusque con-
tra socrum. Denique, suos quisque domesticos inimicos habebit. Scilicet
seculo isto canina facies erit, nec verebitur filius parentem. Cui ergo confi-
dendum? Patri cœlesti.-R. Pinchas F. J. ait: Providentia causa alacritatis.
Timor sceleris ducit ad pietatem. Pietas causa est ['gratiæ'] S. Spi-
ritus. Spiritus S. [' fideles '] facit participes resurrectionis mortuorum. Resur-
rectio mortuorum obtinget interventu Eliæ, cujus memoria sacra esto et
sancta- Deus æternus benigne concedat ut adventu illius cito salvi sani-
que fruamur. Amen. Tr. de Uxore Adulterii suspectâ. num. 15. P. 3. p. 308,
309. Surenh
512
Jewish Testimonies.
quire. What then shall we do? Let us trust in our heavenly
Father. R. Eliezer, surnamed the Great, says, From the
time that the temple was destroyed the wise men began to
be like scribes, the scribes like sextons, and sextons like the
vulgar; and the vulgar are continually degenerating from
bad to worse: nor are there any who ask and inquire.
What then shall we do? Let us trust in our heavenly
Father. A short time before the coming of the Messiah im-
pudence will be increased, and great will be the price of
provisions. The vine will bear fruit; nevertheless wine will
be sold at a high price. The supreme empire of the world
will be overwhelmed with bad opinions: nor will there be
room for any to correct them. Synagogues will be turned
into brothel houses, and the whole land of Judea will be laid
waste. Excellent men will wander from town to town, and
experience no offices of humanity. The wisdom of the mas-
ters will be slighted, and all who strive to avoid transgres-
sion will be contemned, and great will be the dearth of truth.
Young men will cover the faces of the aged with shame :
and the aged will rise before the young. The son will dis-
honour the father: and the daughter will rise up against
her mother and the daughter-in-law against her mother-
in-law. And a man's enemies will be they of his own
household. In a word, that age will have a canine appear-
ance. Nor will the son reverence the father. What then
shall we do? Let us trust in our heavenly Father. -May
the coming of Elias be hastened. And may the eternal
God graciously vouchsafe that we may be preserved to that
time.
This passage may deserve an attentive regard, and will re-
quire divers observations. But I shall take no particular
notice of what is here said about 'the coming of Elias,' that
not being reckoned certainly genuine.
1. In the first place, this passage ought to be compared
with Jerom's commentary upon Is. ch. viii. 14, where he
mentions divers of the Jewish masters, who flourished and
were very eminent about the time of our Saviour, and some
while after; Sammai, Hillel, Meir, Akibas, Johanan the son
n Deus domus Nazaræi- -duas familias interpretantur, Sammai et
Hillel ex quibus orti sunt scribæ et pharisæi, quorum suscepit scholam
Akibas, quem magistrum Aquilæ proselyti autumant: et post eum Meir, cui
successit Johanan filius Zachai: et post eum Eliezer, et per ordinem Delphon:
et rursum Joseph Galilæus : et usque ad captivitatem Jerusalem Josue. `Sam-
mai igitur et Hillel non multo priusquam Dominus nasceretur, orti sunt in
Judæâ, quorum prior dissipator' interpretatur, sequens profanus: ' eo quod
per traditiones et devrepwog suas legis præcepta dissipaverit, atque macula-
verit, &c. In Is. cap. viii. T. 3. p. 79,
Extracts out of the Mishna. A. D. 180.
513
O
of Zachai, and some others. In another place be censures
the numerous traditions, or secondary laws, of the phari-
sees. Undoubtedly Jerom was not unacquainted with
Jewish traditions. But I cannot say that these passages
amount to a proof that he had seen the volume of the
Mishna.
2. Here is another testimony to the destruction of the tem-
ple at Jerusalem.
6
3. I suppose likewise that here is a reference to the dis-
asters of the Jews, occasioned by the rebellion of Barcho-
chebas in the time of Adrian. This I suppose to be intend-
ed in these words: And the whole land of Judea will be
laid waste, and excellent men will wander from place to
place, and experience no offices of humanity.' Moreover,
in the passage first cited, the taking of the city Bither is
mentioned as one of the most remarkable calamities that
had befallen the Jewish people. It was the concluding
event of the Jewish war with Adrian, about the
year 136.
Which shows that the Mishna was not composed till some
while afterwards.
4. Meir, the first rabbi here mentioned, is said to have
been P one of the principal of the Jewish doctors after the
destruction of Jerusalem.
5. Rabbi Akibas 4 was a man upon whose praises the
Jewish writers enlarge mightily and his sayings are often
mentioned in the Mishna and the Talmud. He was a zea-
lous follower of the impostor Barchochebas, who took upon
him the character of the Messiah, in the time of Adrian,
about the year of Christ 132; and he perished with him.
This shows the temper of Akibas: and we can hence con-
clude how he stood affected to the Lord Jesus. The
honourable mention here made of him shows also the tem-
per of the compiler of this work, the Mishna.
6. Gamaliel the Aged is supposed to be Gamaliel, St.
Paul's master, mentioned by him, Acts xxii. 3, and in ch. v.
34, to be "one of the council, a pharisee, and doctor of the
law, had in reputation with all the people." From what is
here said of him, in the passage now before us, he appears
• Quantæ traditiones pharisæorum sint, quas hodie vocant devrepwoɛis, et
quam aniles fabulæ, evolvere nequeo. Neque libri patitur magnitudo; et
pleraque tam turpia sunt, ut erubescam dicere. Ad Algas. Qu. x. T. 4. P. i.
p. 207.
P See Basnag. Hist. des Juifs, 1. 6. ch. x. sect. iv. &c.
¶ Of Akibas may be seen Basnage Hist. des Juifs, liv. vi. ch. ix. sect. 14—
25. Vid. et Basnag. ann. 134. num. iii. Raymund. Martini Pug. Fidei, p.
256-264. Edzardi Avodazara, Vol. i. p. 162, 338. Lightfoot in the Fall
of Jerusalem, sect. iv. vol. i. p. 36€, 367. Dr. Sharpe's Argument for Chris-
tianity, p. 35.
VOL. VI.
2 L
514
Jewish Testimonies.
to have been in great esteem with the Jewish people; and he
is often mentioned in the Mishna. What is here said of him,
therefore, confirms the truth of what is said of him in the
book of the Acts. Moreover, we are hereby assured that
Gamaliel never was converted to christianity, as some chris-
tians, especially of the church of Rome, have fondly and
weakly imagined. And indeed from what St. Paul says, in
the text before quoted, it may be argued that Gamaliel was
still a firm Jew: otherwise it had not been to the purpose
to take notice of his education under him, in the critical
circumstances which he was then in.
7. Of Rabbi, [Jehudah,] the compiler of the Mishna, here
and elsewhere called Rabbi, or the master, without any
other distinction, so much has been said already, that little
more needs to be added now: It is here said that when
he died, there remained no longer any modesty or fear of
transgression.' Maimonides, in his character of Jehudah
the Holy, did not omit this particular. But here is some-
what which could not be said by himself: it must have been
inserted after his death. Wagenseil therefore acknowledg-
eth that there were some additions made to the Mishna.
But he says there are not many, and they were soon made,
and chiefly regard R. Jehudah himself, which I see no rea-
son to contest. For I am willing to allow this volume to
be a work of the second century. Nevertheless this man-
ner of speaking may perhaps induce us to think that more.
hands than one were employed in compiling it.
8. Once more in the eighth place. This whole passage
appears to me to be a disguised and invidious representa-
tion of the state of things under the gospel dispensation
since the appearance of Jesus, whom his disciples and fol-
lowers have received as the Messiah: and especially after
the destruction of Jerusalem, when christianity prevailed and
judaism declined.
For, (1.) The destruction of the Jewish temple is ac-
knowledged. Nevertheless here are no tokens of repent-
ance and humiliation, but complaints and reflections upon
others. The times were bad. But the blame is all laid
upon others.
2.) The supreme empire of the world,' he says,' will
be, or is overwhelmed with bad opinions:' meaning, as
r In summo etiam pietatis, et humilitatis, et abstinentiæ a voluptatibus gradu :
uti etiam dixerunt: Ex quo mortuus est Rabbi, cessavit humilitas, et timor
peccati. Maim. Porta Mosis, p. 35.
s Accessisse, post obitum R. Judæi, quasdam interpolationes, non nega-
verim: sed eæ paucæ sunt, ac mature fuerunt adjectæ, ipsumque R. Judam
potissimum repiciunt. Wag. ib. p. 55.
Extracts out of the Mishna. A. D. 180.
515
I think, the christian religion, and the several sects and here-
sies which arose in the second century, and some of them
not far from the beginning of it.
(3.) Synagogues will be turned into brothel houses.'
He refers to the common reports among the vulgar, that the
christians practised promiscuous lewdness in their religious
assemblies. And he adopts the calumny
(4.) In what follows, the author adopts the words of our
Lord, recorded, Matt. x. 35, 36, and Luke xii. 51-53; which
words are also in Micah vii. 6, concerning the dissensions
that would be in families; some cheerfully embracing his
doctrine, whilst others obstinately rejected it, and were
bitter towards those who received it. Which the compiler
of this work represents as the utmost distress and misery,
and as hitherto unknown and unparalleled wickedness.
6
(5.) And what do all the clamours of this paragraph mean
concerning the failure' or dearth of truth, the multiplicity
of bad opinions, whilst there was no room left for reproof or
correction? What is intended by the complaints that the
wisdom of the masters was slighted, that there was an end
to purity and sanctimony, to modesty and the fear of trans-
gression, and that the young covered the faces of the
aged with shame, and the aged rose up to the young?' and
the rest.
All these complaints, as seems to me, refer to the resolu-
tion and steadiness of the converts to christianity from juda-
ism and Gentilism, who judged for themselves, and admitted
the evidences of the truth of the new religion, which over-
powered their minds. Of which therefore they made an
open profession, notwithstanding the sophistry, the en-
treaties, and the menaces of the world about them; many of
whom were their superiors in age, learning, and outward cir-
cumstance and condition. Of all this we have in this pas-
sage, as seems to me, a graphical description.
I cannot but understand this passage after this manner.
And I refer these thoughts to the consideration of my read-
ers. This paragraph, if my interpretation be right, is very
curious.
I am unwilling to enter into a controversy about the
Mishnical tract Avoda zara, de Cultu Peregrino' [of strange
or idolatrous worship]. I pay a great regard to the judg-
ment of those learned men who say there is in it no refer-
ence to the christians. Nevertheless there seems to me a
defect in their reasonings upon that point. I think that
when the Mishna was compiled the christians were more
numerous, more considerable, and of more consequence,
2 L 2
516
Jewish Testimonies.
than those learned men suppose in their argument concern-
ing that tract.
III. I have done with the Mishna. I proceed to the Tal-
mud.
1. The first passage to be taken thence will relate to our
Lord's nativity.
<
Upont a certain day, when several masters were sitting
at the gate of the city, two boys passed by before them; one
of whom covered his head, the other had his head unco-
vered. Concerning him who, contrary to all the rules of
modesty, had boldly passed by with his head uncovered,
Elieser said he believed he was spurious: R. Joshua said
he believed he was the son of a woman set apart: but R.
Akiba said he was both. The others said to Akiba, Why
do you differ from the rest of your brethren? He answered
that he would prove the truth of what he had said. Ac-
cordingly he went to the mother of the boy, whom he found
sitting in the market, and selling of herbs. He then says
to her, "My daughter, answer ine a question which I am
going to put to you, and I assure you of a portion of hap-
piness in the world to come. She answered: "Confirm
what you say with an oath." Akiba then swore with his
lips, but at the same time absolved himself in his mind.
Then he said to her: "Tell me the origin of this your son ?"
Which she did, and confessed that it was as he had said.
When he returned to his colleagues and told them the dis-
""
↑ Juramentis vero illorum nihil prorsus est tribuendum, quia in ipso Tal-
mude docentur, posse juramenta, duni præstantur, confestim in mente aboleri,
ut non obligent. Exemplo est R. Akifa, de quo Cod. Kolla, fol. 18. col. 2,
med, sequens refertur historia. Cum aliquando Seniores sederent in portâ
[urbis] præterierunt ante ipsos duo pueri, quorum alter caput texerat, alter
retexerat. Et de eo quidem, qui caput [proterve, et contra bonos mores]
retexerat, pronuntiavit R. Elieser, quod esset spurius. R. Josua autem
dixit, eum esse a muliere menstruatâ conceptum. At R. Akifa subjecit,
esse illum et spurium et filium menstruatæ. Unde cæteri interrogârunt
R. Akifam, quomodo tam audaciter collegis suis contradiceret. Sed ille
regessit, se dicta sua esse confirmaturuın. Abiit ergo ad matrem pueri
istius, quam cum videret sedentem in foro, et vendentem legumina, dixit ad
illam, Filia mea, si tu mihi ingenue indicaveris id quod sum interrogaturus,
efficiam ut potiaris vitâ seculi futuri. Ipsâ autem postulante, ut jurejurando
assertum suum roboraret, juravit R. Akifa labiis suis, sed corde suo jusjuran-
dum hoc statim reddidit irritum. Tum R. Akifa, Dic, inquit, mihi qualis sit
hic filius tuus? Ad quæ illa: Quando ego nuptias celebrarem, laborabam a
menstruis. Ideoque secessit a me maritus, paranymphus autem meus [occa-
sione arreptâ] congressus mecum est. Atque ex eo concubitu exstitit mihi
filius hic. Unde apparuit, puerum istum esse non modo spurium, sed et men-
struatæ filium. Cumque id percepissent cæteri assessores, dixerunt: Magnus
est Akifa, quando correxit doctores suos. Edzard. Avoda Sara, Tom. i. p.
279. Conf. Wagenseil. Confut. Tol. Jeschu. p. 14, 15. et Buxtorf. Syn. Jud
c. vii. p. 132, 133.
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
517
covery he had made, they said: "Great is Akiba, who had
corrected the rest of the masters.'
u
An absolute fiction, the fruit of deep-rooted malice!
Though no person is here named, there can be no doubt
who is intended. And it is adopted by the author of Tol
doth Jeschu.
• w W
V
2. Upon Matt. ii. 14, Lightfoot observes as follows:
There are some footsteps in the Talmudists of this jour-
ney of our Saviour into Egypt, but so corrupted with vene-
mous blasphemy, (as all their writings are,) that they seem
only to have confessed the truth that they might have mat-
ter more liberally to reproach him: for so they speak [Bab.
Sanhedr. fol. 107. a.]" When Jannay the king slew the
rabbins, R. Joshua Ben Perachiah and Jesus went away
unto Alexandria in Egypt. Simeon Ben Shelah sent thi-
ther, speaking thus: From me Jerusalem, the holy city, to
thee, O Alexandria in Egypt, my sister, health. My hus-
band dwells with thee, while I in the mean time sit alone.
Therefore he rose up and went. And a little after he
brought forth four hundred trumpets, and anathematised"
[Jesus.] And a little before that, Elizæus turned away
Gehazi with both his hands, and R. Joshua Ben Perachiah
thrust away Jesus with both his hands.” '
6
And [Schabb. fol. 104, 2.]“ Did not Ben Satda bring
enchantments out of Egypt in the cutting which was in his
flesh ?" Under Ben Satda they wound our Jesus with their
reproaches.'
The story of our Lord's journey to Alexandria with Joshua
Ben Perachiah, when king Jannay killed the rabbins, may
be seen more at large in some other authors, to whom I
refer. And I shall transcribe it below, though I do not
X
u Hæc historia tecte videtur loqui de Christo. Buxtorf. ubi supr. p. 133.
Ac de infantiâ quidem et natalibus Jeschu, credo ego, creduntque Judæi
hoc mecum, sermonem esse, quanquam nomine penitus suppresso, in
Massechet Calla, quam et ipsum allegare convenit. Wagens. ut supr. p. 14.
Apud Wagens. p. 5.
w Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations, p. 111, 112.
* Vide B. Scheidii. Loca Talmudica, in quibus Jesu et discipulorum ejus
fit mentio, p. 6. et Wagenseil. Confutatio libr. Toldos Jeschu. p. 15, 16.
y In Tr. Sanhedrin, f. 107. 2. et Sota, f. 47. 1. Quum Jannai rex interfi-
ciebat Rabbinos, fugiebat R. Josua filius Parachiæ et Jesus Alexandriam
Ægypti. Pace redditâ, in hæc verba Simeon Schetachides R. Josuæ Perachiæ
filio scribit. Hierosolymæ civitas sancta, tibi Alexandriæ Ægypti. O soror
mea, maritus meus in medio tui degit; at ego sedeo desolata. Surgens ergo
ille veniebat eo, et pervenit ad quandam hospitam, quæ omnibus honoris
officiis eum prosequebatur. Tum dicebat, [Josua,] Quam pulchrum est hoc
hospitium. Sed discipulus de hospitâ sermonem excipiens, dicebat ei: Mi
magister, oculi ejus sunt teretes. Cui ille respondebat: Impie, taliane tu
curas? atque feminas spectas intentius? Nec mora. Productis ergo 400 tubis,
518
Jewish Testimonies.
translate it entire. It is obscure. Nevertheless the folly,
the malice, and the falsehood of it, are apparent.
It should be observed that this story of our Lord's jour-
ney into Egypt, with Joshua Ben Perachiah, has little
agreement with the true history in Matt. ii. 13-23. For,
according to the evangelist, Jesus was carried thither when
an infant, and was soon brought back again into Judea.
But, according to the Talmudists, Jesus was a young man
when he went thither with Joshua Perachides, who is sup-
posed to have been his master or tutor. And according to
them, when Perachides and Jesus had been some while in
Egypt, they were informed that peace was restored in Ju-
dea. As they were returning back they were well received
at an inn. Here Perachides and Jesus disagreed, and parted
asunder; nor could they ever be reconciled again, though
some attempts on both sides were made toward a reconcilia-
tion. After that Jesus, as is said, wholly gave up himself
to magical practices, and was excommunicated.
z
If by king Jannai be intended Alexander Jannæus, here
is a great anachronism; for he died fourscore years before
the christian epoch. But I do not insist upon that; for,
perhaps, it is owing to design and not to ignorance.
If, in the discourse between Perachides and Jesus at the
inn, where they first disagreed, there be an aspersion of our
Lord's moral character, as if he too attentively observed the
faces of women, it is of a piece with another charge of theirs,
that Jesus endeavoured to seduce men to idolatry; which
we shall see presently.
6
a
I do acknowledge, however, that when I first observ-
ed this paragraph, I was not a little surprised. For Ori-
gen says, that though innumerable lies and calumnies
proclamari curabat eum [Jesum] esse excommunicatum. Sæpenumero adibat
[discipulus] magistrum, obsecrans, ut sese denuo reciperet. Verum ipse ejus
nullam habuit rationem. Die quodam, cum recitâsset [Josua Perachides]
lectionem, Audi Israël, Deut. vi. 4. accedit [Jesus] Perachidem. Nam putabat
se receptum iri. Indicabat ei R. Josua filius Perachiæ manu suâ, quod vellet
recipere eum. Ipse [Jesus] putabat, quod repellendo repelleret se. Abibat
ergo, et suspendens laterem, eum adorabat. Dicebat [Perachides] illi:
Recipisce. Cui ille respondebat: Sic a teipso didici: Quod nulli, qui pec-
cavit, et ad peccandum multis fuit auctor, facultas agendi pœnitentiam suppe-
ditetur? Nam dixerat Mar [ doctor Talmudicus'] Jesus ad magiam seduxit,
et crimen, Deut. xiii. 5, 6. impulsionis, vetitum commisit, et Israëlitis ad
peccandum auctor fuit. Ergo, ceu Gemarici volunt, deserto Perachide præ-
ceptore, Jeschu totum se.deinde magicis artibus in Egypto addixit: cumque
has intus et in cute teneret, in Judæam se contulit.' Apud Scheid. et Wagens.
ubi supra.
² Prideaux's Connection, year before Christ 79. p. 396, 397.
προς τον σεμνον ἡμων Ιησεν, οὗ μηδε οἱ μυρια κατηγορήσαντες,
oi
και ψευξη όσα περί αυτ8 λεγοντες, δεδύνηνται κατειπειν, ὡς καν το τυχον ακολα-
sias kqv eπt' oλiyov yevσaμevs. Contr. Cels. 1. 3. num. 36. Bened. p. 32. Sperc
a
σιας καν
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
519
6
had been forged against the venerable Jesus, none had dared
to charge him with any intemperance whatever.' So says
Origen about the middle of the third century. He speaks
confidently with full assurance. If he had ever met with
such a calumny, he would not have denied it; for he was
perfectly honest and sincere. And if such a calumny had
appeared, he was as likely to know it as any man; for he
was acquainted with all sorts of people: and he had often
conversed with the learned men of the Jewish nation, as
well as others. This story therefore was not in being in
his time, nor till after it. But reflections upon a man's cha-
racter, unknown till long after his departure out of the world,
are destitute of authority, and deserve no regard. They
only show the bad temper of those who receive, or who in-
vent and forge them.
Let me add one thought more here. We may reason-
ably conclude, and reckon it certain from Origen's work,
that Celsus knew nothing of this story; consequently it
was not yet invented: for he had conversed with Jews,
and made use of them to assist him in his argument against
the christians, and had picked up all the scandal he could
get.
I must be allowed to observe yet farther: Celsus had
made use of some disparaging expressions concerning our
Saviour. Whereupon Origen says: 'If Celsus had alleged
any kind of infamous actious in the life of Jesus, we would
have done our best to answer to every thing that might
appear so to him. As to the miserable death of Jesus,
the same may be objected to Socrates and Anaxarchus
'just mentioned.' Celsus therefore knew not of any such
thing.
Finally, I do not recollect in the remains of Celsus, who
wrote in the second, nor in Origen, who wrote in the third,
century, any traces of this journey of our Lord into Egypt,
with a tutor. This story therefore is a late, as well as a ma-
licious fiction without ground.
The second quotation in Lightfoot shall now be more dis-
tinctly transcribed. In the Mishnical tract, called Schab-
b
6
C
5 Ει γαρ τα είδη το επιῤῥητοτατε βις εν ταις πράξεσιν αυτ8 φαινομενα αυτή
εκτιθεμενος ην, καν ηγωνισαμεθα προς έκασον των δοκέντων είναι αυτῳ επιῤῥη-
τοτάτων. Contr. Cels. 1. 7. sect. 56. Ben. p. 369. f. Sperc.
• In tractatu Schabbath, fol. 104. 2. in Mishnâ dicitur. Si quis [die Sab-
bati] lineam ducat, seu incisuram faciat super carnem suum, R. Eliezer eum
reum censet sacrificii peccati. Sapientes autem absolvunt. Postea in Gemarâ,
ad hæc verba notatur: Traditio. Dixit R. Elieser ad sapientes: At annon
filius Stadæ extulit magicas artes ex Egypto, in incisurâ, quæ erat super carne
ejus? Glossa. Quia non poterat eas efferre, vel educere, scriptas; quia magi
520
Jewish Testimonics.
6
6
6
6
bath, it is said: "If any one, especially on the sabbath,
draws a line, or makes a cut in his flesh, he is obliged to
bring a sin-offering: but the wise men absolve him."
Upon which words it is remarked in the Gemara, A tradi-
tion; R. Eliezer said to the wise men: "But did not the
son of Stada bring magical arts out of Egypt, in a cut-
ting in his flesh? The Gloss says: "The reason of that was
that he could not bring them away in writing, because the
priests diligently searched all at their going away, that
they might not carry out magical arts to teach them to
men dwelling in other countries."
This is said, I suppose, to insinuate that all the great
works ascribed to our Saviour were performed by virtue of
magical arts which he had learned in Egypt. This insinu-
ation has been considered, and well confuted, by Grotius,&
to whom I now refer. Hereafter I shall transcribe his words
at length, in the chapter of Celsus, where this charge will
come over again.
3. Let us now observe whether Jesus gained any disci-
ples.
6
Lightfoot, upon Matt. ix. 9, speaks to this purpose
Five disciples of Christ are mentioned by the Talmudists,
[Bab. Sanhedrim. fol. 431.] among whom Matthew seems
'to be named. The rabbins deliver there were five dis-
ciples of Jesus, Matthai, Nakai, Nezer, Boni, and Thodah.
• These they relate were led out and killed. Perhaps five
are only mentioned by them because five of the disciples
were chiefly employed among the Jews: namely, Matthew,
who wrote his gospel in Judea, Peter, James, John, and
• Judas.'
I shall now transcribe at length the passage of the Baby-
lonian Talmud, to which Lightfoot refers; though it is so
silly, that, when produced, some may think it might have
been omitted.
e
The rabbins have taught that there were five disciples
diligenter inquirebant in omnes qui exibant, ne efferrent artes magicas, ad
docendum eas alios homines alibi terrarum habitantes. Scheid. ib. p. 1. et
Wagenseil. Confut. Told. Jeschu. p. 17.
d De V. R. Chr. 1. 5. cap. iii.
e Sanhedr. cap. vi. fol. 43. fin. Quinque tantum discipuli dicuntur fuisse
Jesu Nazareno, quorum nomina, Matthai, sc. Matthæus, Nakai, Nezer, Boni,
et Toda, sc. Thaddæus, qui alio nomine Lebbæus fuit appellatus, Matt. x. 3.
Verba integre ita habent. Rabbini docuerunt, quinque discipulos fuisse Jesu,
Matthai, Nakai, Nezer, Boni, et Toda. Cum adduxissent Matthai, [ut capitis
ipsum damnarent,] dixit ille ad judices: Num Matthai occidetur? Atqui
scriptum est, Quando [Matai] veniam, ut compaream coram facie Dei? Ps.
xlii. 2. Sed illi regesserunt: Omnino Matthai occidetur, quia scriptum est,
Quando [Matai] morietur, ut pereat nomen ejus? Ps. xli. 5. Cum adduxissent
•
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
521
of Jesus, Matthai, Nakai, Nezer, Boni, and Toda. When
Matthai was brought forth [to be condemned to death] he
said to the judges: Shall Matthai be slain? But it is writ-
ten: "When shall I come" [Matai]" and appear before
God?" Ps. xlii. 2. But they answered: Yes, Matthai shall
be slain. For it is written: "When" [Matai]" shall he
die, and his name perish ?" Ps. xli. 5. When Nakai was
brought out, he said: Shall Nakai be slain? But it is writ-
ten: "Thou shall not kill the innocent" [Nakai]" and the
just:" Ex. xxiii. 7. But they said: Yes, Nakai shall be
slain. For it is written: "In the secret places does he mur-
der the innocent." [Naki.] Ps. x. 8. When they brought
forth Nezer, he said to them: And shall Nezer be slain?
But it is written: "A branch" [Nezer] "shall grow out of
his roots," Is. xi. 1. But they answered: Yes, Nezer shall
be slain. For it is written: "Thou art cast out of thy
grave as an abominable branch," Is. xiv. 19. When they
brought out Boni, he said: And shall Boni be slain? But
it is written: Israel is "my son" [Beni]" even my first-born,”
Ex. iv. 22. But they said: Yes, Boni shall be slain. For
it is written: "Behold, I will slay thy son," [bincka,]" thy
first-born," Ex. iv. 23. When they brought out Toda, he
said to them; And shall Toda be slain ? It is written: “A
psalm to praise" [Lethoda.] Ps. c. But they answered:
Yes, Toda shall be slain. For it is written: "Whoso offereth
praise" [Toda] "glorifieth me."
"
Here it may be asked: Why do the Talmudists speak
only of five disciples of Jesus? Lightfoot, as before seen,
supposeth it to be, that these five men were chiefly employed
among the Jews. Edzardus says: Wef hence see how false
Nakai, dixit ille: Num Nakai occidetur? Atqui scriptum est, Ex. xxiii. 7,
Insontem [Naki] et justum non occides. Sed illi responderunt: Omnino
Nakai occidetur, sicut scriptum est, Ps. x. 8, In latibulis occidit insontem.
[Naki.] Cum adduxissent Nezer, dixit ad illos: Num Nezer occidetur? Atqui
scriptum est, Es. xi. 1, Nezer e radicibus ejus fructum feret. Sed illi repo-
suerunt: Omnino Nezer occidetur, quia scriptum est, Es. xiv. 9, Tu autem
ejectus es e sepulcro tuo, ut surculus [Nezer] abominabilis. Cum adduxerunt
Boni, dixit ille: Num Boni occidetur? Atqui scriptum est, Ex. iv. 22, Filius
meus [Beni] primogenitus est Israël. Sed illi regesserunt: Omnino Boni occi-
detur, sicut scriptum est, Ex. iv. 23, Ecce ego occidam filium tuum
[Bincka] primogenitum. Cum adduxissent Todam, dixit ad illos: Num Toda
occidetur? Atqui scriptum exstat, Ps. c. 1, Psalmus [Lethoda] eucharisticus.
Sed illi responderunt: Omnino Toda occidetur, quemadmodum scriptum est,
Ps. 1. 23, Qui sacrificat laudem, [Toda,] is honorabit me. Ap. Edzard Avoda
Sara. T. i. p. 298, 299. Conf. B. Scheidii Loca Talmudica de Jesu et Disci-
pulis ejus et Wagenseil. Confut. T. I. p. 17.
f Quod si autem quinque tantum discipuli hi Jesu Nazareno fuerunt, unde
ergo sextus, Jacobus Sechaniensis, cujus nomen inter quinque numeratos non
522
Jewish Testimonis.
and fabulous every thing is which the Talmudists say of
Christ and his disciples. Which surely is not amiss. How-
ever, to me it seems that the Jewish rabbins affected silence
and reserve about Jesus and his history, and said little about
it, the better to keep their own people in ignorance and bond-
age. Wagenseil's reflections upon this passage are some-
what different: I place thems below, though nothing ma-
terial can be said upon what is so exceeding trifling.
4. It may be questioned whether James be one of the five
disciples there named: I shall therefore allege a passage
of the Talmud where he is mentioned.
h
•
R. Akiba and Rabbi Eliezer are talking together. Eli-
ezer says, O Akiba, you have brought something to my
'mind. As I was walking in the high street of Zipporis, I
'met one of the disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, whose name
'is James, a man of the town of Shecaniah. He said to me;
In your law it is written, "Thou shalt not bring the hire
' of a harlot," Deut. xxiii. 18. I did not make him any
< answer. But he added, and said to me: Jesus of Nazareth
'taught me the meaning. "She gathered it of the hire of a
harlot; and they shall return to the hire of a barlot," Mic.
‹ i. 7. "From an impure place they came, and to an im-
pure place they shall return." Which interpretation,
(says Eliezer,) did not displease me.'
5. We will now observe some passages concerning our
Saviour's last sufferings.
Says Lightfoot upon Matt. xxvii. 31.
These things i
apparet? Constat hinc, quam fabulosa sit Talmudistarum narratio de iis quæ
contra Christum atque discipulos ejus deblaterant. Ut aliâ confutatione non
sit opus, cum seipsos suis contradictionibus jugulent. Edz. ibid. p. 299.
8 Apparet, ista huc tendere, quasi in viros illos, quorum nomina exprimun-
tur, ultimis pœnis fuerit animadversum; etsi magis est ut credamus, ab otioso
aliquo, et scripturæ dicta in lusum et jocum sic detorquente, delirantis ingeniosi
ostentandi causâ, ineptias has esse confictas. Wagens. ib p. 18.
h In Tr. Avoda Sara. f. 16. 2. Tradiderunt Rabbini-Tum P. Eliazar:
In memoriam mihi, O Akiba, revocâsti, aiebat, me aliquando spatiatum in foro
superiori urbis Zipporis, obvium habuisse aliquem ex discipulis Jesu Nazareni,
cui nomen erat Jacobus, civis Caphar, vel viri Saccaniensis, qui dicebat mihi:
In Lege vestrâ scribitur: Non afferes mercedem meretricis-Quo audito, nihil
prorsus ei respondebam. Illo autem pergente mihi dicere: Sic docuit me Jesus
Nazarenus. Si ex mercede meretriciâ, meretrix quid colligat, usque ad mer-
cedem meretricis revertetur. Ex loco impuro si qua venerint, in locum im-
purum redibunt. Et profuit mihi verbum hoc operâ hujus-ap. Scheid. Loca
Talmud. p. 5, 6. Et conf. Edzardi Avoda Sara. Vol. i. p. 130.
I shall here put an exact Latin version of the same. Tr. Sanhedrim, fol.
43, Mishna. Inventâ reæ partis innocentiâ, reus ille liber dimittitur. Sin
minus, exit, ut lapidetur. Præco autem exit ante eum, his verbis proclamans:
Vir iste N. N. Filius alicujus N. N. exit, ut lapidetur, quia transgressus est
talem trangressionem. Cujus rei testes sunt hi, N. N. et N. N. Quicunque
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
523
6
' are delivered in Sanhedrim [cap. vi. Hal. 4.] of one that is
guilty of stoning: If there be no defence found for him,
they lead him out to be stoned, and a crier went out before
him, saying aloud thus: N. N. comes out to be stoned,
because he has done so and so. The witnesses against him
are N. N. Whosoever can bring any thing in his defence
'let him come forth and produce it. On which thus the
'Gemara of Babylon. The tradition is, that, on the evening
of the passover, Jesus was hanged, and that a crier went
'before him for forty days, making this proclamation: This
man comes forth to be stoned, because he dealt in sorce-
ries, and persuaded, and seduced Israel. Whosoever
'knows of any defence for him, let him come forth and
produce it. But no defence could be found: therefore
they hanged him upon the evening of the passover.
Ulla saith his case seemed not to admit of any defence,
'since he was a seducer, and of such God has said,
" Thou
shall not spare him nor conceal him :" Deut. xiii.'
There is another place relating to the same event, the
death of our Saviour, to be taken from the Babylonian Tal-
mud. The Mishna, explaining Deut. xiii. and showing
noverit aliquid de ejus innocentiâ, veniat, et doceat de eo. Postea in Gemarâ
ad verba Mishnæ præco autem exit ante eum, &c. notatur. Atqui traditio
est: Die Parasceves Sabbati suspenderunt Jesum, et præco exibat ante eum
40 diebus, his verbis prolatis proclamans: Exit ut lapidetur, quia magicas
artes exercuit, seduxit, et impulit Israëlitas. Quicumque ergo noverit aliquid de
ejus innocentiâ, veniat, et doceat de eo. Cum autem nihil de ejus innocentiâ
comprobandâ inveniri potuisset, suspenderunt eum die Parasceves Paschatis.
Dixit Ula: Et putetur, quod filius versorum seu contrariorum innocentiæ ipse
seductor est. Dixit autem Deus, Deut. xiii. 8, Non parces, neque teges super
eo. Deut. xiii. 8. et conf. 5. et 6. Scheid. Loca Talmud. p. 7, 8. Conf. Wag.
Confut. T. I. p. 19.
k
* Sanhedrim. f. 67. 1. Mishna, de quo Deut. xiii. €. Ex omnibus qui
morti adjudicantur in lege, nulli insidiæ collocantur, hoc excepto-Postea, in
Gemarâ notatur: Ex omnibus qui morti adjudicantur in lege, nulli insidiæ
collocantur, hoc excepto [seductori, qui aliud ad idololatriam, et cultum alie-
num cupit seducere]. Quomodo faciunt id ei? Accendunt illi candelam in
conclavi interiori, et testes collocant in cubiculo exteriori, ut hi ipsum videre,
et vocem ejus audire possint. Sed ipse non videt illos. Tum ille, quem
antea conatus erat seducere, dicit ei, Repete, quæso, id quod antehac dixisti hic
privatim. Tum, si id dicat, hic regerit ei: Quomodo relinquemus Deum nos-
trum in cœlis, et serviemus idolis? Ad hoc si convertatur, pœnitentiâ actâ,
bene est. Si vero dicat: hoc est officium nostrum, atque ita omnino decet
nos facere, testes exterius audientes, eum ad domum judicii abducunt, et lapi-
dant. [Conf. Schabbath. f. 104. 2.] sic fecerunt filio Stadæ [vel Stadtæ] in
Lud, et suspenderunt eun in vesperâ Paschatis, seu pridie diei Paschatis. Filius
Stadæ filius Pandiræ est. Dixit R. Chasda: Maritus seu procus matris ejus
fuit Stada, iniens Pandiram-Maritus Paphus filius Judæ ipse est, mater ejus
Stada, mater ejus Maria, plicatrix capillorum mulierum erat: sicut dicimus in
Pompedita. Declinavit hæc a marito suo. Glossa: Ideo quia scortata hæc
erat, vocabatur ita. Schedii Loca Talmud. p. 1. et 2.
524
Jewish Testimonies.
J
who is the seducer there spoken of, says, Of all that are
adjudged to die, to none of them are shares to be laid, ex-
cepting a seducer: for, if he has attempted two, and they
bear testimony against him, he is to be stoned. Upon this
it is said in the Gemara: Against none are snares to be
laid, except against a seducer of the people; [meaning one
who seduces to idolatry ;] and that is done after this man-
ner. They light a candle in a closet or inner room, and
place witnesses in another room, so that they may see him,
and hear his voice, but he does not see them: there he, whom
some time before he had endeavoured to seduce, (being with
him,) says to him: Repeat to me now in private what you
before said to me. If he then repeats it, the other says to
hin: How can we leave our God who is in the heavens,
and serve idols? If he then owns his fault and repents, all
is well. But if he says: This is our duty, and so we ought
to do; the witnesses who are in the outer room carry him
to the house of judgment, and stone him. So they did to
the son of Stada in Lud, and hanged him on the evening of
the Passover. Rabbi Chasda said: The son of Stada is the
son of Pandira- His mother was Stada.
She was
Mary the plaiter of women's hair; as we say in Pompedita,
she departed from her husband. In the Gloss it is said:
She was so called because she transgressed the laws of
chastity.'
6
This is translated by Lightfoot upon Matt. xxvii. 56, p.
270, after this manner: They stoned the son of Satda in
Lydda, and hanged him up on the evening of the passover.
Now this son of Satda was son of Pandira. Indeed Rabbi
Chasda said the husband [of his mother] was Satda, her
husband was Pandira, her husband was Papus, the son of
Juda. But yet I say his mother was Satda, namely, Mary
the plaiter of women's hair; as they say in Pombeditha, she
departed from her husband.'
In several other places of these Talmudical writers, Mary
is called a 'plaiter of women's hair,' as may be seen in Light-
foot, p. 270.¹ And from some things alleged just now it
seems that thereby they denote a transgressor of the laws of
purity. And we are led to think that by this description
they intended to represent not her outward condition, but her
moral character.
Upon the two foregoing passages, relating to the event of
our Saviour's death, we may now make some remarks.
First, it is here acknowledged that Jesus suffered death
as a malefactor; and that he was put to death at the time
¹ Vid. et Scheid. Loca Talmud. p. 3.
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
525
of a Jewish passover, or on the evening of it, as the expres-
sion is.
Secondly, but here are many great and notorious falsehoods.
It is here said that Jesus was put to death at Lud: whereas
it is certain that he suffered at Jerusalem. It is insinuated
that he endeavoured to persuade men to forsake the true
God, and worship false gods, and idols: another abominable
falsehood. It is also insinuated that he carried on this evil
design of seducing men from the worship of the true God in
a clandestine manner; whereas nothing is more certain than
that Jesus lived, and acted, and taught, publicly before all
the world. Farther, it is intimated that, for many days be-
fore his death, proclamation was made, that any who could
say any thing in his defence might appear and plead for
him, but no defence was made. It is also said that he was
put to death by stoning, and then hanged up: (which indeed
was the usual method among the Jews, first to put criminals
to death, and then hang them up ;) but Jesus was crucified;
and though the Jews were his prosecutors, he was condemn-
ed and put to death by a Roman magistrate.
It is truly surprising to see such falsities contrary to well
known facts. For the sufferings of Jesus, and the circum-
stances of them, are recorded in the gospels, well known
histories, written in a language which was then almost uni-
versal in Europe, Asia, and Africa. That Jesus was cruci-
fied at Jerusalem, when Pontius Pilate was governor of
Judea, under the emperor Tiberius, was in all christian creeds,
and attested by Roman authors of good credit, and indeed
was well known to all Greeks and Romans in general.
How then was it possible for the Jewish rabbins, whose tes-
timonies are collected in their Talmuds, to speak in the man-
ner which we have now seen? Perhaps it is not easy to be
accounted for; but I apprehend the case to be this: The
rabbins taught and wrote in a language little known to any
in the fourth and fifth centuries but themselves, and the
men of their own nation. Their people were ignorant, and
they endeavoured to keep them so. Their people had a
great respect for them, and so they presumed to say what-
ever they pleased.
6. There seems to be in these writings an acknowledgment
of the power of miracles in Jesus and his disciples. In m
m Similis locus habetur infra in Gemarâ, fol. 27. col. 2. med. Sed insto ego.
In Bareitha docemur. Non conversabitur quisquam cum hæreticis, neque
licet medicinam ab illis adınittere, etsi morbus videatur ita desperatus, ut ægro-
tus non sit ultra unius horæ spatium superfuturus. Exstat quoque hujus rei
exemplum in filio Damæ, nepote R. Ismaëlis ex sorore, quem cum momordisset
526
Jewish Testimonies.
the Gemara, upon Avoda Sara, in Bereitha, it is said: No
man may converse with heretics, nor receive medicines from
them, though the disease be mortal and desperate. Of this
there is an example in the son of Dama, nephew to R. Ish-
mael by his sister: When he had been bit by a serpent,
James of Shechania [a disciple of Jesus] came to heal him;
but R. Ishmael did not allow it to be done. The son of
Dama said to R. Ishmael: O Rabbi Ishmael, my uncle, let
me be healed by him: I will allege a text out of the law
which allows of it. But before he had finished all he would
say, he expired. Then Ishmael pronounced this speech
over him: Thou art happy, O son of Dama: for thy body
has remained pure, and thy soul also has gone pure out of
it: and thou hast not transgressed the words of thy bre-
thren.'
This" is supposed to be an acknowledgment of the pow-
er of working miracles in the name of Jesus, at the same
time that it shows the virulent temper of the Jewish doctors
against him and his disciples.
There is another like instance alleged from the Jerusalem
Talmud: A child of a son of Rabbi Joses, son of Levi,
swallowed somewhat poisonous. There came a man who
pronounced some words to him in the name of Jesus, son of
Pandira, and he was healed. When he was going away, R.
Joses said to him: What word did you use? he answered,
Such a word. R. Joses said to him: Better had it been for
him to die, than to hear such a word. And so it happened,
that is, he instantly died.'
Tum R.
serpens, venit Jacobus Secaniensis ad sanandum ipsum. Sed non permisit ei
R. Ismaël. Dicebat quidem filius Damnæ ad R. Ismaëlem: O Rabbi Ismaël
frater [i. e. cognate, avuncule] mi! Sine ipsum, ut saner ab ipso. Afferam
enim textum e Lege, qui id concedat. Sed nondum absolverat omnia, quæ
constituerat dicere, cum jam efflaret animam, atque moreretur.
Ismaël sequentem super ipsum conciunculam habuit. Beatus es, o fili Damæ !
quod corpus tuum manserit mundum, etiamque anima tuo corpore exierit
munda, neque fueris transgressus verba sociorum tuorum, &c. Edzard. Avoda
Sara. Vol. i. p. 312. Conf. Martini Pug. Fidei, P. 2. cap. 8. p. 289.
n
" Memorabile hujus rei exemplum occurrit, Cod. Abhoda zara f. 27. 2. de
R. Ismaële vetante aliquem sanari in nomine Jesu-Exemplo est B. Dama-
Insignis sane historia, et præclarum veritatis evangelicæ testimonium, ab ipsis
Judæis dictum. J. Rhenford. Diss. de Redemtione Marcosiorum et Hera-
cleonit. sect. 1. p. 215.
Item in lib. Sabbat Jerosolymitano, distinctione Shemona Scheratzin—
Filius filii R. Jose filii Levi glutiverat toxicum scilicet, vel aliud morbiferum.
Venit itaque vir quidam, et conjuravit ei in nomine Jesu Pandirini, et sanatus
est, sive quievit. Cumque exivisset, ait ei, Quomodo conjurâsti eum? Ait ei,
Tali verbo. Ait ei: Remissius fuisset ei, si mortuus fuisset, ut non audivisset
verbum tale. Et factum est sic ei: id est, statim mortuus est. Pug. Fid. ib.
p. 290.
3
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
527
Another P proof this of the power of miracles inherent in
the disciples of Jesus, and at the same time a mark of the
malignity of the Jewish rabbius.
That passage I have transcribed as it is in the Pugio
Fidei: I shall now put it down below as it stands in Edzardi
Avoda zara.
