A 52700 2 DUPL ANTEB LIBRARY VERITAS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESENTED BY THE HEIRS OF NATHAN B. HYDE i } THE HISTORY 1 O F ENGLAND. Written in FRENCH by M. RAPIN DE THOYRAS. Tranſlated into ENGLISH, with Additional Notes, by N. TINDA L, M. A. and Rector of ALVERSTOKE, in HAMPSHIRE, Chaplain of the Royal Hofpital at GREENWICH. ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS, GENEALOGICAL TABLES, and the HEADS and MONUMENTS of the KINGS. The FOURTH EDITION, corrected VO L. VIII. LONDON: Printed, by Affignment from Mr. KNAPTON, for T. OSBORNE, J. ROBINSON, H. WOODFALL, W. STRAHAN, J.RIVINGTON, J. WARD, R. BALDWIN, W. OWEN, W. JOHN- STON, J. RICHARDSON, P. DAVEY and B. LAW, G. KEITH, T. LONGMAN, T. FIELD, T. CASLON, S. CROWDER and Co. H. WOODGATE, M. COOPER, and C. WARE. MDCCLVIII. ( 3 ) THE HISTORY O F ENGLAND. BOOK XVIII. The Reign of JAMES I. Containing the Space of two and twenty Years, and three Days. E 24. JAMES I. March 24. LIZABETH had no fooner breathed her laft, but the 1603. council met to conſult about the meaſures that were The council to be taken in the prefent juncture. The queen, who proclaim had delayed to name her fucceffor till the end of her James I. days, at laft declared, the king of Scotland was to afcend the Wilfon. throne of England after her, and it was not doubted but her Stow. will agreed with this declaration. So, the council deemed it neceffary, before all things, to be affured of it, by perufing the will, which was immediately opened, and found to con- firm what the queen had declared by word of mouth. The Act. Pub. king of Scotland had therefore in his perfón a threefold right, xvi. p. 454. which rendered his title indifputable. The firſt was what is A 2 called 216700 4 HISTORY THE James I. called in England, a parliamentary right, which derived its 1603. validity from the act of parliament, fecuring the crown to Henry VII. and his heirs. The fecond was hereditary right, for this prince was the neareſt relation, and natural heir to Elizabeth. Theſe two rights were farther ftrengthened by the queen's will, which made the third. So, the council readily judged, he ought to be acknowledged for king of England. This refolution being imparted to the lord-mayor of London, the new king was proclaimed by the name of James I. fix hours after the queen's death. Stow. Spotifwood. James re- ceives the news of his acceffion to the crown Stow. Welden. Du Chefne Hift. d'An- glet. Though the council had been careful to fend the king the firft news of his acceffion to the crown of England, Sir Robert Carey, the lord Hunfdon's youngeſt fon, found means to be before them (a). James, who impatiently expected the news, of England. received it however without altering his countenance; the queen's illneſs having been long enough to afford him time to be compoſed when the news fhould arrive. Nevertheleſs, he could not forbear lifting up his eyes to heaven, probably to thank God for the favour he had long expected, not with- out great anxiety. Elizabeth would never pofitively declare, the intended to name him for her fucceffor. She contented herſelf with keeping him in hopes, but in fuch a manner, that ſhe ſeemed to referve the power of depriving him of the fuc- ceffion, if his conduct difpleafed her. James's correfpondence with the earl of Effex, which, though connived at, was not unknown to the court of England, might give him ſome ap- prehenfions. Befides, Elizabeth never loved him, whether becauſe he was ſon to her mortal enemy, or had ſhown too much impatience to poffefs the crown of England; or, in fine, by reafon of his inclination to the catholics. All theſe reaſons made this prince very uneafy, in the expectation of a crown which his birth intitled him to, but which, however, he might have loft, had Elizabeth been pleaſed to take mea- fures to deprive him of it. The news of the queen's death could not therefore but be agreeable to him, fince, by his correspondence with one of the chief minifters, he was affured ſhe had done nothing to his prejudice. Stow. Preſently after Carey's arrival, came Sir Charles Percy, and Spotifwood. Thomas Somerfet, who, by order of the council of England, notified to him the queen's death, and the council's diligence (a) The lord Hunfdon's father mar- ried Ann Boleyn's fifter. Sir Robert's brother, George lord Hunfdon, was lord chamberlain of the queen's houſe- hold, and privy-counſellor; and his brother, Sir John, was governor of Berwick. Dugdale's Baron. vol. ii. P. 397, 398, - in. OF 5 ENGLAND. in proclaiming him (b). Theſe were quickly followed by Sir James I•· Thomas Lake, who was fent by the council to inform him 1603. of the ſtate and condition of the realm (c). Whilft the news of his acceffion to the crown was carrying Reflections to the king, the Engliſh were reflecting on the alterations on the En- glish. which the queen's death was likely to produce. The people in general lamented the lofs of their queen. They had been happy under her, and were not fure their happineſs would continue in the new reign. A king of Scotland on the throne of England, was to moft no pleaſing object. Befides, fince James was of age, he had given no very advantagious idea of himſelf. His unfteadinefs, his weaknefs for his fa- vorites, his inclination to the catholics, of which, on fe- veral occafions, he had given viſible marks, were not qualities apt to prepoffefs the Engliſh in his favour. It was hoped, however, he would tread in the ſteps of the illuftrious queen, his immediate predeceffor, becauſe it was thought he could not follow a better courſe, and what is defired is eaſily be- lieved. As for the deceafed queen's minifters and courtiers, the good and welfare of the realm was what leaſt affected them. Every one was wholly intent upon gaining the favour of the fucceffor. Towards the end of the late reign, there were two factions at court, the one confifting of Effex's friends, and the other of his enemies. The firft was entirely humbled by the death of their head; and the other had ſo far the af- cendant, that they abfolutely ruled in the council. Sir Robert Sir Robert Cecil, fecretary of ftate, and fecond fon of the late lord Cecil was treaſurer Burleigh, was at the head of this party. But this politic courtier, foreſeeing, that after the queen's death his before Eli- party could not fail of finking, fince king James confidered the earl of Effex as his martyr, had taken timely meaſures for his ſupport. Before the queen's deccafe, he had devoted himſelf to the king of Scotland, and held a private corre- fpondence with him, to inform him of what paffed at court. By this means, he had fecured that prince's favour, though Wilfon, it was not without danger of lofing the queen's, had the known P. 662, his fecret practices (d). He was the only man of his party that (b) The council's letter to him begins with theſe pompous words, Right high, right excellent and mighty prince, and our dread fovereign lord, &c. See Spotifwood. p. 473. (c) Several other perfons of diftinction came to pay their refpects to him, and among the reft John Peyton, (fon of had Sir John Peyton, lieutenant of the Tower of London) whom he knighted, being the firſt on whom he conferred that honour. Stow, p. 818. (d) The perfon that managed Cecil's correfpondence at the court of Scotland, was Bruce, a younger brother of a noble family in Scotland, who carried A 3 the devoted to king James zabeth's de- ceaſe. Weldon. 6 HISTORY THE James I. had gained the new king's favour, which he fo artfully cul- 1603. tivated, that in the end he became his prime miniſter. and fears religion. Speed, J There was alſo another thing which engaged the attention The hopes of the Engliſh, namely, the affair of religion. The king's of the En- conduct in Scotland gave occafion for fundry reflections, which glish with kept people in uncertainty, none knowing pofitively what was regard to to be hoped or feared. James was born of Roman catholic parents, but being taken from his mother in his infancy, had heen educated in the proteftant religion, and always profeffed it. On the other hand, the religion he had been brought up in, though proteftant, differed a little from the religion eftabliſhed in England, if not in doctrine, at leaft in difcipline, and fome other points of external worſhip, which were con fidered by the two churches as very important. In a word, it was the prefbyterian or puritanical religion. In fine, this prince had fhown on numberless occafions, that he was far from being an enemy to the Romish religion. All this form- ed a certain contraft, which bred an univerfal fufpenfe. The catholics hoped to meet, under his government, with gentler treatment, and more indulgence than under Elizabeth, nay, they carried their expectations much farther. The prefby- terians flattered themſelves, that James, who had been edu- cated in their religion, would promote the reforming of the church of England upon the plan of that of Scotland, and hoped fhortly to ſee the downfal of the ecclefiaftical hierarchy, Finally, the Church-of-England-men thought to have reaſon to expect, that the new king would conform to their religion, fince it was eſtabliſhed by law. But after all, the hopes of the three parties could not but be mixed with fears, fince the king had not yet declared himſelf. Such were the ſentiments of the English concerning their new king, whom as yet they knew only by report, James fets out for En- gland. Stow. As foon as James was informed by the perfons fent from the council of England that he was proclaimed, he diſpatch- ed Afton to acquaint the privy counſellors, that he was pre- p. 819, &c. Spotifwood. the matter with fuch addrefs and fe- Weldon. crecy, that all the great men in England, without knowing of one another's do- ing it, and without the queen's fuf- pecting any thing, figned in writing an engagement to affert and ftand by the king of Sects right of fucceffion. Bur- net's Hif. p. S. Cecil was very like to have been difcovered a little before the queen's death. Being in the coach with her as he was taking the air, on Black-heath, a poſt from Scotland came by. Whereupon the queen ftopped her coach to receive the packet. Cecil dreading fome of his fecret conveyances might be diſcovered, and having a ready wit, haftily calls for a knife to cut it open. But just as he was going to do fo, he pretended it had a very naty fmcll, and ought to be aired before her majefty faw it, which the queen, mif- trufting nothing, and hating ill fcent's of all things, ordered to done. Wil- on, p. 662. Compl. Hift. [ paring OF ENGLAND. 7 The 662. paring for his journey, and accordingly he left Scotland the James I 5th of April, eleven days after Elizabeth's death. 1603 principal Scotch lords, by whom he was attended into England, were the duke of Lenox, the carl of Mar, the lord Hume, and the lord Kinlofs, with feveral others of lefs diftinction, but who afterwards were promoted to Engliſh honours and dignities. He spent above a month in his jour ney from Edinburgh to London (e), where he arrived the 7th of May. He had no fooner entered England, but the people He is re- ſtrove to demonſtrate their reſpect by magnificent entertain- ceived with joy. ments in all the towns he paffed through. Such were their Stow, acclamations, their wifhes for his profperity, their praifes and Speed. joy for his arrival, that an honeſt plain Scotchman could not Wilſon, forbear faying, "This people will ſpoil a gud king." Mean Proclama- while, the multitudes which flocked from all parts to ſee their tion to hin- new fovereign, grew at laft fo troubleſome to him, that he der the peo- was forced to fet bounds to their curiofity by a proclamation. ple from This was very furprifing to the people, who did not under- to him. ſtand that a little inconveniency fhould hinder the king from R. Coke's receiving the reſpects of his new fubjects. But perhaps this Detec. was owing to the king's fear, that among the crowd fome affaffin might lurk, and attempt upon his life. It may be too, he had a mind to accuſtom his ſubjects not to be too familiar with their fovereign. However, it did not hinder the people from paying him every where the reſpect due to him, and expreffing great fatisfaction to ſee him paſs, in order to be feated on the throne. gave flocking lords meet Ibid. Weldon, P. II. At York, moft of the Engliſh lords came and paid him The English their homage. Among theſe was ſecretary Cecil, who was now confidered as out of favour, becauſe he had been Effex's him at York fworn enemy. But great was the furprize when the king re- Cecil is welk ceived him with extraordinary marks of efteem. This received. occaſion to ſuſpect, he had taken care beforehand to gain his favour, and the king's behaviour to him afterwards confirmed the fufpicion. Some accufe this lord of infpiring the king Osborn. with the defign of fetting himſelf above the laws, and not fuffering the parliament to fhare the fupreme authoriry with him. At leaſt, it is certain, James's chief care, after his James's de- acceffion, was to maintain the prerogative royal in its utmoft fign to extent, nay, to carry it higher than any of his predeceffors. maintain the royal He muft, at the time I am now ſpeaking of, have conceived (e) At Hitchinbrooke, in Hunting- donshire, he was more handfomely re- ceived and entertained by Sir Oliver Cromwell, than he had been all the way before, fays Stow, p. 822. prerogative. A 4 a larger 8 HISTORY THE cut-purfe without trial. Stow. He cons to Stow. Wilfon. Stow. He adds James I. a larger notion than had been hitherto formed, of the power 1603. of an English king, fince when he came to Newark, he or- dered a cut-purfe to be hanged by his fole warrant, and with- He hangs a out trial It cannot be denied that this was beyond the law- ful power of a king of England, and directly contrary to the privileges of the English nation. Probably, care was taken to warn him of the ill effects fuch illegal acts might produce Coke, P. 5. among the people, fince he refrained from them ever after. On the 3d of May he come to Theobald's, fecretary Cecil's Theobald's. houfe (f), where he ftaid fome days. Here the council came to pay their reſpects to him, and here paffed what was moſt remarkable in his journey till his arrival at London. When he was about to leave Scotland, he fent Carey to tell the privy-counſellors, that his intention was to continue every man in his poft. However, at his coming to Theobald's, he fome Scots encreaſes their number with ſeveral others, moſt of whom and English were Scots, his deſign being, as he more plainly ſhowed af- to his privy- counsellors. terwards, to make but one kingdom of England and Scotland. The new Scotch counſellors were the duke of Lenox, the earl of Mar, the lord Hume (g), and Sir James Elphinſton his ſecretary. He nominated alfo two English noblemen, the lords Zouch, and Burleigh, fecretary Cecil's eldeft brother. I find likewife that at the fame time, or preſently after, he admitted into his council the earls of Northumberland and Cumberland (h), the lords Thomas and Henry Howard, the one fon, the other brother to the late duke of Norfolk, of whom the firſt was a fufpected, the laſt a known papiſt, but upon the king's arrival he had embraced the proteftant religion. The king's gratitude to the Howard family, who, for the fake of the queen his mother, were in difgrace in the late reign, did not ftop there. The lord Thomas was made earl of Suffolk, and then lord treaſurer, and the lord Henry was created fome years after earl of Northampton. Moreover, Philip earl of Arundel, the late duke of Norfolk's eldeſt ſon, having loft his title by his condemnation, though Elizabeth gave him his life, the king created his fon Thomas, earl of Arundel and Surrey (i). Thus the king's regard for the duke of May 4. Wilfon. Stow. He careffes the Howard family; Ibid. Wilfon. Weldon, (f) The king bought this houſe after- wards: It belongs now to the duke of Portland. Kapin. The king gave in exchange for it Hatfield-houf, the feat of the prefent carls of Salisbury. (g) And Sir George Hume, after- wards carl of Dunbar, and the lord Kialofs. Stow, p. Ɛ22. (h) Henry Percy, and George Clif- ford. Rapin fays, by miſtake, it was the earl of Weftmoreland. (i) To avoid confufion, it will be proper to continue the account of the numerous Howard family.--ThomasHoward, the third duke of Norfolk, married, 1. Anne daughter of king Edward IV, by whom he OF ENGLAND. 1603. and refufes of Norfolk's family, plainly fhowed what he thought of James I. Elizabeth's treatment of that duke and his houſe. It was not in this alone that he expreffed his refentment againſt the late queen. Upon all occafions he affected to fhow, it was only out of policy that he had, whilft fhe lived, concealed mourning his averfion for her. The moſt notable mark he gave of it for Eliza. was, that he neither went into mourning himſelf, nor would beth, admit any perſon to his prefence in a mourning habit. to go into nours and Stow. From the king's arrival in England to his departure from He is la- Theobald's, he made about two hundred knights, and fome vish of ho days after his coming to London, he made many more. As dignities. Elizabeth had been fparing in the diſtribution of honours, Wilfon. with which ſovereigns are wont to reward the merit and fer- Weldon. vices of their fubjects, her fucceffor, on the contrary, beftow- ed them with a liberal, or rather profufe hand. Never had the like number of knights, barons, and earls been made in any former reign. This occafioned a fatirical libel, en- Wilfon. tituled, "A help for weak memories to retain the names of "the nobility (k)". The truth is, James made fo many knights and peers, particularly in the firft years of his reign, that ſuch a help was very neceffary. Indeed it is pretended, the current of honour was ſo ſtopped in Elizabeth's reign, Echard. that ſcarce a county had knights enough to make a jury (1). Befides the three Howards, Thomas Sackville, lord Buck- hurft and high treaſurer, was made earl of Dorfet; Sir Robert May 20. Cecil was at firft created baron of Effingdon, then viſcount July 21. Cranburne, and afterwards earl of Salisbury; and Philip Herbert, the earl of Pembroke's brother, was made earl of Montgomery. I confine myſelf to theſe, becauſe their names 2. he had Thomas, who died young. Elizabeth, daughter of Edward Stafford Juke of Buckingham, by whom he had Henry earl of Surrey, beheaded 13 Henry VIII. and Thomas, created viſcount Howard of Bindon, 1 Eliza- beth. The faid Henry married Fran- ces, daughter of John de Vere carl of Oxford, and by her had Thomas, the fourth duke of Norfo'k, (reftored 1. Mary, and beheaded for attempting to marry the queen of Scots) and Henry made earl of Northampter, 1. James I. -The last mentioned Thomas had two wives, 1. Mary, daughter and co- heir of Henry earl of Arundel, who was mother of Philip earl of Arundel. 2. Margaret, daughter of Thomas lord Audley, and mother of Thomas, cre- ated earl of Suffolk, 1. James I. and of William made lord Howard of Na- worth-caftic, 1. James I.-The forefaid Philip, earl of Arundel, had a fon na- med Thomas, who was restored, 1. James I. This Thomas was father, 1ſt. of Henry. 2. of William, created vif- count Stafford in 1640.—The laſt Tho- mas was father of Thomas, the fifth duke of Norfolk, 13. Cha. II. and of Henry create dearl of Norwich in 1683. -The aforementioned Thomas earl of Suffolk had feven fons; 1. Theophilus, who fucceeded him: 2. Thomas, crea- ted earl of Berkshire 1629. 7. Edward, made lord Howard of Efcrick 1629.- The abovefaid William lord Howard of Naworth-caſtle, was father of Phi- lip, and he of William, who was fa- ther of Charles created earl of Carliſle, in 1661. Dugdale's Baron. vol. ii, (k) It was only a ſort of Paſquil pofted up in St. Paul's. Wilfon, p. 665. (1) Rapin by mistake fays, to ſerve in parliament, moſt 10 THE HISTORY April 10. Stow. James coldly re- ceives Effex's enemies. Wilfon. James I. moft frequently occur in the beginning of this reign (m). I 1603. muft alfo add, that the earl of Southampton, who had been condemned to die, and the earl of Effex's fon, were reſtored to their eftares and honours before the king reached London. Camd. Ann. But the lords Grey, Cobham, Carew (n), and Sir Walter Raleigh, who had been enemies to the earl of Effex, were very coldly received by the king. Theſe four courtiers of Elizabeth had not a little contributed to the earl of Effex's death, as well as fecretary Cecil; but Cecil, as I obferved, had wifely gained the king's favour. Nothing could more plainly fhow that the king confidered the earl of Effex as his martyr, as he himself called him, than his gracious reception. of the earl of Southampton when that lord came to wait on him. This was publickly owning that he approved of theſe two lords confpiracy, the intent of which was to fet him on the throne before the queen's death. This gained him no credit with the difintereſted. But from that time he began to liften to the flatteries of his courtiers, who extolled all his actions to the fkies, and that continued but too much through- out his whole reign. He has a great idea of the rower of kings. R. Ceke. King James, with good natural parts, had a great ſhare of learning. He was able to form the plan of a good govern- ment, the general maxims whereof he perfectly knew. But his averfion to war, his weakneſs for his favourites, certain prejudices he had imbibed, wherein all that approached him helped to confirm him, ever hindered him from putting his theory in practice. He was perfuaded, that the authority of fovereigns over their fubjects was unlimited, and that all monarchical governments ought to be abfolute, not confidering that theſe maxims could not be applied to the government of England, without deftroying the conftitution. Moreover he was ftrongly prepoffeffed in favour of his own merit and (m) Befides thefe, he made Sir Robert Sidney baron of Penhurst, Sir William Knolles baron of Grayes, and Sir Ed- ward Wotton baron of Marley. And afterwards, while preparations were making for his coronation, which was performed the 25th of July, in the heat of a plague, he created Sir Tho- mas Egerton (lord chancellor) baron of Elleſmere, Sir William Ruffel baron of Thornaugh, Sir Henry Grey baron of Groby, Sir John Petre baron of Writtle, Sir John Harrington baron of Exton, Sir Henry Danvers baron of Dantfey, Sir Thomas Gerard baron of Gerard- Bromley, Sir Robert Spencer baron of Worm Leighton. Wilfon, p. 664. Camd. Camd. Ann. p. 641. (n) There was no fuch lord as the lord Carew; Sir George Carew (who had ferved in Ireland threeyears, and wrote an account of the memorable paffages which happened there in that time) was now in favour, and one of thoſe that were fent to fetch the queen; he was made baron of Chipton, 3 Jac. and carl of Totnefs, 1 Car. I. Dug- dale's Baron. vol. ii. p. 423. Rapin. capacity, OF ENGLAND. II power. He is very much flat- He is a great af- capacity. As foon as his courtiers difcovered his genius and James I. character, they failed not to attack him in the moft fenfible 1603. part. That is, they took all occafiors to applaud his wiſdom, learning, parts, and to talk in the higheft ftrain of the regal As this pleaſed him infinitely, fo it was the beſt way tered upon to gain his favour. Hence arofe feveral expreffions little known that account in the former reigns, but which were common in this. The Coke, p. 8. king was called the Solomon of the age, and ftiled his Sacred Majefty, and theſe flattering titles, which he greedily receiv- ferter of ed, confirmed him the more in his prejudices. He had one hereditary right. amongst the reft which greatly influenced his whole admini- R. Coke, ftration. And that was, he verily believed he was come to the crown of England folely by hereditary right, and could not bear, it ſhould be thought he was obliged to queen Eli- zabeth, or that his title proceeded from any act of parlia- ment. If this had been only a ſpeculative Notion, it would not have much diſturbed the Engliſh. But he drew from From this principle terrible confequences, tending to no leſs than whence he arbitrary power, and of courſe to the fubverfion of the Engliſh ble confe- conftitution. From his being king by hereditary right he in- quences. ferred, that his will ought to be the fole rule of the govern- Welwood. ment, and confidered as undeniable truths, all the wild af- ſertions of certain writers concerning the regal power. This pretended hereditary right, with its confequences, were the fountain of the divifions which began in this reign, between the king and parliament, and which continued during the three following reigns. This alfo gave birth to the tory and whig factions, who worry one another to this very day. It is requifite therefore, for the reader's information, to ob- ferve, before we proceed, that this hereditary right by which James I. pretended to reign, was not fo indifputable as he then did, and as many ſtill do, imagine it. draws terri- fion to the In the firſt place, no law can be produced on which may Remarks on be founded the hereditary fucceffion of the crown of England. the fuccef- Secondly, there are many precedents in the Engliſh hiftory, crown of which fhow that the parliament affumed a power to difpofe England of the crown, and fettle the fucceffion without any regard to the next heir. In the third place, more kings, fince the con- queft,' have mounted the throne by virtue of acts of parlia- ment, or fome other means, than by hereditary right. The four firft efpecially, namely, William the Conqueror, Wil- liam Rufus, Henry I. and Stephen, moft certainly came not to the crown by this right. When was it then that the crown became hereditary? It is their buſineſs who maintain this opinion, to point out the time. In the fourth place, of all • 12 THE HISTORY James I. all the kings from William the Conqueror to James I. there 1603. was not one who had lefs right to the crown than Henry VII. before he was confirmed by the parliament (o). It was there- fore from the parliament's confirmation, rather than from Henry the Seventh's hereditary right, that James I. could de- rive his own title. Laftly, if fome inftances may be produ- ced of kings fucceeding from father to fon, and if from thence it be inferred, it was by hereditary right, it will alſo be eafy to ſhow that this right vanifhes when traced to the fource. For example, if it be fuppofed that Elizabeth, Mary, Ed- ward VI. and Henry VIII. came to the crown by hereditary right, though there would be much to be faid concerning the two queens, the fountain of this right fprings from Henry VII. who was heir neither of the houfe of York, nor the houſe of Lancaſter. Henry VI. and Henry V. fucceeded from father to fon, to Henry IV. who was not the next heir of Richard II. Edward III. could not fucceed Edward II. his father, who was yet alive, by hereditary right. Edward II. Edward I. and Henry III. form the longeft hereditary fuc- ceffion from father to fon that occurs in the Engliſh hiſtory; but they derived their right from John Lackland, who cer- tainly was not Richard I's next heir. I pafs over in filence the former kings, becauſe the thing is too evident to need any farther explication. Thus of twenty-three kings from the conqueſt to James I. above one half at leaſt did not aſ- cend the throne by hereditary right. As for thoſe who fuc- ceeded from father to fon, and may be fuppofed to have reigned by hereditary right, they could fupport their right of fucceffion only by acts of parliament, adjudging the crown to fome one of their anceſtors, contrary to hereditary right. How then can the hereditary fucceffion of the crown of England be indifputably eſtablifhed? It follows from what has been faid, that nothing is more uncertain than the right by which the kings of England reigned from the conqueſt, to the time of James I. fince it is not poffible to lay down any undoubted principle upon this head. It is much eaſier to combat all the different opinions concerning the fucceffion, than to eſtabliſh any one by folid and undeniable reaſons. I ſhall add here in confirmation of what I have ſaid, that the kings who were reckoned the wiſeſt and moſt able, took care to have their titles confirmed by the parliament, when they believed them liable to any objections. So James I. in re- folving to eſtabliſh this pretended hereditary right, was the firſt cauſe of the troubles which afflicted England, and which are not yet ceaſed. *See the reigns of Richard III, and Henry VII. Rapin. This OF ENGLAND. 13 minifters Weldon. This prince's choice of the minifters who were to manage James I. the public affairs, greatly conduced to cherish his high con- 1603. ceit of his perfonal qualities, and of the regal authority. The firſt was Sir Robert Cecil, afterwards earl of Saliſbury: this The king's lord, who had been Effex's fworn enemy, knowing how much flatter him the king was concerned in that earl's difgrace, found no bet- greatly. ter way to keep in his favour than by flattering him conti- Oorn. nually, and making his court to him by talking of kingly go- vernment according to his notions. He was accuſed at leaſt Weldon. of inſpiring him with fentiments very diſadvantageous to the people and parliament. He was in other reípects a man of a great genius, confummate prudence, vaft capacity, and per- fectly acquainted with the ſtate and intereft of the nation. The earls of Suffolk and Northampton, the one lord cham- berlain, and the other lord keeper, were much inferior to the earl of Saliſbury in parts and ability. But it is pretended they were papiſts in their hearts; and as the catholic religion could be reftored in England but by an arbitrary power, they ear- neſtly laboured to indulge the king in his notions concerning the regal authority. To theſe three lords the king chiefly committed the management of his affairs. All the reſt of the courtiers followed the fame method, and emulouſly ftrove to gain the king's favour by a blind fubmiffion to his will. Shortly after the king's arrival at London, he fent a nu- He fends for merous train of lords and ladies (p) into Scotland to attend the the queen queen and his children who were ready to come to him. He and his chil had three children, namely, Henry nine years old, Elizabeth, dren, May 2. Spotifwood, and Charles (q). This laft being indifpofed, was left in Scot- land till September the next year. P. 477. Stow, He gets Whilft the queen was on her journey, the king remember- P. 823. ed he had complained to Elizabeth of Valentine Thomas, Thomas who had flandered him, and was now in prifon. It is not hanged. known wherein the flander confifted, but whatever it was, Camden. June 4. about a month after the king's arrival, Thomas was ordered Annał. to be brought upon his trial, and received fentence of death for confpiring againſt Elizabeth and ſome of her council (r). (p) The earls of Suffex and Lincoln, the lords Compton and Norris, Sir George Carew, the counteffes of Wor- cefter and Kildare, lady Anne Herbert daughter of the earl of Pembroke, the lady Scrope and lady Rich, wives of the lords Scrope and Rich, the lady Walfingham. Stow, p.823. (q) Henry was born February 19, 1593. Elizabeth, Auguſt 19, 1596, About and Charles November 19, 1600. Sandford, p. 560, &c. (r) About this time Charles lord Mont- joy returned out of Ireland, and brought with him Hugh O Neal earl of Tyrone, or rather Tir-oen, i. e. the Land of Eugenius, being the Name of an Irish county. The lord Montjoy was ho- nourably received, fworn of his ma- jeſty's privy-council, and afterwards made 14 HISTORY THE James I. The mar- quis of Rof- fy. Sully's Memoirs. About the fame time, and before the queen's arrival, the 1603. marquis of Rofny came from the king of France, to congra tulate the king upon his acceffion to the crown of England. He had expreſs orders from the king his mafter to appear in ny's ambar- mourning with all his train, at his firſt audience; but he was told he would difoblige the king, who would doubtless look upon this affectation as a reproach for not going himſelf into mourning for the queen. The marquis fays in his Memoirs, That the king being at table, boafted publicly, that for ſeve ral years before Elizabeth's death, it was he properly that go- verned England, and that no reſolution was taken in the coun- cil but by his direction. He would perhaps have been nearer the truth, had he ſaid Elizabeth governed Scotland and him- felf too, without his perceiving it. The French king's defign was not only to congratulate the king: his chief aim in fend- ing the marquis of Rofny his favourite, was to hinder James from being gained by the Spaniards, and to renew his defen- five alliance with Elizabeth, in which the ambaffador fuc- ceeded to his wiſh. Ibid. Ambaffy from the archduke. Stow. tom. ii. P: 3, etc. Weldon. Count Aremberg, ambaffador from the archduke Albert and the infanta Ifabella, fovereigns of the Low Countries, was come to London ſome time before; but was fick, or feign- ed to be fo, all the while the marquis of Rofny ſtaid in Eng- Speed: Winwood's land. It was not till after the marquis's departure that he Memorials, defired the king to fend one of his privy council to hear the occafion of his embaffy. Cecil, whom the king chofe, was ftrangely furprized to hear nothing from him but compliments. Du Cheine. Probably this ambaffador was fent into England only to ob- Aulicus Co- ferve what paffed there, and to found the new king's intention concerning a peace between England and Spain. James had now ſhown by his proceedings, that he was inclined to peace, fince without any follicitation, he had revoked the letters of marque granted by Elizabeth to feveral private perfons ($). Some time after, Taxis came alfo to London from the king of Spain; and having congratulated the king upon his acceffion the king of to the crown, defired commiffioners might be appointed to treat with him of a peace. This negotiation, which was then only begun, ended at length in a treaty of peace, con- cluded the next year (t), quin. and from Spain. Weldon. made earl of Devonshire, Tir-oen him- ſelf, who had been the cauſe of ſo much blood-hed, was pardoned, and procla- mation made that he ſhould be treated by all men with refpect and honour, Stow, p. 825. Wilfon, p. 664. The (s) This revocation was dated the 23d of June. Rapin. (t) For the more folemn reception of ambaffadors, was at this time inſtituted a new officer, by the name of Master of the ceremonies, with a falary of 20c 1. a year, OF ENGLAND. 15 The plague, which began to break out in December, in- James I. creafing at London during the hot weather, the king retired 1603. Por fome time to Wilton, the earl of Pembroke's feat, near retires to Annal. vour of Ara- bella Stuart. Stow. The king Saliſbury. Whilft the court was at Wilton, a confpiracy, or rather Wilton. the plan of a confpiracy, was difcovered, the authors where- Weldon. of were Thomas lord Grey of Wilton, Henry Brooke lord Camden. Cobham, Sir Walter Raleigh, George Brook, two pricfts Wat- plot difco- fon and Clark, and fome others (u). The defign was to place vered in fa- on the throne Arabella Stuart, the king's coufin-german. your of ara. To that end the lord Cobham was to treat with the arch- Camden. duke at Bruffels, and to try to obtain fix hundred thoufand crowns, of which Raleigh was to have feventy thoufand. Wilfon. Cobham was alſo to carry Arabella's letters to the archduke, Speed, the king of Spain, the duke of Savoy, wherein the fhould Weldon. promife to marry the perſon they fhould name, and to grant a full toleration to the Catholics. It was farther agreed, that the lord Grey (w) fhould afk the king's leave to raife two thou- fand men for the fervice of Holland, and with thefe troops fhould feize his perfon. But this was only a project, unex- ecuted in every point except that fome of the confpirators had conferred with count Aremberg. It is thought the count oc- cafioned this plot to deftroy Raleigh, who of all England was the man moft dreaded by the Spaniards, and that afterwards he himfelf informed the king of it (x). However, the confpira- ,、, 7 a year, of whom the first was fir Lewis Lewkenor. Stow, p. 824. Rymer's Fadera, tom. xvi. Pi-637. (u) As fir Edward Parham (who was Acquitted by his jury), Bartholomew Brookesby, Anthony Copley, and fir Griffith Markham, who was condemn- ed and reprieved with Cobham, Grey, and Raleigh, just as they were going to lofe their heads, See Stow, p. 832. Rapin, by mistake, reckons alſo Ča- rew. See note (p) above. (w) Not Cobham, as Rapin fays: See Stow, etc. (x) The beft account that can be given of this obfcure affair is this: fir John Fortefcue, fir Walter Raleigh, the lord Cobham, and fome others, defired that king James might be tied to fome ar- ticles at his acceffion to the crown, on account of the known feud between the two nations; but by the artful manage- ment of the lord treaſurer Buckhurst, and the ranting proteftations of the earl of Northumberland, who threaten- tors ed to bring the king in by the fword, all articles and conditions to bind him were dropped. However, for this propofal, Raleigh and the reft were frowned upon by the king, and at the king's com- ing to London, forbid their attendance at court. This undoubtedly occafioned difcontents among them, and probably might induce them to uſe difaffected expreffions, and keep fufpicious com- pany. But," what their treaſon was, as Engliſh and The jealoufy the Engliſh began to conceive of the Hol- Jealoufy be landers, was nothing in compariſon of that caufed by the tween the king's prodigal favours to the Scots (a). Moft hiftorians ac- Scots. cufe the catholics of cheriſhing the jealoufy between the two Wilfon. nations, in order to make an advantage of their divifions. But Welden. without being forced to recur to fo remote a caufe, the old Osborn, enmity between the two kingdoms, and the king's inclination * for the Scots, were in my opinion much more natural cauſes of it. The king was no ftranger to this jealouſy, and uſed fome endeavours to allay it. He ordered this year in England, Thomas Douglafs, a Scotchman, to be hanged, for counter- Douglas, a feiting the king's privy-feal to feveral princes of Germany. Scot, coun- This man falling into the hands of the elector Palatine, who terfeits the diſcovered the fraud, was fent into England, where he met and is with his defert. → privy-feal, hanged. Wilfon. The king's Hitherto the king was undisturbed and furrounded with Howes. plenty; whereas he had fpent in Scotland, the first years of his life in troubles and want. Since his acceffion to the happy ftate. throne of England, he had not been obliged to aſk money of Osborn, his parliament, becauſe when he came to the crown, he found Coke, the deceafed queen had not yet touched the fubfidy granted her by the parliament, amounting to three hundred thouſand pounds fterling, which he had entirely received. This, with his uſual revenues, enabled him to be liberal to his favourites of both nations, who quickly grew very rich. On the other hand, (a) This jealoufy occafioned many in- folencies; the ſtreets of London fwarm- ed night and day with bloody quarrels; and private duels were every where fomented betwixt the English and Scots. Wilfon, p. 674 The Scots com- plaining at first to the king, that they VOL. VIII. were fo poor, they underwent the by- word of beggarly Scots; the king re- plied to them, Content yourſelves, I will fhortly make the Engliſh as beg- garly as you, and fo end that contro. verfy. Weldon. p. 57. D he 1 50 THE HISTORY Wilfon. Coke. James I. he took a pleaſure in raifing to honours and dignities feveral 1605. perfons, who would not have afpired to them in Elizabeth's reign. In fhort, he faw himſelf inceffantly flattered by his courtiers, who omitted no opportunities to fhow how much they admired his wifdom and all his other virtues. This was a neceflary method to acquire his favour. To fay all in a word, he led a very eafy and peaceable life, in the midſt of plenty and pleaſures, to which ſome pretend he was a little too much addicted (b). But this prince has had the misfor- tune to have for hiftorians, fuch as loved him not, as on the other hand, he has had the good fortune to have ſome who have endeavoured to praiſe all his actions. So, there is dan- ger of being greatly miftaken, if an idea of his character is formed upon the commendations or invectives of his hifto- rians. It is better to keep folely to the examination of his actions themſelves. Wilfon. Whilſt every thing feemed to procure king James a quiet and peaceable reign, the devil, envying the happineſs of the Engliſh, infpired fome of his agents with one of the moſt horrible plots' that ever was heard of. I mean the gun-pow- der-treafon plot, which has made fo much noife in the world, and of which I fhall relate the particulars, without any ag- gravation. Occafion of Whatever might be the ground of the hopes entertained the gun by the catholics, when they faw king James afcend the powder-plot throne of England, it is certain they expected great things Difcourfe of from him, and at leaſt a full toleration, with liberty of pub- the treaſon. licly exercifing their religion. Upon this toleration they built Du Chefne. their hopes of reſtoring by degrees their religion in England. Howes's Contin. Stow. Speed. Coke, Osborn. But the king's fpeech to the parliament diſcovered two things. The first, that the toleration, which till then had been hardly doubted, was not yet ready to come. The fecond, that p. 61, &c. though they ſhould obtain it of the king, it would not be for fuch as acknowledged the pope's authority in its utmoſt extent. Theſe were the men however that were moft active and eager * 49, &c. to re-eſtabliſh their religion in the kingdom. They difpifed a bare liberty of confcience for the moderate catholics, to which the king feemed to confine his favours. They be- lieved it to be the king's intention to divide the catholics, and make two fects, whereof one, renouncing the doctrine Winwood's Mem. t. ii. (b) Mr. Chamberlain, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, tells him, That the king" finds fuch felicity in a hunting life, that he has written to his * council, and defires them to take "the charge and burden of affairs, and "forefec that he be not interrupted nor "troubled with too much bufinefs.' Winwood's Mem, tom. ii, p. 46. of OF ENGLAN D. 51 of the pope's fupremacy, fhould be tolerated in the kingdom, James I. and the other expelled. This divifion appeared to them fo 1605. deftructive to the catholic religion, that they imagined, the king by this artful and political conduct, intended to reconcile to the church of England, fuch as fhould imprudently reject the papal authority, as it happened in the reign of Henry VIII. that treason in king To prevent the execution of this pretended defign, which Account of might be very prejudicial to the church of Rome, fome of the Gun- powder thefe zealots confulted together, and formed a horrible plot, treafon. which was afterwards approved by the reft. The chief of Difcourſe of thefe wretches was Robert Catefby, a gentleman of Northamp- tha tonshire, defcended from the Catefbies mentioned in the reign James's of Edward V. This man having gained Thomas Percy the Works. earl of Northumberland's coufin, John Grant, Ambrofe Speed. Rookwood, John and Chriftopher Wright, Francis Trefham, 1. 135- Guy Fawkes, Sir Everard Digby, Robert and Thomas Win- ter (c), Thomas Bates, and Robert Keys, chofe five of them to confult how to restore the Romifh religion in England. Percy, one of the moft zealous, propofed killing the king, and offered to perform it. To this Catefby replied, "Though "the king was dead, their cauſe would not be advanced, fince he would leave fons, who perhaps would not be more fa- ❝vourable to the catholics. Nay, ſuppoſing the king and his ❝children were removed, there would remain fo many of the "nobles and gentry, that probably it would be very difficult "to accompliſh their defign." He added, " he had thought ૬૮ of a way to deftroy in an inftant, almoft all the principal- "enemies of the catholic religion, and to throw the kingdom Thuanus Garnet, &c. into fuch a confternation, that not a man would be able "to take proper meaſures to oppoſe the execution of their έσ defigns." This way was to blow up the parliament houfe (d) Proceedings whilft the king fhould be ſpeaking his fpeech from the throne against to the lords and commons. Then he ſhowed them in what in State. manner the project might be executed, and was applauded Trials. by all. However, as ſo deteſtable a plot could not but breed vol. i. ideas frightful and fhocking to confcience, fome moved to Mem. t. i have the lawfulneſs of the project examined by their divines. p. 1794 It is faid, that Henry Garnet, Ofwald Tefmond, and John Ibid. Gerrard being confulted, approved of the plot as juſt and lawful, fince it was againſt excommunicated heretics. I cannot warrant this, becauſe I never faw their trials. But (c) This Thomas Winter feems to have been the first contriver of the plot, about Eafter 1604; but Catesby in- vented the manner of putting it in exc- cution. See Fawkes's Conietf. (d) That place they made choice of, becauſe the catholic religion having been fuppreffed there, they thought it fittest, that justice and punishment fhould be executed there. Winter's Confef. D 2 thus Winwood' 1 52 THE HISTORY James I. thus much is certain, they fuffered death for not diſcovering 1605. the conſpiracy of which they were informed; and the king, in an apology publifhed fome time after, affirmed that Garnet was legally convicted, and had confeffed his crime (e). Fawkes's Confer. Be this as it will, the thing being determined, they took an oath of fecrecy, adminiſtered as it is faid by father Gar- net (f). Then Percy, being one of the gentlemen-penfioners, was appointed to hire a houfe adjoining to the upper-houfe of parliament. This paffed in November or December 1604. and the king was to make his fpeech to the parliament on the 7th of February. Percy having hired the houſe, the con- fpirators began with no fmall labour to dig in the cellar through the partition-wall, which was very thick (g). But as the parliament was prorogued to the 3d of October, they had as much time as was neceffary to finiſh their work. In the beginning of February 1605, they had almoft digged through the wall, when on a ſudden they heard a noiſe on the other fide: this threw them into a great fright, being apprehenfive of a diſcovery; but their courage reviving, Fawkes, who paffed for Percy's footman, was fent to fee what had occafioned their fear. Preſently after he returned, and faid, the place from whence the noiſe came was a large cellar under the upper- houfe of parliament, full of fea-coals, which were now under fale, and the cellar offered to be let. As nothing could be more favourable to their deſign, Percy immediately hired the cellar, and bought the remainder of the coals: then he fent for thirty-fix barrels of powder from Holland, and lodging them at Lambeth, caufed them to be conveyed in the night into the cellar, and covered with coals and faggots (h). (e) This is confirmed by Garnet's an- fwer to fome English lords, who asked him, whether he approved that the church of Rome fhould one day declare him a martyr: "Martyrem me (cried he) O qualem martyrem !"' See Cafaubon's letter to Fronto Ducæus the Jefuit, Cafaub. Epift. edit. of 1709. P. 414. (f) Catesby, Percy, Wright, Fawkes and Winter, met behind St. Clement's church in London, and upon a Primer gave each other the oath of fecrecy, and afterwards went into the next room, where they heard mais, and received the facrament upon the fame. Ibid. Ibid. In their indictment it is faid, "that "they received the eucharift by the ** hands of Garnet, Telmond," &c. The but not the oath. See State Trials. (g) It was about three yards thick. They that worked in this mine were Percy, Catesby, Thomas and Robert Winter, John and Chriftoper Wright, and Fawkes. They began to work De- cember 11, and about Candlemas had worked the wall half through. They all feven lay in the houſe, and had ſhot and powder, being refolved to die rȧ- ther than yield or be taken. They had provided themſelves with baked meats, to have the lefs occafion for fending out; and they went in the night and were never ſeen. Fawkes's and Win- ter's Confeff. (h) They put in at firft but twenty barrels, but fearing they might be damp, they added fixteen more. There were a thou- OF 53 ENGLAND. and Win- Confef. The plot being thus in a fair way, it was confidered what James I was to be done when the king, prince Henry his eldeſt fon, 1605. the lords and commons, ſhould be buried in the ruins of the parliament-houſe. The duke of York, the king's fecond Fawkes's fon, being yet very young, was not to be preſent at the par- ter's Con- liament, and the princeſs Elizabeth his fifter was educated at fef. a houſe belonging to the lord Harrington in Warwickſhire. It was refolved therefore that Percy, who had free admittance into the king's palace, fhould undertake to kill the duke of York (i); and that others, under colour of a hunting-match, fhould meet on the fame day near the lord Harrington's houfe, and fecure the princess Elizabeth. As all this could Winter's not be effected without money, Treſham offered two thou- fand pounds fterling, Digby fifteen hundred, and Percy pro- Proceedings miſed to ſupply four thoufand. Some moved for foreign aid against Gar- beforehand, but the motion was rejected it was refolved only to demand affiftance of France, Spain, and the arch- duke, when the plot fhould be executed. Then, after fome confultation, they agreed to fave the princeſs Elizabeth, and proclaim her queen, To that end they drew up a proclama- tion, taking care to infert nothing concerning religion, for fear of alarming the people, till they were ftrong enough to execute all their defigns. Finally, they refolved to ſpread a report after the blow fhould be given, that the puritans were the authors of it. : net, &c. The parliament being farther prorogued to the 5th of No- Winter's vember, the confpirators expected the day with the utmoft Confef impatience, not one being touched with remorfe of the crime they were going to commit. But God, abhorring fo deteſta- ble a plot, infpired one of the confpirators with a defire to fave William Parker lord Monteagle, fon of the lord Marley. This lord going home about feven in the evening, a letter October 2§. was given him by his fervant, who received it from an un- known perfon, with a charge to deliver it into his maſter's own hand. The letter was without name or date (k), and Difcourfe of expreffed in theſe words: a thouſand billets and five hundred fag- gots to cover them, Winter's Confef. In their indictment it is faid, they put in thirty barrels and four hogfheads of gun-powder, and laid on them great iron bars and ftones, State Trials. (i) He, and another gentleman, were to enter into the duke's chamber with- aut ſuſpicion; and having about a do- zen others at ſeveral doors to expect his coming, and two or three on horseback at the court-gate to receive him, he was to carry the duke ſafe away, as foon as the parliament houfe was blown up. Winter's Confef (k) And in an unknown and fome- what unlegible hand, Difcourfe of the Treafon. D 3 6. My the Trealog 54 THE HISTORY James I. 1605. Difcourfe of Winwood's Mem. tom. ii. .. 6 "My lord, WT of the love I beare to fome of your frends, I have a care of your prefervation. Therfore I would "adviſe you, as you tender your life, to deviſe ſome excufe "to fhift off your attendance at the parliament, For God "and Man have concurred to puniſh the wickedneſſe of this tyme. And thincke not flightlie of this advertiſement, but "retire yourfelfe into your countrey, where you may expect "the event in fafetie. For though there be no apparance of 66 any ftirre, yet I fay, they fhall receave a terrible blow this "parliament, and yet they fhall not fee who hurt them. This 66 counceill is not to be contemned, bicaufe yt may doe you “good, and can doe you no harme; for the danger is paft "ſo ſoon as you burne this letter. And I hope God will give you the grace to make good uſe of yt: to whofe holy " protection I commend you. 66 ور This letter was delivered to the lord Monteagle ten days before the meeting of the parliament. Though it was unin- telligible to him, nay, though he imagined it only an ar- tifice to frighten him, he carried it that very evening to the earl of Saliſbury, fecretary of ftate. The earl fhowed it to fome privy-counſellors, who underſtood the meaning of it no more than he (1). However, they refolved to do nothing till the king's return, who was then at Royſton. The king returning to London the laft day of October, the the Treafon. earl of Saliſbury read the letter to him on the morrow, and concluded that it was written by fome fool or madman: to convince the king, he repeated this fentence, " The danger p. 170, &c. ❝ is paſt fo foone as you burne this letter;" for, faid he, if the danger be paffed when the letter is burnt, what fignifies this warning? but the king ordering the letter to be read again, explained the words otherwiſe, and faid, " So foone as you burne the letter," was to be interpreted, "In as "fhort a ſpace as you ſhall take to burn the letter." Then comparing this fentence with the foregoing, "That they “fhould receive a terrible blow this parliament, and yet fhould not fee who hurt them," he concluded that fome .. (1) However, he obferved it correſpond with fome informations he had received from abroad, that the papifts, both at home and abroad, were making prepara- tions for fome combination amongst them against the parliament-time, for enabling them to deliver a petition to the king for toleration of religion; which should be delivered in fuch or- der, and fo well backed, as the king fhould be loth to refuſe their requests. Difcourfe of the Treaſon. fudden OF ENGLAND. 55 fudden blow was preparing by means of gun-powder (m). This JamesI. interpretation being deemed very plaufible, it was refolved 1605, that all the rooms and cellars adjoining to the parliament- houſe ſhould be ſearched, to fee whether there was any pow- der concealed. This fearch was however deferred till the day Novemb. 4, before the meeting of the parliament, in a belief that the nearer the execution was, the more figns would be found. The earl of Suffolk lord chamberlain went himſelf to fearch with- out noiſe or hurry (n). When he came to the cellar where the powder was, and faw the coals and faggots with which it was covered, he afked Whyneard, the keeper of the wardrobe, who attended him, to what uſe he had put the cellar? Why- neard anſwered, Mr. Percy had hired it, and very probably the coals and wood were the gentleman's fuel for winter. At the fame time the chamberlain perceiving a man ſtanding in a corner, aſked who he was, and being told he was Mr. Per- cy's fervant, did not feem to take any farther notice (o). This affected negligence made the confpirators think there would be no farther fearch, fince nothing was found in the cellar to create any ſuſpicion, and they prepared to execute their plot the next day. under the the Treafon The earl of Suffolk having made his report to the council, Powder is it was thought if there was any powder concealed, it was in found hid the large cellar, under the faggots and coals. But as the par- houfe of liament was to meet on the morrow, it was refolved not to lords. ſearch under the wood till midnight, in hopes to find in or Difcourfe of about the cellar ſome perſons from whom information might be had. Purſuant to this reſolution, Sir Thomas Knevet, gentleman of the privy-chamber and juſtice of peace for Weſt- minſter, going to the cellar about midnight, found at the door a man in a cloak and boots, whom he immediately appre- hended (p). This was Guy Fawkes, who paffed for Percy's fervant (q). Then caufing the wood and coals to be removed, they found underneath thirty-fix barrels of powder. After this diſcovery, Fawkes being fearched, there was found upon him (m) Cecil, in a letter of his to Sir Charles Cornwallis, fpeaks as if it was he and the lord chamberlain that first made the diſcovery. See Winwood, tom. ii. p. 171. (n) It is the lord chamberlain's buſineſs to ſee that all places are in a readineſs where the king is to come in perfon. (0) The lord Monteagle, curious to know the event, was with the lord chamberlain, and hearing Percy nam- ed, immediately gueffed the letter came from him, there being great friendſhip between them. Difcourfe of the Trea- fon. (p) In cafe nothing ſhould be found, Whyneard was to pretend he miffed fome of the king's ftuff or hangings, which were in his keeping, and that the fearch was for them. Difcourfe of the Trea fon. (9) Under the name of John John- fon. D 4 a dark- 56 THE HISTORY James I. a dark lantern, a tinder-box, and three matches (r). The vil 1605. lain, inſtead of being diſmayed, boldly told them, if he had been taken within the cellar, he would have blown up him- ſelf and them together. The king being acquainted with the diſcovery (s), ordered the priſoner to be examined concerning the circumſtances of the plot. He confeffed the deſign was to blow up the king and parliament, and expreffed great forrow it was not done, faying, it was the devil and not God that was the diſcoverer. He obftinately refuſed all that day to name any of his accomplices, but on the morrow, being fhowed the rack, confeffed all he knew. Difcourfe of the Treafon. Some areta- Лain. Ibid. The opening of the parliament, which was to be the fame day, being deferred, and the news of the confpiracy begin- ning to fpread in London, Catefby, Percy, Winter, and the two Wrights fled by feveral ways to their companions, who were to fecure the princeſs Elizabeth. Theſe were ready to execute their defign the moment they ſhould hear of the fuc- cefs of the mine at Weſtminſter. As they did not queſtion it would fucceed to their wifh, and believed they had nothing more to manage, they had the night before broke open a ftable and carried away twelve horfes (t). This action had alarmed Sir Richard Verney fheriff of the county, who had drawn the people together to feize the robbers. Preſently af- ter came the confpirators that fled from London, and told their companions the plot had mifcarried; whereupon they refolved to keep together, to endeavour to make the catholics, rife, and to put themſelves at their head; but all their ef forts ended only in raiſing about a hundred horſe (u). Mean while, the fheriffs of the neighbouring counties (w) ken, others having fent notice to one another, called the people to arms, and purfued the confpirators from place to place, till at length the villains were forced to take harbour at Holbeach (x), where the fheriff fummoned them to furrender. They answered, he had not a fufficient force to compel them, and prepared to de- fend themſelves or fight their way through: but in opening a barrel of powder to charge their mufkets, it took fire and blew up part of the houſe (y). This accident conſtrained them (r) All this was but about twelve hours before the hellish project was to be put in execution. (s) About four o'clock in the morn- ing. Difcourfe of the Treafon. (t) There were but feven or eight. The table belonged to one Benock, a rider of great horfes. Ibid. ta (u)They never amounted to fourſcore, See Difcourfe of the Treaſon. (w) Particularly Sir Richard Walsh, fheriff of Worcestershire. Ibid. (x) A houfe belonging to Stephen Littleton, in Staffordshire. Winwood's Mem. tom. ii. p. 173. (y) As they were mending the fire in their OF ENGLAND. 57 Howes. to open the gate and try to eſcape. Some were killed imme- James I. diately by the people who furrounded them: Catesby, Per- 1605. cy, and Winter, ftanding back to back, fought defperately, till the two firſt were killed with one ſhot, and the other ta- ken alive after receiving ſeveral wounds. Digby, Rookwood, Wilfon. Grant, and Bates, yielded or were taken in trying to eſcape. P. 75. Trefham, who ftaid at London with Robert Winter brother of Thomas Winter and Littleton, was diſcovered and appre- hended with his two companions. All the priſoners were ſent to the Tower, and ftrictly examined. Thomas Winter con- feffed himſelf guilty, and writ his confeffion with his own hand. Digby extenuated his crime, becauſe having expected StateTaialsį the king would grant a free toleration to the catholics, and not ſeeing any likelihood of their obtaining it, he was driven by deſpair to engage in the plot. Trefham faid at firſt that Ibid. father Garnet the Jefuit was privy to the confpiracy, but af- terwards denied it by his wife's inftigation, as it is pretended, affirming he had not ſeen him for fixteen years: but Gar- net, who was apprehended after Trefham's death, confeffed he had frequently conferred with him within fix months. The earl of Northumberland was fent to the Tower, on fuf- Novem. 