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Brantform Tha
OF THE
European Settlements
IN
A M ER I CA.
IN SIX PARTS.
을
​resul
1. A ſhort Hiſtory of the||III Of the Spaniſh Settle-
Diſcovery of that Part of
ments.
the World.
IV. Of the Portugueſe.
II. The Manners and Cur V. Of the French, Dutch,
toms of the original Inha and Daniſh.
bitants.
VI. Of the Engliſh.
Each PART contains
ham
An accurate Deſcription of the Settlements in it,
their Extent, Climate, Productions, Trade, Ge-
nius and Diſpoſition of their Inhabitants: the In-
tereſts of the ſeveral Powers of Europe with re-
fpect to thoſe Settlements; and their Political and
Commercial Views with regard to each other.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
By
VOL. I.
Ech
chuano
The FIFTH EDITION, with IMPROVEMENTS.
Burke Esg
a
L O N D ON:
Printed for J. DODSL E Y, in Pall-Mall.
M.DCC.LXX
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1:
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E
143
.895
1990
PREFACE,
TH
HE affairs of America have lately en-
gaged a great deal of the public attention.
Before the preſent war, there were but a very
few who made the hiſtory of that quarter of
the world any part of their ſtudy; though the
matter is certainly very curious it felf, and ex-
tremely intereſting to us as a trading people.
The hiſtory of a country which, though vafi
in extent, is the property only of four nations;
and which, though peopled probably for a ſe-
ries of ages, is only known to the reſt of the
world for about two centuries, does not natur-
ally afford matter for many volumes. Yet it
is certain, that, to acquire a proper knowledge
of
a 2
PRE FACE.
of the hiſtory of the events in America, an
idea of its preſent ſtate, and a competent judg-
ment of its trade, a great deal of reading has
been found requiſte. And I may add, that
the reading on many parts of this ſubject is
dry and diſguſting ; that aut hors have treated
on it, fome without a ſufficient knowledge of
the ſubject, and others in ſuch a manner as no
knowledge of the ſubječt in the author could
induce any body to become readers. That ſome
are loaded with a lumber of matter that can
intereſt very few; and that others obſcure the
truth in many particulars, to gratify the low
prejudices of parties, and, I may fay, of na-
tions. Whatever is written by the Engliſh
ſettled in our colonies, is to be read with great
caution ; becauſe very few of them write with-
out a bias to the intereſt of the particular pro-
vince to which they belong, or perhaps to a par-
ticular faction in that province. It is only by
comparing the printed accounts with one ano-
ther, and thoſe with the beſt private informa-
tions, and correcting all by authentic matter
of record, that one can diſcover the truth;
and this hath been a matter of ſome difficulty.
#
With
P R E F A C E.
With regard to the foreign ſettlements,
recourſe was had to the beſt printed accounts,
of travellers and others; and, in ſome points,
to private information from intelligent tra-
ders. The materials for the foreign ſettle
ments are far from being as perfect, or as
much to be depended upon, as we could wiſh;
it was very feldom that I could venture
tranſcribe any thing directly from them withe
out fome addition or fome corrective.
In the hiſtorical part of this work, I fixed
my eye principally on ſome capital matters,
which might the moſt fully engage and beſt
reward the attention of the reader; and in
treating of thoſe, I dwelt only upon ſuch events
as ſeemed to me to afford ſome political in-
Atruction, or to open the characters of the
principal actors in thoſe great ſcenes. The
affairs which ſeemed moſt worthy of an ac-
count of any length, are thoſe splendid and
remarkable events of the diſcovery of Ame-
rica,
3
P R E F A CE.
rica, and the conqueſt of the only two civi-
lized kingdoms it contained.
1
:
In treating of other parts, I have given fo
much of the hiſtory of each country as may
ferve to hew, when and upon what princi-
ciples it was planted, to enable the reader the
better to judge of its preſent condition. Theſe
accounts are very Mort; and, conſidering of
of what fort of manner ſuch hiſtories are com-
poſed, I believe I fall deſerve as much for
what I have omitted, as for what I have
inſerted. If I could not write well upon
any ſubject, I have endeavoured always to
write conciſely.
My principal view, in treating of the fe-
veral
ſettlements, was, to draw every thing
towards their trade, which is the point that
concerns us the moſt materially; for which
reaſon, I have but little conſidered their civil,
and yet leſs their natural hiſtory, further
than as they tended to throw ſome light upon
the commerce of theſe countries ; except where
the
4
P R E F A CE.
.
the matters were very curious, and ſerved to
diverſify the work.
It is not to be expected that a performance
of this kind can be written equally throughout.
In ſome places, the ſubject refuſes all jorna-
ment; and the matter, dry in itſelf, is by
no art to be made otherwiſe : in fome, a con-
tagion communicated
from the dulneſs of ma-
terials, which yet were neceſſary to the work,
may probably appear ; in
many, and perhaps
the moſt blameable parts, the author alone
muſt be anſwerable.
.