7. It will certainly be worth the while to take a testimony
from these writers to the destruction of Jerusalem, and the
temple there. I shall therefore transcribe and translate al-
most word for word a long passage out of the Babylonian
Talmud, in the title Gittin, chapter Hannisah.
r
'This is the tradition. Rabbi Eliezer said: Go, and see
P Si quis diligenter advertat has duas traditiones, in nomine Domini nostri
Jesu Christi fuisse facta miracula judaïcarum scripturarum testimonio com
probabit. Raym. Martin. ib.
9 Similis textus est in Talmude Hierosolymitano: Avoda S. Fol. 40. 4. et
Schabb. fol. 14. 4. med.-Nepos R. Josuæ filii Levi laborabat ab absorpto:
[id est, diglutiverat aliquid, quod ipsi in gutture hærebat, et suffocationem
minabatur.] Venitque quidam, qui illi clam insusurravit, [id est, jussit ipsum
convalescere,] in nomine Jesu filii Pandiræ. Unde confestim respiravit.
Quando autem egressus est inde, dixit ad eum R. Josua filius Levi: Quid
insusurrâsti ei? Respondit ille: Vocem hanc [i. e. nomen Jesu]: Tum R. Josua:
Præstitisset ipsum fuisse mortuum, et non audivisse nomen illud. Atque hoc
ipsum etiam ei [haud longe post] contigit. Edzard. Avoda zara. Vol. 2.
p. 311, 312.
Traditio est. Dixit R. Elieser: Exi, et vide quanta est virtus pudoris,
quia ecce Deus sanctus et benedictus juvit Barkamtza, et destruxit domum
suam, et exussit templum suum, et desolavit Jerusalem-Ivit Romam, et dixit
Neroni Cæsari: Judæi rebellârunt contra te. Dixit ei: Quis dicit? Dixit ei,
Mitte illis sacrificium. Videbis, si illi offerent. Ivit filius Kamtza, et misit
per manus ejus vitulam trimam. Ipse autem rediens impressit in eâ maculam
in orâ labii ejus. Alii dicunt, quod in pupillâ oculi ejus maculam impressit :
secundum aliquorum opinionem est macula, et secundum opinionem aliorum
non est macula. Rabbini censebant itaque illam sacrificandam propter pacem
regni. Dixit eis R. Zacharias filius Onkelos: dicetur, Maculata offeruntur
super altare. Voluerunt occidere eum, ne iret, et diceret. Dixit eis R. Zacha-
rias, dicens: Mittens maculam in Sanctuarium occidetur. Dixit R. Jochanan :
Superstitio R. Zachariæ destruxit domum nostram, et combussit templum nos-
trum, et urbem nostram evertit, et fecit ut nos e terrâ nostrâ captivi duceremur.
Misit itaque Bar-Kamtza super his ad Neronem Cæsarem. Quando venit, jecit
sagittam ad orientem. Cecidit ad Jerusalem ad occidentem-Dixit puero.
Lege mihi versum tuum. Dixit ei Ezech. xxv. 14.-Dixit Nero: Deus sanctus,
benedictus, vult per me destruere domum suam. Misitque contra illos Vespa-
sianum, qui venit, et obsedit Jerusalem tres annos, et dimidium. Interim venit
nuntius ad eum, dicens illi: Surge, quia mortuus est Nero Cæsar, et consense-
runt tibi optimates Romanorum, ut te constituant principem-Ivit, et misit
Titum impium filium suum-Hic est Titus impius, qui blasphemavit, et male-
dixit contra Justum, i. e. Deum. Quid fecit? Cepit meretricem in manu suâ,
ei ingressus in Sancta Sanctorum stravit librum legis, et transgressus est super
illum transgressionem. Et accepit gladium, et dirupit vela, et factum est mira-
culum. Et fuit sanguis erumpens et exiens. Et putavit occidisse ipsam sub-
stantiam Dei sancti benedicti, i. e. ipsum Deum.-Quid fecit? Accepit vel,
et fecit illa sicut saccum, et adduxit omnia vasa quæ erant in Sanctuario, et
528
Jewish Testimonies.
•
how the blessed and holy God helped Bar-kamtza, and he
destroyed his house, and burnt up his temple, and made Je-
rusalem desolate.' [Here is inserted an account of a trifling
discourse and difference between some rabbins.] Where-
upon he [Bar-kamtza] went to Rome, and said to the em-
peror Nero, The Jews have rebelled against thee. Who
says this? said the emperor. Kamtza answered: Send to
them a sacrifice; see if they will offer it. Bar-kamtza re-
turned. Nero sent by him an heifer, three years old. As
he was going he made a blemish in the mouth of it; others
say in the pupil of its eye: according to the opinion of others
it was no blemish. The rabbins therefore thought it ought
to be offered for preserving the peace of the nation. But
Rabbi Zacharias, son of Onkelos, said: Shall blemished sa-
crifices be offered upon the altar? He that brings blemished
sacrifices into the sanctuary ought to be put to death. R.
Jochanan said: The superstition of R. Zacharias has de-
stroyed our house, and burnt up our temple, and overthrown
our city, and caused us to be led captive out of our land.
Bar-kamtza therefore sent an account of these things to
Nero Nero said; The great and blessed God has deter-
mined by me to destroy his house. And he sent against
them Vespasian, who came and besieged Jerusalem three
years and a half. In the mean time there came a messenger
to him, who said: Arise, for the emperor Nero is dead, and
the nobles of the Romans have agreed to make thee emperor.
He went and sent the impious Titus his son- This is the
impious Titus, who blasphemed the Most High, even God
himself. What did he do? He took a harlot into the holy
of holies, and there lay with her: and he took a sword and
cut the veils; at the same time there was a miracle, for
blood burst out: he thought he had killed God himself-
Well, what did he? He took the veils and made a sack of
them, and put into it all the vessels of the sanctuary: and
then put them in a ship, that he might go and triumph in
his city-There stood against him a dragon, that he might
posuit illa in illo. Et collocavit illa in navi, ut iret, et gloriaretur in urbe suâ
-Stetit contra draco, vel tempestas, in mari, ut demergeret illum in mari.
Dixit: Puto ego, quod Deus horum nullam habet potentiam nisi in mari :
Venit Pharao et subinersit eum in mari. Stat etiam contra me, ut me sub-
mergat. Si fortis est, ascendat in siccam, et faciat bellum mecum. Exivit
filia vocis, et dixit ei, Impie fili impii, fili filii impii Esau: Creatura vilis est
mihi in mundo meo, et culex est nomen ejus. Ascende in siccam, et bellum
contra illam geres. Statim innuit Deus mari, et quievet. Ascendit in siccam,
et venit culex, et ingressus est in nasum ejus, et perforavit illi cerebrum septem
annis, et occidit illum. Ex libro Gittin, capite Hannisakin, ap. R. Martin.
Pug. Fid. P. 3. cap. xxi. p. 703, 704.
Extracts out of the Talmuds. A. D. 500.
529
drown him in the sea. He said, I think the God of these
inen has no power but in the sea. Pharaoh arose, and he
drowned him in the sea. He has a mind to destroy me in
the like manner: if he has power, let him come upon the
dry land and make war with me. There went forth a voice
and said to him: O impious son of the wicked man, 0 son
of the impious son of Esau, there is a contemptible creature
in my world, called a gnat: go upon the dry land, and you
shall make war against it. God presently rebuked the sea,
and it was calm. He went out upon the dry land, and the
gnat came, and entered into his nose, and gnawed his brain
seven years, and killed him.'
S
J. De Voisin, in his notes upon this passage, particularly
the last words of it, quotes some Jewish authors who say,
The story of the fly is not to be understood literally, but
mystically, and allegorically, intending to insinuate in men's
'minds a persuasion of the power of God, and that he is
• able to abase those who rise up against him, and to punish
"the proudest of men by very contemptible creatures.' Nor
is it any wonder that some should be ashamed of this silly
story of the fly getting up a man's nose, and dwelling there
seven years.
But men of true wisdom can find out more
cleanly allegories than this, when they are disposed to make
use of that kind of instruction.
t
Nor has Voisin alleged any Jewish authors, who condemn
the horrible story of Titus defiling the sanctuary of the temple
with lewdness: though Martini has alleged another Jewish
writing in great repute, where the same story is told with all
the same horrible, or yet more horrible, circumstances of filthi-
ness, if such there can be: nor is the concluding part of that
narrative of the Talmud there omitted. But I presume the
I
s Alii asserunt illud de culice, sive muscâ ejusmodi, non juxta literalem sen-
sum intelligendum esse, sed sensum habere mysticum-Itaque poteris de his-
toriâ Titi libere pronuntiare, quod narratio ejus nihil aliud sit, quam inventio,
sive fabula, atque modus doctrinæ usitatus apud eruditos ad stabiliendum in
corde plebis, quod magnus est Dominus noster, et potentissimus, ad retribuen-
dum illis qui contra ipsum insurgunt; sed in primis ad puniendum superbos
etiam per minimam creaturam. Ap. Pugion. Fid. p. 714.
;
Hucusque Talmud. Legitur quoque in Midrash Kohelet super illud Eccles.
cap. v. 8.-Dixit Deus sanctus benedictus prophetis: Quid vos putatis, quod
si vos non eatis in missionem meam, non sit mihi alius nuntius? In omni ego
do missionem vel legationem meam, etiam per serpentem, vel scorpium, vel
culicem, vel ranam. Titus impius ingressus est in Sancta Sanctorum, quando
destruxit domum Sanctuarii, et gladius ejus districtus in manu suâ, et dirupit
duo vela, et accepit duas meretrices in manu illarum, et coivit cum illis, cum
unâ super altare, cum alterâ super librum legis, et exivit et gladius ejus plenus
sanguine. Et incepit blasphemare, et exsecrari. Quid fecit? Collegit omnia
vasa Sanctuarii, et posuit illa in sacco, et descendit ad navem. Et reliqua,
sicut modo ex Talmude citata sunt. Ibid. p. 704, 705.
VOL. VI.
2 M
}
530
Jewish Testimonies.
Divine Being never arms his feeble creatures to destroy or
annoy men for no fault at all; for none, but such as are only
imputed to them by those who give a loose to their tongues,
to lie and calumniate as they please: for Titus, when he
went into the temple at Jerusalem all in flames, neither com-
mitted lewdness there, nor did he blaspheme the Deity.
Behold then the temper, the incorrigible temper, of the
Jewish people, and their rabbins, the Talmudical writers.
Their temple had been burnt up, their city destroyed, their
land laid waste, and they carried into captivity: but, instead
of repenting, they revile him who, under God, had been the
instrument of their chastisement; a prince, who, as good
authority says, was as remarkable for the humanity, the com-
passion, and equity, in his manner of subduing them, as for
his military skill and courage. Who then are the men who
exalt themselves against God?
But I may no longer indulge myself in such reflections as
these. Let us attend for our own benefit. Here is a tes-
timony to the destruction of Jerusalem from Talmudical
writers they agree very much with Josephus in their ac-
count of the origin of the war. He says that Eleazar,"
'then captain at the temple, persuaded those who officiated
in sacred things, not to accept the gift or sacrifice of a stran-
'ger: which was the occasion of the war.' The Talmudists
say the same thing in different words, after their manner.
According to this account also, the war broke out near the
end of the reign of Nero, who sent Vespasian general into
Judea. Whilst Vespasian was there, carrying on the war,
Nero died, and he was chosen to succeed him. When he
was chosen emperor at Rome, he sent Titus to carry on the
war in Judea: the issue of which was that the temple was
burnt up, their city destroyed, and their whole government
overthrown, and they carried into captivity. Moreover, as
they here own, Titus was in possession of the veils and sa-
cred vessels of the temple, which he took with him to adorn
his triumph at Rome. All this (though they relate not par-
ticularly the distresses of the siege of Jerusalem) is said, not
very differently from Josephus, and more agreeably to him
in some respects, than by Josippon, who afterwards wrote at
length the history of the war, as we shall see by and by.
" De B. J. 1. 2. cap. 17. sect. 2. p. 192.
531
CHAP. VI.
JOSEPH BEN GORION, OR JOSIPPON.
II. Extracts from his
I. His age, work, and character.
work; showing his history of the Jewish war with the
Romans, and the destruction of Jerusalem. III. Conclud-
ing remarks.
I. WE are now coming to an author of a very extraordinary,
or even a singular, character, writer of The Jewish History
in six books, who styles himself Josippon, or Joseph Ben
Gorion.
He had a very high opinion of himself, and has now been
for some while in great reputation with the learned men of
the Jewish nation.
b
At the beginning of the thirty-sixth chapter, which is the
first chapter of the fifth book, he writes: "So says Joseph
Ben Gorion the priest, who has written the things which have
happened to Israel, and his calamities, to be a memorial and
instruction to his posterity- From this day, and hence-
forward, this book is to be a testimony to other writers who
shall come after me, and attempt to write of the same things,
and shall allege proofs of what they write.
For they
will say: "So and so has recorded Joseph the priest,
who is the prince of all writers, who have published
books among the people of Israel, excepting only the wri-
ters of the four and twenty sacred books.”
And indeed so it has happened. For Rabbi Tham, who
published this work in the Hebrew original at Constantino-
ple in the year 1510, and made another edition of it at Ve-
a Josippon, sive Josephi Ben Gorionis Historia Judaïcæ libri sex. Ex
Hebræo vertit, Præfatione et Notis illustravit Joannes Gagnier. A. M. Oxon.
1706, 4to.
b Sic ait Joseph Ben Gorion Sacerdos, qui rerum
historiam texuit, quæ contigerunt Israëli, et calamitatem ejus, ut sit memoria
earum in documentum, et eruditionem posteris ejus.
Hic autem liber ab hac die, et deinceps futurus est in testimonium cæteris
scriptoribus, qui post me venturi sunt, et aggredientur scribere, et testimonia
allegare. Dicent enim: Sic et sic memoriæ prodidit Joseph Sacerdos, qui est
princeps scriptorum omnium, qui libros ediderunt, quotquot reperti sunt in
Israel, exceptis quidem scriptoribus quatuor et viginti librorum sanctorum.”
lib. 5. c. 36. p. 170.
J
M 2
532
Jewish Testimonies.
с
nice in 1544, says of it in his preface: 'Although this book
resembles other books in some respects, it is very different
'from them in others. The great difference between books
'consists in their truth or their falsehood. The words of
this book are all justice and truth, nor is there any thing
perverse in it. The evidence of it is this, that it approach-
'eth nearer to prophecy than any other book written since the
'sacred scriptures: for it was written before the Mishna and
the Talmud. Upon that man was the hand of the Lord
'when he wrote this book. And it may be said that his
'words are well-nigh equal to the words of a man of God.'
6
This work is not so ancient as the author and his admirers
pretend, as will be shown presently. But from the time
that he has begun to be taken notice of, as Mr. Gagnier
observes in the preface to his edition of this work, Alld Jew-
'ish writers, whether commentators, or historians, or philo-
'logers, continually allege it, and quote authorities and testi-
'monies from it, as an authentic and fundamental book.—As
'for the Greek Josephus, they have little regard for him, or
' rather none at all; but declaim against him as a lying his-
'torian, full of falsehoods and flatteries. But their Josip-
pon they extol and magnify as true and almost divine.'
But christian critics, of the best credit, have argued that
the work is the production of a late age. They show this
from the work itself; in which, as Joseph Scaliger has
"
C
e
c Quamvis autem hic liber cum cæteris libris in genere conveniat, tamen
ratione argumenti plurimum ab eis differt. Differentia autem illa præcipue
consistit in veritate aut in falsitate. Porro hujus libri verba omnia sunt justitia
et veritas; neque perversitas ulla invenitur in eo. Cujus quidem rei signum
est, quod propius accedat ad prophetiam, quam cæteri omnes libri, qui post
scripturas sacras editi sunt. Siquidem ante Misnam et Talmud scriptus fuit.
Adde quod super virum illum fuit manus Jehovæ, dum hunc librum compo-
neret: et parum abest, quin ejus verba sint verba viri Dei. Præf. R. Tham.
De Scopo Libri.
d Deinde omnes, qui secuti sunt, Judæi scriptores, sive commentatores, sive
historici, sive philologi, ubique eum allegant, et tanquam ex libro fundamen-
tali atque authentico testimonia et auctoritates depromunt- -Nam quod ad
Josephum Græcum adtinet, illum non in magno solent habere pretio, imo ei
nullam habent fidem, et, tanquam in historicum mendacem et adulatorum,
adversus illum acriter invehuntur. Suum vero Josippon quasi hominem vera-
cem et pene divinum summis laudibus ad sidera evehunt, extollunt, et prædi-
cant, &c. Gagnier, in Præf. p. xxix.
e De Josepho Gorionide satis est, si ostendero cujas fuit, quando vixit,
cujusmodi scriptor est. Gallum Judæum fuisse ex agro Turononsi non diffi-
cile est colligere, ut qui plus de illis quam de aliis Galliæ tractibus agat. Re-
centem admodum fuisse arguunt verba locorum recentia, quibus utitur, Tours,
Amboise, Chinon. Quæ loca post DC annos a natali Christi adhuc Turones,
Ambasia, Kainon vocabantur. Quare cum Munsterus videret eum Francorum
et Gothorum mentionem facere, et Francos interfuisse exsequiis Herodis, quos
Taλaraç Josephus vocârit, ex eo solo potuit odorari hunc scriptorum recentis-
JOSIPPON. A. D. 930.
533
observed, people and countries are called by modern names,
not in use till more than six hundred years after our Saviour's
nativity. And he supposeth him to be a Jew that lived in
France. He therefore considers him as an impostor.
f
Fabricius has argued in the like manner. He supposeth
him to have been a Jew who lived in Bretagne in France, in
the ninth or tenth century. The many modern names of
people and countries made use of by him plainly declare
his late age. His Hebrew history is translated, or more pro-
perly extracted, from the Greek of Josephus, or rather from
a Latin translation of him: taking from him what he likes,
omitting some things, and adding others.
"
6
To the like purpose Gagnier, in his preface, already cited
more than once. Who also says that Rabbi Saadias Gaon,
'who wrote his commentary upon the book of Daniel in the
' year of Christ 936, is the first author who has mentioned
Josippon Ben Gorion. He does not expressly name his
'work, though probably he refers to it.' Gagnier adds:
"The first writer, who has expressly mentioned this work
' with the name of Josippon Ben Gorion, and quoted au-
thorities from it, is Rabbi Solomon Jarchi, who flourished
' about the year of Christ 1140.'
h
I refer likewise to i Ittigius, and Basnage, who in his
History of the Jews, has a long article concerning this writer
and his work. He says Josippon lived in the tenth or
eleventh century: which he argues after this manner: So-
lomon Jarchi, who wrote in the year 1140, is the first who
has quoted this Hebrew Joseph. Abraham Ezra, and
simum esse, ac proinde planum, qui nomen Josephi Historici sibi vindicârit.
Jo. Scalig. in Elencho Trihær. Vid. Gagnier, Præf. p. xlviii.
f Cæterum eruditis hodie plerisque dubium non est, Josephum huncce He-
braïcum ex Græco, vel potius ex Latinâ Josephi versione, esse expressum, vel
excerptum potius: nec Josephun ipsum auctorem, sed longe recentiorem ali-
quem, qui in Britanniâ Galliæ Armoricâ non ante nonum vel decimum secu-
lum vixit, et pro lubitu digessit, addidit, interpolavit, omisit quæcunque ipsi
videbantur addenda esse vel omittenda Ita recentiora longe Josepho
tempora arguit, quod memorat Francos, et Burgundiæ populum, et Daniscos,
ac Danemanam, et Anglicam gentem, et quæ in Irlandia sive Hiberniâ. Fab.
Bib. Gr. lib. 4. c. 6. T. 3. p. 249. et apud Havercamp. Joseph. T. 2. p. 68.
R. Saadias Gaon, qui scribebat circa annum €96, min. suppul. Chris..
936, in suo commentario in Danielem primus omnium Josephi Ben Gorionis
meminit-Gagn. Pr. p. xxvii.
h R. Salomo Jarchi, qui florebat circa annum Christi 1140, primus est, qui
diserte citat hunc librum sub nomine Josippon, vel Josephi Ben Gorionis, et
auctoritates ex eo adducit, quarum loca habes infra in Testimoniis. Gagn.
ib. p. xxviii.
i Ittigii Prolegom. ap. Joseph. Havercamp. Tom. 2. p. 87.
* Basnag. Hist. des Juifs, liv. 7. ch. vi. p. 1539. 1570.
1 Ib. sect. xxv. p. 1564.
534
Jewish Testimonies.
6
• Abraham Ben Dion, who by their quotations gave the work
credit, lived in the same age. It would be very strange
• that a work should be unknown for three or four hundred
years to the nation for whose sake it was composed. But
if it was written near the end of the tenth, or the begin-
ning of the eleventh, century, it is not at all strange that
'it did not begin to be taken notice of till some while
• after.'
I say nothing more in the way of introduction. I shall
now make such extracts out of this work, as may be suffi-
cient to show the writer's character, and his testimony to the
destruction of the temple and Jerusalem by Vespasian and
Titus. I have placed him in the tenth century, not very far
from the beginning of it, in the year of Christ 930.
II. The work is divided into six books and ninety-seven
chapters. The sixth and last of which books consists of
five and fifty chapters.
m
The forty-third chapter, which is the first of the sixth
book, begins in this manner. Thus says Joseph Ben Go-
rion the priest, the same who is also called Josippon-This
is the book which I have entitled, The Wars of Jehovah, be-
cause it contains the history of the calamities of the house of
our sanctuary, and of our land and our glory.'
My readers cannot but remember that our Greek" Jose-
phus, when he gives an account of the determination of the
Jewish people to go to war with the Romans, informs us
that they appointed Joseph Gorion and Ananus the high
priest, to preside at Jerusalem. Others were sent as gene-
rals into several parts of the country; and himself, Joseph
son of Matthias, was appointed governor of the two Gali-
lees, together with the præfecture of Gamala annexed to
them.
Our author's account of the same determination is to this
purpose: The Jews, out of their generals which were at
0
Sic dicit Joseph Ben Gorion sacerdos. Ipse est Josippon, nomine qui-
dem diminutivo Josippon- Hic est liber ille, quem appellavi titulo, Bella
Jehovæ, eo quod continet historiam calamitatum desolationis domûs Sanctuarii
nostri, et terræ nostræ, et gloriæ nostræ. Lib. 6. c. 43. p. 189.
■ D. B. J. 1. 2. cap. 20.
• Quæ omnia cum audissent Judæi, elegerunt e ducibus, qui erant in Judâ
et Jerusalem, tres principes fortissimos bello, me scilicet, Joseph sacerdotem
fortissimum bello cum auxilio Jehovæ, et Anani sacerdotem et Eleazar sacer-
dotem filium ejus; et præfecerunt illos super terram, et partiti sunt terram
Judæ inter illos per sortem, dederuntque illis præsidio manum Judæorum ad
bellum gerendum. Et obtigit tertia pars terræ per primam sortem, scilicet,
omnis terra Galileæ a terra Nephtali, et deinceps, Josepho filio Gorionis
sacerdoti, in honorem et gloriam. Et appellaverunt illum Josippon in titu-
lum dignitatis et laudis; quia tunc unctus fuit unctione militari. Deinde sors
JOSIPPON. A. D. 930.
535
Jerusalem, chose three princes valiant for war; me, Joseph
the priest, valiant for war with the help of Jehovah, and
Ananus the priest, and Eleazar his son, priests also, and by
lot they divided to them the several parts of the country in
which they should carry on the war. The third part, which
was the first lot, containing the land of Galilee and Napthali,
came out to Joseph Ben Gorion the priest; and they called
him Josippon by way of praise and honour: forasmuch as
he was then anointed with the military ointment for the war.
The second lot came out to Ananus the high priest, to go-
vern at Jerusalem and the adjoining country. The third
lot came out to Eleazar, son of Ananus, and what follows.'
This should be compared with what is written by Jose-
phus.
Thus he adopts the appellation of Joseph son of Gorion,ª
but personates Joseph son of Matthias; and like him he is
appointed governor of Galilee: and all along he will be Jo-
sephus in the main, and another person when he pleaseth. He
will also transcribe the Greek Josephus, and copy a large
part of his History of the Jewish War without taking any
notice of him. If he differs from him, and adds to him, it is
not taken out of any other writers better informed, but from
his own invention only.
Being come into Galilee, he there orders things very
agreeably to what we have formerly seen in our Greek
Josephus. At length her flies from Vespasian and Titus and
the Roman army, and shuts himself up in Jotapata. Ves-
pasian with his army comes before Jotapata. The city is
taken after a siege of eight-and-forty days. Joseph " him-
s
u
secunda exiit pro Anano sacerdote magno, Jerusalem scilicet, et omnia circum
vicina loca.—Sors denique tertia egressa est Eleazaro filio Anani, &c. Josipp.
c. 67. p. 293.
P De B. Jud. lib. 2. c. 20. sect. 1-3.
Gagnier, in his notes upon this place, p. 293, assigns some reasons why
this writer chose to be thought the son of Gorion, rather than the son of Mat-
thias. Cur autem hic noster Gorionis filius quam Matthiæ esse voluerit, ratio
videtur fuisse, quod cum nomen Gorionis cujusdam insignis viri mentio ali-
quando in Talmude occurrat, atque etiam Nicodemi filii Gorionis, in eam
familiam ipsi se adoptare visum est, ut proderet in lucem gratior contribulibus
suis, eisque facilius imponeret. Vid. reliqua ibid. Et conf. not. P, ap. Jos.
Havercamp. p. 207.
At vero ut audivit Josephus, quod venit Vespasianus, et cum eo filius ejus
Titus, omnisque exercitus ejus, ut prælium committeret, fugit Josephus a facie
eorum in Jotapatam, urbem magnam, quæ est in Galilæâ; et inclusit se Jose-
phus et omnis exercitus intra illam. c. 68. p. 299.
S
s Cap. 69. p. 300. et cap. 70. p. 301, &c.
t Cap. 71. p. 307.
" Tunc surrexit Josephus ipse, et quadraginta viri ex militibus, qui residui
erant cum illo, et egressi sunt ex urbe, fugeruntque in sylvam, ubi inventâ
cavernâ illuc intraverunt, delitueruntque omnes in illâ cavernâ, &c. Cap. 71.
p. 307.
536
Jewish Testimonies.
self, and with him forty more, go out of the city and hide
themselves in a cave. Vespasian sends Nicanor to Joseph
with offers of peace and safety if he would surrender. But
the forty men who were with him chose rather to die by
their own hands. After long arguing, Joseph proposeth that
they should cast lots till they were all killed. Which being
done, there were none left alive but Joseph and one more,
who at length consented to surrender. Joseph then calls
to Nicanor, and they yield up themselves to him. Vespa-
sian, when Joseph was brought before him, treated him
kindly, and carried him about with him from place to place,
together with Agrippa.
*
W
So far there is a great agreement between our Josephus
and Joseph Ben Gorion. But now they differ. For Josip-
pon entirely omits the compliments which our Josephus paid
to Vespasian.
Upon the death of Nero, and after the short reigns of
Galba and Vitellius, Vespasian is declared emperor by the
soldiers in Judea; and, after some hesitation, he is persuad-
ed to accept of the diadem from them.
Z
Some while after that, Vespasian takes part of the army
and goes to Rome; but leaves the other part with Titus to
carry on the siege of Jerusalem. However he orders
Titus to stay at Alexandria till he shall send to him from
Rome.
"When a Vespasian left Judea to go to Rome, he took with
him Agrippa, and his son Monbaž, lest they should rebel
against him. With himself and them he also took me Joseph
the priest, bound with iron chains.' And when Vespasian
was come to Rome, he ordered that Joseph should be sent
to prison, and kept bound there.
b
Vespasian upon his arrival at Rome was received joyfully
by the senators and all the people in general. And in a
▾ Cap. 72. p. 315–319.
W
* Cap. 73. p. 319, &c.
с
* Cum ergo audivisset Vespasianus Titum filium suum, recta visa sunt verba
illius in oculis ejus, et clementiâ usus est erga Josephum sacerdotem, et prohi-
buit, quo minus moreretur gladio, et constituit eum principem, et magnum
inter principes suos, et secum ducebat de urbe in urbem cum Agrippâ rege..
c. 73. p. 321.
z Cap. 77. p. 340.
› Cap. 75. p. 333, 334.
a Abiit itaque Vespasianus Romam. Cumque pergeret, ut iterum acciperet
illic coronam regni, duxit secum Agrippam regem, et Monbaz filium ejus.
Dixerat enim, ne forte rebellent contra me. Duxit præterea cum eis, et secum,
meipsum Josephum sacerdotem, vinctum catenis ferreis. Cap. 77. p. 340.
b Tunc jussit, et vinxerunt me in domo carceris. Agrippam vero et filium
ejus ipsorum arbitrio reliquit. Ib. p. 341.
• Postridie illius diei congregati sunt omnes senatores Romani, ut Vespa-
sianum Cæsarem crearent, secundum jus Cæsareæ dignitatis pro consuetudine
JOSIPPON. A. D. 930.
537
short time he is inaugurated with great solemnity. Agrippa
and his son are allowed to be with the senators; and Joseph
himself, though a prisoner, is allowed by the keeper of the
prison to have a place where he may see all.
d
e
The coronation is then described by him in a pompous
manner; seven electors of the empire attending, agreeably
to the coronations of the emperors in late ages, a good while
after the time of Charles the Great, as Gagnier observes in
a note which I shall place below. Basnage thinks that f
this Hebrew Joseph intends the coronation of Otho the first,
or his son Otho the second. And he considers this article
as a proof that Josippon lived in the tenth, or rather in the
eleventh century.
• Ves-
Soon after his coronation,' as this author says,
pasian g was offended with Agrippa upon account of
some calumnies cast upon him, which he had received
from wicked men of the Jewish nation: whereupon he
slew Agrippa, and his son Monbaz, with the sword. Which
was done three years and a half before the desolation of the
house.'
So writes this author. Supposing Agrippa to have been
put to death at this time, I do not conceive how it could be
done three years and a half before the destruction of the
temple. Besides, Agrippa survived the Jewish war and the
destruction of Jerusalem many years: as is attested not only
by Josephus, but also by ancient medalsh still extant.
Romanâ. Porro Agrippa et filius ejus erant cum illis. Atego supplex rogavi
principem domûs carceris-Et inveni gratiam in oculis ejus, et introduxit me
in consessum regni, ubi fieri debebat inauguratio Cæsaris; attamen vinctum
catenis ferreis et collocavit juxta se in loco, unde vidi omnia quæ facta sunt.
Ib. p. 341.
a Cum itaque perventum est ad illum locum,
accedunt ad eum septem reges coronis suis insignes, quas acceperunt de manu
Cæsaris, electi vero jussu Senatûs Romani, &c. ibid.
e
Fingit hic fabulator Josephum, id est, seipsum a Vespasiano Romam per-
ductum fuisse, ut ibi spectator adesset ejus coronationis, quam describit cum
omni illâ cæremoniâ inaugurationis Cæsarum, qualis longe post tempora
Caroli Magni, sub Romanis pontificibus instituta fuit, præsentibus nempe et
ministrantibus septem Imperii Electoribus, cum toto illo apparatu, quem fuse
et lepide narrat. Gagn. p. 341.
f Tous ces caractères nous font croire, que le Josèphe Hébreu n'a vécu qu'
à la fin de dixième, ou plutôt dans l'onzième siècle, et que le couronnement,
dont il a laissé la déscription, est celui d'Othon I. ou de son fils Othon II.
Basnag. ut supr. sect. xxiv. p. 1563.
8 Post aliquot autem dies, ex quo Vespasianus Cæsar factus fuit, indignatus
est adversus Agrippam, quia calumniati sunt eum impii Israël, dicentes eum
cogitâsse perfide agere in illum, et idcirco misisse literas in Jerusalem eâ de re.
Interfecit itaque illum et filium ejus Monbaz gladio. Quod quidem contigit
tribus annis cum dimidio ante desolationem domûs, &c. c. 77. p. 344.
b Vid. Gagnier, in loc.
538
Jewish Testimonies.
i
Rabbi Isaac, in his Munimen Fidei, written in the six-
teenth century, has quoted this passage of our author. And I
have put down his words in the margin: though, perhaps,
they may be taken notice of again hereafter.
Ink the same year and month that Agrippa and his son
were put to death, Vespasian sent for Joseph, and spake
comfortably to him, and released him from his bonds. Jo-
seph complained of the death of Agrippa; but Vespasian
assured him he had good reason for so doing. And now
Vespasian sent Joseph to Titus at Alexandria, with a letter
of recommendation. Joseph goes to Alexandria. Titus!
and all his counsellors rejoiced at the arrival of Joseph:
For he was full of the spirit of wisdom and understanding,
the spirit of counsel and valour, the spirit of knowledge and
of the fear of the Lord.' Is. xi. 1,2.
Is. xi. 1, 2. After m
After m some con-
sultation it was determined to go up to Jerusalem and be-
siege it. For Joseph knew that it was of the Lord, and
that it was not possible that the word of the Lord should
be turned back. Titus therefore went from Alexandria to
Judea.
<
D
In the first year of the reign of Vespasian, in the tenth
month, and the seventh day of the month, came Titus with
Joseph, with all his forces, and his army, to the delightful
city of Cæsarea; where he was employed in collecting his
forces from all parts, till he had completed his army for be-
sieging Jerusalem. There he stayed all the winter till the
i Verba, Væ pastori meo nihili derelinquenti gregem,' [Zach. xi. 17.]
Agrippam respiciunt, qui Romam se contulit, atque inde evocavit Vespasia-
num, hujusque privignum Titum, adversus Hierosolymas. Tandem autem
irasci illi cœpit Vespasianus, eumque unâ cum Monbaso filio securi percussit,
tribus et dimidio annis ante templi desolationem.
Cæterum ob illam, quæ
inter regem Agrippam et improbos duces factiosorum exorta fuerat conten-
tionem, denique desolatum fuit templum, uti ex Josepho constat. Munimen
Fide, p. 417.
* Cap. 78. p. 344.
1 Postea profectus Josephus Româ venit Alexandriam. Cumque audisset
Titus de adventu Josephi, lætatus est plurimum ipse, et omnes seniores et
sapientes qui cum illo erant. Josephus enim plenus erat spiritu sapientiæ et
intelligentiæ, spiritu consilii et fortitudinis, spiritu scientiæ, et timoris Jehovæ.
cap. 78. p. 346.
m Postea consilium inierunt inter se, ut ascenderent in Jerusalem, et obside-
rent eam. Sciebat enim Josephus a Jehovâ hoc esse, neque possibile esse, ut
verbum Jehovæ convertatur retrorsum. Ib. p. 347.
0
"Anno primo regni Vespasiani, mense decimo, die septimo mensis, venit
Titus cum Josepho, et cum omnibus copiis suis et exercitu suo, in urbem Cæ-
sareæ, gratissimam et desideratissimam omnibus, qui illam viderunt. cap. 79.
p. 347.
• Mansitque illic, donec complerentur dies brumæ,
et dies hiemis, et donec venirent dies Abib. Toto autem hoc anno primo
regni Vespasiani, quo erectus est super regnum Romanorum,ingruerunt
prælia durissima in medio Jerusalem inter habitatores ejus per crudelitatem iræ
JOSIPPON. A. D. 930.
539
<
month of Abib, or March. During the whole year, the first
year of the reign of Vespasian, were grievous wars and
fightings in the midst of Jerusalem. From the time that
Vespasian left Judea to go to Rome, there to receive the
confirmation of the empire, in summer and winter were per-
petual quarrels and contentions between the three parties,
into which the people of Jerusalem were divided, and head-
ed by three leaders, Simon, John, and Eleazar. For at
that time God poured out a spirit of insensibility in the
midst of Jerusalem:' Is. xxix. 10. And they destroyed,
as this writer says, a thousand and four hundred garners,
filled with things that might have been useful in a siege; for
there were in them provisions sufficient to maintain two
hundred thousand people for twenty years. But by the
madness of these robbers all was consumed by fire: which
brought on the famine in Jerusalem.
T
And now this writer makes a long and grievous lament-
ation over Jerusalem: which in the Hebrew original, as*
Gagnier observes, is a sort of metrical composition, not in
use among the Jews till long after the supposed time of the
author.
Titust draws out his numerous forces, and reviews them
in a plain near Cæsarea, and then moves toward Jerusalem.
It is not my intention to relate particularly from this writ-
er, as I have done from Josephus, the attacks of Titus, and
the defences of the people in the city. I shall pass over a
great deal.
u
"Whilst they were hard pressed by the Romans, the
et furoris et percutiebant unusquisque proximum suum, nullâ interpositâ
quiete aut morâ. Quinetiarn nulla cessatio belli fuit inter illos totâ hieme, ut
post est universæ terræ; sed et æstate et hieme duraverunt prælia Simonem
inter et Jehochananem. Porro tertius fuit Eleazarus. Atque hoc ab ipso die,
quo proficiscens Vespasianus de terrâ Juda abiit Romam, ut illic de novo sus-
ciperet regnum Cæsareæ dignitatis, secundum jus consuetudinis Romanæ. Ibid.
P Eo anno effudit Jehova spiritum vertiginis in medium Jerusalem-p. 348.
¶ Porro numerus horreorum illorum in Jerusalem erat mille et quadringen-
torum: et omnia plena commeatibus victûs pro tempore obsidionis. Teinpore
autem, quo Vespasianus venit in urbes Galileæ, seniores et viri fide digni, qui
æstimaverunt quantitatem proventûs horreorum illorum, invenerunt in illis esse
commeatus et victus pro ducentis mille animabus per viginti annos.
Et tunc,
in bello latronum, hæc omnia cremata sunt. Coepitque fames in Jerusalem.
p. 350.
• Lamentatus est itaque Josephus lamentationem hanc
super Jerusalem, et dixit-
c. 80. p. 350—355.
's Lamentatio Josephi. In Hebræo est carmen rhythmicum; quod genus
proëseos multis post seculis a recentioribus Judæis, Arabum exemplo, usurpa-
tum est. Gagn. not. p. 350.
Postea Titus venit in planitiem Cæsarea cum exercitu, et recensuit exerci-
tum suum, &c. cap. 81. p. 355.
Quando instabat prælium Romanorum, omnes ad invicem coalescebant,
540
Jewish Testimonies.
three parties within agreed, and joined together, in opposing
the common enemy. But, as soon as the Romans gave them
any respite, the three rulers of the robbers within exercis-
ed a cruel war with one another; insomuch that the blood
of the citizens ran like a torrent out of the gates of Jerusa-
lem in the sight of the Romans, who could not forbear
to pity them.' Those expressions are extravagant. But
what is here said may be compared with Josephus, de B. J.
1. 5. cap vi. sect. 1. Upon this occasion our author made
another lamentation.
V
After having carried on the siege for some while, Titus
draws off from the city, and for several days ceaseth to make
any attacks. And by Joseph, who addresseth them in a
very long speech, in their own language, he makes them
offers of peace, that he might preserve their temple and
city. But they hardened their necks, and would not hear.
In this speech he tells them, not disagreeably to what the
Greek Josephus says, [de B. J. 1. 5. cap. ix. p. 350.] that, for
their sins, the waters of Siloam had before failed on a sud-
den but now they flowed plentifully in the camp of the
Gentiles fighting against them. In this speech he goes on
and says: Though I am in the camp of the Romans, I am
W
:
X
tanquam unus vir ad pugnam; et pugnabant contra Romanos, fugabantque
illos a se.
Et postquam fugaverant a se Romanos, revertebantur ad se, et inci-
piebant pugnare unusquisque in fratrem suum. Tuncque fiebat prælium
magnum et durum inter tres principes latronum crudelium, donec egrederetur
sanguis extra portas Jerusalem, tanquam torrens scaturiens de scaturigine aqua-
rum. Videbantque Romani sanguinem egredientem de portis Jerusalem. Et
conterebatur cor eorum in medio ipsorum, et flebant, et dolebant eâ de re.
Josephus autem sacerdos stabat cum eis. Tunc lamentatus est Josephus
lamentationem hanc iterum super Jerusalem. Et prolocutus est Josephus alte
proferens vocem lamentationis, et dixit, &c. c. 82. p. 362, &c.
▾ Tunc temporis jussit populum suum discedere a muro extra urbem, et
cessare a bello per aliquot dies, ut clamaret pacem in auribus Judæorum. cap.
84. p. 369-377. et cap. 85. p. 378–385.
X
Nunc autem videte malum vestrum esse maximum, et quod Jehova non
sit in medio vestri, quia propter bella, quæ geritis unusquisque cum fratre suo,
mox brevi siccatæ sunt apud vos aquæ Siloë. At vero in castris Gentium,
quando congregatæ sunt contra vos, ecce aquæ Siloë redundant, et fluunt instar
torrentis, et fluvii magni pleni super omnes margines suos. cap. 85. p. 383. m.
* Porro, quamvis ego sim in castris Romanorum, tamen reputor idem, ac
si essem vobiscum ; quia ecce nunc uxor mea dilectissima, carissima, vobiscum
est, uxor nempe juventutis meæ. Neque respuo illam ; et, licet filii ex eâ non
sint mihi, nihilominus illam diligo plurimum, cum sit ex familiis nobilissimis
et optimis populi Dei, et populi virorum. Quin et pater meus et mater mea,
infelices, pauperes, sancti, senes, provecti in diebus apud vos sunt. Nam et
pater meus est centum et trium annorum hodie. Mater vero mea octoginta et
quinque annorum est hodie. Ego vero paucos et malos, et per varias tribula-
tiones et ærumnas sexaginta et quatuor annos exegi, ac nondum attigi termi-
num, qui postulet mortem juxta viam naturæ, &c. cap. 85. p. 383. fin.
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 541
still considered as one of you. For with you is my dear
wife, the wife of my youth, whom I still embrace, though I
have had no children by her. With you also are my fa-
ther and mother. He is now an hundred and three years
old, and my mother eighty-five. I am sixty-four years
of age, and have not yet attained to the term of human
life.'
Many, he says, wept at hearing him; and many people
of meaner rank would willingly have gone out of the city
to surrender themselves to Titus; but the three leaders of
the factions, Simon, and Eleazar, and John, prevented them
by their severe threatenings, and the strict guard they kept
over them.
In the mean time the famine increased, and was very
grievous. The people ate mice, spiders, weasels, serpents,
toads and if the carcase of a horse or other beast was
found in any of the streets of Jerusalem, multitudes contended
for it.
Titus a continues his attacks, but the Jews gain great
advantages over him. They killed a great number of his
men, and destroyed his platforms, which gave him great
concern.
C
Soon after that, Titus, as this author says, received nu-
merous recruits from all nations and countries subject to
the Roman empire. At their arrival, Titus represents to
their generals and chief men the state of things, and how
the Jews had prevailed, and still had great strength remain-
ing. These recruits, however, are very willing to engage
with the Jews: and out of the vast numbers of fresh men,
d
y Cum ergo audivisset populus verba Josephi sacerdotis, fleverunt plurimum
Et quidem summopere optabat plebs infima exire ad Titum, et pacem
inire cum illo juxta consilium Josephi. Sed astabant Simon, Eleazarus, et
Jochanan, principes latronum, et præposuerunt viros fortissimos ad portas
&c. c. 86. p. 385.
* Interea fames ingravescebat in Jerusalem Crescebat autem ma'um
eo usque, ut populus comederet omne genus reptilium terræ a mure usque ad
araneam, et ad serpentem, et mustellam, et bufonem. -Si forte inveniretur
in Jerusalem cadaver equi, aut cadver cujuslibet bestiæ, multi ex Israël inter se
pugnabant, et mortui corruebant, dum pugnarent super cadaver bestiæ, aut
super cadaver feræ.
-cap. 86. p. 385, 386.
a
Cap. 87. p. 388-391.
Cap. 88. p. 391, 392.
Eo tempore congregatæ sunt innumeræ turbæ ex omnibus gentibus, et
venerunt contra Jerusalem in auxilium Romanorum ex omnibus dominiis Cæ-
sareæ dignitatis ad Romam pertinentibus--Narravit autem Titus senioribus
gentium, quæ sibi venerant in auxilium, ea omnia, quæ sibi contigerant dum
oppugnavit Jerusalem--Narravit etiam, quomodo perdiderant milites suos,
et principes suos,——cmnesque machinas suas dirutrices, et omnia instrumenta
belli, quæ secum habebat, corruperant. cap. 88. p. 393, 394.
a Electi sunt itaque ex turmis nationum illarum octoginta millia virorum,
542
Jewish Testimonies.
supposed to be capable of doing more than the Romans
who were fatigued and worn out, and discouraged with the
fatigues of a long siege, were selected eighty thousand men,
Macedonians, Britons, Syrians, Africans, Burgundians, Per-
sians, Chaldeans. All these, without any Romans joined
with them, marched in order toward Jerusalem, and encamp-
ed near it. And then they began to attack the wall, and to
fight with the Jews that were upon it.