27 picion of being concerned in the plot. This fufpicion was grounded upon his being captain of the band of gentlemen penfioners, and admitting into it his coufin Percy without ad- miniftring to him the oath of fupremacy, though he knew his religion. The affair being afterwards brought into the ftar- June 27. chamber, the earl was fined in thirty thouſand pounds fterling, deprived of all his pofts, and impriſoned during the king's pleaſure. Howes. Oſborn. Ofborn. to excuſe the The feffion of the parliament began not till the 9th of No- The king's vember, though it was fixed to the 5th. The king made a fpeech to the long ſpeech, repreſenting the heinoufneſs and confequences of parliament this horrible plot, and magnifying the mercy of God in the catholics. miraculous diſcovery. But withal he took great care to clear K. James's the catholic religion, and to obferve that this abominable plot Works. was to be ascribed to fuch only as were truly papifts, and im- Lued with the deteftable principles mentioned in his first fpeech to the parliament. He affirmed, there were not many of theſe, and it would be extremely injurious to accuſe the catholics in general of following fuch extravagant maxims. their chamber,a fpark of fire happened to fall upon two pounds of powder, which was drying a little from the chimney; and it blowing up, fo maimed the faces of fome of the principal rebels, and 1 the hands and fides of others, that they opened the gate. A great bag of pow- der was blown up without taking fire. See King James's Works, p. 244. 46 For 58 HISTORY THE James I. "For (added he) although it cannot be denied that it was 1605. "only the blind fuperftition of their errors in religion that "led them to this defperate device; yet doth it not follow "that all profeffing the Romish religion were guilty of the fame for as it is true that no other fect of heretiques, Reflections of the people upon the king's fpeech. •• > The earneftnefs which the king expreffed for the union of is rejected. the two kingdoms, was not capable of prevailing with the parliament, fo inconvenient was it thought. All he could 4 Jac. c. 1. obtain, was the repealing of the hoftile laws. So the union was rejected, without any mention however of the procla- mation concerning the Poft-nati. But by not approving it, the parliament did in effect reject it, fince a proclamation in Coke, p. 62. England is not confidered as a law. Nevertheleſs, two years after, the king cauſed the fame thing to be determined by the judges of the realm, though this determination was of no more force than the proclamation (p). The ill fucceſs of this affair extremely troubled the king. In his firſt ſpeech to the parliament, he called ſuch as were againſt the union of the two kingdoms, blind, ignorant, reft- lefs, and difaffected; and affirmed, no honeft fubject what- ever was lefs glad of this union than himſelf. But he now found the lords and commons againſt it, and this caſt a fort of ridicule upon his too hafty judgment. From thenceforward. he always appeared very averfe to parliaments; as on the other hand, the people began to diflike him. They could not fee without grief fo many proclamations, which feemed to ſuppoſe the king's will to be the fole rule of the government. The king's needlefs expences were another cauſe of com- plaint, becauſe they were compared with queen Elizabeth's frugality and good management. It was confidered, the three hundred thousand pounds received by the king at his coming, ) The king obtained a judgment in Weſtminſter-Hall, in a cafe called Cal- vin's cafe, that the Poft-nati in Scot- land, after the king's affumption to the crown of England, were free to pur- chaſe and inherit therein, Rog. Coke, p. 62. This cafe (fays Wilfon) was reported by lord chief justice Coke, who was fit metal for any ſtamp-royal, and adjudged by him, the lord chancellor Ellefmere, and most of the judges of the kingdom, in the Exchequer chamber, though many ſtrong andvalid arguments were brought against it: fuch power is in the breath of kings and ſuch ſoft ftuff are judges made of, that they can model their precedents into as many ſhapes as they pleaſe! Wilſon, p. 680. with OF ENGLAND 69. with what was lately granted by the parliament and clergy, James I. ſerved only to enrich his favourites and minifters. All this 1607. began to form a cloud, which perhaps would have been fol- lowed by a ſtorm, had not the king, on the fourth of July, prorogued the parliament to the 16th of November, and af- terwards to the 9th of February (q). in Nor- Before the parliament was prorogued, there were ſome com- Infurrection motions in Northamptonſhire (r), where the country-people thampton- roſe in arms, under the conduct of one John Reynolds, who fhire. ftiled himſelf captain Pouch (s); but theſe troubles were fhort- May. liv'd the fheriff of the county found means to difperfe the Howes. rebels, without the affiftance of any regular troops. from Ire- Sept. The earl of Tir-oen, the famous Irish rebel, pardoned by The earl of queen Elizabeth, was brought to London the beginning of Tir-cen flies this reign by the lord Montjoy, and prefented to the king, land on pre- who received him very graciouſly. Shortly after, he return- tence of ed to his native country, where he could not live in peace. religion. He not only attempted once more to raiſe a rebellion in Ire- Howes. land, but alſo applied to foreign princes for affiftance. His fecret practices not fucceeding to his expectation, he was afraid of being apprehended, and choſe to leave Ireland, tak- ing with him the earl of Tirconnel, whom he had drawn into his plots (t). When he was come to a place of ſafety, he gave out, that the outrages committed in Ireland upon the catho- lics, had conſtrained him to forfake his eſtate and country. But the king repelled this afperfion by a fort of apology pub- The king's apology. liſhed on the occafion, not induring that the world fhould Nov. 15. think him a perſecutor of the catholics. Du Chefne. In the beginning of the year, the archduke and the infanta Act. Pub. his fpouſe, fent into Holland father Ney, provincial of the or- xvi. p. 664, Negotiation der of St. Francis, to propoſe a peace with the ftates of the for a peace United Provinces. Ney lying concealed for a time at Ryf- with the wick, was at laſt admitted to audience by prince Maurice, > tries. who told him plainly, there was no hopes of a peace, unless Grotius. (q) In this feffion it was enacted, that every perfon which is drunk, fhall for feit for every offence five shillings, to be paid to the church-wardens of the pa- rish. -In the beginning of this year 1607, was begun a new Engliſh tranſ- lation of the Bible, which was pub- Jiſhed in 1611, and is the fame as is now in common uſe. See an account of it, and of the tranſlators, in Fuller. Cent. 17. P. 44. (r) And in Warwickshire, Leicefter- fhire, &c. The cauſe of their diffatif- Low-Coun- A&t, Pub, faction was, the inclofing of commons xvi. p. 663. and other lands; and fo all the mif- Negot. chief they did, was to break down hedg- de Jeannin. es, fill up ditches, and lay open all in- Thuanus, clofures. Howes, p. 89c. 1. 138. (s) So called from a great pouch he wore at his girdle. (t) With him went away his wife, his two younger fons and his nephew, as alfo the earl of Tyrconnel's fon, and brother, and the lord Dongannon. Howes, p. 891. E 3 the 0 THE HISTORY James I. the United Provinces were owned for a free and independent 1607. ftate. This declaration obliged the father to return to Bruffels, 1608. from whence he came fome time after, with a writing figned by the archduke and the infanta, with which the ftates were fatisfied, provided it was ratified by the king of Spain, which ratification Ney undertook to procure. Henry IV. hearing what was tranfacting at the Hague, difpatched preſident Je- annin to offer his mediation to the ſtates, which was accepted. But as they feared to create jealoufy in king James, if France alone was concerned in the affair, they wrote to him for his advice and aſſiſtance, and ſhortly after, fent an ambaſſador to inform him more particularly of the fituation of their affairs. Mean while, the king of Spain's ratification being come, the ſtates found it full of equivocal and captious expreffions, which gave them occafion to require explanations. This prolonged the negotiation, the fuccefs whereof fhall be re- lated hereafter (u). April 11, 1608, George Gervis, a feminary prieſt of prisft and Rheis, was hanged at Tyburn, and the 23d of June, Tho- jefuit exe- mas Garnet, a Jefuit, had the fame fate. Garnet was of- fered a pardon, provided he would take the oath of alle- giance, which he refolutely refuſed. cuted. Howes. Death of the lord trea- furer. Wilfon. Howes. Salisbury fucceeds him. The king bundance of Thomas Sackville, earl of Dorſet, and lord-treaſurer, dying fuddenly as he was fitting at the council-table, Robert Cecil, earl of Salifoury, fucceeded him in his poft. He was a lord of a great genius, and though crooked before and behind, na- ture fupplied that defect with noble endowments of mind. The chief concern of the minifters was to ſee that the king did not want money. He had occafion for great fums, being fpends a extremely liberal, or rather prodigal (w), and it may well be thought, that in procuring money for the king, the minifters. did not forget themfelves. But this is fo cuftomary a thing with favourites and minifters, that it would be wrong to up-- braid thefe with it in particular. As to foreign affairs, they were little regarded throughout this whole reign. money. Coke. Willon. Olborn. One of the propereft means devifed to procure the king money, was the monopoly of the fale of cloths, at the follicita- tion of a certain merchant, who, in all appearance, dearly purchaſed his patent. At this time, the Engliſh were not (u) July 4. Sir Thomas Knevet was furamoned to the house of peers by the title of bargn of Eferycke. And No- yember 16, Sir Gervafe Clifton, by the title of baton Clifton of Layton Bromef- wold. Howes, p. 8gc, 891.-This year 890, the Banquetting-houfe at Whitehall began to he rebuilt. Ibid. (w) Ofborn fays, that the nation was oppreffed with impofitions, monopolies, aids, privy-fcals, concealments, pre-ter- mitted cuſtoms, &c. befides forfeitures upon penal ftatutes, &c. which were fpent upon the Scots. Sect. 17. fkilled OF 71 ENGLAND. fkilled in the art of dreffing and dying Engliſh woollen ma- James I. nufactures. They fent them into Holland white, and the 1608. Hollanders, after they had dyed them, fent them back, and fold them in England. The merchant I juſt mentioned, in- timating to the king and miniſtry, that a great profit would accrue to England, if the cloths were dreffed at home, obtain- ed a patent to drefs and dye them, exclufive of all others. Then the king publiſhed a proclamation, forbidding all per- fons to fend any white cloths abroad: whereupon the Hollan- ders prohibited the importation of dyed cloths from England. So the merchant who obtained the patent, not being able to fell his dyed cloaths any where but in England, was forced to dreſs and dye only a fmall quantity. This raiſed ſuch cla- mours amongſt the cloth-weavers, that the king was obliged to permit the exportation of a certain quantity of white cloths. At length, the court by degrees connived at the of fenders, and the woollen-trade continued upon the fame foot as before (x). allum. The fame year, the king ingroffed to himſelf the ſel- andɔf ling of allum, which had been lately found out in England, › Howes, and prohibited the importation of foreign allum by proclama- p. 898. tion (y). Coke. Whether the king intended to be revenged of the Hollan- Dispute be- ders for breaking his meaſures with respect to the woollen tween the manufactures, or only to draw money from them, a procla- the Hollan king and mation was publiſhed, prohibiting all foreign nations to fifh ders about on the coafts of Great-Britain. This occafioned the next the fishery, year a treaty, whereby the Hollanders engaged to pay an an- nual fum for leave to fiſh. The king would have afterwards broke the treaty, and taken from them the licence he had granted them; but they maintained their privilege againſt his confent, by guarding their fifhing-boats with men of war. James being a pacific prince, did not think this a fufficient motive to quarrel with them. (x) Alderman Cockaine, with fome rich citizens, having promiled Rochester, Northampton, and the lord treaſurer, great fums of money, they procured him a patent for dreffing and dying cloths, and got the king to feize into his hands the charter of the merchant adventur- ers, for tranſporting of white undreffèd cloths. But by reafon of the Hollan- ders prohibition, and Cockaine's dyeing and dreffing cloths worfe and dearer than they were in Holland, infinite numbers of poor people lay idle, and were reduced to a starving condition. So the matter fell to the ground. Coke, p: 70. (y) At this time Sir John Bourchier (joining with the lord Sheffield prefi- dent of the North, Sir Thomas Ĉhal- loner, Sir David Fowlis, and others who had lands in the North) brought the making of allum to perfection in Eng- land, which with great charges had been fetched from foreign parts, parti- cularly from Italy; and the king took the whole traffic thereof, to himfelf. Howes, p. 89S. E 4 Arch 72 HISTORY THE James I. 1608. Bancroft perfccutes the puri- tans. He repeats the exhibi- tion of his articles. Coke. Continua- Archbishop Bancroft never ceaſed to plague the puritans, to oblige them to conform to the church of England. For that reafon, great numbers of theſe people refolved to go and ſettle in Virginia, diſcovered in the late reign by Sir Walter Raleigh. Accordingly, fome departed for that country; but the archbiſhop feeing many more ready to take the fame voyage, obtained a proclamation, enjoining them not to go without the king's exprefs licence. The court was appre- henſive this fect would become in the end too numerous and powerful in America. This very year the archbiſhop made a fresh attempt concerning the twenty-one articles formerly mentioned but the oppofition of the judges was fo ftrong, that the king, however defirous he was to pleaſe the prelate, durft not proceed. The treaty at the Hague concerning a peace between the tion of the archduke and the ſtates, was an important affair, in which it treaty for a feemed, the king fhould have had a great fhare, and yet he Low-Coun- appeared not to be much concerned. However, he made two tries. treaties with the ftates, the firft whereof was concerning the peace in the Grotius. payment of what was due to him. The other contained an Act. Pub. xvi. p. 667 alliance, which was not to take place till after they had con- -678. cluded a peace with Spain (z). Then he fent Sir Robert Spencer Winwood's to the Hague, to affift at the negotiations of peace, jointly with Mem. t. ii. Sir Ralph Winwood, his ambaſſador in ordinary. Number- P. 323, &c. lefs difficulties occurred in the affair, the chief whereof was, that the king of Spain refuſed to ſpeak plainly with reſpect to the liberty of the ftates. He had ratified the archdukes's de- claration, but it was on condition the peace ſhould be made, and the ſtates would treat only upon the foot of free ſtates. Befides, in the king of Spain's ratification were certain ambi- guous expreffions, which the ftates were not pleaſed with. They knew alfo, that whilft they were negotiating at the Hague, the Spaniſh court was endeavouring to gain the king of England, and for that purpoſe had fent to him Don Fer- nando de Gironne, a lord of great diftinction, as ambaſſador extraordinary. This made the ftates extremely uneafy, and the more, as James affected on all occafions to intimate, that he looked upon them as rebels. He applied to their cafe the general maxims of fovereignty, and firmly believed, what he would have had univerfally thought, that fubjects ought not to withdraw their allegiance from their prince upon any James openly blames the Aates. Welwood. z) Theſe two treaties bear date June 26. The fums due from the ftates to king James, are in the former treaty computed at eight hundred and eighteen thoufand, four hundred and eight pounds fterling. See Rymer's Feed, tom, xvi. p. 674. account OF 73 ENGLAN D. account whatſoever. Hence may be judged what effect his James I. mediation could have. Accordingly his ambaffadors made a 1608. very little figure throughout the whole negotiation. Jeannin managed every thing, the Engliſh ambaffador acting but faintly, and fhowing little or no defire that the treaty fhould fucceed. What endeavours foever Jeannin might ufe, it was not poffible for him to cauſe the parties to conſent to a peace. And therefore he propoſed at leaſt a twelve or fifteen years truce, during which both parties fhould remain in poffeffion of what they held without prejudice to their rights. But the ſtates rejected it, unleſs their liberty was plainly eſtabliſhed. Whereupon the ambaffadors of Spain and the archduke with- drew, as feeing no likelihood of peace or truce. However, Jeannin continued his inftances to perfuade the ſtates to ac- cept of the ratification as it was, and conſent to ſome other ar- ticles, on which there had been great debates. At length, by his many repreſentations, he obtained of the United Provinces, Zealand excepted, which ſtood out till the next year, what he defired to accompliſh for the conclufion of the truce. of prefident King James did not gain much credit by this negotiation. Teftimony Befides his leaving every thing to the king of France, he acted Jeannin. not with fincerity, if we may believe prefident Jeannin, who Letters de in a letter to the king his mafter on this occafion, fpeaking Jeannin. of king James, fays, "He pretends a willingneſs to procure "a peace, and yet obftructs it, by publicly faying, he cannot "forbear condemning the ftates for rebelling againſt the king "of Spain their fovereign." Indeed, Richardot did not ſcru- ple to own in a letter to Jeannin, that the king of Spain's firm- neſs was entirely owing to the king of England's promiſe, that the liberty of the ftates fhould not be mentioned in the treaty of truce (a). Henry IV. had no great opinion of James, as (a) The earl of Salisbury, in a letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, of the 23d of De- cember 1608, clears the king from this imputation. And in another letter of the 1st of January 1608-9, to Sir Charles Cornwallis, then ambaffador in Spain, he tell him, "That Richardot "had reported he was the perſon that "had given this promife to Spain. And "adds, I am fure you never received "C any fuch direction from me, that am "appointed your principal correfpon- "dent, fo his majeſty is fo much per- "fuaded of your faith and difcretion, "that you will not intermeddle in any '' appears "thing beyond the ſcope of your direc- "tion. In another letter of the 27th of January 1608-9, to the fame Sir Charles, the earl fays, "Richardot "does not directly clear you, and caft "the imputation upon the Spaniſh am- "baffador, who ſhould have given ſuch "hopes by letters, as having received "them from the mouth of us that are "of his majeſty's council. But the "ambaffador being challenged, did pro- "teft to the contrary, with all the vows that may be. So we fee it was a device fet on foot at Bruffels, to co- lour the delays from Spain, and to "fave 74 THE HISTORY twelve years James I. appears from his writing to Jeannin, "that he knew what 1608. "that was capable of, but however it did not break his reft." The province of Zealand, refolving to follow the fentiment 1609. of the other provinces, the conferences were renewed at Ant- Truce of werp, where a twelve years true was figned, April the 9th, in the Low- 1609. By the truce, the ftates obtained that the king of Countries. Spain and the archduke owned them as free and independent, Grotius. and even avoided the renouncing the navigation and trade to the Indies, which had been a principal obftacle to the negotiation. Howes. James dif- covers more his princi- ples con- James difcovered no fatisfaction at the advantage obtained by the ſtates, becauſe he confidered it as a precedent very and more dangerous and prejudicial to the fovereign authority of kings, with which he was ever extremely poffefled. This evidently cerning the appeared at prefent, by his licenfing two books, which inain- regal power. tained the most extravagant maxims of arbitrary power. The that fubject. firft, writ by Cowel, doctor of civil law (b), laid down theſe Coke, p.63, three principles: Books upon He difap. points the juftice of the parliament upon the authors of these books. Ibid. Howes, P. 898. 1. That the king was not bound by the law, or his coro- nation-oath. 2. That the king was not obliged to call a parliament to make laws, but might do it alone by his abfolute power. 3. That it was a great favour to admit the confent of the ſubjects in giving fubfidies. The other book was compoſed by Dr. Blackwood a clergy- man, who laid down this principle, that the Engliſh were all flaves by reaſon of the Norman conqueft. The parliament which met the next year, took this affair to heart, and would have feverely puniſhed the authors of thefe books; but the king interpofed, and fruftrated the par- liament's defign, by publiſhing a proclamation, to forbid the reading of thefe books, and to order the copies to be delivered to the magiftrates. But fuch proclamations are ufually ill- obeyed, eſpecially when it is not the king's intereſt to ſee them ftrictly executed (c). "fave themfelves from being difavow- "ed in their proceedings.' See the Collection of State Papers in the reign of James I. p. 469, 472, 474. where it feems to be plain that it was all a fic- tion of Richardot's to ferve his mafter's turn. (b) Cowel was not a clergyman, (as Rapin by mistake fays) but doctor and profeffor of civil law in Cambridge, and vicar-general to archbishop Bancroft. He pullished a book called the Inter- preter, containing the fignification of Auch words and terms as are mentioned in the law-writers and ftatutes. It was printed at Cambridge, firft in quarto, in the year 1607. It hath been enlarged and reprinted in folio; but in all the later editions, the dubious and offenfive paffages have been corrected or omitted. (c) The Afteen years letters patents granted by queen Elizabeth to the Eaft- India company expiring about this time, king James granted them, in May this year, an enlargement of their privileges, and a charter whereby he incorporated them for ever. Howes, p. 993, 994. f. The OF ENGLAND. 75 are diffatif- are counte- The king's proceedings increaſed the diſcontent of moſt of James I. the Engliſh. The proclamations which were every day pub- 1610. lifhed, and whereof feveral were upon fubjects not uſed to be decided by the former kings without the concurrence of The people the parliament, and the indiſcreet ſpeeches of the courtiers, fied. who rallied the people's privileges, bred fufpicions and jea- Coke. loufies, which the king was not careful enough to ftifle in their birth. On the other hand, his condefcenfion for the The papifts Roman catholics, whofe caufe he efpoufed on all occafions, nanced. their acceſs and credit at court, even to their being admitted Osborn. into the moſt important offices and into the miniftry itſelf, created fears in the people, and caufed them to ſuſpect fome plot was formed againſt the proteftant religion. The miniſters knowing thefe difpofitions, were juftly apprehenſive of meeting great difficulties in the parliament, which was to fit the 9th of February. The king intended to procure mo- ney, of which he was in great want, though he had no war upon his hands, nor any affair which feemed to require an extraordinary aid. It was therefore neceffary at leaſt to give the parliament good words, and try to palliate his immenſe expences fince his acceffion to the crown. But James be- lieving it to be derogatory to the dignity of a fovereign, to make an apology himſelf to his ſubjects, ordered the earls of Suffolk and Saliſbury to do it for him. ment from The earl of Saliſbury, who was the ſpokeſman, declared to Speech to both houſes, "That they were met, firſt to ſupply his majeſty's the parlia- "wants; fecondly to redrefs the people's grievances." Then the king. he told them," that the king, willing to fhow them a fingular Wilfon, "mark of his favour, had refolved to create his eldeft fon P. 680, &c, "prince Henry prince of Wales during the feffion of parlia- "ment, though he was free to do it at any other time, as by many precedents was evident." Having thus endeavoured to gain the king the good-will of both houſes by ſo ſtrong an argument of his majefty's regard for them, he demonftrat- ed, "it was not without juft reafons that the king de- "manded money, fince what he had received had been laid ❝out in very neceffary expences: first, as for the three hun- 66 dred and fifty thouſand pounds due in the late queen's ❝time, he no fooner received the money with one hand, but he paid it away with the other, in redeeming the crown-lands fhe had mortgaged to the city of London (d). Secondly, He was forced to keep on foot for fome time an army of nineteen thouſand men in Ireland, not deeming it (d) July 3, 1607, king James repaid been borrowed by queen Elizabeth on the city of London 60,000l. that had February 3, 1598. Howes, p. 890. ક . proper 776 HISTORY THE (ડ CC << 66 James I." proper to make peace with Spain without fword in 1610. "hand. Thirdly, He was obliged to bury queen Elizabeth, "whofe funeral was very expenfive (e). Fourthly, His own journey from Edinburgh to London could not be perform- "ed without money; for it would not have been decent for a king to come the firſt time to his kingdom like a private "perfon, and without a numerous train. Fifthly, Neither was it fit that his royal confort, with his children, the kingdom's future hopes, fhould be expoſed to robbers, "without a guard and retinue, and confequently their jour- "ney muſt have been very chargeable. Sixthly, The king "of Denmark's vifit was fo honourable to his majeſty, that "he could not diſpenſe with giving him a ſuitable and mag- "nificent reception. Seventhly, The ambaffadors who came "from all parts to congratulate him upon his acceffion to the crown of England, could not be ſent back without pre- "fents for the honour of the Engliſh nation, befides the charge to entertain them during their ſtay (f). Eighthly, the "king was obliged to fend ambafladors to the princes by whom "he was congratulated, and to return their civilities (g)." 66 <6 Thefe were the cauſes, according to the orator, of the king's wants, and not, as fome affected to give out, his in- diſcreet bounty to his fervants. "But (added he) how could a bounty fo worthy of a king be blamed? If he did not give "to his fervants, they would be miferable in a country " abounding with riches. As for the Scots, it muſt be re- "membered, that though they were not born in the kingdom, <6 his majeſty was born among them; and not to have them "taſte of the bleſſing he had attained, were to have him "change his virtue with his fortune. Upon all theſe "accounts his majeſty defires the commons to fupply his 66 wants, which mark of eſteem could not be denied to a "king, who is not only the wifeft of kings, but the very image of an angel, that has brought good tidings to the Engliſh, and fecured them in the enjoyment of perfect "happineſs; to a king, who by his vaft knowledge and noble "endowments deferves the title of Defender of the Faith "to a king who has ſhut the back-door by which England 66 (e) Her funeral charges were 17,4281. And the expence of the king and his train, on his journey from Scotland to London, amounted to 10,752 1. State of king James's Revenue, p. 12. (f) When the marquis of Roſny, the French ambaffader, landed at Dover, the king fent him word, he could not ; bear the charges of the ambaffadors by reafon of their number, See Mem. de Sully. Rapin. (g) The charge of the foreign am- baffadors that came to England was 31,4001. And of the Engliſh ambaſ- fadors fent into foreign parts, 20,7901. State of the Revenue, p. 12. " was OF 77 ENGLAN D. 1610. "was liable to invafions, and who only feeks that every man James I. « may live happy under his own olive. That none will won- "der or ſtartle at the king's defiring a ſupply, but ſuch as "ſtudy to ferve their own turns, and believe nothing but " what they find written in the ftories of their own igno- rance. Among whom are to be reckoned thoſe, who "hearing of an order to bind up the printed proclamations in "a book, that the better notice may be taken of the things "contained in them, have ſpread a report that the king in- ❝tended this parliament to make proclamations equal to the "laws, which never entered into his thoughts. That ſo far << "is he from governing by will and pleafure, that he is ready "to hearken to any motion from the two houſes, provided they keep a juſt proportion, and obferve what is due to a "great and gracious king." 66 P. 681. This fpeech produced not the effect hoped by the king and Complaints his miniſters. Some of the commons loudly complained of against the king in the the king's prodigality and exceffive bounty to the Scots (h): Koof they faid, the whole wealth of England would not ferve to fa- commons; tisfy their avidity; that fince the king's acceffion, gold and Wilfon, filver were as common in Edinburgh as ftones in the ſtreets, and that all the riches of England flowed thither, where they were ſwallowed up as in a gulph, and never returned. Others faid, it was viſible the king was gradually undermining the nation's privileges by continual incroachments; that he de- figned to eſtabliſh the civil law in the room of the common law, and had dropped fome expreffions to that purpoſe at his › own table: finally, he had approved of a book lately written, the deſign whereof was to render the common law contemp- tible. miffion. But what made moſt noiſe in the lower-houſe was the high- particularly commiffion, which exerciſed in the kingdom a kind of inqui- about the ſition for matters of religion and ſtate. For the better under- high-com- ſtanding this cauſe of complaint, it muſt be remembered that Ibid. when Henry VIII. was declared fupreme head of the church Coke, p. 63. of England, he appointed Cromwell for his vicegerent in re- ligious affairs, with power to exercife the fupremacy in his name. After the tragical end of this firſt and only vicegerent, this office was executed by commiffioners: and this is what was called the high-commiffion, which continued during the lives of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. and ceafing in Mary's reign was revived by Elizabeth: in her reign the high commiffion (h) His free-gifts out of the exche- quer, paid moſtly to Scots, amounted to above 14,000l. yearly. See State of the Revenue, exerciſed 78 THE HISTORY James I. 1610. Osborn, $16. The king's fpeech to both houſes. Wilfon, exercifed its authority with great moderation. But the cafe was otherwiſe under James I. This prince, as I have fre- quently obferved, mortally hated the puritans; and after his proclamation for uniformity, it was the high commiffion's buſineſs to ſee his injunctions executed. It may be cafily gueff- ed that the commiffioners, who were all named by the king, were not favourable to the puritans: accordingly they very rigorously exerciſed their power. Had they ſtopped there, this feverity upon a ſet of obftinate people, as they were reckoned, and whofe number was fmall in compariſon of the epifcopali- ans, would not have excited the complaints of the lower- houſe. But they went much farther. I have obferved, that becauſe the puritans were againſt the hierarchy, the king in- ferred they were alfo againſt monarchy, and there were but too many who laboured to confirm him in that notion. For this reaſon, all who were not very fubmiffive to the king's orders, or great affertors of the privileges of the people, were affect- edly called Puritans (k). Under that pretence the high-com- miffion proceeded againſt them, and wanted not means to moleft them. Thus, to be really a proteftant and member of the church of England, the communicating in that church, and complying with the external worſhip, were not ſufficient, the king's authority was alfo to be acknowledged as extenfive as his flatterers were pleaſed to make it. They who ven- tured to cenfure his conduct and queftion his unlimited power, were deemed infected with puritanifm, and to reafon upon puritannical principles. So, there were then two ſorts of puritans, church-puritans and ſtate-puritans. But the high- commiffion affected to confound them one with another, in order to exerciſe authority upon both. This was the occa- fion of the complaints in the houſe of commons. The king being informed of what was talked in the parlia- ment, fent for both houfes to Whitehall, and endeavoured to fhow he was unjustly complained of. But withal he inti- mated, by fome expreffions which plainly diſcovered his fen- timents, that if he did not rule with an abfolute ſway, it was not for want of power, but entirely owing to his equity. He told them, "Though the king's heart be in the hands "of the Lord, yet he will fet it before the eyes of the "people; affuring them, that he never meant to govern by (k) Under that general term, fays Of- born, were comprehended not only thofe brain-fick fools, as did oppoſe the difci- pline and ceremonies of the church, but fuch as out of mere honeſty re- frained the vices of the times, were branded by this title, § 16. " any OF ENGLAND. 79 any law, but the law of the land; though it be dif- James I. puted among them, as if he had an intention to alter the 1610. law, and govern by the abfolute power of a king. He "knew, he faid, the power of kings, reſembling it to the power divine: for as God can create and deftroy, make "and unmake at his pleaſure, fo kings can give life and “death, judge all, and be judged of none. They can exalt "low things, and abaſe high things, making the ſubjects "like men at chefs, a pawn to take a biſhop (k). And when "he had raiſed the king's power to the height, with, Ye are "Gods, he brings them down again with, They ſhall die "like men and that all kings, who are not tyrants or per- jured, will bound themſelves within the limits of their laws; "and they that perfuade them the contrary, are vipers and "pefts both againſt them and the commonwealth. Yet as it "is blafphemy to difpute what God may do, ſo it is fedition "in fubjects to difpute what a king may do in the height of "his power. And as he will not have his ſubjects difcourfe "of what he may, fo he will do nothing but what ſhall be "confonant to law and reafon." Then he ſtrives to mitigate "the ſharpneſs of the words dropped from him at his table, "to the diſparagement of the common law, on which he be- "ftows very high encomiums; but recalling himſelf, he "points out fome corruptions in it (1). 64 66 "After which, he addreffed himſelf to the houſe of com- mons, and not only thanks them for the bonfire they made "of certain papers, which were preſented as grievances from "fome difcontented murmuring fpirits; inftructing them how "to receive fuch grievances hereafter: in which he would "have them careful to avoid three things. << "The firſt, that they meddle not with the main points of government, that is his craft. To meddle with that were "to leffen him, who hath been thirty years at the trade in "Scotland, and ferved an apprenticeſhip of feven years here ❝in England. "Secondly, He would not have fuch ancient rights as he "hath received from his predeceffors accounted grievances; (k) But the king left out the power of a pawn to take a queen, or check a king. Wilfon. (1) He wished that three things efpe- cially were reformed in the common law: 1. That it were written in the vulgar tongue, and made plain to the peoples understanding. 2. That it might have a fettled text in all cafes, and the expofition of it were fixed by act of parliament. 3. That the divers contrary reports and precedents, and the ſeveral ſtatutes and acts of parlia- ment that crofied one another, might be reviewed and reconciled. See Wil- fon, p. 684. that 80 HISTORY THE James I." that were to judge him unworthy to enjoy what they left 1610. The com- ment. ❝ him. "And lastly, That they ſhould be careful not to prefent "that for a grievance, which is eſtabliſhed by a law; for "it is very undutiful in fubjects to preſs their king wherein "they are fure to be denied. Complaints may be made unto them of the high-commiffioners, let the abuſe appear then, and ſpare not: there may be errors among them but to take away the commiffion, is to derogate from ❝ him; and it is now in his thoughts to rectify it in a good ❝ proportion. .. 0; Then he fhews the emergent cauſe of his great ex- pences, fince his coming to the crown, which makes him "defire a ſupply from them. And if they refufe to grant it "him, his reputation will fuffer at home and abroad; for "the world will think it want of love in them, or merit in << him; that both leffened their hearts, and tied up their "hands towards him." There was need of no great penetration to perceive in the mons hide king's ſpeech, the maxims on which he pretended to have a their refent- right to govern the Engliſh nation, and his idea of monar- chy in all countries without diftinction. He ſpoke ſo plainly, that it would have been difficult not to underſtand him. If it was fedition in fubjects to difpute about the extent of the regal power, it neceffarily followed, the king might do any thing; and if he ruled not like a tyrant, it was not for want of power, but entirely owing to his juſtice and clemency. In ſhort, if the whole ſpeech be examined, there is ſcarce a word but what tends either, plainly or ambiguouſly, to eſtabliſh in the king an abfolute and defpotic power. The Engliſh had not been uſed to hear their kings ſpeak in this manner. Hen- ry VIII. the moſt arbitrary of all, managed the parliament, in order to procure acts in favour of the fovereign, but never pretended to eſtabliſh his authority upon fuch principles. So, the commons evidently perceiving what the king had in his thoughts, refolved ftrenuoufly to oppofe his defigns. But it was not yet a proper ſeaſon to begin: fuch great bodies re- quire time to form and execute their projects. They feigned therefore to take no notice of the maxims the king would have eſtabliſhed, and granted a fubfidy, though a much ſmaller than he expected (m). This done, the parliament, (m) They granted him one fubfidy, which brought into the exchequer 69,6661. and a fifteenth and tenth, which amounted to 36,500l. See Truth brought to Light, p. 10, 70. The clergy granted alſo a ſubſidy. See Stat. 7 Jac. cap. 22. having OF ENGLAND. 81 having fat till July 23, was prorogued to the 16th of Oc- James I. tober (n). 1610. Before the end of the feffion, the king created his eldeſt fon Henry prince of Wales (o), and fettled his houfhold, fo Jour. Parl. that the young prince kept his court at St. James's, whilft the Henry cre- ated prince queen kept hers at Somerſet-houſe, to which fhe gave the of Wales. name of Denmark-houſe; but it was called fo only during June 4. her life and among her own people. Thus the king had three courts to maintain, which was very expenſive. Act. Publ. tom. xvi. p. 688. Wilfon. p. 684, 685. Ibid. Osborn. All the hiftorians affirm the prince of Wales was of a very different character from that of the king his father. Though Howes. he was but fixteen years old, there appeared in him prin- Character of ciples of equity, juftice, moderation, magnanimity, which the prince of fo gained him the love and efteem of the Engliſh, that the Wales. king could not forbear being jealous. His court was well re- Welwood. gulated, no extravagancies or indecencies were feen there, p. 19, 20. except perhaps the too frequent maſquerades, which were then much in vogue, becauſe the queen was paffionately fond of them. As for the king, it is faid he did not ſpend much of his time in ftate-affairs, but entirely trufted to his mini- fters. It may be this is a little aggravated, though it is not Welwood. very unlikely that a prince who was in peace with all the world, and a great lover of books and hunting, ſhould leave common affairs to his miniſters. § 37, 38. duke of Whilft James lived in profound tranquillity, the eyes of War about all Europe were fixed upon Henry IV's grand project to the fuccef- humble the houſe of Auftria. This houfe daily grew fo for- fion of the midable, that it might very juftly raiſe the jealoufy of the Cleves. other ſtates. What had lately happened on account of the Grctius. fucceffion of John William duke of Cleves, was a clear evi- dence how attentive the houſe of Auftria was to aggrandize itſelf on all fides. The duke of Cleves dying the 25th of March, 1609, his four fifters, or their heirs, claimed his in- heritance, containing the duchies of Cleves and Juliers, and (n) The acts made in this feffion were thefe: 1. That all fuch as are to be naturalized, or reftored in blood, fhall firſt receive the facrament, and take the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy. 2. An act for the due execution of divers laws and ftatutes againſt rogues, vaga- bonds, and other lewd and idle perfons; whereby it is provided that there ſhall be a houſe of correction erected in every county, to ſet fuch perfons to work. 3. An act to avoid the double payment of debts. See Stat. 7. Jac. VOL. VIII. ; (0) He was knighted before, in 1609. Upon which occaſion the king forgot not to require the aid ufually paid the kings of England upon making their eldeſt ſon a knight. This aid was twen- ty fhillings out of every knight's fee and the fame out of every twenty pounds worth of lands immediately holden of the king in focage: and amounted in all to 21,800l. See Ry- mer's Fœdera, tom. xvi. p. 678, etc. Declarat of the Revenue, p. 10, F the Wilfon. 82 THE ! HISTORY James I. the earldoms of la Marck, Bergh, Ravensbergh, and Rave- 1610. ftein. The chief competitors were, Wolfgang-William, fon to the duke of Newburg, John duke of Deuxponts, both of the Palatine family; John Sigifmund, elector of Brandenburg; Chriſtian II. elector of Saxony; and Charles of Auftria, mar- quifs of Burgaw. Whilſt theſe princes contended about the fucceffion, the emperor Rodolphus II. pretended it was to be committed to his truft, till the affair was decided. To that purpoſe, he fent his orders to Leopold of Auftria, biſhop of Straſburg, who entering the duchy of Juliers at the head of an army, took the capital city, and left a garrifon in it. This proceeding convincing the elector of Brandenburgh and the duke of Newburgh, that whilft they were contending a- bout the duke of Cleves's fucceffion, they both ran the riſk of loſing it, they joined in a league, and taking poffeffion of the reft of the deceaſed duke's dominions, implored the affiftance of France and Holland to fupport them. Henry IV. who had now made great preparations againſt the houſe of Auſtria, promiſed to affift them in perfon. At the fame time, he or- dered the troops he had in Holland, to be ready to join him in the duchy of Cleves, and defired the ftates to fend thither Henry IV. alfo prince Maurice, with part of their own forces. But whilſt he was preparing for this expedition, he was murdered Camden's by Ravaillac, a frier, in his own coach, in the midſt of Paris (p). is ftabbed May 3. Annals. Proclama- tion to ba- nish the je fuits. The murderer's confeffion (q) diſcovered, that this regicide was committed in confequence of that doctrine of the Romifh church, which was fo difagreeable to king James, and the June 4. jefuits were univerfally believed to be concerned in it. Where- Act. Pub. fore James finding how much it behoved him to remove from xvi. p. 690. Wilfon. his perfon men who held fo deteftable a doctrine, iffued out a p. 684. freſh proclamation, commanding all jefuits and prieſts to de- Howes. part the kingdom, and all recufants not to come within ten miles of the court. Then he cauſed all his fubjects to take the oath of allegiance, which the parliament, then ſitting, had first taken. R James has a mind to marry The court of Spain was generally ſuſpected of contriving the king of France's murder, becauſe that prince was known prince Hen- to be making great preparations againſt the houſe of Auſtria, ry in Spain. Wilfon. (p) Soon after this, viz, Auguſt 19, Winwood's king James renewed the league between Mem. t. iii, the kingdoms of England and France; F. 291. and received from Lewis XIII. fixty thouſand pounds fterling, due to the crown of England. See Rymer's Fœd. tom, xvi. p. 694–706. (9) Athis examination he boldly con- fefled he did it, becauſe the king did not take arms against the Huguenots, and that his making war againſt the pope, is the fame as to make war against God.. "Seeing the pope was God, and God "was the pope. pope." Cave, and OF ENGLAND. 83 and that houſe was not ſeen to prepare to oppoſe his defigns. James I. Mean while, whether James did not believe it, or thought it 1610. adviſeable to gain the friendſhip of a houſe ſo formidable to the proteftants, he fent to Sir Charles Cornwallis (r) his am- baffador to negotiate a marriage between the prince of Wales and the king of Spain's eldeſt daughter (s). pro- Wilfon. Richard Bancroft archbiſhop of Canterbury, and grand ad- Death of verfary of the puritans, died about this time. He had Bancroft, cured the king's patent to found a college at Chelſea, for the maintenance of a certain number of able controverfifts, who were to combat with their fermons and writings the adverfa- ries of the church of England, as well puritans as papiſts; but his death put an end to the project (t). George Abbot, ceeds hints who fucceeded him, was of a very different character. He was even ſuſpected and accuſed of being a puritan, becauſe he would not, like his predeceffor, perfecute that fect, nor blindly follow the maxims of the court with refpect to go- vernment. Abbot fuc- folved. The parliament meeting the 16th of October, the com- The parlia- mons were in a humour which pleaſed not the king. And ment is dif therefore he determined to diffolve the parliament by procla- Journ. Parl, mation the 31st of December, having firft prorogued it (u). Wilson. The minifters finding by the motions made in the lower- Howes. houſe, that a reſolution was taken to uſe the moſt effectual P. 909. methods to redreſs the grievances, thought it againſt the king's and their own intereft, to ſuffer the commons to execute this project. The pretences for diffolving the parliament fet forth in the proclamation, were, "That the king had propofed many things far differing Coke. p. 64. "and furpaffing the graces and favours of former times, both " in nature and value, in expectation of a good conclufion of "fome weighty caufe, which had been there in deliberation, (r) Rapin, by mistake, fays, the king fent the lord Cornwal. (s) It appears from a letter of the earl of Salisbury, that the first overtures of this match came from the court of Spain. See Winwood's Mem. tom, iii. P. 291, &c. (t) There is a formal act of parlia- ment in being for the eſtabliſhment of this college. Wilfon, p. 685. Dr. Wel- wood thinks, archbishop Bancroft was not the author, though he might be an encourager of this foundation. Notes on Wilfon, p. 685. The founder was Dr. Sutcliffe dean of Exeter. This college was to confift of a provoft and twenty fellows, to be choſen by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of London, and the vice-chancellors of the two in- verfities. Sutcliffe endowed it with 300l. a year, and 4000l. in money. Three of the farms wherewith it was endowed, were afterwards adjudged by a decree in chancery to Mr. Halfey, as heir general to Dr. Sutcliffe. The fite of this college coming in procefs of time into the king's hands, it was founded anew for old and difabled foldiers, as it now ftands. See Fuller, B, X. p. 15. &c. Stow's Survey, vol. i. (n) It was prorogued to February 9, and not diffoived till that day, as ap- pears by the Journals of parliament. F 3 " not 84 THE HISTORY 66 James I." not only for the fupply of the neceffities of his majeſty's 1610. "eftate, but for the eaſe and freedom of his ſubjects: but "theſe being, the two laſt ſeffions, little taken notice of, and "that the members, by reafon of the length of the parlia- ment, were debarred from the hoſpitality they kept in the "country, and that divers fhires, cities, and boroughs, had "been burdened with expence of maintaining their mem- "bers; for thefe reafons he diffolved them." This parlia- ment, being the firſt of this reign, had fat ſeven years. From its diffolution to the year 1614, it had been the miniſtry's buſineſs to deviſe ways and means to fupply the king's wants. On the firſt of September prince Maurice became mafter of Juliers, with the aid brought him by the marſhal de la Chatre from France, and the Engliſh forces that were in the ſervice xvi. p. 684. of the ftates, under the command of Sir Edward Cecil, the earl of Saliſbury's nephew (w). Taking of Juliers. Wilfon. A&. Pub. Wilfon, P. 685. and Scots 1611. The king being freed from the incumbrance of the parlia The court ment, and refolving never to call another, the courtiers great- diverfions. ly applauded his defign. An abfolute government was much more for their advantage than a government bounded by the laws, where the king in fome meaſure depends on the people. The whole court was overjoyed at the king's ſhaking off the troubleſome yoke of a parliament. The three courts were a continued ſcene of mirth and diverfions, and eſpecially the queen's, where ſcarce any thing elſe was regarded. She had her favourites, as the king had his, that is, perfons whofe avi- The English dity was to be ſatisfied (x). The king however had not yet a favorite, according to the ufual fenfe of the word, though, whilſt he reigned in Scotland, he had plainly fhowed he could king a fa- hardly be without one. Perhaps the ill offices the Engliſh and Scots did one another, had, till now, prevented the king from fixing. Befides, this prince's tafte was very different from that of moft others. Neither virtue, nor merit, nor emi- nent qualities, had any charms for him. He was to be cap- tivated only by fomething external and dazzling, as youth, gracefulness of perfon, fine clothes, and the like. Never was prince ſo much taken with fuch fort of outward accompliſh - ments. I ſpeak upon the teftimony of the lord Clarendon (y), and feveral others, and upon the characters of this prince's ftrive to give the vorite. Weldon. (w) There were four thoufand En- glish at this fiege. Wilfon, p. 683. Rymer's Fad. tom. xvi. p. 684. Ra- fin fays brother by mistake, he was fon of Thoinas Cecil earl of Exeter. (x) Her chief favourite was the elder brother, the earl of Pembroke, and the king's the younger, Philip Herbert, earl of Montgomery. Wilfon p. 685. (y) Of all wife men living, he was the moit delighted with handfome perfons and fine cloaths, Clarendon, vol. i. P. 9. favorites 7- OF ENGLAN D. 85 favorites as well in England as Scotland, in whom no other James I. merit was ever acknowledged. However, among the Engliſh 1611. and Scots who approached the king, there was not yet found any one poffeffed of the qualities requifite to become his fa- vorite. He wanted an unexperienced youth, whom he might mould as he pleaſed. The Engliſh and Scots accounting it a fort of miracle that he could live ſo long without abandon- ing himſelf to fome perfon, ftrove with emulation to give him a favorite, without his perceiving it, by cauſing all the youths of their nation, whom they thought moft capable of gaining his heart, to appear in his fight. But hitherto neither had been able to compaſs their ends. It was not till 1611 that the Scots found means at laft to gain the advantage of their rivals, by giving the king a favorite of their nation. Weldon. Robert Carr, a young Scotch gentleman, about twenty Robert Carr years of age, juſt come from learning his exerciſes in France, becomes the king's fa- going to court to wait on the lord Hay, his countryman, to vorite. whom he was recommended, that lord had no ſooner caft his Wilfon. eyes on him, but he imagined him a fit perſon to fix the king's P. 685. affection. With that view, he refolved to fhow him at court, Hiftoric. Spotifwood. and ſurprize the king by preſenting to him, as by chance, Narrat. c.4. this new object. One day, at a tilting, he chofe Carr to pre- fent his ſhield and device to the king, according to cuftom. P. 61, &c. The king being on horſeback, and Carr advancing to perform his office, his horſe by fome accident happened to ſtart, throw him down, and break his leg. The king, forry for the mif- fortune, afked who the young man was, and hearing his name was Carr, remembred he had had a page of that name in Scotland, which proved to be the fame. This made him ſtill more concerned for his fall, and was the cauſe of his order- ing him to be lodged in the palace, and all poffible care to be taken of him. The tilting was no fooner over, but he vifited Carr in his room: the next day he came again. In fhort, as long as Carr kept his bed, not a day paffed but the king ſpent an hour or two with him. He found in this young Scot no great depth of learning or experience, yet fuch a calm outſide, as made him think there might be a fit harbour for his moſt retired thoughts. Wherefore he reſolved to fix his inclination upon this object, hoping to render him, by his inftructions, as great a man as any of his minifters. As foon as Carr was recovered, the king made him a knight, and gen- tleman of the bed-chamber, and took the pains himſelf to teach him Latin. In a word, Carr became a perfect favo- rite. All fuits, all petitions were addreffed to him, and no fa- vours granted but by his means. Happily for him George F 3 Hume, 86 THE HISTORY James I. Hume, earl of Dunbar, a Scotchman, who was very much 1611. eſteemed by the king, died about this time. So Carr enjoy- ed the king's favour without a rival, and was raiſed to the office of lord treaſurer of Scotland, vacant by the death of Dunbar. James fides Arminians Works. The king's new inclination hindered him not from inter- against the pofing in the difputes caufed in Holland by the diverfity of in Holland, opinion upon certain religious points between the Gomarifts K. James's and the Arminians or Remonftrants. Theſe diſputes are ſo well known, that it would be loft time to explain them. It will fuffice to relate the occafion of the king's interpofing without being applied to, and even with an extraordinary zeal, for the preſervation of orthodoxy in that church, though foreign and prefbyterian. See Wilfon. Francifcus Gomarus and Jacobus Arminius, both divinity- DuMaurier. profeffors in the univerſity of Leyden, had fome years fince diſcovered a difference in opinion, concerning abfolute predef- tination, inamiffibility of grace, and fome other theological points. They begun their diſputes at the end of the laſt cen- tury; but the war at that time not permitting people to at- tend to their controverfy, it was confined to their ſchools till the year 1608. Gomarus followed the opinion of the firft reformers, and Arminius took a contrary courfe. At laft, the ſtates of Holland perceiving a fchifm was forming in their church, endeavoured to prevent it by means of a conference, which ferved only to inflame it. The difputes continued each ſtrengthened his party; and the ftates, being then em- ployed in the important affair of the truce, could not attend to this, and prevent its confequences. Arminius dying in 1608, his diſciples and followers continued the difpute. At length they preſented to the ſtates a petition, containing the articles of their faith; and as, inſtead of the term Petitioners, they uſed that of Remonftrants, they were ſo called, and glo- ried in the name. The Gomarifts prefented likewiſe their petition, ftyling themfelves Contra-Remonftrants. For fome time the two parties were known by no other names; but af terwards, that of Contra-Remonftrants was ſcarce heard of, whilft Arminius's followers are ftill called Remonftrants or Arminians. Arminius's profefforfhip was filled with Conrade Vorftius, divinity-profeffor at Steinfort, in the county of Bentheim. This divine had publiſhed a treatiſe concerning God, which had fo excited the Gomarifts againſt him, that he was obliged to clear himſelf in a printed apology from their imputations. But however, before he came to Leyden, he was reprefented as ! OF ENGLAND. 877 Works, P. 293, &c. as a real focinian. In 1611, he was attacked by fome di- James I. vines, who offered to fhow damnable errors both in his trea- 1611. tife concerning God, and in his apology. Theſe two books being fent into England, the king read them, and preſently K. James's after fent to Sir Ralph Winwood, his ambaffador at the P. 35I. Hague, a lift of the errors he had remarked, ordering him withal to declare to the ftates, that he was refolved to pub- liſh in print, how much he deteſted ſuch abominable errors, and the allowers and tolerators of them. This was directly attacking the ſtates, who had acquitted Vorftius. The am- Novem. 25. baffador preſented therefore on that occafion a memorial, to Winwood's) which the ſtates returned a modeft anſwer, though they had Mem. t. iii. reaſon to complain of the haughtineſs the king treated them 298. with. Before the king received the anfwer, he had ordered fome of Vorftius's books to be publicly burnt at London, Ox- ford, and Cambridge. Notwithſtanding all this, Vorftius was K. James's received at Leyden, and the king wrote againſt (z) him to the Works, ftates with fo much vehemence, that, in his opinion, burning was too good for him. Nay, he threatened, that in caſe they continued to tolerate that profeffor, he would cauſe the churches of England and Scotland to withdraw from the com- munion of that of Holland, and exhort all other reformed churches to follow the example. Winwood, when he deli- vered this letter, made a fpeech to the ftates, wherein he perfectly feconded his maſter's intentions. P. 355. Though the ftates of Holland thought it very ftrange to be thus checked, they believed however it was proper to ſhow a regard to the king of England, though without complying with what he required. To that end, they anſwered the am- Winwood's baffador, that they had provifionally ordered, that Vorftius Mem. t. iii. fhould forbear the functions of his office till the next affem- P. 316, 323. bly upon the affair, and in the mean time remain at Leyden only as an inhabitant. Winwood took this anſwer for a de- nial, and complained in very haughty terms, of their little re- ſpect for the king his mafter. Not long after, the king pub- liſhed a declaration againſt Vorftius, wherein he uſes the ſtates of Holland very roughly. Then the ftates, who were unwil- ling to quarrel with him, ordered Vorftius to remove from Leyden to Gouda, where he had another fettlement provided for him. It is difficult to gueſs the true caufe of the king's great Remarks on zeal on this occafion. It feems, on the contrary, that he this ſubject. ought not, upon many accounts, to have interpofed in a theo- (z) The king's fecond letter was fent, though not delivered, before Vorftius was fettled at Leyden. K. James's Works, p. 358. F 4 logical 88 THE HISTORY James I. logical difpute, about which the ſtates had not aſked his ad- 1611, vice, and which concerned a church over which he could not 1612. viſcount Rochester. Wilfon. Camden's challenge the leaft juriſdiction. How could he, who in his fpeech to both houſes of parliament, called the queſtions about tranfubftantiation, and the number of the facraments, mere ſchool-queſtions, how could he, I fay, account the queſtions concerning grace in Holland, to be of fo much greater mo- ment? Moreover, he who thought the papifts might be tole- rated in England, provided they behaved like good fubjects, could not bear that Vorftius fhould be tolerated in Holland, or even ſo much as ſuffered to live (a). Theſe are contradictions which I can only venture to explain by three conjectures. Firſt, as he pretended to be very learned in divinity, he imagined, that having declared for one of the opinions, he was bound in honour to fupport it. Secondly, looking upon himſelf ſtill as protector of the ſtates, he had a mind to exert his authority on this occafion, and oblige them to do as he required. Thirdly, he was willing to favour prince Maurice, who had declared for the Gomarifts against the Arminians, who had pen- fionary Barnevelt at their head. I return to the affairs of England (b). The king's fondneſs for his new favorite continually and Carr is made ſwiftly encreaſed. The favours the king loaded him with, feemed to exceed all bounds. Having made him knight, gentleman of the bed-chamber, lord-treaſurer of Scotland, he created him, the 25th of march 1612, baron of Branfpeth, and viſcount Rochefter. A month after, he made him privy- counſellor, and then knight of the garter. Every thing at court paffed through his hands, and whoever defired any fa- vour of the king, was firft to make the viſcount Rocheſter Annals. Howes. Weldon. May 13. (a) King James, in his declaration a- gainſt Vorftius, fays, "If the fubject "of Vorftius's herefies had not been "grounded upon queftions of higher quality than touching the number "and nature of the facraments, the points of merit, of juftification, of purgatory, of the visible head of the church, or any fuch matters, as are in controverfy at this day betwixt the papifts and us-— -in that cafe we fhould never have troubled ourſelves "with the bufinefs in fuch faſhion, " and with that fervency as hitherto "we have done." p.365. of his Works. As if wrong notions or errors concern- ing the effence of God, were more per- nicious than fuch corrupt notions and principles as are deftructive of morality, and repugnant to God's moral charac- ter! (b) In January this year, the king granted the learned Ifaac Cafaubon a prebend in the cathedral church of Can- terbury, and a penfion of 300l. a year. Rymer's Fed. tom.xvi. p. 709, 710.— This year, on Decemb. 12, died Tho- mas Sutton, Efq; founder of the Char- ter-houfe in London. This noble foun- dation he endowed with about 4.5col. a year, for the maintenance of a maſter, a preacher, a free-fchool, in which are forty fcholars, and a mafter and uſher; and alfo for the maintenance of eighty poor people, who are to be provided with fufficient cloathing, meat, drink, lodging, wages, &c. Stow's Survey, P. 207, his OF ENGLAN D. 89 1 1612. rer's artifice his friend. So many favours heaped on the favorite, con- James I. vinced the miniſters and courtiers, it would be in vain to en- deavour to ruin him; and even to attempt it, would be very dangerous. So every one reſolved to pay his adorations to the perſon the king was pleaſed to honour. The earl of Saliſbury however, was not pleaſed to be furpaffed by this new-comer, and continually obliged to uſe all his art to find money, in or- der to fee it ſhowered on a man whoſe ſervices were yet fo inconfiderable. All hiſtorians agree, the king was liberal be- yond meaſure in his prefents to his young favorite, as if he had been poffeffed of an inexhauftible fountain of treaſure, though he was ever in want. One day, as the ſtory goes, the The treaſu king having given him an order under his own hand, to re- to limit the ceive twenty thousand pounds at the Exchequer, the lord trea- king's furer Saliſbury, furprized at the immenſeneſs of the preſent, bounty. confidering how little money there was then in the treaſury, ſucceſsfully uſed a ftratagem to demonftrate to the king the Hiftoric. exceſs of his bounty. He ordered the money, all in filver, to Narrat. c. 6. be laid on four tables in a room of his houſe, and inviting the king to an entertainment, cauſed him to paſs through the room as by accident. The king failed not, as the lord treaſurer forefaw, to aſk for what all that money was defigned; to which Saliſbury carelefly anſwered, it was for the viſcount Rocheſter, according to his majeſty's command. Whether the king underſtood his meaning, or had not confidered the greatneſs of the preſent, he faid, it was too much for one man, and bid the treaſurer give him but five thousand pounds (c). Coke. › Ofborn. the favorite. It is agreed by all the hiftorians, that Carr behaved at firft Prudent be- very wifely, as favorite. He was neither greedy nor infolent; haviour of he did every one what ſervice he could, and eſpecially the Eng- liſh, whofe friendſhip he preferred before that of his country- men. He had but one Scotch fervant, and one friend of that nation, a couſin german. This conduct rendered him agree- able to the Engliſh. The prince of Wales alone affected Wilfon. fometimes to mortify him, becauſe they were both enamour- ed of the countefs of Effex, who gave the preference to the favorite. This was fufficient to gain him the prince's en- mity, who nevertheleſs would not be revenged of him. He choſe rather to turn into contempt his love for the lady, who, as we ſhall fee preſently, was not worthy of fuch a lover. Except this amour, which proved his ruin, the favorite carried Weldon. himſelf very prudently, being guided by the counfels of Sir Hiftoric. Thomas Overbury, a man of parts and great wiſdom, who Nar. c. 14 (c) Rapin, by miſtake, makes the whole to be but 5000l. and the king to re- duce it to 200ol. took go HISTORY THE James I. took care to keep him clear of thoſe rocks, on which favo- 1612. rites feldom fail to run. loads him with fa- Yours, to it to find But though the viſcount Rocheſter carefully avoided being The king troubleſome, his modeſty ſerved only to inflame the king's de- fire, to render him inftantly rich and powerful. This, added to the many bounties he beſtowed on his courtiers both Eng- liſh and Scotch, and to the maintenance of three ſeveral The mini- courts, threw him perpetually into ftraits. His minifters fters are put were inceffantly devifing means to raiſe money without a parliament, of which he would not hear the leaſt mention. It may be eafily conceived, theſe means were not all legal, but that many of them occafioned murmers among the people, as monopolies, benevolences, and loans. A king of Eng- land can very hardly increaſe his revenues by fuch methods, without giving his fubjects caufe to believe, he intends to in- croach upon their privileges, and James was now but too much fufpected of ſuch a deſign. money, Death of the earl of Salisbury. May 24. Camden's Annals. Suffolk is made lord treaſurer. Queen The king, to his great misfortune, loft in May the next year 1613, the earl of Saliſbury, who was perfectly acquainted with the affairs of the ſtate, and genius of the Engliſh. He was a check to the rest of the miniſters, and hindered them from running upon precipices, the danger whereof they did not know fo well as he. Moreover, he had a wonderful art of diverting the king himſelf from hurtful refolutions, though he did not always fucceed (d). The earl of Suffolk was made lord treaſurer: but he was very different from the perſon he fucceeded, both for parts and uprightnefs. Befides, he had a wife who was very greedy of money, and made no fcruple to take bribes with both hands. During the great tranquillity enjoyed by the king, he cauſed Mary's body the body of the queen his mother to be removed to Henry is removed VII's chapel at Weſtminſter from Peterborough, where it was interred at firft, and had lain ever fince. to Welt- minſter. A&. Pub. xvi. p. 721. Wilfon. p. 688, Howes. (d) Weldon gives him this character: he had great parts, was very wife, full of honour and bounty, a great lover and rewarder of virtue, and able parts Spotifwood. in others, fo as they did not afpire too high in places, or look narrowly into his actions, p. 14. Ofborn, who owns he was a man of an incomparable pru- dence, applies to him, what was in other words faid of Gregory the Great, that," he was the firft ill treaſurer, "and the laſt good one fince queen Eli- "zabeth's days." The worst thing he lays to his charge, was, "the fale of the crown timber," millions of English caks being felled, and fold at vile prices, not only during the life of the earl of Saliſbury, but all the reign of king James, to the great detriment of the navy, the walls of the kingdom, p.461. He alſo fleeced the cream of the king's manors in many counties. Weldon, p. 51. He died at Marlborough, on Sunday, May 24, 1612, and was buried at Hatfield. Dugdale's Baron, vol. ii. p. 408, 1 About OF ENGLAND. 91 About the middle of the year, Robert Creighton lord San- quir, a Scotch nobleman, was condemned to be hanged, for hiring two of his countrymen to murder a fencing-mafter (e). The archbishop of Canterbury and feveral great men inter- ceded for him in vain. Nothing could prevail with the king to pardon him, who thought this example neceffary to curb the infolence of the Scots, who had already committed ſeveral outrages in England. His clemency to fome had produced fuch ill effects, that he did not think proper to continue the fame courſe, for fear in the end of a general quarrel between the two nations, which muſt have been to the diſadvantage of the Scots (f). James I. 1612. Sir Robert rives as am. Shortly after, arrived in England a very extraordinary em- baffy. Sir Robert Sherley an Engliſhman, who had ferved Sherley ar- the king of Perfia many years in his army, defiring to fee his baffador native country, obtained of that monarch the character of from the his ambaffador, and a letter of credit to the king. His in- king of ſtructions were only to pay his compliments to the king, with Camden's the offer of a free trade to the Engliſh throughout the Per- Annals. fian dominions. The ambaffador had paffed through the Hague, Howes. where he demanded audience of the ftates, to propofe to (e) This young lord, it ſeems, having a mind to diſgrace one Turner, a fenc- ing-mafter, in his own art, had one of his eyes thruſt out by him. Some time after, the king of France aſked him, how he loft his eye ?" And San- quir telling him, "it was done with a fword." The king replies, "does "the man live?" This queftion made fuch an impreffion upon the young lord, that at his return to England, he cauſed Turner to be piftoled, at his houſe in White-Friars. Wilfon, p. 688. He was tried in the court of king's-bench, June 27, and executed before Weft- minſter-hall-gate, the 29th. Howes, p. 1002. Oſborn ſays, it was thought the king would not be prevailed with to pardon Sanquir, as he had done fome other of his countrymen for the like offence, by reafon of his love to the king of France, and not making any reply, when he ſaid in his prefence, to one that called our king James, Solo- mon, that "he hoped he was not David the fidler's fon." p. 457. (f) Ramſey ſwitched Philip Herbert the earl of Pembroke's brother, over the face at a horſe-race, which he not reſenting, the king made him a knight, a baron, a viſcount, and an earl in one day. Mr. Edward Hawley of Grey's-Inn, coming to court one day, Maxwell led him out of the room by a black ſtring he wore in his ear, a faſhion then much in uſe. But this had like to have coſt warm blood; not only Grey's-Inn fociety, but all the gentry in London, thought themſelves con- cerned in the affront, and Hawley threatened to kill Maxwell wherever he met him, if he refuſed to fight; which fo frightened the king, that he fent for the benchers, and made up the quarrel. One Murray a Scot, killed a ferjeant that came to arreft him; which things, with Sanquir's piftoling Turner, and other infolencies, occafioned the follow◄ ing verfes on the Scots; They beg our lands, our goods, our lives, They ſwitch our nobles, and lie with our wives; They pinch our gentry, and fend for our benchers; They ſtab our ferjeants, and piftol our fencers. Osborn, p. 752. them Perfia. 92 THE HISTORY ད་ James I. them a treaty with the king of Perfia. But becauſe he came 1612. from Spain, where he had made fome ſtay, the ſtates ſuſpect- The elector Palatine's arrival. Wilfon, p. 689. Howes. Death of ing he had ſome other defign, aſked to ſee his inftructions, and upon his fcrupling to fhew them, he was defired to with- draw. As he had been alfo at other courts, it was believed, he had put the king of Perſia in hopes of engaging all the chriſtian princes in a war with the Turks, who were preparing to invade him. He had married a Perfian wife, who was de- livered of a fon in England, to whom the queen ftood God- mother, and prince Henry Godfather. After a year's ſtay in England, he returned into Perfia (g). The arrival of this ambaſſador did not make ſo much noiſe as that of Frederic V. elector Palatine, who came in Octo- October 16, ber to marry the princess Elizabeth, the king's daughter. He was received with all the reſpect imaginable, and for ſome time nothing was feen at court but entertainments and diver- fions on his account. But amidſt the univerſal joy for the the prince of marriage, the prince of Wales was feized with a diftemper, which at firſt was not thought dangerous. It begun on the 10th of October, a few days before the elector Palatine's ar- rival: but he himſelf believed it of fo little conſequence, that he accompanied the elector every where for fome days. He was not forced to keep his bed till the 25th of the fame month, and died the 6th of November, at the age of eighteen years (h). Wales. Wilfon. Howes, Coke. His enco- mium. Wilfon. p. 689. Coke. Osborn. He was one of the moſt accompliſhed princes that ever was, I will not fay in England, but in all Europe, if we may be- lieve what hiftorians relate of him. He was fober, chafte, temperate, religious, full of honour and probity. He was never heard to fwear, though the example of his father and the whole court, was but too apt to corrupt him in that re- fpect (i). He took great delight in the converfation of men of honour, (g) He was fecond fon to Sir Thomas Sherley of Suffex, and had been abroad fixteen years, five whereof he had fpent in the fervice of divers chriftian princes, eſpecially the emperor Rodol- phus, who made him a count of the empire. He afterwards travelled into Perfia, and ferved that emperor ten years, who made him general of the artillery, and gave him in marriage the lady Terefia, fifter to one of the queens of Perfia. He left his young fon in England. Howes, p. 1002. (h) He died, (not on the 12th, as Ra- pin fays, but) on the 6th of November, being eighteen years, eight months, and ſeventeen days old; and was buried at Weſtminſter the 7th of December following. Coke. Wilfon, p. 690. Howcs, p. 1004. His funeral charges came to fixteen thousand and fixteen pounds. State of the Revenue, p. 13. (i) Being once hunting the ftag, a butcher's dog chanced to kill the ſtag, and fpoil the fport, which the prince not refenting, the huntfmen and com- pany, to incenfe him against the butcher, told him, “if his father had been ſerved fo, he would have fworn fo as no man could have indured it.” Away, (fays << OF ENGLAN D. 93 honour, and thoſe who were not reckoned as fuch, were James I. looked upon with a very ill eye at his court. He had naturally 1612. a greatneſs of mind, noble and generous thoughts, and was as much diſpleaſed with trifles, as his father was fond of them. He frequently faid, if he ever mounted the throne, his firft care ſhould be to try to reconcile the puritans to the church of England. As this could not be done without conceffions Osborn. on each ſide, and as fuch a condefcenfion was directly con- trary to the temper of the court and clergy, he was ſuſpected to countenance puritanifm. He was naturally gentle and af- fable: but however, in his carriage had a noble ftatelineſs without affectation, which commanded efteem and respect. He ſhowed a warlike genius in his paffionate fondneſs for all martial exerciſes. A French ambaffador coming to take his Coke. p. 71. leave of him, found him toffing the pike, and aſking him, "what ſervice he would command him to his mafter?" The prince bid him tell him, "what he was doing." In fhort to fay all in a word, though he was eighteen years old when he died, no hiſtorian has taxed him with any vice. The king Burnet. his father is faid to have been jealous of him, and to afk one Coke. day, "If his fon would bury him alive? (k)" I paſs over in filence many things faid upon this occafion, particularly what Sufpicions fome authors would infinuate, that the king cauſed him to be against the king. poiſoned. In fuch a cafe, the proofs ought to be as clear as Wilſon, the fun, and I find in the moft inveterate hiftorians againſt p. 68, 690. king James, only bare fufpicions and naked conjectures, which Coke p. 71, probably were but fruits of the blackeſt malice. Others are contented with accufing the viſcount Rocheſter of this crime, Burnet. but without any manner of proof. Some flight prefumptions which I fhall have occafion to ſpeak of elſewhere, may have helped to breed this ſuſpicion, which indeed was ſpread immediately after the prince's death. Wherefore his head Hiftoric. and body were ordered to be laid open in the preſence of many phyſicians and furgeons, who gave their opinion upon Coke: oath, that no marks of poifon appeared (1). But what reflected Wilfon. (fays the prince) all the pleaſure in the world is not worth an oath. This R. Coke the hiſtorian had from his fa- ther, who was about the prince's age. Coke, vol. i. p. 70. (k) The king faid this upon the prince's court being more frequented than the king's. Coke, p. 71. (1) They gave their opinions on No- vember 7, under their hands as fol- lows his liver wan and paler than or- dinary. His gall without choler, and I diftended with wind. His fpleen un- naturally black; his lungs ſpotted, with much corruption. The diaphragma blackiſh; and the head full of blood in ſome places, and in others of water. As if (fays, wilſon) no poiſon could produce fuch effects, p. 690. See Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 15. Howes fays, he died of a malignant fever, which reigned that year in moſt parts of the land, and carried away a great number of people of all forts and ages, p. 1004. ; moft Narrat. Ca 15. 94 THE HISTORY James I. moſt upon the king, was his commanding that no perfon 1612. fhould appear at court in mourning, whether he was willing to remove all melancholy objects from his fight, that might conftantly renew his concern, or did not think proper to in- terrupt the diverfions prepared for his daughter's marriage. Decency obliged him however to defer the nuptials a few weeks, as the prince's funeral could not be performed till the 7th of December. The elector and prince Maurice, are made knights of the garter. Camden's Annals. 1613. Marriage of the elec- tor and the princeſs. Howes. Wilfon, p. 690. Act. Pub. xvi. p. 724. 736. Preſently after, the king held a chapter of the order of the garter at Windfor, wherein the elector Palatine and prince Maurice, Stadtholder of Holland, were made knights. They were inſtalled in February following, both on the fame day, the one at Windfor, the other at the Hague (m). The beginning of the year 1613 was wholly ſpent in pre- parations for the princess's wedding, which was folemnized the 14th of February, the elector having been inſtalled knight of the garter on the 7th. Nothing was ſpared to ren- der the entertainments on theſe occafions as magnificent as poffible. To that end the king demanded aid-money of his fubjects, according to the antient cuſtom obferved when the kings married their eldeſt daughter. Though it was now a hundred years fince this cuſtom had been uſed, there having been no occaſion fince the reign of Henry VII. yet few or none durft refuſe to give what the king demanded. Great fums were raiſed by this means, which were all expended in the marriage (n). The elector and the princeſs ſtayed in England till April, during which time there was nothing but See Howes entertainments, balls, maſquerades, and other diverfions. P. 1005, &c. The city of London made the new married couple a fplendid feaft; after which the lord mayor and aldermen preſented the bride with a chain of oriental pearl, worthy the greatneſs and riches of that metropolis (o). Wilſon. By the departure of the elector and electorefs (p), the court became (m) They were both inftalled on the 7th of February, (or, according toCam- den's Ann. on December 20, 1612.) Lodowick count of Orange being prince Maurice's proxy. Prince Maurice, it feem's, wore his garter conftantly, till a groom of his chamber happened to ſtrangle a jeweller with one of his blue ribbons, in order to rob him. After which he would never wear it. Wilfon, p. 690.-This year was finiſhed Hick's Hall in London. It was fo narned from Sir Baptift Hicks, a juſtice of peace for Middleſex, at whoſe charges it was built, on a piece of ground granted him by the king. Howes, p. 1003. This year alfo, king James and the electors of Germany entered into a league and alliance. See Rý mer's Fad. tom. xvi. p. 711—20. (n) The aid of money came but to 20500l. (State of the Revenue, p. 11.) and the elector's marriage, &c. coft the king almoft four times that fum," as will be feen hereafter. * (0) It cost above 2000l. Howes, p.' 1007. (P) They embarked at Margate, April 25. and OF ENGLAND. 95 became a little more quiet as to public rejoicings, which had James I. held feveral months without ceafing. But at the fame time, 1613. a private ſcene was acting, the plots whereof began to open this year, but were not quite unravelled till two years after, I mean, the annulling of the earl of Effex's marriage: his coun- tefs's ſecond marriage with the viſcount Rocheſter and the violent death of Sir Thomas Overbury. As theſe three inci- dents did not happen all at once and by accident, but were gradually brought in by diabolical practices, it will be neceſſary to relate fome things already paffed, and which were deferred that the thread of the ſtory might not be inter- rupted. of Robert Cecil, earl of Saliſbury, was, as I obferved, a mor- Account of tal enemy to the late earl of Effex, and one of the chief in- the diffolv ſtruments of his ruin. This earl left a fon, who being but ing of the nine years old, did not give Cecil much uneafinefs, though Effex's mar- the king at his coming to England, reſtored him to his eftate riage. and honours. Mean while, as this able minifter could not be ignorant of the king's affection for the father, he was ap- Hiftoric. prehenſive, that one time or other he ſhould be made to pay Narrat. for all his artifices to ruin that lord. It was chiefly upon this C. 5. account, that in order to preferve the king's favour, he judged Wilfon. p. 686. c. it proper to unite cloſely with the Howard family by his fon's 0 marriage with the earl of Suffolk's eldeft daughter (q). After Wilfon, which, perceiving the earl of Effex to grow up, and fearing P. 686, &c. he might one day prove a thorn in his fide, he believed it for his intereft to be reconciled to him, and to confirm the re- conciliation with the marriage of this young lord to the earl of Suffolk's fecond daughter, younger fifter of his daughter- in-law. Befides his own advantage by the alliance, he gave the king the pleaſure to fee in ftrict union three families, for whom he had the greateſt affection, namely, thoſe of Howard, Devreux and Cecil. This marriage was accompliſhed in 1606, the earl of Effex being then in his fifteenth, and Fran- ces Howard his bride in her thirteenth year. As the married couple were yet very young, their relations thought fit the earl fhould travel into France and Germany, till they were both a little more advanced in years. During his abfence, his counteſs became a perfect beauty, and eclipfed all the court-ladies. 25, and landed at Flushing the 29th. The elector behaved, during his ſtay in England, fo nobly and difcreetly in all refpects, that he gained the general ap- plaufe and love of all men: And gave away to the full value of 120,000 French crowns. Howes, p. 1007. (q) William Cecil viſcount Cranburne, married Catherine Howard, the earl of Suffolk's third and youngest daughter, on Decem, 1, 1608. Camden's Ann. The 96 THE HISTORY Wilfon. James I. The earl of Effex returned into England in the year 1610 1613. He found his countefs in the prime of her age and beauty? but withal, extremely proud of her own merit, by reafon of the praiſes beſtowed on her by all. He was himſelf charmed with her, but met not with that return he expected. She daily coined freſh excufes to delay the confummation of the marriage, and fhowed as much reluctance as he did eagerness. He bore it patiently for fome time, being unwilling to uſe compulfion, for fear of giving his bride an averfion to him. Shortly after, he fell fo dangerouſly ill of the ſmall-pox (r), that his life was defpaired of: but the ftrength of his conftitution overcame his distemper, though it was long before he was quite recovered. In this interval it was that Robert Carr became the king's favorite. When he gained his mafter's heart, he made a conqueft almoft at the fame time of the countefs of Effex's, who fuffered herſelf to be taken with the charms of this young Scot, and entirely gave herſelf over to this new paf- fion, without daring however to reveal it to the perſon that cauſed it. Mean while, the earl of Effex finding himſelf per- Wilfon. fectly recovered, preffed his ſpouſe to confent to the confum- mation of their marriage: but he found her reluctance the greater, as fhe was enamoured of another. In ſhort, after trying all forts of ways to prevail with her, without being able to fucceed, he had recourſe to the earl of Suffolk his father-in-law, and entreated him to uſe his endeavours to van- quiſh his daughter's obftinacy. The earl of Suffolk, ſurprized at what his fon-in-law told him, fharply reprimanded his daughter, and pofitively told her, fhe muft refolve to con- fummate the marriage. Then the countefs, not daring to diſobey her father directly, defired only a little longer delay. She believed in cafe fhe could avoid confummating her mar- riage with the earl of Effex, it would not be impracticable to procure a divorce, and then marry the viſcount Rocheſter. Indeed, the viſcount knew nothing yet of her paffion: but ſhe had too good an opinion of her charms not to hope an eafy conqueft, as foon as ſhe ſhould have occafion to diſcover it. On the other hand, the great credit of Rocheſter and the earls of Suffolk and Northampton did not ſuffer her to queftion, that if the favorite undertook to marry her, he would eaſily accompliſh it. But fhe wanted fome time to lay her meaſures, wherein however fhe met with great oppo- fition both from her huſband and father. (r) Wilſon ſays, it was a moft violent to, but far tranfcending, the fmall difeafe, of a poisonous nature, imputed pox, p. 686. In OF ENGLAND. 9** Hiftoric. In this extremity, not knowing how to proceed, the opened James I. her mind to one Mrs. Turner a phyfician's widow, a woman 1613. of a diffolute life, and capable of the bafeft actions. As this woman had no good advice to give her, the perfuades Wilfon. her to apply to one Dr. Foreman, who paffed for a conjurer. Narrat. He had perhaps fome ſecrets of nature, but was not forry to c. 7. 9. be thought ſkilled in the magic-art, becauſe many women Coke. came to confult him and paid him well for it (s). To this man the counteſs of Effex told her fecret, and defired two things of him firft, to manage it fo that the earl of Effex fhould be incapable to confummate his marriage. Secondly, to make the viſcount Rocheſter in love with her. Foreman very confidently promifed both, and gave her certain powders for her huſband to take, and to be put amongft his linnen, with inftructions how fhe fhould behave to him. As for Rocheſter, he himſelf undertook to perform upon him the ne- ceffary operations. Mean while, the counteſs could no longer diſobey her fa- ther's command, fo was forced at laſt to cohabit with her huſband. But though they lay together, the marriage was not confummated, whether it was owing to Foreman's pow- ders, or to fome other more effectual means uſed by the coun- teſs to fruftrate her huſband's efforts. However, the earl of Effex imagined, that his living in London and at court might contribute to his misfortune, and therefore refolved to carry his lady to Chartley in Staffordſhire, a country feat about a hundred miles from London. The countefs could not be ex- cufed from going with her lord: but all the while fhe was there, fhut herſelf up in a room, and would not fo much as ſuffer the light of the fun to enter, giving herſelf over to an exceſ- five melancholy, whether out of vexation or policy, the better to deny her huſband. After this manner fhe lived ſome time with her huſband in the country, who did not underſtand the meaning of this ftrange behaviour. In the mean while, fhe wrote ſeveral letters to Mrs. Turner and Foreman, telling Wilfon. them, "She was afraid Foreman's powders were not ftrong p. 687. enough her huſhand was as lufty as ever it would be Truth very difficult for her to hold out for ever, and if ſhe ſhould "chance to yield, fhe fhould become the moſt unfortunate wo- p. 13, 136, CC man in the world: fhe intreated them to free her from her miſery, and they ſhould have what money they deſired.” Co 66 (s) To fhew the counteſs what effects his art would produce, Mrs. Turner, being in love with Sir Arthur Manwar- ing, gave him fome of the powder, VOL. VIII. which wrought fo violently with him, that, through a ſtorm of rain and thun- der, he rode fifteen miles one dark night to her houfe. Wilfon, p. 687. G Thefe brought to light, &c. 98 THE HISTORY James I. Theſe letters were found in Foreman's ſtudy, and read in open court, upon an occafion which I fhall mention preſently (t). 1613. Wilfon. Hiſtoric. Narrat. c. 13. annulled. Wilfon. At last, the earl of Effex fecing himſelf in fo uneafy a fituation, refolved to carry his lady back to London, and give her full leave to live as the pleaſed. He began to perceive there was ſomething extraordinary in her carriage, which he choſe rather to be ignorant of than endeavour to diſcover. The counteſs being returned to court, and miſtreſs of her- felf, no longer delayed to let Rocheſter know what ſhe en- dured for his fake. There was no occafion to uſe magic to produce the defired effect. He was young, and ſhe the fineſt lady in the kingdom. So any advances from the counteſs, were more than fufficient to kindle a flame in the favorite's breaft. As ſoon as they began to underſtand one another, affignations became frequent. They were at firſt very private: but in time, the two lovers uſed fo little caution, that not a courtier was ſtranger to their amours. The king very pro- bably was informed of it, fince nothing delighted him more than to hear of the love-intrigues of his courtiers. The earl of Effex, who had alfo notice of it, chofe to fhut his eyes, and ſcorn an object ſo unworthy of his love. 4 The coun- The countess of Effex having fucceeded in her intended tefs of conqueft, and finding herſelf fure of her lover's heart, would Effex's de- not allow his paffion time to cool. Every thing feemed to figns to get her marriage favour the execution of her defigns, that is, her divorce from the earl of Effex, and marriage with the viſcount Rochefter. Effex faw her no more, and feemed to concern himſelf very little about her, and Rocheſter was fo beloved by the king, that in all appearance, nothing would be impracticable. So fhe let her lover know her defires, and without much diffi- Overbury is culty brought him to fecond her projects. But as he was acquainted wont to impart his moft ferious affairs to Overbury, he be- with it, and lieved he ought not to conceal this from him, and the more, oppoſes it. Wilfon. as he expected from him fome good advice to accompliſh it. Coke. Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 18. Weldon, 4 But fo far was Overbury from approving fuch'a project, that he uſed his utmoſt endeavours to diffuade him from it. He repreſented to him the injuſtice and indignity of the thing, his danger of being ruined by fuch an action; and laftly, the little value he ought to have for a woman, who, though mar- ried, fcrupled not to throw herſelf into the arms of another man: That ſhe had already loſt her reputation in the world, (t) There was alſo a note produced in court made by Foreman, and writ ten on parchment, fignifying what la- dies loved what lords in the court; but the lord chief juſtice would not ſuff rüffer it to be read. Truth brought to light, p. 138. and OF ENGLAND. 99 c. 19. bury. and when ſhe ſhould be his wife, all the difhonour would re- James I. flect upon him (u). Rochefter, who did not expect fo great 1613. 'oppofition from his friend, could not forbear fhowing fome refentment. He had the addreſs however to contain himself fo far, as not to give him room to think he would proceed notwithſtanding his advice, and continued, as ufual, to com- municate to him his other affairs. The counteſs was in a Coke. violent paffion when fhe heard Overbury's advice, and from Hiftoric, that moment ceaſed not to excite her lover to revenge. She Narrat. was the more incenſed againſt Overbury, as fhe feared, that being acquainted with the defign, he would labour to render it abortive. In fhort, Rochefter was fo complaifant and blind, as to promife her to facrifice his friend. He might eafily have difiniffed him; but it would have been too danger- ous not to ruin him entirely, after trufting him with the fe- cret. It is pretended, that to ſtrike the more furely, he conful- Ibid. ted the earl of Northampton, uncle to the counteſs of Effex, Wilfon, and by his advice ufed this artifice to ruin him. He extolled to Rochester's p. 69г. the king Overbury's abilities; but intimated withal, that he artifice to took too much upon him, and was grown intolerably info- ruin Over- lent; and therefore he fhould be very glad to have him re- Coke. moved, by fome honourable employment, praying his majefty Wilfon. to fend him ambaffador to Ruffia (w). The king liking the Weldon, propofal, inftantly appoints Overbury for the embaffy. Narrat. Rochefter having proceeded thus far, acquaints Overbury c. 22. with the king's intention, and pretending he could not live without him, entreats him to refufe the employment, pro- mifing to procure him a better at court. He added, that indeed he believed it would not be in his power to hinder the king from being angry at firſt, who probably would refent his refufal, but he did not queftion to appeafe him in a few days. Overbury fell into the fnare, and when the king. Ibid. c. 24. fent for him to acquaint him with the employment defigned for him, he moſt humbly befought his majefty to make choice of fome other perfon. As foon as he retired, Rocheſter aggravated his pride and infolence, in daring thus to refuſe his maſter's gracious offer, adding, it was requifite to chaſtiſe him: That he was himſelf affected by it, for he ſhould be infallibly blamed for ufing his intereft for him. In fhort, by Rocheſter's inftances, the king commanded Overbury to be (u) It feems he spoke very freely of the countefs, calling her whore, and bafe woman, and her mother and bro- ther bawds. See Hiftoric, Narrat, c. 21 Weldon, p. 67. Hiftoric. Overbury is fent to the Tower, and (w) Some fay, into France, others clotely con- Flanders. Rapin. G 2 fent fined. 100 THE HISTORY James I. fent to the Tower (x). Some days before, the favourite had 1613. cauſed Sir Gervafe Elweys, his creature, to be made lieu- Wilfon. Hiftoric. Narrat. C. 20. The defign of taking away his life is formed. May 9. Wilfon. Hiftoric. Narrat. Coke. tenant of the Tower (y). Overbury was cloſely confined in a room, and not fuffered to keep one of his fervants, or re- ceive any vifits from his relations and friends, a rigour not uſed even towards the greateſt offenders. He was now where the viſcount Rocheſter and the counteſs of Effex wiſhed him, in order to diſpatch him the more eafily. However, there were ftill fome difficulties. It could not be done by ftabbing, becauſe the lieutenant of the Tower, who is to anſwer for the prifoners, would not have ſuffered it, and befides, a murder openly committed in one of the king's prifons, would have made too much noiſe in the world. It was refolved therefore to make uſe of poifon. To that end Mrs Turner provided. a trufty perſon, one Weſton (z), who had been a fervant to c. 21, 24 her huſband, and Sir Thomas Monfon recommended this man to the lieutenant of the Tower, to wait on the priſoner as footman. But even this was not fufficient. Whatever was brought to Overbury to eat, being dreffed in the lieu- tenant's kitchen, it was almoft neceffary to engage him in the plot. Some fay, the earl of Northampton ſpoke to him of it, hinting that every thing was done with the king's privity. Others affirm, the lieutenant refufing to be concerned in the crime, and not daring however to difcover it, by reaſon of the quality of the parties, took care to feize the victuals fent from time to time by the viſcount Rocheſter to the prifoner, and threw them into the houſe of office (a); and this is moſt likely, fince otherwife, Overbury would have been foon dif patched. He could not however hinder Wefton from giving him a certain jelly fent by Sir Thomas Monfon, which almoft killed him. Whereupon the lieutenant of the Tower was ftill more careful, that Overbury fhould be feen but by Wefton alone. This was a check upon Wefton, becauſe he per- ceived none could be accuſed but himſelf; wherefore he durft not make fuch hafte as Overbury's enemies defired. There Wilfon, P. 693. Weldon. F. 74. Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 48. (x) Under pretence, that he had vented fome flinking farcafms against the court. Coke. p. 75. (y) Weldon gives him this character, That he was ever held honeft, and fo wife, that he obtained the firname of wife Sir Gervafe Elweys; he was alſo ſo religious, that few in the court did equal him: He was therefore very unfortu- nate, in having that place thruſt upon him, without his thought; for (accord- Ing to him) he was at first ignorant of the plot, and endeavoured to prevent it. But others fay, he bought the place, and that Wade was turned out to make room for him. Hiftoric Narrat, c. 20. (z) He was promifed 2001. for this picce of fervice. Coke, p. 75. (a) Wilfon fays, feveral forts of poi- fons were tempered with his broths, and every bit of meat he eat; that he might wafte by degrees; and his very falt was mixt with white mercury, p. 693. See Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 48. arofe ་ OF ENGLAND. 101 arofe however, an inconvenience from this delay, which was, James I.. that every one was furprized, to fee the king ufe fo great 1613 rigor upon a friend of the viſcount Rocheſter for fo flight an offence, if the refufing to go in embaſſy to Ruffia could be deemed any crime at all. It could not be conceived, and it was vainly endeavoured to diſcover the cauſe of the extreme ſeverity with which Overbury was treated. Wilfon. Narrat. c. 17. light. Annals of Whilſt the unfortunate priſoner languiſhed in his confine- The earl of ment, the viſcount Rocheſter and the countess of Effex were Effex's thinking of executing their project, that is, of annulling the marriage is countefs of Effex's marriage, that ſhe might afterwards efpouſe annulled. the viſcount. To effect this, without Rochefter's appearing Franklyn's to be concerned, the earl of Northampton, who was in the Annals. two lovers fecrets, undertook to fpeak to the king. Some Hiftoric. fay the viſcount Rochefter had already acquainted the king c. with the counteſs's deſign to be divorced, and prayed his ma- Truth jefty to procure him the lady when the marriage fhould be brought to diffolved; but I do not know if this be well attefted. How- Coke. ever, the earl of Northampton prefented to the king the counteſs of Effex's petition (b), that the earl her huſband be- ing incapable of confummating their marriage, fhe befought Wilfon. kis majefty to let her complaint be examined, and if found James I. well grounded, to have liberty to marry another. Upon this petition, the king commiffioned the archbiſhop, ſeveral other biſhops, and fome laymen, to hear and determine the affair, This court proceeded very gravely to the trial of the cauſe, and entered into fuch particular and fecret examinations, as did not very well become clergymen. The earl of Effex be- ing examined, briefly anſwered, he had never confummated his marriage, neither did he think he ſhould ever be able to confummate it: but did not feel the fame inability with re- gard to other women. Though this confeffion greatly fa- Wilfon. voured the countefs's caufe, the court decmed it proper to be Historic. certain of the truth by another method, and ordered the Narrat. counteſs to be inſpected by a jury of matrons, affifted by fome . 31. midwives. The infpection being made, the matrons declared ſhe was a virgin. But it is pretended the countefs, under Weldon. colour of faving her modefty, was permitted to appear in a P. 80, &c. veil before the matrons, and that Mrs. Fines, a young gentle- woman of her age and ftature, was introduced in her place (c). (b) Dr. Franklyn, author of the An- nals of James I. fays, the earl of Suf- folk prefented the petition. Here he begins his account, without any men- I omit tion of what went before. Rapin. (c) Sir Anthony Weldon declares up- on the reputation of a gentleman, that he had this verbatim from a knight, G 3 who 102 HISTORY THE 1613. Annals of James I. P. 3. Weldon. James I. I omit numberless circumftantes of this trial, which are to be found in ſeveral authors, and which it is indecent to relate. It fuffices to ſay in a word, that by the fentence, the marriage was diffolved, contrary to the opinion of the archbishop_of Canterbury, who even publiſhed his reaſons againſt it. But the king himſelf took the pains to anſwer the archbiſhop's arguments, and to maintain the juſtice of the ſentence, up- braiding the prelate with founding his opinion on puritan principles. Dr. Bilfon biſhop of Wincheſter, one of the judges, having fpoken very ſtrenuouſly to prove the nullity of the marriage, his fon was foon after knighted. But the pub-. lic was fo malicious as to call him Sir Nullity Bilfon. This affair made a great noiſe, and brought little honour to the judges, moft of whom could not be ignorant of the counteſs, of Effex's ill character (d). Rocheſter countess of Effex. Wilſon. earl of Somerſet, Nov. 4. Dec. 26. Wilfon. Howes. If after her divorce, the countefs had married any other marries the than the viſcount Rocheſter, her conduct might have been eafily juftified. This was not the first marriage annulled up- on the like account. But the ſentence was hardly publiſhed, He is made when the viſcount openly made his addreffes to the lady, and, their marriage was quickly concluded. The king not only gave his favourite leave to marry the counteſs, but alſo made him carl of Somerſet on the 4th of November, that the ſe- cond huſband might be of equal rank with the firſt. The nuptials were folemnized a month after, with ſuch extraor- dinary rejoicings, that had the king's own fon been married, there could not have been greater. The city of London fig- nalized itſelf on the occafion, by a fplendid entertainment which the lord-mayor and aldermen gave the new-married couple, and to which the king, queen, and the whole court Coke. Jan. 4. who did uſher the lady into the place of inſpection, and told it often to his friends in mirth. The court of king James, p. 81.-The author of the Hiftoric. Narrat. of the first fourteen years of king James, fays, it was one of Sir Thomas Monfon's daughters that was fearched in the countefs's room. c. 17. (d) Of the judges delegates, Thomas Bilfon, bishop of Winchester, Lancelot Andrews biſhop of Ely, Richard Neile bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and John Buckeridge bifhop of Rochefter; with Julius Cæfar, Thomas Parry, Daniel Dun, knights, figned the de- cree. Abbot archbishop of Canterbury, and John King biſhop of London, were againft it. The earl of Southampton, in a letter of Auguſt 6, 1613, to Sir Ralph Winwood, hath theſe words: "Of the nullity, I fee you have heard as much as I can write, by which you may diſcern the power of a king "with judges; for of thoſe which are ' now for it, I knew fome of them "when I was in England were vehe- "mently againſt it, as the bishops of "Ely and Coventry." Collection of Papers in the reign of James I. vol. iii. P. 475-The earl of Effex was forced to repay his counteſs's portion, (which was 5000l. Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 27.) to do which he was obliged to fell his feat of Benington in Hertfordshire. Wilson, p. 693. were OF ENGLAND 103 were invited. For fome time nothing was talked of but ban- James I. quets, balls, maſquerades, and other diverfions, in honour of 1613. the new earl of Somerfet's nuptials. Scotland. Theſe things gave occafion to the difaffected to talk freely Johnston's of the king. They reported, that in Scotland the earl of History of Arran, formerly the king's favourite, married the earl of Athol's daughter, having procured, by the like means, and on the fame account, a diffolution of that lady's marriage with the earl of March. It was thereby infinuated, that the king had taught his favorite the way to attain his miſtreſs. But theſe infinuations reached not the king's ear, thoſe about him not being fo ill courtiers as to carry him ſuch reports. Hiftoric. Whilft the countefs of Effex's marriage was annulling, the Violent unfortunate Overbury was clofely confined, without having death of the comfort of ſeeing any of his friends (e), as if he had been Overbury. Wilfon, guilty of the moſt heinous of crimes. He had been extreme- p. 69z. ly fick with the poiſon that was given him, without knowing Weldon, the cauſe of his illneſs. But when he heard what was tranſ- P. 74. acting, he no longer doubted concerning the author of his mifery. In this lamentable ftate, he faw no other remedy Franklyn's but to write to the favorite, intreating him to deliver him out Annals, of his wretched condition (f). Rochefter anfwerd, that the P: 4. king being ftill highly incenfed, he had not yet been able to Narrat. fpeak in his behalf, but hoped to do it within a few days. c. 28. Nay, it is faid, he fent a certain powder in the letter, as a fure Winwood's] remedy to cure his diftemper. But Overbury was fo wife as t. iii. not to take it (g). In fhort, the two lovers being impatient to p. 478. ſee a man live fo long, who might one day be their ruin, cauſed an impoiſoned clyfter to be adminiftred by one Franklin Sept. 14. an apothecary's 'prentice, which ended his miferies with his Coke. Weldon, life. Some fay, that Weſton and Franklin ſeeing the extra-- ordinary effects of the clyfter, and fearing if they fuffered the poifon to operate any longer, it would leave marks on the body, which would rife in judgment againſt them, fmothered him with the bed-cloaths. When he was dead, he was Hiftoric. (e) One friend accidentally found means to give him a vifit, for which the lieutenant was feverely rebuked, and ordered not to let any body come near him. Wilſon, p. 693. (f) In one of his letters he tells the earl of Somerſet, "You and I will come "to public trial before all the friends "I have. They fhall know what "words have paffed betwixt us here- tofore-I have all this vacation Mem. p. 76. Narrat. wrote the ſtory betwixt you and me. c. 28. "from the first hour to this day, &c.' Thefe threats, probably, haftened Over- bury's death; and hurried the earl on to difpatch him quickly out of the way, for fear he ſhould tell tales. See Winwood's Mem. tom. iii. p. 478. (g) Wilfon fays, he took the powder, which having a poiſonous quality, ad- ded to his affliction, p. 692. G 4 fpeedily 104 THE HISTORY James I. fpeedily buried without any ceremony, and a report fpread 1613. that dying of the pox, he was fo rotten he could not be kept any longer. This was the earl of Northampton's account in his letter to the favorite, to acquaint him with Overbury's death, admiring withal, the juftice of God upon fuch wick- ed inftruments (h). Wilfon, Winwood's Mem. t. iii. P. 481. The fa- vourite The earl of Somerſet thought it a great advantage to have diſpatched Overbury. But on the other hand, he found him- gives him- felf much more embarraffed in the management of affairs, felf over to fince he was no longer affifted by that faithful counſellor. As North- his ſmall experience rendered every thing difficult, he was the earl of ampton; Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 30. who coun- Ibid. Narrat. of forced to chuſe another friend, and it was the earl of North- ampton that ſupplied Overbury's place. But there was a great difference between theſe two counfellors. Overbury's fole view was to procure his friend honour and glory, and the earl tenances the of Northampton's chief aim was to make ufe of his credit to papifts. Wilfon, countenance the catholics. Ever fince his being in favour, P. 694. he had always protected them to the utmoſt of his power, as was obvious to all the world. But when he came to rule the favorite, he acted without any referve. As he was warden Hiftoric. of the Cinque-ports, the jeſuits and Romiſh prieſts could ſafe- ly land there without being examined at their arrival. By this means their number fo increaſed in a very ſhort ſpace, that the people loudly murmured at it, and caft the blame on the earl of Northampton. Wherefore, to filence thoſe who talked too freely, he took out a writ of Scandalum Magnatum againſt fome of them. He believed, it was not poffible to convict him of a thing founded only upon common report, and that, fuch evidence not being valid in law, he ſhould filence his enemies by the puniſhment of ſome of the moſt forward to ſpeak against him. But the archbiſhop of Can- terbury broke his meaſures, by producing a letter under the Coke, p. 80. earl's own hand to cardinal Bellarmine, wherein he ſaid, the first 14 years of James I. c. 31. Coke. Wilfon, p. 694. "That however, the fituation of the affairs of England, and "the inftances of the king compelled him to be a proteftant “in ſhow, nevertheleſs his heart ftood firm with the catho- «lics, and he would be ever ready to countenance them to "the utmost of his power." Upon this letter the parties aç- cufed were diſcharged. Nay the king fo repremanded the earl, (h) King James's friends have given Overbury a very bad character, pro- bably, to lefien the horror of the vif- count Rochester's crime. Rapin. This year, the city of London fent colonies into the province of Ulfter in Ieland, which were plauted chiefly a- bout Londonderry and Colerain. Howes. p. 1004. October 25, Sir Edward Coke was made lord chief juftice; and the 26th, Sir Francis Bacon was made attorney-general, and Henry Yelverton, Efq; follicitor-general. Howes, p.1005. that OF ENGLAN D. 105 North- that he retired to his country-houfe, where he died foon after (i). James I. He delared in his laft will and teftament, that he had always 1614. been a catholic, and would die in that religion. Thus feve- ral hiftorians ſpeak of him. But the anonymous author of Death of the Annals of James I. and Charles I. who endeavours to vin- ampton. dicate theſe princes, their miniſters and government, in every June 15. thing without exception, forgets not to juſtify alſo the earl of Howes. Northampton. He fays, among other things, that the charge Franklyn of being concerned in Overbury's murder was only a rumour fpread after his death, as if that were a certain proof of his innocence. As to the earl's religion, the fame author fays, Annals of James I. "He died fufpected more catholic than fome will think rea- "fonable, though in the form of a church-papift (k)." Wilfon. P. 4. mortified. The court was not fo well affected to the puritans as to The puri- the papifts. The puritans were confidered as enemies to the tans are king and to monarchy, but the papifts was hearty wiſhers that the king might meet with no oppofition to his will. This Wilſon, was fufficient to induce the court to countenance the latter, p. 694. and cauſe the former to endure continual mortifications. In the ſpring this year, fome prefbyterian families reſolved to go and fettle in New-England, to enjoy there that peace which they could not find at home. The author I juſt mentioned Annals of James I. concerning the earl of Northampton, fays, theſe people were notorious fchifmatics of feveral fects, known by the general name of Puritans, which term included good and bad in their diftinct kinds, truly and ingeniouſly diſtinguiſhed into the Puritan-knave, and the Knave-puritan. As it was not impoffible, by the increaſe of prefbyterian families, the Engliſh plantations might become nurferies for non-conformifts, the court gave orders not to let them depart. But afterwards, ſuch as defired to remove beyond fea, being examined, fome were (i) He died on June 15, at the houſe he had built at Charing-crofs, called in his life-time, Northampton-houſe, but leaving it to the earl of Suffolk, it was for a time called Suffolk-houfe, and now Northumberland-houſe. He was warden of the Cinque Ports, and conftable of Dover-caftle, lord privy feal, and chancellor of the univerfity of Cambridge. His body was carried to be buried at Dover. But it was vulgarly rumoured (fays Wilfon) that his body was carried there, in order to be transported to Rome, p. 694. -Weldon gives hin this cha- racter: Though a great clerk, yet he was not a wife man, but the groffeft flatterer in the world, who raiſed him- He was of felf by his flattery.- fo venomous and cankered a diſpoſition, that he hated all men of noble parts, nor loved any but flatterers like him- felf: He uſed to ſay, that he would be content to be damned perpetually in hell, to be revenged of that proud Welſhman, Sir Robert Manfell, p. 15, 22. (k) Thomas Howard carl of Suffolk, lord chamberlain, was made lord trea- furer in the earl of Northampton's room, on July 10, and at the fame time, Carr earl of Somerfet, was made lord chamberlain. Camden's Ann. allowed ✓ 106 HISTORY THE James I. allowed to purſue their voyage, and others were detained as 1614. fureties for thoſe that went away. Wilfon. p. 695. It was now four years fince the king had called a parlia The king's ment. It was a great comfort to him to have no difputes profufenefs. with a houfe of commons, ever ready to complain of griev- ançes, and take occafion to examine the conduct of the fove- reign or his miniſters. He was much better pleaſed to command abfolutely and without controul. But this was attended with great inconvenience: he was forced continually to invent new methods to raiſe money; and theſe methods, grounded upon abſolute authority, cauſed loud murmurs among the people. Neither did theſe methods bring in fufficient fums for the king's occafions, who loved magnificence, and was always ready to give. Hence fprung his wants, which inceffantly increaſed, his revenues as well ordinary as extraordinary not fufficing for his expences: he feemed however to have an in- exhauftible fund, fo profufe was he, without confidering how he fhould recover what was unneceffarily given. The fol- towing inftance of his bounty may ferve to fhow his charac- ter. Being one day in the gallery at Whitehall, and none with him but Sir Henry Rich, afterwards earl of Holland, and James Maxwel, one of his bed-chamber, fome porters paffed by with three thouſand pounds, going to the privy purfe; Rich feeing the money, turned to Maxwel, and whif pered him the king perceiving it, aſked what he ſaid ? Max- wel told him, Rich fhould think himſelf very happy if he had fuch a fum. Whereupon the king calling to the porters, or- dered them to carry the money to Rich's lodgings, faying at the fame time, "You think now you have a great purchaſe; "but I am more delighted in giving you the money, than "you can be in receiving it. Ibid. Remark on "" If the king had been thus lavish out of his abundance, or this fubject, out of his favings, his generofity muſt have been laudable. But unhappily, in order to be thus profufe to a few private perfons, he gained the ill-will of all the reſt of the nation, and was forced to uſe, in order to raiſe money, ſeveral extra- ordinary methods, which were looked upon as fo many griev- ances, and loudly complained of. Moreover, he was obliged either not to call a parliament, or to quarrel with the houſe of commons. James was however the Solomon of the age, the wifeft, moft prudent, and moft juft of kings. Thefe at leaft are the epithets generally given him, and which are even to be found in ſeveral hiftories penned fince the reftoration of Charles II. Coks. F. 78. MU The OF ENGLAN D. 107 baronets. Wilfon. p. 695. The king's exceffive liberality reducing him continually to James I. ftraits, he had at laſt recourſe to a project formed by the late 1614. earl of Saliſbury, namely, to create knights-baronets, a fort of middle nobility between barons and knights-batchelors. Creation of Their number was not to exceed two hundred: but the king Annals of at the first promotion made only a hundred (m). To purchaſe K. james, this honour, which was to be hereditary, every baronet was p. 8. obliged to pay to the king a thouſand pounds. But in order to give ſome colour to this new inftitution, every baronet was obliged by his patent to maintain thirty foot foldiers in Ireland for three years, at eight pence a day each foldier (n). Afterwards it was hinted to them, that if they would com- pound with the king, and pay the whole fum at once, part fhould be abated, and the king would maintain his troops in. Ireland himself; and there was not one but what accepted the offer. The author of the Annals above-mentioned, affirms that the king received only about a hundred thouſand pounds, of the baronets, and that the maintenance of the troops in Ireland coft him much more. So, according to him, this new order was inftituted merely to eaſe the ſubjects. raife money. Befides this method, the king made ufe of others to fill his Other empty coffers, without being obliged to have recourfe to the means to parliament. I fhall only mention them, without pretending Coke. to determine whether the king exceeded his prerogative or p. 66. not. 1. The king, by his letters patents, granted mono- polies to private perfons, exclufive of all others, and raiſed great fums by theſe forts of favours. 2. He iffued out com- miffions for reviving obfolete laws, for making men who could (m) The firſt baronets were created on May the 220, 1611, by patent. See Britiſh Compend. part. ii. p. 352. They were to have theſe privileges to them and their heirs for ever; place before all Knights Batchelors, and of the Bath, and all Bannerets: to be impleaded by the addition of Baronet, and the title Sir, and their wives Lady; the king ſhall not create any degree under the dignity of a baron, that fhall be fupe- rior or equal to them, no more to be made, but the full number of two hun- dred, until fome died; but the younger fons of viſcounts and barons (by decree of the king and council upon contro- verfy) were adjudged to take place be- fore them; and that their heirs male at one-and-twenty fhall be knighted; and ſhall have either a canton in their coat of arms, or an efcutcheon, at their election, the arms of Ulfter, argent, a hand gules; their place in the king's ar- mies to be in the grofs, near the king's ftandard, for defence thereof. Annals of K. James, p. 8. There were made at first but ninety; of whom Sir Nico- las Bacon, of Redgrave in Suffolk, was the firſt. (n) Which comes to just one thouſand ninety-five pounds, and not two thou fand, as Rapin fays by miſtake. And it has been customary for thoſe who have fince been admitted into this order without money, to have a receipt endorſed on their patent for the faid fum of 1095 1. to be appropriated to the ſame ufes; and for want of fuch endorſement, feveral baronets were compelled in king Charles II's time to pay 10951. expend 108 HISTORY THE James I. expend forty pounds a year, to compound for not being 1614. knighted. Formerly, an eftate of forty pounds a year in Coke. P. 78. land was confiderable; and therefore the owners of fuch an eftate were deemed proper to be made knights, and as fuck to ferve the king in his wars, or find foldiers; but in king James I's time, fuch a revenue was inconfiderable; there were infinite numbers who had more, but not defiring to be knights, choſe rather to give the king money than be obliged to receive an honour which rendered them very dependent. 3. The king made a certain number of knights of Nova Scotia (0), each of which paid him fuch a fum. 4. The dig- nities of baron, viſcount, and earl, had a fixed price fet upon. them the king received for making a baron ten thouſand pounds, for a viſcount fifteen thousand, and twenty thouſand for an earl. Thus, whoever had money might be made a peer of the realm. 5. The fame honours were rated likewiſe in Scotland and Ireland, though at lower prices (p). 6. Thoſe who had defective titles were obliged to compound with the king for rectifying them, otherwiſe they were declared null and void (q). 7. The ſtar-chamber condemned in exceffive fines to the king's uſe, ſuch as were cited thither: I have already related fome inftances, and fhall have occafion to take notice of ſome others hereafter. 8. To all this may be added the fums levied by the king upon his fubjects, when the prince his fon was knighted, and his daughter married. He would have had alſo a good means of raifing money, if he had demanded of the United Provinces the fums that were due to him. But, if we believe certain hiftorians, he durft not claim his debt, for fear of engaging in a war in caſe of refufal. A more probable reafon might be given, by faying the places he held in Holland and Zealand kept the ftates in a ſort of ſubjection, if he had not ſhown two years after that this was not the true feafon, by receiving his money when offered him by the ſtates. (0) This order of baronets was firft erected for advancing the plantation of Nova Scotia in America, and for fet- tling a colony there, to which the aid of thefe knights was appropriated. It was intended in 1621, but not actual- ly founded till 1625. Scotish Comp. P. 502. (p) Scotish honours of the fame title, to have the precedence of an Iriſh, as a Scotifh baron, vifcount, or earl, to have the procedence of an Iriſh; and though an English honour of like de- gree, had the precedence of either of the other, yet if either of the other had a higher title, he ſhould precede an English peer under a lefs; as a Scotifh or 1rifh viſcount, fhall precede an En- glifh baron. Coke, vol. i. p. 66. (q) And likewife compofitions for aflart-lands, i. c. for grubbing up the thickets and coverts for the deer in fo- refts. Coke, p. 67. In OF ENGLAN D. 109 + refolves to In fine, the king's revenue not anſwering his expences, re- James I. courſe was to be had to a parliament. The earl of Somerfet, 1614. having with him neither Överbury nor the earl of Northamp- ton, was at a loſs how to find the king money, and the lord The king treaſurer his father-in-law was no leſs embarraſſed. All ex- All ex- call a par- traordinary means feeming to be exhauſted, they propoſed to liament. the king the calling of a parliament. To induce him to it, Wilfon. p. 696. they put him in hopes that by their intereft and management, Coke. the majority of the commons fhould be at his devotion. The king was very loth to confent: but at length was perſuaded, and a parliament was fummoned to meet the 1ft of April (r). money. mine the This parliament confifted not of ſuch members as the king The parlia- was made to expect. The people, who were discontented, ment meets. inſtead of being gained by the court, chofe reprefentatives of Journ. Parl. a quite different character from what the minifters defired. The very firſt day, the king demanded an aid of money for The king the marriage of his daughter, and told the commons, after demands diſpatching that affair, he would give them leave to examine Coke, p.79. the grievances of the nation. But the commons thought The com- proper to invert the method preſcribed them, and begin with mons exa- the grievances. Inſtead therefore of granting the money firft, grievances. as the king expected, they examined to what uſes the reve- nues of the crown had been applied. The refult was, that 1.Grievance the king had beſtowed on the Scots exceffive grants both in The king's land and money, and that the Scots having fold theſe lands to to ill ufes. the Engliſh, had conveyed the money into Scotland, to the Weldon. great detriment of England. If what the king had given to the P. 696. Engliſh had been as carefully examined, it would have been found ten times more, by the confeffion of the hiftorians them- felves (s); but herein was not ſeen the fame inconvenience. Then the houſe enquired into the cauſes of the encreaſe of 2.Grievance popiſh recufants; fince it fhould rather ſeem that the laws en- acted after the gun-powder plot, ſhould have very much leſ- fened their number. The firft caufe appeared to be the king's admitting into his council popifh lords, publicly known for fuch. A ſecond was, the negotiations abroad for the marri- (r) It did not meet till April 5. Jour. Proceed. (s) of this Sir Anthony Weldon gives a notable inftance. He fays, Salisbury would make the Scots buy books of fee- farms, fome 100l. per annum, fome one hundred marks, and would com- pound with them for a thouſand pounds, which they were willing to embrace, becauſe they were fure to have them pafs without any controul or charge; then would Salisbury fill up his book with fuch prime land as ſhould be worth ten or twenty thousand pounds, which, as treaſurer, he might eafily do, and fo enrich himſelf infinitely, and caft the envy on the Scots, in whofe names thefe books appeared, and are still up- on record to all poſterity, p. 60. age revenues put Increaſe of papists. 