Now the three leaders within the city, John, and Simon,
and Eleazar, consult together between themselves, and with
their friends, what was best to be done. It was agreed that
two should go out of the city, and the other abide within.
John then and Eleazar went out, having with them fifteen.
hundred of the most valiant of their men. They prevailed
and slew their enemies with the edge of the sword from
morning to evening. The day on which this battle was
fought,' he says, ' was the ninth day of the month Thebet,
which was the tenth month from the arrival of Titus before
Jerusalem. And they slew of the hosts of the Gentiles se-
ven-and-fifty thousand and five hundred. They took cap-
tive three thousand of their chiefs, putting the rest to flight.
Of the Jews there fell on that day seven men.
And they
brought off their dead and their wounded to Jerusalem:
where they buried their dead, that the uncircumcised might
not insult them.'
'Whereupon f John and Eleazar returned to Jerusalem
;
scilicet decem millia Macedonum, viginti millia virorum Britanniæ, quinque
millia Syrorum, decem millia virorum Africæ, decem millia fortissimorum ex
viris Borgoniæ, quinque millia de filiis Cedar, decem millia militum ex fortis-
simis Persarum et Chaldæorum. Et progressi sunt eo ordine, quo venerunt
neque unus Romanus ex illis. Abierunt autem in planitiem, quæ erat e re-
gione sepulcri Jehochanan, sacerdotis magni. Et cœperunt miscere prœlia
cum Judæis, qui erant super murum, et admovere scalas, cum instrumentis
ligneis quibus tegebantur, ut ascenderent ad eos supra murum. Ib. p. 394, 395.
* Egressi sunt ergo Jehochanan et Eleazarus cum mille et quingentis fortissimis
latronum, et percusserunt turmas gentium plagâ gladiia mane diei pugnæ
usque ad vesperam. Quod quidem contigit nonâ die mensis Thebet, qui fuit
decimus ab adventu Titi in Jerusalem; et prostraverunt ex turmis gentium illa-
rum quinquaginta septem millia cum quingentis. Et ceperunt ex eis vivos ter
mille principes, cæteris in fugam conjectis. Ex Judæis autem ceciderunt illâ
die septem viri; et vulneratos suos secum extulerunt latrones, ut illos sepeli-
rent, ne insultarent eis incircumcisi. Ib. p. 395.
e
f Venerunt itaque Jehochanan et Eleazarus in Jerusalem cum fratribus suis,
cantantes hymnum, et gratiarum actiones Jehova. Reliquiæ autem fugientium
ex turmis nationum illarum reversæ sunt ad castra Titi cum ignominiâ-
Postridie latrones acceperunt tria millia principum, quos comprehenderant
vivos, effoderunt unicuique eorum oculum, manumque amputaverunt, atque
ita remiserunt eos ad castra Titi, ut ipsi essent dedecori et opprobrio. Îb.
p. 395.
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 543
with their brethren, singing a hymn of triumph, and offering
praises to Jehovah. The rest of those nations returned to
the camp of Titus in shame and confusion.The day after,
the robbers took the three thousand chiefs, whom they had
brought captives, and put out an eye of every one of them,
and also cut off one of their hands, and so sent them back to
the camp of Titus.'
All fiction, surely; without any ground or authority
from Josephus, or any other ancient writer that we know
of! We here plainly see that the author was an artful man.
He knew how to flatter and please his own nation. And
he has obtained his end. He is in admiration with them.
At that time Titus consulted with his generals and sol-
diers, and his whole army, that it might be determined what
was best to be done, especially considering the strength
and fortitude of the Jewish people. After a long consulta-
tion, the opinion of Titus, which he was resolved to adhere
to, was, that the siege of the city should be continued with-
out making any attacks upon it. For,' says he, their
provisions fail already, and will be all speedily consumed.
Moreover, they will quarrel among themselves, and thus
hasten their ruin; and we shall overcome.'
6
6
6
6
And indeed,' says h this writer, the famine prevailed
greatly. And if it had not, the city could not have been
broken up nor taken for ever: for the valiant of Israel were
"swifter than eagles, and stronger than lions," 2 Sam. i. 23.
But the famine consumed them. The streets were filled
with dead bodies; nor were there any to bury them. And
when Titus saw the dead cast out from the city, like dung
upon the earth, he was much affected at the sight; and lift-
ing up his hands to heaven, he fell down upon his knees
and said: "This is not my work." He had desired
He had desired peace:
but the people would not accept of it.'
i
In the following, the eighty-ninth chapter, is an account
8 Eo tempore Titus consilium inivit cum principibus et militibus suis, et
cum filiis populi sui Romanis, et cum populo omnium nationum, quæ cum
eis convenerant, dicens: Quid faciemus contra Israëlem, et contra fortitudinem
ejus ? -At consilia eorum omnium contemtui fuerunt coram Tito-
Dixit ergo eis Titus, Hoc est consilium meum, quod a me ipso juxta rectam
rationem profertur, neque ab eo recedam. Cedo, teneamus urbem hanc ob-
sessam, neve oppugnemus illam amplius. Victus enim et commeatus eorum
omnino defecerunt, neque cibus est apud illos. Haud dubium, quin fames
illos consumtura est: neque etiam dubium est, quin, quando viderint nos non
amplius miscere prælia cum illis, ipsi prœlia misceant inter se, unusquisque
adversus fratrem suum.- -Ib. 395, 396.
b Porro nisi grassata fuisset fames in Jerusalem, nunquam perrupta fuisset
urbs, neque capta in æternum. Fortes enim Israël erant velociores aquilis, et
fortiores leonibus. Ib. p. 39€.
i
Cap. 89. p. 397-406.
544
Jewish Testimonies.
of several acts of cruelty committed by Simon in putting to
death Amittai, or Matthias, and others.
k
In the mean while, as he says in the ninetieth chapter,
Gorion the priest, father of Joseph, who wrote this book for
Israel, to be a memorial and testimony to them, was a pri-
soner in one of the towers upon the wall, bound in iron fetters.
Joseph came near to the place hoping to see his aged father:
but the Jews cast stones at him, and wounded him. And
now likewise, he at length gets a sight of his mother, She
was not bound with chains, though she was kept prisoner in
the house of Simon. But she got upon the wall to see her
son and make her lamentations to him. His father was about
one hundred and three years of age, and his mother eighty-
five.
It is observable that about this time, after the slaughter
of Amittai, or Matthias, and his sons, by order of Simon, Jo-
sephus¹also makes mention of his father and mother, as be-
ing in Jerusalem, And about this time also Josephus was
wounded: not for attempting to see his father or mother, but
as he was going round the city near the walls of it, propos-
ing arguments to the people within to surrender to Titus
for their benefit.
The famine being very severe in the city, many Jews in
good circumstances went out in order to go over to the Ro-
mans. But it being found that some of them had gold and
jewels hid in their bowels, they were ripped up by the Ara-
bian and Syrian soldiers which were in the army of Titus.
Some of the Roman soldiers did the like. In this practice
the Arabians and Syrians killed a thousand Jews, When
Titus heard of it he was exceedingly grieved and provoked,
And he gave orders that all who had done this thing should
k Interea Gorion sacerdos, pater Josephi sacerdotis, qui scripsit hunc librum
Israëli, ut esset illis in testimonium, et in memoriale, tunc erat vinctus catenis
ferreis, et in vinculis æreis in unâ e turribus Jerusalem. Ipse autem senex
processerat in diebus, natus scilicet centum et trium annorum—
-Eo tempore
venit Josephus, filius ejus, versus murum e regione turris, in quâ erat pater ejus
Gorion sacerdos, tunc illic vinctus -cap. 90. p. 406, &c.
1 De B. J. 1. 5. c. xiii. num. 1-3.
mi Porro Judæi, qui egressi fuerant de Jerusalem ad castra Romanorum-
deglutierunt aurum, et argentum, et gemmas, et lapides pretiosos-Cumque
animadvertissent nonnulli ex Syris et Arabibus illos ita facere, indicavit rem
unusquisque socio suo—— -Tum apprehenderunt illos, et scissis eorum visceri-
bus, invenerunt intra viscera aurum, et lapides pretiosos-- -Factusque
numerus scissorum per manus Syrorum et Arabum mille animarum. Cumque
audivisset Titus rem illam pessimam, -indignatus est, et accensus est furor
ejus admodum. Tunc jussit comprehendi omnes, qui patraverant hujusmodi
facinus pessimum, et jugulari, ac deinde dari omnes facultates eorum Judæis
vivis hæredibus mortuorum. Et mortui sunt propter hoc facinus, jussu Titi,
tum ex Syris, tum ex Arabibus, sex millia virorum. cap. 91. p. 411, 412.
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 545
be put to death, and that their goods should be given to
living Jews, heirs of the dead. Upon this occasion six thou-
sand Arabians and Syrians suffered death.
A most unlikely thing, and mere romance! No general
would show such favour to a resolute people, whom he
was besieging with an army. Josephus says that two
thousand of the Jews were thus cruelly destroyed by the
Syrian and other soldiers for the sake of the gold hid in
their bodies. He also says, Titus was much displeased, and
would have ordered his horse to surround the criminals and
kill them with darts; but he considered that the number of
the guilty exceeded that of the slain. He therefore was
obliged to content himself with forbidding that cruelty for
the future, upon the pain of heavy punishinent.
6
0
This author moreover says, that strict inquiry was made
by Titus after the Romans who had been guilty of the like
action; and they were found to be three hundred and twenty
men, whom Titus ordered to be burnt to death in one pit or
cistern. After which all Jews who came over to Titus were
treated by the soldiers very civilly, and they lived very quiet
and unmolested in his camp.' All fiction from this author's
fruitful invention! And the story is made out, as it seems, to
do honour to his nation, at the same time that their city was
falling into ruin, and they going into captivity!
He likewise tells the story which Josephus has done, of the
crucifixion of the Jews before the walls of the city, five?
hundred in a day, and sometimes more, as Josephus says.
But this author tells it very differently in this manner.
Some went out of the city with their wives, and sons and
0
n De B. J. 1. 5. c. xiii. sect. 4, 5. p. 361, 362.
Fuitque numerus eorum, qui reperti sunt, tum eorum qui fecerunt, tum
eorum qui noverant, trecentorum et viginti virorum. At jussit Titus servis
suis, et combusserunt omnes in medio cisternæ unius. Et deinceps Judæi cum
fiduciâ in castris Titi degebant, neque ultra fuit adversarius, aut incursus malus.
Sed quotiescumque Romanus inveniebat Judæum aliquem perplexum aut
errantem extra castra procul, clam illum deducens comitabatur usque dum ad
castra incolumem, et tranquille, et cum securitate bonâ reduxisset. cap. 91.
p. 413.
P De B. J. 1. 5. cap. xi. n. 1.
¶ Quando aliqui ab urbe exibant cum uxoribus, et filiis, et filiabus, et par-
vulis suis, ut invenirent herbas,- -Romani, qui illos inveniebant, jugula-
bant natos eorum, et dicebant: Jugulemus hos parvulos, ne adolescant, et suc-
cessu dierum pugnent nobiscum, sicut patres illorum. Idcirco Romani truci-
dabant infimam plebem, quotquot exibant ab urbe, et suspendebant illos ad
arbores ex adverso portæ Jerusalem. Sicque faciebant Romani quotidie.
Pervenitque numerus occisorum et suspensorum ad quingentas animas. Idem
etiam faciebant Simon, Jehochanan, et Eleazarus, iis omnibus, quos capiebant
ex cohortibus Romanorum postquam illos per insidias circumvenerant. Eo-
dem modo animadvertebant in eos, qui quærebant exire, ut perfugerent ad illos.
Jugulabant enim eos, et cadavera suspendebant super murum ex adverso Roma-
VOL. VI.
2 N
546
Jewish Testimonies.
daughters, and little ones, to gather herbs for food ; and the
Romans slew all the young people, saying: 'Let us kill
these, lest they grow up and fight against us, as their fathers
have done.' So the Romans acted from day to day, till the
number of slain and hanged-up amounted to five hundred.
The like to this was done within the city by Simon, and John,
and Eleazar. They killed and hung up upon the walls all
the Romans which they could catch, and all their own peo-
ple who endeavoured to go out of the city, till they
amounted also to the number of five hundred; which when
Titus saw, he gave strict orders to all the men of his army
not to kill any Jews that came out of Jerusalem.
If any
did so, they should be put to death. For his bowels yearned
over Israel.
So says this fantastical writer.
He computes the taking of Antonia to have been on the
fifth day of Sivan, the third month, on the eve of the feast
of weeks, or Pentecost; the fourteenth month from the
So at the end of
coming of Titus to besiege Jerusalem.
ch. 91.
S
r
He proceeds, in the ninety-second chapter, to relate con-
tentions and fightings of the Jews and Romans at the tem-
ple, or near it; which I need not rehearse particularly:
especially since it is not all exact truth or matter of fact,
but exaggeration agreeable to this author's fancy.
t
At the beginning of the ninety-third chapter he tells the
story of Mary, who, in the extremity of the famine, killed
her only child, and dressed it, and ate a part of it. The
same story that is told by " Josephus: but their harangues
upon the event are different.
V
In the next chapter the temple is on fire, and the doors
norum -Fuitque numerus suspensorum per manus latronum quingento-
rum virorum, tot scilicet numero, quot suspendebant Romani ex Judæis. Ita-
que Titus præcepit omnibus viris exercitûs sui, dicens: Quicumque interfecerit
aliquem ex iis qui egrediuntur de Jerusalem, morietur. Et quidem ita fecit
Titus, quia flagrabant viscera ejus super Israël. cap. 86. p. 386.
Ut autem vidit Titus turrim Antoniam esse in laqueum Romanis, jussit
Titus ut diruerent illam : quod quidem contigit in quintâ in Sivan, mense ter-
tio, in vesperâ festi Hebdomadarum. Ipse est mensis quartus decimus ab ad-
ventu Titi ad obsidendam Jerusalem. cap. 91. in fin. p. 420.
S P. 420-431.
" De B. J. l. 6. cap. iii. sect. 4.
t P. 431.
▾ Postridie congregati Romani miserunt ignem in Sanctum Sanctorum in
circuitu.- -Mox incaluit aurum, et combusta sunt ligna valvarum, et cecide-
runt in terram, et aperta fuit domus Sancti Sanctorum in oculis omnium mense
quinto, nonâ die mensis, eo ipso die, quo aperta fuerat domus Sancti Sancto-
rum in diebus Chaldæorum. Et statim ut aperuerunt Romani portam Sancti
Sanctorum, et ceperunt illud, tunc vero vociferati sunt clamore magno mirum
in modum præ lætitiâ--Cucurrit autem Titus totis viribus suis, ut extingue-
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 547
of the house of the sanctuary were opened on the ninth day
of the fifth month, the same day of the month in the which
it had been opened in the time of the Chaldeans. The
soldiers rejoiced greatly. But Titus was much concerned,
and ran towards the temple, and did all in his power to have
the fire extinguished, calling aloud to his men, till he was
hoarse, and persisting in his exclamations, as this author
says, till he fell to the ground almost dead. And the priests
at the temple fought as long as they were able; and when
they saw the fire prevail, they threw themselves into it.
As there remained no hopes of preserving the temple, Titus,
before it was entirely consumed, went in, and greatly ad-
mired it Soon after that the Romans set up their idols
and images in the temple, and offered sacrifices to them,
and reviled the Jews, and blasphemed their law before
their idols.
He now comes to the signs and prodigies, foresignifying
the calamities that were coming upon the Jewish people,
which also are mentioned by Josephus" in this same place,
after the burning the temple. Nor did the Jews attend
to the words of the signs which happened in Jerusalem,
though they were very awful. For a year before Vespasian
came, there appeared over the temple a blazing star in the
shape of a man, in whose hand were drawn swords. The
day in which this sign was seen, was the first of the feast of
the Passover? and during the whole night the temple was
illuminated as if it had been day: and so it continued
throughout the seven days of the Passover.' Thus confound-
ing, as it seems, the first two signs in Josephus, and making
them one only, and likewise representing the blazing star
ret ignem ·Ac tandem defessus defatigatusque corruit ad terram viribus ex-
haustus--Postquam itaque incensa fuit domus Sancti Sanctorum, surrexit
Titus, et ingressus in Sanctum Sanctorum vidit gloriam domûs, et decorem
ejus, et splendorem illius- -Nondum enim tota domus incendio consumta
erat, ut pulchritudinem illius, et majestatem ejus contemplaretur. Tunc dixit
Titus: Nunc cognovi, quia non est hic aliud, nisi domus Dei. Hoc est ha-
bitaculum Dei cœlorum, et tabernaculum ejus -Quia magna est majestas
domûs hujus, et magnus splendor majestatis templi ejus longe supra templum
Romanorum, et omnia templa nationum, quæ vidi-
Deinde surrexerunt
Romani, et, extincto incendio, idola et imagines suas in tempio statuerunt.
Et obtulerunt eis holocausta, et probro affecerunt Judæos, et legem eorum
coram idolis suis blasphemârunt. cap. 94. p. 436-438.
W
☐ De B. J. 1. 6. cap. v. num. 3.
X
Neque Judæi animum adverterant ad verba signorum, quæ contigerunt in
Jerusalem -Nam anno uno antequam veniret Vespasianus, apparuit super
templum stella quædam scintillans instar formæ hominis, in cujus manu
gladii districti. Dies autem, quo visum est signum illud, fuit primus ex diebus
festi Paschatis; et totâ nocte illius diei templum fulsit, et resplenduit tanquam
lux diei; et ita factum est per totos septem dies Paschatis.Cap. 94. p. 435.
2N2
548
Jewish Testimonies.
1
somewhat differently from Josephus.
Then follow in him
the other signs taken from Josephus; but I shall not re-
hearse them. He has, particularly, that of the man of low
rank, who for several years travelled through the streets of
Jerusalem, with his mournful denunciation of Woe to the
city; whom he calls Joshua, son of Hananiah.
Ꮓ
When the Romans had got possession of the temple, the
Jews fled to mount Sion. Here our author useth a different
style from Josephus, who has never used the word Sion in
his writings, but always describes that part of the city by
other names.
a
Now some priests came to Titus entreating mercy;
but he would not grant it, and ordered them to be put to
death.
b
Now also John and Simon sent messengers to Titus, pro-
posing to surrender to him, if he would grant them their
lives; but Titus rejected their proposal, and reproached
them severely.
C
Whereupon Titus ordered the war to be renewed, and
carried on by his army with vigour.
At this time Zarach [or Izates] of royal descent, and
his brothers, came down from mount Sion, and surrendered
to Titus, and were well received by him. Whereupon Simon
and his adherents set fire to their goods and treasures which
they had left behind them, that they might not come into
the hands of the Romans.
Simon and John escape, and hide themselves in a cavern.
y Porro quatuor annis ante hæc signa fuit vir quidam in Jerusalem, de
populo terræ, seu plebeius, nomine Jehoshua, filius Chananiæ, et cœpit cla-
mare voce magnâ die ipso festi Tabernaculorum-Oderunt autem illum
omnes cives urbis, &c. Ibid.
Ibid. p. 439.
Z
? Postquam itaque ingressus fuit omnis exercitus Romanorum in templum,
diffugerunt Judæi ad montem Sion. Cap. 95. in. p. 440.
a
Postquam autem libaverunt Romani coram domino suo Tito, ecce pars
sacerdotum, qui capti fuerant juxta templum, deprecati sunt Titum, ut seip-
sos vivos servaret, neve interficeret-Tunc Romani irruerunt in illos, et
mortui sunt omnes. Cap. 95. p. 440.
b Simon autem et Jochanan miserunt ad Titum sermones pacis et depreca-
tionis, orantes pro seipsis, ut vivos servaret -Ibid. 440.
Tunc jussit Titus Romanis instaurari bellum cum principibus latronum
Jehochanane et Simone, quandoquidem se tam pertinaciter gerebant
Ib. p. 441.
d Eo tempore surrexit Zarach, qui quidem erat
de filiis Regum, de monte Sion, cum fratribus suis, et cum omnibus filiis
seminis regii,——et venerunt ad Titum, qui excepit illos cum honore,
et benigne tractavit -Cum ergo vidissent Jochanan et Simon principes la-
tronum abiisse Izatam cum cæteris filiis regis,--abieru it i si, et combusse-
runt omnia quæ pertinebant ad filios regis, et incenderunt domum, et omnes
thesauros ejus combusserunt, ne acciperent eos Romani
-p. 441.
• Tunc temporis fugientes Simon et Jehochanan, in quâdam latebrâ abscon-
derunt se, quocumque se contulerint. Cæteri vero eorum, qui erant cum eis,
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930.
549
Many Jews of good condition surrender to Titus, and he re-
ceives them favourably.
f
Joshua a priest, son of Shebuthi high-priest, comes to
Titus, bringing with him two golden candlesticks, which
were in the sanctuary, and golden tables, and divers other
rich utensils of the temple, and vestments of the priests, and
precious stones, all which he made a present of to Titus, who
received him graciously.
At this time also came out Gorion the priest, father of
the writer of this history, and his mother, with their son
Bonian. They came out of the house of Simon, in which
they had been kept prisoners. Gorion lived twenty months
after taking the city of Jerusalem. Bonian was a wise and
good man. Titus did not take him to Rome with himself,
as he did Joseph, but left him to preside over the priests
in that country. Now also Phineas, a priest, brought more
of the holy things out of the temple to Titus. But our au-
thor blames both these priests for delivering such things
into the hands of an enemy of the people of God. How-
ever, I do not perceive him to make any mention here of
the book of the law.
i
At that time therefore was taken Jerusalem, with all its
et principes Jerusalem, et nobiles Juda,statim atque viderunt fugisse
Simonem et Jehochananem,- -tunc descenderunt- et venientes ad Titum,
procubuerunt ante faciem ejus in terram- -Et Titus benigne excepit illos-
Ib. p. 442.
f Sub id tempus venit ad Titum Jehoshua, sacerdos,
filius Shebuthi, Sacerdotis Magni, et attulit secum duo ex candelabris aureis,
quæ fuerant in Sanctuario. Avexit autem secum omnes mensas aureas, et
omnia vasa aurea, et crateres, et acerras, -et scutellas, ac etiam vestes
ministerii, et vestes sanctitatis coopertas auro, et circumcinctas lapidibus pre-
tiosis, cum magnâ copiâ gemmarum- Quæ omnia donavit Tito, a quo be-
nigne acceptus est- -Ib. p. 442.
8 Tunc temporis egressus est Gorion, sacerdos, pater Josephi sacerdotis
auctoris historiarum libri hujus, de carcere suo, de turri videlicet domûs Simonis
latronis, cum uxore suâ, et cum filio Bonian. Is erat frater Josephi sacerdotis
natu minor. Iste quoque Bonian fuit sapiens, magnus, et sacerdos sanctus
-Nam reliquit eum Titus in Jerusalem, neque abductus fuit ab eo, quemad-
modum Josephus. Vixit autem pater Josephi postquam capta est Jerusalem,
viditque Josephum filium suum, per viginti menses, et mortuus est. Tunc
etiam temporis captus est Phinehas sacerdos, custos cellarum sacrarii, in quas
contulerat omnes thesauros sacerdotum, et vestes sacerdotum sanctas, et dedit
Tito thesaurum unguenti optimi, et aromata, et vestes purpureas, quibus sanc-
tificaverant Sanctuarium Reges domus secundæ, et omnia vasa aurea, quæ
apud se habebat de vasis domus Jehova. Ib. p. 443.
h
According to Josephus, Gorion was put to death by the zealots, before the
siege of the city began: see above, p. 436, and De B. J. 1. 4. cap. vi. sect. 1.
What therefore this author says of his father and mother must be all fiction
and falsehood.
i Tunc itaque temporis capta fuit Jerusalem,
cum omnibus rebus desirabilibus ejus. Deinde ascendit Titus in montem
Sion, et cepit illum. Jussit autem destrui murum civitatis Sion. Jam vero
550
Jewish Testimonies.
desirable things: and then Titus went up to Mount Sion
and took it, and ordered that the wall of the city of Sion
should be demolished. And three days after that, John, one
of the princes of the robbers, being pinched with hunger,
came out of his hiding-place, and surrendered to Titus, beg-
ging mercy of him; but Titus commanded him to be bound
with heavy iron chains, and gave orders that he should be
led about before his soldiers, to be derided and insulted by
them, and after seven days he was hanged. And now also,
immediately in the same connection, he relates the appear-
ance of Simon, though it could not be till some while after-
wards. He was first brought before the Roman general
Rupha, or Rufus, and then before Titus: who commanded
him to be bound, and to be led round the whole army, to
be exposed and insulted by them, as John had been: after
which he was beheaded, and his body was cut to pieces, and
thrown to the dogs.
k
Moreover, as he goes on, the number of the people that
elapso triduo, deficiebat anima Jehochananis principis latronum, præ fame.
Surrexit itaque de loco ubi latebat, et egressus inde abiit ad Titum, et corruens
ante faciem ejus, et deosculatus pedes ejus dixit ei; Serva, quæso, Domine mi
Rex. Tunc jussit illum Titus constringi vinculis ferreis gravissimis, et obduci
illum, et circumvehi per totum exercitum suum, atque ignominiose tractari
-tandem post septem dies mortuus est strangulatus-Postea egressus est
etiam Simon latro, homicida impius, de loco latebræ suæ, quia fames graviter
premebat illum--Tunc dixit eis: Venite, et vocate mihi ducem, et tradam
me illi--Et vocaverunt Rupha,--qui tunc erat Rector seu præfectus mili-
tiæ Romanorum. Et sic fecit ille, deduxitque eum ad Titum. Statim
autem ut vidit Titus Simonem, jussit illum vinculis constringi,- et abduci,
et circumvehi per totum exercitum suum, et ignominiose tractari, et subsannari,
quemadmodum fecerant Jehochanani. Erat autem vinctus. catenis æreis.
Tum denique jussit Titus interfici illum in vinculis. Itaque amputaverunt
illi caput antequam moreretur. Tum dissecuerunt eum in partes, et projece-
runt membra cadaveris ejus canibus. Ib. p. 443, 444.
k Porro numerus totius populi eorum, qui occisi sunt, quâtenus potuerunt
cognosci tunc gladio cecidisse sive per Romanos, sive per latrones, ex populo
Judæorum, sive qui de proximo, sive qui de longinquo venerant ad festum,
festum scilicet Jehova in Jerusalem, et restiterant illic propter obsidionem,
corrueruntque gladio; numerus, inquam, fuit millia millium, et centum millia:
præter illos, qui quidem occisi sunt, sed cognosci non potuerunt, ut numera-
rentur. Illi enim tantummodo numerati sunt, qui sepulti et cogniti fuerunt.
Qui autem cognosci non potuerunt non recensiti sunt in numerum. Præter
eos quoque, qui postea mortui sunt cum Eleazaro, filio Anani sacerdotis, post
mortem Jehochananis, et Simonis, latronum et tyrannorum crudelium.
Numerus autem populi ex Judæis, qui abierunt cum Tito in captivitatem, et
quos abduxit secum Romam, sexdecim millia. Et abduxit quidem Romam
Josephum sacerdotem: Bonian vero, ejus fratrem, reliquit in antistitem super
sacerdotes, qui remanserunt in Jerusalem. Ita enim deprecatus fuerat Josephus
frater ejus; et suscepit faciem ejus, et ita fecit.- -Nam quoad cæteros ex
eis, quos Titus cepit vivos, ne unum ex eis vivere passus fuit: sed omnes la-
trones residuos, quotquot vivos comprehendit, interfecit Titus morte probrosâ,
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 551
were slain, so far as could be found, who were killed by
the Romans, or the robbers, of all the people of the Jews,
who, from the neighbouring country, or from far off, had
come up to Jerusalem to the feast, the feast of the Lord, and
were shut up in the city by the siege, was eleven hundred
thousand, beside many others whose number was not found,
and beside those who died with Eleazar, after the death of
John and Simon.
The number of the people of the Jews who were taken
captive by Titus, and carried with him to Rome, he says,
were sixteen thousand. He also took with him to Rome
Joseph the priest; but Bonian, his brother, he left to preside
over the priests in that country; but as for those whom he
took captives, he says that Titus put to death at Jerusalem
all, and every one of them, in an ignominious manner, ex-
cepting only such as he reserved to take with him; and
them he caused to die in a very ignominious manner: for
in all the cities, where he made any stay, in his return to
Rome, he ordered some of them to be thrown to lions, and
other wild beasts, until all whom he had taken with him
were destroyed.
So says our author. The number of the captives, accord-
ing to Josephus, [De B. J. 1. 6. ix. 3.] were ninety and seven
thousand; many of whom, according to him, were sold for
slaves: but this, so far as I see, is quite omitted by our au-
thor, as also the triumph of Vespasian and Titus for their
conquest of Judea.
But why does he omit these things? To me it seems to
be owing to the pride of his heart. The temple had been
burnt, Jerusalem was destroyed; the whole country of Judea
had been subdued by the Romans, uncircumcised and idol-
atrous people; facts which he could not deny, or disown,
however dishonourable and reproachful to his nation; and
he has himself related these events in his way and manner.
But yet he was, as it seems, desirous to save his nation from
some circumstances of reproach and dishonour; he there-
fore forbore to say any thing of the triumph of Vespasian
and Titus, though performed in the metropolis of the vast
et ignominiosâ in Jerusalem. Quosdam tamen ex eis secum superstites asser-
vavit, ut contumeliâ eos afficeret per singulas urbes transitûs sui, cum conten-
deret Romam. Cum itaque profectus est Titus de Jerusalem, accepit eos secum,
et abduxit etiam secum reliquum populum captivitatis, quem captivum fecerat
ex Judæis cumque morabatur in singulis urbibus transitùs sui, dum iter faceret
Romam, in quâcunque urbe ubi castra metabatur, educebat quosdam ex latro-
nibus illis, et jubebat illos objici leonibus, et feris pessimis, ut devorarent illos,
donec consumpti sunt omnes latrones, quos secum habebat. Cap. 95. p.
444, 445.
.
552
Jewish Testimonies.
empire of the Romans, and published and recorded in pub-
lic and durable monuments, as well as in writings of the
best credit. From the same principle of pride and vanity,
he forebore to say that at this time many Jews, the people
of Israel, had been sold for slaves, to live in slavery to un-
circumcised Gentiles: so it seems to me. And I think it
may deserve to be taken notice of by us, that in the fictitious.
history which he has given of his journey to Rome, and the
inauguration of Vespasian there, he has mentioned a particu-
lar, somewhat resembling this: For after the coronation of
Vespasian, and the death of Agrippa, and his son Monbaz
before mentioned, when Vespasian began to show favour to
Joseph, and ordered his chains to be struck off, Joseph¹ pre-
sented a petition to Vespasian in behalf of all sons of Israel,
who were then in prison at Rome, entreating that they
might be set at liberty; and upon that condition promising
that he would for the future be a faithful counsellor to the
emperor, and serve him according to the utmost of his
ability which petition was granted by the emperor: and
all Israelites who had been bound at Rome, were set at
liberty.' Which must be allowed to be one of the fictitious
events of that voyage to Rome which is throughout the
fiction of this writer's fertile invention, who says what he
pleaseth.
m
n
After this our author tells the story of Eleazar, and his
men at Massada, but somewhat differently from Josephus.
He does not say that they determined to kill themselves and
one another: his account is, that after the speech of
Eleazar, they killed their wives and daughters that they
might not fall a prey into the hands of the enemy: and P
¹ Dixit vero Josephus: Nonne opprobrium mihi est reserari a me catenas
ferreas, et interim vincula filiorum Israël, qui mecum sunt Romæ, non etiam
reserari tuo jussu? Si ergo nunc audieris me, quandoquidem inveni gratiam in
oculis tuis, solves, quæso, vincula omnium Israëlitarum, qui mecum sunt
Romæ ; et ero tibi consiliarius fidelis omnibus diebus, et inimicus ero inimicis
tuis, et adversabor adversariis tuis. Fecit itaque Vespasianus secundum ser-
monem Josephi, et solvit omnia vincula omnium vinctorum filiorum Israël,
qui erant cum Josepho Romæ. Lib. 6. cap. 78. p. 346.
11)
Cap. 96. p. 447, 488. et cap. 97. p. 452.
n Vid. de B. J. 1. 7. cap. viii. ix.
• Tunc surgentes viri uxores suas et filias suas accersunt, quas osculati et
complexi, ita alloquuntur. Melius est in oculis nostris, ut moriamini in terrâ
vestrâ cum sanctitate et honore, quam ut eatis in captivitatem, et cum oppro-
brio in terram inimicorum vestrorum, et cum idolis gentium,- et contu-
meliâ moriamini- Cap. 97. p. 452.
P Postea egressus est Eleazarus sacerdos cum omnibus viris bellatoribus qui
secum erant ex urbe, et miscuerunt ingentem pugnam cum multitudine exerci-
tûs Romanorum, et occiderunt multos ex eis absque numero. Ac tandem
pugnantes Judæi contra proprias ipsorum animas, donec omnes absumerentur
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 553
then the men went out of the city and fought with the Ro-
mans: of whom they slew very many, till they were them-
selves all killed. And,' says he, here end the wars of the
second house.'
r
After which follows this author's final lamentation, and
in a rythmical sort of poesy, as Gagnier observes, very
different from that among the Hebrews at the time when
their temple was destroyed.
• Woes is now unto us!
For the city of our glory is laid waste,
And the house of our sanctuary is thrown down,
In which our hope was placed,
And all the desires of our hearts.
And our temple is consumed with fire;
And we have been carried out of our country,
And from the heritage of our fathers;
Nor have we stretched out our hands to God,
in prœlio illo mortui pro Jehovâ, et pro sanctuario ejus. Huc usque desinunt
bella domus secundæ. Cap. 97. p. 452.
¶ Tunc lamentatus fuit Josephus, sacerdos Dei, lamentationem hanc
p. 452.
Lamentatio Ben Gorionis ultima, eaque rythmica,
quâm, ut Leoninæ cujusdam inter Judæos specimen poëseos non injucundum,
hic Hebraïce subjunximus. Et credat lector,
Et credat lector, si potest, sine risu, hanc ab ipso
Flavio Josepho compositum fuisse tempori templi excidii. Gagnier. Not. p. 452.
s Væ nunc nobis!
Quia desolata est civitas gloriæ nostræ,
Et eversa est Domus Sanctuarii nostri,
In quo posita fuit spes nostra,
Et omnia desideria cordium nostrorum.
Et incensum est Templum nostrum;
Et migravimus de terrâ nostrâ,
Et ex hæreditate patrum nostrorum;
Neque ad Deum [extendimus] manus nostras,
Ut liberaremur de exiliis nostris,
Quæ aggravaverunt super nos.
In illum [commissæ] iniquitates nostræ ;
Et redegerunt nos in captivitatem peccata nostra ;
Et humiliaverunt in terram capita nostra prævaricationes nostræ.
Sed adhuc veniet dies, et terminus
Redemtionis; et adjiciet Deus noster,
Ut recordetur juramenti sui ad patres nostros;
Et ædificabit civitatem nostram,
Et restaurabit templum nostrum,
Et colliget dispersos nostros,
Et reducet captivitatem nostram,
Et accelerare faciet Messiam nostrum,
Et festinabit ad redimendum nos,
Et prosternet inimicos nostros,
Et humiliabit osores nostros,
Et perdet et delebit hostes nostros,
Et nos restituet, sicut in principio.
Cap. 97. p. 452, 453.
554
Jewish Testimonies.
That we might be delivered from our exiles.
And our sins and iniquities.
Have been aggravated upon us.
Our transgressions have carried us into captivity;
And our apostasies have brought us down to the earth.
But the day will come, and the time of our redemption;
And our God will deliver us.
He will remember the oath made with our fathers;
And will build up our city,
And restore our temple,
And gather our dispersions,
And will bring back our captivity,
And hasten the coming of our Messiah,
And will speedily deliver us,
And will cast down our enemies,
And will bumble those who hate us,
And will destroy, and root out all our adversaries,
And will restore us, as at the beginning.'
Here, beside other things which an attentive reader will
observe, he expresseth his expectation of the rebuilding the
temple at Jerusalem. So likewise, when he gave an account
of Herod's building, or repairing the temple, he describes
the rejoicings made upon that occasion: Fort the build-
ing,' says he,' of the house of the Lord, which we have seen
both built and destroyed; but it shall be raised a third time
in honour and glory, and shall be established for ever.'
And in like manner in another place. He is therefore a
good witness to the destruction of the temple at Jerusalem,
which had been raised after the return from the Babylonish
captivity; in which, as we say, the prophets had foretold
the Messiah would make his appearance: see Hag. ii. 6—9,
and Mal. iii. 1.
u
V
After his lamentation this author adds,' But Titus left a
remnant of Israel in the land of Israel, in the city Jabne,
and its towns, and in the city Bether, and in its towns, and
in Osha, and its towns.' Of all which cities, as Gagnier w
W
↑ Et laudaverant Jehovam cum gaudio- propter ædificium Domûs
Jehovæ, quam vidimus, et ædificatam, devastatam. Sed adhuc reædifica-
bitur tertio cum laude, et celebritate, et gloriâ; et firmabit eam Jehova in æter-
num. 1. 6. cap. 55. p. 243.
u
Cap. 65. p. 288. sub fin. et p. 289.
V
Reliquit autem Titus Israëli reliquias in terrâ Israël, in urbe Jabne, et in
oppidis ejus, in urbe Bether, et in oppidis ejus, et in Osha, et oppidis ejus.
Cap. 97. p. 454.
* Tres illas urbes, viz. Jabneh, Bether, et
Oshah, hoc loco commemorat Ben-Gorion noster, non ex Josepho auctore suo,
qui nihil hic habet de hac belli Judaïci coronide, sed ex Pandectis Talmudicis,
ubi frequentissima illarum mentio occurrit. De quarum urbium situ et cele-
JOSIPPON. Of the Siege of Jerusalem. A. D. 930. 555
in his notes observes, there is no notice taken by Flavius
Josephus; though there is in the Talmudical writings; and
he refers to Lightfoot's works such as are inquisitive.
6
X
This author proceeds: Moreover, Titus reigned two
years after he had taken Jerusalem, and then died. Titus
was a wise king, and composed many valuable books both
in the Greek and in the Roman language. Titus was a
just and upright man, and all his judgments were in righte-
ousness; but being compelled by necessity he destroyed
and laid waste Jerusalem: all which evil came upon Je-
rusalem because of the robbers which were in Israel, and
because of their wickedness; as we have shown in this
history.'
He here says that Titus reigned two years after he had
taken Jerusalem,' which is very inaccurate. Vespasian did
not die before the year of our Lord 79: after him Titus
reigned more than two years, and died in the year of Christ
81: nor does our author say any thing here of Vespasian, as
he ought to have done. But we must not stay to remark
upon the defects or inaccuracies of this writer; if we had
so done we should never have got through his work; and
every reader is able to observe many such things without
my mentioning them.
This author gives a good character of Titus; and he could
do no less, after having before related so many favours and
civilities conferred by him upon the Jews. Titus also, as
all know, is much commended in the History of the Jewish
War, written by Flavius Josephus, from which this writer
had all his materials that are of any value. Buty herein
he differs from the Talmudical writers, as Gagnier observes
britate maxime post eversa Hierosolyma, consulenda est doctissimi Lightfooti
Chorographia Terræ Israëlis. Cap. xv. lii. et lxxxiv. Gagn. Not. p. 454.
est.
Regnavit autem Titus duobus annis postquam cepit Jerusalem, et mortuus
Porro Titus rex fuit sapiens, magnus in scientiâ eloquentiæ, tum in
linguâ Græcâ, tum in linguâ Romanâ, et composuit libros multos cum
sapientiâ Græce et Romane. Fuitque Titus vir justus et rectus, et omnia
judicia ejus erant cum justitiâ. Verum necessitate coactus desolavit et delevit
Jerusalem. Et quidem desolavit et delevit eam, quia omne malum illud, quod
venit super Jerusalem, non venit nisi per latrones, qui erant in Israël, et
propter impietatem illorum, uti memoravimus. Cap. 97. p. 456.
y Hic magna est discordia Ben-Gorionem inter et Talmudicos Doctores,
quam non diffitentur ipsi Rabbini. Nec deesse tamen asserunt sapientes, qui
illam contradictionem concilient, quemadmodum affirmat R. David Ganz.
Sed quo judicio id tentaverint, judicium sit penes lectorem.
Quoad nostrum Ben-Gorionem, illum hoc loco sibi constare fatendum est.
Cum enim in versione Rufini ubique magnas Titi Imp. virtutes summis laudi-
bus prædicari legerit, ipseque, Flavium Josephum secutus, illum sæpius multis
elogiis ornavisset, non ausus fuit suos Doctores Talmudicos cum famæ suæ
dispendio sequi, ne videlicet sibi contrarius videretur. Gagn. p. 456.
556
Jewish Testimonies.
in his notes upon this work; for they represent Titus as ex-
ceeding impious and profane, as we also have seen. How
the learned Jews can reconcile these contradictions is not
easy to comprehend; but they continue to pay respect to this
author as well as to the Talmudical doctors.
Reland, likewise, in his Notes upon the Triumphal Arch
of Titus, takes notice of the grievous reproaches and scandal-
ous reflections upon him in the Jewish writers; whereby they
have shown that they are skilful in the art of slandering, and
spare not when they attempt it. Moreover, in this their en-
mity to Titus, they bear witness to that great event, the
overthrow of their city and temple, of which he was, under
God, the instrument.
III. I may now make some general remarks; but they need
not to be many nor long.
1. This writer is evidently an impostor, a detestable cha-
racter, which cannot be too much disliked, nor too much
censured he did not live in the time of Vespasian and Titus,
as he pretends; nor is he Joseph the son of Gorion the priest,
who was appointed to preside in Jerusalem, or to govern in
Galilee.
2. Nevertheless he is a witness to the burning of the tem-
ple and the taking of Jerusalem, and the conquest of Judea,
by the fore-mentioned emperors: to those events he has
borne his testimony, and his testimony is received by the
people of his own nation; especially by the learned among
them.
3. He says that Titus was compelled by necessity to de-
stroy Jerusalem, and that all this evil had come upon Jeru-
salem because of the robbers and their wickedness.'
He therefore does not ascribe the calamities which befell
the Jews, in the time of Vespasian and Titus, to their sin in
rejecting Jesus, and not receiving him as the Messiah.
Their calamities he owns, and thereby bears witness to the
fulfilment of our Saviour's prophecies concerning the de-
struction of Jerusalem: but he does not acknowledge any
guilt contracted by his people in crucifying the Lord Jesus,
and persecuting his followers: nor does Josephus : norª in-
z Hebræi narrant, sed ex odio Titi, quem illum impium vocant, ac si homi-
nem longe post homines natos sceleratissimum diceres, non modo velis sacris
eum vasa templi imposuisse, sed et contaminâsse adytum impio facinore, in
Gemara Gittin. fol. 56. 2. Cepit meretricem, eâque inductâ in sanctum
sanctorum, stratoque legis volumine, facinus patravit super illud. Dein stricto
gladio velum perrupit, unde sanguis, facto miraculo, missus est, sic ut exiens
Titus putaret se Deum ipsum peremisse- Reland. de Spoliis Templi in
Arcu Titiano. cap. 13. p. 130, 131.
a It is said by some learned men, that Maimonides ascribes the destruction
JOSIPPON. Concluding Remarks. A. D. 930.
557
b
deed can I well see how any unbelieving Jews can make
such acknowledgments. Rabbi Isaac, in his Munimen Fidei
above quoted, which is written against the christians, quotes
John xix. 15, "The chief-priests answered: We have no king
but Cæsar." Upon which he remarks in this manner:
This shows that, before Jesus was crucified, the Jews were
'subject to the Roman emperors. The emperor here intended
'was Tiberius, who sent Pilate to preside at Jerusalem, as
appears from the third chapter of Luke at the beginning.
This may suffice for an answer to an objection of the Naza-
renes, who say the Jews lost their kingdom for their sin in
hanging Jesus.' This, though it be no better than an eva-
sion, shows the Jewish temper and principles. I say it is no
better than an evasion. The Jewish people, as we know very
well, were subject to the Romans in our Saviour's time:
but the case was much altered with them afterwards. They
were then very happy, and were so for some good while after
that, enjoying, under the mild government of the Romans,
the free exercise of their religion, and the temple-worship,
and many other privileges. The distress, and other circum-
stances of the siege of Jerusalem, were very uncommon,
sufficient to raise the attention of all serious men, and the
long duration, and other circumstances of their captivity and
dispersion ever since, are also very uncommon and extraor-
dinary; but this is not a time or place for me to enlarge
upon them any farther. But it is reasonable to think that
unbelieving Jews must endeavour, some how or other, to
evade the argument in favour of christianity, taken from the
destruction of Jerusalem, and their long-continued captivity
and dispersion. And beside the passage just now alleged,
the same Rabbi Isaac, in the place before referred to, re-
lating to the death of Agrippa, says, That the differ-
of Jerusalem to our Lord. So Dr. Sharpe in his argument, &c. p. 38, 39.