110 HISTORY THE James I. age of the late prince Henry, and prince Charles with popif 1614. princeffes. .Grievance 3.་ After that the commons took into confideration the mono- polies authorized and licenſed by the king's letters patents, Monopolies. to the great prejudice of trade; and the extraordinary levies of money without the confent of the parliament. Upon all theſe grievances it was refolved to repreſent them in a peti- tion to his majeſty, and to pray him to redreſs them, and ef- pecially to hinder the future ſettlement of the Scots in Eng- land. The com- mons vote an addrefs. The parlia- mej • folved. Wilfon, p. 696. Coke. The behaviour of the commons was fo different from that is dif- of the courtiers, who never ſpoke of the king but with ad- miration, that his majefty had not patience to bear it: fb, on the 7th of June he diffolved the parliament, after a ſeffión 'of about two months, wherein one ſtatute was not enacted. Some mem- The parliament was no fooner diffolved, but the king com- bers impri- mitted to priſon ſeveral members of the houſe of commons, who had ſpoken the moſt freely, without admitting them to bail (t). foned. the elec- The parliament not anſwering the king's expectation, and his exchequer being empty, there was a neceffity of recurring Account of to new expedients to fill it. But before we fpeak of theſe expedients, it will not be amifs to fhow one of the chief cauſes of the king's being reduced to ftraits: I mean the elec- trefs his daughter's marriage, which had coft him very near a hundred thousand pounds, according to the following ac- count, inferted in his book by the anonymous author of the Annals above-mentioned. 'trefs's mar- 'riage ex- -pences. + F. 9. State of the revenue, 8. 14. For lodging for his fervants '1. Annals of . James, For the palfegrave's diet at his ſtanding houſe For his diet at his inftalment of the garter 6000 *4000 For his diet at his marriage 2000 830 To the wardrobe for apparel for the princefs Eliza- beth -} } 6252 3023 1829 3914 995 For furniſhing her chamber Apparel and neceffaries for her to my lord Har- rington's Jewels and apparels for her fervants To divers merchants for filk, &c. Nevil (t) Theſe were Chutts, lord Abergavenny's fon, Wentworth, Jo. Hofkins. Camden's Annals. This fays Coke) was the greatest violation Carried forward 28843 of the privileges of parliament that ever was done by any king of England be- fore, p. 79. OF ENGLAND. III The lords maſk at her marriage Brought forward For the naval fight of fire-works on the Thames at her marriage More fire-works on the Thames at her marriage > 1. James I. 28843 1614. 400 at} 4800 To Sir Edward Cecil as treasurer, for her journey? from hence to Heidelberg, and for her purſe For fettling her jointure, and charges to fome of the thither and to take the affurance the genty to go The charges of her journey For her tranſport to Fluſhing Paid over to the Palfegrave's agent for her portion 2880 2000 800 8000 5555 40000 (u) Total 93278 nevolence. The king refolving to call no more parliaments, extraor- The king dinary means were to be deviſed to ſupply his expences, his levies a be- ordinary revenues being far from fufficient. To that end, Wilfon, certain perfons diligently fearched into hiſtory to diſcover what p. 696. had been done by former kings in the like cafes, or when there was not time to call a parliament. Among all theſe methods the court choſe the way of benevolence invented by Edward IV. aboliſhed by Richard III. and once revived, if I am not miſtaken, by the parliament itſelf in the reign of Henry VIII. Nevertheless, the author of the Annals pretends Annals of that James only followed the conftant example of all his K. James pre- deceffors, and upon thefe pretended examples, and the custom P in France and Spain, undertakes to vindicate him. But there would be too many things to be faid upon this head, if it Thould be infifted on. 10. Coke. The refolution being taken not only to demand but exhort a benevolence, all the fheriffs were ordered by the council to Wilfon afk of all private perfons within their diſtrict a free gift in pro- 'portion to the king's wants. At the fame time they were exprefly commanded to return to the council the names of fuch as fhould refufe to contribute, or not give according to their abilities. This ſhows the king did not mean the bene- volence ſhould be entirely voluntary. This method however was not fo fucceſsful as the king had expected. The more (u) Though this account feems of lit- ale moment, it may ferve however to how the liberal temper of the king, and his opinion that the parliament was obliged to find him money for theſe expences. Rapin, eager 112 HISTORY THE James I. eager the fheriffs and court-party were to excite the people's 1614. liberality, the more induſtrious were others to diffuade them from it, by fetting before them the confequences. Só, if we may believe the author of the Annals, the benevolence pro- cured the king but 529091. " which yet (continues he) "madded the ill-minded men (pillars fo fome call them, to "the kingdom's liberties) always plotters to the kingdom's "miferies, who being ashamed to be out-done in honeſty " and honour, they juſtly drew upon themſelves a mark of "malignity. And yet they would be meddling, devifing cr poor arguments, to pretend it was againſt the ſubjects li- "berties, though accuftomed evermore by examples of all "former fovereigns." Others fpeak of it very differently, and repreſent this way of raifing money upon the people as a real extortion and encroachment on the nation's liberties. Remarks on Thus do king James's hiftorians contradict one another, not K. James's in facts but in principles, fome deeming illegal what others maintain to be the undoubted prerogative of the crown. hiftorians. The K. of The money arifing to the king from the benevolence, Denmark's though no great fum, came however very ſeaſonably for the king of Denmark's reception, who made him a fecond vifit with a train of forty perfons only. During the fortnight he ſtayed in England (w), entertainments and diverfions never vifit. Wilfon. Howes. The Ruffian ambaffy. Howes. Project against the fovourite. Wilfon, p. 697. Weldon, P. 93. ceaſed. Shortly after, the king received with great pomp the Ruf- fian embaſſador ſent by the czar, to defire him to be medi- ator between him and the king of Sweden, on account of their differences. Hitherto the earl of Somerfet poffeffed the king's heart fo entirely, that the queen herſelf grew jealous. Some fay fhe inwardly grieved for the death of prince Henry, and fufpect- ed him to be the author: others fay only, that his greatneſs had fo blinded the favourite, that he was wanting in reſpect to the queen (x). However fhe had conceived a very violent hatred of him; and to ruin him the more eafily, fhe thought proper to gain Sir Ralph Winwood, who was ftill fecretary of ftate (y), but without exercifing the office, at leaſt in impor- tant affairs, becauſe the earl of Somerfet had feized the ma- nagement of every thing. Winwood readily joined with the (w) He arrived at London July 22, and embarked at Gravefend Auguſt 1. Howes, p. 1012. (x) Or elſe from an apprehenfion that the king's love and company was alie- nated from her, by this mafculine con- verfation and intimacy. But it was, more probably, from a fufpicion of his being concerned in the prince's death, for fhe would never fee him af- ter it. Wilfon, p. 697. (y) He was made fo March 29, 1614. Camden's Annals. queen OF ENGLAND. 113 A queen to ruin the earl, who left him only the title of fecreta- James I. ry. This was a preparative to the revolution which hap- 1614. pened the next year: London. Before I end this year, I muft not forget to mention the Water con- memorable undertaking of Mr. Hugh Middleton, citizen and veyed to all goldſmith of London, who, having an act of parliament for parts of his warrant, found means to bring water from Hertfordshire Stow's Sur- to the principal parts of the city for the conveniency of the vey. inhabitants (z). Coke. The king was wont twice a year to take a journey into 1615. fome part of the kingdom: thefe journeys were called Pro- The king's greffes, one whereof was made in winter, the other in fum- progrefs to mer. In his winter-progrefs in the year 1615, he paffed Cambridge. thorough Cambridge, where the ſcholars entertained him with Camden. a comedy called Ignoramus, which ridiculed the common Annal. law. Nothing could be more diverting to the king: the civil Comedy called Ig- law, or the laws made by the fupreme authority of the Ro- man emperors, appeared to him of much greater value than Hiftoric. the common or ſtatute law; and he could not forbear now and then to ſpeak of theſe with contempt: wherefore he was fo delighted with the play, that he caufed it to be acted twice in his preſence during his fhort ſtay at Cambridge. noramus. Narrat. c. 33. George At this play it was, that the king was ftruck with a new object, which made the fame impreffion upon his mind as Villiers. Robert Carr did the firft time he faw him (a). This was George Coke, p.8 Villiers, a young gentleman who appeared before him with all the advantages of a good mien, a fine ſhape, and a hand- fome and well-made fuit of cloaths. Every one perceived he looked upon this young man with pleaſure, and from that moment it was thought Villiers might fupplant the earl of Somerfet. And indeed with that view it was'that certain lords had brought him before the king, and placed him at the play juft oppoſite to him. George Villiers was of a good and antient family in Lei- His extrac- ceſterſhire, ſon of Sir George Villiers (b), of Brookefby, by a tion. fecond wife, who bore him three fons, of whom this George Wilfon. was the fecond (c). After the death of Sir George, his widow P. 699. (z) He cut a channel from the two great fprings of Chadwell and Amwell, near Ware in Hertfordshire; in which the water is conveyed to a large pond at Iflington, and from thence in elm- pipes to all places of the city. This new river runs under near eight hun- dred bridges. Howes, p. 1015. (a) It was not at Cambridge that the VOL. VIII. king firft faw Villiers, but at Ape- thoipe in Northamptonshire. Dug- dale's Baron. vol. ii. p. 429. (b) Rapin by mistake calls him Sir Edward. (c) The lord Clarendon by miftake fays, he was the eldeft, vol. i. p. 9. See Dugdale's Baron. vol. ii. p. 428. H married Coke, p. 80. Weldon, 114 THE HISTORY } James I. married Sir Thomas Compton, brother of the lord Comp- 1615. ton (d). As George Villiers was but a 'younger ſon of a ſe- Annals, P. 30. cond bed, his fortune could be but fmall; nevertheless, his mother took great care of his education. After he had finiſhed his ftudies, the fent him into France, where he made himſelf perfect mafter of the French tongue, with all the exerciſes pro- per for a gentleman, and eſpecially dancing, wherein he ex- celled. When he returned from his travels, his mother ſent him to court to make himſelf known, and endeavour to pro- cure himſelf friends and a place (e). He no fooner appeared there, but the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Bedford, and fome other lords, enemies to the favorite, and who fought his de- ftruction, fancied this young man might be fubfervient to their defign. They knew the king fufficiently, to hope he would be taken with the outward accomplishments of this new-comer. To that end, they liberally ſupplied him, where- with to deck himſelf and attract the king's eyes. Their pro- Beginningofject fucceeded to their expectation. The king being at the his fortune, play, looked with admiration on George Villiers, and could not help ſhowing ſome ſigns of his growing inclination. He took care however to conceal it as much as poffible, not to alarm the earl of Somerfet ; nevertheleſs, he refolved from that inſtant to have Villiers near his perfon, imagining he might eafily keep both. So, to have time to manage the He is made affair, he privately caufed Villiers to purchaſe a cup-bearer's cup-bearer place, and to be inſtructed how to behave. Weldon. p. 91. to the king. Wilfon, Weldon. What care foever the king might take to conceal his new inclination, the courtiers did not fail to diſcover it. So- merſet, as most concerned, was harder to be deceived than the reft. His office of lord chamberlain giving him a great authority over the king's fervants, he did not want oppor- (d) Mary Beaumont, daughter to An- thony Beaumont, younger fon to Wil- liam Beaumont of Cole-Orton, Efq; was entertained in Sir George Villiers's family, in a mean office in the kitchen; but Sir George taking notice of the beautiful and excellent frame of her perfon, he prevailed with his lady, to remove her out of the kitchen into her chainber. My lady dying foon after, Sir George became fo enamoured of Mary, that he married her, and at his death left her a jointure of 2001. a year. This account Roger Coke, Efq; had from a lady, whofe youngeſt fifter was married to the vifcount Purbeck, eldest fon of Sir George Villiers, by Mary Beaumont. After Sir George's death, fhe was married firſt to SirTho- mas Rayner, and afterwards to Sir Thomas Compton, knight of the Bath, Coke, p. 8o. Dugdale. Weldon, p. 89, &c. (c) He was about twenty-one years old when he returned to England. Clar. tom. i. p. 9. At his firft coming to London he was inclined to court Sir Roger Afton's daughter, but Sir John Graham diffuaded him from marrying, and encouraged him "to wooe fortune " in the court. Dugdale, ubi fupra. Weldon, p. 9o. tunities OF ENGLAN D. 115 1615. Adventure tunities to vex and mortify Villiers, who bore it with all pa- James I. tience; and the king feigned not to perceive it. But at laft, an accident happened which fuffered not the king to diffemble any longer. It was customary for the cup-bearer whoſe turn that befel it was to be in waiting, to have the firft place at the table villiers. where the cup-bearers dined. Villiers having begun his month, fat at the upper-end during the whole time of his fervice, without any oppofition. But offering to fit in the fame place after his month was expired, the perfon, whofe turn it was to wait, rudely thruft him from thence, which greatly confounded him. Some days after, the fame cup- bearer carrying a glafs of wine to the king, let it fall acci- dentally or defignedly on Villiers, who gave him a box on the ear. It is a law of a long ftanding at court, that whoever ſtrikes another in the king's palace, is to loſe his right-hand, with many formalities. It is the lord chamberlain's buſineſs to fee crimes of this nature puniſhed, and the earl of Somer- fet failed not to do all that lay in his power to have the law executed to the utmoſt rigour. But the king granted Villiers The king a pardon, without enjoining any fatisfaction to the party gives him a offended. This was the first public mark of his affection for of his fa- Villiers. great mark vour. From thenceforward, the earl of Somerfet's enemies labour- The king is difgufted ed inceffantly to ruin him in the king's favour, in which they with So- could not better fucceed, than by cheriſhing the king's new merſet. inclination by immoderate commendations of Villiers. The Coke, p. 82. truth is, that even before he had feen Villiers, the king be- gan to be weary of Somerſet, who was not fo agreeable as when he was firft taken into favour. Since his marriage with the countefs of Effex, he was grown very melancholy, of which probably Overbury's death was the cauſe, and become more careleſs of his perſon and dreſs. He had loft that vi- Weldon, vacity which rendered him fo agreeable to the king, and his P. 92, temper, now gloomy and fullen, induced him harthly to op- poſe fome wanton tricks which were now and then played in the king's anti-chamber, and wherein his majeſty took a fingular delight. Nay, he was become fo interefted, that he did nothing for any one without money. His enemies did not forget to inform the king, or hint the fame to him, know- ing how much it might conduce to make him forfeit his fa- vour, fince there was no vice more contrary to the king's humour than avarice. The queen for her part miffed no op- portunity to do him ill offices: fo that, in all appearance the project of making Villiers the king's favorite was formed upon the vifible ins of the earl of Somerfet's de cline. H 2 The 116 THE HISTORY James I. 1615. Abbot's vindication in Rufh- The whole court perceived the alteration in the king fince he had Villiers about him, and every one ftrove to thrust the old favorite down the precipice. The beft way to that The queen end, was to oblige the king to declare for Villiers; but there is perfuaded to fpeal for was a great obftacle to be removed. The king, by a very Villiers. grofs artifice, would have no favorite but of the queen's re- Coke, p. 83. commending, that in cafe the complained of him afterwards, he might fay, he had received him at her hands. This was the king's turn, who fancied by fuch a device, to impofe upon worth, t. i. the queen and the whole court, The buſineſs therefore was P. 434, &c. to prevail with the queen, to recommend Villiers to the king. But fhe was already prejudiced againſt the young man, and not ſeeing with the king's eyes, perceived nothing in him worthy of fo great an advancement. Perhaps too, fhe had caft her eyes on fome other, to procure him that favour. Somerfet's enemies knowing how the queen ftood affected to Villiers, thought the archbishop of Canterbury alone able to perfuade her to what they defired. The archbiſhop, who neither loved nor valued the earl of Somerſet, readily under- took to ſpeak to the queen; but his firſt attempt was in vain. The queen, who was perfectly acquainted with the king's temper, told the prelate, that neither he, nor they who fet him on, knew what they did; adding, "I know the king Rushworth, "better than you all, for if this young man be once brought r. 456. in, the firft perfons he will plague, must be you that la- Coke, p. 83. "bour for him; yea, I fhall have my part alfo. The king "will teach him to defpife and hardly intreat us all, that he << may feem to be beholden to none but himſelf." Edit. 1721. of the bed- chamber. Wotton. For this time the archbishop could not prevail with the queen; but afterwards he fo preffed her, that at length fhe defired the king to receive Villiers as a favorite. The king, He is made who only waited for this, fent immediately for Villiers, knight- gentleman ed him with the prince of Wales's fword, and ordered him to be fworn gentleman of the bed-chamber. Somerſet hear- ing of it, came immediately, and intreated the king to make Camd. Ann. Villiers only a groom; but the archbiſhop and other lords be- fought the queen to compleat the work; and at laſt Villiers, was admitted to the poft ordered him by the king (f). As ſoon as he was out of the king's prefence, he waited upon the archbiſhop, and acknowledging himſelf indebted to him for his good fortune, defired his inftructions how to behave. The Howes. (f) He was fworn into it, April 23, and had a yearly penfion of a thouſand pounds affigned him, payable out of the court of wards. Wotton's Life of Villiers. prelate OF ENGLAND. 117 prelate told him, he had three leffons to give him: firft, to James I. pray without ceafing for the king's profperity, and for grace 1615. to ferve his mafter faithfully. Secondly, to labour continually to preſerve a good union between the king, queen, and prince. The arch- bishop in- Thirdly, to tell the king nothing but truth. Then he caufed fructs him him to repeat theſe three leſſons before him, to ſee if he re- how to be- tained them. The king hearing this, was extremely well have. Rushworth, pleaſed with it, and faid, theſe leſſons were truly worthy of P. 457. a biſhop. The queen's prediction proved but too true with regard to the archbishop, who was one of the firſt to whom Villiers became ungrateful. Mean while, Villiers being The king come to court without a great ſtock of money, the king eafily gives him gueffed he wanted a fupply. Had it been in his power to fol- Historic. low his inclination, this fupply would have been very confi- Narrat. derable; but he was himſelf fo deftitute of money, that a preſent of a thouſand pounds was all he could fpare at that time. ICCOl. c. 33° Coke. at court. After Villiers was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, Two parties feveral courtiers adhered to him, in hopes he would foon have are formed the advantage of his rival. Others continued firm to the earl Weldon. of Somerſet, whether out of gratitude, or for fear of ruining their fortune by falfe conjectures. Two parties therefore were formed at court, who mutually clafhed upon all occa- fions. If the king had at once difimiffed Somerfet, all would have been quiet; but he intended to keep both, not ſo much out of love to Somerfet, of whom he was tired, as to avoid the imputation of inconftancy. Thus the king ftill affecting to fhow he loved his old favorite as well as ever, the cour- tiers were greatly embarraffed. But Villiers daily ftole the Coke. hearts of the courtiers and petitioners from his rival, by his P. S. noble and generous way of promoting their ſuits. pardon. Hiftoric. Narrat. Mean while, the earl of Somerſet perceiving, he daily de- The earl of clined in favour, before all things thought of fecuring him- Someifet felf from the danger to which he might be expofed by Over- procures a bury's murder. Though he knew the king had not the fame Willon, affection for him as formerly, he hoped however, as it was P. 698. not entirely extinguifhed, to obtain what at leaft would free him from uneafinefs. So, fpying a favorable opportunity, he c. 2. caſt himſelf at the king's feet, and reprefented to him, that having ſerved him fome years in a very dangerous poft, it was difficult not to fall into fome mifcarriages, and therefore be- fought him to grant him a general pardon, which might fe- cure him from the malice of his enemies. The king very readily complied with his requeſt, and ordered as ample a pardon as poffible to be drawn. This was accordingly done; H 3 but, 118 THE HISTORY James I. but, whether through the ignorance or malice of the perſon 1615. who drew the inftrument, the king was made to fay in it, But the chancellor would not pafs it. Ibid. that He pardoned not only all manner of treaſons, mur- Coke, p.84. «ders, felonies and outrages whatever, already committed, "but alfo thoſe which fhould be hereafter committed by the "earl of Somerſet (g)" The king figned the pardon without any fcruple, and perhaps without reading it. But the lord chancellor Egerton refufed to put the feal to it (h); faying, as there had never been an inſtance of fuch a pardon, he ſhould incur a præmunire if he paffed it; and when he told the king the reaſon of his refufal, he eafily fatisfied him, he could not anſwer ſetting the feal to the pardon. Nothing was more eaſy than to draw another pardon, without the clauſe diſliked by the chancellor: but whether the queen was against it, as fome affirm, or Somerfet did not care to diſcover too plainly the occafion he had for a pardon, or the king was now informed of the circumftances of Overbury's death, nothing more was faid of it. Indeed, it is likely the king had now ſome knowledge of Overbury's treatment, but perhaps not fufficient to fatisfy him of the earl's guilt. However, he be gan his fummer-progrefs before the affair became public. tiers, with respect to the favo- rites. Weldon. Uncertainty The king's diffimulation with refpect to his two favorites of the cour- held the court in continual fufpence. Many were afraid of adhering to Villiers, left his credit might not yet be firinly eſtabliſhed. Others declared openly againſt Somerſet, in or- der to make a merit of it with the new favorite. Winwood was one of theſe, and affected, upon all occafions, to oppoſe the earl of Somerſet, who had it not in his power to be re- venged. During the whole progrefs, there were many dif- putes and quarrels between the two parties, to the king's great. difguft. At length, the fatal blown was given, at the court's return to Royſton. The king is Overbury's being poi- Franklin, who adminiſtered the poiſoned clyfter to Overbury, informed of made ufe, to compoſe it, of one Reeve an apothecary's boy, who was afterwards fent into Flanders, or perhaps run away from his maſter. This Reeve being at Flufhing, where fome bufinefs had brought Sir William Trumbull his majeſty's en- voy at Bruffels, got acquainted with fome of his fervants, foned. Weldon, P. 94. Wilfon. Franklyn's Annals. (6) The pardon was drawn by Sir Ro- bert Cotton, and this claufe taken out of a bull granted by the pope to cardinal Wolfey. Coke. Hiftoric. Narrat. c. 32, (h) Wilfon fays, that the queen pre- vailed with the chancellor not to let the pardon paſs the great feal, till after the king's return to London; by which time the affair of Overbury was be come quite public, p. 698. and OF ENGLAND. 119 and whether unadviſedly, or with defign, informed them of James I. what he knew concerning Overbury's death (i). The fervants 1615. telling their maſter what they had heard, he examined Reeve himſelf, and drawing from him what he defired, found means to detain him at his houſe. Then he writ to Winwood, de- firing him to obtain the king's leave for him to come to Eng- land, becauſe he had fome things to reveal, which he could not truft to paper. Leave being granted, he acquainted Win- He keeps it wood with what he had learned (k), and Winwood told it the private. king, who commanded them both to keep it private till fur- ther orders. two favo- Some time after, the king being returned to London, want- He tries in ed to reconcile his two favorites, to be freed from the con- vain to tinual importunities occaſioned by their conteſts, and thoſe of make his their adherents. He thought he had found a notable ex- rites friends. pedient, by obliging Villiers to make the firſt advances, and Weldon. defire the earl of Somerfet's favour and protection. To that P. 97, 98. purpoſe, he ordered Sir Humphrey May, Somerſet's creature, but who ſhowed great refpect for Villiers, to tell the earl, as of himſelf, that he was credibly informed, Villiers would come and defire his friendſhip and protection, and adviſed him to receive him civily, and that by giving the king this token of his compliance, he would ſtill be very much in favour, though he was not to flatter himſelf with reigning alone in the king's affection. Sir Humphrey May having difcharged his commiffion, and perceiving the earl of Somerfet unwilling to follow his advice, was at length forced to tell him in plain terms, that what he had faid was by the king's order, and warned him to confider ſeriouſly the confequence of a refufal. About half an hour after, Villiers came to the earl's, and uſed theſe very words: "My lord, I defire to be your fer- ❝vant and creature, and to take my court-preferment under your lordship's favour, and your lordship fhall find me as ❝ faithful a fervant as ever did ferve you.' To this fo ſub- miffive a compliment, the earl returned this fhort and quick anſwer, "I will have none of your fervice, and you fhall ❝ have none of my favour. I will, if I can, break your "neck, and of that be confident." Theſe words very much exaſperated the king, who from that inſtant reſolved to be rid of the earl of Somerſet. << (i) Reeve falling fick at Flushing, dif- covered the whole matter. Wilſon, p. 698. (k) Winwood himſelf got the first in- formation of this horrible buſineſs, دو from the countess of Shrewsbury, then a prifoner in the Tower, and whom he frequently used to vifit; who had been told of it by Sir Gervafe Elweys. Weldon, p. 93. It H 4 120 THE HISTORY Somerfet arrefted, with the reft of the Overbury's death. Wilion, p. 698. · James I. It is hard to gueſs whether, fuppofing the earl of Somer- 1615. fet had behaved with more condefcenfion to the king, and been reconciled to Villiers, Overbury's affair would have been buried in eternal oblivion. This feems at leaſt to be the courſe the king had refolved to take, if the earl had been inclined to do what he defired. Be this as it will, the king being come to Royſton, to begin his winter-progreſs, ex- preffed no diſpleaſure againſt Somerſet, but lived with him as he was wont, without the leaft fign of any alteration in his friendſhip. But ſome days after, he fent in the night a meſ- fenger to lord chief juftice Coke, with a letter, ordering him to make a warrant to apprehend the earl of Somerſet at complices of Royston, and his countefs at London, with Franklyn, Wefton, Mrs. Turner, and Sir Gervafe Elweys, lieutenant of the Tower. The meſſenger was ſent back to Royfton at four a-clock in the morning, with an officer of juſtice to execute Coke, p.87. The king's the warrant. At his arrival, the officer found the king with extreme dif- his arin's about Somerfet's neck, who was juſt going to Lon- fimulation. don, and affectionately faying to him, "When fhall I fee "thee again, Somerfet? (1)" At that very inftant the officer arreſted the earl by Sir Edward's warrant, who exclaimed, that ſuch an affront was never offered to a peer of the realm in the king's prefence. The king feigning ignorance, and afk- ing what was the matter, faid jeftingly, " Nay, man, there is no remedy, for if Coke fends for me I must go." Then ac- companying him to the ſteps before the door, he defired him as he was going down, to return fpeedily, faying, he could not live without him. As foon as Somerfet was in his coach, the king faid, in the hearing of fome perfons, who told it again afterwards, "Now the deel go with thee, I will never Weldon, P. 102. The king's injunction to chief juftice Coke. Coke, p.87. Wilfon. Weldon. ? 100, ' fee thy face more." If this be true, it must be owned, it was a needlefs and very ftrange diffimulation; but king James took delight in things of this nature. At his coming to London, the earl of Somerfet was ſent to the Tower (m), his counteſs, and the rest of the complices, having been arreſted and committed, whilft he was on the road. The fame day, chief juftice Coke going to Royſton, (1) The words at length, as relate by Weldon, were, "For God's fake "when fhali I fee thee again? On my "foul, I fhall neither cat nor fleep, " until you come again." The earl told him on Monday, (this being on Friday) "For God's fake fhall I, fhall I?" Then lolled about his neck; then, "For God's fake, give thy lady. this kifs for me : In the fame man- ner at the ſtairs head, and at the middle, and foot of the ſtairs, p. 102, 103. (m) He was at first, on October 18, committed to the cuftody of Dr. Moun- tain dean of Weſtminſter. Camden's Ann, the OF ENGLAND. J21 the king told him all he had heard from Trumbull, and en- James I. joined him, with all poffible fcrutiny, to fearch into the af- 1615. fair, without partiality or reſpect of perfons. He concluded with faying, "God's curfe be upon you and yours, if you fpare any of them: And God's curfe be upon me and mine, if I pardon any one of them." demned and Coke receiving ſuch ſtrict orders, was very active in the The guilty affair. Nay, fome pretend, he was too active, and that are con- finding in the earl of Somerſet's papers, indications of his be- executed. ing concerned in the death of prince Henry, he had not the Truth prudence to conceal them. However this be, moft of the par- brought to ties accuſed were tried in October and November, and being Wilfon. light. found guilty, were condemned and executed (n). Sir Tho- p. 699. mas Monſon, who was alſo arreſted, appeared twice before Howes. the judges, and at the ſecond time Coke received a note from the king, which obliged him to fend back the priſoner to the Tower, with theſe words, "Take him away, we have other matters againſt him of a higher nature." It is affirmed, Coke faid aloud one day, as he was fitting on the Weldon, bench, "God knows what became of that ſweet babe prince P. 113, 123- "Henry, but I know fomewhat," and then ſtopped fhort. This gave occafion to think, he had made fome difcovery concerning the prince's death (o). Weldon, p. 112. Simon Maſon, fervant to Monſon, who had been employ- Ib. p. 106. ed to carry a poiſoned tart to Overbury, being likewife brought before the court, the judge faid to him, "Simon, thou hadſt ❝ a hand in this poiſoning buſineſs." "No, my good lord, (anfwered Simon) I had but one finger in it, which coft me all my hair and nails." He had, it ſeems, out of liquor- ifhnefs, as he was carrying the tart, tafted with his finger a little of the ſyrup. This ingenious anſwer cauſed him to be acquitted for it was thought he would not have taſted the fyrup, had he known it to be poiſoned. 66 The trial of the earl of Somerſet and his counteſs was de- (n) Wefton was tried and condemned, October 19, 23. Mrs. Turner, No- vember 9. Sir Gervafe Elweys, (or Helwyffe, as he himfelf writ his own name) November 16. Franklyn, No- yember 27. -Wefton was executed November 25. Anne Turner, Novem- ber 14. Franklyn, about the beginning of December, all at Tyburn. And Sir Gerwafe Elweys on Tower-hill, No- vember 20. See Truth brought to light, p. 108-159. State Trials, vol. i. Camden's Ann. (0) He intimated as if Overbury had been concerned in prince Henry's death, and the king in Overbury's; where- upon it was faid, that the king went to the council-table, and kneeling down, defired God to lay a curfe upon him and his pofterity for ever, if he were confenting to Overbury's, in revenge for the prince's, death. Wilfon, p. 702. ferred 1 122 THE HISTORY The earl of Somerſet's trial. Weldon, P. 115. James I. ferred to May the next year 1616 (p); but not to be obliged to 1615. return to this affair, I fhall relate here the circumftances of the trial. If we may believe Sir Anthony Weldon, author of a little book entitled, The Court and Character of King James, which is properly but a fatire, the king had aſſured State-Trials the earl of Somerſet he ſhould not be brought to a trial. For that reaſon, when George More, lieutenant of the Tower, came and told him, he muſt prepare for his trial on the mor- row, he anſwered, That pofitively he would not appear, un- leſs he was carried by force in his bed. The fame author adds, the king being informed of it, fent him word, he could not hinder his appearing before the judges, but would prevent the paffing any ſentence upon him (q). By this artifice, fays Weldon, the earl was prevailed with to appear in court, where he pleaded in his defence from eight in the morning, till feven in the evening, when, contrary to his expectation, ſen- tence of death was paffed upon him, as guilty of Overbury's murder. The fame author fays, the king was terribly uneafy all the day, neither was he at reſt till the news came of his Franklin's condemnation. This author's aim, in relating thefe and many other circumftances, was to infinuate, that the king was afraid the earl of Somerſet, to fave his life, would reveal fome ſecrets he had a mind to conceal. But theſe fecrets are not explained, and probably are only chimera's. If the king had feared any thing from the earl of Somerſet, he would ne- ver have brought him to a trial, or commanded the judge to examine him ftrictly. Nevertheless, though Weldon be fa- tirical, and there is no depending upon his teftimony, fome truth however appears in what he relates, fince the king's conduct, after the earl of Somerfet's condemnation, fhows there was in this affair fome circumftance by which he was embarraffed. He is con- demned to die. Annals. The coun- tels is con- demned alfo. May 24. The countess of Somerſet being brought before the court, pleaded only with a fhower of tears, which raiſed ſome com- paffion in her judges, but however, hindered her not from (p) The countefs was tried on May 24, and the earl May 25, both in Weftminster-hall; the lord-chancellor being appointed high-fteward on that occafion. See Camden's Ann. and State-Trials, and Rymer's Fad. tom. xvi. p. 781. (4) Weldon fays, when More told the king, how much he was furprized at Somerfet's faying, he would not ap- pear, and that the king durft not bring hum to a trial, the king falls into a paffion of tears, and fays, "On my "foul, More, I wot not what to do; "thou art a wife man, help me in this "ftrait, and thou shalt find thou doft Where- "it for a thankful maſter." upon More affures the king, he would do his utmost to ferve his majesty, and leaving him, went and uſed the ftrata- gem above-mentioned. This relation the author fays, he had from More's own mouth. Court of king James, p. 115-117. being OF ENGLAN D. 123 Wilfon. Weldon, P. 120. the king's being fuf- Henry's death; being condemned to die as well as her lord. The king grant- James I. ed them a reprieve which was often renewed till the year 1615. 1621, when they had liberty to go and live at a country-feat, without however being releaſed from their ſentence. At laft, They are reprieved, in 1624, about four months before the king's death, a pardon Truth was granted them. After the earl of Somerſet was condemned, brought to the king gave him four thouſand pounds a year in land, which light. he took in his fervants names. This noble prefent, the par- and at don granted the earl, notwithſtanding the curfe denounced by length par the king againſt himſelf and poſterity, if ever he pardoned the doned. guilty, his reſtleffneſs during the trial, the note ſent to the chief juſtice whilft he was trying Sir Thomas Monſon, Coke's Occafion of imprudent words concerning prince Henry, and his difgrace which foon followed, all theſe things, I fay, have given occa- pected to be fion to king James's enemies to infinuate, he was confcious concerned of fome guilt, and they have been pleaſed to apply the whole in prince to prince Henry's death. But, befides that all theſe circum- ſtances could at inoft only form a bare prefumption, who can with his affirm them to be all preciſely true? Amidft the perpetual con- vindication. trarieties in the authors who write of king James I. it is hard to know diſtinctly the truth. Some pafs over in filence par- ticulars which are chiefly infifted upon by others, or abfolutely deny facts, which the others advance as inconteftable. Some there are whoſe aim was to give a very ill idea of the man- ners and qualities of this prince, whilst others repreſent him as a very wife, juft, and religious king. Some penned his reign while the civil wars raged in England, or when the monarchy was changed into a commonwealth. Theſe thought to do their country fervice, in demonftrating that the project of enflaving England was begun in the reign of king James I. and purſued in that of Charles I. Others wrote after the re- ftoration of Charles II. when the civil wars were ftiled an un- natural rebellion, and when the fear of falling under an arbi- trary government was termed chimerical. Hence arifes the difficulty of making a choice amidſt all the contrarieties be- tween the hiſtorians. Unhappily the fame parties ſtill ſubſiſt with the fame prejudices. So there is little hopes of feeing an impartial hiſtory of England, from the beginning of king James the Firft's reign to our time. Let a hiftorian turn which way foever he pleaſes, he will be looked upon as par- tial, by one or other of the two factions. This is a remark abſolutely neceffary as well for the fact I have juſt mentioned, as for the whole reign of James I. and ſtill more for the fol- lowing. To 124 HISTORY THE Wilfon. p. 699. James I. To finiſh what relates to the earl and counteſs of Somerſet, 1615. I fhall briefly add, that their love which had engaged them to commit fuch abominable deeds, turned at laft to hatred. They lived together many years in one houfe, as ftrangers to each other, and at laft the countefs died of an uncommon diſeaſe (r). The earl lived long enough (s) to fee his daughter married to the duke of Bedford, who had by her the lord Ruffel, beheaded in the reign of Charles II. Death of Arabella Stuart. Annals. p. 17. Wilfon. P. 702. Camden's Annals. She is fuf- Arabella Stuart, firſt-couſin to the king, died in the Tower the 27th of September 1615, a little before the trial of the complices of Overbury's murder. Many feeing that on oc- cafion of theſe trials, prince Henry's death began to be talked of afreſh, imagined this kinfwoman of his majefty might alſo be poiſoned. This is what fome hiftorians, enemies to king James, have advanced, or at leaft infinuated, without any other foundation than this malicious report, grounded upon pected to be the chimerical project in the beginning of the prefent reign, poiſoned. Vindication of fetting Arabella on the throne. She was daughter of Charles of the king. Stuart, younger brother to Henry, his majefty's father. Con- fequently, fhe could have but very remote pretenfions to the crowns of England and Scotland, which James enjoyed not by the title of the Stuart family, of which he was by the fa- ther's fide, but by his mother queen Mary's right, to whom Arabella was only a very diſtant relation. The king therefore muſt have carried his fufpicions beyond all imagination, to refolve to poiſon this relation at a time when there was no commotion either in England or Scotland, and when ſhe was actually in priſon. The cauſe of her difgrace was, her pri- vately eſpouſing without the king's confent Sir William Sey- mour, grandfon of the earl of Hertford, for which the king fent them both to the Tower, from whence fome time after they made their efcape with intent to fly into France. Sey- mour had the good fortune to eſcape, but Arabella was taken and ſhut up in the Tower, where fhe died (t). Act. Pub. xvi. p. 710. (r) The reader may fee an account of it in Wilfon, p. 83. or in Compl. Hift. p. 699. She died in Auft 23, 1632, in the lord viscount Wallingford's houfe. (s) He died in July 1645, and was buried in the parish church of St.Paul's Covent-Garden, Dugdale's Baron. vel, ii. p. 426. (t) Sir William Seymour upon his marriage was committed to the Tower, but Arabella was confined to her houfe at Highgate. After fome time they ap- pointed to meet at a certain place on the Thames, in order to fly beyond fea. He leaving his man in his bed to act his part with his keeper, got out of the Tower in difguife, and came to the place appointed. She, dreffed like a young gallant, followed him from her houfe; but happening to stay beyond the limited time, he went away, leav- ing word, if fhe came, he was gone be- fore to Dunkirk. She, full of tears, and lagging in her flight, was appre- hended and fent to the Tower. After her death Sir William got leave to come home, and married afterwards the lady Frances, fifter to the earl of Elex. Wilfon, p. 702. The OF ENGLAND. 125 rules all at court. The earl of Somerfet's affair ending the difpute between James I. the two favorites, the court was reftored to its former tran- 1616. quillity, under the management of Villiers, who engroffed the king's affection without a rival (u). The new favorite behaved Villiers in much the fame manner as his predeceffor. He ſuffered himſelf at firſt to be guided by fuch as he thought wifer and Weldon, more experienced than himſelf: but in time he thought him- P. 123. ſelf the moſt able perſon in the kingdom. His firſt care was to difinifs by degrees the earl of Somerfet's creatures, and con- fer the places on his own relations and friends. Nothing more material was tranfacted at court for fome years, except the two uſual affairs of this reign, wherein the promotion of the new favorite made no alteration. I mean the advance- ment of the prerogative-royal, and the methods of raifing money without the parliament. The firſt of theſe two points produced in the year 1616, between the king and the judges a fharp conteſt, the occafion whereof was this. tween the the prero- Camd. Ann, The king defigning to give in Commendam a vacant Dispute be- church (w), it was difputed in the court of Common-Pleas, king and not only whether the king might give a Commendam to a the judges bifhop, either before or after his confecration, but alſo whether concerning Commendams were to be granted without neceffity. The gative. chief juſtice of the Common-Pleas finding the caſe difficult to Annals, be decided, defired to have it farther argued by all the judges, p. 17. as is ufually done in nice points. The king, who was at Royſtoh, being informed of it, commanded his attorney- general Bacon, to fignify by letters to all the judges, that they hould defer the determination of the affair till his return. Notwithſtanding this order, the judges met and argued the cafe. After which, they unanimouſly figned a writing, de- claring they could not obey the king's order, becauſe they were fworn to have no regard to the king's orders or letters, in mat- ters concerning private perfons (x). The king, provoked at their proceeding, writ to them, that it was not his intent to ſtop the courſe of juſtice; but however he would not endure, that under colour of determining cafes between private perſons, they ſhould attack the prerogative royal, or "That any per- "fon fhould be allowed to diſpute or argue on that head." (u) In the beginning of January he was made mafter of the horſe, and July 7, knight of the garter. The king be- ftowed upon him the best part of Somer- fet's eftate. Howes, p. 1024, IC25. Coke, p. 88. (w) Rapin by miſtake fays, a vacant bishopric. When a parfon or vicar is made a bishop, there is a ceffion of his benefice by the promotion; but if the king gives him power to retain his be- nefice, he is faid to hold it in Com- mendam. cc (x) They told the king their oath was, "That in cafe any letters came to them contrary to law, they are not to obey "them, but to proceed to justice. Annals, p. 17. That Annals, P. 17. 126 HISTORY THE James I. That the argument drawn from their oath was impertinent, 1616. fince the oath was enjoined by the kings his predeceffors, only to prevent the importunities of fuitors to the prince, and not to give the judges authority to determine in points of prero- gative. He concluded with a peremptory command, not to proceed till they had confulted him." The council decides in favour of Annals, p. 17. In muſt be obſerved, that in this letter, the king ſuppoſed two or three principles, which neither the judges, nor the generality of the nation did admit. The firft, that no perſon had a right to argue concerning the extent of his preroga- tive, fince the judges of the realm, being confidered as middle perfons between the king and people, were alone to decide, and commonly did decide the queſtions on this head. The ſecond principal was, that the oath taken by the judges at their admittance into their office, was enjoined by the kings his predeceffors, to avoid the follicitations of fuitors; where- as it was the common opinion that the power aſcribed to the judges to diſobey the king's letters, was given them by the whole nation repreſented in parliament (y). The third principle was, that nothing ought to be decided (z) without confulting him; that is to fay, their determination was to be founded upon what he ſhould himſelf enjoin. People for the moft part affirmed, the king would thereby eſtabliſh a new prerogative unheard of in England. The king being returned to London, fent for all the judges to the council-table, and reprimanded them feverely. He told the king. them, among other things, that fince his acceffion to the crown of England, he had obferved that the counſellors at the bar (a) took the liberty to argue the extent of the prero- gative-royal, which on that pretence was trampled upon, and it was the judges buſineſs to bridle that infolence in their re- ſpective courts. Then fpeaking of the order he had ſent them, he imperiouſly told them, there was no reaſon that could excuſe their non-compliance (b). The king's manner of expreffing himſelf terrified the judges, who chofe rather to give way than refift him to his face. Coke alone conftantly maintained, that the king's order being contrary to law, they (y) The judges themſelves in their an- fwer to the king's order by the attor- ney-general, built their non compliance upon two acts of parliament, 25 Ed- ward III. and 25 Henry VIII. Annals, P. 17 (z) In matters of prerogative. See the king's letter. Annals, p. 17. (a) And in the parliament-houſe. Annals, p. 17. (b) He told them, deferring upon juſt and neceffary caufes, was not delaying of juſtice, and therefore his order was not againſt law, or their oath. But chief justice Coke affirmed, that his majeſty's stay was a delay of juſtice. Annals, p. 18. were OF ENGLAND. 127 1616. were not to blame for refufing to obey it. Whereupon the James I. king faid with fome emotion, whether they had done well or ill, he would not ſuffer his prerogative to be conteſted. In fine, the judges being withdrawn, the council unanimouſly determined the cafe in favour of the king (c). This affair made great noife among the people. They who The peoples were already prejudiced againſt the king, faid, it was evident murmurs, he intended to reign with an abfolute power: that not only he contemned the determinations of the judges, but would not fo much as endure that his prerogative ſhould be argued, and pretended to be fole judge of the extent of his own authority. But others admired his courage, in maintaining the preroga- tives of the crown. Wilfon. It was not long before Coke felt the effects of the king's Coke is wrath. The chief juſtice having brought a complaint in the turned out, Star-Chamber againſt the lord chancellor Elleſmere, concern- P. 704, 705. ing an order iffued out of the court of chancery, and having Coke, p. 91. loft his caufe (d), wherein he was accufed, 1. Of having wrong- Annals. fully attacked the lord chancellor (e). 2. Of having, when at- torney-general, concealed a ſtatute of twelve thouſand pounds due to the king from the lord chancellor Hatton. 3. Õf hav- ing faid in open court, that his majeſty was labouring to over- throw the common-law of England. 4. Of having behaved very infolently to the king, in the cafe of Commendams. The lord treaſurer upbraided him likewife before the council, for fuffering his coachman to drive him bare-headed, a privilege not granted even to the lord chancellor himſelf. As the king was diſpleaſed with him, this was fufficient to turn him out of his place, which was given to Sir Henry Montague. Coke Howes, was extremely well verſed in the common laws of England, (c) That the king's defiring the judges to ftop proceedings till they had con- ſulted him, was not againſt the judges oath, or the common-law. As to Com- .mendams, it was agreed by the judges, not to draw the king's power into doubt. Annals, p. 18. (d) SirEdward Coke, having it feems, determined a caufe at common-law, (in which the chief witnefs for the plain- tiffs were made drunk by the defendants, and thereby rendered incapable of ap- pearing) the plaintiff's thinking them- felves injured, brought the buſineſs in- to chancery: the defendants refuſed to obey the orders of that court; where- upon the lord chancellor for contempt committed them to prifon. They pe- titioned against him in the Star-cham- ber, the lord chief juſtice joining with them, and threatening the chancellor with a præmunire. The chancellor applies to the king, who fent to Sir Francis Bacon, Sir Henry Montague, &c. to fearch for precedents of fuch as complained in chancery, and were re- lieved according to equity, after judg- ment at common-law. They returned anfwer, That it had been the conftant practice ever fince Henry the Seventh's time, after judgment at common-law, and many times after execution. Upon which Coke was worſted, and brought upon his knees at the council-table, Wilfon, p. 704. (e) This was the whole caufe. The reft of the articles were added to it in order to humble him. Wilfon, p. 705. of 128 THE HISTORY 1 James I. of which he wrote a book highly efteemed, and which is daily 1616. cited in the courts of juſtice, and the high court of parlia- ment (f). But as he was one of thoſe who fufpected the king of afpiring to arbitrary power, and thought it his duty to op- poſe it, he could not be agreeable to the court. The lord delivers up the great feal. Annals, P. 20. Preſently after, the lord chancellor Elleſmere being taken chancellor fo ill as to defpair of being able to continue the functions of his office, deſired the king to confer it on another (g). But the king, without granting his requeft, fent for the feal, tel- ling him, he would himſelf be his deputy: and indeed, he kept the great-feal till Elleſmere's death, which was not till March the next year. After that, Sir Francis Bacon, attor- ney-general, was made lord keeper, and then chancellor. He was a man of great abilities, as appears in his works, but a fervile flatterer, cringing to thoſe who were in favour, and very haughty to fuch as he believed he ſhould not want (h). Bacon is made lord- keeper. Wilfon. Annals. Weldon, p. 130, &c. Prince Charles created prince of Wales, Novem. 4, Prince Charles the king's only fon, was created this year (i) prince of Wales with the uſual folemnities. The king thought of marrying him, but it was not eaſy to find a princeſs fit for him. There was no proteftant princefs of royal extraction in Europe, and his father could not reſolve to marry him to Act. Pub. any but a king's daughter. Several of his predeceffors had xvi. p. 792. not been fo difficult: but for his part, he was extremely nice on this occafion. He would have thought it a diſparagement to his fon to marry the daughter of any German prince. He The king chofe rather, contrary to all the rules of good policy, to feek thinks of marrying him a wife in a houſe ſworn enemy to the proteſtant reli- the prince gion, than to marry him to one of his own religion, whơ was not royally defcended. This infatuation, if I may be al- Howes. Wilfon. P. 703. of Wales to a French or Spanish princess. Wilfon. (f) He wrote Inftitutes, or a Com- ment on Littleton, feveral volumes of Reports, &c. He is accuſed of diſco- vering too much paffion and prejudice on the bench, and of acting the part of a pleader rather than a judge. His pleadings at the trial of Sir Walter Ra- leigh, fhow, to his eternal infamy, that he could at any time talk an innocent perfon to death; for there never was feen fuch a heap of infolence, and hard names. See State-Trials, vol. i. p. 205, &c. Wilfon, p. 705. (g) He was on November 7, this year, created viſcount Brackley. As was alfo on the fame day William Knowles, vif- count Wallingford; and Sir Philip Stan- hope, baron of Shelford. Howes, p. 1026. Weldon fays, Villiers caufed the feal to be taken from Egerton, because he would not give way to his exorbi- tant defires, p. 125. (h)Weldon fays, Villiers fent this mef- fage to Bacon when he was made lord- keeper: That he knew him to be a man of excellent parts, but withal of a bafe' and ungrateful temper, and an arrant knave, apt in his profperity to ruin any that had raifed him from adverfity; yet knowing how fit an inftrument he was for him, he had obtained him the ſeals but with this affurance, fhould he ever requite him as he had done fome others, he would caft him down as much below fcorn, as he had now raiſed him above any honour he could ever have expect- ed, p. 125, 126. (i) The firft of November. Others fay, the fourth. Rapin, lowed OF ENGLAND. 129 : lowed the expreffion, is to be confidered as the fource of the James I. reſt of the occurrences of this reign, and of all the vexations 1616. James had to endure, as well from foreigners as his own fübjects. It may be farther added, that this made him bet- ter known than before, and in a manner not to his advantage. He would have married his eldeſt ſon prince Henry to Anne of Auftria, who afterwards efpoufed Lewis XIII. king of France but having at laſt diſcovered that the court of Spain. carried on the negotiation only to amuſe him, he gave over his defign. The French king's marriage being folemnized Franklin's this year 1616, James ſent ambaſſadors to France and Spain to congratulate the two kings. The lord Hay, a Scotchman, was choſen for the French embaffy (k), and the lord Roſs for the Spaniſh. They had both orders to found the two courts concerning the prince of Wales's marriage with the princeſs eldeſt fifter of Lewis XIII. or with the infanta Maria daugh- ter of Philip III. The lord Hay quickly found his negotia-. tion would be fruitless, fince the princefs of France was al- ready promiſed to the prince of Piedmont fon to the duke of Savoy. Annals. Wilfon. niſh match. Whilft thefe things were in agitation, and before the lord He refolves Rofs's arrival in Spain, Sir John Digby, his majefty's embaf- for the Spa- fador to Philip III. writ to the king, that the duke of Lerma Annals, had made an overture of a marriage between the infanta Ma- p. 36. ria and the prince of Wales, and defired private inftructions. Rushworth, to.n. i. p, I Annals, P. 19. on that head. He adviſed him however not to break off the negotiation with France, for fear the duke of Lerma's offer fhould be an artifice to render him fufpected to the protef- tants. James could the leſs doubt of Digby's fufpicion being well grounded, as Sir Dudley Carleton, his ambaffador at the Hague, had told him, that to weaken the good intelligence between him and the States General, a report was ſpread that the prince of Wales's marriage with the infanta of Spain was on foot and now far advanced. But he took no notice of this intelligence on the contrary, he fent orders to Sir John The Spanish Digby to begin the negotiation with Spain. At the fame time don Diego di Sarmientos count Gondemar, the Spanish Rushworth, (k) This was one of the moſt magni- ficent embaffies recorded in hiftory. Among other things the lord Hay, at his public entry into Paris, had his horfe fhod with filver fhoes flightly tacked on; and when he came over- againſt houſes or balconies, where per- fons or beauties of eminency were, his VOL. VIII. horfe prancing in humble reverence, flung his fhoes away, which the fur- rounding mob fcrambled for; then one of his train, out of a velvet bag, took others, and tacked them on; which lafted till he came to the next troop of grandees. Wilfon, p. 704. I ambaffador match is treated of. tom. i. p.2. 130 HISTORY THE James I. ambaffador in England, received a commiffion to treat with 1616, the king concerning the marriage. James is amufed by the court of tom. i. he After Janies had taken this refolution, he could not con- ceal his extreme defire to accompliſh the marriage. Hence gave occafion to the Spaniard, who had then no defign to Spain. treat ſeriouſly of the affair, to feign that he paffionately wiſh- Rushworth, ed to conclude it to his fatisfaction, and to draw from his readineſs confiderable advantages for the houſe of Auftria and the catholic religion. By means of this fame defire it was that count Gondemar, a man of great abilities, fo infinuated himſelf into the king's favour, that for many years he cauſed him to do almoſt whatever he pleaſed, by putting him in fear that the marriage would mifcarry if the Spaniſh court was not managed. We may judge of the policy of that court by the length of this negotiation, which was made to laft feven years. At first the Spaniard intended only to hin- der king James from concerning himſelf in the war of Cleves, and affiſting the proteftant princes: but afterwards a more im- portant affair made it his intereft more than ever to amuſe the king of England and to keep him at bay. The king's duct. Certainly James's conduct, who in fome men's opinion ftrange con- paffes for the Solomon of his age, was very extraordinary. Under colour of being at peace with all the world, he med- dled not with any foreign affairs. He beheld without con- cern France openly labouring the deftruction of the Huguenots, and the houſe of Auftria forming projects to enflave all Eu- rope, and daily increafing in power, to the juft dread of the reft of the ſtates, and efpecially the proteftant. Moreover, he expreffed a ſtrong defire to be allied to that houſe, by a marriage which could not but be prejudicial to the eſtabliſhed religion of England. In fhort, if his management at home be examined, the capacity, the great wifdom he thought himſelf Coke, p. 85. bleſſed with, will no where appear. Without any war upon his hands he had confumed immenfe fums, and alienated almoſt all the crown lands, to enrich a dozen of Engliſh and Scotch favorites, who had never done him any confiderable fervice. The earl of Somerſet had before his diſgrace amaffed two hundred thouſand pounds in money, plate, and jewels, beſides nineteen thousand pounds a year in land, though he had been but five years in favour (1). The earl of Saliſbury, younger fon to the lord Burleigh, who had no eftate but what he derived from the crown, had left his ſon as rich as (1) Three hundred thousand pounds came to the crown upon his fall, fays Ofborn, §. 30. any OF ENGLAND. 131 any peer in the kingdom. The earl of Northampton, younger James I. brother of the late duke of Norfolk, had built a ſtately palace 1616. in London (m), fince called Northumberland-houſe, and left a vaft inheritance to his nephew the earl of Arundel, though he had little or nothing from his family. The earl of Suffolk, youngeſt ſon of the duke of Norfolk, had built a country- feat, which coft him above two hundred thouſand pounds; and he did not, as may be judged, expend his whole fub- ftance on this ſtructure (n.) The duke of Lenox, the earl of Dunbar, the lord Hay, had remitted great fums into Scot- land, and Sir Henry Rich, afterwards earl of Holland, though a younger fon, had found means to raiſe an immenfe eftate. Amidst all theſe favorites fo rich and powerful, the king was in extreme want, continually giving more than he could afford, and running into needless expences without ever re- gulating his treaſury. To all this was added a new favourite, Coke, who being no leſs greedy than the reft, was alſo to be en- Clarendon, riched, and had a numerous kindred, whom he did not mean to leave in want (o). Another effect of the king's great wisdom was to quarrel with his parliament, in fupport of a preroga- tive which he would have carried higher than any of his pre- deceffors, and thereby put himſelf under a neceffity of uſing means to raiſe money, which could not but alienate from him the love of his people. Laftly, let us add his weakneſs in fuffering himſelf always to be fo governed by his favourites, that he could not or would not fee but with their eyes. At the time I am now ſpeaking of, his cabinet council confiſt- ed folely of the new favourite, a young man without ex- perience, through whofe hands never any affair of moment had paſſed, and who notwithſtanding thought himſelf the moſt able man in the kingdom (p). The earl of Suffolk was more verfed 1 (m) And alſo three hofpitals; one at Rifing in Norfolk, for twelve poor wo- men and a governeſs; a ſecond at Clun in Shropſhire, for the fame number of men; the third at Greenwich in Kent, for a governor, and twenty poor almf- mcn. Howes, p. 1012. (n) Audley-Inn in Effex, the nobleft ftructure next to Hampton-Court (fays Coke) ever built by any ſubject in Eng- land, which by modern eftimates coft above 190,cool. Coke's Detect. ¡p. 85. (0) The lord Clarendon obferves that Villiers exalted almoſt all of his own numerous family and dependents whofe I 2 greatcft merit was their alliance to him; which equally offended the an- cient nobility, and the people of all conditions, who faw the flowers of the crown every day fading and withered ; whilft the demefnes and revenues there.. of were facrificed to the enriching of a private family ſcarce ever heard of be- fore to the nation; and the expences of the court fo vaft and unlimited, that they had a fad proſpect of that poverty and neceffity, which afterwards befel the crown, almoſt to the ruin of it. Tom. i. p. 10. Weldon. (p) Gondemar is faid to tell king James in raillery, "That he was the " wifeft 132 HISTORY THE James I. verfed in affairs, though he was never counted a great ge- 1616. nius; but he was now upon the decline of his favour, Villiers being far from fupporting the earl of Somerfet's father-in-law. Bacon, lord keeper, was well verfed in the laws of the land, and capable of giving good advice; but he made it his fole ftudy to adapt himſelf to the king's humour, and make his court to the favorite. ary towns part of what is duc to him. Rushworth, The only affair which then employed the king and his mi- He gives up the caution- nifters was to find money, and in plenty too, otherwiſe the king would have led a fad life: but all means feemed to have for the third been exhaufted, and a parliament could not fafely be called, the wound of the impriſoned members being ftill too freſh to hope it was yet clofed. Mean while, the treaty of the prince Coke, p. 88. of Wales's marriage with the infanta procured the king an tom. i. p. 3. unexpected fupply. Queen Elizabeth had fettled with the ftates of the United Provinces the arrears they owed her, amounting to eight millions of florins. This fum was due to James, as Elizabeth's fucceffor. The ftates would have paid the debt long fince, had they not found their account in remaining debtors to England, becauſe they thereby engaged that kingdom to fupport them. But after the twelve years truce was concluded, the face of affairs was altered. The itates no longer wanted the king's protection; and befides, he held in their provinces places which gave him opportunity to treat them with haughtiness, as he had done in the affair of Vorftius. It was therefore time for them to recover theſe places, fince they had not the fame intereſt now to leave them in the king's hands, when their dread of Spain was very much leffened by the truce. But the fum they were to pay was fo confiderable, that they waited a favourable opportunity Rushworth, to procure them fome abatement. This opportunity offering torn. i. p. 3. not till the prefent year 1616, they embraced it the more ea- gerly, as they were under an urgent neceffity to withdraw their towns from the English. The king treating of his fon's 40 marriage with the infanta, it was to be feared the reſtitution of theſe towns, to which the Spaniards laid claim, would be one of the articles of the marriage-treaty, eſpecially as a clauſe in the treaty of 1604, between England and Spain, gave them juft caufe to fear. On the other hand, the preſent juncture was favourable to them, becauſe the king's coffers were quite empty, and there was no likelihood of his ven- turing to call a parliament, by reafon of the people's difcon- "wifeft prince in Chriftendom, to "make privy counsellors fage at the age of twenty-one, which his maſter "the king of Spain could not do till "fixty." Sir E. Peyton, 42, tent, OF ENGLAND. 133 tent. All the difficulty therefore was to order it fo, that James I. the offer of reftoring the towns fhould come from the king 1616. himſelf, becauſe in that cafe the ftates might pretend inabi- lity to pay fo large a fum, and that would naturally lead to a negotiation for an abatement of the debt. So, to bring the king to this point, they ceafed for a time to pay the garri- fons of the places in poffeffion of the Engliſh, though till then they had punctually executed the treaty which obliged them to pay them. The garrifons complained, and the ſtates, without however refuſing payment, found ſeveral pretences to defer it. This daily conftrained the Engliſh forces, who were without money, to apply to the king, who was not in condition to fatisfy them. He complained to the ſtates, who anſwered with great moderation, infifting upon the ill-ſtate of their affairs by reaſon of their vaft expence during the war. In a word, this affair did not end, and the Engliſh garrifons ſtill remained without pay. At laft, Caron, the Dutch en- voy in England, intimated as of himſelf, to fome one of the minifters, that he believed, if the king would offer to reſtore the towns in his poffeffion, the ftates would do their utmoſt to diſcharge the whole debt, by borrowing money at a high intereft. This intimation produced the defired effect. The king having no money, and feeing a near proſpect of draw- ing from the ſtates a large fum, which the courtiers had al- ready devoured in their thoughts, readily determined to ſur- render the cautionary towns. Purſuant to this refolution, he writ to the ſtates, "That he knew them to be his good "friends and confederates, both in point of religion and po- "licy (q), therefore he apprehended not the leaſt fear of dif "ference between them: in contemplation whereof, if they "would have their towns again, he would willingly fur- "render them." Upon this letter, they fent penfionary Barnevelt to the king, who fo artfully managed the affair, that they were diſcharged for two millions feven hundred twenty-eight thoufand florins, in lieu of eight millions, Cabala. which they had promiſed to pay to Elizabeth, befides eighteen A. Puss years intereft. By this agreement the cautionary towns were P.783-78- delivered to the ftates the fourteenth of June, 1616 (r). (q) Though, as Coke obferves, the re. ligion of the Dutch was prefbytery, which the king hated, nor did ever imitate their policy. Coke's Detect. vol. I. p. 91. (r) Robert Sidney viſcount Lifle was governor of Uliſhing or Flushing, and Sir Horace Vere of the Briel. The com- miffion directed to them for the delive ry of thofe places bears date May 22. Rymer's Fœdera, tom. xvi. p. 784, &c. They and the reft of the English officers in thofe towns had 13,000l. dif- tributed amongst them in recompence for the lofs of their places. State of the Revenue, p. 7¹. 13 I They tom. xvi. 134 THE HISTORY to the king's James I. They who were not pleaſed with the court, greatly cen 1616. fured this treaty, which robbed the crown of England of the advantage of holding the United Provinces in a fort of ſub- Reflections jection (s). It was faid, that indeed Elizabeth was bound to difadvantage refign theſe places upon the payment of the fums fhe had ad- vanced; but there was no neceffity to reſtore them for much leſs that there was the leſs occafion to haften the reftitution, as the garriſons were not maintained by the crown; and if the ftates neglected to perform their agreement with the queen, the king fhould have made them fenfible they had not done it with impunity. Theſe things were not for the king's honour, and his proceedings on this occafion could at moſt but confirm to him the title of Pacific (t), which he affected above all others. But it was much worſe when it was feen, in a very ſhort ſpace, that the money paid by the ſtates was vaniſhed, without a poffibility to gueſs what was become of it. The king had paid none of his debts: the navy was fuffered to decay for want of money to repair it: and nothing had been fent to his army in Ireland, which had received no money for ſeveral years, and whofe wants had ferved for pretence to treat with the ſtates. The lord treaſurer is accufed of ment. Wilſon, P. 705. Annals, P. 22. Coke. Camden. Annal. At length it was diſcovered, that the lord treaſurer Suffolk had converted to his own uſe good part of the money receiv- miſmanage- ed for the cautionary towns. The favorite miffed not this opportunity to ruin a man, whom he could not confider as his friend, fince he was father-in-law to the earl of Somerſet. The lord treaſurer was therefore accufed in the Star-chamber of fundry miſdemeanors in the exerciſe of his office, and ef- pecially of having kept for himſelf great part of the money received of the Hollanders. Sir Edward Coke, who was re- ſtored to his place, or had another (u), was his accufer. He aggravated his miſdemeanors, his extortions, his miſmanage- ment of the king's treafures, his boldneſs to apply them to his own uſe, the corruptions of his countefs, who took bribes with both hands, the artifices of his deputy Bingley (w), to enfnare ſuch as had buſineſs with his mafter. After that, he cited many precedents of treaſurers, who in former reigns his place again. Wilfon, p. 705. Cam- (s) The cautionary towns being Flush- ing, Rammekins, and the Briel, were decmed the keys to the three famous rivers, the Scheld, the Rhine, and the Macfe. Coke, p. 89. (t) Rex pacificus. He took for his motto, BEATI PACIFICI. (u) The king was fo far reconciled to him, as to call him to the council- board in September 1617. He had not den's Annals. (w) Sir John Bingley was one of the tellers of the Exchequer. Sir Francis Bacon, in his fpeech upon this occafion, wittily obferves, that the counteſs of Suffolk kept the fhop, and Sir John Bingley, her officer, cry'd, What do you lack? Wilfon, p. 705. had OF ENGLAND 135 had been puniſhed for flighter crimes than thoſe of the earl of James I. Suffolk, and fhowed the dangerous confequences refulting 1616. from the ill adminiftration of the treaſurerfhip, when it was not managed by uncorrupt perfons. If the lord treaſurer had caſt himſelf upon the king's mercy, he would have been eafily acquitted: but he ftrove to juſtify himſelf, and not doing it to the fatisfaction of his judges, he was fined thirty thou- He is fined fand pounds, and condemned to impriſonment during the 30,000l. king's pleaſure; and Bingley was fined two thoufand pounds. Till the king ſhould make choice of a treaſurer, that office was executed by commiffioners, the firſt of whom was Sir Annals, Henry Montague, a dependant of the favorite. P. 22. The earl of Suffolk was not the only facrifice to Villiers's Other policy, who by degrees removed Somerfet's creatures. Sir changes at John Bennet, judge of the prerogative court, was turned out court, and fined twenty thousand pounds. Sir Henry Yelverton, the king's attorney, alſo loſt his place, as well as feveral others whom it is needleſs to mention. Secretary Winwood dying Wilfon. about this time (x), Sir Robert Naunton a proteftant, and Annal. Sir George Calvert a papiſt, were made ſecretaries. Camden. his preroga tive. The tranquillity enjoyed by the king might have been The king is deemed perfect, if the fear of his prerogative being attacked ever full of had not continually diſturbed his repoſe. In vain did he preach and advance his principles upon all occafions, he had the mif- fortune to be regarded by none but his courtiers and immedi- ate dependants. For this reafon he durft not call a parlia- ment, knowing the commons did not allow of his maxims. He ſeems to have thought it pure ignorance in the English, and that by a frequent repetition of the fovereign's preroga- tives, he fhould at length fucceed in convincing them of the truth of his principles. This he took occafion to do in June this year, in a folemn aſſembly held in the ſtar-chamber, on pretence of making known his defign to correct certain abuſes crept into the courts of juftice. He made a very long fpeech, full of divifions and fubdivifions, according to his cuftom, and took for his text theſe words of Pfalm lxxii. 1. Give thy judgments to the king, O God, and thy ❝righteouſneſs to the king's fon (y)." chamber. He begins with faying, "The literal ſenſe of theſe words The king's "runs upon David and Solomon, godly and wife, the myfti- fpeech in "cal upon God and Chrift, juft and righteous; and from the far- "this imitation all governments, efpecially monarchies, Annals, "have been eſtabliſhed. Kings fit in the throne of God, p. 33, (y) See the ſpeech at length in King Works. James's Works. p. 549. (x) He died October 27, 1617. Cam- den's Annals. I 14 K. James's P. 549. " and 136 THE HISTORY James I." and thence all judgment is derived, from the king to the 1616. "magiftrates, not privativé but comulativé. So by the "council of Jethro to Mofes, the judges were deputed for « eaſier queſtions, the more profound left to Moſes; and in this manner all Chriftian kings govern, whereby appears. "the near conjuction between God and the king upward, ❝and the king and the judges downward; the king to ſettle "the law of God, and his judges to interpret the law of the "king." Then he teaches the judges their duty in adminiftring ju- ftice; and after dwelling upon many common places, he pro- ceeds to the limits preſcribed them: "Incroach not upon the "prerogative; deal not in difficult queftions, before you con- "fult with the king and council, for fear of wounding the "king through the fides of a private perfon." Whereupon " he takes occafion to commend ſome of the judges for rebu- << king the popular humour of certain pleaders at the bar, "who meddled with fuch matters. "That which concerns (fays he) the myſtery of the king's power, is not lawful to "be difputed; for that is to wade into the weakneffes of "princes, and to take away the myftical reverence that be- "longs to thoſe who fit in the throne of God (z).” $6 •• After having run through and given his opinion concern- ing the feveral courts of judicature, he goes on, "It is the duty of judges to puniſh ſuch as ſeek to deprave the king's courts, and therefore it was an odious and inept ſpeech in "Weſtminſter-hall, to fay that a Præmunire lay againſt the ❝court of chancery. I mean not that the chancery ſhould ex- "ceed its limits, but the king only is to correct it, and none ❝elſe; and therefore I was greatly abuſed in that attempt : ❝and for that reafon commanded that no man hereafter pre- ❝ſume to fue a Præmunire againſt that court.” .. He ſpeaks afterwards of the Star-Chamber, and fays, "As "a ftar is a glorious creature, next in place to the angels; "fo this court is the moſt glorious of all courts, confifting of privy-counſellors, judges, peers of the realm, and biſhops; and conſequently the learning of both divine and human law, the experience and practice of government, are con- joined together in the proceedings of this court. He added, (z) He farther fays "The abfolute ❝ prerogative of the crown is no ſub- "ject for the tongue of a lawyer, nor "is lawful to be difputed. It is ❝ atheiſm and blafphemy to diſpute "what God can do: good Chriſtians content themſelves with his revealed (c "will. So it is prefumption and high " contempt in a ſubject to diſpute what a king can do, or fay that a king "cannot do this or that, but reſt in "that which is the king's revealed "will in his law. " King James's Works, p. 557. "I have OF ENGLAND. 137 I have laboured to gather articles, like an index expurga- James I. ❝torius of novelties crept into the law; look to Plowden's 1616. "cafes, and if you find it not there, away with it." 66 Then he addreffes himſelf to the auditory, and gives them advice with reſpect to the law-ſuits that were carrying on in the feveral courts. "He chiefly adviſes them in their pleas, not to preſume to meddle with things againſt the king's pre- ❝rogative or honour : if they do, the judges will puniſh them; "and in cafe the judges do not, he muſt puniſh both them "and the judges. "Plead not, continues he, upon new pu- "ritannical ſtrains, that make all things popular, but keep you within the antient limits of pleas. 66 "" In fpeaking of recufants, that is, thoſe who refuſed to be of the church of England, he fays, "There are three forts: "the firſt are they, who inforced by law come now and then "to church; theſe are formal to the law, but falſe to God (a). “The ſecond fort are they that have their confcience miſled, ❝and therefore refuſe to come to church, but otherwiſe live “as peaceable ſubjects (b). The third fort are practiſing re- ❝cufants, who force their fervants and tenants to be of their "opinion; theſe are men of pride and preſumption (c). He "adds, I can love the perfon of a papift fo born and bred, "but an apoftate papiſt I hate; ſuch deſerve ſevere puniſh- "ment (d). I confefs I am loth to hang a prieſt only for his "religion, and ſaying maſs; but if they refuſe the oath of "allegiance, I leave them to the law." He concludes his long ſpeech with exhorting the judges to countenance the clergy against the papiſts and puritans; ad- ding, God and the king will reward their zeal. this speech. It is eafy to obferve, as well in this as in the kings other Remark on ſpeeches in public, and on fundry other occafions, three prin- cipal defigns which he had ever in view. The firft was, to eſtabliſh the prerogative-royal according to his own princi- ples. The fecond, to intimate, that the papifts were not to be molefted, provided they lived peaceably, and took the oath of allegiance. The third was, to exprefs his hatred of the puritans, and to create the fame averfion for them in the peo- ple. But it would be a great miſtake, to aſcribe this hatred to their refuſing to allow of the ſurplice, the crofs in bap- tifm, kneeling at the communion. Theſe were not the (a) Thefe were the prefbyterians, of whom ſeveral made no fcruple to be prefent at the fervice of the church of England. Rapin. (b), Thefe were papifts, who were willing to fwear allegiance, Rapin. (c) Theſe were the zealous and fu- rious papifts. Rapin. (d) There could be but few of theſe in the kingdom. Rapin.-Rapin, by mif- take, fays, papifts in general. See King James's Works, p. 567. things 4 1 138 THE HISTORY James I. things that rendered them odious in his fight. He fancied 1616. their principles with reſpect to church-government, led them to be enemies to monarchy. For this reafon, all arguments againſt the extent of the royal prerogative, feemed to him to be founded on puritannical principles. Villiers is made earl of Bucking- ham. Howes. Account of the arch- biſhop of Spalato. Wilfon, P. 707. Howes. B, 1026. On the 27th of Auguſt the king created Sir George Vil- liers baron of Whaddon and viſcount Villiers (e), and on the Ift of January following, he was made earl of Buckingham. In the beginning of the year 1617, arrived in England Marco 1617. Antonio de Dominis (f), archbiſhop of Spalato in Dalmatio, who was come to profeſs the proteftant religion in the communion of the church of England. As he was a man advanced in years, and very corpulent, it was readily believed, no other motive but that of religion and conſcience could have induced him to undertake fo long a voyage, and quit his archbiſhopric. He preached and writ against the Romish religion, and at length was preferred to the maſterſhip of the Savoy, and the deanery of Windfor. After fome years ftay in England, he ſuffered himſelf to be gained by count Gondemar the Spaniſh ambaffador, with the hopes of a cardinal's cap, if he would go to Rome, and publicly abjure the proteftant reli- gion. This man, upon the brink of the grave, being ſeduced by Gondemar's promife, went to Rome, and abjured the re- ligion he had embraced in England; after which, inſtead of being a cardinal, he was thrown into a dungeon in the Inqui- fition, where he died, and notwithſtanding his abjuration, his body was publicly burnt (g). *The king is refolved to compel the Scots to conform to the church P. 25. Wilſon. Burnet. I have feveral times mentioned the king's averfion to the puritans, whoſe government, which came very near the re- publican, was directly contrary to the principles he was la- (e) Rapin,by miſtake, fays, that he was of England. created baron of Branfpach, or rather Spotifwood, Branfpeth, which was the title of Ro- P. 529, &c. bert Carr earl of Somerfet,--George Annals. Villiers was created Auguſt 27, 1616, lord Whaddon, the great lordship of Whaddon in Buckinghamshire (then in the crown by the attainder of the lord Grey of Wilton) being given him at the fame time. A little after he was created viſcount Villiers, and on the 5th of January 1617, earl of Bucking- ham. Camden's Ann.-Alfo July 9, Sir John Hollis was created baron of Houghton, and Sir John Roper lord Tenham, of Tenham in Kent. Howes, p. 1025.-This year Alderfgate in Lon- don was rebuilt. Ibid. (f) He came to London December 16, 1616. Howes, p. 1026. (g) He returned to Rome in 1622, and died in 1625. It is faid, that it was by his means, and the meaſures he had concerted with father Paul before he left Italy, that archbishop Abbot got that father's manuſcript hiftory of the council of Trent, tranſmitted in parcels into England. Bentivoglio ſpeaking of Padre Paolo, fays of him, that he is fuch another as Antonio de Dominis, who, when he was aſked by the inqui- fition, which was the beſt religion to bring a man to heaven, anſwered, that of the church of England, Samſ. Spec. Europ.-De Dominis was the first wha uſed the word Puritan to denote the Anti-arminians of the English church. Fuller, lib. x. p. 99. bouring OF ENGLA N D. 139 bouring to eſtabliſh. Ever fince his coming to England, he James I. had kept the puritans fo low, that it was not in their power 1617. to give him any difturbance. But the church of Scotland. was ftill prefbyterian, to his great mortification. Indeed epif- copacy was not entirely fuppreffed in that kingdom; but it was in ſuch a ſtate, that the biſhops had no manner of juriſ- diction. The ſeveral prefbyteries and the general-affembly of the clergy, had engroffed the whole ecclefiaftical authority, and left the bishops only an empty name without power. There were alſo many other points wherein the Scottiſh church differed from the Engliſh, fo that puritanifm triumphed in Scotland, at the time it was looked upon in England as a fort of rebelion. James had therefore refolved to put the church of Scotland upon the fame foot with that of England; but perceiving, that to compel the Scots all at once to a perfect conformity with the English church, would be too difficult an undertaking, he meant to lead them to it by degrees. Purſuant to that ſcheme, he had now fent to the general- affembly of the kirk certain articles, which he defired might be inferted in the canons of the church. The articles were: Spotifwoodg 1. For the future, the holy communion ſhould be received Annals.¸ kneeling. 2. The eucharift fhall not be denied to the fick, with three or four perfons to communicate with them. 3. Chriſtmas, Eafter, Afcenfion-day, and Whit-Sunday, fhould be kept as holy-days, and the preachers fhould make choice of texts fuitable to the occafion. 4. Confirmation ſhould be practifed after this manner: when the children were eight years old, the miniſters ſhould catechiſe them, and then the biſhops in their vifitations ſhould bleſs them with prayer for God's grace, and the gifts of the holy ghoft (h). As to this laft article, the king did not defire that confir- mation fhould be received in Scotland, as practifed in the church of England, becauſe he was not fully convinced of its uſefulneſs. But as confirmation was one of the epifcopal functions, he would that the biſhops fhould have fomething at leaſt to do in it. The king's defign being to compaſs his ends by degrees, he He meets had felected theſe articles as leaft liable to give offence to with oppo- the minifters, in order to leave them without excufe in cafe fition. Spotifwood, (h) There were five articles in all, the other, which is placed third, was the facrament of baptifm not to be deferred Jonger than the next Sunday; and in cafe of neceffity, to be administered in a private houſe, with public declara- tion of the fame, the Sunday after, in the church. they 140 THE HISTORY James I. they rejected them. The general affembly of the Scottiſh 1617. church perceiving the king's aim, declared, if the churches He takes a journey into Scotland. Annals, P. 27, 28. of England and Scotland differed only in thefe four articles,, they might be received for peace-fake; but as they were inno- vocations not capable of producing a perfect union, there was no neceffity of inferting them among the canons. The king, offended with this refufal, refolved to compel the Scots not only to receive theſe four articles, but alſo many more, which he had not thought fit to meddle with at firft, being perfuaded he had a right, by virtue of his royal authority, to impoſe upon his people of Scotland the religion which to him feemed the beſt. To that purpoſe, he refolved to go in per- fon to Scotland, under colour of vifiting his native country, where he had not been theſe fourteen years. Before his departure, he ordered a proclamation to be pub- liſhed in Scotland, wherein he faid, he was going to vifit his Spotifwood. old kingdom, "Not to alter the civil and ecclefiaftical ſtate, "but to reform certain abuſes in the church and common- "wealth." At the fame time, he fent beforehand ſome offi- cers of his houfhold, all Engliſh, with orders to adorn his chapel at Edinburgh in the fame manner as that at White- hall; and theſe men forgot not to carry with them ſome pic- tures and even ſtatues of the apoſtles (i). As foon as they be- gan to adorn the chapel, the people of Edinburgh exclaimed at the fight, faying, "Images were begun to be introduced, "and the mais would quickly follow. He treats the Scots with haugh- tineſs, May. Spotifwood, P. 530. Annals. The king being come to Berwick, prorogued the parlia- ment of Scotland (k) to open it himſelf, as he did indeed with a long ſpeech, according to cuftom. To conceal his real de- fign, he propoſed ſeveral things, among which he did not forget the article concerning religion, the only point he was ferioufly labouring. He contented himſelf at firft with re- quiring, that a certain number of commiffioners ſhould be ap- pointed to examine and fettle the affairs of religion. The parliament conſenting to his demand, the king ſtaid not for the parliament's nominating the commiffioners, but chofe them himſelf, and appointed the lord chancellor, the lord treaſurer, (i) They carried with them the por- traits of the apoftles to be fet in the pews or ftalls. The bishop of Gallo- way, dean of the chapel, obferving the offence this caufed, writ to the king, entreating him, "for the offence that "for the offence that was taken, to ftay the affixing of thofe portraits." His letter was fub- fcribed by the archbishop of St. Ad- drews, the bishops of Aberdeen and Bre- chyn,and feveral minifters of Edinburgh. To this the king returned an angry an- fwer; objecting ignorance unto them, that could not diftinguiſh betwixt pic- tures intended for ornament and deco- ration, and images erected for adora- tion. Spotifwood, p. 530. (k) from May 17, to June 13. Ibid. and OF ENGLAND. 141 and the clerk of the rolls, who were all three his creatures. James I. But as the parliament fcrupled to ftand to this nomination, he 1617. fell into a violent paffion, thinking it very ſtrange they ſhould pretend to name others, after he had made known his plea- fure. In fhort, as they durft not reſiſt him to his face, he obtained whatever he pleaſed. fed which Theſe commiffioners immediately fettled an article, after He gets an which there was nothing more to be examined. The article article paf- was, "That whatſoever his majeſty ſhould determine in the gives him "external government of the church, with the advice of the full power. "archbiſhops, biſhops, and a competent number of the mi- Spotifwood. "niftry, fhould have the ftrength of a law." The king himſelf had dictated this article, "Not (faid he) that I am "againſt the advice of the grave and learned minifters, but "to be over-ruled as in your former general aſſemblies, I "will never agree; the biſhops muſt rule the miniſters, and "the king govern both in matters not repugnant to God's "law." Thus the king plainly fhowed, that fince his ac- ceffion to England, he claimed in Scotland a greater authority than before. (1 article. Mean while, the minifters in and about Edinburgh, per- Proteftation ceiving that by the prevarication of the commiffioners, their against this church was going to be overthrown, fince the king was im- Spotifwoods powered to make what alterations he pleaſed, met together p. 531. to confult how to prevent it. They found no other remedy than a proteftation againſt the article paffed by the commif- fioners, and when they had drawn it, they committed it to one Hewet, to prefent it to the king. Hewet being come into his majeſty's anti-chamber, in order to execute his com- miffion, the archbiſhop of St. Andrew's civilly accoſted him, defiring to fee the proteftation, which the minifter readily fhowed him. As foon as he had it in his hands, he would have put it in his pocket, but Hewet ſeized the paper, which could not be done without making fome noife. Upon which the king coming out and hearing the occafion of the buſtle, fpoke fo roughly to the minifter, that the poor man, all in a fright, fell on his knees and begged pardon, proteſting never more to middle in the affair (1). But though the king had obtained what he wanted of the He fum- commiffioners, he found however he ſhould never attain his mons the ends without the confent of the minifters, eſpecially as their miniſters, (1) Spotifwood, archbishop of St. An- drews, fays that this proteftation was tumultuously formed, and that the next morning, the chief perfons by whom it and makes a harſh was fubfcribed, came and entreated him fpeech to to stop the preſenting thereof, which them. he fhowed he might easily do, by ta- Spotifwood. king it from Peter Hewet, P. 532. P. 533. pro- Annals. 142 THE HISTORY James I. proteftation was public, and many copies, which continually 1617. increaſed, were already difperfed. He addreffed therefore to the biſhops, an order to ſummon the miniſters to meet on the 10th of July, at St. Andrews, where he would come and ſpeak to them in perſon. The minifters obeying the fummons, the king called them all to witneſs his great care of the church of Scotland as well before as fince his acceffion to the crown; adding, he expected however no thanks for his zeal for the true worſhip of God, and for maintaining good order in the church. Then he told them, that before he departed for Scotland, he had fent them four articles to be inferted in their canons, which were rejected, and yet he was filent: that having lately defired, it might be declared, that by virtue of his prerogative, he had power to make ecclefiaftical laws, they mutinied and proteſted againſt him: however, he was very willing to paſs by all thefe, with many other affronts, Spotifwood. received at their hands. "But now, continued he, the er- ❝rand for which I have called you, is to know your rea- "fons, why this fame power ought not to be admitted? I Pozgi They de- mand an affembly- general, Spotifwood. Annals. 66 mean not to do any thing againſt reafon'; and on the other 66 part, my demands being juft and religious, you muſt not "think that I will be refuſed, or refifted." He spoke theſe laft words knitting his brows, and looking at them, fays the author of the Annals, with a majeftical and ftern eye, which made them all fall down on their knees. Then continuing his ſpeech, he ſaid, "It is a power innate, and a ſpecial pre- "rogative which we that are chriftian kings have, to order "and diſpoſe of external things in the policy of the church, "as we by advice of our bifhops fhall find moft fitting. And, Sirs, for your approving or difapproving, deceive not your- "felyes, I will never regard it, unleſs you bring me a reaſon " which I cannot anſwer." The minifters feeing how peremptory the king was, de- fired leave to confer among themſelves. Their requeſt being granted, they returned in a few hours, with a petition for a general affembly, that what his majeſty propoſed might be re- ceived with common conſent. "Ay, fays the king, but "what affurance have I of their confenting?" Whereupon fome of them faid, they faw no reafon to the contrary. "But, fays the king, if the general affembly be of another ❝mind, and your reafon now be none of theirs then, and the "articles are rejected, my difficulty will be the greater; for "when I fhall hereafter ufe my own authority in eſtabliſhing ❝ them, I ſhall be pulpited a tyrant and perfecutor; ye were "wont to do fo." Then all cried out, that none durft be OF ENGLAND. 143 fo mad. Yet experience tells (fays the king) that it hath James I. «been fo; therefore unleſs I be made fure, I will not give 1617. "way to an aſſembly.” He grants it It was, however, eafy to perceive, that without an affem- The king bly, the king could not poffibly compafs his ends. Though refufes it. he fhould have extorted the conſent of the minifters then pre- afterwards. fent, it would have been to no purpoſe, ſince they were not authorized. And if the king had caufed theſe articles to be paffed by an order flowing from his abfolute power, he ſhould have been firft fecure of the obedience of his fubjects, or at leaſt of a ſufficient power to compel them, both which were equally difficult, not to fay impracticable. So the king hav- Spotifwood, ing confidered the thing more maturely, agreed at length, that Annals, a general affembly ſhould be held at St. Andrews in Novem- ber. In this interval, Sympfon the minifter, who drew up and figned the proteftation, was committed to Edinburgh- caftle, and Catherwood, who carried letters to other mini- fters to encourage them to adhere to it, was baniſhed. After this the king returns to England. J with the wherein he The general affembly, held at St. Andrews in November, He is not reſolved to defer the reception of the four articles, till all the fatisfied churches of the kingdom were informed of the affair, and then affembly. feparated. The king was extremely incenfed, and looking Spotifwood. upon this delay as a contempt of his authority, ordered the p. 534, &c. payment of the minifters ftipends to be ftopped for a year (m). But finding this only exafperated people, and retarded his de- He grants fign, he gave leave at length that another general affembly another, fhould be held at Perth, on Auguft the 25th the next year. obtains his And there, by fair or foul means, he obtained the churches defire. confent to the four articles. But withal, he fowed in Scot- Ib. p. 537, land the feeds of thoſe troubles, which diſtracted the kingdom in the following reign, and deprived his fon and fucceffor both of crown and life. Thus, his zeal against the puritans caufed him to forfake the principles of equity and moderation, which he thought fo reaſonable in the cafe of the catholics. He would not force the confcience of theſe, provided they lived like good fubjects; but the prefbyterians were to fubmit, though ever fo unwilling, to what he ſhould think proper. What has been faid upon this fubject, is taken almoſt word for word out of the Annals, the author whereof cannot be fufpected of reprefented things to the king's diſadvantage. (m) And commanded the bishops of St. Andrews and Glafcow, in their own perfons to keep Christmas-day next, preaching upon texts proper for the time. Annals, p. 29. Spotifwood, p. 535, &c. The king's letters injoining this, are dated at New-Market, De- cember 6, and 11. Before &c. Annals. 144 THE HISTORY James I. Before he left Scotland, the king made the earl of Bucking- 1617. ham privy counſellor of that kingdom, as he had been fo for fome time in England. Bucking- ham is made fellor of Scotland. A petition prefented to the king recreations on Sundays. Wilfon. P. 709. Annals, P. 31. Whilft the king was returning to London, he received a privy coun- petition from fome fervants, labourers, mechanics, and other vulgar perfons, complaining, that they were debarred from dancing, playing, church-ales, in a word, from all recreations on Sundays after divine fervice. Whereupon it was fug- gefted to the king, that the puritans meant to perfuade the concerning people, fuch diverfions were contrary to the regard due to the Lord's-day. That theſe men went upon erroneous princi- ples, namely, that Chriftians were obliged to keep the day of reft with the fame ftrictnefs as the Jews, and therefore af- fected to call Sunday the fabbath. This was a fufficient in- Camd. Ann. ducement to the king to condemn this puritannical fcruple, The king and the rather, as he was not himſelf very ſcrupulous in that publiſhes the Book of point. A book therefore was publiſhed in his name, where- in he maintained by feveral arguments, that paſtimes on Sundays, after evening fervice, were allowable, and withal, commanded that none ſhould be hindered or diſcouraged from any lawful recreations. The book (n) made a great noife, neither was it exclaimed againſt by the prefbyterians alone (o). Many churchmen diſapproved of it, and particularly the lord- mayor of London, who, notwithſtanding the prohibition, commanded the king's own carriages to be ſtopped, as they He orders it were paffing through the city on a Sunday (p). But the king to be read in himself, regardleſs of theſe murmurs, and willing to fupport allchurches. what he had done, enjoined all minifters to read his book Sports. It makes a great noife. [ Wilfon, y.709. publicly in their churches; and thofe that refufed were fe- verely puniſhed by the high commiffion. Some pretend this order was a fnare to furprize certain minifters, who thought puritans, fcrupled not to be of the church of England, and preach their doctrines there (q). ་ (n) It was called the Book of Sports. No recufant was to have the benefit of this liberty. Collier, tom. ii. p. 712. (0) There were, feveral biſhops that declared their opinions againſt the Book of Sports. (p) The court was to remove next day to Theobalds. It put the king into a great rage, "Swearing he thought "there had been no more kings in "England but himſelf." Cooling a little, he fent a warrant to the lord- mayor, ordering him to let them pafs, which he obeyed with this anfwer, "While it was in my power I did my duty, but that being taken away, it is my duty to obey. The king upon fecond thoughts took this well, and thanked him for it Wilfon, p. 709.` (9) Archbishop Abbot being at Croy don the day it was ordered to be read in churches, flatly forbid it to be read there; which king James winked at, notwithſtanding the daily endeavours that were uſed to irritate the king a- gainft him. Welwood's notes on Wil- fon. Thefe OF ENGLAND. 145 ham rules Theſe were the moſt material affairs then in England. James I. The king, as I fail, never concerning himſelf in any foreign 1617. matters, left the government of the kingdom to the care of his minifters. The earl of Buckingham was the head ma- Bucking- nager. He ruled with an abfolute fway both in church and all. ftate, difpofing of all places and preferments. If we may Wilfon. believe certain authors, he beſtowed nothing without money Weldon, or a yearly penfion (r). As the king was always in want, the P. 129. favourite was obliged to find means to maintain, and even en- rich his numerous kindred, who flocked to court to partake of his greatneſs. Not to return to theſe matters, I fhall fay Ibid. p.135. here at once, that the favourite's elder brother was made vif- Dugdale. count Purbeck; his younger brother, earl of Angleſey; his mother, though a papift, was created countess of Bucking- hain, without her huſband enjoying the fame honour. In a word, all his female relations were married into the richeſt and moſt noble families of the kingdom. The favourite's The papifts mother being a papiſt, and ruling her fon, who was properly of no religion, with the fame eaſe as he himſelf governed the king, it was not very ftrange, the papifts conceived great hopes, and ſwarmed in the kingdom. The king gave himſelf little trouble about it. Provided a man took the oath of allegiance, and was not puritan, every thing elſe was indifferent to him. He was almoft wholly employed in his Annals, diverfions, and as he very frequently hunted, his admirers P. 31. pretended he took thoſe times to confider of the affairs of the government (s). fwarm in England. Sir Walter I fhall clofe the events of this year 1617, with the fad Account of cataſtrophe of Sir Walter Raleigh. He had been a priſoner Raleigh's twelve years (t), ever fince his condemnation, during which death. time, he had employed himſelf in compiling his hiftory of Wilfon. the world. At laft, he obtained his liberty, though with- P. 712: out the king's pardon (u). As his eftate was all forfeited, and P. 31. (r) Chancellor Bacon paid a penfion, attorney-general Heath paid a penfion, dean Bargrave paid a penfion, Fotherby biſhop of Sarum paid 3500l. with many others. Nor were fines or penfions certain; but where men were rich, there fines without reſervation of rent; where poor, there penfions, no fines. There were books of rates, penfions, and fines, on all offices, bishoprics, and deaneries in England. Weldon, P. 130. (s) Much of his moſt ſerious affairs (fays the author of the Annals) were VOL. VIII. Annals, Coke, ſhadowed from the vulgar, nay, from P. 93, &c. the obferving politician, by his public paſtimes, p. 31. (t) Prince Henry uſed to ſay, That no other king but his father would keep fuch a bird as Sir Walter Raleigh in a cage, i, e. the Tower. Coke, p. 66. (u) He was relcaſed in 1615. Some fay, that after the publication of his hiftory, he petitioned the king, whoſe love to learning induced him now at laft to grant Sir Walter his liberty, Annals, p. 31. K given 146 HISTORY THE James I. given to the earl of Somerfet, he was very much embarraſſed 1617. when he came out of prifon. The court, where he was entirely unknown, was like a ſtrange country to him. For this reaſon, he formed the project of ſeeking his fortune in diftant climates. He had formerly traverfed the feas of America, and knew all the coafts, particularly that of Guiana. Nay, it is faid, he fet up marks to direct him again to a certain place, where was a gold mine, and that Keymis his old attendant (w), brought him from thence a piece of ore, which made him think the mine very rich. However, as he knew not where to lay his head, he found means to acquaint the king, that he knew of a very rich mine in America, from whence he hoped to bring mountains of gold, if his majeſty would be pleaſed to grant him a private commiffion. The mine lying in a country belonging to the Spaniard, it could not be feized without breaking the peace with Spain. Never- theleſs, the king, tempted no doubt with the golden hopes inſpired by Raleigh, granted him a commiffion, directed to "Our beloved and faithful Walter Raleigh, Knight, &c.(x)" It was faid afterwards, the king granted the commiffion with this limitation, that he ſhould not injure the ſubjects of Spain. But how was it poffible to bring away gold from a mine be- longing to the Spaniards, without doing them damage? Act. Pub. xvi. p. 789. Auguſt 26. Annals, P. 21. Howes. However, Raleigh, by virtue of his commiffion, engaged ſeveral perſons in the project (y). He was fupplied with money to fit out twelve fail (z), and departed in Auguſt 1617 (a), in ſearch of the mine. At his arrival upon the coaft of Guiana, he found not the marks he had left there, neither could he know again the place he thought he had fo well obſerved. (w) Captain Keymis, mafter of arts of Baliol college, Oxford, had been his companion in the Guiana voyage, in the year 1595. Rapin by miſtake calls him his footman. (x) Dilecto & fideli. Coke, p. 94.– There is in Rymer's Fadera, a com- miffion for him, directed only to Sir Walter Raleigh, knight, without any other addition of beloved or faithful. In that commiffion he hath authority and licence to go into the fouth parts of America, or elſewhere, within "A- "merica, poffeffed and inhabited by heathen and favage people, to the "ende to difcover and finde out fome "commodities and merchandizes in "those countries that be neceffary and profitable for the fubjects of (6 "theis kingdomes and dominions, "whereof the inhabitants there make "little or no ufe or eſtimation; where- upon alfoe may enfue fome propa- "gation of the chriſtian faithe, and "reformed religion, &c. "> But not a word of the Spaniards. In this com- miffion, Sir Walter is ſaid to ſtand in the peril of the lawe. See tom. xvi. P. 798. (y) As Sir John Pennington, Sir Warham St. Leger, Sir John Fern, captain Parker, captain North, captain Chudleigh of Devonshire, major Pigot, captain Thornhurft. Wilfon, p. 712. (z)Two of his fhips deferted before he he reached Guiana. Ibid. (a) Camden fays, he departed from London, March 28, 1617. Ann. He OF ENGLAND. 147 1617. Wil fon. He detached however his fon, and captain Keymis, with five James I. ſhips (b), to fail up the river Oronoque as high as poffible, in order to diſcover the mountain where the fuppofed mine lay. The mountain not appearing, the Engliſh landed, and put- ting the Spaniards to flight who oppoſed their defcent, purſued them to the town of St. Thomas, which they took and plundered. Sir Walter's Raleigh's fon was killed in the affault. Then leaving a garrifon in the place, they advanced farther into the country, without being able to find the ſo much de- fired mine. At laft, weary with fearching, they returned to Sir Walter, who finding himſelf difappointed of his hopes, threatened Keymis with the king's indignation, and fome days after, Keymis was found dead in his cabin (c). The failors, vexed at this ill fuccefs, loudly complained of their being drawn into a chimerical project, and compelled Sir Walter to fail back for England. When they arrived at Kingfale in Ireland, he would have perfuaded them to go with him into France; but instead of liſtening to his propofal, they carried Act. Pub. him againſt his will to Plymouth, where he was arreſted by the king's orders, and conveyed to the Tower of London. xvii. p. 92% During his abfence, Don Diego de Sarmiento, count of Gondemar, the Spaniſh ambaſſador in England, making great Wilfon. complaints about Sir Walter's commiffion, which was become public (d), the king found no better way to appeaſe him, than by disowning it, or at leaſt by affuring, that Raleigh had ex- preſs orders not to act againſt the Spaniards (e). Raleigh re- turning without gold, his caufe was fo much the worſe. Befides, the ambaffador openly infifted upon his being pu- niſhed, and told the king, there was no other way to con- tinue the treaty of the prince of Wales's marriage with the (b) And five companies of foot, com- manded by his fon, and the captains in the note above. Sir Walter himſelf was fick, and ſo weak, as to be carried in a chair. Wilſon, p. 712. (c) He firft fhot himſelf, but that not doing his buſineſs, he thruft a knife. into his body, up to the haft, and ex- pired. Wilfon, p. 713. (d) Sir Walter gave king James a plan of his defign, together with the num- ber of his men, burden of his fhips, the country and river he was to enter, &c. which the king promiſed to keep fecret; but it was fent by Gondemar to Spain, and thence to the Indies, be- fore Raleigh went out of the Thames; aud that very original paper was found in the Spanish governor's clofet at St. Thomas's. State-Trials, vol. i. p. 219. Welwood, p. 23. (e) So it is faid in the warrant for ap- prehending Sir Walter, "We did, fays "the king, by exprefs limitation and "caution reftrayne and forbid them, "from attemptinge any acte of hof- "tility, wronge, or violence whatfo- "ever upon any of the territories, ftates, or fubjectes of any forrayne "princes with whome we are in amity, and more peculiarly of thofe of our "deare brother the king of Spayne, "in refpect of his domynions and in- "tereftes in that continent, &c." Ry "mer's Fœd. tom. xvii. P. 92. K 2 infanta. 148 THE HISTORY A&t. Pub. xvi. p. 791. James I. infanta. Wherefore the king refolved at length to facrifice 1617. Raleigh to the Spaniard. But as he could not be tried upon his late expedition, for which he had a commiffion in form, October 28. it was determined he ſhould loſe his head, by virtue of the ſentence paffed upon him fourteen years before. In vain did Welwood. he plead that his commiffion, wherein the king ftiled him. faithful fervant, and gave him power of life and death over thoſe who were under his command, was equivalent to a pardon. The judges told him, "That treafon could not be pardoned but by exprefs words." So, without being called to an account for his late expedition, it was ordered that the former ſentence ſhould be executed (f). Ofborn, Sect. 7. Burnet, P. 16. 46 Thus died Sir Walter Raleigh, in the ſeventy-ſeventh year of his age. He was a man that deſerved a better fate, and had a large ſhare of merit. He had alſo ſome faults, which Rushworth, are leffened or aggravated, in order to render his execution tom, i. p. 9、 more or lefs odious, according as the hiſtorians are for or 1618. againſt king James. Moft certain it is, he fell a facrifice to the mortal hatred conceived by the Spaniards againſt him in queen Elizabeth's time, and to the king's unhappy defire to accompliſh the prince his fon's marriage with the infanta of Spain (g). Since James had been on the throne, the Engliſh had lived The people in peace with all their neighbours, without being diſturbed by complain of any war. The king and his minifters pretended, this was the chief point of government, and that nothing more and the ad- plainly diſcovered the capacity of thoſe that ruled, than to miniftration caufe the fubjects to live in peace. Mean while, the the king Addrefs to people were not fatisfied. Many affirmed, this maxim was falle when carried too far, and that war often happens to be no lefs neceffary than peace, for the welfare of a nation. Coke, p.98. It was diſliked, that the king fhould let the Hollanders fiſh upon the Engliſh coaft, without afking leave of him, or the governor of Scarborough, as was cuftomary, before they had recovered their cautionary towns. It was thought no leſs ſtrange that they fhould be fuffered to come upon the coaſt with a fleet to fupport their fifhermen, as if they meant to the free- men, Pref. (f) He was not beheaded till October 29, 1618. Rapin.-It was done in the Old Palace-yard at Westminster. Wil- fon, p. 714. (g) Weldon obferves, That he was executed without all precedent, with- out any just caufe, and even against king James's will; who in many things was over-awed by his timorous difpo- fition. But the Spanish faction, and Spanish gold betrayed his life, as they had done the kingdom before; and it was one of Gondemar's greatest mafter- pieces to purchaſe Raleigh's head; yet, had not the carl of Bristol, who, was. poffeffed of Sherborn-caft.e, formerly Sir Walter's, co-operated, the king would never have confented, p. 28, 29. -This year, on May 7, died the learned Jacobus Auguftus Thuanus, cal- ed otherwife Le Prefident de Thou, Camden's Ana, bully OF 149 ENGLAN D. Coke, p. 97. 1618. bully the king, and ſhow they would fiſh on his coaft in fpite James I. of him; and it was openly faid, to preferve peace by bear- 1618. ing ſuch affronts, was no great fign of ability. It was alfo complained, that the king deferted the caufe of the proteftant The people complain religion, at a time when France, the emperor, the king of alfo of the Spain, and the pope, were ufing their utmoft endeavours to favorite. deftroy it, and had but too much hopes of fucceeding, fince Wilfon. the defender of the faith remained unconcerned. The king's Act. Pub. extreme jealouſy with refpect to his prerogative, was another xvii. p. 124. and great occafion of diſcontent. It did not appear wherein January 1. this prerogative had been infringed; but it was thought very manifeſt, he intended to ſtretch it farther than any of his predeceffors. It was confidered, he had imprifoned ſeveral members of parliament, folely for infiſting in the houſe upon the people's grievances; had granted divers monopolies; and raifed money upon the fubject without confent of parliament: That his fpeeches to the houſes, to the judges, and in the ſtar-chamber, tended only to exalt the regal authority, and make it, as it were, equal to God's; from whence it was in- ferred, that he defigned to deftroy the conftitution. People could not behold, without indignation, a young man of twenty-five imperiously governing the whole kingdom, dif- pofing of all preferments in favour of his relations and friends, inveſted with the office of lord high-admiral, though he had never been at ſea, except from Dover to Calais; and laftly, honoured with the title of marquifs of Buckingham, without having ever done the ſtate any ſervice during the two years he had been at court. Theſe two dignities were lately beſtowed on the favourite, the firſt, by the earl of Nottingham's refig- nation, who had amaffed great fums, and got a penſion for the refidue of his life. But there was ftill farther complaints. It was faid, the court gave a very ill example to the whole kingdom: Nothing was heard there but blafphemy and oaths, and the king himſelf was not free from that vice: that one of the two ſecretaries of ftate was a papiſt, as well as the fa- vorite's mother; that though it was not known what re- ligion her fon was of, his debaucheries were public, and gave univerfal offence; the number of papifts daily increaſed; the prince's marriage with a papiſt, daughter to the mortal enemy of the proteftant religion, fhowed how little the king regard ed the concerns of religion; that if any one repreſented to the king or the minifters, the inconveniencies arifing from fuch a marriage, he was filenced by being told, it was an at- tempt upon the prerogative royal, and that every man, who K 3 with 150 HISTORY THE James I. without a call, pried into the fecrets of the government, was 1618. guilty of Rebellion. not fatisfied with the people. Coke. But on the other hand, the king was no lefs offended with The king is this boldness in cenfuring his conduct, as if a king was to be guided by the caprice of his fubjects. What most troubled him was, that the puritans were not the only perſons who dared to complain of the government, but that even the greateſt friends to the ecclefiaftical hierarchy could not bear an arbitrary power in the ftate. The parliament itſelf had plainly ſhowed him, how far they were from fubmitting to any laws but thoſe which had been hitherto in uſe. Thus the king and the people were equally diffatisfied. It is true, the king feemed to have a great advantage, as there not being a parliament, no man had a right openly to arraign his conduct; but then, money did not flow into the exche- quer fo plentifully as under the kings his predeceffors, who knew how to manage the parliament. He choſe however to be without any, or to procure it by ſuch means as increaſed the peoples diſcontent, rather than run the hazard of ſeeing the parliament queftion his prerogative, of which he was Rushworth, ftrangely jealous. He comforted himſelf with the hopes of t. i. p.8. fpeedily concluding his fon's marriage, by which he was to receive a dowry of two millions. It is certain the court of Spain had offered that fum; but I have not been able to diſco- ver what fort of money was meant. I imagine, the Spaniard left that undetermined, to have an opportunity of prolonging the negotiation as much as he pleaſed, and of breaking it off at laft when he thought proper. tiation of the mar riage. The Spa- When the king of Spain's proceedings with refpect to the niard's aim marriage are confidered, it muſt be thought, that he did not in the ncgo- intend to conclude it, either at the time the negotiation was begun, or long after (h). At firſt, his fole aim was to amuſe king James, and hinder him from interpofing in the affair of Cleves. The emperor had a mind either to keep that duchy for himſelf, or to give it to fome prince of his family, under colour of holding it in fequeftration till the difpute was de- cided. But the ſtates of the United Provinces avoiding this fnare, feized part of the country in queftion, proteſting to re- ftore it to the perſon to whom it ſhould be adjudged. Befides, they openly protected the elector of Brandenburgh, who was one of the chief claimants, and a proteftant; as on the con- trary, the houſe of Auſtria favoured the duke of Newburgh, ) Camden fays, that the Spaniard's aim in this negotiation was to disjoin and feperate England from the United Provinces, that he might the more eafily reduce them to obedience. An- nals. who OF ENGLAND. 1517 who was turned catholic. On this pretence, prince Maurice James I. on the one fide, and Spinola on the other, endeavoured to 1618. become mafters of the country, and fo a kind of religious war enfued, wherein England not interpofing was of great confequence to the houſe of Auftria. For thus it was, that James was allured by the Spaniard with the hopes of the marriage and dowry of two millions. prince of.. with the Pretences were not wanting to prolong the negotiation. Convention The union of a catholic princefs with a proteftant prince, for the required that care fhould be taken to fecure to the infanta the Wales's liberty of profeffing her religion, in a manner becoming the marriage princefs of Spain. This was the only article infifted upon at infanta. firft, the two courts being of opinion, that before this was fet- Rushworth. tled, it was in vain to treat of the reft. As it was the Spaniard's tom. i. intereſt to lengthen the negotiation, fo it was neceffary to fa- Annals. tisfy king James of his fincerity, to keep him ftill at a bay. To that purpoſe, after a two years debate, fearing at laſt that James would be difcouraged, he agreed with Digby and Cot- tington the Engliſh ambaffadors upon five articles, the firft whereof facilitated the continuance or even the entire inter- ruption of the treaty, when it ſhould be no longer his intereft to diffemble. The articles were theſe : 1. That the pope's difpenfation be firſt obtained by the Rushworth. mere act of the king of Spain. t. i. p. 4. 