And De Voisin in Pr. Rugion. Fidei. p. 127. Certe R. Moses in tract. De
Regibus, et De Bell. cap. 11, propter Jesum Christum excidium Jerosolymi-
tanum contigisse fatetur. Id est, Ille, qui visus est esse Messias, et occi-
6
C
sus est sententiâ judiciali, &c. ille fuit causa, cur Israël gladio perierit, et reli-
• quiæ Israël dispersæ sint, et depressæ, et cur lex mutata sit.' But how this is
to be understood, I cannot well say. I have not the tract of Maimonides here
referred to.
b Hæc ibi. Ecce hoc dicto ostenditur, ante Jesu
cruci affixionem jam tum Cæsares Romanos Judæis imperitâsse. Atque is
Cæsar [de quo ibi sermo] Tiberius fuit, qui Pilátum Hierosolymis præfecerat,
ceu constat ex capitis iii. Lucæ initio. Valebit hoc pro responso adversus
objectionem Nazaræorum, quâ clamitant, Judæos propter peccatum suspen-
sionis Jesu perdidisse regnum suum, &c. R. Isaaci Munimen Fid. p. 446.
Conf p. 55, 56. ibid.
c Cæterum, ob illam, quæ inter regem Agrippam et improbos duces factio-
sorum exorta fuerat contentionem, denique desolatum fuit templum, uti ex
Josepho constat. Munin. Fid. p. 417. And see before, p. 538, note i.
558
Jewish Testimonies.
ences between king Agrippa, and the wicked leaders of
the factions, at length brought on the desolation of the
' temple.'
4. This work of Josippon confirms the history of the Jew-
ish war written by Flavius Josephus, son of Matthias; and
it must induce us to set a real value upon Josephus, and raise
our esteem for him. They are both fond of their own peo-
ple: but Josephus was indeed contemporary with the events
which he records, and with the principal actors in them, and
therefore he must have the preference. This author is a
plagiary, and knows nothing of the war of which he writes,
but what he has stolen from another, without naming him:
and, with all his Greek politeness, Josephus has more the
air of sincerity and simplicity than this Hebrew writer. In-
deed, it would have been a bad exchange, if, instead of the
History of the Jewish War, written by Flavius Josephus,
we had palmed upon us the History of the Wars of Jehova,
written by Josippon; who neither was the son of Gorion
who presided at Jerusalem, nor the son of Matthias who go-
verned in Galilee.
CHAP. VII.
A RECOLLECTION OF THE FOREGOING ARTICLES, AND
REFLECTIONS UPON THEM.
I. The preceding articles recollected. II. Reflections upon
them. III. Concluding observations.
I. I QUOTE no more Jewish a writers. I therefore now
proceed to recollect what we have seen, and to make re-
a Some learned men have of late appealed to a book entitled Toldoth
Jeschu. I am of opinion that christianity does not need such a testimony,
nor such witnesses. I have looked it over several times, with an intention to
give some account of it; but, after all, I could not persuade myself to attempt
it for it is a modern work, written in the 14th or 15th century, and is
throughout, from the beginning to the end, burlesque and falsehood; nor
does the shameless writer acknowledge any thing that has so much as a re-
semblance of the truth, except in the way of ridicule. I shall however put
down here the short censure of Grotius upon this work, though he does not
mention the title of it; not thinking it, as I suppose, worthy to be named.
• Some of the Jews ascribe the miracles of Jesus to a certain secret name,
A Recollection of the preceding Articles.
559
marks; but I need not recollect the first two chapters: I
hope they have not been improperly premised to this work;
but they need not to be brought in here in the way of reca-
pitulation and recollection: I shall recollect only what we
have seen in Jewish writers, beginning with Josephus.
Two things are to be regarded by us-their testimony to
the Lord Jesus Christ, and to the destruction of Jerusalem.
In Josephus there is a paragraph where JESUS is men-
tioned very honourably, and agreeably to his true charac-
ter: but it is not universally received by learned men as
genuine. Many are rather of opinion that it has been in-
serted in his works since his time.
There is in him another paragraph concerning John the
Baptist, which is generally received as genuine and it is a
valuable testimony to his preaching, and therein calling
men to the practice of virtue. He likewise says that he was
put to death by Herod the tetrarch; but he says nothing of
that part of his character, that he appeared as the forerunner
of the Messiah.
He likewise acknowledgeth that there was then in Judea
a general expectation of a great person to arise from among
them, who should obtain the empire of the world; and that
this expectation was one great occasion of the war with the
Romans, and that it was built upon an oracle found in their
sacred writings; and that many of their wise men embraced
it, and acted upon it in their engaging in the war. He has
also spoken of many false prophets who appeared at that
time, promising great advantages to the people if they would
follow them, and that many were deceived by them. If they
did not call themselves Christs, as well as prophets, they
did in effect take upon them the character of the Messiah.
In the Mishna it is allowed that there is no express men-
tion of Jesus Christ, the design of that work being to make
a collection of the numerous traditions which hitherto were
unwritten; but I have alleged a paragraph b which I think
contains an invidious representation of the state of things
under the gospel dispensation, in the second century.
' which was put in the temple by Solomon, and kept by two lions, for above
* a thousand years, but was conveyed thence by Jesus; which is not only false,
but an impudent fiction, [non mendaciter modo, sed et impudenter confictum
est.] For, as to the lions, so remarkable and wonderful a thing, neither the
books of the Kings, nor the Chronicles, nor Josephus, mention any thing of
• them. - Nor did the Romans, who before the times of Jesus entered the tem-
ple with Pompey, find any such thing.' Grotius, Of the Truth of the Chris-
tian Religion. B. 5. sect. iv. in the version of Dr. John Clarke. And I refer
to Wagenseil's Confutation of the Toldoth Jeschu.
See above, p. 511-516
560
Jewish Testimonies.
In the Talmudical writings Jesus is mentioned: but as
Lightfoot, who was well acquainted with them, says, it was
chiefly with a view to wound and reproach him. They call
his mother by the name Mary; but they have aspersed her
character, and have assigned to Jesus a spurious nativity.
They have mentioned several of our Saviour's disciples, who,
as they say, were put to death. They say our Saviour
suffered as a malefactor at one of the Jewish Passovers, or
in the eve of it, as the expression is. They seem in some
places to acknowledge the power of miracles in Jesus and
his disciples and if they had not known that many miracu-
lous works were ascribed to him, they would not have in-
sinuated that he learned magical arts in Egypt, and brought
them thence in a private manner, and then set up himself
among his countrymen as an extraordinary person.
:
It
That is the sum of their testimony upon this article.
would be in vain to expect a great deal from Jews upon
this head, who are our enemies. Such are their prejudices,
that they are, and always have been, the most inveterate
enemies of Jesus and his followers.
Concerning the other point, the destruction of Jerusalem,
their testimony is more material, indeed very valuable. Jo-
sephus, without intending it, has borne testimony to the ful-
filment of all our Saviour's predictions concerning the mi-
series of the siege of Jerusalem, the desolation of the land of
Judea, and the dispersion of his nation. We have above
transcribed his account at large. His testimony has been
repeated, with some variations, in Josippon's History of the
Jewish War: and the Mishna, and the Talmuds likewise,
acknowledge the conquest of Judea by Vespasian and
Titus, the burning of the temple, or the second house, and
the overthrow of Jerusalem, which was dug up to the foun-
dation.
II. But how should this be? How could this come to
pass? What should be the reason of it? Does not this de-
serve serious consideration? Amos iii. 6, "Shall there be
evil in a city, and the Lord has not done it ?" Such things
are not the effect of chance, but are owing to the direction
of Providence. Is. xlv. 7, "I form the light, and create
darkness: I make peace, and create evil: I the Lord do all
these things." But if God inflict calamities upon any peo-
ple, it is not without reason; for all his works are done in
truth. So again, in the fore-cited chapter of Amos, ver. 1
and 2: "Hear this word, that the Lord hath spoken against
you, O children of Israel, against the whole family, which I
brought up from the land of Egypt, saying: You only have
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
561
I known of all the families of the earth. Therefore I will
punish [or visit] you for all your iniquities.”
It is a reasonable maxim: "Unto whom much is given,
of him shall much be required and to whom men have
committed much, of him they will ask the more:" Luke xii.
48. The people of the Jews had been favoured by God
with many privileges; a suitable improvement might be ex-
pected; if they transgress the laws of God, their punish-
ment will be exemplary: nor could any thing else but sin
alienate the mind of God from them. Is. lix. 1, 2:
"Be-
hold the Lord's hand is not shortened that it cannot save:
neither is his ear heavy that it cannot hear. But your ini-
quities have separated between you and your God." And
Lam. i. 8: "Jerusalem has grievously sinned; therefore she
is removed." According to the declarations of Moses and
all the prophets, the prosperity and adversity of this people
would be proportionate to their regard or disregard of the
laws of God; for this I refer to Leviticus, ch. xxvi. and
Isaiah, ch. i. And I shall make quotations from the book of
Deuteronomy, ch, xxviii. 1, 2: "And it shall come to pass,
if thou shalt hearken diligently unto the voice of the Lord
thy God, to observe and do all his commandments which I
command thee this day, that the Lord thy God will set thee
on high above all the nations of the earth. And all these
blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou
shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God-
15. But it shall come to pass, if thou wilt not hearken
unto the voice of the Lord thy God, to observe to do
all his commandments, and his statutes, which I com-
mand thee this day, that all these curses shall come upon
thee, and overtake thee: 25. The Lord shall cause thee to
be smitten before thine enemies. Thou shalt go out one
way against them, and flee seven ways before them, and
shalt be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth-
ver. 37. And thou shalt become an astonishment, a proverb
and a by-word among all the nations, whither the Lord shall
lead theever. 49, 50. The Lord shall bring a nation
against thee from far from the end of the earth, [as swift]
as the eagle flieth, a nation, whose tongue thou shalt not
understand: a nation of fierce countenance, which shall not
regard the person of the old, nor show favour to the
ver.
young:
ver. 52-59. And he shall besiege thee in all thy gates,
until thy high and fenced walls come down, wherein thou
trustedst throughout all thy land. And he shall besiege
thee in all thy gates, throughout all thy land, which the
Lord thy God hath given thee. And thou shalt eat the
VOL. VI.
20
562
Jewish Testimonies.
fruit of thine own body, the flesh of thy sons and thy
daughters, which the Lord thy God hath given thee, in the
siege, and in the straitness wherewith thy enemies shall
distress thee. So that the man, who is tender among you,
and very delicate, his eye shall be evil toward his brother,
and toward the wife of his bosom, and toward the remnant
of his children which he shall leave: so that he will not
give to any of them of the flesh of his children, which he
shall eat: because he has nothing left him in the siege, and
in the straitness wherewith thine enemies shall distress thee
in all thy gates. The tender and delicate woman among you
which would not adventure to set the sole of her foot upon
the ground, for delicateness and tenderness, her eye shall be
evil toward the husband of her bosom, and toward her son,
and toward her daughter, and toward her young one that
cometh from between her feet, and toward her children which
she shall bear. For she shall eat them for the want of all
things secretly in the siege, and straitness, wherewith thine
enemy shall distress thee in thy gates. If thou wilt not ob-
serve to do all the words of this law, which I have written in
this book, that thou mayest fear this glorious and fearful name,
the Lord thy God: then the Lord will make thy plagues
wonderful, and the plagues of thy seed, even great plagues,
and of long continuance, and sore sicknesses, and of long
continuance."
We may be hence apt to think that Moses foresaw the
distresses of the siege of Jerusalem, in the year of our Lord
70, and all the calamities endured by the Jewish people
about that time, throughout their whole land, and their dis-
persion afterwards. If he did not foresee them, the words
spoken by him were then fulfilled; and all the calamities
which then befell the Jewish people, or have since befallen
them, are exactly according to the original plan of Divine
Providence concerning them.
:
When the law of the ten commandments was delivered at
mount Sinai, the people were greatly terrified; and they
earnestly requested that God might speak to them no more
in that way if he would be pleased to speak to them by
Moses, they engaged to hear and obey him. God accepted
of this request, and assured them that for the future be
would reveal his mind to them in a more familiar manner :
he would speak unto them by Moses, and afterwards by
prophets like unto him: and that there might be no room
for mistake, deceit, or delusion, he would furnish those,
whom he should send unto them, with sufficient credentials
of their mission. If any should come to them in his name
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
563
without such credentials, they might be slighted and de-
spised; but if they came with proper credentials, they ought
to be heard and obeyed; and if not, it would be resented.
This is related several times in the books of Moses, and de-
serves to be attended to by us.
Ex. xx. 18, 19: "And all the people saw the thunder-
ing, and the lightnings, and the noise of the trumpets, and
the mountain smoking.And they said unto Moses:
Speak thou with us, and we will hear: but let not God
speak with us, lest we die."
Deut. v. 22-29, "These words the Lord spake unto all
your assembly in the mount, out of the midst of the fire of
the cloud, and of the thick darkness, with a great voice
And it came to pass, when ye heard the voice out of the
midst of the darkness, (for the mountain did burn with fire,)
that ye came near unto me, even all the heads of your
tribes and your elders. And ye said: Behold, the Lord our
God has shown us his glory, and his greatness, and we
have heard his voice out of the midst of the fire -Now
therefore, why should we die? For this great fire will con-
sume us. If we hear the voice of the Lord our God any
more we shall die- Go thou near, and hear all that the
Lord our God shall say, and speak thou unto us all that the
Lord our God shall speak unto thee, and we will hear, and
do it. And the Lord heard the voice of your words when
ye spake unto me, and the Lord said unto me, I have heard
the voice of the words of this people which they have
spoken unto thee; they have well said all that they have
spoken; O that there were such an heart in them, that they
would fear me, and keep all my commandments always, that
it might be well with them, and with their children for
ever!" Which words are supposed to be wonderfully
emphatical, expressive of a most ardent wish and desire.
Once more, Deut. xviii. 15-18, "The Lord thy God will
raise up to thee a prophet, from the midst of thee, of thy
brethren, like unto me: unto him shall ye hearken. Ac-
cording to all that thou desiredst of the Lord thy God in
Horeb, in the day of the assembly, saying, Let me not hear
again the voice of the Lord thy God, neither let me see this
great fire any more, that I die not. And the Lord said unto
me, They have well spoken that which they have spoken
I will raise them up a prophet from among their
brethren," and what follows.
Here is the origin of the prophetical character; men sent
from God with a special commission to declare to mankind
his mind and will. And from the occasion of this institution
202
564
Jewish Testimonies.
(the great terrors of mount Sinai, and the request thereupon
made) it might be argued that, if ever a prophet should
arise among the people of Israel, like unto Moses, and meek-
er than he, and if his miracles, the signs and proofs of his
mission, should be more universally saving and beneficent
than those of Moses, it should not be any disadvantage to
him, nor lessen the respect fit to be shown unto him.
We proceed in considering the texts lying before us.
Deut. xviii. 18-22. Says God to Moses: "I will raise
them up a prophet from among their brethren, like unto
thee, and will put my words in his mouth, and he shall speak
unto them all that I shall command him. And it shall come
to pass, that whosoever will not hearken to my words,
which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him.
But the prophet which shall presume to speak a word in
my name, which I have not commanded him to speak, or
that shall speak in the name of other gods, even that pro-
phet shall die. And if thou say in thy heart, How shall
we know the word which the Lord has not spoken? When
a prophet speaketh in the name of the Lord, if the thing
follow not, nor come to pass, that is the thing which the Lord
has not spoken, but the prophet has spoken presumptuously.
Thou shalt not be afraid of him.”
Here is a general rule for discerning the mission of pro-
phets, or such as should come in that character, as from Ġod.
It is a rule that would be of use in all ages; and is here
delivered for that purpose.
""
"If the thing follow not nor come to pass. Those words
do not intend any prediction of some distant good or evil,
to come some while hereafter; but they intend a prodigy,
or some work above the ordinary course of nature; which
he who takes upon him the character of a prophet propos-
eth, as a sign, or token, or proof of his mission. If the sign
proposed by any man, as a token and proof of his mission,
be performed, he ought to be hearkened to; if it is not
performed, there is no reason to apprehend any harm from
despising and rejecting him; he has no message from God
"he has spoken presumptuously; thou shalt not be afraid
of him."
This may appear farther from what is said, ch. xiii. 1, 2,
3: "If there arise among you a prophet, or a dreamer of
dreams, and he giveth a sign, or a wonder;" that is, propos-
eth some great work as a proof of his mission, "and the
sign or the wonder come to pass, whereof he spake unto
thee, saying, Let us go after other gods (which thou hast not
known) and serve them; thou shalt not hearken to the
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
565
words of that prophet, or dreamer of dreams. For the Lord
your God proveth you, to know whether you love the Lord
your God with all your heart, and with all your soul.”—
ver. 5." And that prophet, or that dreamer of dreams,
shall be put to death- -So shalt thou put the evil away
from the midst of thee."
Here is a case put which never would happen; never
would any man be able to perform a miracle in order to in-
duce the people of Israel to worship other gods; but sup-
posing it, he was nevertheless to be disregarded.
In all other cases, the rule here laid down for judging of
prophets would hold, and was to be observed by all. If a
man proposed some extraordinary work as a proof of his
mission, which was not performed, he was not to be regarded.
So all the false prophets, spoken of by Josephus, who ap-
peared in the times of Felix, Festus, and other governors of
Judea, some while before the destruction of Jerusalem, in
order to induce people to follow them, in hopes of deliver-
auce from subjection to the Romans, engaged that they
should "see the walls of Jerusalem fall down before them,"
to give them easy entrance into the city; or that they
"should see the waters of Jordan divided," that they might
go over upon dry ground; or "that God would show them
signs in the wilderness," and the like. But nothing of that
kind came to pass.
""
But if a prophet gave, or proposed a sign or wonder in
proof of his mission, and it came to pass, or was performed,
it would be decisive in his favour. So, when there were
murmurings and disputings among the people of Israel in
the wilderness, which tribe should have the priesthood, it
was proposed that "twelve rods, each having the name of
the prince of the tribe upon it, and another rod, with Aaron's
name upon it, for Levi, should be laid up in the tabernacle,
before the testimony ;" and his rod which blossomed should
be known to be the man whom God had chosen.
" Moses
then laid up the rods before the Lord, in the tabernacle of
witness. And it came to pass, that on the morrow Moses
went into the tabernacle of witness: and behold, the rod of
Aaron, for the house of Levi, budded, and brought forth
blossoms, and yielded almonds. And Moses brought out all
the rods from before the Lord unto all the children of
Israel; and they looked, and took every man his rod:"
Numb. xvii. So that point was determined, and the "mur-
murings of the children of Israel ceased." And so it must
be in all other like cases. If a "sign," or "wonder," has
566
Jewish Testimonies.
been "given" or proposed, and it is performed, or "comes
to pass," it is decisive.
Here then is the rule. If a man come, and speak in the
name of God, and prove his commission by signs and won-
ders, he is to be regarded and received as a prophet. And
God declares" whosoever will not hearken unto my words,
which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him,”
Deut. xviii. 19. It cannot be otherwise. The consequence
of disobedience to the word of the Lord, so manifested and
confirmed, must be dreadful.
Let us now apply this. Jesus spoke in the name of God,
faithfully delivered the words which he had received from
God, and performed many miracles in proof of his commis-
sion. John xii. 49, 50, “For I have not spoken of myself:
but the Father, which hath sent me, he gave me command-
ment what I should say, and what I should speak. And I
know that his commandment is life everlasting. Whatso-
ever I speak therefore, even as the Father said unto me, so
I speak." Ch. viii. 42, "I proceeded forth and came from
God: neither came I of myself, but he sent me.”
And in proof of his mission he appealed to his works,
which were great and numerous, and openly performed in
the view of all men. John v. 31, 32, 33, "If I bear witness
of myself, my witness is not true. There is another that
beareth witness of me, and I know that the witness which he
witnesseth of me is true. Ye sent unto Johu, and he bare
witness unto the truth. 36 But I have greater witness than
that of John; for the works which the Father hath given
me to finish, they bear witness of me that the Father hath
sent me." And ch. xv. 24, "If I had not done among
them the works which no other man did, they had not had
sin: but now they have both seen and hated both me and
my Father."
If Moses and the ancient prophets wrought miracles,
there is as good reason to believe Jesus likewise did so,
and more than any of them, or than all of them together.
For the testimony of the writers of the New Testament is as
credible as that of the writers of the Old Testament.
And
• Si quis paganus ab ipsis Judæis quærat, cur credant miracula a Mose
facta, nihil dicant aliud, quam inter suos adeo perpetuam constantemque ejus
rei fuisse famam, ut non potuerit, nisi ex testimonio eorum qui vidissent, profi-
cisci. Sic ab Eliseo [2 Reg. cap. iv.] auctum apud viduam oieum; purgatum
[cap. v.] subito a malâ scabie Syrum, hospitæ [ib. iv.] filium ad vivum revoca-
tum, et similia alia credunt Judæi, non aliam sane ob causam, quam quod
testes bonæ fidei id proditum ad posteros transmiserunt. Grot. de V. R. C.
1. v. sect. ii.
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
567
if it be said that Elijah was taken up to heaven, itª is as
credible that Jesus was raised from the dead, and afterwards
ascended up to heaven.
Our Lord asserted his prophetical character, and his pe-
culiar character of the Messiah; and often reminded the
Jews of the terrible consequences of rejecting him who spake
in the name of God, or, in the words of Moses, that it
"would be required of them." John viii. 24, "If ye believe
not that I am he, ye shall die in your sins."
Ver. 25,
66
They said unto him, Who art thou? Jesus said unto them,
Even the same that I said unto you from the beginning.
John the Baptist often said the same that "he was not the
Christ, but was sent before him," Johu iii. 28; and see ch.
i. 19-37.
But, not to multiply texts, I shall quote Matt. xxi. 33—
44,"Hear another parable. There was a certain house-
holder, who planted a vineyar‹l, and hedged it round about,
and digged a wine-press in it, and built a tower, and let it
out to husbandmen, and went into a far country. And when
the time of the fruit drew near, he sent his servants to the
husbandmen that they might receive the fruits of it. And
the husbandmen took his servants, and beat one, and killed
another, and stoned another. Again he sent other servants
unto them, more than the first; and they did unto them
likewise. Last of all he sent unto them his son, [the Mes-
siah,] saying: They will reverence my son. But when the
husbandmen saw the son, they said among themselves: This
is the heir; come, let us kill him, and let us seize on his
inheritance. And they caught him and cast him out of the
vineyard, and slew him. When therefore the Lord of the
vineyard cometh, what will he do unto those husbandmén?
They say unto him: He will miserably destroy those wicked.
men, and will let out his vineyard unto other husbandmen,
which shall render him the fruits in their season. Jesus
saith unto them: Did you never read in the scriptures, The
stone which the builders rejected, the same is become the
head of the corner? This is the Lord's doing, and it is mar-
vellous in our eyes:" Psalm cxviii. 22, 23, "Therefore I say
unto you: The kingdom of God shall be taken from you,
and shall be given to a nation bringing forth the fruits thereof.
And whosoever shall fall on this stone shall be broken: but
a De Eliæ vero in cœlum raptu, unius Elisæi, tanquam viri omni exceptione
majoris, testimonio fidem habent. At nos de Christi adscensu in cœlum duo-
decim proferimus testes vitæ inculpatæ; de Christo post mortem in terris viso
multo plures. Quæ si vera sunt, verum sit necesse est Christi dogma: plane-
que nihil a Judæis pro se adferri potest, quod non et nobis pari aut potiori
jure possit aptari. Grot. ib.
568
Jewish Testimonies.
on whomsoever it shall fall, it will grind him to powder.
And when the chief-priests and pharisees had heard his pa-
rables, they perceived that he spake of them. This should
be compared with Luke xx. 9-18.
Here our Lord speaks of the ancient prophets, and then
of himself, and shows the dreadful consequences of rejecting
him, and his message. There is another thing that should
be observed, which is what our Lord added concerning the
treatment to be given to his apostles and evangelists, the
prophets of the New Testament, also sent to the Jewish
people. Matt. xxiii. 29-39, "Woe unto you, scribes and
pharisees, hypocrites, because ye build the tombs of the
prophets, and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous, and
say, If we had been in the days of our fathers we would not
have been partakers with them in the blood of the prophets.
Wherefore ye are witnesses to yourselves that ye are the
children of them who slew the prophets. Fill ye up then
the measure of your fathers. Ye serpents, ye generation of
vipers, how can ye escape the damnation of hell? Where-
fore, behold, I send unto you prophets, and wise men, and
scribes. And some of them ye will kill and crucify, and
some of them ye will scourge in your synagogues, and per-
secute them from city to city: that upon you may come all
the righteous blood shed upon the earth, from the blood of
righteous Abel to the blood of Zacharias son of Barachias,
[rather son of Jehoiada, 2 Chron. xxiv. 17-22,] whom ye
slew between the temple and the altar. Verily I say unto
you, all these things shall come upon this generation. Ő Jeru-
salem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest
them that are sent unto thee! How often would I have
gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her
chickens under her wings, but ye would not. Behold, your
house is left unto you desolate. For I say unto you: Ye
shall not see me henceforth till ye shall say, Blessed is he
that cometh in the name of the Lord.”
All this is properly said by our Lord in his prophetic
denunciations. Not only the rejection of Jesus himself
would be "required of them," but likewise their refusal to
hearken to his apostles. For they likewise were prophets,
and spake by divine inspiration. They spake in the name
of God, and delivered his mind and word, and proved their
mission by miraculous works. If therefore, after having
crucified the Lord Jesus, the Jewish people should proceed
to treat in like manner his disciples, who were sent to them;
if they should "scourge them in their synagogues," and
e See Vol. i. B. ii. ch. vi. &c
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
569
put some of them to death, " and persecute them from city
to city," (as he foresaw they would,) they would then bring
upon themselves, in the end, a terrible condemnation: and
such miseries would befall them, that it would seem as if
all the righteous blood shed from the foundation of the
world had been required of them.
And that they did so treat the apostles and other disciples
of Jesus, appears from the books of the New Testament.
These things may have been already taken notice of by us:
nevertheless they must be here briefly recollected. How
the apostles of Jesus were apprehended, imprisoned, beaten,
and farther threatened, may be seen in the book of the Acts,
ch. iv. and v. Somewhile afterwards, ch. vi. and vii. “Ste-
phen was stoned, and there was a great persecution against
the church, which was at Jerusalem, and they were all scat-
tered abroad throughout the regions of Judea and Samaria,
except the apostles." Some time after this, when Herod
Agrippa had been advanced to the kingdom of Judea by the
Romans, we are informed, ch. xii. 1-4, that "he stretched
forth his hands to vex certain of the church. And he killed
James the brother of John with the sword. And because he
saw it pleased the Jews, he proceeded farther to take Peter
also." But after he had been imprisoned he was miracu-
lously delivered "out of the hands of Herod, and from the
expectation of all the people of the Jews." St. Paul, writ-
ing to the Hebrews, ch. x. 33, 34, bids them" call to remem-
brance the former days, in which, after they had been illu-
minated, they had endured a great fight of afflictions:
partly," says he, "whilst ye were made a gazing-stock,
both by reproaches and afflictions, and partly whilst ye were
companions of those who were so used. For ye had com-
passion upon those who were in bonds, and bore joyfully
the spoiling of your goods: knowing that ye have in heaven
a better and a more enduring substance. And we have
good reason to believe that James, called the Lord's brother,
the apostle, who generally resided at Jerusalem, was put
to death by the Jews there in a tumultuous manner, about the
year of Christ 62.
How Paul acted in the early days of the gospel, and
whilst he was under the direction of the chief-priests and
pharisees, we know partly from the Acts of the Apostles,
and partly from his own epistles. It is said, Acts viii. 1,
that he was consenting to the death of Stephen." And
ch. vii. 58, “ When he was stoned, the witnesses laid down
their clothes at a young man's feet whose name was Saul.”
And afterwards, chap. ix. 1, 2, " But Saul, yet breathing out
"
570
Jewish Testimonies.
threatenings and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord,
went unto the high-priest and desired of him letters to Da-
mascus, to the synagogues, that if he found any of this way,
whether they were men or women, he might bring them
bound to Jerusalem." And in his speech before king Agrip-
pa, and the governor Festus, Acts xxvi. 9-12, he says him-
self: "I verily thought with myself that I ought to do
many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth.
Which thing I also did in Jerusalem and many of the
saints did I shut up in prison, having received authority
from the chief priests; and when they were put to death I
gave my voice against them. And I punished them oft in
every synagogue, and compelled them to blaspheme; and,
being exceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them
even unto strange cities. Whereupon he set out for Damas-
cus, with authority and commission from the chief-priests.'
But in his way thither he met with a check, received new
light, to which he submitted, and became a true penitent
and sincere convert; and then preached the faith, which
for some while he had endeavoured to destroy. Com-
pare Gal. i. 13-24; 1 Cor. xv. 8, 9; Eph. iii. 8; 1 Tim. i.
12-14.
How he was treated by the Jews, after his conversion, we
know from the history in the Acts, and from his own epis-
tles. For when he began to preach the gospel at Damas-
cus, "the Jews laid wait for him, and they watched the
gates day and night to kill him. But the disciples took
him by night, and let him down by the wall in a basket,”
Acts ix. 24, 25. Of which great danger, and his wonderful
escape, he speaks himself in an affecting manner, 2 Cor. xi.
31-33. When he came to Jerusalem from Damascus,
"and disputed with the Grecians," or Jewish proselytes,
"they went about to slay him," Acts ix. 29. For which
cause the disciples found it prudent to bring him down to
Cæsarea, that he might go to Tarsus.
The Jews out of Judea acted in the like manner. At
Antioch in Pisidia, Paul having preached there with some
success, both among Jews and Gentiles, "the Jews, moved
with envy, stirred up the devout and honourable women,
and the chief men of the city, and raised persecution against
Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them out of their coasts:"
Acts xiii. 50, and see ver. 45. They therefore went to Ico-
nium, where also they had some converts among Jews and
Gentiles." But the unbelieving Jews stirred up the Gen-
tiles, and made their minds evil affected toward the bre-
thren-But the multitude of the city was divided-And
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
571
when there was an assault made both of the Gentiles and of
the Jews, with their rulers, to use them despitefully, and to
stone them, they were aware of it, and fled to Lystra and
Derbe, cities of Lycaonia, and unto the region that lieth
round about. And there they preached the gospel :" ch.
xiv. 1-7. At Lystra a great miracle was wrought by Paul
upon a “lame man, who had been a cripple from his mother's
womb, and never had walked." And the people of the
place were disposed to give divine honours to Paul and
Barnabas, which they refused to accept. "But there came
thither certain Jews from Antioch and Iconium, who per-
suaded the people. And, having stoned Paul, they drew
him out of the city, supposing he had been dead. How-
beit, as the disciples stood round about him, he rose up and
came into the city. And the next day he departed with
Barnabas to Derbe :" chap. xiv. 1-20. And having passed
through several places they returned to Antioch in Syria,
from which place they had been sent out with special re-
commendations to the grace of God: ver. 21-28. All
which things therefore happened in what is sometimes call-
ed the first peregrination of Paul and Barnabas.
How the Jews acted at Thessalonica, may be seen, Acts
xvii. 1--9; at Berea, may be seen, ver. 10–15. How they
behaved at Corinth, may be seen, cb. xviii. ver. 5-20,
And when Paul came to Jerusalem, afterwards, in the year
of Christ 58, as we compute, he was very hard pressed by
the Jews there, where was their great council, and where
the whole nation was gathered together at the feast of Pen-
tecost, as is related, Acts xxi. and xxii. Nor was there any
visible means of his escaping out of their hands with his life,
but by appealing to the emperor himself, notwithstanding
the favourable dispositions of the Roman governors, Felix
and Festus, to show him equity: by which appeal he obtained
leave to go to Rome, where he lived two whole years in a
kind of free custody, "receiving all that came in unto him,
and preaching the kingdom of God, and those things which
concern the Lord Jesus, with all confidence, no man forbid-
ding him:" chap. xxviii. 30, 31. And then he was set at
liberty, and went abroad again.
Thus the Jews resisted the counsel of God, and went on
accumulating guilt, and laying up a store of vengeance to
fall upon them, when God saw fit, and when the measure
of their iniquity was full. As St. Paul says to the Thessa-
lonians, 1 ep. ii. 14, " For ye, brethren, became followers of
the churches of God, which in Judea are in Christ Jesus.
For ye also have suffered the like things of your country-
572
Jewish Testimonies.
men, even as they have of the Jews; who have killed the
Lord Jesus, and their own prophets, and have persecuted
us, and are contrary to all men forbidding us to speak to
the Gentiles, that they may be saved, to fill up their sins
always. For the wrath is come upon them to the utter-
most.'
For certain, such things cannot be overlooked by the so-
vereign Lord and Governor of all nations, and of the Jew-
ish nation especially. For he has said, and it is agreeable
to reason, and to all the rules of right government, that “if
he raiseth up a prophet, and putteth his words in his mouth,
and he speaks all that he has commanded him, it shall come
to pass that whosoever will not hearken unto my words,
which he shall speak in my name, I will require it of him ;
Deut. xviii. 18, 19. This rule was laid down and promul-
gated by Moses himself, the great lawgiver of the Jews;
and, as before observed, it was to be a standing rule. If
faithful messengers, who deliver truly the message they have
received from God are rejected, and not only not hearkened
to, but abused, the God of the prophets will resent it, and
show his displeasure. Accordingly, soon after the events
before related, wrath did come upon the Jewish people to a
very remarkable degree. And the numbers of those who
perished at Jerusalem and in Judea, by the famine and
by the sword, and by intestine feuds and divisions, or
otherwise, was very extraordinary, and even unparalleled,
as we know from Josephus, a contemporary writer of their
own nation, and from Josippon, a Jew likewise, and from
others.
6
Josephus, who was a witness of that awful scene, often
acknowledgeth the hand of God in it. Cestius Gallus, pre-
sident of Syria, made a successful attempt upon Jerusalem,
and then withdrew: whereupon he says, 'Iff Cestius had
'continued the siege a little longer, he would have taken
the city; but God, as I think, for the wickedness of the peo-
ple abhorring his own solemnities, suffered not the war to
6 come to an end at that time.' When John of Gischala es-
caped from out of the hands of Vespasian, and got to Je-
rusalem, he says, 'It was the work of God, who saved John
for the destruction of Jerusalem.' In another place he
says, that God had blinded their minds for the transgres-
'sions which they had been guilty of.' And 'Never ¹ did
any city endure so great calamities: nor was there ever from
'the beginning of the world any time more fruitful of wick-
f See before in this volume, p. 427.
6
h
b P. 443.
i P. 444.
5 P. 434.
h
i
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
573
6
C
6
1
k
6
n
'edness.' Again, 'Indeed it was God who had condemn-
ed the whole nation, and defeated every method taken for
their preservation.' When the temple was burning, he
says, Certainly the divine sentence had long ago con-
⚫demned it to the fire.' He also observes, that they m did
not attend to the prodigies which evidently foretold their
desolation; but like men infatuated, who have neither
eyes to see, nor minds to consider, they disregarded the
'divine denunciations.' He also observes, that the whole
nation was then shut up as in a prison; and the Romans
encompassed the city when it was crowded with inhabitants,
Accordingly, the multitude of them who perished therein
'exceeded all the destructions that ever man or God brought
6 upon the world. And the whole circumference of the city
was so thoroughly laid even with the ground, by them
who dug it up to the foundation, that there was nothing
'left to make those who came thither believe it had ever been
'inhabited.' So writes Josephus, in the Greek language,
in the face of the whole world, not many years after the
Jewish war was ended. And says Eleazar, in his speech at
Massada, recorded by the same historian, The metropolis
' of the whole nation, the city, which we believed to have
'God inhabiting it, has been rooted up to the foundation,
and the holy temple has been profanely dug up to the
' foundation.'
6
Such was the end of the siege of Jerusalem in the second
year of Vespasian, and the year of Christ 70. And thus
were accomplished the predictions of Jesus concerning the
city of Jerusalem, and the temple, and the Jewish people, if
they did not repent.
Here I might conclude: but if any should be desirous to
see this argument in all its force, and in its full light, it will
be requisite to look farther back, and ascend up to the
origin of this people; and then trace their history through
the several periods of it for they are a people separated
from all other nations, chosen of God, for very great ends
and purposes, to uphold the belief of the Divine Unity, the
doctrine of a Divine Providence concerning itself in the
affairs of mankind, upon the belief of which all religious
worship depends, and to preserve the expectation of the
coming of a great person to redeem the human race from
error and vice, and the bad consequences of their deviation
from truth and virtue: Gen. iii. 15.
For these ends God chose Abraham, and brought him out
k P. 447.
•
n P. 462.
•
P. 450.
• P. 463.
m P. 451.
P P. 464.
574
Jewish Testimonies.
of "Ur of the Chaldees. When he called him out of h's
country, and from his kindred, and from his father's house,
he said: I will make thee a great nation, and I will bless
thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing
And in thee shall all the families of the earth be bless-
ed :” Gen. xii. 1-3. The fulfilment of which magnificent
promise was limited to Isaac, or his seed by Sarah: Gen.
xvii. and afterwards to Jacob: Gen. xxvii. xxviii. And
when his posterity was greatly increased, after their sojourn-
ing a while in Egypt, where they had been treated in a ser-
vile manner, God brought them out of that country, with a
mighty hand and an out-stretched arm," working many
great and conspicuous miracles for their safety. Whilst
they were in the wilderness he gave to them a system of
laws, the ten principal of which were delivered from mount
Sinai with great solemnity, and then engraved on tables of
stone by the finger of God. God then brought them into
the land of Canaan, where they became a flourishing and
powerful nation, according to the promise made to Abraham
concerning Sarah, when she was yet barren, that "she
should be a mother of nations, and kings of people should
be of her :" Gen. xvii. 16.
r
David intended to build a house for the name of the
Lord but that honour was reserved for his son Solomon:
the divine approbation of David's design is manifest; and
God, by inspiration, gave him the form and dimensions of
the house, and the order of the worship to be performed
there; 1 Chr. xxviii. 11-13: "Then David gave to
Solomon his son the pattern of the porch, and of the houses
thereof, [or of the house, and the apartments thereof,] and of
the treasuries thereof, and of the upper chambers thereof,
and of the place of the mercy-seat; and the pattern of all
that he had by the Spirit, of the courts of the house of
the Lord, and of all the chambers round about, of the trea-
suries of the house of God, and of the treasuries of the
delicate things. Also for the courses of the priests and the
Levites, and for all the work of the service of the house of
the Lord- ver. 19. All this," said David, "the Lord
made me to understand in writing [as if it were inscribed
on his mind] by his hand upon me, even all the works of
this pattern.
When the house was finished, and dedicated by a prayer
q Gen. xv. 7. Neh. ix. 7.
r Dedit autem David Salomoni filio suo descriptionem--id est, dedit ei
formam conspicuam, qualem Deus animo inscripserat, ut dicitur infra, ver. 19.
Grot.
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
575
suitable to the great occasion, 2 Chr. v. vi. we are informed,
cb. vii. 12," that the Lord appeared to Solomon by night,
and said unto him: I have heard thy prayer, and have cho-
sen this place to myself for an house of sacrifice. 15, 16,
Now mine eyes shall be open, and mine ears attent unto the
prayer that is made in this place. For now have I chosen
and sanctified this house, that my name may be there for
ever, and mine eyes and my heart shall be there perpetually
19-22. But if ye turn away, and forsake my statutes
and my commandments, which I have set before you, and
serve other gods, and worship them, then will I pluck them
up by the roots out of my land which I have given them.
And this house, which I have sanctified for my name, will I
cast out of my sight, and make it to be a proverb, and a
by-word among all nations. And this house, which is high,
shall be an astonishment to every one that passeth by it, so that
he shall say: Why bath the Lord done thus unto this land,
and to this house? And it shall be answered, Because they
forsook the God of their fathers, which brought them out
of the land of Egypt, and laid hold on other gods, and
worshipped them; and served them therefore hath he
brought all this evil upon them.'
So
And though God is ever merciful, and full of compassion,
"and forgave their iniquity, and many a time turned away
his anger, and did not stir up all his wrath," [Ps. Ixxviii.
38, and what follows, and Neh. ix.] yet at length the pro-
vocation of their repeated idolatries, and gross immoralities,
after the renewed admonitions of his prophets, was such,
that God gave them up into the hands of their enemies.
this is related, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 15—20, “ And the Lord God
of their fathers sent unto them by his messengers, rising up
early, and sending them, because he had compassion upon
his people, and his dwelling-place. But they mocked the
messengers of God, and despised his words, and misused
his prophets, until the wrath of the Lord rose against his
people, till there was no remedy. Therefore he brought
upon them the king of the Chaldees, who slew their young
men with the sword, in the house of their sanctuary, and
had no compassion upon young man or maiden, old man, or
him that stooped for age: he gave them all into his hand;
and all the vessels of the house of God, great and small,
and the treasures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures
of the king, and of his princes; all these things brought he
to Babylon. And they burnt the house of God, and brake
down the wall of Jerusalem, and burnt all the palaces
thereof with fire, and destroyed ali the goodly vessels thereof.
576
Jewish Testimonies.
And them that had escaped from the sword carried he to
Babylon where they were servants to him, and his sons,
until the reign of the kingdom of Persia."
That was the overthrow of the temple and city of Jerusa-
lem, and the kingdom of Judah at that time. All which is
related at large, and rather more particularly, in the fifty-
second and last chapter of the book of Jeremiah: and may
be seen also in 2 Kings, ch. xxiv. xxv.
And it may be worth the while to observe here, Jer. xxv.
1-11, "The word that came unto Jeremiah concerning all
1—11,
the people of Judah, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim the son
of Josiah, king of Judah, which was the first year of Nebu-
chadnezzar king of Babylon: Which Jeremiah the prophet
spake unto all the people of Judah, and to all the inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem, saying: From the thirteenth year of
Josiah the son of Amon, king of Judah, even unto this day,
(that is, the three-and-twentieth year,) the word of the Lord
hath come unto me, and I have spoken unto you, rising
early, and speaking, but ye have not hearkened. And the
Lord hath sent unto you all his servants the prophets,
rising early, and sending them, but ye have not hearkened,
nor inclined your ear to hear. They said, Turn ye again
now every one from his evil way, and from the evil of your
doings, and dwell in the land that the Lord hath given to
you, and to your fathers for ever. And go not after other
gods to serve and to worship them, and provoke me not to
anger with the works of your hands, and I will do you no
hurt. Yet ye have not hearkened unto me, saith the Lord,
that ye might provoke me to anger, with the works of your
hands to your own hurt. Therefore thus saith the Lord of
hosts, because ye have not heard my words, behold I will
send and take all the families of the north, saith the Lord,
and Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon my servant, and
bring them against this land, and against the inhabitants
thereofAnd this whole land shall be a desolation, and
an astonishment. And these nations shall serve the king of
Babylon seventy years."
t
It ought to be here particularly observed by us, that this
calamity is said to have been brought at length upon this
³ Jeremiah seems there to intend, as prophets of former times, so also some
who were contemporary with him, two of which are mentioned in scripture,
Zephaniah, whose prophecies we have, and Urijah, mentioned here, ch. xxvi.
20. See Lowth upon the place. And says Grotius upon ver. 1. A tertio anno
regni Josiæ.
-Nam 31 annis regnavit Josias. Ab his deme 12, et adde
annos 4 Joakimi; fiunt ipsi anni 23. Per quos nullo labore et se et socios
suos abstinuisse ait Jeremias, ut ad meliorem frugem populum reduceret.
• Prædictio insignis, ob ita exactam temporis designationem. Grot.
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
577
people "because they had refused to hearken to the words
of God, spoken to them by the prophets."
The vessels of the temple were carried to Babylon, and
lodged in the temple there dedicated to Belus. 2 Chr.
xxxvi. 7, " Nebuchadnezzar also carried of the vessels of
the house of the Lord to Babylon, and put them in his tem-
ple at Babylon." They are more particularly enumerated,
Jer. lii. 17-23. This, undoubtedly, was intended by way
of scorn and insult to the conquered people of Israel, and
as a triumph over the God whom they worshipped. Never-
theless they were thereby preserved, and many of them were
afterwards returned. That they were there near the end of
the captivity we learn from the profane and unseasonable
feast made by Belshazzar, as related, Dan. v. 1-4.
"Who
then commanded to bring the golden and silver vessels,
which his father Nebuchadnezzar had taken out of the tem-
ple, which is at Jerusalem, that the king and his princes,
and his wives and concubines, might drink therein."
the end of the captivity, when Cyrus permitted the people
to return to their own country, he also gave orders for the
restoring of these vessels, as related at the beginning of the
book of Ezra, ch. i. 1—11, “ Now, in the first year of Cyrus
king of Persia, (that the word of the Lord by the mouth of
Jeremiah might be fulfilled,) the Lord stirred up the spirit
of Cyrus king of Persia, that he made proclamation, through-
out all his kingdom, and put it also in writing, saying: Thus
saith Cyrus king of Persia. The Lord God of heaven hath
given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he hath charg-
ed me to build him an house at Jerusalem, which is in Ju-
dah. Who is there among you of all his people? His God
be with him, and let him go to Jerusalem, which is in Judah,
and build the house of the Lord God which is at Jerusalem
-Also Cyrus the king brought forth the vessels of the
house of the Lord, which Nebuchadnezzar had brought out of
Jerusalem, and had put them in the house of his god. Even
these did Cyrus king of Persia bring forth by the hand of
Mithredath the treasurer, and numbered them unto Sheshbaz-
zar, the prince of Judah. And this is the number of them:
thirty chargers of gold, a thousand chargers of silver, nine-
and-twenty knives: thirty basons of gold: silver basons of
a second sort, four hundred and ten, and other vessels a thou-
sand. All the vessels of gold and silver were five thousand
and four hundred. All these did Sheshbazzar bring up with
them of the captivity, that were brought up from Babylon
unto Jerusalem.”
The first thing that was done by them, after their return to
VOL. VI.
2 P
578
Jewish Testimonies.
Jerusalem, was restoring the altar for burnt-offerings. Ezra
iii. 2, “Then stood up Joshua, the son of Josedech, and his
brethren the priests, and Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel,
and his brethren, and builded the altar of the God of Israel
to offer burnt-offerings thereon-From the first day of
the seventh month began they to offer burnt-offerings unto
the Lord, But the foundation of the temple of the Lord
was not yet laid." The building of the temple met with
opposition; and therefore it was several years before it was
finished which is mentioned, Ezra vi. 14-16, “And the
elders of the Jews builded, and they prospered through the
prophesying of Haggai the prophet, and Zachariah the son
of Iddo, and they builded, and finished it, according to the
commandment of Cyrus and Darius, and Artaxerxes king
of Persia. And this house was finished on the third day of
the month Adar, which was in the sixth year of the reign of
Darius the king. And the children of Israel, the priests
and the Levites, and the rest of the children of the captivity,
kept the dedication of this house with joy."
:
At first they were discouraged by the little prospect
they had of raising the temple suitably to their wishes.
Ezra iii. 12, "Many of the priests and Levites, and chief of
the fathers, who were ancient men, who had seen the first
house, when the foundation of this house was laid before
their eyes, wept with a loud voice, and many shouted aloud
for joy." But God himself encouraged them to proceed
with the most gracious assurances. Haggai ii. 1-7.
"In the seventh month, in the one-and-twentieth day
of the month, came the word of the Lord by the prophet
Haggai, saying: Speak now to Zerubbabel, the son of
Shealtiel, governor of Judah, and to Joshua, the son of Jose-
dech the high-priest, and to the residue of the people.
Who is left among you that saw this house in its first glory?
And how do you see it now? Is it not in your eyes, in com-
parison of it, as nothing? Yet now be strong, O Zerubbabel,
saith the Lord; and be strong, O Joshua, son of Josedech,
the priest, and be strong all ye people of the land, saith the
Lord of hosts, and work: for I am with you, saith the Lord
of hosts. According to the word that I covenanted with
you when ye came out of Egypt, so my Spirit remaineth
among you fear ye not. For thus saith the Lord of hosts:
Yet once a little while And I will shake all nations, and
the desire of all nations shall come. And I will fill this
house with glory, saith the Lord of hosts." See likewise
ch. i. and Zech. i. ii. iii. and viii.
And now they restored the worship of God at the temple,
Reflections upon the preceding Articles.
579
according to the prescriptions of the law of Moses, for offer-
ing sacrifices. They kept the feast of the passover, and
other great feasts, according to the law of Moses, and the
priests and Levites were set to officiate in their courses. So,
after the setting up the altar of burnt-offering, and their be-
ginning to lay the foundation of the temple, it is said, Ezra
iii. 10, "And when the builders laid," or were laying, “the
foundation of the temple of the Lord, they set the priests in
their apparel with trumpets, and the Levites, the sons of
Asaph, with cymbals, to praise the Lord after the ordinance
of David king of Israel." And afterwards, when the temple
was raised, it is said, Ezra vi. 18, " And they set the priests
in their divisions, and the Levites in their courses, for the
service of God, which is at Jerusalem, as it is written in the
book of Moses." Then it follows, ver. 19, "And the chil-
dren of the captivity," that is, who were returned from their
captivity, "kept the passover, upon the fourteenth day of
the first month."
Thus the worship of God was again restored, and set up
at his temple in Jerusalem. And though, undoubtedly, in
the intermediate space the Jews met with various difficulties
from surrounding enemies, and were now in subjection to the
Romans, yet in the time of our Saviour and his apostles the
Jewish people had free access to the temple, performed their
sacrifices there, kept the Passover and Pentecost, and other
great solemnities, according to the appointments of the law
of Moses; and the genealogies of their tribes were in being:
Jesus, our Lord, was of the tribe of Judah, and of the family
of David, though then in low circumstances: Matt. i. and
ii; Luke i. and ii. Zacharias, father of John the Baptist,
was of the course of Abia, and his wife Elisabeth was of the
daughters of Aaron and he executed the priest's office be-
fore God at the temple, in the order of his course. Luke i.
5-12, "Anna, a prophetess," is said to have been "the
daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Aser, a widow of four-
score years of age, who departed not from the temple, and
served God with fastings and prayers night and day."
:
But it is not needful to add any thing more, it being ap-
parent from the books of the New Testament, and from Jose-
phus, as well as from other writings, that the worship at
the temple in Jerusalem subsisted till the second year of
Vespasian, and the year of Christ 70, in which year
they had come up in great numbers to keep the Pass-
over, and were suddenly shut up in the city by the Roman
army.
The times of the first and second temple are computed by
2 P 2
580
Jewish Testimonies.
6
Dr. Lightfoot in this manner; The time of the standing
of the first temple, from its finishing in the eleventh year
' of Solomon, to its firing by Nebuzaradan, was four hundred
and twenty years.' From the first year of Cyrus (in
which he proclaimed redemption to the captives, and gave
commandment to restore and build Jerusalem) to the
' death of Christ were four hundred and ninety years, as
they are summed up by an angel, Dan. ix. and from the
' death of Christ to the fatal and final destruction of Jerusa-
'lem, were forty years more; five hundred and thirty years in
all.' Which two numbers make no more than nine hundred
and fifty years. In another place he computes the times
of the two temples to be exactly one thousand years. Others
may make different computations; but now we need not
concern ourselves about a nice exactness: however, I refer
to Prideaux, who may be consulted.
X
W
III. I shall now shut up these reflections with some con-
cluding observations.
:
Obs. 1. The temple at Jerusalem was designed by David,
and erected by Solomon with divine approbation; and the
worship there performed was of divine appointment and
as the building itself, and the worship there, had a divine
sanction, it was fit that a suitable respect should be shown
to the place itself, and to the ordinances there enjoined,
by all the worshippers of the true God.
y
Solomon, and all understanding Israelites, were per-
suaded of the divine omnipresence. Nevertheless, as God
had determined to make peculiar manifestations of himself
at the temple, it was fit that respect should be shown to it.
1 Kings viii. 27-30," But will God dwell on this earth?
Behold the heaven of heavens cannot contain thee: how
much less this house that I have built? Yet have thou re-
spect unto the prayer of thy servant-
That thine eyes
may be open toward this house, night and day, even toward
the place of which thou hast said, My name shall be there:
[Deut. xii. 11.] And hearken thou to the supplication of
"The Temple as it stood in the Time of our Saviour, ch. 40, p. 2063.
▾ Ib. p. 2064.
If Jerusalem was destroyed exactly
forty years after our Saviour's death, as it is apparent,-then that destruction
of it befell just in the four thousandth year of the world. And so, as the
temple of Solomon had been finished anno mundi exactly 3000, so in anno
'mundi exactly 4000 both the city and the temple that then was, were de-
stroyed, never to be repaired or rebuilt again. And from that time most
properly began the kingdom of heaven, and the New Jerusalem, when that
earthly kingdom, and that old city, were utterly ruined.' Harmony of the
four Evangelists, vol. i. p. 487.
•
W
* See his Connexion, &c. year before Christ, 458, vol. i. p. 2€2, &c.
y See his letter to Hiram, king of Tyre, 2 Chr. ii. 1-—7.
Concluding Observations.
581
thy servant, and of thy people Israel, when they shall pray
toward this place. And hear thou in heaven thy dwelling
place, and when thou hearest forgive." See likewise ver.
45-50.
"And when Solomon had made an end of praying, fire
came down from heaven, and consumed the burnt-offering,
and the sacrifice; and the glory of the Lord filled the house,"
2 Chr. vii. 1. "And the Lord appeared to Solomon by night,
and said unto him: I have heard thy prayer, and have cho-
sen this place to myself for an house of sacrifice. If I shut
up heaven, that there be no rain or if I send pestilence
ainong my people, if my people, which are called by my name,
shall humble themselves, and pray, and seek my face, and turn
from their wicked ways; then will I hear from heaven, and will
forgive their sin, and will heal their land-For now have
I chosen and sanctified this house, that my name may be
there for ever: and mine eyes and my heart shall be there
perpetually:" ver. 12—16.
Accordingly, Daniel, who was renowned for secular wis-
dom, as well as for divine illuminations, and eminent piety,
when his fidelity to God met with a severe trial, as we are
told, ch. vi. 10, "he went into his house, and, his window
being open in his chamber toward Jerusalem, he kneeled
down upon his knees three times a day, and prayed, and
gave thanks before his God, as he did aforetime.” Comp.
I Kings viii. 48; Ps. v. 3; Jonah ii. 4. And the Lord
Jesus was often at Jerusalem, especially at the great fes-
tivals. And twice in the course of his ministry he cleared
the temple of some abuses and incumbrances, and severely
rebuked those who practised those indecencies, or connived
at them.
Obs. 2. The temple and the city of Jerusalem were twice
destroyed; once by the Chaldeans, a second time by the
Romans.
The city of Jerusalem was besieged and taken several
times besides; by Antiochus Epiphanes, Pompey, and Herod
the Great, and others. But now
But now we confine ourselves to
those seasons when the city was ruined, and the temple also
was destroyed.
Obs. 3. The taking of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans was
a very grievous calamity.
The particulars are related, Jer. lii; 2 Kings xxiv. xxv;
2 Chron. xxxvi. Daniel, in his confessions, ch. ix. 12, says:
“For under the whole heaven hath not been done as bath
been done upon Jerusalem." It was a calamity not easy to
be paralleled in all it's circumstances. Which was agreeable
582
Jewish Testimonies.
to the maxim before observed," that where much is given,
there also much will be required," and to the words of God
by the prophet Amos: "You only have I known of all the
families of the earth, therefore I will punish you for all your
iniquities."
Obs. 4. The final captivity of the Jewish people by the
Romans has been a much greater calamity than that by the
Chaldeans. It exceeds in many respects.
(1.) The distresses of the siege of Jerusalem, and the num-
bers that perished there by famine or sword, by the hands
of the Romans, or by their own intestine divisions, and the
numbers carried captive, exceeded all the desolations that
ever were. It happened when the city was crowded with
people, they being assembled together at one of their fes-
tivals; and the city itself, its buildings, its walls, and the
temple were demolished, and thrown down to the foundation,
so as they had never been before. So our Lord foretold,
Matt. xxiv. 21, "For then shall be great tribulation, such
as was not from the beginning of the world, to this time:
no, nor ever shall be." So Jesus said it would be; and
Josephus says, it was so, and that it exceeded all the
⚫ destructions ever brought upon the world by God or
man.'
(2.) The captivity by the Romans has exceeded the
former in duration.
This second captivity has now already lasted almost seven-
teen hundred years, without any the least prospect of a pe-
riod to it. That was limited to seventy years only, accord-
ing to the word of God by Jeremiah, ch. xxv. 12—18; xxix.
10-14; and Dan. ix. 1, 2.
(3.) During the captivity by the Chaldeans, the Jewish
people had prophets among them, but now they have
none.
In this second captivity, as they are without altar, and
sacrifice, and temple, and city of their own, so are they, all
this while, without visions, and prophecies, and divine illu-
minations of every kind.
In the former captivity they had several prophets of great
eminence. Jeremiah continued to prophesy to the remains
of the people in Judea several years after the beginning of
the captivity. Ezekiel and Daniel prophesied in Babylon.
These, and other good men, may have been of great service
for bringing men to repentance, and fitting them for the ex-
pected deliverance. And, during that period of seventy
years, there were miraculous deliverances vouchsafed to
some: the preservation, particularly, of the three young men
Concluding Observations.
583
in the fiery furnace: Dan. iii. Then Daniel's satisfactory
interpretations of Nebuchadnezzar's dreams, ch. ii. and iv.
and Daniel's great advancement, and some other extraordi-
nary occurrences, were much in their favour. They must
have tended to influence the minds of the great princes to
whom they were subject; and must have been means of
facilitating their deliverance, and accomplishing their safe
return into their own country, and to their happy settlement
in it. But we hear not of any such like favourable appear-
ances in the present captivity and dispersion.
Obs. 5. All these calamities, those of the former and of
the latter captivity, have happened to the Jewish people,
agreeably to the original plan of divine dispensations con-
cerning them.
This observation was mentioned formerly: but it is re-
peated here as a thing of great importance: and we have
an acknowledgment of it in Daniel's confessions, with re-
gard to the Babylonish captivity, ch. ix. 11: "Yea, all
Israel have transgressed thy law, even by departing, that
they might not obey thy voice. Therefore the curse is
poured upon us, and the oath that is written in the law of
Moses, the servant of God, because we have sinned against
him, -13: As it is written in the law of Moses, all this evil
is come upon us." See Lev. xxvi. 14-46; Deut. xxviii.
15, &c. What is here said of the captivity by the Chal-
deans, is as true of the captivity by the Romans, and ought
to be in like manner acknowledged.
:
Obs. 6. Our blessed Lord's predictious therefore of evil
coming upon Jerusalem and the people of Judea, did not
proceed from private resentment, enmity, malice, ill-will, or
any other unsociable affection, from which the mind of the
blessed Jesus was always free but they were declarations
of the counsel of God, prophetical denunciations of evil to
come, if men did not repent; faithful warnings to men to take
heed to themselves; and carnest and affectionate calls to re-
pentance and reformation, that the impending and threatened
calamities might be averted and avoided.
A prophet, who is intrusted with the mind of God, must
faithfully deliver both promises to obedience, and threaten-
ings to disobedience, as is required. Says Moses to the peo-
ple under his care, for whose welfare and prosperity he was
greatly concerned, Deut. iv. 5: "Behold, I have taught
you statutes and judgments, even as the Lord my God com-
manded me.-ver. 25, 26. "But if thou do evil in the sight
of the Lord thy God, to provoke him to anger, I call hea-
ven and earth to witness that ye shall soon utterly perish
584
Jewish Testimonies.
from off the land, whereunto you go over Jordan to possess
it: ye shall not prolong your days upon it: but shall utterly
be destroyed." Nor was Jeremiah to be charged with ill-will
to the Jewish people when he foretold the desolations of the
Chaldean captivity.
Obs. 7. The great aggravation of the transgressions of
the Jewish people, lay in their not hearkening to the mes-
sages of the prophets, which God sent among them.
This was observed before from 2 Chron. xxxvi. 15, 16, and
from Jerem. xxv. 1-11, to which I now add that it is par-
ticularly mentioned by Daniel in his devout and humble con-
fession of the sins of that people, which brought upon them
the Babylonish captivity, ch. ix. 5, 6, "We have sinned, and
have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, and have
rebelled even by departing from thy precepts and thy
judgments. Neither have we hearkened unto thy servants
the prophets, who spoke in thy name to our kings, our
princes, and our fathers, and to all the people of Israel." By
which, certainly, these prophets manifested their fidelity.
And the reason of this is, that refusing to hearken to mes-
sages of God, faithfully delivered by his prophets, demon-
strates obstinacy and irreclaimableness. This is represented
by our Lord in the parable of the fig-tree, Luke xiii. 6-10,
and of the husbandmen, Matt. xxi. 33, &c. and in other pa-
rables and discourses. The parable of the fig-tree, just
mentioned, is thus: "A certain man had a fig-tree planted
in his vineyard. And he came, and sought fruit thereon,
and found none. Then said he to the dresser of the vineyard:
Behold these three years I come seeking fruit on this fig-tree,
and find none; cut it down, why cumbereth it the ground?
And he answering said: Lord, let it alone this year also, till
I shall dig about it, and dung it: if it bear fruit, well; if
not, thou shalt cut it down." So God said of old to the people
of Israel by Isaiah, after having in a like manner represented
his care and cultivation of his vineyard. Is. v. 3-5, " And
now, O inhabitants of Jerusalem and men of Judah, judge,
I pray you, betwixt me and my vineyard. What could have
been done more to my vineyard, than I have done in it?
Wherefore, when I looked that it should bring forth grapes,
brought it forth wild grapes? I will tell you what I will do
to my vineyard; I will take away the hedge thereof, and
it shall be eaten up and break down the wall thereof, and
it shall be trodden down.”
This was the case in the time of our Saviour. After all
other prophets, came Jesus, who taught the people in the
name of God, and faithfully delivered his mind to them, and
Concluding Observations.
585
called them to repentance, and wrought many wonderful
works. There was then a great profusion of spiritual gifts
in himself and his apostles. If their message was not
hearkened to, but rejected, and they abused, it would be an
aggravated provocation, and would be required of the people
to whom they had spoken in the name of God.
Obs. 8. Finally, in the eighth and last place, let us now
inquire and consider what was the sin, what the sins or
offences, that occasioned the great calamity which befell the
Jewish people about forty years after the times of the Lord
Jesus, under the conduct of those two generals Vespasian
and Titus.
We have seen accounts in Josephus, and other Jewish
writers, of the distresses then suffered by the Jewish people
at Jerusalem, and in other parts of Judea, and of the de-
struction and demolition of their city and temple, and their
captivity and dispersion, which still continue. And we
have seen evident proofs that the hand of God was therein,
and that all came to pass by the overruling providence of
God. It is an affecting subject. And if we make inqui-
ries into the reasons and causes of these great calamities, we
should do it seriously and impartially, and may be dis-
posed also to compassion and candour.
When God appeared to Solomon, after he had finished
and dedicated the temple, he graciously assured him that he
accepted the prayer which he had made, and that he would
hearken to the prayers which his people should make to
him toward that place in their distresses. Nevertheless he
declares, 2 Chron. vii. 19-22: "But if ye turn away and
forsake my statutes, and my commandments, which I have
set before you, and serve other gods, and worship them :
then will I pluck them up by the roots out of my land which
I have given them. And this house which I have sancti-
fied for my name will I cast out of my sight, and will make
it to be a proverb, and a by-word among all nations. And
this house, which is high, shall be an astonishment to every
one that passeth by it: so that he shall say; Why hath
the Lord done thus unto this land and unto this house?
And it shall be answered, Because they forsook the Lord
God of their fathers, who brought them out of the land of
Egypt, and laid hold on other gods and worshipped them,
and served them. Therefore hath he brought all this evil
upon them."
This was fulfilled in the Babylonish captivity, when Jeru-
salem was taken, and the temple built by Solomon was burnt
down. That was an event which occasioned inquiries into
586
Jewish Testimonies.
the reasons and causes of it. And shall we not consider and
make like inquiries concerning the captivity by the Romans,
which has been attended with so many awful circumstances?
Shall we not say : "Why has the Lord done thus unto this
land and to this house?" meaning the second house, built
after the return from the Babylonish captivity. For that
house also was high, and had been erected with divine ap-
probation and encouragement: and the worship had been
restored there according to the appointment of Moses, and
was so continued there till its final desolation.
(6
If now we ask, Why has the Lord done thus to this
land and people, and to this house?" it cannot be said,
"because they laid hold on other gods, and worshipped
them, and served them." For after the return from the
Babylonish captivity, they were for the most part free from
the sin of idolatry, into which they had so often relapsed
before. Nor are they now guilty of that sin, for which
their dispersion should be continued. For some while be-
fore the last destruction of Jerusalem, they appear from all
accounts to have been generally very zealous for the law of
Moses, and the rites of it, and very diligent in their attend-
ance on the temple at Jerusalem, to which they resorted in
great numbers, from all parts of the world where they in-
habited, at the solemn festivals; and where a large part of
the nation was assembled to keep the passover, when the
final overthrow befell them.
We are therefore led to think that these calamities befell
the Jewish people because they rejected and crucified the
Lord Jesus, who was a prophet mighty" in deed and word
before God and all the people," Luke xxiv. 19; who spake
as never man spake before, and performed many wonderful
works which none had done before. And God has "required
it of them," as he said by Moses he would do, Deut. xviii.
19. And I must again recite bere those affecting and awful,
but true, sayings of our Lord, recorded, John xv. 22, 24, “If
I had not come and spoken unto them, they had not had sin :
but now they have no cloak [or excuse] for their sin. If I
had not done among them the works which no other man did,
they had not had sin but now they have both seen and hated
both me and my Father."
The expectation of the Messiah is no new thing. It had
not its rise from Jesus or his disciples. It was in being
long before the nativity of Jesus. We are assured by
Suetonius, and Tacitus, and Celsus, heathen writers of great
Z
* See the passages of those heathen authors, and of Josephus, all alleged
Vol. i. p. 138-140.
Concluding Observations.
587
6
learning, as well as from Josephus, that There had been
for a long time, all over the east, a notion firmly believed,
that, at that very time, some one coming from Judea should
obtain the empire of the world.' Heathen writers say this
was contained in the book of the fates: Josephus, who at
the time of his writing the History of the War, was disposed
to think as the heathen writers above mentioned do, that Ves-
pasian was thereby intended, says, that this expectation was
founded upon an ambiguous oracle. Nevertheless he owns
that the expectation was general among the Jewish people,
and that it was embraced by many of the wise men among
'them,' as well as by others, and that it was the thing
which principally encouraged them to undertake the war
with the Romans.' But upon this head there is now no dif-
ference between the Jews and us; all allowing that the ex-
pectation of a Messiah is founded on the writings of Moses
and the prophets.
That this was the time of his appearance they may have
argued and collected from divers texts of scripture, as Dan.
ii. 34–45; vii. 14; ix. 24; and from Hag. ii. 4—9; Mal. iii.
1; iv. 5, 6.
How general and prevailing the expectation of the ap-
pearance of the Messiah then was among all sorts of men,
the rulers as well as the common people, we farther know
from the books of the New Testament. Luke iii. 15, 16:
"And as the people were in expectation, and all men mused
in their hearts of John, whether he were the Christ or not,
John answered, saying unto them all: I indeed baptize you
with water; but one mightier than I cometh, the latchet of
whose shoes I am not worthy to unloose: he will baptize
you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire." And from John
i. 19—34, we know that the Jews sent priests and Levites,
who were of the sect of the pharisees, to John, were he was
baptizing, to ask him who he was. He declared "he was
not the Christ, but was sent before him; and said: There
standeth one among you, whom ye know not. He it is who,
coming after me, is preferred before ine; whose shoes' latchet
I am not worthy to unloose." I need not cite any other texts.
At that very time Jesus appeared and wrought many
wonderful works, irrefragable attestations to his divine
mission and authority, and the truth of his doctrine; of
which we are as well assured from the concurring and
unanimous testimony of all the writers of the New Testa-
ment, as we can be of any thing that ever was done in the
world; or as the Jews are of the miracles wrought by
Moses and the prophets.
588
Jewish Testimonies.
6
Here therefore we may adopt the words of our Lord spo-
ken to his disciples, Matt. xvii. 12, " But I say unto you,
that Elias is come already. And they knew him not, but
have done unto him whatsoever they listed. Likewise shall
also the Son of man suffer of them." As he did soon after-
wards. For which God has reckoned, and is still reckoning
with them.
6
However, though the treatment given to Jesus and his apos-
tles, was a very great offence, there may have been other pro-
vocations which occasioned the displeasure of God against
his people, and concurred to bring down the vengeance of
heaven upon them. One sin is never alone. There is gene-
rally a complication of guilt in all great and aggravated
transgressions. Though the Jewish people often fell into
the practise of heathen idolatry, and that was one great oc-
casion of the Babylonish captivity, that was not the only sin
with which they were chargeable. All sorts of immoralities
abounded among them. And Daniel, in the confession which
he makes of the sins of his people, says, ch. ix. 5, "We have
sinned, and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly,
and have rebelled, even by departing from thy precepts and
thy judgments." So now the greatness of their guilt lay in
rejecting and crucifying Jesus the Messiah. But that would
not have been done if wickedness had not greatly prevailed
among them. Josephus owns, that never was there a time
more fruitful of wickedness than that.' In the gospels the
men of that time are spoken of as an "untoward generation,
and a wicked and adulterous generation." They were charge-
able with all kinds of evil, and were openly reproved for
them by the faithful teacher and prophet whom God sent
among them, and whom they so ungratefully used. They
were covetous and worldly-minded : Luke xvi. 14, 15. They
were exceeding proud and ambitious of respect and honour.
They did all their works to be seen of men. They made
broad their phylacteries, and enlarged the borders of their
garments. They loved the uppermost rooms at feasts, and
the chief seats in the synagogues, and to be called of men,
Rabbi, Rabbi ;" Matt. xxiii. 5, 6; and see Mark xii. 38, 39;
and Luke xx. 46; and Luke xiv. 7. They were extremely
uneasy and impatient under the Roman government, to
which, by the disposal of Divine Providence, they were sub-
ject. They were very deceitful and hypocritical, who "de-
voured widows' houses, and for a pretence made long
prayers" Mark xii. 40, and see Matt. xxiii. 23-28. At
the same time they depended upon their descent from Abra-
ham, and other external privileges; which rendered all
Concluding Observations.
589
exhortations to repentance fruitless and ineffectual. See
Matt. iii. 9; John viii. 33, and 39. Accordingly they are
represented to have "hardened their hearts, and shut their
eyes:" for which reason they did not understand, nor attend
to the signs of the times, and the evidences of truth set be-
fore them: Matt. xiii. 14, 15; John xii. 37–41. And more-
over, they were at this time very fond of traditions, which
made void the moral law of God.
All these charges, now collected from the gospels, might
be verified by examples and observations in Josephus. These
evil dispositions prevailing among them, especially in their
great men who had the chief influence on the people, they
did not, and could not believe, but rejected and iſl treated
the Lord Jesus Christ. Let me recite here John v. 39-44;
"Search the scriptures," impartially. "For in them ye think
ye have eternal life; and they are they which testify of me.
And ye will not come unto me that ye might have life. I
receive not honour from men. But I know you, that ye
have not the love of God in you-How can ye believe, which
receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour that
cometh from God only ?"
One thing more I must add here. That the time in which
our Lord appeared was not a time of gross ignorance. The
Jews now had synagogues every where in all parts of Judea,
and in many places out of it, where the law of Moses and
the prophets were read and explained. The common peo-
ple in general were well acquainted with those scriptures,
and with the explications given of them by their rabbins.
Among the scribes and pharisees were many men of very
good abilities. Their acuteness and subtilty are manifest
in their cavils with our Saviour. Nor were the Jewish peo-
ple now altogether unacquainted with the Greek literature.
Their three sects of the pharisees, sadducees, and essenes,
had occasioned disputes and controversies, and spread the
knowledge of the things of religion among them.
It is amazing that a prophet who teaches men a reasonable
doctrine, and works many miracles, all useful and bene-
ficent, should be rejected. And it would be still more
amazing, were it not that we are in some measure able to
account for it, by the bad dispositions before taken notice
of. Jesus gave no sign from heaven to induce them to ex-
pect from him (what suited their carnal and ambitious
views) a deliverance from the Roman government. And all
other works, of mighty power and of great goodness, were
slighted and despised. Thus prejudice and passion pre-
vailed against evidence. And it is a great aggravation of
590
Jewish Testimonies.
!
the guilt of any men, who are knowing and discerning, if
they reject the truth of which good evidences are set before
them. Our Lord having made some remarks after the cure
of the man born blind, and after his being excommunicated
by the pharisees, John ix. 39-41, some of them who heard
him said unto him: "Are we blind also? Jesus said unto
them: If ye were blind ye should have no sin: but now ye
say, We see; therefore your sin remaineth.”
Thus they were incurable. And these evil dispositions
prevailing in them, brought on that great sin of rejecting
and crucifying the Lord Jesus, which God has required of
them.
The destruction therefore of the city of Jerusalem, and
the temple, and the continued dispersion of the Jews, are a
cogent argument for the truth of the christian religion. They
confirm the history of the New Testament, and every part of
it. If they had not sinned, as they are there said to have
done, these calamities had not befallen them. Their suffer-
ings bear witness to the spotless life, and excellent doctrine,
and wonderful works, of the Lord Jesus. They testify that
there had been one among them greater than Jonah, and
wiser than Solomon; but they slighted all his wisdom and
repented not, as the people of Nineveh did at the preaching
of Jonah.
They confirm particularly the history recorded in Luke
xxiii. Ï—25: “ And the whole multitude of them" [that is,
many of the Jewish council]" arose, and led him unto Pilate,
saying: We found this man perverting the nation, and for-
bidding to give tribute to Cæsar, saying, that he himself is
Christ, a king. Pilate then asked him, saying: Art thou
the king of the Jews? And he answered him, and said, Thou
sayest it." [It is as you say.] "Then said Pilate to the
chief priests, and to the people, I find no fault in this man.
And they were the more fierce, saying: He stirreth up the
people, teaching throughout all Judea, beginning from Ga-
lilee to this place." He then sent Jesus to Herod, who sent
him back again to Pilate. "After which, when Pilate had
called together the chief priests, and the rulers, and the
people, he said unto them; Ye have brought this man unto
ine as one that perverteth the people; and behold, I having
examined him before you, have found no fault in this man
touching these things whereof ye accuse him. No, nor yet
Herod; for I sent you to him. And lo, nothing worthy of
death is done unto him. I will therefore chastise him, and
release him. For of necessity he must release one unto them
at the feast. And they cried out, all at once, saying: Away
Concluding Observations.
591
with this man, and release unto us Barabbas: (who, for a
certain sedition made in the city, and for murder, was cast
into prison :) Pilate therefore, willing to release Jesus, spake
again to them. But they cried, saying: Crucify him, cru-
cify him. And he said unto them the third time: Why,
what evil bath he done? I have found no cause of death in
him. I will therefore chastise him and let him go. And
they were instant with loud voices, requiring that he might
be crucified and the voices of them and the chief-priests
prevailed. And Pilate gave sentence that it should be as they
required. And he released unto them him that for sedition
and murder was cast into prison, whom they desired but
he delivered Jesus to their will." Or as in Matt. xxvii.
24, 25, 26, "When Pilate saw that he could prevail no-
thing, but that rather a tumult was made, he took water,
and washed his hands before the multitude, saying: I am
innocent of the blood of this just person: see ye to it.
Then answered all the people, and said: His blood be upon
us, and our children. Then released he Barabbas unto
them. And when he had scourged Jesus, he delivered him
to be crucified."
:
To these things the destruction of Jerusalem, and the pre-
sent circumstances of the Jews, bear witness; as also to the
resurrection of Jesus, and his ascension to heaven, and to
the plentiful effusion of spiritual gifts afterwards upon his
apostles, and others; whereby they were enabled to preach
the heavenly doctrine, in which their Lord and Master had
instructed them. He commanded them to " preach repent-
ance and remission of sins in his name, beginning at Jerusa-
lem," Luke xxiv. 47. And that they did so, preaching re-
pentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus
Christ:" or, that they did earnestly call upon the Jewish peo-
ple in Judea, and elsewhere, to repent of their sins, and believe
in the Lord Jesus; and that they did not receive their in-
structions and warnings, but killed some of them, scourged
others, and persecuted them from city to city;' To all
these things, the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple,
and other calamities brought upon the Jewish people,
bear witness: and thus they filled up the measure of their
iniquity.
The argument, upon which I have now insisted, is not
new; it is old; and has been well managed by divers ancient
christian writers. I shall place below the observations made
upon the long captivity of the Jews by Jeroma and by Pru-
a Multa, Judæe, scelera commisisti; cunctis circa te servisti nationibus.
Ob quod factum ? Utique, propter idololatriam. Quumque servisses, crebro
592
Jewish Testimonies.
b
dentius in their own language. I believe they will be pe-
rused with pleasure by some of my readers: and I refer to
a place of Chrysostom which was formerly quoted more at
large. I likewise refer to d Origen.
C
Nor can it be said that God has been unrighteous in his
dealings with them. All these judgments befell them, ac-
cording to the original plan of providence concerning them,
and according to the prophetic denunciations of their law-
giver Moses. Nor can it be said that their continued dis-
persion is unrighteous, since they persist in the sin which first
occasioned it, and reject Him whom God has sent unto
them; and not only reject him, but reproach and revile him,
so as no other people do. And, finally, whenever they
repent, they may obtain forgiveness, and be received into
misertus tui est Deus: et misit judices et salvatores, qui te de famulatu Moabita-
rum et Ammoritarum, Philistiim quoque et diversarum gentium liberârunt.
Novissime sub regibus offendisti Deum; et omnis tua provincia, gente Baby-
lonicâ vastante, deleta est. Per septuaginta annos templi solitudo permansit.
A Cyro rege Persarum est laxata captivitas. Esdras hoc et Nehemias plenis-
sime referunt. Exstructum est templum sub Dario rege Persarum a Zorobabel
filio Salathiel, et Jesu filio Josedec, sacerdote magno. Quæ passi sitis a Medis,
Ægyptiis, Macedonibusque, non enumero. Nec tibi adducam in memoriam
Antiochum Epiphanem, crudelissimum omnium tyrannorum; nec Cn. Pom-
peium, Gabinium, Scaurum, Varum, Cassium, Sosiumque replicabo, qui tuis
urbibus, et præcipue Jerosolymæ, insultavere. Ad extremum sub Vespasiano
et Tito urbs capta, templumque subversum est. Deinde civitatis usque ad Ha-
drianum principem per quinquaginta annos mansere reliquiæ. Post ever-
sionem templi paullo minus per quadringentos annos et urbis et templi ruinæ
permanent. Ob quod tantum facinus? Certe non colis idola; sed etiam ser-
viens Persis atque Romanis, et captivitatis pressus jugo, ignoras alienos deos.
Quomodo clementissimus quondam Deus, qui nunquam tui oblitus est, nunc
per tanta spatia temporum miseriis tuis non adducitur ut solvat captivitatem,
et, ut verius dicam, exspectatum tibi mittat Antichristum ? Ob quod, inquam,
facinus, et tam exsecrabile scelus, avertit a te oculos suos? Ignoras? Memento
vocis parentum tuorum. Sanguis ejus super nos, et super filios nostros. Et :
Venite, occidamus eum, et nostra erit hæreditas. Et: Non habemus regem,
nisi Cæsarem. Habes quod elegisti; usque ad finem mundi serviturus es Cæ-
sari, donec gentium introëat plenitudo, et sic omnis Israël salvus fiet; ut qu
quondam erat in capite, vertatur in caudam. Hieron. ad Dardan. T. 2. p
610, 611.
b Quid mereare, Titus docuit: docuere rapinis
Pompeianæ acies, quibus extirpata per omnes
Terrarum plagique plagas tua membra feruntur.
Exiliis vagus huc illuc fluitantibus errat
Judæus, postquam, patriâ de sede revulsus,
Supplicium pro cæde luit, Christique negati
Sanguine respersus commista piacula solvit.
Prud. Apoth. ver. 238, &c.
© Adversus Judæos Or. vi. T. i. p. 652, 653.
d Contr. Cels. 1. 2. sect. 13. Bened. p. 69. Spenc. 1. 4. sect. 22. Bened
174. Sp. et sect. 73. Ben. p. 212. Sp. 1. 8. sect. 42. Ben. p. 405. Spenc.
seu Cantab.
Concluding Observations.
593
the church of Christ, and partake in all the privileges of it,
and in the end obtain everlasting life, which God through
Jesus Christ has promised to all those who love him. "For
God has not cast away his people whom he foreknew; and
if they abide not still in unbelief," they will be graciously
received. Rom. xi. 2, and 23.
The circumstances of the Jewish people deserve the atten-
tive regard and serious consideration of all mankind, Jews,
and christians, and the men of all nations and religions, where
their history is known as it now generally is, from the
books of the Old and New Testament, and from Josephus,
and other writings.
The writings of the apostles and evangelists, contained in
the New Testament, are faithful records of the life of Jesus,
and the promises of the gospel. And the continued subsist-
ence of the Jewish people in a dispersed condition, all over
the earth, bears testimony to the truth of every thing related
by them. Thus God, the Sovereign Lord of all, in his great
wisdom, has provided a perpetual and universal living monu-
ment to the memory of the transactions and sufferings of
Jesus in Judea; and of his own veracity in "performing the
mercy promised to their fathers, and the oath which he
sware to Abraham;" Luke i. 72, 73, Gen. xxii. 15-18,
and, that "when the fulness of the time was come, he
sent forth his Son, made of a woman, made under the law,
to redeem❞ mankind from idolatry, and all vice, and from all
burdensome rites, whether of Jewish or heathen original.
Gal. iv. 4, 5.
The circumstances of the Jewish people confirm the faith
of christians, and are a loud call to themselves to think, and
consider, and repent, and believe. And it should in a like
manner affect and awaken all other people. It is a voice
which may be heard by those who have not yet seen the
gospels, and perhaps are averse to them; and it should in-
duce them to look into them, and carefully examine them.
That Jesus is the Christ, is manifest from his agreeing to
all the prophetic descriptions concerning that great person,
which are recorded in the Jewish scriptures, that he might
be known when he came. He is the seed of Abraham, and
the son of David: "the rod out of the stem of Jesse And
the spirit of the Lord rested on him, the spirit of wisdom
and understanding, the spirit of counsel and of might, the
spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the Lord. And to
him the Gentiles have sought," Is. xi. 1, 2, 3, 10. He was
born of a "virgin," Is. vii. 14, "at Bethlehem in Judea,"
Mic. v. 2. "In him all the families of the earth have been
VOL. VI.
2 Q
594
Jewish Testimonies.
•
99
blessed," according to the promise made to Abraham, Gen.
xii. 3, xviii. 18, xxii. 18. He is "the servant of God, whom
he upheld, his elect, in whom his soul delighteth," [or
God's well beloved Son,]" and hath brought forth judgment
to the Gentiles," Is. xlii. 1. "He hath been a light to lighten
the Gentiles, and salvation to the ends of the earth," Is.
xlix. 6. "The isles waited for his law, and have received it,'
Is. xlii. 4. “And the earth is now full of the knowledge of
God, as the waters cover the sea," Is. xi. 9. We have
"a new heaven, and a new earth," Is. lxv. 17. "All the gods
of the earth have been famished," Zeph. ii. 11. Heathen
idolatry, once so general, and so much delighted in by
princes and people, is now no more in this part of the world;
their temples are demolished, or put to other uses; their
oracles are silent; nor do they receive human or other sacri-
fices. And God himself, the Lord of heaven and earth, is
no longer served with sacrifices of animals, or oblations of
fruits of the earth, but with prayers and praises, and good
works of righteousness and mercy; nor is his worship now
confined to any one particular place. The time is come,
"when men should neither at mount Gerizim, nor at Jeru-
salem, worship the Father: and when the true worship-
pers of God shall worship him in spirit and in truth," John
iv. 21-23. And "in every nation, he that feareth God,
and worketh righteousness, is accepted of him," Acts x.
35. Jesus had "the words of eternal life," John vi. 68.
And God has poured out of his spirit upon all flesh,"
Joel ii. 28. Is. xliv. 3. Acts ii. 17. And "all men now
know God from the least to the greatest of them," Jerem.
xxxi. 3, 4. All have just sentiments, and are able to dis-
course rationally concerning God, the Creator of all things,
and his overruling Providence, and future rewards and
nishments. We now worship God on earth, through Jesus
Christ, in a reasonable, spiritual, liberal manner, in hopes
of obtaining, hereafter, perfection of holiness and happiness
in the kingdom of our heavenly Father.
e
pu-
Jesus, then, is the promised Messiah who was to come.
Nor is there any reason why we should look for another.
I have formerly repeated this subject. But the large
and copious testimony of Josephus to the fulfilment of our
Saviour's predictions concerning the destruction of Jerusa-
lem, and the miseries coming upon the Jewish people, and
the repeated acknowledgments of the destruction of the
e The circumstances of the Jewish people an argument for the truth of the
christian religion. Vol. ix. p. 60–91.
凱
​*
Concluding Observations.
595
temple in the Mishnical and Talmudical writers, have com-
pelled me to enlarge here, as I have now done.
Finally, to put an end to this long argument; if we have
cbtained the invaluable treasure of the gospel, that " pearl
of great price," let us be thankful to God who has so en-
riched us by Jesus Christ. And let us be careful to keep
it entire, and in all its purity, unalloyed with base mixtures,
and undisguised by false colourings. Our own glory and
the credit of our religion depend upon this.
As for the Jewish people, I believe all good christians
will readily join with the apostle Paul, and say: "Our
hearts' desire, and prayer to God for Israel, is, that they might
be saved," Rom. x. 1. Nevertheless I acknowledge that I
see no immediate prospect of their general conversion; and
must assent to what the same apostle says in another place,
who had great dealings with them, after his conversion to the
christian faith, as well as before, and had full experience of
their untractable temper, which is still too much the same
that it was in his time: "But their minds were blinded;
for until this day remaineth the same vail, untaken away,
in the reading of the Old Testament; which vail is done
away in Christ. But even unto this day, when Moses is
read, the vail is upon their heart. Nevertheless, when it
shall turn to the Lord, the vail shall be taken away," 2
Cor. iii. 14-16.
God grant that we may all know and mind the things
which are conducive to our true interests both here and
hereafter!
2Q 2
TESTIMONIES
OF
ANCIENT HEATHEN AUTHORS.
CHAP. I.
The Epistle of Abgarus king of Edessa to Jesus, and the
Rescript of Jesus to Abgarus.
AS the authority of these epistles depends entirely upon
Eusebius, I shall here transcribe his account at length,
which is in the thirteenth or last chapter of the first book
of his Ecclesiastical History.
a
A History concerning the Prince of the Edessens."
"
b
The divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,' says
Eusebius, being every where talked of by reason of his
'wonderful power in working miracles, it drew after him
'many people from other countries, and some very remote
'from Judea, who were filled with hopes of relief under all
'sorts of pains and sicknesses. For which reason king Ab-
garus, who with honour governed the nations beyond
the Euphrates, labouring under a grievous distemper, in-
'curable by human skill, when he heard of the fame of
Jesus, which was much celebrated, and his wonderful
'works attested by the unanimous testimony of all men,
'sent a letter to him by a messenger, entreating him to cure
'his distemper. But he did not then comply with his re-
quest, yet he vouchsafed to write to him a letter, wherein
'he promised to send one of his disciples who should cure
his distemper, and also bring salvation to him, and to all
with him: which promise was not long after fulfilled: for
'after the resurrection of Christ, and his ascension to
'heaven, Thomas, one of the twelve apostles, moved by a
'
a
* Ίζορια περί τε των Εδεσσηνων δυναςε. H. E. 1. i. cap. 13. p. 31.
Who governed the nations beyond the Euphrates.' That is the lofty
style of the eastern people. Abgarus was governor of only a small territory.
Of the Epistle of Abgarus to our Saviour. A. D. 33. 597
6
6
divine impulse, sent Thaddeus, one of Christ's seventy dis-
ciples, to Edessa, to be a preacher and an evangelist of
Christ's doctrine, by whom all things promised by our
Saviour were fulfilled. The evidence of this we have from
'the records of the city of Edessa: for among the public
records, wherein are entered the antiquities of the city,
and the actions of Abgarus, these things are still found
'preserved to this day. It will therefore be worth the
'while to attend to the letters, as taken by us [or for us]
'from the archives, and translated word for word from the
Syriac language.
C
• The copy of the letter which was written by Abgarus the
toparch to Jesus, and sent to him at Jerusalem by the
'courier Ananias.
6
6
"Abgarus, toparch [or prince] of Edessa, to Jesus the
good Saviour, who has appeared at Jerusalem, sendeth
'greeting. I have heard of thee, and of thy cures, performed
without herbs, or other medicines. For it is reported that
'thou makest the blind to see, and the lame to walk: that
'thou cleansest lepers, and castest out unclean spirits and
dæmons, and healest those who are tormented with diseases
' of a long standing, and raisest the dead. Having heard of all
these things concerning thee, I concluded in my mind one
• of these two things-
either that thou art God come
' down from heaven to do these things, or else thou art the
Son of God, and so performest them. Wherefore I now
write unto thee, entreating thee to come to me, and to heal
my distemper. Moreover I hear that the Jews murinur
against thee, and plot to do thee mischief. I have a city,
small indeed, but neat, which may suffice for us both.