2. That the children of this marriage be not constrained Edit. 1721. Annals, in matter of religion, nor their title prejudiced in cafe they p. 36. prove catholics. 3. That the infanta's family, being ftrangers, may be catholics, and fhall have a decent place appointed for all di- vine fervice, according to the ufe of the church of Rome; and the ecclefiaftics and religious perfons may wear their pro- per habits. 4. That the marriage fhall be celebrated in Spain by a pro- curator, according to the inftructions of the council of Trent; and after the infanta's arrival in England, fuch a fo- lemnization ſhall be uſed, as may make the marriage valid, according to the laws of that kingdom. 5. That ſhe ſhall have a competent number of chaplains, and a confeffor, being ſtrangers, one whereof fhall have power to govern the family in religious matters. articles. Theſe articles being tranfmitted to England, the king in The king allowing and figning them, thus expreffed himſelf: "See- figns theſe ❝ing this marriage is to be with a lady of different religion ❝from us, it becometh us to be tender, as on the one part, ❝ to give them all fatisfaction convenient, fo on the other, K 4 66 to 152 THE HISTORY James I. " to admit nothing that may blemiſh our conſcience, or de 1618. "tract from the religion here eſtabliſhed." I confeſs I do not ſee how this maxim agreed with the fecond article. For the firſt, he fuppofed as previous, the pope's difpenfation, which was expected ſeveral years, and at laſt came clogged with additions and limitations, which I fhall have occafion to fpeak of hereafter. King Phi- lip's reafons Hitherto the Spaniard in prolonging the negotiation had for fpinning only the fucceffion of Cleves in view. But this year the at the ne- affairs of Germany and Bohemia began to give occafion to gotiation. fear, a religious war would be kindled in thoſe countries. This was a freſh reaſon for the Spaniard's amuſing king James, left he ſhould fide with the proteftants, and fend them a powerful aid. For the better underſtanding of the fequel, it will be abſolutely neceffary to know in what fituation the af- fairs of Germany and Bohemia then were. Affairs of Rushworth. tom.i. p.4, &c. Annals, p. 38. As for Germany, it fuffices to fay, that for fome time there Germany had been great jealoufies and mutual fufpicions between the catholics and the proteftants, Thefe complained, that they could not have juſtice either from the emperor or the imperial chamber, The catholics complained in their turn, that thẹ proteſtants were continually endeavouring to extend their privileges beyond what the laws of the empire allowed: that after pretending to be fatisfied with a bare toleration, they had afpired to an equality, and not content with that, had plotted to baniſh the catholic religion out of all Germany, On this pretence it was that the catholics had entered into a confederacy, which occafioned the like among the proteftants. The proteftants being affembled at Hailbrun, the emperor Matthias wrote to exhort them to diffolve their league, But they thought not proper to ſubmit to his exhortations, by reafon their league was only defenfive, and the catholics did not offer to break their confederacy. This was a motive for the Spaniard to amufe king James, and hinder him from uniting with the proteftants of Germany. But the troubles. this year in Bohemia, furniſhed him with a motive of much greater confequence, which muſt be explained as briefly aş poffible, becauſe that affair continually influences all the reft of this reign. } >> Affairs of In Bohemia were two religions eſtabliſhed by law, the one Bohemia. was called fub una, and the other fub utraque. Apology of the ftates The former was profeffed by the catholics, who communi- of Bohemia, cated in one kind only, the latter by the Huffites, who received Hift. of the the euchariſt in both kinds, and fince the reformation were Reb.of Boh. become true proteftants. I have spoken elſewhere of the re- ligious OF ENGLAND. 153 ligious wars which afflicted that kingdom under the emperor James I. Sigifmund. It fuffices therefore to add here, that Sigifmund 1618. was forced, in order to be owned for king of Bohemia, to grant the Huffites an edict, whereby among other privileges, it was decreed there ſhould be no magiftrate or inhabitant in Prague but what was of their religion. This edict, granted in the year 1435, was obſerved till 1570, when by order of Maximilian II. a catholic was made citizen of Prague. Ano- ther of that religion obtained the fame favour in 1599, and withal a place in the magiftracy. From that time, Sigif- mund's edict was frequently violated, and at laſt the jefuits were admitted into Prague, and built there a ſtately college. Thus, by degrees, the number of the catholics was confide- rably increaſed in the city, by means of the governors and the emperor's other officers, who were all of the fame religion. The more they increaſed, the higher they carried their pre- tenfions, and at laft, if we may believe the Apology publiſhed afterwards by the Bohemians, the edict of Sigifmund was con- tinually tranfgreffed. However, in the reign of Rodolphus II. the proteftants, by the interceffion of prince Matthias, ob- tained of the emperor a fecond edict, which under colour of confirming their privileges, put them upon a fort of equality with the catholics, though they had enjoyed the fuperiority for one hundred and fifty years. Nevertheless, this equality was as much as they could expect, confidering the prefent juncture of time. But, though it was far fhort of their an- tient privileges, the emperor's officers in Bohemia thinking fuch an edict prejudicial to the catholic religion, refufed to publiſh it, affirming, it was extorted from the emperor whilſt at war with the Turks. Very likely they were privately countenanced by the court of Vienna. Wilfon. Rodolphus II. dying in 1614 (i), his brother Matthias fuc- Rebel. of ceeded him both in the kingdom of Bohemia and the imperial Bohemia. dignity. Under the new king the privileges of the proteſtants Coke. were violated much more openly, and with greater haughti- Rushworth, neſs than under the laft, if any credit is to be given to their t. I. p. 6. Apology. But this was not all, Matthias having adopted his nephew (k). Ferdinand of Auftria, had a mind alfo to fecure. him the crown of Bohemia. The execution of this project would doubtleſs have been very difficult, had not the emperor ufed artifice. Silefia, Moravia, Upper and Lower Lufatia, being annexed to Bohemia, had a right to fend deputies to (i) in 1612. fon to Charles, younger brother to his (k) He was his coufin only, being father Maximilian I. the 154 THE HISTORY Annals. P. 41 Ferdinand heir to Matthias. James I. the affembly of the ftates of that kingdom. But as thefe 1618. countries were proteftant, their deputies very probably would join with thofe of Bohemia of the fame religion, and fruftrate the emperor's defign. Wherefore he convened the ſtates of Bohemia without fummoning the others. The proteftants complained of the innovation, and not to authorize it, refuſed of Auftria for the moſt part to fend deputies to the ſtates. This was is declared what the emperor forefaw and wifhed; for the catholic de- puties being the majority, Ferdinand was declared Matthias's Rushworth, prefumptive fucceffor, and fhortly after crowned at Prague; T. I. p. 6. after which he refided at Gratz. The defenders, for fo were called a certain number of eminent perfons, chofen and ap- pointed by the ſtates to fee the edicts put in execution, per- ceiving the defigns of the imperial court, fummoned the ftates purſuant to their power, and forgot not to call the in- The Bohe- corporated provinces. This affembly only drew a petition to mian ftates be prefented to the emperor, wherein the ftates demanded prefent a pe- the execution of the laws of the kingdom, and a juft repa- ration for the injuries done them. Mean while, as they could come to no refolution before the emperor's anſwer was received, they adjourned to the Monday after Rogation-week in the year 1618. tition to the emperor. Idem. p. 7. The emperor, inftead of being inclined to fend a favourable anſwer to the ftates petition, ordered his lieutenant in Bo- hemia to hinder the next feffion of the affembly, called with- out his licence. But the lieutenant was not ftrong enough to They throw execute the order. His oppofition ferving only to exasperate three of his the ftates who were affembled on the day appointed in the of a win- college of Charles IV. they went in a body to the chancery, and feizing the emperor's officers pitched upon three and threw them out of the caftle-window (1). After that, they drove the jeſuits out of Prague. officers out dow. They refolve to take up arms. Things being come to this extremity, the ſtates publiſhed an Apology to inform the public why they had puniſhed theſe officers. But as they believed the emperor would not hear Rushworth, their reafons, they figned a confederacy, promifing mutual E. I. F. 7. affiſtance againſt all oppofers. In the mean time, hearing Wilfon. the emperor was making preparations to attack them, they chofe four and twenty protectors, impowering them to raiſe forces, and lay upon the kingdom and the incorporated countries what taxes they fhould judge neceffary. Thus, a war being unavoidable, each took fuch meaſures as he deemed requifite to attack or defend. (1) Slabata the chief juftice, $mefantius one of the council, and Fabritius the fecretary. Wilfon, p. 720. At A 44 OF ENGLAND. 155 At the time the Bohemian ftates were taking theſe refolu-James I. tions, the cardinal infant was preparing an army in the Low- 1618. countries to affift the emperor. Whilft the army was levy- vied in the made the emperor's Spanish Annals of ing, he fent Charles de Bucquoy, count de Longueval to the Army le- emperor, who made him general of the army defigned against Low-coun- Bohemia. The ſtates choſe for their generals count Erneft of tries for the Mansfeldt and the count de la Tour. This war was of fo emperor. Hift. of the great moment to the houſe of Auftria, that it is not very Rebel. of ftrange the Spaniards ſhould ſtill continue to amufe king James Bohemia. with the hopes of feeing the projected marriage ſpeedily con- Bucquoy is cluded. Very likely the war would at laſt become a religious ce war, and in that cafe, England could very much ftrengthen general. the proteftant party. Afterwards, the king of Spain had ſtill James is a- farther motives to continue this management. But the won- mufed bythe der is, though James had very ftrong reaſons to ſuſpect the court. Spaniard of artifice, he ftill obftinately relied on his fincerity. Wilfon. "It ſeemeth unto us here in England," (fays one of his mi- Rushworth, niſters in a letter to Cottington) "That Conde Gondemar t. I. p. 9. "hath gone but very flowly in his journey and divers (fee- James I. "ing how long time he hath ſpent in the way) do make p. 39. "conjecture, that it proceedeth from the fmall affection that "he judgeth to be there, towards the effecting of the main "bufinefs-But if the Spaniards act unfincerely, I fhall judge "them the moft unworthy and perfidious people of the "world, and the more, for that his majeſty hath given them "fo many teftimonies of his fincere intentions towards them, "which he daily continueth, as now of late, by the caufing "Sir Walter Rawleigh to be put to death, chiefly for the giving them fatisfaction, when by preferving him, he "might have given great fatisfaction to his ſubjects, and had "at command upon all occafions as uſeful a man as ſerved "any prince in Chriftendom (m)". 'Tis certain however the king was amuſed by the Spaniſh court. Count Gondemar undertaking to carry into Spain the articles figned by the king, was ſo very long on the road, that it was evident he fought only to delay the time. Notwithſtanding this, king James continued wilfully to fhut his eyes, which will appear ftill plainer in the fequel. r Though the people of England were not informed of the contents of the articles agreed upon by the two courts, they (m) The author of the Annals infi- nuates, that this letter might be an invention ef Rushworth's, but gives no reafon for it. Rapin. His words are, "the reader is to take notice that this "letter, as to its value and reputation, "muſt folely rest upon Rushworth's "credit." p. 40. knew 156 THE HISTORY James I. knew however the marriage was going to be concluded, and 1618. thought it could not but be prejudicial to religion. This oc- The pro- teltants of England murmur, cafioned many complaints and murmurs amongſt the prote- ſtants (n), whilſt the catholics triumphed, knowing the king of Spain would not give his daughter to prince Charles, with- out procuring them great advantages. At the worft, they and the ca- were fure of having in that princeſs a powerful protectrefs, who would never forfake the interefts of her religion. We umph. Rushworth, ſhall ſee in the following years how artfully the Spaniard pro- longed the negotiation, till he had drawn from it all poffible advantages, as well for the houſe of Auſtria as for the catho- lic religion. tholics tri- t. I. p. 4. &c. Annals, P. 37. 1619. The earl of Northum- berland is releaſed. Wilfon. Williams is made privy-coun- cellor. Weldon. The queen's death. Howes. Weldon. p. 129. The king's illness. In the beginning of the year 1619, the earl of Northum- berland, who had been in the Tower ever fince the Gunpow- der plot, obtained his liberty at laft, by means of the lord Hay his fon-in-law, lately made viſcount Doncaſter (0). About the fame time, doctor Williams dean of Weſtmin- fter was made privy-counſellor, and ſhortly after biſhop of Lincoln (p). I purpoſely, mention this prelate's promotion, becauſe he will often occur in the hiftory of this as well as of the next reign. In March this year (q) the king loft his queen, in the for- ty-fixth year of her age. Shortly after he was himſelf feized with a great illneſs, which brought him, as I may ſay, to the brink of the grave. It would have been well for his repu- tation, had he died at this time, fince the reſt of his reign, (n) They would have bought off this match at the dearest rate; and, as far as they durft, oppofed it by ſpeeches, counfels, wiſhes, prayers, &c. Rush- worth, tom. i. p. 4. (0) James lord Hay it ſeems had marri ed, on Nov. 6, 1617, Lucy the duke's youngeſt daughter without his confent, and he was fo much diſpleaſed with the match, that he could hardly be brought to accept of his liberty from the hands of his fon-in-law. The fine of 30,000l. which he had been condemned to, was compounded at 11,000. State of the Revenue, p. 11. His daughter was the fame lady, who under the title of countess of Carlisle, made the most thining figure in the court of Charles I. as a beauty, wit, and politician. The old duke, when he came out of the Tower, hearing that Buckingham was drawn about with fix horfes in his fpach (being the firft that was fo) put on eight to his, and in that manner was drawn through the city in his way to the Bath. Wilfon, p. 720. (p) Doctor Williams was not made dean of Westminster till July the 12th, 1620. Nor bishop of Lincoln till July 1621. Philips, p. 57, 68, 76. He was reported to be married toBuck- ingham's mother. Weldon, p. 138. (q)Rushworth places the queen's death on the 17th of November 1619. Rapin. Camden fays, fhe died March the Ift, 1619, of a dropfy, in the night. Annals. Howes, p. 1031. The cha racter of this queen is variouſly drawn. Some reprefent her as a vicious, lewd, and luxurious woman; but this, upon the beſt enquiry, feems to be only ca- lumny. Wilfon more juftly affirms, that the was a good woman, and may have engraven upon her monument, a See Sir E. Pey- character of virtue. ton, p. 27, 28. Wilfon, p. 719. &c. ! I 1 ! which OF ENGLAN D. 157 which lafted fix years longer, was not much to his honour. James I. In this space he more plainly diſcovered his fettled defign to 1619. ſtretch the prerogative-royal as high as poffible. Befide, he gave very convincing proofs, that though he defended the proteftant religion by his writings, he had not its intereſt much at heart. In fine, his eager defire to conclude the Spaniſh match diſplayed all his weakneſs, and the affair of Bohemia, in which he could not but be concerned, fully fatis- fied the world of his flender capacity. affairs of of Bohemia. king of refuſe to own him. The emperor Matthias dying the 20th of March 1619, Continua- Ferdinand his coufin and adopted fon, was proclaimed king tion of the of Bohemia, as well in confequence of his election, as in Bohemia. virtue of his pretended hereditary right to that crown. Mean Hiftory of while, as his chief aim was to obtain the imperial dignity, the rebe and as he ftood in need for that purpofe of the proteftant Matthias electors, he feigned a willingneſs to end amicably the war dies and now begun in Bohemia, by giving the ftates a reaſonable fa- Ferdinand is tisfaction with refpect to their privileges. But the ftates proclaimed thought not fit to truſt to his promiſes. In the mean time, he Bohemia. endeavoured to gain the electors, and make alliances with the The ſtates catholic princes of Germany. James, who gloried in being ftiled the pacific king, thought himſelf obliged as fuch, to try James in- to appeaſe by his mediation the troubles of Bohemia. To terpofes to that end, he choſe the viſcount Doncaſter to go and endeavour up to procure a peace between Ferdinand and the Bohemian Rushworth, ftates. There was not a prince in Europe fo improper as he t. I. p. 11, for a mediation of this nature, confidering his principles with Annals, refpect to monarchy. This embafly was very expenfive, the P. 41. ambaffador, who was a fort of favourite, and extremely pro- Wilfon, fuſe, having been very laviſh of his maſter's money. Mean P. 720. while, I know not whether he could obtain fo much as a fingle audience of Ferdinand, who ftill removed as the am- baffador approached. Thus much is certain, the embaſſy was entirely fruitless, and ferved only to fhow the little account Ferdinand made of the king of England's media- tion. make matters. &c. The time appointed for the election of an emperor ap- Ferdinand proaching, the elector of Mentz fummoned the reſt of the is invited to electors, and particularly Ferdinand as king of Bohemia. the diet as king of The ſtates of that kingdom proteſted againſt the ſummons, Bohemia, faying, Ferdinand could not be received as elector in quality and eleor, of the king of Bohemia, fince he was not in poffeffion of that kingdom. But their oppofition was ineffectual. Fer- dinand was not only acknowledged for king of Bohemia and elector, 158 THE HISTORY The ſtates oppoſe it. Ferdinand elected. 18 James I. elector, but was alſo chofen emperor the of Auguſt 1619(r). 1619. Then the ftates of Bohemia, feeing they had not been able to hinder Ferdinand from being emperor, took an oath never to own him for their fovereign, and at the fame time, namely, on the 5th of September (s), chofe for their king, Frederic elector Palatine, and fent deputies to acquaint him with his Rushworth, election and pray him to repair ot Prague (t). Frederic did not t. I. p. 11. want much follicitation to accept of a crown offered him The Bohe- by thoſe who in his opinion had a right to diſpoſe of it. He mian ſtates fent however baron d'Aulné (u) to the king his father-in-law for his advice, but it was a mere compliment. As he knew him to be a prince not very ready to engage in great under- He accepts takings, he did not ſtay for his anfwer, but affembling fome troops, came to Prague, where he was crowned the 4th of November. Wilfon. chufe the elector Palatine. of the crown. Wilfon. James thinks the elector ought to refuſe it. The arch- 66 Before Frederic's envoy reached England, James hearing the news of his fon-in-law's election, called a council to de- bate whether the elector ought to accept or refuſe the crown of Bohemia. The archbishop of Canterbury not being pre- fent by reaſon of the gout which confined him to his bed, writ bishop's o- to fecretary Naunton, "That it was his opinion the elector pinion re- jected. "fhould accept of the crown, and England openly ſupport Rushworth, him. And therefore as ſoon as there fhould be certain t. I. p. 11. news of his coronation, the bells ought to be rung, guns Annals, "fired, and bonfires made, to let all Europe fee the king was P. 42. Cabala, "determined to countenance him." But this advice was not p. 110. followed. The king maintained in the council Ferdinand's cauſe againſt the ſtates of Bohemia, and without knowing any thing of their privileges, as he afterwards owned, de- cided that the Bohemian ſtates were in actual rebellion'(w). As for the reaſons with which the archbiſhop ſupported his opi- nion in his letter to Naunton, the king rejected them as built (r) He was elected by the archbishop of Mentz, the duke of Saxony, and the electors of Brandenburgh, Colen, and Triers. Rushworth, tom. i. P. II. (s) The 26th of Auguft. Rapin makes ufe fometimes of the new ftile, which in the last century was ten days before our reckoning, and is now eleven. The elector Palatine was crowned Novem- ber 4. Wilfon, p. 721. (t) They offered the crown first to the duke of Saxony, who refuſed it. The elector Palatine accepted it, through the perfuafion of his two uncles, Mau- rice prince of Orange, and the duke of Bouillon. Burnet's Hift. p. 13. (u) Some fay, it was the baron of Dhona. I own, I am not certain, whether it was d'Aulné, or Dhona, Rapin.--Moſt of our hiftorians call that perſon the baron Done, as the Annals, p. 42. Wilſon, p. 721, &c. In Rymer's Fœd. he is called the baron de Dona. Tom. 17. p. 160. (w) He was fo poffeffed of the opinion of a divine right in all kings, that he could not bear, that even an elective and limited king fhould be called in queftion by his fubjects. Burnet's Hift. p. 13. upon OF ENGLAND. 159 James I. 1619. pon puritan-principles (x). For, as I have elſewhere ob- ferved, there were in this reign ftate-puritans as well as church-puritans, whom the court took great care to confound one with another, and this confufion of ideas has been prefer- ved to this day. Hence the obfcurity which ftill occurs in the notion of the two parties of whigs and tories. It was there- fore refolved, the king ſhould admoniſh the elector to refuſe the offered crown, not only becauſe it was agreeable to the king's principles, but for another, and no leſs ſtrong reaſon, namely, the king rightly judged that the elector's acceptance Annals. could not but be extremely prejudicial to the negotiation of the Spaniſh match, confidering the ftrict union between the princes of the houſe of Auftria. was the elector. But the elector Palatine had broken theſe meaſures by ac- The king cepting the crown, without ſtaying for the council of Eng- angry with land's refolution. The king was fo angry, that he refuſed to Rushworth, give baron d'Aulné an audience, who fince his departure had t. I. p. 12. received orders to excuſe the elector from the neceffity he Wilfon. under of proceeding with all poffible expedition. If the ftates P: 721. Annals, of Bohemia had defigned to gain king James by electing his p. 42. fon-in-law, they were very much deceived, fince they were never affifted by him. The very ambaſſadors ſent by king James on this occafion to the emperor, and feveral German princes, did great injury to the ftates; for theſe ambaſſadors had expreſs orders to difavow Frederic's proceedings; and of all the proteftant princes, James alone never gave him the Rushworth, title of king. t. I. p. 12. Mean while, though the elector was now crowned, the He thinks king his father-in-law fancied he could perfuade him to quit to perfuade the crown, and induce the ftates of Bohemia to acknowledge him to quit the crown, Ferdinand. To that purpoſe he fent two ambaffadors to Rushworth, Prague, namely, Sir Richard Weſton a papiſt, and Sir Edward p. 12. Conway a proteftant. Conway being afterwards made fecre- Howes, (x) The archbiſhop ſays in his letter, "It is a great honour to his majeſty, "to have fuch a fon made a king; and "methinks I do forefee in this the "work of God, that by degrees the CC " kings of the earth ſhall now leave "the whore to defolation, as St. John "fays. Our ftriking in will comfort "the Bohemians, honour the Palf- grave, ftrengthen the union, bring on the Dutch, ftir up Denmark, &c. to caſt in their ſhares, and Hun gary I hope will run the fame for- tune, and for money and means to fupport the war, providebit Deus. C 46 "This from my bed, and when I can "ftand, I hope to do better fervice Sep- "tember 12,1619"The letter inRufh- worth is fomething different from this, particularly, he makes the archbishop fay, "The parliament is the old and "honourable way of raifing money,and "all that may be fpared is to be turned (C this way. And perhaps God has "provided the jewels which were laid up in the Tower by the mother for "the prefervation of the daughter. "Certainly, if countenance be given to "this action, many brave ſpirits will ❝ offer themſelves." Tom, 1. p. iz. tary 160 THE HISTORY James I. tary of ſtate, the king uſed to fay to him merrily, that never 1619. prince had fuch a fecretary, who could neither read nor write (y). This embaſſy was very fruitleſs, as it was eaſy to foreſee. nue to amule the king. The Spanish Mean time, the king of Spain did not forget to do the em- court conti- peror good fervice in keeping king James in his pacific difpofition. Nothing was talked of at the court of Madrid but the king of England's generofity, juſtice, and equity: in fine, to amuſe him the better, the negotiation of the marriage was renewed, having been interrupted in expectation of the pope's difpenfation; nay, it was intimated to Cottington, that if the difpenfation did not quickly arrive, the marriage fhould be concluded without it, or means found to force the pope to grant it. Cottington, who knew the Spaniſh court, fell not into the fnare: he fent word to England, that no- thing more was to be expected concerning the marriage; that the king of Spain's intent was only to amufe his majefty; and therefore he believed the negotiation ought to be broke off. Rushworth, But inſtead of ſeeing his advice followed, he received orders tom.i.p.13. to declare to the king of Spain, that his mafter was not con- cerned in the acceptance of the crown of Bohemia: that his fon-in-law had proceeded without his approbation or know- ledge, and therefore he entirely difowned him. Philip an- fwered, he was glad to find the king his brother in fo equit- able a difpofition, and that nothing could fooner gain his efteem and affection than the continuance of this expreſs dif- avowal of an action fo repugnant to juſtice (z). 1620. James de- fires to be umpire be- The affair of Bohemia put feveral of the princes of Eu- rope in motion, and held the reft in fufpence. Ferdinand and Frederic had each their friends and allies, who were preparing to affift them, whilft James ftood neuter, imagining that by dinand and making a fhow of neutrality, he fhould induce the two com- Frederic, but petitors to make him arbiter of their difference. But both were jealous of him, the one becauſe he was a proteftant and tween Fer- cannot fuc- ceed. Rushworth. (y) It was a pleaſant remark of the king's, that Stenny had given him three notable fervants; a gentleman of the bedchamber (Clark) who could not help him to untrufs a point, for he had but one hand. A 'chaplain (Dr. Prefton) who could not ſay prayers, for he fcru- pled the ufe of the liturgy. And a fe- cretary of state (Conway) who could neither write nor read. Conway had been bred a foldier, being governor of the Briel when England gave up the cautionary towns. (z) This year, Auguſt 2. Robert Sid- ney vifcount Lifle was created ear! of Leicester, William lord Compton earl of Northampton, William Cavendish earl of Devonshire, and Robert lord Rich carl of Warwick. Howes, p. 1029. Dugdale, vol. ii. On July 17, one Bernard Calvert, fetting out of South- wark about three o'clock in the morn- ing, embarked at Dover about cight, went to Calais, and returned to South- wark again the fame day about eight in the evening. Howes, p. 1032. father. OF ENGLAND. 161 father-in-law of his adverfary; the other, becauſe he had Jaines I openly declared he disapproved of his conduct: fo, without 1620. much regarding his follicitations, both fides prepared to decide the quarrel by arms. embarraffed. Had England efpoufed Frederic's caufe, and with a good Ferdinand is fleet kept Spain and the Netherlands in awe, the elector very Wilfon. probably would have preferved his crown, in fo good a fitua- Annals. tion were his affairs the beginning of the year 1620. Several Rushworth, princes of Germany had formed a league to fupport him, tom. i. p.14, and were now levying an army, to be commanded by the prince of Anspach (a). On the other hand, Bethlem Gabor prince of Tranfilvania had excited the Hungarians to rebel againſt Ferdinand, and moft, part of Auftria had followed the example of Hungary and Bohemia. All this confounded the emperor, and would have confounded him more if the elector of Saxony had ftill remained neuter according to his firſt reſolution: but the emperor offering him upper Lufatia, on condition he would conquer it, he could not withſtand the temptation of acquiring a country which lay fo conveni- ent for him. Moreover, the duke of Bavaria and the three ecclefiaftical electors (b) declared for the emperor; the pope ſupplied him with money, and the king of Spain ordered his forces at Naples and in the Milanefe to march to his aſ- fiftance. in the Nes Palatinate. But this was not all the aid the Spaniard gave the emperor; Philip or- he affifted him ſtill more confiderably in hindering James ders an army from aiding his daughter and fon-in-law, and keeping him to be raised immoveable, and as it were enchanted with the hopes of the therlands to inarriage and the dowry of two millions. To hold him the invade the faſter in his chains, Philip fent back count Gondemar' under Wilfon. colour of finiſhing the affair. He diffembled fo artfully, that P. 725. James, who had recalled Digby (c) from Spain, fent thither Rushworth, Sir Walter Afton, to endeavour with Cottington to finish tom.i. p. 14. the treaty, which he thought very near a conclufion. Gon- demar being returned to England with great fums of money, laid them out ſo pertinently, and made fuch good uſe of his talents and knowledge of the court, that he became as maſter of the king, the favourite, and the minifters, and governed them as he pleaſed. (a) The preference given to this prince before the counts Mansfeldt and De la Tour, occafioned fome difcon- tent in the two latter, which was very prejudicial to the elector Palatine's af- fairs. Wilfon, p. 722. (b) The archbishops of Mentz (who VOL. VIII. only has power to fummon the reft to an election when the empire is vacant) Triers, and Cologne. (c) He was created lord Digby of Sherborne, Nov. 25, 1618. Howes, P. 1031. L To Cabala. 162 THE HISTORY James I. To this aid, which was not inconfiderable, Philip was 1620. preparing to add another more effectual, to enable the empe- ror to get the advantage of his enemy. Frederic had drawn ten thouſand men out of the Palatinate, and fent them into Bohemia. This infpired the emperor with the thoughts of invading him on that fide, and to execute the project, Philip and the archduke Albert levied in the Low Countries an army of twenty-fix thouſand foot and four thouſand horfe, to be commanded by Ambrofe Spinola. The truce between Spain and the United Provinces not being yet near expired, it was evident theſe forces could be defigned only againſt the Pala- tinate. The Hollanders warned king James of it, and fuch of the courtiers as were not bribed with Spaniſh gold, never ceaſed to reprefent to him the danger to which the elector's dominions would be expofed, if he did not fuddenly refolve to prepare for their defence. But James could not think of taking fuch meaſures on bare fufpicions. He contented him- felf with ordering Sir Thomas Edmonds, his ambaſſador at Bruffels, to afk the archduke the reafon of fo confiderable an armament. The archduke anfwered, it was by the king of Wilfon, Spain's order, and the reaſon might be known of Spinola, Annals. who had the command of the army. Spinola being aſked Rushworth, the fame queftion, replied, that indeed he was ordered by the t.i. p. 14. king of Spain to raife forces, but did not know for what pur- pofe: that his orders being fealed, he could not open them till his march; and if the ambaffador would follow him, he might then be refolved. A man muſt have been wilfully blind not to ſee what this myſtery tended to, and yet James ſtill continued immoveable, relying on the Spaniard's friend- ſhip and Gondemar's fair promiſes. King James's wretched manage- ment. Du Chefne. Hift.d'Ang. let 2200 Wilſon, P. 722. Annals. The king is The whole kingdom was extremely furprized at the king's perfuaded to infenfibility for his fon-in-law, his daughter, and their chil- English be dren; but for his part he looked upon the quarrel between the fent to the emperor and Frederic in quite another light. He was juſt Palatinate. going to be ſtrictly united with the houfe of Auftria by his fon's marriage with the infanta of Spain, and at that very time the elector his fon-in-law had broken all his meaſures by a raſh, Rushworth, unjuſt, and inconfiderate action, for fo he termed the acceptance t. i. p. 15. of the crown, of Bohemia. "Is it reaſonable (ſaid he) I ſhould "fuffer myſelf to be drawn by a fon-in-law's ambition and "humour into a war againſt the houſe of Auſtria, who have “done me no wrong? Muft I alter all my projects, all my meaſures, becauſe the elector Palatine has been pleafed "to accept the crown of Bohemia, without fo much as afk- « ing OF ENGLAND. i63 > The victory lately gained by the emperor's arms produced great effects, the first whereof was, that the palfegrave was forfaken by moſt of the princes his confederates. The prince of Anhalt himſelf, who commanded his army, entered into the emperor's fervice. Count Mansfelt alone remained faith- ful, and was ſtill ſerviceable to him (r). This fame year the Huguenots of France being vigorously James folli- cits Lewis pufhed by Lewis XIII. James fent Sir Edward Herbert (s) to XIII. in be- follicit him in their behalf; nay, he had orders to uſe me- naces if the court of France refufed to regard his remon- ftrances. Herbert diſcharged his commiffion fo bluntly, that the conſtable Luynes, being offended at it, caufed him to be recalled. Herbert would have afterwards fent a challenge to the conftable for miſrepreſenting his words, but the king would not fuffer it. The viſcount Doncafter, lately made earl of Carliſle, was fent to France in Herbert's room. He fpent immenfe fums, without effecting any thing for the Hu- guenots. This is not ſurpriſing, ſince the French court knew King James was neither able nor willing to affift them. but obtains nothing. He takes faife mea- ínres to fave the Palati- Bute. Wilfon, p. 725, The campaign of the Palatinate was no fooner ended, than the earl of Effex pofted away, to reprefent to the king the impoffibility of faving that country, without a ſpeedy and powerful aid (t). But it was not by way of arms that James meant to fupport his fon-in-law's intereft. Count Gonde- mar ruled him as he pleafed, by feeding him with continual hopes of the good fuccefs of the marriage, provided he would not difturb the negotiation by proceedings offenfive to the king of Spain: nay, he told him, that ſhould the emperor become mafter of the Palatinate, it would only be a furer means to put an end to the war, becauſe then it would be given to (q) It is faid that Frederic's ill fuccefs was owing in fome meaſure to his nig- gardlineís; for though he had great fums of money by him, yet was he fo flow in paying his foldiers, that they were neceffitated to take free quarters upon the Bohemians. The jealoufy al- fo that the Lutherans had of the afcen- ent the Calvinifts might gain by this acceffion, had an unhappy fhare in the oldnefs which all the princes of that conlethon showed towards him, though Saxony only declared against him. Coke, p. 1c8. Wilfon, p. 724. Burnet, p. 13. (r) He had an army of between four- teen and fifteen thouſand men. Wilſon, p. 725. (s) Afterwards lord Herbert of Cher- bury. (t) King James fent the elector pala- tine 30,000l. to keep the princes of the union in arms, Ruſhworth, tom. i. p. 18. the OF ENGLAND. 167 1620. the infanta for a preſent to the prince her ſpouſe, who might James I. reſtore it to the count Palatine. All this paffed current with the king: he was fo poffeffed with the project of ending the war by means of this match, that nothing was capable of al- tering his belief. Count Gondemar had bribed with preſents Ibid. and penfions all thoſe who had the king's ear (u), and who Rushworth, tom.i. p. 18. took care to cheriſh him in this vain project (w). The reft of the world were aſtoniſhed to ſee the king take fuch wrong. meaſures; but no man durft preſs him upon that head, know- ing he did not care any but his miniſters ſhould ſpeak to him. of ftate-affairs. He verily believed there was no other way. to ſave the Palatinate, than to preferve a good underſtanding. with the king of Spain and the emperor by ftanding neuter. This he declared himself to the council, adding however, if Rushworth, his inftances were rejected he would have recourſe to arms at Annals. laft. Not that he had any intent to go to war with the houſe of Auſtria let what would happen, but hoped this would be a good pretence to get money, which he wanted very much. much. To that end likewiſe it was debated in council, how to make preparations for the defence of the Palatinate, in cafe the king's mediation was rejected. Gondemar having notice of what had paffed at the board, writ to the marquis of Buckingham, defiring to know what was the king's intention. Here is the favourite's anſwer, which plainly diſcovers the king's thoughts, 66 (C SIR, I tom.i. p.17. to Gonde- mar, where- Showed your letter to the king, who thinks your re- Bucking- queſt reafonable. He has ordered me to tell you, that ham's letter "the ſpeech he lately made to the council, contained two "principal points: first, whereas the world talked fo varioufly in he ex- "of him, he declared, he was fo far from adviſing the elec- plains the king's "tor Palatine to accept the crown of Bohemia, that he thoughts upon the "uſed his utmoſt endeavours to diffuade him from it. For "the particulars of what he faid upon this ſubject, he refers Palatinate. (u) Particularly the earls of Worceſter and Arundel, the lord Digby, Sir George Calvert, Sir Richard Wefton, and others, popiſhly affected; together with Buckingham and his numerous train. But the duke of Lenox, the marquis of Hamilton, and William earl of Pembroke, were againſt the Spanish match. Wilfon, p. 725, 726. w) Wilſon fays, he bribed the very ladies, efpecially thoſe who talked much and to whom much company reforted, Du Chefne. that they might allay fuch as were too Hift. of the fowre in their expreffions, and ftop Rebellion of them if they run on too faſt. But it Bohemia. feems he had neglected the lady Jacobs, Part 5. who, upon his paffing by her window p. 712. in his chair, inftead of answering his falutation as ufual, only gaped with her mouth, which repeating again next day, he fent to know the reaſon plied, that " ſhe had a mouth to ſtop, as well as other ladies." p. 726. L 4 ; the re- ❝ to 168 HISTORY THE James I. 1620. 66 to the lord Digby, who being prefent, can inform your ex- cellency. His majefty declared moreover, he was refolved "to continue neuter for three reaſons. Firſt, becauſe his "confcience obliged him to it. Secondly, becauſe his họ- "nour was concerned. Thirdly, not to give an ill example. "Upon the first reaſon he ſaid, he was fure the religion he "profeffed, did not allow that crowns fhould be removed from one head to another on account of religion that our "church very juftly oppoſed the principle of the jefuits, who take upon them to inthrone and dethrone kings according to their fancy: that our religion enjoins us to obey our "princes and fovereigns, though they fhould be Turks or "Infidels that the world was inclined to turn this to a re- "ligious war, to which his majefty is intirely averſe. As "to the point of honour, the king faid, that being follicited "by the king of Spain to ufe all his intereft to procure a "peace between the emperor and the Bohemian ftates, and 66 : • this accident, of accepting the crown of Bohemia, happen- ❝ing whilst his ambaffador was in Germany mediating an "accommodation, he was obliged to make known his inno- CC cence, in order to fave his honour that if now he affifted his fon-in-law in this affair, his actions would be directly "contrary to his proteftation, which would be very diſhono- rable. Upon the third reafon, his majeſty declared, it was a very dangerous precedent againſt all chriftian princes, to allow of the tranflation of a crown by the peoples au- "thority that though he was king by hereditary right, yet it could not be fufficiently confidered, how far this “miſchief might reach, if once it took root; and that this example might very fenfibly affect the king of Denmark his brother-in-law, whofe crown was elective: that as for "the privileges the Bohemians might have, in this cafe, by "the antient and fundamental laws of the kingdom, it would .. 66 be neceffary to turn over many volumes, read abundance of hiftories, and carefully examine what their rights are, "before this point could be determined, with which he has "nothing to do, not being made judge of the difpute. The "fecond thing, concerning which the king declared himſelf, was the affair of the Palatinate. Upon this point he firſt "informed his council, that he had omitted nothing, as well "by means of his ambaffadors, as by his own mouth, in "ſpeaking to your excellency: that moreover, he had ſent an ambaſſador to the German princes, who were concerned in the affair, to remonftrate to them, that ſince he had with fo much fincerity and cåndor continued neuter, he had great " reaſon I } OF ENGLAND. 169 66 66 66 << (૬ "reaſon, on the other hand, to repreſent to them how much James I. "he was concerned in the invaſion of the Palatinate, fince 1620. "he had given his daughter to the elector Palatine, bonâ “fide, whilſt that prince was in poffeffion of his dominions, and long before theſe troubles could be foreſeen that at preſent his grandchildren were lawful heirs to it, and it was neither juſt nor reaſonable to deprive them of their in- "heritance, fince they are not guilty, confidering the fince- "rity of the king their grandfather that indeed, it cannot "be denied, there was notice given from Spain, that the emperor would be forced to make this diverfion, to free "himſelf from the oppreffion he endured in Bohemia and Au- "ftria: that your excellency ſaid the fame thing, which was "confirmed by his ambaffadors: that the invafion being really made, nature obliged him to provide for the defence of his grandchildren by all poffible and lawful ways that "the approaching winter allowed him to make two forts of preparations: firft, to endeavour that a peace may be con- "cluded before fummer; and if, as he hoped, the elector "his fon-in-law would be guided by him, and the emperor "be willing to hearken to the overtures which would be "made to him, he did not queſtion but a peace would en- ❝fue, and the calamities Chriftendom was threatened with, "both by a Turkiſh invafion and an inteftine war, would "be happily prevented. But if the elector would be willing to yield to reaſonable terms, and the emperor refuſe to comply, in that cafe he would not loſe the opportunity of "the winter, to prepare for the defence of the Palatinate: and if, on the contrary, the elector remained obftinate, he would then leave him to his own counfels. 66 66 66 66 "After the king had thus ſpoken, it was debated in coun- "cil concerning the means of defending the Palatinate, as the lord Digby could have informed your excellency. Ta "conclude this letter, his majeſty commands me to to affure 66 you, upon the honour of a Chriftian king, that this is all "that has paffed in this affair either in public or private. "He is perfuaded, not only your excellency, but the king "of Spain alfo, will believe it, fooner than all the informa- "tions which through ignorance or malice may be given you from any other place. >> The king's whole conduct, whether at the time this letter was writ or afterwards, agrees fo exactly with the fentiments. therein expreffed, that it would be in vain to question its be- ing 170 HISTORY THE demands a Palatinate. James I. ing genuine (x), It is certain, the king never intended to de- 1620. fend the Palatinate by arms, whilſt he had any hopes of con- cluding his fon's marriage with the infanta. He uſed however The king that pretence to draw money from his ſubjects, and to ſend a benevolence letter figned by the council to all the nobility, and to the lord for the de- mayor of London, for benevolence (y). But probably this me- fence of the thod was unſucceſsful, fo much were the people diffatisfied Annals, with the government. At the very time he feemed defirous to P. 45. defend the Palatinate, invaded by the Spaniards, count Gonde- Rushworth, mar governed England by his influence over the king (z). All Gondemar who had any expectations from the court, were extremely rules the careful not to offend him in any thing whatever, knowing English how much it was in his power to prejudice fuch as he was Rushworth, diſpleaſed with. Secretary Naunton failing on fome occa- tom.i. p.18. fion to uſe this policy, loft his place, which was given to Conway is Conway. tom.i. p.16. court. made fecre- tary of state. Bucking- ther is in great power. Wilfon, P. 729. On the other hand, the marquifs of Buckingham ruled in the king's name, without bearing the leaft contradiction. Het ham's mo- abfolutely difpofed of all offices, or rather his mother, fince he could not deny her any thing (a). As fhe was extremely greedy of money, and a great bigot of the Romish religion, none were preferred but ſuch as could make large preſents to the favourite's mother, and were well inclined to Rome, or at leaſt indifferent in point of religion. Nay, places were fre- quently taken from thoſe who had paid dear for them, in or- Cranfield is der to difpofe of them to new purchaſers. Montague having given twenty thousand pounds for the office of lord-treaſurer, was removed before the year expired (b), and Sir Lionel Cran- field put in his place, and created foon after earl of Middleſex(c). Cranfield had been a merchant in London, and afterwards a cuſtom-houſe officer, from whence he was introduced into made lord- treaſurer. Ibid. Weldon, P. 141. (x) The fubftance of this letter is in Rushworth, tom, i, P. 16. (y) This circular letter is to be ſeen in Rufhworth. Ibid. (z) Rushworth obferves, that he had the acceſs of a favourite, rather than of in ambaffador from a foreign prince. Tom. i. P. IS. (a) Gondemar perceiving moſt addref- fes were made to her firft, and by her conveyed to her fon, among other his witty pranks writ merrily in his dif- patches to Spain: "That never was there more hope of England's con- verfion to Rome than now; for there are more prayers offered here "to the mother than to the fon. Wilfon, p. 708. (b) He was made lord-trcafurer De- cember 4, 1620, and removed Septem- ber 28, 1621. He was on December 4, created baron of Kimbolton, and viſ- count Mandeville, and foon after earl of Manchefter; upon refigning his office of lord- treaſurer, he was made prefident of the council. Howes, p. 1034. (c) He had married Anne daughter to James Bret of Howby in Leiceſterſhire, Efq; by Ann his wife, fifter to Mary Beaumont, countefs of Buckingham, From the heirefs of his family is de- fcended the duke of Dorfet. Dugdale' Baron, vol. ii. p. 446, cour OF ENGLAND. 171 court as a projector: a name given to ſuch as ſuggeſted to the James I. minifters expedients to bring money into the king's exche- 1620. quer, when there was no parliament. ham's The marquis of Buckingham, about the end of the year, Buckmar- married the earl of Rutland's only daughter, the richeſt heiress. riage. in the kingdom. Some fay, he debauched her before mar- wilſon, riage, and the earl of Rutland fent him word, if he did not p. 728. efpouſe her, the king's favour fhould not fcreen him from hist revenge. Buckingham readily complied, fince it was a very advantagious match for him. But as the young lady was bred a papiſt by her mother, fhe muft, for form's fake, be in- ftructed by Dr. White, who, as it is pretended, made her a good proteftant. However, fhe was brought by her mother- in-law into the old way again. take at nate. to get Howes. The affairs of the proteftant religion in Germany and The king France were in a very ill fituation. On the other hand, the feigns to king of Bohemia being driven out of his kingdom, faw him- heart the ſelf upon the point of lofing alfo the Palatinate. All the defence of world murmured to behold the king's extreme indolence with the Palati- reſpect to theſe two affairs, wherein he was particularly con- Rushworth, cerned as a father, as a king of England, and as a proteftant. tom.i. p.zo. Theſe murmurs produced at length a parliament. Not that He calls a the court's intent was to fatisfy the people: but it was judg- parliament ed, ſince they were fo defirous, that proper meaſures ſhould money. be taken for the defence of religion and the Palatinate, the Rushworth, houſe of commons would be ready to grant the king an aid tom.i. p.21. anfwerable to fo important a defign. A parliament was there- Rushworth, fore fummoned to meet on the 20th of January 1621 (d). But tom.i. p.17. the better to perſuade the public the king was really bent upon a war, the council nominated, a few days before the parliament met, a certain number of the moſt noted lords and officers, who had orders to meet and give their opinion concerning the means of vigoroufly carrying on the war. Mean while, as the people talked too freely of the king's and Proclama- his miniftry's conduct, they were forbid by proclamation to tion to for- diſcourſe of ſtate-affairs. But this prohibition produced a quite to talk of bid people contrary effect, it being hardly poffible to ftop people's tongues ftate affairs. by fuch means. The king, no doubt, wifhed to preferve the Palatinate for his fon-in-law. All he could be blamed for was, his taking (d) It was fummoned to meet on Ja- nuary 16. Journ. Procer. The king iffued a proclamation, on November 6, wherein he ordered, that the knights and burgeffes fhould be chofen of the graveſt, ableſt, and bleft affected myndes that could be found.-Perfons approved for their finceryty in religion, and not noted, either for fuperftitious blindneſs, or turbulent humours.-Rymer's Fad. tom. xvii. p. 270. a wrong Id. p. 21. Act. Pub. xvii. p. 275. 1621. 172 HISTORY THE wrong mea- the Palati- Kate. James I. a wrong courſe to that end. courſe to that end. Amufed, or as it were bewitch- 1621. ed by Gondemar's charm, he believed the prince's marriage with the infanta was the moſt proper means, not perceiving The reason that this marriage was only a decoy to deceive and hinder of the king's him from taking better meaſures. It will doubtlefs be thought taking ftrange, that James fhould fuffer himſelf to be thus managed fures to fave by a Spaniſh ambaffador, in an affair which ſo much concern- ed the houſe of Auſtria: but it will be the leſs ſurprizing, if his fituation be confidered. Firſt, he had an averfion to war; and though he would have made believe, it was out of reaſon and choice, it is certain however, this averfion was fo nutu- ral, that it was almoſt impoffible for him to overcome it. In the next place, his opinion concerning the extent of the regal power, made him dread all occafions of caufing his preroga- tive to be queſtioned. If he engaged in a war, he muſt call a parliament, and the parliament had already convinced him, they were not of his fentiment concerning the extent of the prerogative royal, of which he was ſo jealous. It is there- fore no wonder, that of the two ways which offered to pre- ferve the Palatinate, namely, war and the prince's marriage, he fhould chufe that which was moft agreeable to his tem- per and inclination. What is more ſtrange is, that in com- paring theſe two ways, he fhould be fo blind as to think the marriage the eaſieſt and moſt proper, and would not ſee that it was only a fnare to deceive him. On the other hand, he was not fatisfied with refolving to take this method rather than the other, but even affected to intimate to the houſe of Auftria, that he ſhould not, till the last extremity, think of having recourſe to arms, and thereby marred all his affairs. The emperor and the king of Spain knew how to improve theſe wrong proceedings. Gondemar having eafily diſcovered the king's ſcheme, failed not to encourage him to pursue it fteadily, by putting him in hopes of fuccefs. There was ano- ther and very ſtrong reafon for Gondemar's keeping the king in this fituation. The truce between Spain and Holland be- ing about to expire, if the king fhould refolve to fupport his fon-in-law by arms, he would be able to make ſuch a diver- fion in the Low-Countries, as would make Auftria pay dear for the conqueft of the Palatinate. For this reafon chiefly the courts of Vienna and Madrid flattered him with the hopes of obtaining an honourable peace for the prince Palatine, But theſe were only words, which James, too credulous, took for deeds. Though the king did not intend to declare war with Spain, be was very glad however that the people were inclined to Support OF ENGLAND. 173 fupport by arms the elector's intereſt. He hoped the parlia- James I. ment would grant him large fums to enable him to make him- 1621. felf feared, and then he fancied, it would be eafy for him to determine his fon-in-law's affairs without drawing the fword, and confequently without employing the money which ſhould be given him by the parliament. Herein he meant to imitate his great-grandfather Henry VII. who often ufed this expedient to fill his coffers. But he ſhould alſo have imitated his ad- drefs in concealing his defigns, whereas, on the contrary, James's intentions were known to all. The parlia- ment meets, The parliament being affembled, the king made a ſpeech to both houſes, which he divided into three heads. In the first, Jan. 30, he told them what a parliament was, under colour of remind- 1620-1. ing them of ſo neceffary and fundamental a point. The fe- cond contained the reafons of their meeting. In the third, he ſpoke of the grievances which the people thought to have caufe to complain of, and endeavoured to juſtify his conduct. As this ſpeech is very long, I fhall only cite fuch paſſages as may ferve to difcover both the king's principles and defigns. He begins thus: CC "My lords fpiritual and temporal, and you the commons. I Wilfon. N multiloquio non deeft peccatum, faith the wifeft man The king's that ever was; and this experience I have found in fpeech. "mine own perſon: for it is true there have been many fef- Annals of "fions of parliament before this, wherein I have made many James I. "difcourfes to the gentlemen of the lower houſe, and in them p. 47. ❝ delivered a true mirror of my heart; but as no man's ac- tom.i. p.21. Rushworth, ❝tions are free from cenfure, in regard of the excellency of Nalfon's "perfection, fo, it may be, it pleafed God, feeing fome va- Introduct. "nity in me, to fend back my words as wine fpit into my "own own face, ſo as I may truly fay, "I have piped unto you, "and you have not danced; I have mourned, and you have "not lamented." Concerning the conftitution of a parliament. "What is a parliament? It is an affembly compoſed of a "head and a body; the monarch is the head, and the three "eftates (e) the body, which are called in a monarchy a parlia- (e) As in the following reign there were great difputes, whether the bi- fhops were a state or a body apart by themfelves in the parliament, each fide grounded their affertion upon thefe words of this fpecch; the one affirm- ing the king faid, the Three Eftates, and the other maintaining, he men- tioned only Two Eftates. This is the reaſon of the difference which occurs in the feveral copies. Rushworth and Wilfon have Two Eftates. Franklyn, Nalfon, &c. Three Eftates. ❝ment. 174 THE HISTORY 1621. > Concerning the reaſons of calling a parliament. "Now the major errand (I ſpeak the truth) for which I "have called you, is for a fupply of my urgent neceſſities in (6 urgent cauſes; ye can all bear me witneſs, that I have "reigned above eighteen years among you; if it hath been a "fault in me that you have been at peace all this time, I pray you pardon it; for I took it for an honour unto me, "that you fhould live quietly under your vines and fig-trees, "reaping the fruits of your own labours, and myſelf to be a juft and merciful king among you. You have not been CC << "troubled with preffing of men, nor with other inconveni- "encies which the difafters of war produce, and yet in theſe "eighteen years have I had lefs fupplies than any king be- ❝fore me. The late queen of famous memory, was ſo far "fupplied in her time, that it grew to an annual contribu- ❝tion of one hundred thirty-five thousand pounds a year: I "had never above four fubfidies and fix fifteenths. I chal- "lenge not more of defert than fhe; but fure I am, I have "governed as peaceably. The time fince my ſupply hath "been as the time of women with child, "Quæ decem "tulerint faftidia menfes," "who after ten months long- ❝ings, are delivered of their burthens; but I have travelled "ten years, and therefore full time to be delivered of my ❝ wants. " Now you have ſeen a trial of my late care in divers years "laſt paſt in looking into the particulars of my eftate, where- " in I muſt confefs I have found my revenue (as Job's friends) "forfaking me, [in my houfhold expences I have abated "ten thousand pounds per annum; in my navy I have aba- ❝ted twenty-five thousand pounds; and fhortly I hope to "abate ten thouſand pounds more. In my ordinary I have brought the expence from thirty-four thousand to fourteen "thousand pounds] and yet I was loth to believe at firſt that "theſe 176 THE HISTORY James I." theſe were ſo much out of order; but at last, by the in- 1621. "formation of fome private gentlemen, I was induced to "enter into a particular furvey; and herein was the love of •• my young admiral to me, as he took the envy of all upon "himſelf for my fake and though he be but young, yet I "find him true in faith, and an honeſt man, and hath had "the beft fuccefs in all he hath taken in hand: he appoint- ❝ed under himſelf divers commiffioners, as a young com- "mander fhould do, the better to preſerve himſelf from er- "rors, and yet fought no reward but my good and ſervice, "nevertheleſs went through with great diligence and good "fuccefs: and therefore I hope the kingdom ſhall ſay I have now a true care of my eftate, not taking from others by "violence, houfe or land, but governing my own with good huſbandry." Concerning the affair of Bohemia, he faid much the fame things as the marquis of Buckingham writ in his letter to count Gondemar, after which he added: << "I am now to take for a worſe danger againſt next fum- mer, albeit I will leave no travel unt.ied to obtain a happy peace; but I thought good to be armed againſt the worfe "time, it being beft to treat of peace with the ſword in my "hand: Now I fhall labour to preſerve the reſt of the Pala- "tinate, wherein I declare, That if by fair means I cannot get it, my crown, my blood, and all ſhall be ſpent, with << my fon's blood alſo, but I will get it for him; and this is "the cauſe of all, that the cauſe of religion is involved in it, for they will alter religion where they conquer, and fo "perhaps my grandchild may fuffer, who hath committed no no fault at all. But this is nothing without a ſpeedy ſupply, "Bis dat qui citò dat.” cc "Confider who it is that moves you? your king; and "the care of the reformation, and the charges which he "hath diſburſed, befides forty thousand pounds upon the py- "ratiçal wars; and confider if I deferve not your reſpects? "It is ftrange that my mint hath not gone this eight or "nine years, but I think the fault of the want of money is "in the uneven ballancing of trade; for other things I con- "fefs I have been liberal, but the main caufe of my wants has "been the ill government of thoſe whom I have trufted "under me, for I will not make every day a Chriſtmas ; " and yet it may be in fome grants I have hurt myſelf, and "in others my fubjects; but if I be truly informed, I will "rightly reform them. " But OF ENGLAN D. 177 But for you to hunt after grievances to the prejudice of James I. the king and yourſelves, is not the errand: deal with me 1621. ſhall deſerve it at your hands: I will not leave any "thing undone that becomes a juft king, if you deal accord ingly. ¿ as 66 "I know this parliament hath been of great expectation, "and fo was that at my firſt coming: You I knew, but not the laws and cuſtoms of this land. I was led by the "old counſellors I found, which the old queen left, and it ૮ may be there was a miſtaking and miſunderſtanding be- "tween us, which bred an abruption. And at the laſt > VIII. That the exercife of the Roman catholic religion fhall be in form following: The moft gracious infanta ſhall have in her palace a chapel ſo ſpacious, that her fervants and family may enter and ftay therein; in which there fhall be an ordinary and public door for them, and another inward door, by which the infanta may have a paffage into the cha- pel, where fhe and others may be prefent at divine offices. Note. "All the fervants must conform to this." IX. That the chapel may be beautified with decent orna- ments, and other things neceflary for divine ſervice, accord- ing to the cuſtom of the holy Roman church; and that it ſhall be lawful for the fervants and others to go to the faid chapel at all hours. Note. "Granted." X. That the keeper and guardians of the chapel fhall be appointed by the lady infanta, and they ſhall take care no body may enter into it to do any indecent thing. Note. "The keeper and guardians of the chapel and "church fhall be Spaniards." • XI. That to ferve in the chapel, there fhall be a conveni- ent number of priests as to the infanta ſhall ſeem fit. And if any of them be natives of Great-Britain, they fhall not be admitted to ferve, without her confent firft obtained. Note. "His holinefs wills and means that this be a true << church." XII. That among the priests, there fhall be one fuperior miniſter or rector, with authority to decide the cafes of relì- gion and confcience. Note. "His holiness will have this fuperior to be a biſhop.” XIII. That this fuperior miniſter may exerciſe ecclefiaftical jurifdiction upon all who ſhall offend in the infanta's family: And morcover, the lady infanta fhall have power to turn them OF ENGLAND. 