Now let us attend,' says Eusebius, to the letter which
• Jesus returned by the same courier, short indeed, but very
powerful. It is in these words."
6
6
6
• The rescript of Jesus to the toparch Abgarus, sent by the
6.66
'courier Ananias.
Abgarus, thou art happy, forasmuch as thou hast be-
'lieved in me, though thou hast not seen me.'
John xx.
6
29. For it is written concerning me, that they who have
seen me should not believe in me, that they who have not
seen me might believe and live. As for what thou hast
с
- απο των αρχειων ἡμιν αναληφθεισων, και τονδε αυτοις ρημασιν εκ
της Σύρων φωνης μεταβληθεισων τον τροπον. p. 32. Β
598
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
• written to me desiring me to come to thee, it is necessary
'that all those things, for which I am sent, should be ful-
'filled by me here: and that after fulfilling them, I should
be received up to him that sent me.
When therefore I
•
'shall be received up, I will send to thee some one of my
disciples, that he may heal thy distemper, and give life
to thee, and to those who are with thee."
6
"
6
•
6
6
To these epistles,' as Eusebius goes on to say, are sub-
joined the following things, and in the Syriac language-
That after Jesus had been taken up, [or after his ascen
sion,] Judas, called also Thomas, sent the apostle Thad-
deus, one of the seventy; who, when he came to Edessa,
'took up his abode with Tobias, son of Tobias. When his
'arrival was rumoured about, and he had begun to be
'known by the miracles which he wrought, it was told to
'Abgarus, that an apostle was sent to him by Jesus, accord-
ing to his promise. Thaddeus therefore by the power of
'God healed all sorts of maladies, so that all wondered.
'But when Abgarus heard of the great and wonderful works
'which he did, and how he healed men in the name and by
'the power of Jesus Christ, he was induced to suspect [ev
υπονοια γεγονεν] that he was the person about whom Jesus
had written to him, saying, "When I am taken up, I will
'send to thee some one of my disciples, who shall heal thy
'distemper." Sending therefore for Tobias, at whose house
he was, he said to him "I hear that a man, endowed with
great power, and come from Jerusalem, is at thy house, and
that he works many cures in the name of Jesus." To
which Tobias answered, "Yes, Sir; there is a stranger
with me, who performs many miracles." Abgarus then
said: "Bring him hither to me." Tobias coming to Thad-
deus, said to him: "The prince Abgarus, has bid me
bring thee to him, that thou mayest heal his distemper.'
Whereupon Thaddeus said: "I go; for it is upon his ac-
count, chiefly, that I am sent hither." The next day, early
' in the morning, Tobias taking Thaddeus came to Abgarus.
'As he came in, the nobles being present, there appeared to
Abgarus somewhat very extraordinary in the countenance
of Thaddeus; which when Abgarus saw, he worshipped
'Thaddeus; which appeared strange to all present; for they
' did not see that brightness which was discerned by Abgarus
only. He then asked Thaddeus," If he were indeed the
'disciple of Jesus the Son of God, who had said to him:
"I will send to thee some one of my disciples who shall
* Ο τοπάρχης.
6
6
6
'
d
Απερ ιδων Αβγαρος προσεκύνησε την Θαδδαιῳ. p. 33. D.
Of the Epistle of Abgarus to our Saviour. A. D. 33. 599
6
heal thy distemper, and give life to all with thee." Thad-
• deus answered: "Forasmuch as thou hast great faith in
• the Lord Jesus, therefore am I sent unto thee; and if thou
shalt increase in faith in him, all the desires of thy heart.
will be fulfilled according to thy faith." Then Abgarus
said to him: "I have so believed in him, that I would
go
with an army to extirpate the Jews who crucified him, if I
were not apprehensive of the Roman power." Then Thad-
deus said: " Our Lord and God Jesus Christ has fulfilled
the will of his Father: and, having fulfilled it, he has been
taken up to his Father." Abgarus then said : "I have
believed in him, and in his Father." And thereupon said
Thaddeus: "Therefore I put my hand upon thee in the name
' of the Lord Jesus." And, upon his so doing, Abgarus was
healed of his distemper. And Abgarus wondered, that as
it had been reported concerning Jesus so it had been done
by his disciple and apostle Thaddeus; insomuch as he had
healed him without herbs, or other medicines. Nor did
he heal him alone, but also Abdus, sou of Abdus, who had
the gout. For he came to him, and fell down upon his
knees before him, and by the laying on of his hands with
prayer he was healed. The same apostle healed many
other citizens of the same place, and wrought many and
'great miracles as he preached the word. After which
Abgarus spoke to this purpose: "Thou Thaddeus doest
these things by the power of God, and we admire thee.
But I beseech thee to inform me about the coming of
Jesus, how it was, and of his power, and by what power
• he did all those things which we have heard of." To which
Thaddeus answered: "Now I forbear, though I am sent
to preach the word; but to-morrow gather together all the
'citizens, and then in their hearing I will preach the word,
and sow in them the word of life, and will inform them of
the coming of Christ, how it was, and concerning his mis-
sion, and for what cause he was sent by the Father, and
concerning the power of his works, and the mysteries which
he spoke in the world, and by what power he did these
things, and concerning his new doctrine, and about the
'meanness and despicableness of his outward appearance,
and how he humbled himself, and died, and f lessened his
deity; how many things he suffered from the Jews, and
how he was crucified, and descended into hell, and rent
asunder the inclosure never before separated, and arose,
and raised up the dead who had been buried many ages;
6
•
f Και εσμικρυνεν αυτε την θεοτητα. p. 35. Α.
600
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
and how he descended alone, but ascended to his Father
'with a great multitude; and how he is set down on the
right hand of the Father with glory in the heavens; and
how he will come again with glory and power to judge
the living and the dead." Abgarus therefore issued
out orders that all the citizens should come together
early the next morning, to hear the preaching of Thad-
• deus.
And after that he commanded that gold and
'silver should be given to him, but he did not receive it,
"saying: "When we have left our own things, how should
we receive those things which belong to others ?" This
was done in the four hundred and thirtieth year. These
things, translated from the Syriac language, word for
word, we have placed here, as we think, not impro-
perly.'
"
C
Thus I have now translated this whole history from Eu-
sebius at large, thinking that to be the shortest way to
a good conclusion, and that all my readers may be the bet-
ter able to judge of the remarks that shall be made.
Various are the opinions of learned men concerning this
history, some receiving it as true, or at least being favour-
able to it; others rejecting it as false and fabulous. I shall
put down here the following observations.
h
1. In the first place, then, I think, we are not to make any
doubt of the truth of what Eusebius says, that all this was
recorded in the archives of the city Edessa in the Syriac
language, and was thence translated into Greek. Eusebius
has been supposed by some to say that himself translated it
from the Syriac: but that is not clear; nor is it certain
that he understood Syriae; much less have we any reason
say that he was at Edessa, and took this account from the
archives himself.
to
2. This history is not mentioned by any before i Eusebius:
8 Cav. H. L. Grabe, Spic. Assem. Bib. Or. T. i. p. 554. Abp. Wake's Intro-
duction to his Translation of the Apostolical Fathers. ch. ix. Tillem. Mem.
Ecc. St. Thomas, T. i. p. 360. Addison of the Christian Religion, section i.
num. viii. p. 280.
h J. Basnage, Hist. de l'Eglise, 1. 21. ch.
ii. p. 1312. Hist. des Juifs. Vol. i. p. 200. S. Basnag. Ann. 29. n. xxxviii.—
xlii. Fr. Spanh. H. E. T. i. p. 578, et 794. Pagi, ann. 244. n. vii. Cleric.
H. E. p. 332. et Bib. ch. T. xvi. p. 99. Fabr. Cod. Apocr. N. T. T. i. p.
319, &c. Philip. Jacob. Sklerandr. H. Antiq. Ec. Chr. cap. vii. not. 65.
J. Jones upon the Canon of the N. T. Vol. 2. p. 1, &c. Du Pin, Diss. Prelim.
Tom. ii. Vid. et Vales. Annot. in Euseb. Colonia, La Religion Chrêt. autho-
risée par les Payens. T. 2. p. 339, &c.
i Tous les écrivains ecclesiastiques, qui ont été depuis J. C. jusqu'au temps
d' Eusèbe, ne nous parlent ni près ni loin de cette Histoire, ni de ces Epîtres.
Et qui croira, qu'ils n'en eussent rien dit, si elle leur eut été connue? &c.
Sueur. Histoire de l'Eglise, et de l'Empire. A. J. C. 31. T. i. p. 103, &c.
Of the Epistle of Abgarus to our Saviour. A. D. 33.
601
not by Justin Martyr, nor Tatian, nor Clement of Alexandria,
nor Origen, nor by any other; nor does Eusebius give any
hint of that kind; he had it from Edessa; it was unheard
of among the Greeks till his time; but, having received it,
he thought it might be not improperly transcribed into his
Ecclesiastical History.
3. It is not much taken notice of by succeeding writers.
It is not mentioned, I think, by Athanasius, nor Gregory
Nyssen, or Nazianzen, nor Epiphanius, nor Chrysostom:
Jerom has once mentioned it, and will be cited by and by:
but he has not inserted, in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical
Writers, either Jesus, or Abgarus; neither of whom would
have been omitted if he had any respect for the epistles here
produced by Eusebius. This affair is indeed mentioned,
or referred to, by Ephrem the Syrian, in his Testament :
but that is not a work of so much authority as has been
supposed by some: and it is interpolated in several places,
both in the Greek and Syriac copies of it; as was observed
formerly.
4. This whole affair was unknown to Christ's apostles, and
to the believers, their contemporaries, both Jews and Gentiles,
as is manifest from the early disputes about the method of
receiving Gentile converts into the church. If Jesus Christ
had himself written a letter to a heathen prince, and had
promised to send to him one of his disciples, and if that dis-
ciple had accordingly gone to Edessa, and there received
the king and his subjects into communion with the church
without circumcision, there could have been no room for
any doubt or dispute about the method of receiving Gen-
tile converts to christianity. Or if any dispute had arisen,
would not this history of the visit of Thaddeus have been
alleged? which would have been sufficient to put all to
silence. Nor is there any room to say that this visit of
Thaddeus at Edessa was after St. Peter's going to the house
of Cornelius, or after the council of Jerusalem: for it is
dated in the three hundred and fortieth year, that is, of the
æra of the Seleucidæ, or of the Edessens: which is com-
puted to be the fifteenth or sixteenth year of the reign of
Tiberius, and the year of Christ 29; when, according to
many ancient christians, our Lord died, and rose again,
and ascended to heaven. Indeed I think it is impossible
to reconcile this account with the history in the Acts of the
Apostles.
5. If Jesus Christ had written a letter to king Abgarus,
it would have been a part of sacred scripture, and would
k See Vol. iv. p. 306.
602
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
have been placed at the head of all the books of the New
Testament but it was never so respected by any ancient
christian writers. It does not appear in any catalogues of
canonical books which we have in ancient authors, or in
councils. In the decree of the council of Rome, in the time
of pope Gelasius, in the year 496, the epistle of Christ to
Abgarus is expressly called' apocryphal. Nor does Euse-
bius himself upon any occasion reckon it up among canon-
ical scriptures, received by those before him. The titles of
the chapters of his Ecclesiastical History are allowed to be
his own.
The title of the chapter which has been just
transcribed from him is this: A History concerning the
Prince of the Edessens. It was a story which he had re-
ceived; and he afterwards tells us particularly where he had
it. And in the first chapter of the second book of the same
work, having mentioned the choice of Matthias in the room
of Judas, and the choice of the seven deacons, and the death
of St. Stephen, from the Acts, he recites again briefly the
history before told concerning Abgarus, and says: This m
• we have learned from the history of the ancients. Now we
return to the sacred scripture;' where he proceeds to relate
from the Acts what followed after the martyrdom of St. Ste-
phen. In short, though Eusebius would not pass over this
affair without notice, he seems not to have placed any great
weight upon it and succeeding writers have better under-
stood his meaning than some of late times, who have shown
so much regard to this relation.
:
6
6. It was the opinion of many of the most learned and
ancient christians, that our Lord wrote nothing: therefore
this epistle was unknown to them, or they did not suppose
it to be genuine. To this purpose speak Origen, Jerom,
and P Augustine.
n
0
7. There are several things in this epistle to Abgarus
which are liable to exception.
(1.) At the beginning of the epistle our Lord is made to
say: 'Abgarus, thou art happy, forasmuch as thou hast be-
'lieved in me though thou hast not seen me. For it is writ-
ten concerning me, that they who have seen me, should not
believe in me, that they who have not seen me might be-
lieve in me and live.' Says Du Pin, and to the like purpose
1 Epistola Jesu ad Abgarum Regem apocrypha.
" Και ταυτα μεν ὡς εξ αρχαιων ίσοριας ειρήσθω. Μετιωμεν δ' αυθις επι την
Gεiav yoapηv. L. 2. c. 1. p. 39. B.
Contr. Cels. 1. i. sect. 45. p. 34.
• Hieron. in Ezech. c. xliv. T. iii. 1034.
P De Consens. Evang. 1. i. c. 7. et Retract. 1. 2. c. 16.
:
Of the Epistle of Abgarus to our Saviour. A. D. 33. 603
6
6
say others: Where are those words written? Does not one
see that he who made this letter alludes to the words of
Jesus Christ to St. Thomas: "Blessed are they who have
not seen, and yet have believed," John xx. 29. Words
'which were not spoken by Jesus Christ until after his
resurrection, and which were not written until long after-
'wards which manifestly shows the forgery of this epistle.'
(2.) Our Lord here seems to speak inore clearly of his
resurrection, or being taken up to heaven, than he does to
the disciples in the gospels.
(3.) Christ here defers to cure Abgarus of his distemper.
He tells him that' some time hereafter he would send one
' of his disciples to him, who should heal him.' Which is
altogether unworthy of the Lord Jesus, and different from
his usual and well-known conduct, who never refused to
grant the requests of those who sought to him, and expressed
faith in his power. Instead of what is here said to Abgarus,
after commending his faith, our Lord would have added and
said: Henceforth thou art healed of thy distemper:' or,
be it unto thee according to thy faith:' or, as thou hast
'believed, so be it done unto thee.'
This we can conclude from similar cases, recorded by
authentic witnesses: Matt. viii. 13; xv. 28; Mark vii. 29.
8. There are several other things in this history which are
very liable to exception.
C
r
(1.) It is said that, after our Lord's resurrection and as-
cension, Thomas sent to Edessa Thaddeus, one of Christ's
seventy disciples. But Thaddeus was an apostle, as we
learn from Matt. x. 3, and Mark iii. 18. It is likewise here
said that Judas, called also Thomas, sent Thaddeus.' Upon
which Valesius observes: Thomas, who was one of the
twelve, was also called Didymus, as we learn from St.
John; but that he was also called Judas, is no where said
but in this place for which cause this story is justly sus-
'pected.' Jerom, speaking of this matter, says, ecclesi-
astical history informs us, that the apostle Thaddeus was
'sent to Edessa to Abgarus king of Osrohene, who by the
'evangelist Luke is called Judas brother of James: Luke
S
Thomas quidem, qui
Diss. Prelim. liv. 2. ch. vi. sect. 1.
fuit unus ex duodecim, dicebatur Didymus, teste Joanne evangelistâ. Sed
eundem Judam esse cognominatum, alibi, quod sciam, non reperitur. Itaque
et hoc nomine narratio ista merito in suspicionem venit. Vales. in loc. p. 21.
s Thaddæum apostolum, ecclesiastica tradit historia missum Edessam ad
Abgarum regem Osroenæ, qui ab evangelistâ Lucâ Judas Jacobi dicitur, et
alibi appellatur Lebbæus, quod interpretatur corculus. Credendumque est
eum fuisse trinominem. Hieron. in Matt. x. 3. Tom. iv. P. i. p. 35.
604
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
'vi. 16; and Acts i. 13; and elsewhere is called Lebbeus;
• Matt. x. 3. So that he had three names.'
(2.) When Thaddeus comes to Edessa, he does not go
immediately to the king, to whom he was sent, as might be
reasonably expected; but he goes to the house of Tobias,
where he stays some while, and works many miracles;
which being noised abroad, the king hears of him, and
sends for him. All this is very absurd. If Thaddeus, a
disciple of Jesus, had been sent to the king of Edessa, he
ought and would have gone to him directly, or would have
made application to one of the courtiers to introduce him
to the prince. This therefore cannot be true history, but
must be the invention of some ignorant though conceited
person.
.
6
(3.) It looks not a little fabulous,' says Mr. Jones, that
' upon Thaddeus's appearing before the king he should see
'somewhat extraordinary in his countenance, which none of
the company else could perceive. Eusebius call it opaµa
μeya, a great vision: Valesius renders it divinum nescio
quid, some divine appearance.'
6
"
<
(4.) The account in the history,' says the same laborious
author, that Abgarus designed to make war upon the Jews
for crucifying Christ, seems very unlikely; because it is
'plain he was prince only of a small city, and that at a vast
'distance from Judea; and therefore could never be so
extravagant as to imagine himself able to destroy so
'powerful a nation as the Jews then were.'
C
t
(5.) Abgarus is said to have had a grievous and incurable
distemper, for which he desired relief of Jesus. This is
said over and over. But what the distemper was is not said.
Learned moderns, who are not wanting in invention for
supplying the defects of ancient history, say, some of them,
that it was the gout, others the leprosy. However, presently
after the cure of the prince, we are told of one Abdus, son
of Abdus, whom Thaddeus cured of the gout.
(6.) We read not of any other city or country, in the first
three centuries, where the people were all at once converted
to the christian faith. If the people of Edessa had been all
christians from the days of the apostles, it would have been
known before the time of Eusebius. And I may add, that
if this story, told by our ecclesiastical historian, had been
* Cet Abgare est qualifié tantôt Toparque, ou Prince, et tantôt Roy. Por-
cope en dit bien des choses, qui sont agréables, mais qui sentent fort la fable.
Ce prince étoit travaillé d'une maladie fâcheuise et incurable, (ce que Pro-
cope entend de la goutte, et les nouveaux Grecs de la lèpre,) &c. Tillem. as
before, M. E. T. i. p. 361.
Of the Acts of Pilate, and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 605
esteemed credible, it would have been much more taken
notice of by succeeding writers than it" is.
(7.) I forbear to remark, as I might, upon that expression
of Thaddeus in his discourse with Abgarus: 'Jesus Christ,
our Lord and God, fulfilled the will of the Father:' or
upon what is here said of Christ's descent into hell.
9. The observations which have been already made are
sufficient to show, that the letter of Abgarus to Jesus Christ,
and our Lord's rescript, cannot be reckoned genuine. The
whole history is the fiction of some christian at Edessa in
the time of Eusebius, or not long before. The people of
Edessa were then, generally, christians, and they valued
themselves upon it. And they were willing to do them-
selves the honour of a very early conversion to the christian
faith. By some one or more of them, united together, this
history was formed, and was so far received by Eusebius as
to be thought by him not improper to be inserted in his
Ecclesiastical History. Nor could I omit to take some no-
tice of it, as great regard has been shown to it by some.
But all my readers may perceive that I bring not in this
thing as a testimony of the first antiquity: though it may
afford good proof of the christianity of the people of Edessa,
at the beginning of the fourth century, when Eusebius
flourished, or before.
CHAP. II.
OF THE KNOWLEDGE WHICH THE EMPEROR TIBERIUS
HAD OF OUR SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST.
1. The Acts of Pontius Pilate, and his letter to Tiberius.
II. The story of Thamus, in Plutarch, concerning the
death of Pan, considered.
I. JUSTIN MARTYR, in his first Apology, which was
presented to the emperor Antoninus the Pious, and the senate
of Rome, about the year 140, having mentioned our Saviour's
" The conversion of the whole city is implied in what is above transcribed;
and so Eusebius understood it; for he says, in the first chapter of the second
book, p. 39. A. Εισετι τε νυν εξ εκείνε ἡ πασα των Εδεσσηνων πολις τη το
Χριςε προσανακειται προσηγορια.
606
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
crucifixion, and some of the circumstances of it, adds: “ And ª
that these things were so done you may know from the
'Acts made in the time of Pontius Pilate.'
b
Afterwards, in the same Apology, having mentioned some
of our Lord's miracles, such as healing diseases and raising
the dead, he adds: And that these things were done by
'him you may know from the Acts made in the time of Pon-
'tius Pilate.'
Tertullian, in his Apology, about the year 200, having
spoken of our Saviour's crucifixion and resurrection, and his
appearances to the disciples, and his ascension to heaven in
the sight of the same disciples, who were ordained by him
to preach the gospel over the world, goes on: 'Of all these
things, relating to Christ, Pilate, in his conscience a chris-
tian, sent an account to Tiberius, then emperor.'
6
6
• d
In another chapter or section of the same Apology, nearer
the beginning, he speaks to this purpose; There was an
ancient decree, that no one should be received for a deity
'unless he was first approved of by the senate. Tiberius,
in whose time the christian religion had its rise, having re-
'ceived from Palestine in Syria an account of such things as
'manifested our Saviour's divinity, proposed to the senate,
and giving his own vote as first in his favour, that he
should be placed among the gods. The senate refused,
'because he had himself declined that honour. Nevertheless
'the emperor persisted in his own opinion, and ordered that
if any accused the christians they should be punished.'
And then adds: 'Search,' says he, your own writings, and
'you will there find that Nero was the first emperor who ex-
2 Και ταυτα ότι γεγονε, δυνασθε μαθειν εκ των επι Ποντιο Πιλατε γενομένων
актшv. J. M. Ap. i. p. 76. C. Paris, 1636. num. 36. p. 65. Bened.
5 Ότι δε και ταύτα εποίησεν, εκ των επι Ποντιο Πιλατε γενομένων ακτών
µaleiv dvvaobe. Ib. p. 84. C. Paris. num. 48. p. 72. Bened.
с
c Dehinc, ordinatis eis ad officium prædicandi per orbem, circumfusâ
nube in cœlum est ereptus, multo melius quam apud vos asseverare de Romulis
Proculi solent. Ea omnia super Christo Pilatus, et ipse jam pro suâ consci-
entiâ christianus, Cæsari tunc Tiberio nuntiavit. Tertull. Ap. c. 21. p. 22. C.
d Ut de origine aliquid retractemus ejusmodi legum. Vetus erat decretum,
ne qui deus ab imperatore consecraretur, nisi a senatu probatus. Scit M.
Emilius de deo suo Alburno. Facit et hoc ad causam nostram, quod apud
vos de humano arbitratu divinitas pensitatur. Nisi homini deus placuerit,
deus non erit. Homo jam deo propitius esse debebit. Tiberius ergo, cujus
tempore nomen christianum in seculum intravit, annuntiata sibi ex Syriâ
Palæstinâ quæ illic veritatem istius divinitatis revelârant, detulit ad senatum
cum prærogativâ suffragii sui. Senatus, quia non ipse probaverat, respuit.
Cæsar in sententiâ mansit, comminatus periculum accusatoribus christianorum.
Consulite commentarios vestros. Illic reperietis, primum Neronem in hanc
sectam, tum maxime Romæ orientem, Cæsariano gladio ferocisse. Ib. cap. 5.
p. 6.
Of the Acts of Pilate, and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 607.
"ercised any acts of severity toward the christians, because
they were then very numerous at Rome.'
"
It is fit we should now observe what notice Eusebius
takes of these things in his Ecclesiastical History. It is to
this effect.
6
<
<
When the wonderful resurrection of our Saviour, and
his ascension to heaven, were in the mouths of all men, it
being an ancient custom for the governors of provinces to
'write to the emperor, and give him an account of new and
remarkable occurrences, that he might not be ignorant of
any thing; our Saviour's resurrection being much talked
of throughout all Palestine, Pilate informed the emperor of
it, as likewise of his miracles, which he had heard of; and
that, being raised up after he had been put to death, he
was already believed by many to be a god. And it is said
that Tiberius referred the matter to the senate; but that
they refused their consent, under a pretence that it had not
been first approved of by them; there being an ancient
law that no one should be deified among the Romans with-
out an order of the senate; but indeed because the saving
and divine doctrine of the gospel needed not to be con-
'firmed by human judgment and authority. However, Ti-
'berius persisted in his former sentiment, and allowed not
any thing to be done that was prejudicial to the doctrine
of Christ. These things are related by Tertullian, a man
famous on other accounts, and particularly for his skill in
the Roman laws. I say he speaks thus in his Apology for
the christians, written by him in the Roman tongue, but
• since translated into Greek. His words are these: "There
was an ancient decree, that no one should be consecrated
as a deity by the emperor, unless he was first approved of
by the senate. Marcus Æmilius knows this by his god Al-
burnus. This is to our purpose, forasmuch as among you
divinity is bestowed by human judgment. And if God
does not please man, he shall not be God. And, according
to this way of thinking, man must be propitious to God.
• Tiberius, therefore, in whose time the christian name was
'first known in the world, having received an account of
this doctrine out of Palestine, where it began, communi-
'cated that account to the senate: giving at the same
'time his own suffrage in favour of it. But the senate re-
'jected it, because it had not been approved by themselves.
"Nevertheless the emperor persisted in his judgment, and
6
6
"
6
e Euseb. H. E. 1. 2. cap. 2.
f
f
Δηλος ων εκείνοις, ὡς τῳ δογματι αρέσκεται. Η δε συγκλητος, επι ουκ
αύτη δεδοκιμάκει, απωσατο. p. 41. C.
608
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
6
threatened death to such as should accuse the christians."
Which,' adds Eusebius,' could be no other than a disposal
' of Divine Providence, that the doctrine of the gospel, which
was then in its beginning, might be preached all over the
world without molestation.' So Eusebius. I forbear as
yet to take particular notice of what is said of this matter by
later writers.
6
Divers exceptions have been made by learned moderns to
the original testimonies of Justin Martyr and Tertullian.
Is there any likelihood,' say they, that Pilate should
'write such things to Tiberius concerning a man whom he
had condemned to death? And, if he had written them, is
' it probable that Tiberius should propose to the senate to
have a man put among the number of the gods upon the
'bare relation of a governor of a province? And if he had
proposed it, who can make a doubt that the senate would
not have immediately complied? So that, though we
dare not say that this narration is absolutely false, yet it
'must be reckoned at the least doubtful.'
So sayss
Du Pin.
These and other difficulties shall be considered.
Now therefore I shall mention some observations.
In the first place, I observe that Justin Martyr and Ter-
tullian are early writers of good repute. That is an obser-
vation of bishoph Pearson. These testimonies are taken
from the most public writings, Apologies for the christian
religion, presented, or at least proposed and recommended,
to the emperor and senate of Rome, or to magistrates of
high authority and great distinction in the Roman empire.
Secondly, It certainly was the custom of the governors
of provinces to compose Acts, or memoirs, or commentaries,
of the remarkable occurrences in the places where they
presided.
In the time of the first Roman emperors there were Acts
of the Senate, Acts of the City or People of Rome, Acts of
other cities, and Acts of governors of provinces. Of all
these we can discern clear proofs and frequent mention in
ancient writers of the best credit.
i
Julius Cæsar ordered that Acts of the Senate, as well as
daily Acts of the People, should be published.
8 Bib. des Aut. Ec. T. i. p. 24. a.
h Nihil igitur est, quod in hac historiâ refelli possit. Et, cum Tertullianus
adeo gravis, adeo antiquus auctor, adeo rerum Romanarum peritus fuerit,
tutius multo est istam Tiberii ad senatum de divinitate Christi relationem
amplecti. Pearson. Lection. in Acta Apost. iv. sect. xv. p. 65.
Inito honore, primus omnium instituit, ut tam Senatûs quam Populi diurna
Acta conficerentur. Sueton. Jul. Cæs. c. 20.
Of the Acts of Pilate and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 609
Augustusk forbade publishing the Acts of the Senate.
'There' was an officer, himself a senator, whose province
it was to compose those Acts.
m
The Acts of the Senate must have been large and volu-
minous, containing not only the question proposed, or re-
ferred to the senate by the consul, or the emperor, but also
the debates and speeches of the senators.
The " Acts of the People, or City, were journals or regis-
ters of remarkable births, marriages, divorces, deaths, pro-
ceedings in courts of judicature, and other interesting affairs,
and some other things below the dignity of history.
0
To these Acts of each kind Roman authors frequently
had recourse for information.
There were such acts or registers at other places beside
Rome, particularly at Antium. From them? Suetonius
learned the day and place of the birth of Caligula, about
which there were other uncertain reports. And he speaks
of those Acts as public authorities, and therefore more
decisive and satisfactory than some other accounts.
9
There were also Acts of the governors of provinces,
registering all remarkable transactions and occurrences.
Justin Martyr and Tertullian could not be mistaken about
this and the learned bishop of Cæsarea admits the truth
of what they say. And in the time of the persecuting em-
peror Maximin, in the year of Christ 307, or thereabout, the
heathen people forged Acts of Pilate, derogatory to the
:
k Auctor et aliarum rerum fuit; in queis ne Acta Senatûs publicarentur.
Sueton. Aug. c. 36.
¹ Fuit in Senatu Junius Rusticus, componendis patrum Actis delectus a
Cæsare; eoque meditationes ejus introspicere creditur. Tacit. Ann. 1. 5. c. 4.
in Nescio an venerint in manus vestras hæc vetera, quæ et antiquorum bibli-
othecis adhuc manent, et nunc maxime a Minuciano contrahuntur; ac jam
undecim, ut opinor, Actorum libris, et tribus epistolarum, composita et edita
sunt. Ex his intelligi potest, Cn. Pompeium et Marcum Crassum, non
viribus modo et armis, sed ingenio quoque et oratione valuisse, &c. Tacit.
seu quis alius, in Dialog. de Orator. c. 37.
Acta Senatûs vocabant commentarios, Græce iπoµvnµara, quibus breviter
inscriptum quidquid apud Patres diceretur, agereturque--Venio ad populi,
&c. Lipsii Excurs. ad Taciti libr. v. Annal. cap. 4.
♫ Nerone secundum et Lucio Pisone consulibus, pauca memoriâ digna
evenere; nisi cui libeat, laudandis fundamentis et trabibus quis molem amphi-
theatri apud Campum Martis Cæsar extruxerat, volumina implere; cum ex
dignitate populi Romani repertum sit, res illustres annalibus, talia diurnis ur-
bis actis mandare. Tacit. Ann. 1. 13. cap. 31.
• Matrem Antoniam non apud auctores rerum, non diurnâ Actorum scrip-
turâ, reperio ullo insigni officio functum. Tacit. Ann. 1. 3. c. 3.
P Ubi natus sit, incertum diversitas tradentium facit,-Ego in Actis Anti
invenio editum. Sueton. Cal. cap. S. Vid. et Tiber. cap. 5.
Sequenda igitur est, quæ solà restat, publici instrumenti auctoritas. Id.
Calig. cap. 8.
VOL. VI.
ER
610
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
honour of our Saviour, which were very diligently spread
abroad, to unsettle christians, or discourage them in the pro-
fession of their faith. Of this we are informed by Eusebius
in his Ecclesiastical History."
Thirdly, It was customary for governors of provinces to
send to the emperor an account of remarkable transactions
in the places where they presided.
$
So thought the learned Eusebius, as we have seen. And
Pliny's letters to Trajan, still extant, are a proof of it.
Philot speaks of the Acts or Memoirs of Alexandria, sent
to Caligula, which that emperor read with more eagerness
and satisfaction than any thing else.
u
V
The Acts of Pontius Pilate, and his Letter to Tiberius,
which we now have, are not genuine, but manifestly spurious.
Nevertheless, it must be allowed by all, that Pontius Pilate
composed some memoirs concerning our Saviour, and sent
them to the emperor, whether Justin Martyr and Tertullian
have given a just account of them or not.
W
Fourthly, It is said to be very unlikely that Pilate
should write such things to Tiberius, concerning a man
whom he had condemned to death.
To which it is easy to reply, that, if he wrote to Tiberius
at all, it is very likely that he should speak favourably and
honourably of our Saviour. That * Pilate past sentence of
condemnation upon our Lord very unwillingly, and not
without a sort of compulsion, appears from the history of
the evangelists: Matt. xxvii. 11-26, 62-65; Mark xv.
1-15; Luke xxiii. 1--25; John xviii. 28-40, xix. 1-13.
Pilate was hard pressed. The rulers of the Jews vehemently
accused our Lord to him. They said they had found him
perverting the nation, and forbidding to give tribute to
Vid. H. E. 1. i. c. ix. et 1. 9. c. v.
8 Omnino igitur credendum est aliqua fuisse Pilati acta, ipsius auctoritate
confecta, et ad Tiberium transmissa. Pearson. Lect. iii. in Act. Ap. sect. iv.
t -τη μεν ταις ὑπομνηματικαις εφημερισιν, άς απο της Αλεξανδρειας διεπεμ-
ποντο τινες, προσεχων· ἡδισον γαρ ην αναγνωσμα τετο αυτῳ ώς τα αλλων
συγγραφεων και ποιητων αηδεςατα συγκρίσει της εν τέτοις χαριτος νομίζεσθαι.
K. X. Philo de Legat. ad Caium, p. 1016. A.
" Vid. Fabric. Cod. Apocr. N. T. p. 298. et p. 972, &c.
Imo non potuit Pilatus officii sui rationem tantopere negligere, ut tantæ
rei in suâ provinciâ gestæ notitiam imperatori? non impertiretur. Pearson.
ubi supr. Lect. iv. n. xiv. Vid. et Tob. Echard. c. iv.n. xi. p. 126.
W
▾ Negare interim minime velim, Pilatum aliquid super tali ac tanto nego-
tio scripsisse: at incertum esse quid ac quale id fuerit, atque ideo prudentiores,
Eusebium, Hieronymum, similesque, talia cautius prodidisse. Ant. Vandale
Diss. de Actis Pilati, p. 615. Amst. 1700.
*-cujus et Pilatus, qui nolens compulsus est contra Dominum ferre sen-
tentiam. Hieron, adv. Jovin. 1. 2. p. 218. Tom. 4.
Of the Acts of Pilate and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 611
4
Cæsar, saying that himself is Christ a king, and the like:
and all without effect for a great while. Pilate still sought
for expedients to set Jesus at liberty. As his reluctance
had been very manifest and public in a court of judicature,
in the chief city of the nation, at the time of one of their
great festivals, it is highly probable that when he sent to
Rome he should make some apology for this conduct. Nor
could any thing be more proper than to allege some of our
Saviour's miracles which he had heard of, and to give an
account of the zeal of those who professed faith in him after
his ignominious crucifixion, and openly asserted that he was
risen from the dead and ascended up to heaven.
If Pilate sent any letter to Tiberius, (as very probably he
did,) he would not dare to write falsehood, nor to conceal
the most material circumstances of the case about which he
was writing. At the trial of Jesus he publicly declared his
innocence; and told the Jews several times that "he found
in him no fault at all." And when he was going to pro-
nounce the sentence of condemnation," he took water and
washed his hands before the multitude, saying: I am inno-
cent of the blood of this just person: see ye to it," Matt.
xxvii. 24. When he wrote to Tiberius, he would be very
naturally led to say something of our Lord's wonderful
resurrection and ascension, which were much talked of and
believed by many, with which he could not possibly be
unacquainted. The mention of these things would be the
best vindication of his inward persuasion, and repeated
declarations of our Lord's innocence upon the trial, notwith-
standing the loud clamours and united accusations of the
Jewish people and their rulers.
Pilate, as has been said several times, passed condemnation
upon Jesus very unwillingly, and not till after a long trial.
When he passed sentence upon him, he gave orders that this
title or inscription should be put upon the cross; "Jesus of
Nazareth, the king of the Jews." When he had expired,
application was made to Pilate, by Joseph of Arimathea, an
honourable counsellor, that the body might be taken down
and buried. To which he consented; but not till after
assurance received from the centurion that he had been some
time dead. The next day some of the priests and pharisees
came to him, saying: "Sir, we remember that that deceiver
said, while he was yet alive, After three days I will rise
again. Command therefore that the sepulchre be made
sure, until the third day, lest his disciples come by night and
steal him away, and say unto the people, He is risen from
the dead. So the last error shall be worse than the first.
2 R 2
612
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
66
Pilate said unto them: Ye have a watch; go your way,
make it sure as you can. So they went, and made the
sepulchre sure, sealing the stone, and setting a watch."
Whilst they were at the sepulchre there was a
great earth-
quake," the stone was rolled away by an angel,
" whose
countenance was like lightning, and for fear of whom the
guards did shake, and became as dead men. Some of the
guards went down into the city, and showed unto the chief
priests all the things that were done." Nor can there be
any doubt that those things came also to the governor's
ears. Pilate therefore was furnished with many materials
of great importance relating to this case, very proper to be
sent to the emperor. And very probably he did send them;
for he could do no otherwise.
Fifthly, It is said, that if Pilate had sent such things to
Tiberius, it is nevertheless very unlikely that Tiberius should
propose to the senate, that our Saviour might be put among
the number of the gods. For that emperor had little or no
regard to things of religion.
But it is easy to answer that such observations are of little
or no importance. Few princes are able to preserve uni-
formity in the whole of their conduct. And it is certain
that Tiberius varied from himself upon many occasions, and
in different parts of his life.
a
Sixthly, It is farther urged, that, if Tiberius had pro-
posed the thing to the senate, there can be no doubt that the
senate would have immediately complied.
But neither is this difficulty insuperable: for we are
assured by Suetonius, that Tiberius let several things be
decided by the senate, contrary to his own opinion, without
showing much uneasiness.
And when he had determined to remove and destroy
Sejanus, who had long been his favourite, he was far from
› Iliud certe dubitare non possumus, Pilatum vocâsse ad se hos milites, ex
iisque rem vere gestam cognovisse. Heumann. Testimonium militum de
Resurrectione Christi, p. 100. ap. Primitias Gotting.
2
² Mihi certe,—haud facile persuaserim, Tiberium Cæsarem, cujus mores ab
omni religionum omnium cultu perquam fuisse alienissimos, comperior, de
Christo Dom. et christianâ religione tantopere curâsse, ut de illâ retulerit ad
senatum.-Tota hominis vita nil aliud prædicat, quam quod dico. Et Sue-
tonio dictum est expresse et signanter, ‘Circa deos ac religiones negligentior,
• quippe addictus mathematicæ, persuasionisque plenus cuncta fato agi. Tan.
Fab. 1. 2. Ep. 12. p. 35.
ª Hem! Respuit senatus, quod Tiberio placuit. T. Faber. ibid.
b Quædam adversus sententiam suam decerni ne questus quidem est—Cum
senatusconsultum per discessionem forte fieret, transeuntem eum in alteram
partem, in quâ pauciores erant, secutus est nemo-&c. Sueton. Tiber. cap. 31.
Of the Acts of Pilate and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 613
C
being certain of the senate's compliance. He employed
the utmost art and skill, and yet was for some while anxious
and doubtful of the issue.
Seventhly, The right interpretation of the words of Ter-
tullian will be of use to remove difficulties, and to confirm
the truth of the account.
6
I have translated them in this manner: When Tiberius
' referred the matter to the senate, that our Lord should be
placed in the number of the gods, the senate refused, be-
'cause he had himself declined that honour.' The words
are understood to the like purpose by d Pearson.
There is another sense, which is that of the Greek trans-
lation of Tertullian's Apology, made use of by Eusebius.
'The senate refused because it had not itself approved of
'it.' But that sense, if it be any sense at all, is absurd, and
therefore unlikely. If none beside the senate had a right
to consecrate any for a deity, yet certainly the consul or the
emperor might refer such a thing to that venerable body.
According to Tertullian's account the whole is in a fair way
of legal proceeding. By virtue of an ancient law, no one
might be reckoned a god, (at least by the Romans,) without
the approbation of the senate. Tiberius having been in-
formed of some extraordinary things concerning Jesus, re-
ferred it to the senate, that he also might be placed in the
number of the deities. Was it possible after this that the
senate should refuse it, under a pretence that Tiberius had
bestowed divinity upon Jesus without their consent, when
he had done no such thing, and at that very time was re-
ferring it to their judgment in the old legal way?
e
Le Clerc objects that the true reading in Tertullian is
not quia in se non probaverat, but quia non ipse probaverat.
Be it so.
The meaning is the same. Ipse must intend the
emperor, not the senate. The other sense is absurd, and
next to a contradiction, and therefore not likely to be right,
and at the same time it is a rude and needless affront. The
other interpretation represents a handsome compliment, and
a compliment not without foundation. For it is very true
that f Tiberius had himself declined receiving divine honours.
C
c Sejanum res novas molientem-vix tandem, et astu magis ac dolo, quam
principali auctoritate, subvertit. Sueton. ib. cap. 65.
Senatus,' inquit Tertullianus, quia in se non probaverat.' Ubi optima
facti ratio redditur. Senatus antea Tiberio divinitatem obtulerat, quam ille
sibi oblatam respuit. Templa, flamines, sacerdotes decerni sibi prohibuit—
ut refert Suetonius. Quia igitur divinitatem in se non probaverat Tiberius,
sed oblatam rejecerat, tutissimum putabat senatus alium neminem in deos
suos referre, ne eum Tiberio majorem efficere viderentur. Pearson, Lect. 4.
numb. xiv. e Cleric. H. E. an. 29. n. 97. f Templa, flamines, sacer-
614
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
Eighthly, It has been objected, that Tiberius was un-
friendly to the Jewish people, and therefore it must be
reckoned very improbable that he should be willing to put
a man, who was a Jew, among the number of the gods.
6
6
But there is little or no ground for this objection. It was
obviated long ago in the first part of this work, where, be-
side other things, it is said: In the reign of Tiberius the
Jewish people were generally well used. They were in-
deed banished out of Italy by an edict; but it was for a
'misdemeanour committed by some villains of that nation.
The great hardship was, that many innocent persons suf-
'fered beside the guilty. Upon other occasions Tiberius
showed the Jews all the favour they could desire, especially
' after the death of Sejanus; and is much applauded for it
by Philo.' And what there follows.
<
6
(
Ninthly, Still it is urged, Nothing can be more absurd
than to suppose that Tiberius would receive for a deity a
man who taught the worship of one God only, and whose
religion decried all other deities as mere fiction.'
Upon which I must say, nothing can be more absurd than
this objection. Tertullian does not suppose Tiberius to be
well acquainted with the christian religion, or our Sa-
viour's doctrine. All he says is, that, having heard of some
extraordinary things concerning him, he had a desire to put
him among the Roman deities.
C
Tenthly, Tertullian proceeds: Nevertheless the emperor
'persisted in his opinion, and ordered that if any accused
the christians they should be punished.'
This was very natural. Though the senate would not
put Jesus in the number of the deities, the emperor was still
of opinion that it might have been done. And he deter-
mined to provide by an edict for the safety of those who
professed a high regard for Jesus Christ. Which edict, ast
Eusebius reasonably supposes, was of use for securing the
free preaching of the gospel in many places. But the au-
thority of that edict would cease at the emperor's denise,
if not sooner. Undoubtedly it could not be in force, or
have any great effect, for a long season.
dotes, decerni sibi prohibuit; etiam statuas, atque imagines, nisi permittente
se, poni: permisitque eâ solâ conditione, ne inter simulacra deorum, sed inter
ornamenta ædium, ponerentur. Sueton. Tiber. cap. 26.
8 See vol. i. p. 186, 187.
¹ De Legat. ad Caium, p. 1015. C. D.
1 Noverat Jesum fuisse hominem Judæum, uniusque Dei cultorem, et qui
omnes alios deos, quasi hominum commenta, rejiceret: ac proinde religionem,
quâ cum iis conjungeretur, summopere improbaturum, si in cœlo viveret; et
tamen eum unâ cum Romanis diis coli voluisset. Quo nihil absurdius fingi
poterat. Cleric. H. E. an. 29. n. 96.
Of the Acts of Pilate and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 615
Nor need we to consider the ordering such an edict ast
this in favour of the christians as an incredible thing, if we
observe what Philo says, who assures us, that Tiberiusk
gave orders to all the governors of provinces, to protect the
'Jews in the cities where they lived in the observation of their
own rights and customs; and that they should bear hard
upon none of them, but such as were unpeaceable and
'transgressed the laws of the state."
Nor is it improbable that the christians should partake of
the like civilities, they being considered as a sect of the Jews.
And it is allowed that the Roman emperors did not openly
persecute the christians, till they became so numerous that
the heathen people were apprehensive of the total overthrow
of their religion.
6
6
In the eleventh place. Says a learned and judicious!
writer,' It is probable that Pilate, who had no enmity toward
'Christ, and accounted him a man unjustly accused, and
⚫ an extraordinary person, might be moved by the wonder-
'ful circumstances attending and following his death, to hold
him in veneration, and perhaps to think him a hero and the
'son of some deity. It is possible that he might send a
'narrative, such as he thought most convenient, of these
'transactions to Tiberius: but it is not at all likely that Ti-
'berius proposed to the senate that Christ should be deified,
' and that the senate rejected it, and that Tiberius continued
favourably disposed toward Christ, and that he threatened
to punish those who should molest and accuse the chris-
'tians.' 'Observe also,' says the same learned writer,
that the Jews persecuted the apostles, and slew Stephen,
and that Saul made havoc of the church, entering into
⚫ every house, and haling men and women, committing them
to prison, and that Pilate connived at all this violence, and
" was not afraid of the resentment of Tiberius on that account.'
Admitting the truth of all these particulars just mentioned,
it does not follow that no orders were given by Tiberius for
the protection of the followers of Jesus. For no commands
of princes are obeyed by all men every where. They are
oftentimes transgressed. Nor was any place more likely
than Judea, where the enmity of many against the disciples
of Jesus was so great. Nor need it to be supposed that
Tiberius was very intent to have this order strictly regarded.
For he was upon many occasions very indolent and dilatory;
and he was well known to be so. Moreover the death of
Stephen was tumultuous, and not an act of the Jewish coun-
αλλ' επι μόνες τες αιτιες. De Legat. ad Caium, p. 1015. C.
¹ Dr. Jortin's Remarks upon Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. p. 2—4.
k
616
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
•
cil. And farther, the influence of Pilate in that country
was not now at its full height. We perceive from the
history of our Lord's trial before him, as recorded in the
gospels, that he stood in fear of them Jews. "He" was ap-
prehensive that, if he did not gratify them in that point,
they might draw up a long list of mal-administrations for
'the emperor's view. His condemnation of Jesus at the
importunity of the Jews, contrary to his own judgment and
inclination, declared to them more than once, was a point
gained and his government must have been ever after
much weakened by so mean a condescension. And that
'Pilate's influence in the province continued to decline is
manifest, in that the people of it prevailed at last to have
'him removed in a very ignominious manner, by Vitellius
' president of Syria.'
:
0
Pilate was removed from his government before the Pass-
over in the year of Christ 36. After which there was no
procurator, or other person with power of life and death, in
Judea, before the ascension of Herod Agrippa, in the year
41. In that space of time the Jews would take an unusual
licence, and gratify their own malicious dispositions, beyond
what they could have otherwise done, without control.
Twelfth, Some have objected, that Tertullian is so absurd
as to speak of christians in the time of Tiberius; though it
be certain that the followers of Jesus were not known by
that denomination till some time afterwards.
But that is a trifling objection. Tertullian intends no
more by christians than followers of Jesus, by whatever
name they were known and distinguished: whether that
of Nazarenes, or Galileans, or disciples. And it is un-
doubted, that the christian religion had its rise in the reign
of Tiberius; though they, who professed to believe in Jesus,
as risen from the dead and ascended to heaven, were not
called christians till some while afterwards. So at the
beginning of the paragraph he says, ' There was an ancient
law that no god should be consecrated by the emperor,
unless it was first approved by the senate.' Neverthe-
less Tertullian was not so ignorant as not to know that there
were not any emperors when that ancient decree was passed.
His meaning is, that no one should be deified by any man,
no not by a consul or emperor, without the approbation of
the senate.
Finally, We do not suppose that Tiberius understood the
doctrine of our Saviour, or that he was at all inclined to
m See particularly John xix. 12.
n Vol. i. p. 97. Comp. p. 389.
• See vol. i. as before, p. 98.
Of the Acts of Pilate and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 617
6
be a christian. Nor did Tertullian intend to say any such
thing, for immediately after the passage first cited from him,
he adds: But the Cæsars themselves would have believed
in Jesus Christ, if they had not been necessary for the
world, or if christians could have been Caesars.'
6
4
Grotius appears to have rightly understood the import-
ance of these passages of Tertullian; whose note therefore
upon Matthew xxiv. 11, I have transcribed below.
Admit then the right interpretation of Tertullian, and it
may be allowed that what he says is not incredible nor im-
probable. The Romans had almost innumerable deities,
and yet they frequently added to that number, and adopted
new. As deifications were very frequent, Tiberius might
indulge a thought of placing Jesus among the established
deities, without intending to derogate from the worship or
honour of those who were already received. But the senate
was not in the humour to gratify him. And the reason
assigned is, because the emperor himself had declined that
honour; which is so plausible a pretence, and so fine a
compliment, that we cannot easily suppose it to be Tertul-
lian's own invention; which therefore gives credibility to
this account.
Eusebius, though he acknowledgeth the overruling pro-
vidence of God in the favourable disposition of Tiberius.
toward the first followers of Jesus, by which means the
christian religion in its infancy was propagated over the
world with less molestation, does also say, at the beginning
of the chapter before quoted, 'The senate refused their con-
'sent to the emperor's proposal, under a pretence that they
had not been first asked, there being an ancient law, that
no one should be deified without the approbation of the
'senate. But indeed,' adds he, because the saving and
'divine doctrine of the gospel needed not to be ratified by
'human judgment and authority.'
Chrysostom's observation is to the like purpose, but with
P Sed et Cæsares credidissent super Christo, si aut Cæsares non essent seculo
necessarii, aut si et christiani potuissent esse Cæsares. Apol. cap. 21. p. 22. C.
q Cum paganismo christianam religionem miscere aggressus est omnium
primus Simon Magus, Claudio imperante. Nam et ipse pro deo haberi voluit.
Credibile est, pervenisse ad eum famam consilii ejus, quod a Tiberio datum
senatui Romano legimus, ut Christus adderetur deorum numero. Qualem
rerum plane insociabilium mixturam postea quoque Adrianus, Severus, Helio-
gabalus, sed frustra, efficere conati sunt. Grot. ad Matt. xxiv. 11.
• Tiberius autem non ita Christum voluit deum recipi, ut suetus Romano-
rum cultus abrogaretur, sed ut juxta coleretur, uti Julium Cæsarem Augustus,
et Augustum ipse Tiberius consecraverat, et coli secundum cæteros deos vole-
bat, &c. Tob. Echard. cap. 4. n. 8. p. 122.
619
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
some inaccuracies. It is likely that he was not at all ac-
quainted with Tertullian; and he was no admirer of Euse-
bius. Perhaps he builds upon general tradition only.
"The Roman senate,' says he, had the power of nominating
' and decreeing who should be gods. When therefore all
things concerning Christ had been published, he, who
was the governor of the Jewish nation, sent to them to
'know if they would be pleased to appoint him also to be
a god. But they refused, being offended and provoked,
'that, before their decree and judgment had been obtained,
the power of the crucified man had shined out, and had
'attracted all the world to the worship of him. But, by
'the overruling providence of God, this was brought to
'pass against their will, that the divinity of Christ might
not be established by human appointment, and that he
might not be reckoned one of the many who were deified
by them. Some of which, as he proceeds to show, had
been of infamous characters.
"
t
I shall now transcribe below" in his own words what
Orosius, in the fifth century, says of this matter, that all
my readers may have it at once before them without looking
farther for it.
V
W
And I refer to Zonaras and Nicephorus. The former
only quotes Eusebius, and transcribes into his Annals the
chapter of his Ecclesiastical History above quoted by me.
Nor has Nicephorus done much more.
Upon the whole, I think the accounts of those ancient
authors, Justin Martyr and Tertullian, deserve some regard.
It is upon them that I have made my comments; and my
defence is confined to them. And we can perceive from
Eusebius, and other later writers, that their accounts were
s Chrys. Hom. 26. in 2 Cor. T. x. p. 624. A.
* Τέτο δε φκονομείτο και ακόντων αυτών, ώσε μη εξ ανθρωπινε ψηφε την
θεοτητα ανακηρυχθήναι τε Χρισ8. κ. λ.
" At postquam passus est Dominus Christus, atque a mortuis resurrexit, et
discipulos suos ad prædicandum dimisit, Pilatus, præses Palestinæ provinciæ,
ad Tiberium imperatorem atque senatum retulit de passione et resurrectione
Christi, consequentibusque virtutibus, quæ per ipsum palam factæ fuerant, vel
per discipulos ipsius in nomine ejus fiebant, et de eo quod crescente plurimo-
rum fide Deus crederetur. Tiberius cum suffragio magni favoris retulit ad
senatum, ut Christus deus haberetur. Senatus, indignatione motus, quod non
sibi prius secundum morem delatum esset, ut de suscipiendo cultu prius ipse
decerneret, consecrationem Christi recusavit, edictoque constituit, exterminan-
dos esse Urbe christianos; præcipue cum et Sejanus, præfectus Tiberii, susci-
piendæ religioni obstinatissime contradiceret. Tiberius tamen edicto accusa-
toribus christianorum mortem comminatus est. Itaque paullatim immutata
est illa Tiberii Cæsaris laudatissima modestia, in pœnam contradictoris sena-
tûs. P. Oros. 1. 7. c. 4.
v Zonar. Ann. T. 2. p. 176.
W
Niceph. 1. 2. c. 8. Conf. 1. i. cap. 16.
Of the Acts of Pilate and his Letter to Tiberius. A. D. 33. 619
received as true. But some make additions or alterations
in Tertullian's original narration, which diminish the credi-
bility of the whole. Orosius not only says that the senate
refused to comply with the proposal of Tiberius, but also
that they were so provoked as to order, by an edict,
that the christians should be expelled the city:' which is
loading the history with two great absurdities. For it is
very improbable that the christians should be so numerous
at Rome, in the time of Tiberius, as to occasion an uneasi-
ness to the senate. And it is equally improbable that the
senate should behave so rudely to the emperor. Tertullian's
account is free from such things, and ought not to be reject-
ed because of additions made by later writers.
The truth of Tertullian's account has been contested by
divers learned moderns. I have already taken notice of
what is said by Du Pin, and have also considered the ob-
jections of some others. I now willingly refer to divers
others x on the same side. Other learned meny have em-
braced it as true, and have taken a good deal of pains to vin-
dicate it against objections. Pearson, in particular, is very
favourable to this history; and in the course of my argu-
ment I have quoted him several times. The late Mr.
Mosheim also was of opinion that it ought not to be en-
a
Z
× Tan. Fabr. 1. ii. Ep. xii. Vandale de Orac. p. 455. et Diss. de Actis Pilati.
p. 608, &c. Amst. 1700. Cleric. H. E. ann. 29. n. 96, &c. Basnag. ann. 33.
n. 192-196. et Exercitat. p. 136, &c. Sig. Havercamp. Annot. ad Tertul-
lian. Apol. cap. v. Jortin's Remarks upon Ecclesiastical Hist. vol. i. p. 2—4.
y Sueur Histoire de l'Eglise et de l'Empire. Tom. i. p. 130, 131. Tillem.
Mem. Ecc. T. i. S. Pierre art. 19. et notes xvi.-xix. Fr. Balduin. Comment.
ad Edicta veterum Principum Roman. de Christianis. p. 20—24. 1727. Tob.
Eckhard. non christianorum de Christo Testimonia. cap. iv. J. A. Fabr. Lux
Evangelii. cap. xii. p. 220-222. La Religion Chret. autorisée par le
témoignage des anciens auteurs Payens. Par D. Colonia. Tom. 2. ch. xi.
Lettre de M. Iselin Docteur et Professeur en Théologie à Basle, sur le projet
conçu par Tibère, de mettre N. S. J. C. au nombre des Dieux de Rome. Bib.
Germanique, T. 32. p. 147, &c. et T. 33. p. 12, &c.
z Pearson. Lection. in Act. Ap. iii. et iv.
a
Negant hodie viri sagaces ei erunditi, fidem huic narrationi habendam
esse. Ego vero superstitiosi nomen minime formido, si dixero, non prorsus
eam mihi rejiciendam videri. Moshem. Institution. H. Christianæ Maj. Sec.
i. P. i. c. 4. sect. ix. p. 109. A. D. 1739.
Sunt quidem viri eruditi, quibus hoc alienissimum a vero videtur: sed his
alii, doctrinâ non inferiores, rationes opponunt haud facile destruendas. Id.
de Reb. Christian. ante Const. M. p. 92.
Erudite, post Theod. Hasæum peculiari libello de Decreto Tiberii, quo
Christum referre voluit in numerum Deorum, Ersurti 2715. 4. edito, pro
veritate hujus facti militavit ven. Jac. Christoph. Isellus, epistolâ Gallicâ,
quæ legitur Bibliothéque Germanique. T. 32. p. 147. T. 33. p. 12. Moshem.
Insti. Hist. Ec. p. 30. ed. 1755. Conf. supr. not. ".
620
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
tirely rejected, and has spoken in favour of it in several of
his works.
II. There is another thing which may not be omitted here,
though it appears to me to be of little or no importance.
<
6
6
b
It is a story told by Cleombrotus, one of the speakers in
Plutarch's dialogue concerning the cessation of oracles:
He had it from Epitherses, his master in grammar. He
'said he was sailing for Italy in a ship well freighted with
'merchandize, in which also were many passengers. When
they were one evening among the islands, called Echi-
nedes, in the Egean sea, the ship was becalmed. Most of
'the passengers were awake, and some were carousing after
supper; at the same time there came a voice from the
island Paxæ, which called aloud for Thamus. He was
'an Egyptian, and the pilot, and not so much as known by
name to many of the passengers. He suffered himself to be
'called twice without making any answer; but at the third
'call he spoke. The voice then with great vehemence said
to him: "When you come to the Palodes, declare that
'the great Pan is dead." They were all astonished when
they heard this, and debated the matter, whether it were
'fit to perform the order or not. Thamus determined that
if, when they were arrived at the appointed place, there
was wind enough to sail forward, he would pass by in
silence; but if the vessel was becalmed, he would publish
what he had heard. When they came over against Palodes,
the winds and waves were all calm. Thamus therefore
placing himself at the stern of the vessel, with his face
'toward the land, declared as he had been told, "that the
'great Pan was dead." Scarcely had he done speaking,
'when they heard from the shores groans and lamentatious,
'not of one, but as of a great multitude. As there were
many in the ship who were witnesses of this affair, the
'fame of it spread in a short time so far as Rome, and
Thamus was sent for by the emperor Tiberius; and Tibe-
'rius gave such credit to the account that he called together
'several learned men, to inquire of them who this Pan was.
They delivered it as their opinion that he was the son of
Mercury and Penelope.'
<
C
As this story is placed in the time of Tiberius, some
learned men have been of opinion that by the great Pan
с
b Plut. de Oracul. Defectu. Et vid. Euseb. Pr. Ev. p. 206.
• Ex hisce audiamus, quæso, primo loco, Boissardum in hunc modum loª
quentem-Quidam existimant vocem illam locutam fuisse de Christi servatoris
morte, cum audita sit anno decimo nono imperii Cæsaris, quo Christus cruci-
Of a Passage in Plutarch concerning the Death of Pan. A. D. 33. 621
d
was meant Jesus Christ, the Lord of the universe, who suf-
fered in the time of that emperor. Huet gives credit to
this story, and supposeth that thereby the death of Christ,
who is the true Pan, the parent of all things, and the author
of all nature, was notified to heathen people.
I shall now make two or three remarks, which are refer-
red to the consideration of my readers.
1. The whole story is improbable, and has more the ap-
pearance of fiction than of truth and credibility.
2. The story is all over heathenish. If there be any truth
in the account, when it was brought to Rome, and the affair
was examined by the learned philologists at the court of
Tiberius, their determination was, that the Pan, who was re-
ported to be dead, was the son of Mercury and Penelope.
Neither Thamus, nor Epitherses, nor Tiberius, nor the learned
men whom he consulted, nor yet Plutarch and his company,
who lived some good while after the death of our Lord, and
the publication of his gospel, had any notion that this related
to Jesus Christ.
That this story is throughout heathenish may be argued
from what is said presently afterwards by Demetrius, ano-
ther of the speakers in that dialogue of Plutarch: that
' most of the islands near Britain are desert, and consecrated
'to dæmons and heroes; and that, being sent by the em-
peror to take a survey of those islands, he landed on one
of them which had a few inhabitants; and that, soon after
his arrival, there happened a tempest, with terrible claps
of thunder and lightning. When the tempest was over,
'the people of the island gave out that some one of the prin-
cipal dæmons was dead. A candle, said they, when it
'burns is pleasant; but when it goes out it leaves a stink
behind even so the deaths of great souls produce storms,
' and sometimes a pestiferous air.' To which Demetrius
'
6
fixus est. Et hunc credimus universæ naturæ et totius mundi Dominum et
Formatorem. Vandale de Orac. p. 435.
Huic narrationi fidem creat circumstantia temporis. Incidit enim hæc res
in tempus, quo Christus mortuus est. Estque verisimile, ejulationes dæmonum
inde ortas, quod scirent, morte Christi satanæ regnum concidisse. Est enim
Pan vox aptissima ad significandum Dominum universi, qui est omnia in om-
nibus, ut ait Paulus, 1 Cor. xv. 28. Petrus Mornæus, citat. a Vandale. ib. p. 437.
d Ethnicis vero stupendo miraculo Christi Jesu significata mors est, quod
in libello de desitis oraculis Plutarchus refert. Id, quanquam a vulgo
scriptorum tritum est, minime tamen ob admirabilitatem rei pigebit hic adscri-
bere-Narrat id apud Plutarchum Emilianus Rhetor, ut sibi a patre Epitherse,
rei teste, traditum. Atqui id convenit in tempus mortis Christi Jesu, qui verus
Pan est, rerum omnium parens, ac naturæ totius auctor, quam Panos symbolo
Mythologi signatam voluerunt. Huet. Dem. Ev. Prop. ix. cap. 136. p. 630.
See likewise Tillemont. Mem. Ec. J. C. art. 21. et note 31.
622
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
added, 'that in one of those islands Satan was bound, and
guarded by Briarius, and that there were many dæmons
'attending upon him, as his slaves and ministers. All fic-
tion surely; but representing, as may be supposed, the doc-
trine of credulous heathens concerning dæmons.
All which, however, is quoted by Eusebius from Plu-
tarch, to prove the cessation or the declension of oracles soon
after the coming of Christ.
His remark is to this purpose: So far Plutarch. But it
• will be worth the while to observe the time when he says
'the death of that dæmon happened: it was in the time of
• Tiberius. At that time our Saviour dwelt among men ;
and it is written of him that he expelled all sorts of
'dæmons; and some of them fell down before him, entreat-
ing him that he would not send them into the abyss. Here
then you have the true time of the expulsion of dæmons out
of this world. A thing never heard of before. Nor was
'there an end put to human sacrifices, so common among
⚫ the Gentiles, till the evangelical doctrine had been preached
' to all men.' So Eusebius.
(
•
f
And though Colonia flourisheth mightily upon this story,
he in the end finds it prudent to content himself with con-
sidering it as an argument, 'that the Gentiles themselves
' acknowledged the general downfall or declension of their
'oracles, after the time of Tiberius, and the coming of
⚫ Christ, and that two centuries before Eusebius.' A point
about which I do not now particularly concern myself.
h
Before I conclude this article, I would observe, that Ba-
ronius did not fully rely upon the truth of the story told in
Plutarch, concerning the pilot Thamus: and that the cen-
turiators of Magdeburg consider it as an absurd and ridicu-
lous fiction. So likewise does Basnage, who has offered
more reasons in behalf of his opinion than need to be re-
peated by me here.
k
e
Præp. Evang. 1. v. cap. 17. p. 206–208.
f La Réligion Chrétienne, &c. Tom. i. p. 124, &c.
§ P. 129.
h Hactenus de Pane Eusebius ex Plutarcho-Sane quidem si rei gestæ fidem
adhibendam esse putamus, &c. Baron. Ann. 34. num. 130.
i Ubi et de Pane mortuo ridicula narrat. Centur. Magdeb. Sec. i. lib. 2.
cap. xv.
k Nobis vero propius est, hanc Epithersis narra-
tionem esse fabulis apponendam: neque Christi passionem Panis morte signi-
ficatam-Basn. ann. 33. num. 124.
A Monumental Inscription concerning the Christians. A. D. 68. 623
CHAP. III.
A MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTION CONCERNING THE
CHRISTIANS IN THE TIME OF NERO.
WHAT offers next is an inscription of the emperor Nero, on
a monument found in Portugal.ª
TO NERO CLAUDIUS CÆSAR,
AUGUSTUS, HIGH-PRIEST,
FOR CLEARING THE PROVINCE
OF ROBBERS, AND THOSE
WHO TAUGHT MANKIND
A NEW SUPERSTITION.
None can doubt that by the new superstition is here in-
tended christianity. Some have questioned the genuine-
ness of this inscription, because, say they, Nero's persecution
extended no farther than Rome. The pretence for punish-
ing them there was a charge of having set fire to the city.
But it could not be so much as pretended that they who
dwelt in remote countries were concerned in that fact.
If this be the only objection, the inscription may be
reckoned very good. For if the christians living at Rome
were charged with so great a crime, all of that sect in any
place would share in the scandal, and might be judged a
vile sort of people, fit to be destroyed. And indeed the chris-
tians at Rome were as innocent as they at the greatest dis-
tance. Besides, it will presently appear, from Tacitus, that
the christians were then much hated, and that they suffered
at Rome, not barely as guilty of setting fire to the city, but
also for their supposed enmity to mankind. And Suetonius,
in his account of the sufferings of the christians in this reign,
says nothing of any concern in the fire; but only that they
were a people of a new and pernicious, or magical, super-
stition.
• In ruinis pagi Marquosiæ in Lusitaniâ. Ap. Gruter. p. 238. 3.
NERONI. CL. CAES.
AUG. PONT. MAX.
OB PROVINC. LATRONIB.
ET. HIS. QUI. NOVAM
GENERI. HUM. SUPER.
STITION. INCULAB.
PURGATAM.
624
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
Which leads me to observe farther, that the style of the
inscription is agreeable to that of Tacitus and Suetonius,
some of the earliest heathen writers who have mentioned the
christians.
If the persecution in Nero's time never became universal,
it might take place in some of the provinces, particularly in
that part of Spain which is now called Portugal. The
christian writers, who speak of Nero's persecution, dob in
effect, or expressly, say it was general; that from Rome it
spread into the provinces, and was authorized by public
edicts,
Though there remain this monument only, there may have
been others of the like kind, which have been destroyed out
of aversion to the memory of Nero, or by some of those
many accidents to which all things are liable in a long course
of years.
If this inscription be genuine, it is as early an heathen
monument as we could expect to find remaining concerning
christianity; especially so far off from Judea as Lusitania,
now called Portugal. It must have been set up in the life-
time of Nero, who died in June, A. D. 68, or, at the utmost,
before his death was publicly known; for after that no peo-
ple paid him any honours.
I have shown that the style of this inscription is agree-
able to early antiquity; and I have answered the objection
taken from the supposed narrow limits of Nero's persecution.
Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged, that the genuineness
of it is not assented to by all. Joseph Scaligerd doubted.
Pagie and others have endeavoured to vindicate it. Some
others still hesitate. This monument, they say, has been
f
b Consulite commentarios vestros. Illic reperietis, primum Neronem in
hanc sectam, cum maxime Romæ orientem, Cæsareano gladio ferocîsse. Sed
tali dedicatore damnationis nostræ etiam gloriamur. Tertullian. Ap. cap. 5.
Cum animadverteret Nero, non modo Romæ, sed ubique quotidie magnam
multitudinem deficere a cultu idolorum-prosiluit ad excidendum cœleste tem-
plum, delendamque justitiam, et primus omnium persecutus Dei servos, &c.
Lactant. vel Cæcilius de M. P. cap. 2.
c Hoc initio in christianos sæviri cœptum. Post etiam datis legibus religio
vetabatur: palamque edictis propositis christianum esse non licebat. Sulp.
Sev. Hist. 1. 2. cap. 41.
Primus Romæ christianos suppliciis et mortibus affecit, ac per omnes pro-
vincias pari persecutione excruciari imperavit. Oros. 1. 7. c. 7.
d Neque solum Romæ sævitum in christianos, sed etiam in provinciis. Ex-
stat vetus inscriptio in Hispaniâ, loco Pisuerga vocato, in quo sine dubio hæc
crudelitas tangitur, siquidem vera est illa inscriptio. Nam dubito. De Emend.
Temp. p. 471.
Pagi ann. 64. n. iv. J. E. I. Walchius De
Persecutione Christian. Neronianâ in Hispaniâ.
e
* Exstat celebris hæc inscriptio apud Jan. Gruter. p. 238. n. 9. Ipsi vero
præstantissimi Hispanorum viri auctoritatem hujus inscriptionis tueri non
PLINY the Elder.
625
seen by few or none: and the credit of the first publisher
of the inscription is not established above all suspicion of
falsehood and imposture.
I therefore must not insist upon it as certainly genuine
and ancient; though I could not forbear to propose it to be
considered nor do I think that any can dislike my placing
it here before my readers.
CHAP. IV.
PLINY THE ELDER.
CAIUS PLINUS SECUNDUS, or a Pliny the elder, was
born at Nerona, in the reign of Tiberius. He had divers
public posts under the emperors Vespasian and Titus; not-
withstanding which he redeemed a great deal of time for
reading and writing, in which he was indefatigable. He
was suffocated in the smoke and ashes of Vesuvius, in the
fifty-sixth year of his age, and the first year of the reign of
Titus, in the year 79. His Natural History was published,
and inscribed to Vespasian; or, as others think, to Titus, in
the year of our Lord 77, before he was emperor.
In his History is a chapter concerning the origin of magic;
where are these words: There is another sect of magi-
'cians, depending on (or deriving from) Moses, and Jamnes,
and Jotapes, who were Jews, but many thousand years
'since Zoroaster. Still so much later is the Cyprian.'
audent, quippe quam nemo unquam vidit, et Cyriacus Anconitanus primus
protulit, homo, quod omnes sciunt, fallax, et, si quis alius, malæ fidei, &c
J. L. Moshem. Instit. Hist. Ec. p. 37.
Verum magni homines post Scaligerum dubitant, quid de fide et auctoritate
monumenti hujus statuendum sit: et, ut arbitror, justissimas habent dubitandi
causas. Nemo enim vel Hispanorum, vel Lusitanorum, lapidem hunc un-
quam vidit, quod ipsi doctissimi Hispaniæ viri non diffitentur. Is vero, si
aliquando extitisset, magnâ certe curâ ob insigne pretium asservatus fuisset.
Id. De. Reb. Christian. p. 109.
a Vid. Plin. Ep. 1. vi. 16. et 20. Voss. de H. 1. i. cap. 29. Fabr. Bib. Lat. 1.
2. c. 13. Basnag. ann. 77. ii. et 79. v. Tillem. H. E. Tite. art, vi. Crevier's
History of the Roman Emperors. B. xvii. vol. 6. p. 291.
b Est et alia Magicis factio, a Mose, et Jamne, et Jotape Judæis pendens,
sed multis millibus annorum post Zoroastrem. Tanto recentior est Cypria.
Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 30. cap. i. De Origine Magicæ artis, quando, et a quibus
cœperat, &c.
VOL. VI.
2 s
626
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
Some have thought, that in this last Pliny refers to the
blindness inflicted by St. Paul on Elymas the sorcerer, in
the presence of Sergius Paulus, proconsul of Cyprus, and
related in Acts xiii. but I do not affirm it.
CHAP. V.
TACITUS.
I. His history, time, and works. II. Pomponia Græcina, a
Roman lady, accused of a foreign superstition in the year
of Christ 57, the fourth year of Nero's reign. III. His
account of Nero's persecution of the christians. IV. His
testimony to the Jewish war, and the destruction of Jeru-
salem by Titus.
a
с
I. CAIUS CORNELIUS TACITUS, whose ancestors are
unknown, was older than the younger Pliny, who was born
in the year of our Lord 61 or 62. In the year 77 or 78 he
married the daughter of Cnæus Julius Agricola, famous
for his consulship, and government of Britain. He enjoy-
ed divers posts of honour and trust under Vespasian, and
the following emperors. He was prætor of Rome, under
Domitian, in 88, and consul in the short reign of Nerva, in
97. The year was opened by Nerva and T. Virginius Ru-
fus, who were then both of them the third time consuls.
Virginius Rufus, who was a man of great eminence, and
then of a great age, died in his consulship; whereupone
Tacitus was substituted in his room, and pronounced his
panegyric.
But, as has been often observed, his writings have gained
him more honour than all his diguities. His works seem to
have been published by him in this order: first, his De-
a Vid. G. J. Voss. de Hist. Lat. Lipsii Vit. Tacit. Fabric. Bib. Lat. Toin.
i. Bayle Diction. Tillemont, H. E. Trajan. art. 27.
b
Equidem adolescentulus, quum jam tu famâ gloriâque floreres, te sequi,
tibi longo sed proximus intervallo et esse et haberi concupiscebam. Plin. 1.
7. Ep. 20.
• Consul egregiæ tum spei filiam juveni mihi
despondit, ac post consulatum collocavit, et statim Britanniæ præpositus est,
adjecto pontificatûs sacerdotio. Tacit. Vit. Agr. cap. 9.
d Vid. Tacit. Hist. 1. i. cap. i.
e Laudatus est a consule Cornelio Tacito. Nam hic supremus felicitati ejus
cumulus accessit, laudator eloquentissimus, &c. Plin. 1. i. ep. 2.
TACITUS. Nero's Persecution. A. D. 100.
627
scription of Germany, next, The Life of Agricola, his father-
in-law; after that his History, beginning with Galba, and
ending at the death of Domitian; and lastly, his Annals,
beginning with Tiberius, and ending at the death of Nero.
Both these works are now imperfect.
f
Tacitus and Pliny the younger lived together in intimate
friendship. They revised each other's writings before
publication. Divers of Pliny's letters are written to him;
in particular those two wherein Pliny gives an account of
the eruption of Vesuvius, and the death of his uncle. They
were sent as memoirs, to be inserted by Tacitus in his his-
tories.
It is allowed thath Tacitus flourished in the first century;
I therefore place him here in the year 100, the third of the
emperor Trajan: and though the two last, and principal
of his works, were not published till some time after, un-
doubtedly he was now employed in collecting materials for
them, and in composing them. Nor did either of them come
down any lower than the death of Domitian.
i
II. In his Annals, at the year of our Lord 57, he writes
thus: And Pomponia Græcina, a lady of eminent quality,
married to Plautius, who, upon his return from Britain,
had the honour of an ovation, being accused of practising
a foreign superstition, was referred to the cognizance of
her husband. And be, according to ancient institution, in
the presence of the family, sat in judgment upon the life and
reputation of his wife, and pronounced her innocent. Pom-
ponia lived to a great age, and in perpetual sorrow, after
the death of Julia, daughter of Drusus, procured by the
intrigues of Messalina. For the space of forty years she
wore no habit but that of mourning, nor admitted any senti-
ments but those of grief. And this behaviour, which in the
f Librum tuum legi, et, quam diligentissime potui, annotavi quæ commu-
tanda, quæ eximenda arbitrarer.-Nunc a te librum meum cum annotationibus
tuis exspecto. O jucundas, O pulchras vices! Plin. 1. 7. ep. 20. Vid. et l.
8. ep. 7.
Petis, ut tibi avunculi mei exitum scribam, quo
verius tradere posteris possis. Gratias ago. Nam video, morti ejus, si cele-
bretur a te, immortalem gloriam esse propositam. L. 6. ep. 16. Vid. et
ep. 20.
h Tacite- Historien Romain, a fleuri
dans le premier siècle. Bayle Diction.
Et Pomponia Græcina, insignis femina, Plautio, qui ovans se de Britan-
niis retulit, nupta, ac superstitionis externæ rea, mariti judicio permissa.
Isque prisco instituto, propinquis coram, de capite famâque conjugis cognovit,
et infontem nuntiavit. Longa huic Pomponiæ ætas, et continua tristitia fuit.
Nam, post Juliam Drusi filiam dolo Messalinæ interfectam, per quadraginta
annos, non cultu nisi lugubri, non animo nisi mæsto egit. Idque illi imperi-
tante Claudio impune, mox ad gloriam vertit. Tacit. Ann. 1. 13. c. 32.
2s2
.628
Testimonies of Ancient History.
reign of Claudius escaped with impunity, afterwards re-
dounded to her glory.'
k
As it was about fourteen years from the death of Julia,
to this trial of Pomponia, Lipsius suspects the reading of
'forty years; and his emendation is approved by some,
rejected by others. I rather think it to be right, as it is in
all copies. Nor does Tacitus compute from the death of
Julia to the time of this trial, but to the time of Pomponia's
death. 'She lived,' he says, 'to a great age: and all the
time from the death of Julia to her own death, which was
the space of forty years, she was a perpetual mourner.'
be
This foreign, or extraneous superstition, of which Pom-
ponia was accused, is supposed by Lipsius, in his notes,
and bym others, to be the christian religion: and we may
inclined to that opinion; but we cannot be certain of it. I
have transcribed the whole account of this lady, that every
one may the better judge for himself.
III. After a description of the terrible fire at Rome, in
the tenth of Nero, and the sixty-fourth of our Lord, in which
a large part of the city was consumed, and an account of the
orders given for rebuilding and beautifying it, and the
methods used to appease the anger of the gods, Tacitus adds:
• But neither all human help, nor the liberality of the em-
peror, nor all the atonements presented to the gods, availed
to abate the infamy he lay under of having ordered the city
n
k Vid. Not. ad loc.
¹ Superstitionis externæ rea.] Christianismi
credo accusatam, sive, ut tunc confundebant, judaïsmi. Lipsius in loc.
Forte christianam pietatem intelligit. Nam apparet, sanctam mulierem
fuisse Pomponiam Græcinam. Tacitus loquitur ut Ethnicus. Rhenanus in loc.
m Christi doctrinam a Pomponiâ fuisse degustatam, non immerito conjici-
mus. Basnag. ann. 57. p. ii. Pomponia Græcina fut accusée de suivre une
superstition êtrangère, dit Tacite; ce qui se peut entendre du christianisme.
Tillem. Neron, art. v.
n Sed non ope humanâ, non largitionibus principis, aut deum placamentis
decedebat infamia, quin jussum incendium crederetur. Ergo abolendo rumori
Nero subdidit reos, et quæsitissimis pœnis affecit, quos, per flagitia invisos,
vulgus christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus Christus, qui, Tiberio
imperante, per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat. Re-
pressa in præsens exitiabilis superstitio rursus erumpebat, non modo per Ju-
dæam, originem ejus mali, sed per Urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia
aut pudenda confluunt, celebranturque. Igitur primo correpti qui fateban-
tur, deinde indicio eorum multitudo ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii,
quam odio humani generis, convicti sunt. Et pereuntibus addita ludibria,
ut ferarum tergis contecti, laniatu canum interirent, aut crucibus affixi, aut
flammandi, atque, ubi defecisset dies, in usum nocturni luminis urerentur.
Hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero obtulerat, et Circense ludicrum edebat, habitu
aurigæ permixtus plebi vel circulo [curriculo legit Lipsius] insistens. Unde,
quanquam adversus sontes, et novissima exempla meritos, miseratio oriebatur,
tanquam non utilitate publicâ, sed in sævitiam unius absumerentur. Ann. 1.
XV. c. 44.
TACITUS. Nero's Persecution. A. D. 100.
629
to be set on fire. To suppress therefore this common rumour,
Nero procured others to be accused, and inflicted exquisite
punishment upon those people, who were in abhorrence for
their crimes, and were commonly known by the name of
christians. They had their denomination from Christus, who
in the reign of Tiberius was put to death as a criminal by
the procurator Pontius Pilate. This pernicious superstition,
though checked for a while, broke out again, and spread,
not only over Judea, the source of this evil, but reached the
city also; whither flow from all quarters all things vile and
shameful, and where they find shelter and encouragement.
At first they only were apprehended who confessed them-
selves of that sect; afterwards a vast multitude, discovered
by them all which were condemned, not so much for the
crime of burning the city, as for their enmity to mankind.
Their executions were so contrived as to expose them to
derision and contempt. Some were covered over with the
skins of wild beasts, and torn to pieces by dogs; some were
crucified; others, having been daubed over with combustible
materials, were set up as lights in the night time, and thus
burned to death. Nero made use of his own gardens as a the-
atre upon this occasion, and also exhibited the diversions of
the Circus, sometimes standing in the crowd as a spectator, in
the habit of a charioteer, at other times driving a chariot him-
self: till at length these men, though really criminal, and de-
serving exemplary punishment, began to be commiserated,
as people who were destroyed, not out of a regard to the
public welfare, but only to gratify the cruelty of one man.'
:
Divers facts of the evangelical history are here attested:
that our Saviour was put to death as a malefactor by Pontius
Pilate, procurator under Tiberius: that from Christ the
people called christians had their name and sentiments: that
this superstition, or religion, had its rise in Judea, where
also it spread, notwithstanding the ignominious death of the
founder of it, and the opposition which his followers met
with from the people of that country afterwards: that thence
it was propagated into other parts of the world, and as far
as Rome, where in the tenth or eleventh year of Nero, and
before, christians were very numerous: and that the pro-
fessors of this religion were reproached, and hated, and
underwent many and grievous sufferings. Certainly the
great number of christians at Rome at this time, and their
sufferings, are two things very observable.
And though they were so hated, and Tacitus himself is so
much offended with them, he owns the cruelty with which
they were treated was so excessive as to excite compassion.
630
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
Nay, it seems their destruction was looked upon by many,
not as a public benefit, but an act of savage cruelty. Which
shows, after all, that they were not such monsters of wicked-
ness as they are here represented.
And all this guilt, this enmity to mankind, which Tacitus
imputes to them, could be nothing else, as has been well
observed by learned men, but their neglect of the ordinary
worship of the gods.
0
It will not be disagreeable to compare this article of
Tacitus with the account of the fire at Rome, and the ensu-
ing persecution of the christians, which is given by Sulpi-
cius Severus, an elegant christian writer of history and in
the Latin tongue, who flourished about the year 400.
"
•
6
"In the mean time,' says Sulpicius, when the number
' of the christians was greatly increased, there happened a
'fire at Rome while Nero was at Antium. Nevertheless, the
general opinion of all men cast the blame of the fire upon
the emperor. And it was supposed that his aim therein
was that he might have the glory of raising the city again
⚫ in greater splendour. Nor could he by any means suppress
'the common rumour that the fire was owing to his orders.
He therefore endeavoured to cast the reproach of it upon
the christians. And exquisite tortures were inflicted upon
• innocent men: and moreover new kinds of death were in-
'vented. Some were tied up in the skins of wild beasts,
'that they might be worried to death by dogs. Many were
crucified. Others were burnt to death; and they were set
up as lights in the night-time. This was the beginning of
the persecution of the christians. Afterwards the profession
' of the christian religion was prohibited by laws; and edicts
were published that no man might be a christian. At that
(
(
• Tacitus libro xv-de christianorum suppliciis-Ubi flagitia,' et odium
humani generis,' nihil aliud sunt, quam falsorum deorum neglectus; quam
eandem caussam etiam Judæis maledicendi Tacitus habuit, et Plinius major,
cui Judæi dicuntur gens contumeliâ numinum insignis.' Cleric. Annot. ad
Grot. de Ver. Rel. Christian. 1. 2. sect. ii.
P Interea, abundante jam christianorum multitudine, accidit, ut Roma
incendio conflagraret, Nerone apud Antium constituto. Sed opinio omnium
invidiam incendii in principem retorquebat, credebaturque imperator gloriam
innovandæ urbis quæsisse. Neque ullâ re Nero efficiebat, quin ab eo jussum
incendium putaretur. Igitur vertit invidiam in christianos; actæque in in-
noxios crudelissimæ quæstiones. Quin et novæ mortes excogitatæ, ut ferarum
tergis contecti, laniatu canum interirent. Multi crucibus affixi, aut flammâ
usti. Plerique in id reservati, ut, cum defecisset dies, in usum nocturni
luminis urerentur. Hoc initio in christianos sæviri cœptum. Post etiam,
datis legibus religio vetabatur; palamque edictis propositis, christianum esse
non licebat. Tum Paulus ac Petrus capitis damnati, quorum uni cervix gladio
desecta, Petrus in crucem sublatus est. Sulp. Sever. Sacr. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 41
al. cap. 29.
TACITUS. The Destruction of Jerusalem. A. D. 100.
631
'time Paul and Peter were condemned to death. The former
was beheaded, Peter was crucified.
So writes Sulpicius. It is not unlikely that he had read
Tacitus. However, I think it ought also to be supposed
that he had other memoirs besides.
Sulpicius says that Nero was at Antium when the fire
began. The same thing is observed by Tacitus, who also
says, that Nero did not come to Rome till the fire had ap-
proached his own palace, which at length, with every thing
near it, was consumed.
IV. It is not needful for me to translate or transcribe all
that Tacitus says of the Jewish people, of whose original
he was ignorant, and writes very absurdly, and therefore
is called by Tertullian a great liar. Nor need I translate
exactly his history of the Jewish war. I observe however
these following particulars.
u
He says, that Judea was first brought into subjection to
the Romans by Pompey. After which he gives a summary
account of their affairs under Herod and his sons, the em-
perors Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero. He
mentions Felix, whom he represents as a bad man, and
tyrannical in his government. However, the Jews,' he says,
"bore the exactions of their governors, till the time of their
procurator Gessius Florus, under whom the war began.
Cestius Gallus, president of Syria, came to his assistance:
but he being defeated, Nero sent Vespasian into Judea, who
was a general of great merit and reputation, and having also
under him good officers, in the space of two years,' mean-
ing the years 67 and 68,' he reduced the open country, and
all the cities of Judea, excepting Jerusalem. The next
year,' 69,' was taken up in civil wars ;' meaning the time
of the short reigns of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, till the acces-
¶ Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens, non ante in Urbem regressus est, quam
domui ejus, quâ Palatium et Mæcenatis hortos continuaverat, ignis propin-
quaret. Neque tamen sisti potuit, quin et Palatium et domus et cuncta circum
haurirentur. Tacit. Ann. 1. 15. cap. 39.
r Tacit. Hist. 1. v. cap. 2.
s Cornelius Tacitus, sane ille mendaciorum loquacissimus. Apol. c. 16. p.
17. A.
Romanorum primus Cn. Pompeius Judæos
domuit, templumque jure victoriæ ingressus est. H. 1. v. cap. 9.
Claudius, defunctis regibus, aut ad modicum reductis, Judæam provin-
ciam equitibus Romanis aut libertis permisit, e quibus Antonius Felix, per om-
nem sævitiam ac libidinem, jus regium servili ingenio exercuit-
Duravit
tamen patientia Judæis, usque ad Gessium Florum procuratorem. Sub eo
bellum ortum, et comprimere cœptantem Cestium Gallum Syriæ legatum, varia
prælia ac sæpius adversa excepere. Qui ubi fato aut tædio occidit, missu
Neronis, Vespasianus fortunâ famâque et egregiis ministris intra duas æstates,
cuncta camporum, omnesque præter Hierosolyma urbes, victore exercitu tene-
bat. Proximus annus, civili bello intentus, quantum ad Judæos per otium
632
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
sion of Vespasian. The following year, [and the begin-
ning of it,] Titus was appointed to attend the affairs of
Judea; who now drew near to Jerusalem and besieged it.
Tacitus supposeth that Titus was in haste to go to Rome to
enjoy the pleasures and splendour of the city. He there-
fore carried on the siege with the greatest vigour. The
army likewise was intent upon plunder, and eager to gratify
their revenge. The city however was strong by situation,
and with good walls and ramparts: the high tower Antonia,
conspicuous from far. The temple itself was like a citadel
well fortified. They had a fountain of water that ran con-
tinually, and the mountains were hollowed under ground.