235 them out of her ſervice, whenfoever it ſhall ſeem expedient James I. to her. Note. "He must be a biſhop." XIV. That it may be lawful for the lady infanta to procure from Rome indulgences and jubilees, and all graces, as fhall ſeem fit to her religion and confcience. Note. "This article is granted." XV. That the fervants and family of the lady infanta ſhall take the oath of allegiance to the king of Great Britain; pro- vided there be no clauſe therein contrary to their conſciences and the Roman catholic religion, and that the form of the oath be first approved of. Note. "The men and women ſervants ſhall be Spaniards." XVI. That the laws made againſt the Roman Catholic religion in England, fhall not extend to the fervants of the moſt gracious infanta; but they ſhall be exempted from the faid laws, and the penalties annexed, and of this a declara- tion fhall be made. Note. "The laws already made, or to be made in England 66 concerning religion, ſhall not extend to the fervants, who "fhall be exempted from them as well as from the penalties, "&c. and for this reaſon the ecclefiaftics fhall not be liable to any but their ecclefiaftical laws.” 56 XVII. That the children of the moſt illuſtrious prince, and the moſt gracious infanta, ſhall not be conſtrained in point of conſcience, and in that cafe, the laws made againſt catholics in England ſhall not extend to them; and though any of them be catholics, they ſhall not loſe the right of fucceffion to the kingdom and dominions of Great Britain. Note. "This article is granted by his holineſs.” XVIII. That the nurſes which fhall give fuck to the children of the lady infanta, fhall be chofen by the lady in- fanta, and accounted part of her family. Note. "The nurfes fhall be catholics, chofen by the moſt ❝ferene infanta, and reckoned among her domeftics." XIX. That the rector or fuperior minifter, and other ec- clefiaftical and religious perfons of the family of the lady in- fanta, fhall wear their ufual veftments and habits. Note. "Granted," At 1622. 236 HISTORY THE James I. At the end of theſe articles, which were long debated and 1622. canvaffed by the congregation of the propagation of faith, the congregation fubjoined their opinion in the following terms. Du Chefne's Hift. of England. "As to the terms offered by the moſt ferene king of "England, it ſeems to us they are defigned only to fecure the "moft ferene infanta's religion. But to the end his holineſs "may grant the difpenfation, there are other things neceffary "to the privilege, increaſe, and welfare of the Roman ca- "tholic religion. Theſe things are to be propoſed by the "moft ferene king, that his holinefs may confider whether, "upon fuch offers, he can grant the difpenfation." ર Remark on It is eaſy to fee, the pope's poftils tended not only to the this fubject. benefit of the Roman catholic religion, but alſo to caufe the Wilfon, P. 755. The king is at a lofs. Wilfon. Annals. affair to be prolonged, purſuant to the court of Spain's inten- tions. Befides that James was not expected to agree to the contents of the notes, another expedient was ready to stop the conclufion of the marriage, namely, to oblige the king to make offers for the advancement of the Roman religion, with which the pope, if he pleaſed, might never be ſatisfied. Thus, after a fix years expectation, James was no farther advanced than when the affair was begun, except that he was willing to grant whatever the pope did or might demand. And in- deed, this was the courſe he took. He found now of what confequence the firft article was, which he had been made to fign, that the diſpenſation ſhould be firft procured by the en- deavours of the king of Spain; for by this means, the Spaniard could advance or entirely break off the negotiation as he pleaſed, by cauſing the pope to delay or refuſe the diſpenſa- tion. It is certain, as I faid, the court of Spain's intent at firſt was only to make uſe of the project of this marriage, to allure James into their fnare, for fear he fhould join with the German-Proteftants, and afterwards, for fear he fhould fend a powerful aid to the king of Bohemia. When Gage came from Rome with the articles, the king was terribly embarraffed. The Palatinate was almoft quite loft. The negotiation at Bruffels did not advance, and he could not but perceive, he was impoſed upon by the emperor and king of Spain; ſo that he ſaw no other way to procure the elector's reſtoration, but the prince's marriage with the infanta. It is true, England was fufficiently powerful to mo- left the houſe of Auftria; but a parliament muſt have been called, which the king could not think of. On the other hand, the pope annexed to the marriage fuch terms as the king could OF ENGLAN D. 237 ! could not grant, without giving occafion to his domeftic James I. enemies to reprefent him as a prince regardleſs of the in- 1622. tereſts of the proteftant religion, to which imputation he was already but too liable. In this perplexity, rather than break with Spain, and fo lofe the defired dowry of two millions, with the hopes of recovering the Palatinate, he choſe to be expoſed to the reproaches of his fubjects, which he did not feem much to regard. He drew therefore a memorial which he figned with his own hand, containing his offers in favour of the catholic religion, and fent it to the earl of Briſtol, with the letter of the 9th of September, of which I have al- ready given an extract. The concluſion of the letter, which I referved for this occafion, becauſe the marriage is there. mentioned, was as follows: ' letter to the "Nevertheleſs we must tell you, that we have no great The king's "cauſe to be well pleaſed with the diligences uſed on that earl of part, when we obferve, that after fo long an expectance Bristol, "of the difpenfation, upon which the whole bufinefs (as with a me- "they will have it) depends, there is nothing yet returned taining his "but queries and objections. Yet becauſe we will not give offers. (C 66 morial con over our patience a while longer, until we underſtand Wilson, more certainly what the effect thereof is like to be, where- P.755. Rushworth, "in we require you to be very wary and watchful, confidering tom.i. p.68. "how our honour is therein engaged; we have thought fit "to let you know, how far we are pleaſed to enlarge our "felf, concerning thoſe points demanded by the pope, and "fet down by way of poftil unto the articles agreed upon "betwixt Spain and us, as you fhall fee by the power which "Gage brought us from Rome, whereof we have fent you a 66 copy, and our refolutions thereupon figned with our own "hand, for your warrant and inſtruction. And further than "that, fince we cannot go without much prejudice, incon- "veniency, and difhonour to ourſelf and our fon, we hope "and expect the king of Spain will bring it inftantly to an "iffue, without farther delay, which you are to preſs with "all diligence and earneftnefs, that you may preſently know "their final refolution, and what we may expect thereupon, "But if any refpite of time be earneſtly demanded, and that "you perceive it not poffible for them to refolve until an an- "fwer come from Rome, we then think it fit that you give "them two months time after your audience, that we may "underſtand that king's final refolution before Chriftmas "next at the fartheft. Though 238 THE HISTORY James I. 1622. The king refolves at aft to con- clude the marriage. Rushworth, t. i. p. 69. Willon. Ruſhworth, *. i. p. 71. Though the king affirmed he could go no farther, yet means were found to perfuade him to a greater compliance, as will hereafter appear. Hitherto the Spaniard had fed the king's hopes concerning the marriage only to amufe him. But fince he plainly faw, by the articles and offers figned with his own hand, that James was refolved to conclude at any rate, he thought fo fair an opportunity fhould not be miffed to reſtore the ca- tholic religion in England, which very probably might be ac- compliſhed by means of the match. So Philip fuddenly al- tering his mind, appeared as eager to conclude, as he had feemed unwilling before (b). From that time, that is, from the end of the year 1622, the marriage was refolved at the court of Madrid. The point was only to extort from the king fuch terms as ſhould lead to what was intended. All the king of Spain's proceedings, from the time I am ſpeaking of, evidently fhow that he was inclined to the marriage, in cafe he could obtain what he promiſed himſelf for the ad- vancement of the Roman religion in England, and which James's impatience gave him room to expect. But it is no lefs certain, that before this, he was entirely averſe to it. This manifeftly appears in king Philip the fourth's letter to the Condé d'Olivarez, and from that minifter's anfwer: The letters were as follows: CC The king of Spain's letter to the Condé d'Olivarez. Nov. 5, 1622: TH HE king my father declared at his death, that his intent was never to marry my ſiſter, the infanta Donna "Maria, with the prince of Wales, which your uncle Don "Balthazar underſtood, and ſo treated this match ever with "intention to delay it; notwithſtanding, it is now ſo far ad- “vanced, that confidering all the averſeneſs of the infanta "unto it, it is time to take fome means to divert the treaty, " which I would have you find out, and I will make it "good whatſoever it be. But in all other things, procure "the fatisfaction of the king of Great Britain, (who hath "deſerved much) and it ſhall content me, ſo it be not in the "match." (b) The earl of Bristol fent word to king James, that if the Spanish court intended not the match, they were falfer than all the devils in hell, for deeper oaths and proteftations of fin- cerity could not be made. Rushworth, tom. i. p. 69. The OF ENGLAND. 239 The Condé d'Olivarez, in his anſwer agreed, That the James I. late king never intended to conclude the marriage, but only 1622. to amuſe the king of England, by reaſon of the fituation of affairs in the Palatinate and Netherlands. He faid moreover, TheCondé's the infanta was determined to retire to a convent, as foon as the king. ſhe ſhould be preffed upon that head. anſwer to Novemb. 3. P. 71. After that, he reprefented to his majefty, "That the king Annals, "of England found himſelf equally engaged in two bufineffes Rushworth. "at that time, namely, the marriage, and the reftitution of t.i. p. 71, "the Palatinate. Suppofing then, added the Condé, that "the marriage be made, we muſt come to the other affair, "and then your majefty will find yourſelf engaged with the "king of England in a war againſt the emperor, and the ca- "tholic league: a thing, which to hear, will offend your "ears; or if you declare yourſelf for the emperor, then you "will find yourfelf engaged in a war againſt the king of England, and your fifter married with his fon. If your majeſty ſhould ſhow yourſelf neutral, what a great ſcandal "will it be, for Spain to ſtand neuter, in a buſineſs wherein religion is fo much concerned? CC 66 46 "Ŏn the other hand, faid the Condé, fuppofing we could "fatisfy the king of England, by having the Palatinate re- "ſtored to his ſon-in-law, yet we muſt confider whether it "is in our power to have it reſtored; fince the duke of "Bavaria is poffeffed of all thofe dominions, and the emperor, "who hath promifed to transfer to him the Upper Palati- cr nate, with the electoral dignity, is now in the diet, where "that tranflation is to be made. Befides, the emperor hath "given us to underſtand, how difficult it will be to wreft the "Palatinate out of the duke of Bavaria's hands, fince it ap- ❝pears by the memorial, which was yesterday preſented to your majeſty by the emperor's ambaffador, that the duke "of Bavaria alone can maintain more troops than all the reſt "of the allies joined together." vr Upon thefe difficulties, the Condé propofed in the fame letter, "to fet on foot two other marriages, namely, be- "tween the emperor's eldeſt daughter, and the prince of "Wales, and between the prince Palatine's fon, and the "emperor's fecond daughter; by which means the buſineſs "(fays he) may be accommodated, and afterwards, I would "reduce the prince elector to the obedience of the church, by breeding his fons in the emperor's court with catholic "doctrine." .. If £40 THE HISTORY James I. If it be confidered, that the king of Spain's letter is dated 1622. the 5th of November, and that probably the anſwer was made within a few days, it will be eaſy to perceive, that till then the Spaniard never intended to conclude the marriage. But preſently after, as I have obſerved, he came to another reſolution. 1623. Truce for fifteen months concluded at London. The late alteration of the projects in the Spaniſh court, procured the earl of Briſtol a letter from Philip IV. to the infanta Iſabella, to defire her to raiſe the ſiege of Frankendal, and renew at London the conferences for a truce, which were broken off at Bruffels. This requeſt was a real order, which Du Cheine's the infanta obeyed, and the negotiation of the truce was be- history of gun at London, where it ended the 27th of March 1623 (c). England. A&t. Pub. The fole point was to hinder, by means of this truce, Frank- xvii. p.461. endal, the only place in the Palatinate where was an Engliſh 473 479. garrifon, from falling into the emperor's hands. But on the other fide, the emperor had reaſon to fear, if James remained mafter of this place, he would make uſe of it to carry war into the Palatinate, and the more, as he had fometimes Welwood. threatened to have recourſe in the end to arms. To adjuſt the different interefts of the emperor and the king, this rare expedient was devifed. Frankendal was to be delivered to the infanta Iſabella, and a truce made for fifteen or eighteen months, after which, the infanta was to reſtore the place to the Engliſh. But withal, the elector was to break his alli- ance with the prince of Brunſwick and count Mansfeldt. Coke. The council of Eng- gland's this treaty. This treaty gives no great idea of the capacity of king James and his council. Not only was Frankendal delivered to the infanta, as if ſhe had been a third perfon entirely dif overfight in interefted, though fhe had fhown the contrary in this very treaty; but the elector was alfo deprived of all hopes of re- entering his country. Moreover, the emperor and duke of Bavaria were at liberty either to diſmiſs their troops, or to affift the king of Spain in the Low-countries, fince there was no farther danger of a war in the Palatinate. But what ad- vantage accrued to James by this treaty? Indeed, he hindered the emperor from taking Frankendal. But at the fame time, the place was delivered to Spain. (c) The English commiffioners were, Lionel earl of Middleſex, lord treaſurer, Ludowic earl of Lenox, fteward of the houthold, James marquis of Hamil- ton, Tho as carl of Arundel and Surrey, earl-marfhal, William earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain, Oliver On the other hand, the viſcount Grandifon, Arthur lord Chi- chefter, treaſurer of Ireland, Sir George Calvert, fecretary of state, and Sir Richard Wefton, chancellor of the ex- chequer. Rymer's Fœd. tom. xvi. p. 461. truce, OF ENGLAND 241 truce, which would have been for his advantage, had he James I. kept Frankendal, turned to his prejudice, fince it deprived 1623. him of the power to carry the war into the Palatinate, in favour of his fon-in-law. It is true, upon fuppofition of the infanta's fincerity, he was to have the place again when he truce was expired: but this was a very doubtful fuppofition, fince the infanta was entirely guided by the directions of the courts of Vienna and Madrid. The date of Bay Wilfer.. 1 a ig Before the truce was concluded at London, the emperor going to the diet of Ratiſbon, inveſted the duke of Bavaria macc- with the electoral dignity and the Upper Palatinate, not- tor. withſtanding the oppofition of ſeveral princes who were pof- Jan. 1623. feffed of hereditary dominions, and to whom ſuch a precedent p. 761, &c. was a juft occafion of fear. Such was the effect of king Rushworth. James's three years negotiations in favour of his fon-in-law, tom,i. p.74. who was at length ftript of his dominions and dignities (c). But the Spaniſh match was to recover all. We muſt ſee now the fuccefs of that tedious negotiation, the only remarkable event of the year 1623. tion about The only obftacle of the marriage, were the articles con- Sequel of cerning religion. The earl of Briftol had been disputing the the negotia- ground inch by inch, ever fince his arrival in Spain, and the mar Philip IV. was not diſpleaſed with it, becauſe it gave him an riage. opportunity to gain time. In Auguſt 1622, the Spaniards demanded certain articles in favour of the Engliſh catholics, to which the ambaffador only anfwered, he would acquaint the king his maſter therewith. At the fame time, the pope put his poftils or notes to the articles that were agreed on. Hence, it is eaſy to perceive, that the courts of Rome and Spain acted in concert, both tending to the fame end. The king The king received, about the fame time, the popes poftils and agrees to the court of Madrid's demands in favour of the catholics. the pope re- He kept theſe out of ceremony fome months, without giving quires for an anſwer, but at length figned all the 5th of January 1623, lics. and having made the prince fign them alfo, fent the articles to Rushworth, the earl of Briſtol, who received them the 25th of the ſame t. i, p. 281. month. I believe the full and entire refolution of the Spaniſh (c) Thus by king James's amazing negligence, was the proteftant religion entirely rooted out of Bohemia, the electoral dignity transferred from the Palatinate family, and the liberty of Germany overthrown. And all this chiefly through Gondemar's artful ma- nagement, who writ in one of his let- VOL. VIII. ters to the duke of Lerma, that he had lulled king James fo faſt aſleep, as he hoped neither the cries of his daugh- ter, nor her children, nor the repeated follicitations of his parliament and ſub- jects in their behalf, fhould be able to awaken him. Welwood, p. 27, 28. Q court whatever the catho- 242 THE HISTORY James I. court to conclude the marriage, may be fixed to this time. 1623. From the year 1616, to November 1622, the Spaniard's fole intent was to amuſe king James. From thence to the 25th of January 1623, he ſeems to have refolved upon the mar- riage, provided certain advantages could be obtained for the Roman religion. In fine, after the articles, figned by the king and prince, had fecured him what he defired, his refo- lution was fixed. Theſe three epocha's are to be carefully obferved and diſtinguiſhed, for want of which, moſt hiſtorians are very obfcure in their recital of this affair. The time of folemnizing is fixed. the carl of The Spaniard being fatisfied with the articles fent from the marriage England, which were much more advantagious to the catho- lics than thofe agreed upon with the earl of Briſtol, demand- ed time to fend them to Rome, and obtain the pope's difpen- Defence of fation. It was thought, the difpenfation might come in Bristol in March or April at fartheft, and it was agreed, the nuptials Rushworth, fiould be folemnized four days (d) after its arrival: that the t.i. p.281, infanta ſhould ſet out within twenty days after the celebration of the marriage, and whilft the difpenfation was expected, ral articles the other articles, which were called temporal, to diftinguiſh are ſettled. them from thoſe concerning religion, fhould be fettled. Pur- Ibid. p.282. fuant to this agreement, the earl of Briſtol and Sir Walter 290. The tempo- Afton jointly with the Spanish minifters prepared thefe ar- ticles by the beginning of March, to the mutual fatisfaction of both parties. The 22d of March, the Condé d'Olivarez and Gondemar came to the Engliſh ambaffadors, and ſhowed them a writing with the king of Spain's hand to it, whereby he approved of the temporal articles, and ordered them to without any finifh the affair. Theſe articles concerned only the portion mention of and dowry, without any mention of the Palatinate. Befides that he had commanded the earl of Briftol, in his inftructions, not to make the reftitution of the Palatinate one of the mar- riage articles, this command was repeated in the king's letter to him of the 30th of December 1622, that is, two or three months before. Moreover, at this very time, the truce and fequeftration of Frankendal were negotiating at London. the Palati- nate. The prince of Wales The affair of the marriage being in this fituation, and very refolves to probably near a conclufion, the end of April was to be ex- go to Spain. pected with patience, to fee whether any new difficulty would Wilfon, occur, for thus far every thing feemed to be fettled to the Clarendon, king's fatisfaction. But the face of the affair was fuddenly t. i. p. 11. changed by a very odd and moft extraordinary adventure. P. 763. Coke. (d) In one place it is faid, "within « forty,” and in another" within "four," days. See Rufhworth, tom. i. p. 281, 290, The OF ENGLAND. 243 The marquis of Buckingham perfuaded the prince of Wales, James I. to go to Spain and bring home his miftrefs the infanta him- 1623. felf. He told him, "the more uncommon ſuch a gallantry "wás among princes, the more it would redound to his "honour: the infanta herſelf would be charmed with it: "his prefence would immediately put an end to all for- "malities, and remove whatever difficulties might yet 66 occur: as after the marriage, there was an affair of mo- "ment to be negotiated, namely, the reftitution of the Pa- ❝latinate, an interceffor like him, would do more in three days than ambaſſadors could do in as many months." In a word, he ſo artfully repreſented this project, that the prince, tranſported with the thoughts of fo noble an adventure, never refted till he had accompliſhed it. The difficulty was to ob- tain the king's confent (e). The prince aſked it before Buck- ingham, and expreffed fo earneft a defire to make the jour- ney, that the king granted his requeft without much hefita- tion, and put off till next day to confider of means to effect Ibib. p. 13, it. But after he had more feriouſly reflected on the affair, his mind was quite changed on the morrow, when the prince and Buckingham came to him. He reprefented to them, how fruitleſs ſuch a journey would be in the preſent ſituation of the marriage affair, and the inconveniences it might be attended with. But instead of anſwering his reafons, Buckingham rudely told him, he had given his word, and if he broke p. 13-15 3 it, would be never more credited (f). The reader The reader may fee in The king the lord Clarendon's hiſtory this converſation at large, which it. ended with the king's permiffion, extorted by the prince and Ibid. Buckingham, for this ftrange, rafh, and very dangerous Wilfon. journey. It was refolved, that Buckingham fhould accom- pany the prince, with two more only, namely, Sir Francis Cottington, who had been the king's agent in Spain, and came from thence in September, and Endymion Porter, gen- tleman of the bed-chamber to the prince, who had been bred at Madrid: that they ſhould go poft through France, and the ſecret be kept, that they might be at a diſtance (e) Who was very quick-fighted in difcerning difficulties, and raifing ob- jections, and very flow in maſtering them. Clarendon, tom. i. p. 11. Fol. edit. (f) The king conjured them with fighs and tears not to purfue their refolution. But Buckingham told his majeſty, "that no body could believe any thing "he faid, when he retracted the pro- "snife he had fo folemnly made; that "he plainly difcerned, it proceeded "from another breach of his word, "(for he had promifed to keep the "thing fecret) in communicating "with fome rafcal, who had furniſhed him with thoſe pitiful reafons he "had alledged, and he doubted no', "but he should hereafter know who his counfellor had been.” don, tom. i. p. 14. Q 2 Claren- before confents to 244 THE HISTORY James I. before their departure was known. This refolution being 1623. taken, the prince and Buckingham deſired only two days to prepare. Weldon, P. 143. tom.i. p.11. Rushworth, The motives of this journey are variouſly related, accord- ing to the intereft and prejudices of the feveral writers. Some fay, the court of England ftill doubting the Spaniſh court's fincerity, thought proper the prince and Bucking- ham fhould be ſatisfied with their own eyes, in order to know what could be depended upon. But fuppofing this doubt, was it not extremely imprudent to put the king's only fon into the hands of a prince, whofe fincerity was believed to be juſtly ſuſpected? The king, prince, and favourite, muſt have been all three void of underſtanding, to be guilty of fuch an error. This therefore ſeems to be altogether impro- bable. The lord Clarendon fays, Buckingham, out of envy that the earl of Briſtol fhould have the fole management of fo great an affair, had a mind to have the glory of ending it. But he ſhould have thought of it ſooner, fince every thing was now concluded in Spain, at or about the time of the prince's departure for Madrid. So the marquis could not acquire much honour. Befides, the event fhowed, this was not his motive, fince inſtead of promoting, he was the fole cauſe of the unexpected difficulties, and final breach of the marriage. Others pretend, Buckingham's aim was infenfibly to in- t.i. p. 262. duce the prince to change his religion, by expofing him to all the temptations which of courſe he would meet at the court of Madrid. Of this he was afterwards accufed before the parliament, by the earl of Briſtol, who faid, the project was formed ſeveral months before the prince's departure be- tween Buckingham and Gondemar, by means of Endymion Porter, who had been fent to Spain for that purpoſe. But the proofs on which the earl of Briſtol grounded his accufa- tion, were but prefumptions at moft, and as he was a pro- feffed enemy to the marquis of Buckingham, I do not know whether his teftimony may be relied on. But whatever were the favourite's real motives with reſpect to this journey, it can hardly be denied, that it was a fign of great levity in the prince, and of no lefs weakneſs and im- prudence in the king. The affair of the marriage was in fuch a fituation, that it was entirely needleſs to follicit afreſh the court of Spain, with whom every thing was agreed. Two months patience would have fhown the king, whether he could rely on them, without expofing his only fon and heir OF ENGLAND. 245 fets out with Annals. He is well heir apparent to fo imminent danger, by fuffering him to exe- James I. cute a romantic project, which could procure no advantage. 1623. But the king's condefcenfion for the prince and Buckingham prevailed above all theſe confiderations. They fet out poft the The prince 17th of February (h), and came to Paris, where they ven- Buckingham tured to appear at court, and be prefent at a ball, at which, Wilfon. though diſguiſed, they were in fome danger of being difco- Rufhworth. vered. However, they arrived fafely at Madrid the 7th of March, and alighted at the earl of Briſtol's, who was not a received in little furprized to fee the prince (i). I fhall not ftay to defcribe Spain. the magnificent reception of the prince by the court of Spain, when he made himſelf known. I fhall only fay, he met with all the reſpect due to his birth, and all poffible careffes to teſtify the fatisfaction at his gallantry to the infanta, and his But not fuf- candour in confiding in the king's generofity. The only fered to fee thing in which great ceremony was uſed, was his not being in private, permitted to vifit the infanta in private. The Spaniſh way Annals, did not admit of ſuch a familiarity, and the more becauſe the p. 75. difpenfation not being yet come, he could not in ftrictneſs be confidered as the infanta's future ſpouſe. Wilfon. p. 764, &c. the infanta Cabala. Rushworth P. 78. No fooner was the prince arrived in Spain, but all the Wilfon, Spaniards thought he was come to change his religion before p. 765. he eſpouſed the infanta, no one imagining there could be any other motive of his journey. Nay, count Gondemar very ſeriouſly defired the earl of Briftol, not to oppofe fo pious a defign, and if the earl is to be credited, the count intimated to him, that the marquis of Buckingham was not againſt it (k). The earl of Briſtol perceiving, if the court of Spain had any Rushworth, fuch hopes, it would be apt to retard the marriage, fpoke of t. i. p. 291. it to the prince, and conjured him to impart the fecret to him, (h) They went privately, on February 17, from the court, which was then at Newmarket, to Newhall in Effex, a house of Buckingham's, purchaſed by him from Robert earl of Suffex; and from thence the next day to Gravefend and fo to Dover, attended only by Sir Richard Graham, mafter of the horfe to the marquis. Wilſon, p. 763, Hacket, p. 114. (i) The prince and marquis of Buck- ingham put on falle beards, to cover their ſmooth faces, and travelled under the borrowed names of Jack and Tom Smith. The mayor of Dover ſtopped them, thinking they were going to France to fight, fo that Buckingham was forced to difcover himself; pre- tending he was going to vifit the fleet, as admiral. The fame day they em- barked, they landed at Boulogne, and from thence rid poft to Paris. At Paris, they both wore large bushy perriwigs that ſhadowed their faces. Here the prince faw, at a masking dance, the princefs Henrietta Maria, whom he afterwards married. Wilfon, p. 763. They narrowly escaped being feized in France. See Rushworth, t. i. p. 75° Weldon, p. 144. (k) The Condé d'Olivarez ſpeaking to the prince about this, in his firſt vifit, the prince replied, That he came not thither for religion, but for a Wife, Rushworth, t. i. p. 78. Q3 if 246. THE HISTORY James I. if there was really any thing in it. But the prince firmly de- 1623. nied it, and expoftulated with the ambaſſador for having fo ill anſwer to the pope. Wilfon. R.767. an opinion of him (1). Whereupon the earl of Briftol intreated him, neither to do nor fay any thing whatever that might feed the hopes of the Spaniſh court in that refpect, for fear of obftructing the marriage. Nevertheleſs he was attacked feveral times, one while by ecclefiaftics, who took all oc- cafions to diſpute with him about religion, another while by courtiers, who repreſented to him how powerful England would grow if ſhe would return to the obedience of the pope. He even received a long letter from Gregory XV. exhorting him to come into the bofom of the church, and imitate his glorious anceſtors, who had done fo great things for the de- fence of religion. The prince anſwered this letter the 20th of June. But becauſe the two printed copies of this anſwer are very different, it will not be amiſs to infert them both. Prince Charles to pope Gregory XV. "Moft Holy Father, The prince's "Received the diſpatch from your holiness with great con- tent, and with that refpect which the piety and care "wherewith your holiness writes doth require. It was an "unfpeakable pleaſure to me to read the generous exploits of "the kings my predeceffors, to whoſe memory poſterity hath "not given thoſe praiſes and elogies of honour that were due " to them. I do believe that your holineſs hath ſet their ❝example before my eyes, to the end that I might imitate "them in all my actions; for in truth they have often ex- "pofed their eftates and lives for the exaltation of the holy "chair. And the courage with which they have affaulted "the enemies of the crofs of Jefus Chrift, hath not been lefs than the care and thought which I have, to the end that "the peace and intelligence, which hath hitherto been want- ing in Chriftendom, might be bound with a bond of true "concord: for like as the common enemy of peace watcheth always to put hatred and diffention between chriftian princes, fol believe that the glory of God requires that we fhould ❝endeavour to unite them. And I do not eſteem it a great¬ er honour to be defcended from fo great princes, than to imitate them in the zeal of their piety: in which it helps (1) He feemed to be much diſpleaſed, that any fhould have fo unworthy an opinion of him, as to think he would, for a wife, or any other earthly reſpect whatſoever, fo much as waver in his religion. Ibid. p. 291. "me OF ENGLAN D. 247 << me very much to have known the mind and will of our James I. "thrice honoured lord and father, and the holy intention of 1623. "his catholic majefty, to give a happy concurrence to ſo ❝laudable a defign; for it grieves him extremely to ſee the 66 great evil that grows from the divifion of chriftian princes, "which the wiſdom of your holineſs forefaw, when it judged "the Marriage, which you pleaſed to deſign between the "infanta of Spain and myſelf, to be neceffary to procure fa 66 great a good; for it is very certain, that I fhall never be "fo extremely affectionate to any thing in the world, as to "endeavour alliance with a prince that hath the fame appre- "henfions of the true religion with myſelf. Therefore 1 "entreat your holiness to believe, that I have been always "far from encouraging novelties, or to be a partifan of any "faction againſt the catholic, apoftolic, Roman religion: "But on the contrary, I have fought all occafions to take cc away the ſuſpicion that might reft upon me; and that I "will employ myſelf for the time to come to have but one "religion, and one faith, ſeeing that we all believe in one "Jefus Chrift: Having refolved in myſelf to ſpare nothing "that I might have in the world, and to fuffer all manner of "difcommodities, even to the hazarding of my eſtate and life, for a thing ſo pleaſing unto God. It refts only, that "I thank your holiness for the permiffion which you have "been pleaſed to afford me, and that I may pray God to "give you a bleſſed health here, and his 'glory, after fa "much travel which your holinefs takes within his church. << CC Madrid, June 20, 1622. "CHARLES STUART." The other copy of the fame letter, is as follows. Prince Charles to pope Gregory XV. "Moft Holy Father, WE P. 77. E have received your letter, with no lefs thankful- Annals, nefs and refpect than is due to the fingular good Ruhworth, "will and godly affection wherewith we know it was writ- t. i. p. Sa "ten. It was moft acceptable unto us, that the never- "enough renowned examples of our anceſtors were propoſed to us by your holiness for our infpection and imitation; "who though they often hazarded their lives and fortunes to 66 pro 348 THE HISTORY ; A James I. 1623. 66 • propagate the chriftian faith, yet did they never more "chearfully diſplay the banners of the cross of Chriſt againſt "his moſt bitter enemies, than we will endeavour to the ut- "moſt, that the peace and union which fo long triumphed, 66 may be reduced into the chriftian world, after a kind of ❝elimination or exile. For fince the malice of the father "of difcords hath fowed fuch unhappy divifions amongſt "thoſe who profefs the chriftian religion, we account this "moft neceffary, thereby to promote with better fucceſs the • glory of God, and Chriſt our Saviour, nor fhall we eſteem "it lefs honour to tread in their footſteps, and to have been "their rivals and imitators in holy undertakings, than to have "been deſcended of them. And we are very much encou- << raged to this as well by the known inclination of our lord "and father, and his ardent defire to lend a helping hand "to fo pious a work, as by the anguiſh that gnaws his royal "breaft, when he confiders what cruel deftructions, what deplorable calamities arife out of the diffentions of chriftian "princes. Your holiness's conjecture of our defire to con- "tract an alliance and marriage with a catholic family and "princefs, is agreeable both to your wisdom and charity; "for we would never defire ſo vehemently to be joined in a "ftrict and indiffoluble bond with any mortal whatſoever, "whoſe religion we hated. Therefore your holineſs may "be affured, that we are, and always will be of that mo- deration, as to abftain from fuch actions, which may teſtify our hatred against the Roman catholic religion; we will "rather embrace all occafions whereby, through a gentle and fair procedure, all finifter ſuſpicions may be taken away; st that as we confeſs one individual trinity, and one Chrift "crucified, we may unanimoufly grow up into one faith. "Which that we may compaſs, we little value all labour "and watchings, yea, the very hazard of our lives. It re- "mains that we render thanks to your holineſs for your "letter, which we eſteem as a fingular prefent, and wiſh your holiness all proſperity and eternal happineſs.” داری Dated at Madrid, 20 Junij 1623. It must be obſerved of theſe two letters, which are very different, that as they did not appear till after the civil wars, it is equally probable that one of the parties qualified, whilſt the other aggravated, the expreffions. And therefore it is needleſs to make any reflection upon them. Mean OF ENGLAND. 249 J adds new Mean while, after the prince's arrival in Spain, the ſtate James I. of the marriage-treaty was a little altered. The diſpenſation 1623, arrived about fix weeks after, that is, about the beginning of May. But the pope had annexed certain conditions, without The pope which it was to be of no force. Very probably, had not the conditions prince been in Spain, the difpenfation would have come to the dif- fooner, and without any reſtriction: but it is not very fur- penſation, prifing, that the pope, knowing the prince was in Spain, fhould defire to make an advantage of that imprudence. He ſent therefore the difpenfation, but it was to be delivered only on theſe terms, That the infanta ſhould have a church in London: That the children by this marriage fhould be left to their mother's care till they were ten years old: That the Wilfon. nurſes ſhould be catholics, and appointed by the mother: p. 768. That the king of England fhould give fecurity for the per- formance of the articles agreed upon concerning religion. the children The article relating to the education of the children had The article been debated in November, and the pope and the king of about the Spain had infifted that the children fhould be educated by their education of mother till marriageable. The king at firſt offered ſeven is agreed years, and the courts of Rome and Spain came to twelve. upon. Then the king allowed nine, and the pope ten. At laft, the P. 776. earl of Briſtol received the king's orders, not to diſpute for a year more or leſs. Du Chefne, After the prince and the marquis of Buckingham came to Phili is Madrid, they managed the affair of the marriage exclufive of fecurity for the earl of Briſtol. There was fome debate upon the articles king James. annexed to the pope's difpenfation. The prince of Wales p, 1164. faid, he had no power to make the leaſt addition to the ar- ticles figned by the king his father, and the Spaniſh miniſters maintained, his catholic majefty could not reject the condi- tions on which the pope had granted the difpenfation: That it lay in the pope's breaſt to grant his favours on what terms he pleated, and that the difpenfation was void without theſe conditions. In fhort, it was thought proper to confult the king of England by letter, and to afk withal, what fecurity he would give for the performance of the articles. James made no fcruple concerning the time of the education of the wilton, children, or about the nurſes, becauſe theſe things were now p. 768. fettled. As to the fecurity, he replied, he could give no other Rushworth, than his own, and the prince's royal words and oaths, con- Annals. t. i. p. 84. firmed by his council of ftate, and exemplified under the great feal of England. All this not fatisfying the pope's nuntio, who pretended to have particular orders upon that point, the king of Spain offered to become fecurity himſelf; but it was firft B k 250 THE HISTORY Wilſon, p. 768. James I. firft to be determined by a committee of ecclefiaftics, that 1623. Philip might lawfully fwear for the king of England. Some believe this to be a Spaniſh device, to make the king of Spain guarantee of the articles granted to the catholics. This diffi- Cottington culty being removed, the prince fent Cottington to England carries the with the articles concerning religion, newly drawn according to the pope's intentions, and with fome other fecret articles which were not to be publiſhed ſo ſoon. articles figned by the king to England. Nothing is ftipulated about the dowry or Palatinate. Wilfon. P. 773. The king debates in council rating the papiſts. Wilfon. It muſt be remarked, that hitherto there was no other writing concerning the infanta's dowry, than a rough draught, approved indeed by the king of Spain in a forementioned letter directed to his minifters, but which remained in the hands of Olivarez. Much leſs had there been any care taken about the reſtitution of the Palatinate, James being unwilling to make this one of the marriage-articles, for fear it ſhould be in recompence of the two millions promiſed him for the infanta's dowry. But he was very willing to receive the Palatinate, from the king of Spains bounty, when the marrige fhould be confummated. This at leaft was his project, and, no doubt, at the time the court of Spain fought only to amufe him, he was made to expect the reftitution of the Palatinate, though without any written engagement. Mean while, James depended upon this verbal promife, as if it had been a treaty figned with the Spaniard's own hand (m). Cottington being come to England with the articles both public and private, it was rumoured, that the pope and the about tole- king of Spain demanded a toleration for the Engliſh papiſts. The king himſelf occafioned the rumour, by aſking his council, Whether it would be convenient to grant fuch a to- leration? Whereupon, Abbot, archbiſhop of Canterbury, who had withdrawn to his own houſe ever fince the fatal ac- cident of killing the park-keeper, and came no more to the council, thought it his duty to write the following letter to the king. The arch- bishop's letter to the king againſt toleration of f popery. tr ઃઃ I May it pleaſe your majeſty, Have been too long filent, and I am afraid by my filence I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleaſed God to call me unto, and your majeſty to place me in: But I now humby crave leave I may diſcharge my con- "ſcience towards God, and my duty to your majefty; and (m) See king James's inftructions to the earl of Bristol, and the earl's defence, in Rushworth and the Annals. ❝ therefore OF ENGLAND. 251 therefore I beseech you freely to give me leave to deliver James I. "myſelf, and then let your majefty do with me what you 1623. "pleaſe. Your majefty hath propounded a toleration of re- Coke. ligion; I befeech you take it into your confideration what Wilfon. "your act is, what the confequence may be. By your act P.768. t you labour to fet up the moſt damnable and heretical doc- Rushworth, "trine of the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: t. i. p. 85. "How hateful it will be to God, and grievous to your good " fubjects, the profeffors of the gospel, That your majefty, "who hath often difputed, and learnedly written againſt "thoſe herefies, fhould now fhew yourſelf a patron of thoſe "wicked doctrines, which your pen hath told the world, and "your confcience tells yourſelf, are fuperftitious, idolatrous, "and deteſtable. And hereunto I add what you have done "in fending the prince into Spain without conſent of your "council, the privity and approbation of your people: And although you have a charge and intereft in the prince, as "fon of your fleſh, yet have the people a greater, as fon " of the kingdom, upon whom next after your majeſty are "their eyes fixed, and welfare depends; and fo tenderly is "his going apprehended, as (believe it) however his return CC may be fafe, yet the drawers of him into this action, fo "dangerous to himſelf, fo deſperate to the kingdom, will "not paſs away unqueftioned, unpuniſhed. Beſides, this "toleration which you endeavour to fet up by your procla- "mation, cannot be done without a parliament, unleſs your "majefty will let your fubjects fee that you will take unto "yourſelf ability to throw down the laws of your land at your pleaſure. What dread confequence theſe things may draw "afterwards, I beseech your majefty to confider; and above "all, left by this toleration and diſcountenancing of the true "profeffion of the gofpel, wherewith God hath bleſſed us, "and this kingdom hath fo long flouriſhed under, your ma- "jeſty do not draw upon this kingdom in general, and your "felf in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation. "Thus in diſcharge of my duty towards God, to your "majefty, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble "leave to deliver my confcience. Now, Sir, do what you pleaſe with me." 66 It may be ſeen by this letter, it was not without reaſon that the archbishop paſſed for a puritan, at leaſt, according to the notions of the court, where all were confidered as puritans who refuſed to afcribe to the king an unlimited power. Wherefore his counfels were not regarded. The 252 THE HISTORY James I. 1623. The king did not long detain Cottington in England. As it was not now time to diſpute, and he was required to fign the articles as brought by Cottington, without any alterations, The king he choſe to do it rather than hazard a breach of the marriage, figns the articles fent when the prince his fon was in the hands of the Spaniard. from Spain. He figned them therefore, and folemnly fwore to them. As thefe articles were new drawn, explained, and increaſed to twenty-three, beſides four ſecret articles, the reader, perhaps, will be glad to view them in their new form, and fee withal how far the king carried his compliance. Wilfon, Articles fworn by the king. Wilfon. Annals. p. 78. Rushworth. I. That the marriage be made by difpenfation of the pope, but that to be procured by the endeavour of the king of Spain. II. That the marriage be once only celebrated in Spain, and ratified in England, in form following: in the morning, after the moſt gracious infanta hath ended her devotions in the f. i. p. 86. chapel, fhe, and the moft excellent prince Charles, fhall meet in the king's chapel, or in fome other room of the pa- lace, where it fhall feem moft expedient; and there fhall be read all the procurations, by virtue whereof the marriage was celebrated in Spain; and as well the moſt excellent prince, as the most excellent infanta, fhall ratify the faid marriage celebrated in Spain, with all folemnity neceffary for fuch an act: fo as no ceremony, or other thing intervene, which ſhall be contrary to the Roman catholic apoftolic religion. III. That the moſt gracious infanta ſhall take with her fuch fervants and family as are convenient for her ſervice; which family, and all perfons to her belonging, ſhall be cho- fen and nominated by the catholic king: fo as he nominate no fervant which is vaffal to the king of Great-Britain, with- out his will and conſent. IV. That as well the moſt gracious infanta, as all her fer- vants and family, fhall have free uſe and public exerciſe of the Roman catholic religion, in manner and form as is be- neath capitulated. V. That ſhe ſhall have an oratory and decent chapel in her palace, where, at the pleaſure of the moft gracious infanta, maffes may be celebrated; and in like manner, fhe ſhall have in London, or wherefoever fhe fhall make her abode, a pub- lic and capacious church near her palace, wherein all duties may be folemnly celebrated, and all other things neceffary for the public preaching of God's word, the celebration and ad- miniftration of all the facraments of the catholic Roman church, and for burial of the dead, and baptizing of children. That the faid oratory, chapel and church, fhall be adorned with OF ENGLAN D. 253 with fuch decency, as ſhall ſeem convenient to the moſt gra- James I. cious infanta. 1623. VI. That the men-fervants and maid-fervants of the moſt gracious infanta, and their ſervants, children, and defcendants, and all their families, of what fort foever, ferving her high- nefs, may be freely and publicly catholics. VII. That the moſt gracious infanta, her fervants and fa- mily, may live as catholics in form following: that the moſt gracious infanta fhall have in her palace, her oratory and cha- pel fo fpacious, that her faid fervants and family may enter and ſtay therein; in which there fhall be an ordinary and public door for them, and another inward door, by which the infanta may have a paſſage into the faid chapel, where ſhe and others, as abovefaid, may be prefent at divine offices. VIII. That the chapel, church and oratory, may be beau- tified with decent ornaments of altars, and other things necef- fary for divine ſervice, which is to be celebrated in them, ac- cording to the cuftom of the holy Roman church; and that it ſhall be lawful for the ſaid ſervants and others, to go to the faid chapel and church at all hours, as to them ſhall ſeem expedient. IX. That the care and cuſtody of the ſaid chapel and church, fhall be committed to fuch as the lady infanta ſhall appoint, to whom it ſhall be lawful to appoint keepers, that no body may enter into them to do any undecent thing. X. That to the adminiſtration of the facraments, and to ferve in chapel and church aforefaid, there fhall be four and twenty prieſts and affiftants, who fhall ferve weekly or month- ly, as to the infanta fhall ſeem fit; and the election of them ſhall belong to the lady infanta, and the catholic king, pro- vided that they be none of the vaſſals of the king of Great Britain; and if they be, his will and conſent is to be firſt obtained. XI. That there be one fuperior minifter or bishop, with neceffary authority upon all occafions which ſhall happen be- longing to religion; and for want of a bishop, that his vicar may have his authority and jurifdiction. XII. That this bifhop or fuperior miniſter may correct and chaſtiſe all Roman catholics who ſhall offend, and ſhall exer- cife upon them all jurifdiction ecclefiaftical: and moreover alfo, the lady infanta fhall have power to put them out of her fervice, whenfoever it ſhall ſeem expedient to her. XIII. That it may be lawful for the lady infanta and her fervants to procure from Rome difpenfations, indulgences, jubilees, and all graces as fhall feem fit to their religion and confciences, 254 THE HISTORY James I. confciences, and to get and make uſe of any manner of catho- 1623. lic books whatſoever. XIV. That the fervants and family of the lady infanta, who ſhall come into England, fhall take the oath of allegi- ance to the king of Great Britain: provided, that there be no clauſe therein which fhall be contrary to their confciences, and the Roman catholic religion; and if they happen to be vaffals to the king of Great Britain, they ſhall take the fame oath that the Spaniards do. XV. That the laws which are or ſhall be in England againſt religion, fhall not take hold of the faid fervants; and only the forefaid ſuperior ecclefiaftical catholic may proceed againſt ecclefiaftical perfons, as hath been accuſtomed by catholics : and if any fecular judge fhall apprehend any ecclefiaftical per- fon for any offence, he fhall forthwith caufe him to be deli- vered to the aforefaid fuperior ecclefiaftic, who fhall proceed againſt him according to the canon law. XVI. That the laws made againſt catholics in England, or in any other kingdom of the king of Great Britain, fhall not extend to the children of this marriage; and though they be catholics, they fhall not lofe the right of fucceffion to the kingdom and dominions of Great Britain. XVII. That the nurſes which fhall give fuck to the chil- dren of the lady infanta, (whether they be of the kingdom of Great Britain, or of any other nation whatſoever) fhall be chofen by the lady infanta, as fhe pleaſeth, and ſhall be ac- counted of her family, and enjoy the privileges thereof. XVIII. That the biſhop, ecclefiaftical and religious perfons of the family of the lady infanta, ſhall wear the veſtments and habit of their dignity, profeffion, and religion, after the cuf- tom of Rome. XIX. For fecurity that the faid matrimony be not diffolved for any cauſe whatſoever, the king and prince are equally to paſs the word and honour of a king; and moreover, that they will perform whatſoever fhall be propounded by the catholic king for further confirmation, if it may be done decently and fitly. XX. That the fons and daughters which fhall be born of this marriage, fhall be brought up in the company of the moſt excellent infanta, at the leaſt, until the age of ten years, and fhall freely enjoy the right of fucceffion to the kingdoms, as aforefaid. XXI. That whenfoever any place of either man-fervant or maid-ſervant, which the lady infanta fhall bring with her, (nominated by the catholic king her brother) fhall happen to be OF ENGLAN D. 255 be void, whether by death, or by other cauſe or accident, all James I. the ſaid ſervants of her family are to be ſupplied by the catho- 1623. lic king, as aforeſaid. XXII. For fecurity that whatſoever is capitulated may be fulfilled, the king of Great Britain and prince Charles are to be bound by oath; and all the king's council fhall confirm the faid treaty under their hands: moreover, the faid king and prince are to give their faiths in the word of a king, to endeavour, if poffible, that whatſoever is capitulated may be eſtabliſhed by parliament. XXIII. That conformable to this treaty, all theſe things propoſed, are to be allowed and approved of by the pope, that he may give an apoftolical benediction, and a difpenfation neceffary to effect the marriage. yields. The king ratified thefe articles in the ufual form, and fwore Difficulty to obferve them, before the two Spaniſh ambaffadors and concerning the pope's twenty (n) privy-counſellors, who all figned the treaty. When title. the king came to take the oath, he had ſome diſpute with the ambaffadors. His majefty would not give the pope the The king title of Holy Father, or His Holinefs, faying, he had writ Du Chefne. againſt this title, and it was unreaſonable to make him re- Coke. tract. But the ambaffadors infifting upon it, the king yielded Wilfon. at laſt, not thinking he ought, for fuch a trifle, retard a treaty, which had now been ſeven years on foot. After publicly taking the oath, he withdrew into his clo- fet, where, in prefence of the fame ambaffadors, and fome privy-counſellors, he ratified and ſwore to theſe four fecret articles. Rushworth, tom.i. p.90. Annals. Private are ticles. I. That particular laws made againſt Roman catholics, un- der which other vaffals of our realms are not comprehended, Wilfon, and to whoſe obſervation all generally are not obliged; as p. 769. likewife general laws, under which all are equally comprized, Annals of James I. if fo be they are fuch which are repugnant to the Romish re- P. 79. ligion, ſhall not at any time hereafter, by any means or Rushworth, chance whatſoever, directly or indirectly, be commanded to tom.i. p.89. be put in execution against the faid Roman catholics; and we will cauſe that our council ſhall take the fame oath, as far as it pertains to them, and belongs to the execution, which by the hands of them and their minifters, is to be exerciſed. II. That no other laws fhall hereafter be made anew againſt the faid Roman catholics, but that there fhall be a perpetual (n) There are but nineteen named in Wilfon, p. 769. tole- 256 THE HISTORY James I. toleration of the Roman catholic religion, within private 1623. houſes throughout all our realms and dominions, which we will have to be underſtood as well of our kingdoms of Scot- land and Ireland, as in England; which fhall be granted to them in manner and form, as is capitulated, decreed, and gran- ted in the article of the treaty concerning the marriage. III. That neither by us, nor any other interpofed perfon whatſoever, directly or indirectly, privately or publicly, will we treat (or attempt) any thing with the moſt renowned lady infanta Donna Maria, which fhall be repugnant to the Ro mith catholic religion; neither will we by any means per- fuade her, that the fhould ever renounce or relinquish the fame in ſubſtance or form, or that ſhe ſhould do any thing re- pugnant or contrary to thofe things which are contained in the treaty of matrimony. IV. That we and the prince of Wales will interpofe our authority, and will do as much as in us fhall lie, that the par- liament ſhall approve, confirm, and ratify all and fingular ar- ticles in favour of the Roman catholics, capitulated between the moſt renowned kings by reafon of this marriage and that the ſaid parliament fhall revoke and abrogate particular laws made againſt the ſaid Roman catholics, to whoſe obſer- vance alſo the reſt of our ſubjects and vaffals are not obliged : as likewiſe the general laws under which all are equally com- prehended; to wit, as to the Roman catholics, if they be fuch as is aforefaid, which are repugnant to the Roman catholic religion and that hereafter, we will not confent that the ſaid parliament ſhould ever, at any time, enact or write any other new laws againſt the Roman catholics (o). Theſe are the four articles which ferved for foundation to the pope's diſpenſation: for, as the Congregation de Propa- gandâ ſaid, “The other articles are only to fecure the infan- ta's religion but there muſt be fomething more for the "catholics in general, before the difpenfation can be grant- "ed." Nalfon and others pretend, thoſe four fecret articles are fictitious, groundleſs, and even improbable. But, befides that they follow very naturally from what was demanded by the Congregation de Propagandâ, and are manifeftly alluded to in the archbishop's letter to the king, we fhall fee preſently a paper which leaves no room to doubt, that the king had en- gaged to perform the contents of the four articles. (0) The author of the Annals fays, thefe four articles must be taken en- tirely upon Ruſhworth's credit, p. 80. Rapio. It OF ENGLAND. 257 It is pretended, all theſe articles, as well public as private James I. figned by the king and privy-council, with the great feal an-. 1623. nexed, being brought to Spain, the prince of Wales made the following additions. But I confeſs, I do not find ſo ſtrong proofs of theſe additions, as of the foregoing articles. This depends upon the degree of credit, which the reader is willing to give the firſt publiſhers. .. Du Chefne. t. i. p. 89. "Moreover, I Charles prince of Wales engage myſelf, Articles (and promife, that the moſt illuftrious king of Great-Bri- fworn to by the prince of "tain my moft honoured lord and father, ſhall do the fame Wales. "both by word and writing) that all thoſe things which Wilfon. " are contained in the foregoing articles, and concern as well P. 247. "the fufpenfion as the abrogation of all laws made againft Annals. "the Roman catholics, fhall within three years infallibly p. 80. "take effect, and fooner, if it be poffible, which we will Rushworth, "have to lie upon our conſcience and royal honour: that I "will intercede with the moſt illuftrious king of Great-Bri- "tain my father, that the ten years of the education of the “children which ſhall be born of this marriage, with the "moſt illuſtrious lady infanta their mother, accorded in the "23d Art. (which term the pope of Rome defires to have "prorogued to twelve years) may be lengthened to the faid "term and I promife freely and of my own accord, and "ſwear, that if it ſo happen, that the entire power of dif- "pofing of this matter be devolved to me, I will alfo 26 grant and approve the faid term. Furthermore, I prince "of Wales oblige myſelf, upon my faith to the catholic king, "that as often as the moſt illuftrious lady infanta fhall re- "quire, that I ſhould give ear to divines or others, whom "her highneſs fhall be pleaſed to employ in matter of the "Roman catholic religion, I will hearken to them willingly "without all difficulty, laying afide all excufe. And for "further caution in point of the free exerciſe of the catholic "religion, and the fufpenfion of the law above-named, I "Charles prince of Wales, promiſe and take upon me in the "word of a king, that the things above promifed and treated "concerning thofe matters, fhall take effect, and be put in "execution, as well in the kingdoms of Scotland and Ire "land, as of England." This was the effect of the prince's and Buckingham's jour- ney to Spain, a journey not only needlefs, but even pernicious, as may eaſily be ſeen by all the additions made to the articles fettled by the earl of Briftol. The king was fo glad that he VOL. VIII. R had Wilfon, P. 769. 