Moreover they had pools and cisterns for preserving rain
water. And there was a great confluence of people. For
the men of the other cities that had been reduced, and in
general all the turbulent and seditious people of the nation,
came hither. There were three captains,' or heads of factions,
and as many armies, Simon, John, called also Bargioras,
and Eleazer, who occupied several parts of the city. Among
themselves they had fierce contentions, and therein great
quantities of provisions were consumed. Eleazer being
killed, they were reduced to two factions. These fought
with each other till the near approach of the Romans obliged
transiit. Pace per Italiam partâ, et externæ curæ rediere. Augebat iras, quod
soli Judæi non cessissent. Simul manere apud exercitus Titum ad omnes
principatûs novi eventus casusve utilius videbatur. [Ejusdem anni principio
Cæsar Titus perdomandæ Judææ delectus a patre. Lib. v. cap. i. in.] Igitur
castris, uti diximus, ante moenia Hierosolymorum positis, instructas legiones
ostentavit. Judæi sub ipsos muros struxere aciem- Mox cessere hostes,
et sequentibus diebus crebra pro portis proelia ferebant, donec assiduis damnis
intra moenia pellerentur. Romani ad oppugnandum versi. Neque enim
dignum videbatur, famem hostium opperiri: poscebantque pericula, pars vir-
tute, multi ferociâ, et cupidine præmiorum. Ipsi Tito Roma, et opes, volup-
tatesque ante oculos: ac, ni statim Hierosolyma conciderent, morari videban-
tur. Sed urbem, arduam situ, opera molesque firmaverant, quîs vel plana
satis munirentur. Nam duos colles immensum editos claudebant muri per
artem obliqui, aut introrsus sinuati. [Conf. 1. 2. cap. 4.]- -Alia intus
monia, regiæ circumjecta. Conspicuoque fastigio turris Antonia, in honorem
M. Antonii ab Herode appellata. Templum in modum arcis propriique muri,
labore et opere ante alios. Ipsæ porticus, quis templum ambiebatur, egre-
gium propugnaculum. Fons perennis aquæ, cavati sub terrâ montes, et
piscinæ cisternæque servandis imbribus- -magnâ colluvi, et cæterarum
urbium clade aucti. Nam pervicacissimus quisque illuc perfugerat, eoque
seditiosius agebant. Tres duces, totidem exercitus. Extrema et latissima
monium Simon; mediam urbem Joannes, quem et Bargioram vocabant;
templum Eleazarus firmaverat. Multitudine et armis Joannes ac Simon,
Eleazarus loco pollebat. Sed prælia, dolus, incendia, inter ipsos, et magna vis
frumenti ambusta. Mox Joannes, missis per speciem sacrificandi, qui Eleaza-
rum manumque ejus obtruncarent, templo potitur. Ita in duas factiones civi-
tas discessit, donec, propinquantibus Romanis, bellum externum concordiam
TACITUS. The Destruction of Jerusalem. A. D. 100. 633
6
them to agreement. There were many prodigies foresigni-
fying their ruin, which were not to be averted by all the
sacrifices and vows of that people, superstitious in their own
way of worship, though different from all others. Armies
were seen fighting in the air with brandished weapons. A
fire fell upon the temple from the clouds. The doors of
the temple were suddenly opened. At the same time there
was a loud voice declaring that the gods were removing:
which was accompanied with the sound as of a multitude
going out. All which things were supposed by some to
portend great calamities. But the most had a strong per-
suasion that it was said in the ancient writings of the priests,'
that is, ancient writings in the custody of the priests, that
at that very time the East should prevail, and that some who
came from Judea should obtain the empire of the world.
Which ambiguities foretold Vespasian and Titus. But the
common people, according to the usual influence of human
passions, having once appropriated to themselves this vast
grandeur of the fates, could not be brought to understand
the true meaning by all their adversities. We have been
assured, that the number of the besieged amounted to six
hundred thousand. And more bore arms than could have
been expected from that number. For great was the reso-
lution of all, both men and women. Against this city and
people was Titus sent. As the city could not be taken by
assault, different posts were assigned to the several legions.
Battering engines of all kinds were prepared and all the
methods hitherto practised in sieges by the ancients, as well
as new inventions, were employed on this occasion.'
So writes Tacitus, who could and might have been more
particular in his history of the Jewish war in the several
pareret. Evenerant prodigia, quæ neque hostiis, neque votis piare fas habet
gens superstitioni obnoxia, religionibus adversa. Visæ per cœlum concurrere
acies, rutilantia arma, et subito nubium igne collucere templum. Expassæ
repente delubri fores, et audita major humanâ vox, Excedere deos :' simul
ingens motus excedentum. Quæ pauci in metum trahebant: pluribus per-
suasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut
valesceret Oriens, profectique Judæâ rerum potirentur. Quæ ambages Ves-
pasianum ac Titum prædixerant. Sed vulgus, more humanæ cupidinis sibi
tantam fatorum magnitudinem interpretati, ne adversis quidem ad vera muta-
bantur. Multitudinem obsessorum, omnis ætatis, virilis ac muliebris sexûs,
sexcenta millia fuisse accepimus. Arma cunctis, qui ferre possent; et plures
quam pro numero audebant. Obstinatio viris feminisque par. Ac si trans-
ferre sedes cogerentur, major vitæ metus quam mortis. Hanc adversus urbem
gentemque Cæsar Titus, quando impetum et subita belli locus abnueret, ag-
geribus vineisque certare statuit. Dividuntur legionibus muria, et quies prœ-
liorum fuit: donec cuncta expugnandis urbibus reperta apud veteres, aut novis
ingeniis, struerentur. Tacit. Hist. 1. v. cap. 9-13.
634
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
parts of that country, and likewise of the siege of Jerusalem.
But his dislike of the subject, as it seems, and his love of
brevity, have made him very concise.
However, it is not unlikely that in the next book, which,
with all the following books of that work, is lost, there was
an account of the triumph of Vespasian and Titus at Rome
in the following year. Nor is it unreasonable to suppose,
that there were also some more particulars concerning the
event of the siege of Jerusalem: but what they were we
cannot now say.
It is also worth our while to observe, that in this fifth book
of his history, from which the preceding article has been
taken, at his entrance upon his account of the war, he says,
'he was going to relate the final end of the renowned city
of Jerusalem.'
V
W
He likewise takes notice that Jerusalem was the capi-
tal city of Judea, and that the temple there had in it immense
riches.'
Nor should we omit to observe, that in the first chapter of
this book he has reckoned up the forces with which Vespa-
sian was furnished for carrying on this war, and not very
disagreeably to Josephus: For he mentions the three le-
gions quartered in Judea, the twelfth brought in from Syria,
and other legions from Alexandria, beside the armies of the
Roman allies, the kings Agrippa, Sohemus, and Antiochus,
and a large body of Arabians, always averse to the Jews,
and some volunteers of distinction even from Rome and
Italy, who were willing to serve under Titus, a general of
such renown and expectation, desirous to signalize their
valour before him, and thereby to recommend themselves to
his favour.'
And though we do not find in Tacitus every thing that
we might wish for, certainly what we have in his remaining
works is a very valuable testimony to the accomplishment
▾ Sed quia famosæ urbis supremum diem tradituri sumus, &c. Histor. 1. 5.
c. 2. in.
* Magna pars Judææ vicis dispergitur. Habent et
oppida. Hierosolyma genti caput: Illic immensæ opulentiæ templum.
&c. Ibid. c. 8.
X
W
Ejusdem anni principio, Cæsar Titus perdomandæ Judææ delectus a
patre- Tres enim in Judæâ legiones, quinta et decima, et quintadecima,
vetus Vepasiani miles, excepere. Tradidit et Syria duodecimam, et adductos
Alexandriâ duo et vicesimanos tertianosque. Comitabantur viginti sociæ co-
hortes, octo equitum alæ. Simul Agrippa Sohemusque reges, et auxilia regis
Antiochi, validaque et solito inter accolas odio infensa Judæis Arabum manus.
Multi, quos Urbe atque Italiâ suâ quemque spes acciverat occupandi principem
adhuc vacuum. His cum copiis fines hostium ingressus, composito agmine,
cuncta explorans, paratusque decernere, haud procul Hierosolymis castra facit.
Tacit. Hist. 1. 5. cap. i.
MARTIAL. A. D. 100.
635
of our Lord's predictions concerning the destruction of Je-
rusalem, and the overthrow of the Jewish people.
He must have read Josephus; many things are evidently
taken from him: however he differs from him sometimes.
It is somewhat strange that he should not compute a greater
number within Jerusalem at the time of the siege than six
hundred thousand. How shall we account for this? I an-
swer, that perhaps Tacitus had met with some other accounts
of the Jewish war beside that of Josephus. And I am apt
to think it not unreasonable to believe, that Tacitus never
read Josephus with so much care and diligence as we
christians have since read him. Moreover, six hundred
thousand may be a certain number, used for an uncertain,
denoting, that the city was then very full of people, and not
intending to say there were no more.
CHAP. VI.
MARTIAL.
1. His time and writings. II. His testimony to the forti-
tude of christians.
I. MARTIAL,ª or M. Valerius Martialis, author of fourteen
books of epigrams, was born at Bilbilis in Spain, in the reign
of Claudius. He is supposed to have come to Rome in the
reign of Nero, when he was about twenty years of age, and
to have lived there thirty years, beloved by the emperors,
especially Domitian, after whose death he retired into his
own country. As he lived long enough to write some
epigrams in commendation of Nerva and Trajan, I have
placed him so low as the last year of the first century, and ©
the third of Trajan. He was intimate with Juvenal, and
well acquainted with Pliny the younger. Martial was poor.
When he left Rome, Pliny made him a handsome present;
a Vid. Voss. de Poet. Lat. Tillemont, H. E. Domitien. art. 23.
b Vid. L. 12. Epigr. v.-ix. L. xi. 4, 5. x. 34.
C
-Domitiani, Nervæ, et Trajani, tempora ingenio suo illustravit.
Senex autem, Urbe relictâ, patriam suam repetens, in illà obiit sub eodem
Trajano. Fabric. Bib. Lat. 1. 2. c. 20. De M. V. Martiali.
Audio, Valerium Martialem decessisse. Et moleste fero. Erat homo
ingeniosus, acutus, acer, et qui plurimum in scribendo et salis haberet, et
636
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
and when he heard of his death, he lamented it very affec-
tionately.
II. This writer has been supposed to refer to the patient
fortitude of christians, in voluntarily enduring the greatest
pains, rather than sacrifice to the gods, or do any thing con-
trary to the principles of their religion.
e
You have, perhaps, lately seen acted in the theatre,
Mucius, who thrust his hand into the fire. If you think
such an one patient, valiant, stout, you are a mere sense-
less dotard. For it is a much greater thing when threat-
ened with the troublesome coat, to say I do not sacrifice,
than to obey the command-burn the hand.'
However, the two last verses of the epigram may be
otherwise rendered, after this manner: For it is a much
greater thing, when threatened with the troublesome coat,
you are commanded to burn your hand, to say; I will not.'
But I can see no reason for bringing in the troublesome
coat to oblige a man to act the part of Mucius in the
theatre. And I much rather incline to the sense given in
the first translation.
I shall therefore place below the remarks of Stephen Le
Moyne upon this epigram, who makes no doubt that Martial
refers to the christians, and declares that what Mucius did,
is not comparable to the resolution of christians under the
sufferings which they endured.
The troublesome coat, or shirt, here mentioned, a cruelty
which, as we have before learned from Tacitus, the innocent
fellis, nec candoris minus. Prosequutus eram cum viatico discedentem.
Dederam hoc amicitiæ: dederam etiam versiculis, quos de me composuit
Plin. Lib. 3. E. p. 21.
e In matutinâ nuper spectatus arenâ
Mucius, imposuit qui sua membra focis,
Si patiens fortisque tibi durusque videtur,
Abderitanæ pectora plebis habes.
Nam, cum dicatur, tunicâ præsente molestâ,
Ure manum, plus est dicere: Non facio.
Martial. 1. x. Epigr. 25.
f Facinus Mucii non videtur, inquit Martialis, cum fortitudine christianorum
comparandum. Ille ustulandam manum suam flammis exhibuit, ut istâ con-
stantiâ reliquum corpus suum servaret. Sed christiani totum corpus igni
vorandum tradunt, imo igni lento; et patiuntur se supervestiri cereo indu-
mento, ut instar cereorum ardeant; quod tamen possent declinare, si vellent,
et si religioni popularium suorum, et sacris imperatoris, faciles se alligarent.
Sed malunt in cineres et favillas redigi, et se vivos ardere, quam sacrificare,
vel thura adolere: et cum ad id compelluntur, dicunt, Non facio, non sacri-
fico-et tunicæ molestæ præsens et tremendum supplicium illos a sacris suis
non potest avellere, vel mininum terrere. St. Le Moyne Varia sacra. p.
1041, 1042. Vid. et Kortholt. De persecutionib. primit. Ec. p. 25.
MARTIAL. His Testimony to Christian Fortitude. A. D. 100. 637
christians unjustly suffered, was made like a sack, of paper
or
coarse linen cloth; and having been first besmeared
within and without with pitch, wax, rosin, sulphur, and
such like combustible materials, or dipt all over in them,
was put upon the person for whom it was appointed; and
that he might be kept upright, the more to resemble a
flaming torch, his chin was fastened to a stake fixed in the
ground.
6
<
6
That this was esteemed a cruel death is manifest from
Seneca; who, describing the greatest causes of fear, writes
to this purpose: Imagines here,' says he, a prison, cross-
es, and racks, and the hook, and a stake thrust through
'the body and coming out at the mouth, and the limbs torn
by chariots pulling adverse ways, and that coat besmeared
' and interwoven with combustible materials, nutriment for
fire, and whatever else beside these cruelty has invented.
"It is no wonder if, in such a case, fear riseth high, where
'the variety of evils is so great, and the preparation is so
' terrible.'
€
It is hence apparent, that this was one of the worst pu-
nishments which cruelty had invented.
I do not know but some may think I ought to have quot-
ed this passage of Seneca, not only as a description of this
coat and the cruelty of it, but also as an allusion to the suf-
ferings of the christians, who felt it in so great numbers; for
Seneca's death happened noth before April in the year 65;
whereas the fire at Rome began in July the preceding year,
and the persecution of the christians commenced in Novem-
ber following; but, in my opinion, it is better not to insist
upon any reference here to the sufferings of the christians.
i
8 Cogita hoc loco carcerem, et cruces, et eculeos, et uncum, et adactum
per medium hominem, qui per os emergat, stipitem, et distracta in diversum
actis curribus membra, illam tunicam, alimentis ignium et illitam et intextam;
quicquid, aliud, præter hæc, commenta sævitia est. Non est itaque mirum,
si maximus hujus rei timor est, cujus et varietas magna, et apparatus terribilis
est. Senec. Ep. 14.
¹ See Tillemont, Neron. art. xxii.
1 See vol. v. ch. xi. near the end of the chapter.
638
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
CHAP. VII.
JUVENAL.
1.
I. His time and writings. II. His testimony to Nero's
persecution of the christians. III. His testimony to
Domitian's persecution. IV. An observation concerning
Seneca the philosopher.
I. DECIMUS JUNIUS JUVENALIS, or Juvenal, author
of sixteen satires, which we still have, is computed to have
flourished in the reigns of Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, and
Adrian. And, as Lipsius well says, heb was contemporary
with Pliny the younger, Tacitus, and others of that age.
Nevertheless we do not find Juvenal at all mentioned in any
of the letters of Pliny now extant. I place him next to his
friend Martial, and in the same year, the last of the first
century of the christian epoch.
II. He seems to refer to Nero's persecution of the chris-
tians in some lines of his first satire, which are thus trans-
lated by Mr. Dryden :
But if that honest licence now you take,
If into rogues omnipotent you rake,
Death is your doom, impal'd upon a stake,
Smear'd o'er with wax, and set on fire to light
The streets, and make a dreadful blaze by night.
•
Or, more literally: Describe a great villain, such as was
Tigellinus, (a corrupt minister under Nero,) and you shall
suffer the same punishment with those who stand burning
in their own flame and smoke, their head being held up by
a stake fixed to their chin, till they make a long stream (of
blood and running sulphur) on the ground.'
a Vid. Lips. Epist. Qu. 1. 4. Ep. 20. Fabr. Bib. Lat. 1. 2. cap. 18. Tillem.
H. E. Domitien, art. 24.
b Ergo, meo arbitrio, compar
Juvenalis Plinio juniori, Tacito, et illi classi fuit. Lips. 1. c.
• Pone Tigellinum, tædâ lucebis in illâ,
Quâ stantes ardent, qui fixo gutture fumant,
Et latum mediâ sulcum deducit arenâ.
Juven. Sat. i. ver. 155, &c.
JUVENAL. His Testimony to Domitian's Persecution. A. D. 100. 639
d
e
It is the opinion of Joseph Scaliger, and many other
learned men, that Nero's cruelties to the christians are here
intended and that some punishments of men accused of
magic in the reign of Nero are here referred to, is affirmed
by an ancient scholiast upon this place of Juvenal; who f
likewise speaks of them as exhibited for a spectacle; as is
particularly described by Tacitus. And Suetonius (as we
shall presently see) calls the christians, ' men of a new and
'magical superstition.'
6
In another satire Juvenal speaks of the pitched shirt, or
troublesome coat, which they were covered with who were
condemned to that punishment. And I shall place below h
a part of Prateus's note upon that place.
6
III. In another satire Juvenal speaks of the death of Do-
mitian in this manner; Manyi illustrious men he destroyed
who found no avenger; at last he perished, when he became
formidable to the rabble. This ruined him, who long before
was stained with the noble blood of the Lamiæ.'
<
The verses are thus translated by Mr. Stepny :
What folly this! But oh! that all the rest
Of his dire reign had thus been spent in jest!
And all that time such trifles had employed,
In which so many nobles he destroyed.
He safe, they unrevenged, to the disgrace
Of the surviving, tame, Patrician race.
But when he dreadful to the rabble grew,
Him, who so many lords had slain, they slew.
•
d Scholia Juvenalis: Nero maleficos homines tædâ et papyro et cerâ
supervestiebat, et sic ad ignem admoveri jubebat, ut arderent.
Hæc Scho-
liastes ille in illos versus Juvenalis, qui sine dubio de christianis dicti sunt.
Jos. Scaliger. Animadv. in Euseb. Chron. p. 197. Videatur Id. De Emendat.
Temp. I. v. p. 471.
e Vid. not. d, supra.
' Idem Scholiatses: Vivus ardebis, quemadmodum in munere Neronis
'vivi arserunt, de quibus ille jussit cereos fieri, ut lucerent spectatoribus quum
'fixa essent guttura, ne se curvarent.' Id. Scalig. 1. c. p. 197. Et vide
annot. ad Juvenalis locum.
8 Ausi quod liceat tunicâ punire molestâ.
Sat. 8. lin. 235.
b Vestis erat e chartâ, cannabe, stuppâ. Illinebatur bitumine, resinâ, pice.
Tum circumdabatur iis qui grave quidpiam, et maxime incendia, moliti fue-
rant. Quâ demum incensâ vivi comburebantur. Annot. in loc. ed. in usum
Delphini.
i Atque utinam his potius nugis tota illa dedisset
Tempora sævitiæ, claras quibus abstulit Urbi
Illustresque animas impune, et vindice nullo.
Sed periit, postquam cerdonibus esse timendus
Cœperat. Hoc nocuit Lamiarum cæde madenti.
Sat. iv. ad fin.
640
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
k
Ælius Lamia, whose death is likewise particularly men-
tioned by Suetonius, undoubtedly was a man of a very an-
cient and noble family. And Domitian had killed many
other senators. The christians were generally of the meaner
rank of people, and more despised still for their religion
than their condition. But they were not all of the rabble,
or coblers and tailors, as Juvenal would insinuate. And
Flavius Clement, one of those whom Domitian put to death
near the end of his reign, and whose death, as Suetonius ex-
pressly says, hastened Domitian's ruin, was of the imperial
family; and, as we think, a christian. However, it is ob-
servable, that Juvenal says Domitian's death soon followed
after some acts of cruelty toward mean people. Herein he
agrees with and confirms the accounts of some christian
writers, particularly that of Cæcilius, or Lactantius, in his
book of the Deaths of Persecutors; who observes, that 'Domi-
'tian¹ had been long permitted to exercise great cruelties upon
his subjects: but when he began to persecute the servants of
God, he was soon delivered up into the hands of his enemies.'
IV. It may be observed, that I do not allege, among wit-
nesses to christianity, or the affairs of christians, the philo-
sopher, L. A. Seneca. There is extant a correspondence
between him and St. Paul, in fourteen letters; which may
be seen in Latin, in Fabricius, and in Latin and English
in" Mr. Jones, with remarks. They were in being in St.
Jerom's time, and Seneca therefore is mentioned by him in
his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers. But they are mani-
festly spurious and of no value; and therefore are not en-
titled to a place here: nor do they deserve any regard.
•
m
I have put this advertisement here, at the end of the chap-
ter of Juvenal, because he is the last author of the first cen-
tury who is alleged by me.
k Sueton. Domit. cap. x.
¹ Post hunc, [Neronem] interjectis aliquot annis, alter [Domitianus] non
minor tyrannus orsus est: qui cum exerceret invisam dominationem, subjec-
torum tamen cervicibus incubavit quam diutissime, tutusque regnavit, donec
impias manus adversus Dominum tenderet. Postquam vero ad persequendum
justum populum instinctu dæmonum incitatus est, tunc traditus in manus
inimicorum luit pœnas. Cæc. al. Lact. De M. P. c. 3.
m Cod. Apocr. N. T. Tom. 2. p. 880, &c. Conf. ejusd. Bibl. Lat. T. i. p.
367.
n See Jones of the Canon of the N. T. Vol. 2. ch. x. p. 80, &c.
• Lucius Annæus Seneca Cordubensis, Sotionis Stoïci discipulus, et patruus
Lucani poëtæ, continentissimæ vitæ fuit. Quem non ponerem in Catalogc
Sanctorum, nisi me illæ Epistolæ provocarent, quæ leguntur a plurimis, Pauli
ad Senecam, et Senecæ ad Paulum. In quibus, cum esset Neronis magister,
et illius temporis potentissimus, optare se dicit, ejus esse loci apud suos, cujus
sit Paulus apud christianos. Hic ante biennium, quam Petrus et Paulus coro-
narentur martyrio, a Nerone interfectus est. Hieron. De V. I. cap. xii.
SUETONIUS. A. D. 110.
641
CHAP. VIII.
SUETONIUS.
1. His history, time, and works. II. The Jews expelled
from Rome in the reign of Claudius. III. His account of
Nero's persecution. "IV. His testimony to the Jewish
war, and the overthrow of the Jewish people. V. Of
Domitian's persecution of the christians. VI. The sum
of his testimony.
C
I. CAIUS SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS, son of Sueto-
nius Lenis, flourished in the reigns of Trajan and Adrian,
to the latter of whom he was secretary: which place he
lost about the year 121. Pliny the younger had a parti-
cular friendship for him. Several of Pliny's letters still ex-
tant are written to him; and he performed for him divers
good offices. Suetonius, having no children by his wife,
Pliny procured for him from Trajanu jus trium liberorum, or
the privilege of those who have three children. His recom
mendation of him to the emperor is very affectionate, and
exhibits a very amiable character.
e
That he was born about the beginning of the reign of
Vespasian, is argued hence-that about twenty years after
the death of Nero, or in 88, he speaks of himself as a young
It may be supposed therefore, that in the thirteenth
of Trajan, or the year of our Lord 110, he was not less than
forty years of age.
man.
He was the author of a good number of books, of which
there are now none remaining, but his 'Lives of the First
Twelve Cæsars,' and a part of a work concerning Illus-
• trious Grammarians and Rhetoricians.'
6
a Vid. Voss. de Hist. Lat. 1. i. cap. 26. Bayle, Diction. Hist. et Crit. Sue-
tone. Tillemont, H. Emp. Adrien, art. 24.
b Interfuit huic bello pater meus Suetonius Lenis, tertiæ decimæ legionis
tribunus angusticlavius. Sueton. Orthon. c. x.
с
• Scepticio Claro præfecto prætorii, et Suetonio Tranquillo, epistolarum
magistros, multisque aliis, qui apud Sabinam uxorem, injussu ejus, familiarius
se tunc egerant, quam reverentia domus aulicæ postulabat, successores dedit
-Spartian. in Adrian. cap. xi.
d Suetonium Tranquillum, probissimum, honestissimum, eruditissimum
virum, et mores ejus secutus et studia, jampridem, Domine, in contubernium
assumpsi, &c. Plin. 1. x. ep. 95.
e
Denique cum post viginti annos, adolescente me, exstitisset conditionis
incertæ, qui se Neronem esse jactaret, &c. Sueton. in Neron. cap. ult.
VOL. VI.
2 T
642
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
II. Suetonius, in the life of the emperor Claudius, who
reigned from the year 41 to 54, says of him: Hef banished
the Jews from Rome, who were continually making dis-
turbances, Chrestus being their leader."
h
This passage undoubtedly confirms what is said, Acts
xviii. 2, that" Claudius had commanded all Jews to depart
from Rome." Some learned men are not satisfied that this
relates to the christians; but it is well known that our
Saviour was sometimes called Chrestus by heathen people.
And it is not impossible that the Jewish enmity against
those of their own country, or others who had embraced
christianity, might produce some disputes and disturbances
which came to the emperor's knowledge. This seems to
be the meaning of Suetonius, that there were disturbances
among the Jews and others at Rome, upon occasion of
Christ and his followers.'
6
If this passage were clear, we should have a testimony
from an heathen author of good note, that there were chris-
tians at Rome before the end of the reign of Claudius; as
indeed we know there were from an authentic writer of our
own. Acts xviii. 2, and 26. And compare Rom. xvi.
And though it should not be reckoned clear and decisive,
it has such an appearance of probability as has satisfied
many learned men of good judgment.
i
k
This passage of Suetonius is expressly cited by Orosius,
a christian historian of the fifth century. But he was not
clear about the meaning of it.
III. In the life of Nero, whose reign began in 54, and
f Judæos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes, Româ expulit. Claud.
cap. 25.
• See Vol. i. p. 259.
h-Perperam Chrestianus pronunciatur a vobis, &c. Tertull. Ap. c. 3. Sed
exponenda hujus nominis ratio est, propter ignorantium errorem, qui cum im-
mutatâ literâ Chrestum, solent dicere. Lact. Divin. Inst. 1. 4. c. 7.
Cum dixi supra, sub Judæorum nomine comprehensos christianos, id dixi
quod complures ante me, multo me eruditiores. Neque tamen id impedit quo
minus durior fuerit conditio christianorum, ut etiam in judaïcâ religione multa
novantium, pluresque homines a paganismo abducentium. Quo spectat illud
Suetonii de Claudio, Judæos, impulsore Chresto,' (id est, per christianum dog-
ma,) assidue tumultuantes, Româ expulit, &c.' Grot. App. ad. Comm. de
Antichristo, p. 499. Vid. et Cellarii Diss. de primo principe christiano, § viii.
et Basnag. ann. 51. num. 68. Cleric. H. E. ann. 29. n. xc. Heumanni Diss.
de Chresto Suetonii ap. Dissertation. Syll. T. i. p. 536, &c. Kortholt. De
Persecut. Ecc. p. 4. Tob. Eckhard. non Christianorum Testimonia, c. 1. S.
Havercamp. annot. ad Tertullian. Apol. cap. 3. p. 42.
Claudius Judæos,
* Sed me magis Suetonius movet, qui ait hoc modo.
impulsore Christo, assidue tumultuantes, Româ expulit.' Quod utrum contra
Christum tumultuantes Judæos coërceri et comprimi jusserit, an etiam christi-
anos simul, velut cognatæ religionis homines, voluerit expelli, nequâquam dis-
cernitur. Oros. Hist. l. 7. c. 6.
SUETONIUS. A. D. 110.
643
ended in 68, Suetonius says: "The' christians were punished;
a sort of men of a new and magical superstition.'
Suetonius here assures us, that the christian religion was
lately arisen, and that it had already gained footing in the
empire. From his calling it a magical superstition,' it may
be argued that there were some things of an extraordinary
nature performed by the christians: or that they endeavoured
to justify their embracing the religion of Christ, as of divine
original, upon the ground of some wonderful works, which
bore testimony to its truth and authority.
6
have translated the word malefica,' used by Suetonius,
'magical,' agreeably to the judgment of divers learned men.
But Mr. Mosheim" thinks the word to be equivalent to
'exitiabilis,' in Tacitus, meaning' pernicious.' The chris-
tians were singular in their religious sentiment, and opposed
the religious of all nations. The Romans therefore considered
them, he thinks, as enemies to all mankind,' and disposed
to disturb the public peace.
6
6
0
In the word new,' undoubtedly, there is a sting. For,
as Tacitus says of the Jews, Whatever might be the
origin of their religion, it has the advantage of antiquity.'
That the christians were roughly handled in the reign of
Nero, we have seen from Tacitus, a contemporary writer.
Nevertheless, it has been observed by some learned inen,
that P Suetonius does not say particularly that they were
¹ Afflicti suppliciis christiani, genus hominum, superstitionis novæ et male-
ficæ. Sueton. Nero. cap. 16.
In
'Maleficos' incantatores, magicis rebus studentes, venenarios, interpreta-
tur Barth. Adv. viii. 17. x. 6, 45, 57.-Pro talibus christianos habuerunt deter-
rimis Gentiles, forte quia dæmonia illis parebant, et ad illorum contestationem
ejiciebantur -Exinde capiendum putat Barthius, Luc. vi. 22. Kui exßadwor
тo ovoμa vμwv, s τоvηроv. Nec mirum. Hoc enim genere maleficii' D.
Jesum calumniabantur Gentilium accusationes. Arnob. p. 25. Occursurus
⚫ forsitan rursus est cum aliis multis calumniosis illis, et puerilibus vocibus: Ma-
gus fuit, clandestinis artibus omnia illa perfecit.' Sed D. Jesu causam satis
accurate ibid. agit Arnobius. Pitiscus ad Suetonii locum.
n
Neque Romanam solum, sed omnium etiam aliarum gentium religiones
christiani hostiliter invadebant: ex quo Romani concludebant, sectam chris-
tianam non modo præter omnem modum arrogantem, verum paci ac tran-
quillitati publicæ inimicam, et ad bella civilia cienda aptam esse. Hoc illud
est, si recte conjicio, quod Tacitus christianis exprobrat, odium generis hu-
'mani.' Nec aliunde rationem putem duci debere, cur idem christianorum re-
ligionem, superstitionem exitiabilem,' Suetonius autem maleficam,' nomi-
net. Moshem. Instit. H. E. p. 33, 34.
• Hi ritus, quoquo modo inducti, antiquitate defenduntur. Tacit. Hist. 1.
5. cap. 5. p. 518.
» Nec refert, quod Tacitus de iis, quæ in provinciis adversus christianos gesta,
sermonem non habeat, cum Suetonius de Nerone, cap. 16, persecutionem ad
urbem Romam non restringat. Pagi ann. 64. n. iv.
Et quidem Suetonius, a Nerone afflictos suppliciis christianos' comme-
644
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
'punished at Rome,' or for setting fire to the city. His
expressions are general, and may include more extensive
sufferings in the provinces, as well as the city. Of which
we have good assurance from divers ancient christian
writers.
r
Once more. It may be observed, that Suetonius speaks
with approbation of the sufferings which the christians
endured in this reign. For they are mentioned together
with divers other acts, ordinances, or institutions of Nero,
which were entitled to some commendation: as any one
will allow who observes the several articles in the same
chapter.
S
IV. In his Life of Vespasian, Suetonius writes to this pur-
pose: When Nero went into Achaia, Vespasian was one
of the court. But showing a dislike to that emperor's
extravagances, he lay under his displeasure, and was ap-
prehensive of the consequences of his resentment. Ves-
pasian therefore retired into a private place at some distance,
where an honourable province, with a powerful army, was
assigned him. There had been for a long time, all over the
east, a prevailing opinion that it was in the fates, [in the de-
crees or books of the fates,] that at that time some one from
Judea should obtain the empire of the world. By the event
it appeared that a Roman emperor was meant by that pre-
diction. The Jews, applying it to themselves, went into a
rebellion. At first they had such success that they not
only overcame their own governor, but also defeated the
proconsular governor of Syria who came to his assistance.
There being now manifest occasion for a general of great
morans, nullam Romani incendii facit mentionem, sed eos genus hominum
superstitionis novæ ac maleficæ' appellat. Quæ cum referat Suetonius inter
ea, quæ a Nerone instituta fuerant, haud dubium est, quin edictum adversus
christianos ab eo tyranno scriptum fuerit, Ruinart. Pr. in Acta Mart. n. 26.
p. 32.
9-ac per omnes provincias pari persecutione
excruciari imperavit. Oros. 1. 7. cap. 7.
• Id sane ita Suetonio persuasum erat, ut inter ea, quæ aliquâ laude digna a
Nerone sancita commemorat, ait, ab ipso fuisse afflictos suppliciis christianos.'
Ruinart. Ib. n. 25. p. 29.
• Adhibitus sumtibus modus, &c. eod. cap. 16.
* Peregrinatione Achaïcâ inter comites Neronis, cum, cantante eo, aut dis-
cederet sæpius, aut præsens obdormisceret, gravissimam contraxit offensam;
prohibitusque non contubernio modo, sed etiam publicâ salutatione, recessit in
parvam et deviam civitatem, quoad latenti, etiamque extrema metuenti, pro-
vincia cum exercitu oblata est. Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans
opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judæâ profecti rerum potirentur. Id, de
imperatore R. quantum eventu postea prædictum paruit, Judæi ad se tra-
hentes rebellârunt. Cæsoque præposito, legatum insuper Syriæ proconsularem
suppetias ferentem raptâ aquilâ fugaverunt. Ad hunc motum comprimendum
cum exercitu ampliore, et non instrenuo duce -opus esset, ipse potissi-
SUETONIUS. A. D. 110.
645
reputation, and a numerous army, Vespasian was appointed
for that service; who, among other commanders under him,
had his eldest son Titus. Having put his army into good or-
der, he entered upon the war with great vigour, and not with-
out hazard to his own person, having been slightly wounded
in an attack made at one of their towns, and received seve-
ral darts upon his shield.' Suetonius proceeds to relate
the accession of Vespasian to the empire, whilst he was in
Judea, and takes notice of what Josephus, one of the Jewish
prisoners, had beforehand said to him relating to that matter.
And he expressly mentions Vespasian's triumph over the
Jews at Rome.
In his life of Titus, he says, that" whilst he yet served
under Vespasian, he took Tarichea and Gamala, two strong
cities of Judea: and that, having in an engagement lost his
own horse, he mounted another, whose rider had been
killed in fighting against him.' And he says, that Titus
having been left in Judea to complete the reduction of that
country, he, in the last siege of Jerusalem, killed seven
of the enemy with as many darts: and that he took that
city on his daughter's birth day, and was then saluted by
the soldiers with the title of emperor.' He also says,
' that ™ Titus triumphed at Rome with his father.'
W
Suetonius is a biographer; and therefore does not write
of the Jewish war so particularly, as an historian of another
character might do: nevertheless, he may be justly reckoned
a witness to the fulfilment of our Saviour's predictions con-
cerning the destruction of Jerusalem, and the overthrow of
the Jewish people. He bears testimony to the Jewish war,
and the occasion of it; he mentions the generals employed
mum electus est- ·Additis igitur ad copias duabus legionibus, octo alis co-
hortibus decem, atque inter legatos majore filio assumto, ut primum provin-
ciam attigit, proximas quoque convertit in se; correctâ statim castrorum dis-
ciplinâ; uno quoque et altero prælio tam constanter inito, ut in oppugnatione
castelli lapidis ictum genu, scuto sagittas aliquot exceperit-
Et unus ex
nobilibus captivis Josephus, cum conjiceretur in vincula, constantissime as-
severavit fore, ut ab eodem brevi solveretur, verum jam imperatore-
tantâque cum famâ in Urbem reversus, acto de Judæis triumpho, consulatus
octo veteri addidit. Sueton. Vespasian. cap. 4-8.
-Talis,
" Ex Quæsturæ deinde honore legioni præpositus, Tarichæam et Gamalam,
urbes validissimas Judææ, in potestatem redegit; equo quâdam acie sub femi-
nibus amisso, alteroque incenso, cujus rector contra se dimicans occubuerat.
Tit. cap. 4.
-et ad perdomandam Judæam relictus, novissimâ Hierosolymorum
oppugnatione vii. propugnatores totidem sagittarum confecit ictibus: cepitque
eam natali filiæ suæ, tanto militum gaudio ac favore, ut in gratulatione impe-
ratorem eum consalutaverint. Ib. cap. 5.
W
Triumphavit cum patre, Censuramque gessit unâ. Ib. cap. 6.
646
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
in it, and the issue of it in the taking of Jerusalem, and the
reduction of Judea, and the triumph thereupon at Rome.
In the life of Domitian, whose reign began in the year 81,
and ended in 96, Suetonius says: And beside others, the
Jewish tax was exacted with the greatest severity, and was
demanded of those who lived in the city according to the
Jewish customs, without entering themselves as Jews, or
who, dissembling their original, had omitted to pay the tax
laid upon that nation.'
It is well known that, after the destruction of Jerusalem,
the Jewish people, wherever they dwelt, were required by
Vespasian and Titus to pay that tribute to the capitol at
Rome, which they had been wont to pay for the use of the
temple at Jerusalem. Among those, of whom this tax was
now exacted, it is likely there were divers sorts of men.
Some Gentiles, who had embraced christianity, might be
looked upon as Jews: these were under no obligation to pay
this tax. Beside them, some Jews, who were become chris-
tians, might think themselves excused from paying this
tribute; whether reasonably or not, I do not determine: for,
according to the letter of the law, they were obliged to pay
it, as being circumcised, though they might think that in
equity they had a right to plead an exemption. And, beside
all these, there might be some Jews, both by nation and
religion, who declined this tax. These, I suppose, will not
be vindicated by any, unless they scrupled to contribute to
a heathen temple.
To these several sorts of men, probably, Suetonius here
refers. Nor can it be doubted that some christians met with
sufferings upon this account, under the name and character
of Jews, from whom they had received their religion. And,
perhaps, this story of Suetonius has a reference to Domitian's
persecution of the christians, commonly called the second
persecution.
This tax was not exacted with the same rigour under
that good emperor Nerva; but it was not abolished, as
some have thought.
* Præter cæteros, judaïcus fiscus acerbissime actus est; ad quem defereban-
tur, qui vel improfessi judaïcam inter urbem viverent vitam, vel dissimulatâ
origine, imposita genti tributa non pependissent. Interfuisse me adolescentu-
lum memini, cum a procuratore, frequentissimoque concilio, inspiceretur nona-
genarius senex, an circumsectus esset. Domitian. cap. 12.
y Vid. Joseph. De B. J. 1. 7. cap. vi. § 6. p. 119. Haverc.
z-Itum fiscus judaïcus, ut Suetonio, Domit. 12. qui cum acerbissime
ageretur sub Domitiano, JUDAICI FISCI CALUMNIA SUBLATA est sub Nervâ,
ut testatur nummus apud Oiselium-Unde tamen plane cessâsse hoc tributum
non evincitur, sicut Bergerus et Spanhemius jam demonstrârunt. Reimar.
Annot. ad Dion C. p. 1082. sect. 43.
SUETONIUS. A. D. 110.
647
This passage ought to be understood as another testimony
from the same writer, to the final overthrow of the Jewish
people by the Romans, as Jesus had foretold.
•
V. Among the cruelties of the latter part of Domitiau's
reign, Suetonius mentions this: And lastly, he put to
death his cousin Flavius Clement, a man of an indolent
temper, even to contempt, whose sons, when they were as
yet infants, he had publicly declared his successors; and,
changing their former names, he called the one Vespasian,
and the other Domitian. Him he put to death on a sudden,
upon a slight suspicion, when he was but just out of his
consulship; by which action, more than by any other, he
hastened his own ruin.'
b
This happened in the year of our Lord 95. Suetonius
does not expressly say that Flavius Clement was a christian;
that may be farther cleared up hereafter. However, it
may be argued from the character here given of Clement,
that he was a man of an indolent temper, even to contempt:'
that having been a reproach frequently cast upon the
christians by heathen people, that they were useless, and
unprofitable to the public; as we learn from Tertullian,
and other ancient writers.
e
d
In this character of Clement there seems to be a censure
of him for excessive indolence. But I think the chief and
direct intention of Suetonius is to aggravate the cruelty of
Domitian, who put to death so near a relation, in whom
there was not one spark of ambition, and therefore there
could be no reason to fear any thing from him.
Before I shut up this article, I must observe some things
for explaining the last-cited passage of Suetonius.
Flavius Clement was cousin-german to Domitian. There
were two brothers, Flavius Sabinus, and Flavius Clement,
a
Denique Flavium Clementem, patruelem suum, contemtissimæ inertiæ,
cujus filios, etiam tum parvulos, successores palam destinaverat; et abolito
priore nomine, alterum Vespasianum appellari jusserat, alterum Domitianum;
repente, ex tenuissimâ suspicione, tantum non in ipso ejus consulatu intere-
mit. Quo maxime facto maturavit sibi exitium. Domit. cap. 15.
b Vide Pagi ann. 96. num. ii. et Basnag. ann. 95. n. iv.
* See the chapter of Dion Cassius, in the next volume.
a Sed alio quoque injuriarum titulo expostulamur, et infructuosi in negotiis
dicimur. Tert. Ap. cap. 42.
e Cum autem hunc Flavium Clementem contemtissimæ inertiæ hominem
vocat Suetonius, eo ipso christianum fuisse demonstrat. De quo injuriæ in
christianos titulo, quod inertes, et inutiles, et infructuosi dicerentur. Tertull.
Ap. cap. 42. Torrent. in Sueton. loc.
Vid. Sueton. Vespas. cap. 12. et Vitell. cap. 15. Tacit. Hist. 1. 3. cap.
65. Eutrop. 1. 7. cap. 18. Victor. de Cæs. cap. vii. Joseph. de B. J. 1. 4. cap.
x. sect. 3. Conf. ib. cap. xi. sect. 4.
648.
Testimonies of Ancient Heathens.
g
h
sons of Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian's elder brother. Sabinus,
the elder of those two brothers, had been put to death by
Domitian some while before, as is related by Suetonius.
The second was put to death now, as just related. The
death of Flavius Clement is also mentioned by Dion Cas-
sius, as will be more particularly observed by us hereafter;
it is also mentioned by Philostratus, in his Life of Apollo-
nius Tyanæus, and as a thing that hastened the death of
Domitian himself. And we ought to recollect here what
we before saw ink Juvenal.
j
6
Suetonius assures us, that Domitian had publicly de-
clared the sons of this Clement to be his successors, and he
changed their names, calling the one Vespasian, and the
other Domitian.' Undoubtedly, they are the two young
persons whom Domitian bad committed to the care and in-
stitution of Quintilian; who calls them the grand-children
' of Domitian's sister.' Domitian's only sister, Domitilla, died
before Vespasian came to the empire, as we learn from m
Suetonius: but she must have left a daughter of the same
name, whose sons therefore were her grandsons.
became of them afterwards we are not informed.
What
Finally, Dion Cassius, in the place above cited, calls
Clement consul. Suetonius says, he was put to death on
a sudden, when he was just out of his consulship.' But
there is no disagreement between them in this; for the
ordinary consuls did not then serve out the whole year,
but others were substituted in their room, after a few
months or a less space. However, the year was still reckoned
with the names of the ordinary consuls, and they preserved
the title throughout the whole year; Clement therefore was
still consul, though another, or several, one after another,
had been substituted. As before said, Clement was put to
death in 95, the year of his consulship.
VI. We have seen so many things in Suetonius, that it
may not be improper to recapitulate; for he bears witness to
8 Flavium Sabinum alterum e patruelibus, [occidit,] quod, &c. Sueton.
Domit. cap. x.
h
η αλλες τε πολλες, και τον Φλαβιον Κλημεντα ὑπατεύοντα, καιπερ
ανεψιον οντα, κατεσφαξεν ὁ Δομιτιανος. Dio. 1. 67. c. 14. p. 1112. al. p. 766.
1 Εωθεν δε θεοι Δομιτιανον ηδη της ανθρωπων προεδρίας. Ετυχε μεν γαρ
Κλημεντα απεκτονως, ανδρα ύπατον, ε την αδελφην την εαυτε εξεδώκει.
Philost. de V. A. T. 1. 8. cap. 25.
k P. 639.
1 Cum vero mihi Domitianus Augustus sororis suæ nepotum delegaverit
curam. Quintil. Imp. 1. 4. Pr.
ni Ex hac liberos tulit Titum, et Domitianum, et Domitillam. Uxori et filiæ
superstes fuit: atque utramque privatus amisit. Sueton. Vespas. cap. 3.
n
b
ʼn Vid. Pagi et Basnag. ut supra, note ", p. 647. et Reimar. in Dion.
Cas. 1112.
SUETONIUS. A. D. 110.
649
the expulsion of the Jews and christians out of Rome in the
reign of Claudius; to the persecution of the christians in the
time of Nero; to the Jewish war, and the reduction of Judea
by Vespasian and Titus, and therein is a witness to the ac-
complishment of our Saviour's predictions concerning the
calamities coming upon that people. He likewise mentions
the death of Flavius Clement, which we suppose to have
happened in the time of Domitian's persecution of the
christians.
To all these things does Suetonius bear testimony, who is
an historian of the best credit, and lived at the end of the
first, and the beginning of the second century.
Our next author will be the younger Pliny, at the begin-
ning of the second century.
I have placed Suetonius before him, and in this volume,
because his testimony has a near affinity with the particulars
mentioned by Tacitus, and the two other last mentioned
writers.
END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.
UNIV. OF MICHIGAN,
JUN 24 1912
JOIN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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