258 THE HISTORY James I. had finiſhed the affair of the marriage, that he defied all the 1623. devils in hell to break it (p). As a grateful acknowledgment for his favourite's great fervices, he fent him a patent creat- Bucking- ing him duke of Buckingham. There was no other duke at ated a duke, that time in England (q). ham is cre- Act. Pub, Fresh diffi- culty in Spain. The court of Spain want to fee the fecret articles exe- cuted. The king's compliance in every thing he had figned and xvii. p. 495. ratified was fo great, that the Spaniards could hardly believe Coke. it fincere. Some who knew the Engliſh conftitution main- tained, it was not in the king's power to perform his pro- mifes, or in cafe he attempted it, a rebellion would infallibly follow. Wherefore the king of Spain appointed a com- mittee to take the matter into confideration. The reſult of the debate was, that it was not proper to fend the infanta to England before the next fpring; that in this interval, the per- Rushworth, formance of the articles granted to the catholics, and their t, i. p. 93. effects, might be affured. Upon this the Spaniſh ambaſſadors in England had orders to defire the king to begin to execute his engagements in favour of the catholics. This demand embarraffed him. What he had promiſed was fecret, and not to be performed till after the marriage, and he was preffed to make it public by the execution, whilft the prince was ſtill in Spain. This was a fort of menace that the marriage ſhould not be folemnized, before he had given public marks of his fincerity. He knew a proclamation for granting the papifts a toleration might be attended with ill confequences; that theſe confequences might break off the marriage, and the prince his fon would be in danger of being detained in Spain. To free himſelf from this perplexity, he refolved to give the ambaſſadors fome fatisfaction, by putting into their hands a de- claration of his council, containing his intention about this affair. In all appearance, the ambaffadors were (prevailed with to confent, that the performance of it ſhould be deferred, by reafon of the accidents that might follow. The decla- ration was thus: (p) One that heard king James fay this, told the ftanders-by, That there was never a devil now left in hell, for they were all gone to Spain to make up the match. Wilfon, p. 770. (9) He was created earl of Coventry, and duke of Buckingham: his patent bears date May 18. See Rymer's Fœd. tom. xvii. p. 497. James Hay, earl of Carlile brought over the patent. The lord Kenfington, captain of the king's guard, came alfo to fee the prince, as did the earl of Denbigh, Edward fon and heir to Henry Montague viſcount Mandeville, the viſcount Rochford, and divers others of the nobility; and the prince was fo incircled with a ſplendid retinue of his own nation, that it might be faid, there was an English court in the king of Spain's palace. Wilſon, p. 765. Annals, p. 75. A OF ENGLAND. 259 Saliſbury, Aug. 7, 1623. James I. 1623. A declaration touching the pardons, fufpenfions, and difpen- 86 << . fations of the Roman catholics. the Roman FOR the fatisfaction of their excellencies, the marquis Declaration Ynojofa and Don Carolus de Colonia, the lords am- in behalf of "baffadors for the king of Spain; and to the end it may ap catholics. pear that his majeſty of Great Britain will preſently and Rushworth, "really put in execution the grace promiſed and intended to t. i. p. 288. "the Roman catholics his majeſty's ſubjects, and of his own ' grace more than he is tied to by the articles of treaty of marriage (r). CC Annals of Charles I. P. 143. Du Chefne, The earl of "We do declare in his majeſty's name, that his majeſty's P. 1168. "will and pleaſure is, that a legal and authentical pardon Briftol's de- "ſhall be paffed under the great-feal, wherein fhall be freely fence, "pardoned all thoſe penalties, forfeitures and ſeizures, in- "dictments, convictments and incumbrances whatſoever, "whereunto the Roman catholics are liable, or have been "proceeded againſt, or might be, as well prieſts as others, "for matters of confcience only, and to which the reſt of his majeſty's ſubjects are not liable. And to the end his majeſty may make himſelf clearly underſtood, where it fhall hap- 66 CC pen that any of theſe forfeitures and pecuniary mulets have "been given away under his majeſty's great-feal, his majeſty "will not hide that it is not in his power fo to made void "thoſe letters patents, except they be voidable by law; and "then his majeſty is well pleaſed that all Roman catholics (6 cr may in thoſe caſes plead in law, if they find it good, and "ſhall have equal and legal trial. And his majefty is like- "wife pleaſed, that his general pardon fhall remain in being "five years, to the end all that will may in that time take it out; and his majeſty will give order for the comfort of the poorer fort, that the pardon fhall not be coſtly, but ſuch "like courfe fhall be taken as was in a like occafion at his "majefty's coming into England; and that it ſhall be lawful to put as many as can bè poffible into one pardon. 66 ' 66 "And we do farther declare, that his majeſty's will and pleaſure is, to the end the Roman catholics, his majeſty's "fubjects, may have a prefent and a free fruition of as much "as is intended them by the articles of treaty of marriage, (r) The treaty of the twenty-three ar- ticles contained no grant at all in favour of the catholics in general, Confe- quently this muſt relate to the ſecret articles of the fame treaty. Rapin. R 2 ❝ to 260 HISTORY THE James I." to caufe a prefent fufpenfion under his majeſty's feal of all 1623." thoſe penal laws, charges, and forfeitures, whereunto the "Roman catholic fubjects of his majefty have heretofore been "fubject, and to which the reft of his majefty's fubjects have 66 not been liable; and in the fame grant, and under the "fame feal, to give a diſpenſation and toleration to all the Roman catholics his majefty's fubjects, as well priefts, as "temporal perſons and others, of and from all the penalties, "forfeitures, troubles, and incumbrances, which they have ❝ been or may be ſubject to, by reaſon of any ſtatute or law "whatſoever, to the obſervation whereof the reſt of his ma- jefty's fubjects are not bound. We do likewife declare, that his majefty hath promiſed his royal word, that the exe- "cution fhall be no ways burthenfome or penal to the Ro- "man catholics, but that for the manner of privileging "and freeing them from that, he muft confer with biſhops "and advocates, into which he will preſently enter and ex- "pedite by all means. .. "And we do further declare, That his majefty's intention is, prefently to purſue his former directions (which had "been before executed if their excellencies had fo thought "good) to put under his feal feverally the faid pardon, "and fufpenfion, and difpenfation; and that his majeſty's cr attorney, and learned counſel fhall have referred to them "the charge to pen them with all thoſe effectual words, "claufes, expreffions, and reſervations, which may preſently "give fruition to the Roman catholics his majeſty's fubjects, ❝and make them inviolable in the fruition of all that is in- "tended and promiſed by his majeſty in the articles of mar- ❝riage, and his majefty's further grace. 66 "And we do declare, That his majefty's further will and "pleaſure is, for the better fatisfaction and diſcharge of the care and endeavour of their excellencies the ambaſſadors, "that it ſhall be lawful to them to affign a diſcreet perſon to "entertain fuch fufficient lawyers as fhall be thought fit to "take care to the ftrength, validity, and fecurity of the ſaid "grants and his majeſty's attorney fhall have charge to re- "ceive and admit the faid lawyers to the fight and judgment "of the faid draughts, and in any doubts to give them fatif- "faction, or to ufe fuch legal, neceffary and pertinent words "and phraſes, as he the faid lawyer fhall propound for the "fecurity of the Roman catholics, and fure making of the ❝ faid grants. "And we do further declare, That his majeſty's pleafure "is, to make a diſpatch into Ireland unto his deputy there, " by OF ENGLAND. 261 * "by the hands of the lord-treaſurer and fecretary of ftate James I. "Sir George Calvert, for the preſent confirming and fealing 1623. "the things concerning the Roman catholics, anfwerable "to the articles of treaty, his royal promiſe and proceedings "here: And for Scotland, that his majefty, according to the "conftitution of his affairs there, and regard to the public "good, and peace of that kingdom, and as ſoon as poffible, "will do all that ſhall be convenient for the accompliſhment "of his promiſe in grace and favour of the Roman catho- "lics his fubjects, conformable to the articles of treaty of "marriage." This declaration, figned by fecretary Conway and fome Ruſhworth, privy-counſellors, who were moft trufted by the king, was t. i. p. 290. very probably ſent to Spain as a pledge of the king's inten- tion to perform his engagements. There it was that the earl of Briſtol found means to have either the original itſelf, or a copy, which he produced before the parliament in 1626, to ſhow what the duke of Buckingham had negotiated in Spain without his privity. It is manifeft, firſt, That this declara- tion ſuppoſes the fecret articles; fecondly, That the earl of Briſtol would not have ventured to produce it before the par- liament, had he not been able to prove it no forgery (s). Greg. XV, null. Whilft theſe things paffed in England, news came to Ma- Death of drid of pope Gregory XV's death, which was a freſh obftacle which ren- to the conclufion of the marriage. When Cottington ar- ders the dif rived from England with the ratification of the articles, the penfation nuntio refuſed to deliver the difpenfation, affirming, as the Wilfon. marriage was not yet celebrated, the deceaſed pope's difpen- Annals. fation was of no force, and therefore it was neceffary to ftay till there was a new pope, who might grant a valid difpen- fation. By this accident the prince of Wales faw himſelf de- They are tained in Spain till the election of a new pope. The 29th stay for a of Auguſt however was appointed for the celebration of the new difpen- marriage, in a fuppofition, that before that time there would fation. be a pope and a new difpenfation. Mean while, the reftitution of the Palatinate was not talk- ed of, or if mentioned, it was only by way of converfation, without any pofitive demand on the king of Spain, or his mi- (s) In purſuance of this declaration, there was a general pardon drawn in as full and ample a manner as the papifts themſelves could defire: and two gene- ral commands were iffued out, one tọ all judges, juſtices of peace, &c. and the other to all bishops, chancellors, and commiffaries, not to execute any Kature againſt recufants. But to this fome ftop was put, by the advice of the lord-keeper Williams. See Rushworth, tom. i. p. 101. Cabala, P. 297. The bishop of Chalcedon came alio in- to England to exercife jurifdiction over the catholics of that kingdom, and a chapel began to be built at St. James's for the infanta. Annals, p.83. R 3 niſters. forced to Wilfon 262 THE HISTORY James I. nifters. I have already fhown the reafon. As to the tempo- 1623. ral articles, they were in the fame ftate as when the prince came to Madrid, and nothing figned on either fide; fo that if the difpenfation arrived before the 29th of Auguft, the marriage muft have been either deferred, or folemnized before theſe articles were fettled. to turn pa- t. i. P. 262. Project to But the court of Spain was intent upon a project of greater perfuade the prince confequence, namely, to endeavour to perfuade the prince of Wales to turn catholic; and it is not very ftrange, they pift. fhould hope to fucceed, after what had paffed. Befides, if Rushworth, we may believe the earl of Briftol in the impeachment he brought before the parliament againſt Buckingham, that duke gave the Spaniards too much reafon to expect this pre- tended converfion. And to this alone is to be afcribed the Urban VIII. delay of the difpenfation. Urban VIII. who was chofen the 6th of Auguft, would not have failed to ſend it, had he not waited for this happy event, which he ſtrove to advance by his letters to the prince and the duke of Buckingham. This occafioned at laſt the breach of the marriage, after having been fo long deferred. chofen pope, de- Jays to grant the difpenfa- tion. Annals. Probable cauſes of of the mar- P. 29. : I have very carefully fearched after the real cauſe of this breach, but could never meet with any thing fatisfactory, the breach All agree, it was the duke of Buckingham that firſt inſpired riage. the prince, and afterwards the king with the thought, but it is difficult to gueſs his motive, and what cauſed him to break his first meaſures and purfue a contrary courfe, fo obfcurely Rushworth, is this point explained by the hiftorians. Some fay, the duke t.i. p. 1o. rendered himſelf contemptible and odious to the court of Spain, Clarendon, by affecting to follow the French faſhions, in almoſt every thing oppofite to the Spaniſh that for this reaſon, foreſeeing the infanta and the Spaniards would have great power at the court of England, he thought they might in the end do him fome ill turn, and therefore refolved to break off the match. Others fay, Olivarez, favourite of Philip IV. reminding the duke of his promiſe that the prince fhould turn catholic, the duke gave him the lye to his face, and from that time fought means to retire from the Spaniſh court, for fear of the Condé's re- Du Chefne, venge. Some fay, the queen of Bohemia, perceiving there P. 1169. was no likelihood of recovering the Palatinate by this marri- Wilfon, age, and having much more reaſon to expect great advantages Rushworth, from a rupture between England and Spain, fent a trufty 4. i. p. 102. meſſenger (t) to the duke, with certain offers, in cafe he Wilfon, P. 774. Annals. P. 773. २ (t) The elector Palatine's fecretary; under pretence of defiring the duke to be godfather to one of the elector's chil- dren. Rushworth, tom. i. p. 102. would OF 263 ENGLAND. would procure a breach. This is not improbable, and the James I. Hollanders, to whom the union between Spain and England 1623. muſt have been prejudicial, might well be concerned in the project. In fine, the duke of Buckingham's greateſt favour- ers pretend, the duke having founded the king of Spain's in- tentions concerning the reftitution of the Palatinate, found there was nothing to be expected, and therefore refolved to break off a marriage, which was intended for no other pur- pofe. It is certain at leaft, the king, prince, and duke, made ufe of this pretence to juftify the breach. Spain, fent. However, the duke of Buckingham having taken this re- The prince folution, foon prevailed with the prince to agree to it, over refolves to whom he had now a very great afcendant. There were two depart from difficulties to be furmounted in the execution of this defign. The firſt was to obtain the king's confent. The ſecond, to get the prince out of Spain. The duke muſt have been fully perfuaded of his power over the king, to hope to incline him at once to defiſt from a deſign, he had ſo conſtantly purſued for feven years, at the very time all was concluded, and no- thing wanting but the nuptial ceremonies. He defpaired not He gets the however of fucceeding, and therefore fent him word, he had king's con- at laſt diſcovered the king of Spain's infincerity: that not Rushworth. only, he had no inclination to cauſe the Palatinate to be re- t. i. p. 103. ftored, but alſo was far from having the leaft thought of ac- Coke. compliſhing the marriage, and the prince was in danger of being detained in Spain all his life. To fupport what the duke faid, the prince himſelf writ to the king his father, telling him," He muft now look upon his fifter and her Weldon, "children, never thinking more of him, and forgetting he p. 148. CC ever had fuch a fon." The king fell, or rather threw Coke, himſelf into this fnare, without the leaſt reflection, and im- mediately writ to Buckingham to bring away the prince by all means. At the fame time, he fent fome fhips to St. An- dero in Biſcay to take them on board. P. 135. leave Ma- The first difficulty being overcome, means were to be de- Means ufed viſed to quit Spain, and not give the court any fufpicion, by the which could not be done without wounding the prince's ho- prince to nour and conſcience. Happily for them, Urban VIII. had drid without not yet fent the difpenfation, nor even fixed any time for it. caufing any So Buckingham notified to his catholic majefty the order he fufpicion in had received to bring back the prince to England, his return Rushworth, being abfolutely neceflary to remove the nation's jealouſy of t. i. p. 33. his fo-long ſtay in Spain. Adding, his departure would caufe no confiderable alteration, fince he would leave a proxy in the hands of any perſon, his majeſty ſhould pleaſe to ap- R 4 point, the court. 264 THE HISTORY James I. point, to efpoufe the infanta in his name, as foon as the 1623. difpenfation fhould come. The king of Spain was a little furprized at the prince's defign. However, as he did not de- fire the infanta his fifter fhould go before fpring, he imagined, that after the efpoufals, it would be more eafy to detain her, than if the prince of Wales was actually in Spain, and therefore he very readily confented to the prince's depar- ture (u). He leaves a Marriage. Annals. The only point therefore was to be affured of the celebra- proxy to ce- tion of the marriage, and the king himſelf defired to be the lebrate the prince's proxy jointly with prince Edward of Portugal. The Rushworth, proxy was drawn by the king's fecretary, and the prince of t. i. p. 103. Wales figning it in the prefence of feveral witneffes, left it in Wilfon the hands of the earl of Briſtol, with orders to deliver it to the king of Spain, ten days after the diſpenſation ſhould be received. This done, the duke of Buckingham departed ham fets first, under colour of preparing for the prince's reception on board the Engliſh fleet at St. Andero. The court ſaw him depart without any concern, or rather with a fatisfaction equal to his impatience to be in a place of fecurity. After Mendoza's his departure all imaginable honours were paid to the prince, Relat. p. 7. The king himself conducted him to the Efcurial (x), where Bucking- out first. Wilfon, P. 274. &c. (u) It has by fome been wondered at, that the king of Spain ſhould be fo wil- ling to let the prince go, when it was in his power to have kept him as long as he pleaſed, and make what advantage of it he had a mind to. But this point is cleared by the remark with which Span- hemius fums up what relates to the Spa- niſh affair, "That never prince was more obliged to a fifter, than king "Charles the first was to the queen of "Bohemia; finçe it was only the con- fideration of her and her children, "who were then the next heirs after him to the crown of England, that prevailed with the court of Spain to permit him to fee England again." Welwood, p. 28. There is to this purpoſe a pleaſant jeft in Coke's reign of king James I. His majeſty, a little after the prince's departure for Spain, being in one of his penfive moods, Archy bis buffoon comes in. and tells him, he muft change caps with him: Why? fays the king. Why, who (replies Archy) fent the prince into Spain? But what (answered the king) wilt thou fay if the prince comes back again? Why he then (faid Archy) I will take my cap. from thy head, and fend it to the king of Spain; which 'tis faid troubled the king fore. But his catholic majeſty did not care to do any thing that ſhould help the elector Palatine or his heirs to the crown of England. Coke, p. 131. (x) The Efeurial lies about eighteen miles from Madrid. 'Tis reckoned one of the oft magnificent ftructures in Europe. The Spaniards call it the eighth wonder of the world. This mighty fabrick was built by Philip II. in the form of a gridiron, (the emblema and inftrument of St. Lawrence's mar- tyrdom, to whom it was dedicated) the handle whereof is the king's palace, and the fquare of the gridiron is divided into twelve fpacious quadrangles, in which are arched cloyfters, one above, tho other below, all dedicated to scli- gious orders, who live like princes ra- ther than priefts, with each his man and his mule. In the middle of the fquare stands a magnificent cathedral, to which Philip IV. added a chapel for the fepulchre of fuch kings and queens as leave iffue behind them, who lie in curious OF ENGLAND. 265 he received and feafted him as a prince that was to be very James I Shortly his brother-in-law. I fhall not give a particular ac- 1623. count of all the civilities that were ſhown him. It will fuffice to ſay, that on the very day of his departure, he folemnly Rushworth, t. i. p. 281. fwore again to the articles of the marriage, and then left the The prince proxy with the earl of Briſtol, of which one of the fecreta- fwears to ries of ftate made an authentic act, which was figned by fe- the articles veral witneffes. again. He fends an deliver the Defence of The prince went away, loaded with honours, careffes, The prince prefents, and attended by feveral lords of the court, who departs. waited upon him to the fleet (y). He was no fooner come order to the there, but he difpatched to the earl of Briſtol Mr. Edward earl of Brif- Clarke, one of Buckingham's creatures, with pofitive orders tol not to not to deliver the proxy till fecurity was given him that the proxy. infanta, after the efpoufals, would not betake herſelf to a Wilfon, cloiſter, and to fend him word before the delivery of the p. 776. proxy what fecurity was offered, that he might be judge the earl of himſelf, whether it was proper to accept it. This was the Briſtol in firſt artifice uſed by the prince to gain time, in the fear that Rushworth, the difpenfation would come, and the marriage be folemnized t. i. p. 297. before the king his father was determined to break it. The earl of Briſtol not yet perceiving the intent of the order he had received, was afraid if he ſhould ſtay to the laſt, it might be an obftacle to the confummation of the marriage. He thought proper therefore to take care before the diſpenſation fhould arrive, to know what fecurity the court of Spain would give concerning the prince's fcruple. He received as fatis- factory an anſwer as he could wifh, which he conveyed to the king and the prince by a letter. Rushworth. The prince and the duke arrived on the 5th of October at He arrives Portſmouth, and from thence pofted to Royfton, where the in England. king was. It ſeems they durft not immediately difcover their Wilfon. defign to the king about the breach of the marriage, but Howes. thought fit to take fome precautions, to render it lefs ftrange to him. What makes me think this, is that the earl of Brif- He defers tol's letter coming foon after, the king writ to him the 8th acquainting the king of October, that he was fatisfied with the fecurity offered by with his the court of Spain. The prinee, who probably had not yet defigns. curious coffins of black marble, which are placed in arches round the marble wall. The chapel is built in the form of the Pantheon. See Wilſon, P. 775. (y) The prince departed from Madrid, September 9, and came to St. Andero and came to St. Andero the 11th. The fleet (fent to convoy him over to England, and which con- fifted of eight men of war and two pin- naces, whereof Edward earl of Rutland was admiral) failed from St. Andero the 18th, and put into the Scilly iſlands the 29th. Relat. of the prince's Jour ney, p. 7-46. Rymer's Fœd. tom. 17. p. 486. pre- Rushworth, t. i. p. 297. 266 HISTORY THE James I. prepared all his batteries, concealing his defign, writ likewife 1623. to the earl of Briftol the following letter, which no doubt was to be ſeen by the king his father. Rushworth, "Your letter to the king and me, concerning that doubt t. i. p. 297. I made after I came from St. Lawrence, hath fo fatisfied "us both, that we think it fit no longer to ftick upon it, "but leave it to your difcretion to take what ſecurity you "fhall think fitting." The king's letter to the earl of en- The prince however was in danger of the difpenfation's arriving at Madrid, before the earl of Briſtol fhould have re- ceived a pofitive order not to deliver the proxy, fince in that cafe, he would have been forced to execute what was joined him by the prince himſelf when he left the Eſcurial. But this risk was to be run, there being no avoiding it, be- fore the king was determined to a breach. It is true, him- felf and the duke had now begun to fill the king with doubts concerning the reftitution of the Palatinate, Wherefore the king in his letter of the 8th of October, writ to the earl of Bristol about Briſtol, that he hoped to receive before Chriſtmas the agree- the Palati- able news both of his fon's marriage, and fon-in-law's refto- Rushworth, ration (z). ration (z). Though this was not an expreſs order to de- t. i. p. 105, mand the Palatinate before the efpoufals, the earl of Briſtol thought proper however to take fome care of an affair, ſo much neglected during the prince's ftay in Spain, and even fince the marriage articles were fettled. He mentioned it therefore to Olivarez, and made him engage, the proxy ſhould not be demanded, till a written promife was put into his hands that the Palatinate ſhould be reſtored. Of this he informed the king in a letter of the 23d of November, wherein he told tion of the him he hoped by Chriſtmas, he fhould congratulate the prince Palatinate. his fon and the princeſs his daughter, the one upon his mar- Rushworth, riage, the other upon the end of her ſufferings. nate. 298. Annals. Coke. Wilſon, The court of Madrid promifes the restitu- t. i. p. 299. of Wales. Wilſon, He Artifice of It must be obferved, the prince of Wales, before he left the prince Spain, had uſed an artifice to gain time, knowing he could not break off the marriage without the king's confent. had cauſed it to be inferted in the proxy, that it ſhould re- Rushworth, main in force only till Chriftmas. He hoped the difpenfa- 1. i. p. 106. tion would not arrive before that time, or if it came but a few days before, the proxy would be ufelefs. And indeed, P. 776. (z) King James commanded the earl of Bristol, to procure inftantly from the king of Spain, a punctual anfwer; and, before he delivered the powers, or moved the contract, to obtain from that king, either by a public act, or by an anfwer under his hand and feal, a direct engagement for the reſtitution of the Palatinate, and the clectoral dignity. See Rushworth, tom. I. p, 106, 107. AS OF ENGLAND. 267 very ham. He orders to deliver as the earl of Bristol was not to deliver it till ten days after James I. the arrival of the diſpenſation at Madrid, if the tenth day was 1625. after Chriſtmas-day, the proxy would be of no force, by virtue of the inſerted claufe. But this precaution was not fuf- The king is prevailed ficient, becauſe the diſpenſation might happen to be at Ma- with by the drid above ten days before Chriftmas. This obliged the prince and prince and the duke at length to diſcover their minds to the Bucking- king. Whether James yielded to their reaſons, or, out of an exceffive condefcenfion for his fon and favourite, would the earl of not grieve them by a denial, he writ to the earl of Briſtol Bristol not the 13th of November, exprefsly ordering him not to deliver the proxy the proxy till after Chriſtmas: that is, when it was no longer Wilfon, valid. Moreover, he enjoined him not to diſcover this order p. 776. to the court of Spain till the laft. This letter was fent Rufhworth, t. i. p. 111. to the earl by three (a) ſeveral meffengers, two by land, and one by fea, for fear of accidents. It came in a critical time, for the difpenfation arrived at Madrid the beginning of De- cember, new ftile (b), and the king's letter the 13th of No- vember, old ftile. Upon the receipt of the difpenfation, Philip immediately ordered all the neceffary preparations for the efpoufals to be made (c). But when the ten days were ex- pired, and the marriage was expected to be folemnized, the earl of Briſtol notified to him the king his maſter's orders, not to deliver the proxy till after Chriſtmas. He eaſily per- ceived the king of England's intention, fince the proxy would then be invalid. That very day he ſent to the earl of Briſtol Du Chefae to demand no more audience, and ordered that the infanta ſhould be no longer called the princeſs of Wales, as ſhe had been ever fince the arrival of the diſpenſation, and cauſed all preparations for the marriage to ceafe. Mean while, to caft Rushworth, all the blame on the king of England, he fent the earl of Brif- t. i. p. 298. tol on the 8th of January 1624, a written promife, figned with his own hand, whereby he engaged to cauſe the Pala- tinate to be reftored to the elector Palatine. This the earl of Briſtol, in the following reign, affirmed before the parlia- ment in his defence. (a) Wilſon fays four, Mr. Killigrew, Grefley, Wood, and Davis, p. 776. (b) In a letter from Sir Walter Afton to the duke of Buckingham, it is faid, That the difpenfation came to Madrid, November 12. Cabala, p. 3. (c) The king of Spain had fent into England, Don Mendofa de Alcorcana, to congratulate the prince's fafe return, and from thence he had inftructions to go and make known to all princes and potentates, allies to Spain, how near the marriage was. When the diſpenſa- tion came, bonfires were made through- out all Spain, the 19th of December was fixt for the wedding-day, prefents were provided for our king and prince, the infanta's family was fettled, and the beginning of March appointed for her coming over into England, &c. Wilfon, p. 776. There Wilfon, P. 777. 268 THE HISTORY James I. There is ſcarce an Engliſh hiftorian but what affirms, 1623. the want of this reftitution was the cauſe of the breach of the marriage, and that the earl of Briſtol having demand- ed it of his catholic majefty, as a condition without which the marriage could not be accompliſhed, Philip coldly an- fwered, "The Palatinate was none of his to give, and the . emperor might be applied to." But this is directly con- Rushworth, trary to the earl of Briſtol's own account, who doubtless knew t. i. p. 296, more of the affair than any other. The earl of Claren- don took care not to ſpeak like the reft. He contents him- felf with afcribing the breach to fome fecret defign of Buck- ingham. .&c. Clarendon, t. i. Thus ended the affair of the Spaniſh marriage, which had wholly employed king James for feven years. During all that time, he moft earneſtly follicited the concluſion of it, and to fucceed, fcrupled not to facrifice the interefts of his fon-in-law, his own reputation, the religion he profeſſed, the good of his people, and the laws of his realm. But when at laft it was going to be concluded, he fuddenly broke it off, for reaſons which were never yet clearly known. It can only be ascribed to his weakneſs for his favourite. The earl of Clarendon fays pofitively, the king was compelled to it by Clarendon, the duke of Buckingham," who, in breaking the marriage, t.i. p. 16. refumed the fame impetuofity, he had indulged to himſelf "in the debate of the journey into Spain." He adds, "the "king plainly found the prince and duke were reſolved upon "a breach, with or without his approbation, and that he ૬. never forgave the duke what he had done, but retained as "fharp a memory of it as his nature could contain." It is to be prefumed, the earl of Clarendon was well acquainted with this affair, and the more, as he is not the only writer that intimates, the king had neither the power nor the cou- rage to withſtand the prince and duke, who were ſtrictly united ſince their journey to Spain (c), .. (c) In February this year, a cruel fcene was acted at Amboyna in the Eaft-Indies, of which this account is given. A treaty was concluded in 1619 between England and the United Pro- yinces, whereby, among other things, it was agreed, that in regard of the great blood-fhed and coft, pretended to be bestowed by the Hollanders, in win- ning the trade of the ifles of the Moluc- caes, Banda, and Amboyna, from the Spaniards and Portugueſe, the Hollan- Mean ders fhould enjoy two thirds of that trade, and the Engliſh the other third. (See Rymer's Fœd. tom. xvii. p. 170, &c.) In purſuance of this agreement, English factories were placed at the Moluccaes, and at Banda, and Am- boyna. This laft ifle is the principal place in the Eaft-Indies, where nutmegs, macę, cinnamon, cloves, and fpice grows, Here the Engliſh had been fettled but about two years, when the Dutch, in order to to deprive them of thei OF ENGLAND. 269 Mean time, for fear the earl of Briſtol ſhould by fome James I. means renew a treaty broken with fo little reaſon, they cauſed 1624. him to be recalled. The king confented the more readily to p. 86. his return, as he faw no perfon in his court able to give him Annals, good counfels to free himſelf from the flavery he was under, Clarendon, but the earl of Briftol, who never yielded to Buckingham's t. i. p. 18. haughtiness. This had drawn upon him the favorite's enmity Rushworth t. i. p. 113. to fuch a degree, that ever after he was continually expofed Coke, to his perfecutions and the prince's indignation, who follow- 140. ing Buckingham's fuggeftions, forgot nothing to ruin him, even when he had mounted the throne, though without being able to fucceed. Clarendon, t. i. p. 20. After the return of the prince and duke, the king no Rushworth, longer ruled, all his affairs were managed by them, and he t.i. p. 107. only executed their counfels. The king ſaw about him none he could truft. All his officers, all his courtiers, were the duke's creatures, and the more attached to him, as they faw him ſtrictly united with the prince. In this fituation, the king faw no other remedy than to furrender himſelf entirely to them, and do whatever they pleaſed, whether he feared an increaſe of their boldneſs by refiftance, or waited for fome favourable opportunity to throw off their yoke. Not only the breach of their marriage had been refolved between them, but alſo a war with Spain, and the king durft not contradict them, notwithſtanding his averfion to arms. Their firft project was to demand for this war a benevolence of every fubject: nay, they made the king fign an order to levy it. Baker fays in his Chronicle, he himſelf paid fifty pounds on this occafion. But on a fudden, the king, by advice of the prince and Buckingham, gave over the project, and re- folved to call a parliament. That was indeed the moſt pro- per way to juſtify the breach of the treaty with Spain, and to procure money, which he wanted extremely. There was not one good Engliſhman but what had ever confidered the Spaniſh match as very prejudicial to the king- dom. It was known in general, that the king, in favour of this marriage, had made large conceffions with reſpect to their ſhare of the fpice-trade, pretended a plot was formed between the English and the natives, to get poffeffion of the Dutch fort at Amboyna. Whereupon the English were tortured by the Dutch, both with fire and water, in a moft cruel and barbarous manner: and, on February 27, captain Gabriel Tower- fon, and nine other English, with nine Japonese, and one Portugueſe, were ig- nominiouſly executed for this pretended confpiracy, though they protested their innocency to the laſt. For this info- lent affront, no reparation was ob- tained, till the year 1654, when Crom- well made the Dutch pay 300,000 1. upon that account. See Relation of the Proceedings against the Engliſh at Amboyna, printed in 1624, and Coke, p. 141. re- 270 HISTORY THE t. i. P. 107. Hacket, P. 203. Coke, James I. religion, though the particulars, and eſpecially the fecret ar- 1624. ticles, were known to very few. But the king's condefcen- fion to the Roman catholics was a plain indication, the court Rushworth, of Spain had greatly prevailed with him. The duke of Buckingham not being ignorant of the people's averfion to the marriage, the breach whereof was not yet well known, doubted not to gain their affection, by caufing a parliament to be called, and declaring himſelf the author of this happy breach, fo paffionately defired by all true Engliſhmen. To compaſs his ends, he rendered himſelf popular, and affected to careſs both the church and ftate-puritans: nay, he con- fulted with Dr. John Preſton, head of the puritan party, how the king might feize the dean and chapter lands. Nothing could be more proper to procure him the love of the people, moſt of the clergy having rendered themſelves odious, by their zeal in maintaining the prerogative-royal (d). So, the juncture being very favourable, the duke caufed the king to call a parliament, notwithſtanding his reſolution never to fummon another: nay, fuch was his power over the king, that he made him ſpeak to the parliament in a manner the moſt repugnant to his opinions and principles. P. 139. The king calls a par- liament. Project of a tween the prince and Henrietta Maria of France. Annals, P. 87. Mean while, the prince and the duke had contrived another match be- project, namely, the prince's marriage with Henrietta-Maria, the king of France's fifter, to which his majefty readily con- fented. He was fo proud of his grandeur, that he could not think of marrying his fon to any but a princeſs of royal ex- traction, and the third daughter of Henry IV. was the only princeſs then in Europe of that character. It is very proba- Rushworth, ble, the perfon fent by the queen of Bohemia to Bucking- ti. p. 114. ham in Spain, made him the firſt overture of this match, and that the duke thereupon refolved to break the marriage, the prince was going to confummate with the infanta. How- ever this be, the king approving the project, Henry Rich, baron of Kenfington, was, on fome pretence, fent to France, in order to found the court concerning this marriage; and before Act. Pub. his departure, he was created earl of Holland. I fhall ſpeak preſently of the fuccefs of this negotiation; but muſt firſt ſee what paffed in the parliament which met the 19th of Fe- bruary (e). The king made a ſpeech to both houſes fo differ- Coke, D. 147. xvii. 552, &c, (d) The duke of Buckingham pro- pofed alfo the felling the remainder of the crown-lands, but this project was ftrenucufly oppofed by the lord-keeper Williams, and accordingly laid afide. Hacket, p. 202. ent (e) The parliament it feems was to meet the 12th of February, but the king that morning miffing Lodowick Stewart duke of Richmond, (created fo May 17, in the 21ft of James I.) and fending in haft for him, his duchefs goes OF ENGLAND. 271 ent from thoſe to the two former parliaments, that fuch oppo- James I. fite expreffions could hardly be thought to come from the 1624. mouth of the ſame prince, if it was not known how great an afcendant Buckingham had over him, and how neceffary it was to the favourite's defigns, that the king ſhould talk in this manner. As the fpeech is not fo long as the others, the reader perhaps will be glad to ſee it. 66 "My lords and gentlemen, Wilſon. ' Have affembled you at this time, to impart to you a The king's I fecret, and matter of as great importance, as can be fpeech to the parlia- "to my fate, and the ſtate of my children; wherein I crave ment. "your beſt and ſafeft advice and council, according as the Annals, "writ whereby you were affembled, imports, "That the P. 87. "king would advife with you in matters concerning his Rushworth. "eftate and dignity." And as I have ever endeavoured, by t. i. p. 115, "this and the like ways, to procure and cheriſh the love of "my people towards me, ſo I do hope, and my hope is ex- "ceeded by faith; for I fully now believe, that never any "king was more beloved of his people; whom as you, my "lords and gentlemen, do here repreſent, ſo would I have "you truly to reprefent all their loves to me; that in you, "as in a true mirror or glaſs, I may perfectly behold it, " and not as in a falfe glaſs that reprefents it not at all, or "otherwiſe than it is indeed. Give me your free and faith- "ful counfels in the matter I propoſed, of which you have ❝often heard, the match of my fon: wherein, as you may "know, I have ſpent much time with great coft in long trea- "ties, defiring always therein (and not without reafon ho- "ping to have effected my defires) the advancement of "ſtate and children, and the general peace of Chriftendom, "wherein I have always conftantly laboured, depending my upon fair hopes and promifes. At the earneft inftance "of my fon, I was contented (although it was of an ex- "traordinary nature) to fend him to profecute his defires in "Spain; and for his more fafety, fent Buckingham (in "whom I ever repofed moft truft of my perfon) with him, "with this command "continually to be prefent with him, "and never to leave him, till he had returned again fafely goes to his bed-fide to wake him, and drawing the curtain, found him dead in his bed. Upon news whereof the king would not adorn himſelf that day, and put off the parliament till the 16th, and afterwards till the 19th. His body was interred in Henry VII's chapel, and leaving no iffue, his eftate and ho- nours defcended to his brother Eſme Stuart. Howes, p. 1035. Dugdale's Baron, vol. ii. p. 426. Wilſon. ❝ unto 272 THE HISTORY 1624. 66 66 James I. "unto me." Which he performed, though not with tha? “effect in the buſineſs that I expected, yet not altogether "without profit; for it taught me this point of wisdom, qui verfatur in generalibus," is eafily deceived, and that generality brings nothing to good iffue; but that before "any matter can be fully finifhed, it must be brought to par- "ticulars: for, when, as I thought, the affair had been, "before their going, produced to a narrow point, relying upon their general propofitions, I found, when they came "there, the matter proved to be fo raw, as if it had never "been treated off; the generals giving them eafy way to in- "vade, and affording them means to avoid the effecting of "any thing (f). 86 66 66 "The particulars that paffed in the treaty, I mean not cr now to diſcover to you, the time being too fhort; I refer you to Charles and Buckingham, and the ſecretaries re- ports, who fhall relate unto you all the particulars. And "after that, "Super totam materiam", I defire your beft *affiftance to adviſe me what is beft and fitteft for me to "do, for the good of the commonwealth, and the advance- ❝ment of religion, and the good of my fon, and my grand- "children of the Palatinate. And of our eftate, I know << you cannot but be fenfible, confidering that your welfare "confifts in ours, and you ſhall be ſure to have your ſhare in "what mifery fhall befall us: and therefore I need to urge "no other arguments to you in this behalf, in offering me ' your wifeft and fureft counſel and furtherance, And I af- << fure you in the faith of a chriſtian king, that it is " res in- "tegra," prefented unto you, and that I ftand not bound, "nor either way engaged, but remain free to follow what "fhall be beft adviſed. "To plant is not fufficient, unleſs like good gardeners, "you pluck up the weeds that will choak your labours: and the greateſt weeds among you are jealoufies; root "them out. For my actions, I dare avow them before "God; but jealoufies are of a ſtrange depth. I am the "hufband, and you the wife, and it is fubject to the wife "to be jealous of her huſband: let this be far from you. I • can truly ſay, and will avouch it before the feat of God "and angels, that never king governed with a purer, fin- "cerer, and more uncorrupt heart than I have done, far "from all will and meaning of the leaft error or imperfection ❝of my reign. (f) All this can relate only to the Pa- latinate, for the treaty of marriage was really concluded before the prince's' voyage to Spain. Rapin. ** It OF ENGLAND. 273 66 66 "It hath been talked of my remiffneſs in maintenance James I. of religion, and fufpicion of a toleration: but as God 1624. "fhall judge me, I never thought nor meant, nor ever in "word expreffed any thing that favoured of it (g). It is "true, that at times, for reafons beft known to myfelf, I did not fo fully put thofe laws in execution, but did wink and ❝ connive at ſome things, which might have hindered more weighty affairs; but I never in all my treaties ever agreed "to any thing to the overthrow and difagreeing of thoſe "laws, but had in all a chief preſervation of that truth which "I have ever profeffed: and as in that reſpect I have a cha- "ritable conceit of you, I would have you have the like of "me alfo, in which I did not tranfgrefs: for it is a good "horfeman's part, not always to uſe his fpurs, and keep "ftrait the reins, but fometimes to uſe the ſpurs, and ſuffer "the reins more remifs; ſo it is the part of a wife king, and "my age and experience in government hath informed me, "fometimes to quicken the laws with ftreight executions, "and at other times, upon juſt occafions, to be more remiſs. "And I would alſo remove from your thoughts all jealoufies, that I might or ever did queſtion or infringe any of your "lawful liberties or privileges; but I proteſt before God, I "ever intended intended you ſhould enjoy the fulneſs of all thoſe that "former times give good warrant and teftimony of, which, "if need be, I will enlarge and amplify. C6 "Therefore I would have you, as I have in this place " heretofore told you, as St. Paul did Timothy, avoid gé- "nealogies and curious queftions, and nice querks and jerks "of law, and idle innovations; and if you minifter me no juft occafion, I never yet was, nor ever fhall be curious or "captious to quarrel with you: but I defire you to avoid "all doubts and hindrances, and to compoſe yourſelves fpee- "dily and quietly to this weighty affair I have propoſed; for "that I have found already, delays have proved dangerous, " and have bred diftraction of this bufinefs; and I would not "have you by other occafions to neglect or protract it. "God is my judge, I ſpeak it as a chriftian king, never any wayfaring man, that was in the deſerts of Arabia, and "in danger of death for want of water to quench his thirſt, CC (g) The archbishop's letter to the king, and the council's declaration to the Spaniſh ambaſſadors, not to men- tion the marriage articles, public and private, evidently fhow the contrary. But the king has this hole to creep out VOL. VIII. S at here, that he confidered what he had done, and what he intended to do for the catholics, only as a fufpen- fion of the penalties, and not as a real toleration. Rapin, "more 274 HISTORY THE James I. more defired water, than I thirſt and defire the good and 1624. "comfortable fuccefs of this parliament, and bleffing of your "councils, that the good iflue of this may expiate and ac- "quit the fruitless iffue of the former. And I pray God, your counſels may advance religion, and the public weal, "and the good of me and my children." His fpecch is cenfured. Coke. Bucking- ham ex- plains the pretended reafons of the breach riage. Feb. 24. Act. Pub. . This fpeech, like the reft made by the king to his parlia- ment, was liable to many cenfures which reflected on his fin- cerity. It could not be conceived that he really believed he was more beloved by his people than any of his predeceffors, fince no king had fo frequently quarrelled with his parliament, which furely is no proper way to gain the peoples affection. Thoſe who were acquainted with the ſtate of affairs, thought it very ftrange, the king ſhould tell the parliament, that at the prince's arrival in Spain, the affair was ſo raw as if it had been never treated of, fince he had already figned the mar- riage-articles, and as to the Palatinate, would not have it mentioned before the marriage was accomplished. The fame perfons could not forbear wondering, he fhould take God to witneſs, he never fo much as thought or intended to grant a toleration to the papifts, fince it was one of the fecret arti- cles of the marriage, and fince without being informed of fuch an article, it was eafy to perceive, Philip gave his fifter to the prince of Wales folely with that view. In fine, fome malicious perfons obferved, that when the king faid, he never intended to invade the peoples liberties, the fimile might very juftly be applied to him, which himſelf had uſed on another occafion, of the perſon who took a man's purfe, affuring him he had no defign to rob him. is A few day after the king had delivered his ſpeech, the two houſes reſolving upon a conference to examine the affair recommended by the king, the prince and Buckingham came and informed them of all particulars. After the prince had faid a few words, the duke of Buckingham began and made of the mar a long fpeech, which he divided iuto fix heads, under colour of more clearly explaining the affair, but in reality to con- found it, and conceal the mutual coherence of the particulars he was to relate. Under the first head, he fet forth the mo- tives of the prince's journey to Spain. In the fecond, he t. i. p. 119. fpoke of the negotiation of the marriage apart by itself. In the third, he joined together the two affairs of the marriage and Palatinate. In the fourth, he declared the reafons of the prince's return. In the fifth, he informed the parliament of his majeſty's ſubſequent proceedings in the affairs of the mar- xvii. p. 556. &c, Rushworth, Annals p. 89, &c. riage OF ENGLAND 275 riage and Palatinate fince the prince's return. In the fixth James I. and laſt, he ſtated the queftion, wherein both houſes were to '1624. offer to his majeſty their advice and council. Whilſt he was ſpeaking, he turned, at the end of every point, to the prince, Weldon, p. 163. afking him whether what he was faying was not true, to which the prince did not fail to anfwer," Yes, it is true," or to the like effect. The intent of this whole ſpeech was to fhow, the king had been unadviſedly engaged in the treaty of the marriage by the falfe hopes given him by the earl of Briftol that the court of Spain never intended the marriage, much leſs the reftitution of the Palatinate, though the earl of Briſtol affured the contrary: that the prince had been ill ufed in Spain, and much preffed to turn catholic: in a word, he intimated that the earl of Briſtol was only to blame, who had abuſed his majeſty's confidence. Nothing is more eaſy than to accuſe an abfent perfon. It is only concealing what Remark on makes for him, giving an ill turn to his moſt innocent actions, this ſpeech. aggravating his faults he may have committed, and loading him with crimes he is not guilty of. This is precifely what the duke of Buckingham did in respect to the earl of Briſtol, with the prince's approbation and aid, This is ſo true, that 1 -302. two years after, the prince being in the throne and having Rushworth, himſelf accufed the earl of high-treafon, the earl in his de- t. i. p. 245. fence to the parliament, gave a quite different narrative of the Spaniſh negotiation from that of the duke of Bucking- ham. He proved what he ſaid by unexceptionable papers, and defied the duke to anſwer thein. He not only affirmed, Ib. p. 246, that the duke's whole narration was falſe; but alſo impeached him in form, and gave in his impeachment to the houfe of lords, which remained unanſwered. This is fufficient to fhow the falfeneſs of the duke of Buckingham's narrative. So, I think it needleſs to enlarge any more upon the ſub- ject (h). duke. The duke of Buckingham's fpeech was received however The parlia with applauſe for ſeveral reafons. Firſt, he had made a party ment ap- in the two houſes. Secondly, he had prevented the confum- plaud the mation of the marriage in Spain, which was very grateful to Wilfon. the nation and parliament. In the third place, he had brought p. 779. home the prince contrary to all expectation, and fo removed Rushworth, the juft fears of the English. Finally, the duke of Bucking- t. i. p, 126, ham's narrative being attefted by the prince himſelf, it could not be thought falfe. As the public was not informed of the fecret circumſtances of the negotiation, it is no wonder the (h) The duke's whole narration and Bristol's defence will be inferted in vol. ix. S 2 par→ Annals P. 93. 276 THE HISTORY James I. parliament fhould believe what they were told by the king, 1624. prince and duke. But afterwards, when all was difcovered, people were of another fentiment. The Spaniſh ambafiador complains March 4. Annals, P. 93. ment takes part. Rushworth. t. i. p. 126. The Spaniſh ambaffador being informed of what paffed at the conference between the two houfes, demanded an audi- of the duke. ence of the king, and boldly complained, that the duke had reflected on the king of Spain's honour (i). Adding, if a ſub- ject of his maſter had ſpoken thus of the king of England, it would cost him his head. Probably, the ambaffador had been miſinformed, fince the duke had not uſed any offenfive ex- preffions againſt the king of Spain. He had only infinuated, The parlia- that Philip's intention was always to amuſe the king and the the king's prince. As the duke of Buckingham was now the parliament's favourite, as well as the king's and prince's, both houſes openly took his part, and prefented an addreſs to his majeſty, declaring, the duke had faid nothing which could give of- fence to the king of Spain, and thanked the duke for his faithful relation attefted by the prince. The king was fo plea- fed with this addrefs, that he went and thanked the two houſes in a ſpeech, where he forgot not to proclaim the praiſes of his favourite. He faid, he could not doubt the truth of his narrative, becauſe he made the fame to himſelf at his return from Spain. But the king muft have been wilfully blind not to fee the falfeneſs of the duke's narrative, or been ſtrangely kept under by the favourite, if he was made to atteſt before the parliament what he knew to be falfe. Ib, p. 127. The parlia- ment ad- vifes the king to break the Spanish match. Wilfon. P. 780. Annals, P. 94. The parliament was extremely pleaſed to fee the king dif- pofed to break the Spaniſh match, not knowing, or feigning not to know, it was really broken, by the affront put upon the king of Spain. But the king having affirmed, it was yet Res integra, the two houfes could not fay otherwife. So for- getting all former occafions of difcontent, and applying them- felves wholly to the affair propoſed by the king, they jointly preſented an addrefs to his majefty, to adviſe him to difcon- tinue the treaty, begun with Spain, as well for the reftitution Rushworth, of the Palatinate as for the marriage. They grounded their t. i. p. 128. advice upon four principal reafons; the firft was, that in the beginning of the treaty, the Spaniards infifted only upon liberty of conscience to the infanta and her family, with the free ex- erciſe of religion. But that afterwards, taking advantage of the prince's being in their power, they importuned a general toleration, contrary to the ufage of other catholic princes in the like treaties. That befides, the popiſh faction had increaſ- (i). And demanded his head for fatisfaction. Rushworth, t. i. p. 126. ed OF ENGLAND. 277 ed to fuch a degree, during the negotiation, that there was James I. no way to ſuppreſs them as long as the treaty continued. The fecond reaſon was, that, during the treaty, the pro- teſtant party in Germany was oppreffed, and the Palatinate invaded: that the Spaniards had deluded the king, and offered indignity to the prince, by importuning him to change his religion, contrary to the law of hoſpitality and the privilege of princes. The third was grounded upon the infincerity of the Spa- niards, as well in the former overture of marriage for the late prince Henry as in this; upon the fcornful propofition made to the king, of the prince's turning catholic; and upon the de- ceit uſed in the treaty of Bruffels, the fole end whereof was to cauſe Heidelberg to be taken. Laftly, the parliament added as a fourth reafon, the tranf lation of the electorate to the duke of Bavaria; the king of Spain's letter to Condé Olivarez, with the Condé's anſwer, which plainly imported, that the Spaniards never intended to accompliſh the marriage; the fhift deviſed by a junto of di- vines, to fend home the prince without the lady. 1624. conſents to Ruthworth, All theſe reaſons were fo many indirect reproaches to the The king king for ſuffering himſelf to be fo long amufed. But his ma- the breach, jefty, feigning not to perceive it, came to the parliament, and de- and made a ſpeech to fhow he could not break off the trea- mands ties, without knowing how to maintain the war which would money. unavoidably follow, fince the Palatinate was to be recovered t. i. p. 129. by arms. He declared therefore, if they thought proper to Annals, engage in a war with Spain, he would readily conſent the P. 94. ſupply to be granted ſhould be managed by commiffioners ap- pointed by the parliament. Moreover, he promiſed the two houfes, he would not make peace without their advice. He concluded with faying, "I am fo defirous to forget all "rents in former parliaments, that it ſhall not be my default, "if I am not in love with parliaments, and call them often, ❝and defire to end my life in that entercourſe between me and my people, for the making of good laws, reforming of "fuch abuſes as I cannot be well informed of but in par- liament, and maintaining the good government of the commonwealth." The com- › Wilfon, How different is this fpeech from thoſe the king made to mons offer the former parliament ! But the king's thoughts are not fo the king vifible in thefe expreffions as the duke of Buckingham's policy, money. who, after breaking the prince's marriage, had a mind to push p. 782. his point, and proclaim war with Spain. To fucceed, a par- Rushwort liamen 1. p. IS S 3 Annal P.97. 278 THE HISTORY James I. liament must be called, and to gain their affection, the king 1624. muſt talk after this manner. Some days after, the commons prefented an addrefs to the king, offering to grant him three entire fubfidies, and three fifteenths, upon his public declaration for diffolving the trea- ties of the marriage and the Palatinate. But they took him at his word, concerning his offer that the money fhould be diſ- pofed of by commiffioners of their own chufing. The king thanked them for their affectionate expreffions, and told them, he was refolved for the future folely to confide in his parlia- ment. After which, he diſpatched a meffenger to the court of Spain, with his laft refolution to break off the treaty. But upon notice that a ſharp petition against the popish recufants, ftinging pe- framed by the commons, was going to be preſented to him, he writ the following letter, with his own hand, to ſecretary Wilfon, P. 780. He has no- tice of a tition a- gainſt the recufants, Conway. and ſtops the courier who (6 is going to Spain. April 3, Wilfon, P. 780. Annals, P. 100. Rushworth, cr ❝ me. 66 · Doubt not but you have heard what a ftinging petition I againſt the papiſts the lower-houſe have ſent to the higher-houſe this day, that they may jointly preſent in unto You know my firm refolution, not to make this a war of religion; and feeing I would be loth to be cony- "catched by my people, I pray you ſtay the poft that is going to Spain, till I meet with my fon, who will be here to- *.i. p. 140. «morrow morning: do it upon pretext of fome more letters you are to ſend him; and if he ſhould be gone, haften af- ❝ter him to ſtay him upon fome pretext; and let none living "know of this, as you love me. And before two in the "Afternoon to-morrow, you ſhall without fail hear from me. Farewel." The people exprefs great Joy at the breach of the mar- riage. Coke, 66 $ Probably, the king imagined, the parliament in this peti- tion would have demanded things he had no intention to grant and therefore, for fear of being forced to diffolve the parliament, he would not haſten the rupture with Spain. But afterwards, being told the petition (k) contained nothing of what he dreaded, he fuffered the meffenger to depart. As foon as the people knew the breach with Spain was refolved, the whole city of London fhone with bonfires, which denoted the public diflike of the Spaniſh match, and the danger to which religion had been expofed. It was not yet known, that ano- (k) The ſtinging petition, which was framed by the commons, and ſent to the the lords, was afterwards reduced to another form, and prefented to the king. This which follows here feems to be an extract of the first before it was reduced, the other being reduced to two petitions. See Wilfon, p. 784. ther OF ENGLAND. 279 ther and no lefs dangerous marriage was now treating in James I. France. The petition, preſented to his majeſty by both houſes, con- tained the feven following articles :