Having Spoken perhaps a little too hardly
of my materials, I muſt except the aſiſtance
I have had from the judicious collection called
Harris's Voyages. There are not many finer
pieces than the hiſtory of Brazil in that col-
lection ; the light in which the author ſets the
events in that hiſtory is fine and inſtructive ;
an uncommon ſpirit prevails through it; and
his remarks are every where ſtriking and
deep. The little ſketch I have given in the
part
PRE FACE.
part of Portugueſe America, if it has any
merit, is entirely due to that original. How-
ever the accounts given of many things in that
part of bis work which relates to the Engliſh
and French fettlements may be defective, and
ſuited rather to the ancient than to the pre-
fent ſtate of affairs in that part of the world ;
bis remarks have rarely this fault ; and where
I differ from him in any reſpect, it is with
deference to the judgment of a writer, to whom
tbis nation is much obliged, for endeavouring
every where with ſo much good ſenſe and elo-
quence to rouſe that
ſpirit of generous enter-
prize, that can alone make any nation power-
ful or glorious.
A. D. 1761.
CON-
C O N T E N T S
Of the FIRST VOLUME.
PART I.
The diſcovery of America, and the re-
duetion of Mexico and Peru.
2.
CH A P. I.
THE ſtate of Europe before the diſcovery of
America. The proje&t of Columbus. His
application to ſeveral courts.
His fucccel
ful application to that of Spain. His voyage.
The diſcovery of the Bahamas, and Greater
Antilles.
page 3
CHA P. II.
The diſcovery of the Caribbees. Columbus re-
turns to Europe. His behaviour at Liſbon.
His reception at Barcelona by Ferdinand and
Iſabella. Second voyage of Columbus. The
condition of the Spaniards in Hiſpaniola.
The city of Iſabella built, and a Spaniſh colony
ſettled. A voyage for better diſcovering the
coaſt of Cuba.
14
VOL. I.
b
Tbe
ii CON TEN TS.
programa
Complains
CH A P. III.
The difficulties attending the voyage. Jamaica
diſcovered. Columbus returns to Hiſpaniola.
The Spaniards rebel. A war with the Indians
of that country. They are conquered. Their
ſcheme for ſtarving the Spaniards.
25
CHA P. IV.
to enquire into his conduct. He returns to
Spain. He is acquitted. He ſets out on his
He diſcovers the continent of
South America. He fails to Hiſpaniola. 33
third voyage.
CH A P.
V.
Columbus finds the Spaniards of Hiſpaniola in
rebellion. His meaſures to ſuppreſs it. New
complaints againſt him in Spain. He is fu-
perſeded in the government, and ſent to Spain
in irons,
40
CH A P. VI.
The diſcoveries of Americus Vefputius, and other
adventurers. What cauſed the ſpirit of dif-
odvery.
46
.
СНАР.
C O N T E N T S.
ill
CH A P. VII.
Columbus again acquitted. Undertakes a fourth
voyage. Diſcovers the coaſt of Terra Firma
and the ifthmus of Darien. Returns to Hif-
paniola. His reception there. Purſues his
diſcoveries to the coaſt of Terra Firma. He
is driven to Jamaica, and ſhipwrecked on that
iſland. His diſtreſſes there. The rebellion of
his men, which he ſuppreſſes. He leaves the
iſland and returns to Spain. His reception
there. He dies.
50
CHAP. VIII.
..
The character of Columbus. Some reflections on
the conduct of the court of Spain.
61
CH A P. IX.
The diſcoveries and conqueſts of Balboa. Velaf-
quez fends Cortes on the Mexican expedition.
The ſtate of the Mexican empire. Cortes
makes an alliance with the Tlafcalans.
66
c H A P. X.
Cortes builds La Vera Cruz. He marches to
Mexico. His reception by Montezuma. Cor-
tes impriſons Montezuma. That prince's
ſtra-
b 2
tagem
IV
CO N T E N T S.
.
tagem to gain his liberty ; the conſequence
of it.
75
( H A P. XI.
The attempts of Montezuma to make the Spa-
niards leave Mexico. Thearrival of Narvaez
to take the command from Cortes. Cortes
leaves Mexico. Defeats and takes Narváez
priſoner. The Spaniards in Mexico beheged.
Cortes raiſes the fege. Montezuma is
killed.
84
CH A P. XII.
Guatimozin choſen Emperor by the Mexicans.
He beſieges the Spaniards in their quarter's.
Obliges Cortes to retire out of the City. Dif-
treſſes him in his retreat. The battle of
Otumba. Cortés retreats to Tlafcala. 96
C HA P. XIII. :
Spaniards fent againſt Cortès join him. Не
marches again to Mexico. A conſpiracy a-
gainſt his life baffled.
105
CH A P. XIV.
o de
Tke Rege of Mexico. Terms of accommodation
refuſed by the Mexicans. The Spaniards re-
12go
3
pulſed
CONTENTS
pulſed by a ſtratagem of Guatimozin. A new
Aratagem of Guatimozin. He is taken. The
city ſurrenders. Guatimozin tortured. Cora
tes ſuperſeded in his government. Reflections
on the Spaniſh cruelties.
114
C HA P. XV.
1
The ſcheme of Pizarro and Almagro for the con-
queſt of Peru. Their characters. The ſtate
f the empire of Peru at that time. The ta-
king of the ynca Atabalipa.
129
CH A P. XVI.
The murder of the ynca. A diſpute between
Pizarro and Almagro. They are reconciled.
Almagro's expedition to Chili. The Peruvi-
ans renew the war, and befiege Cuſco. Al-
magro returns and defeats them. Almagro
renews the quarrel with Pizarro, but is de-
feated and put to death.
142
CH A P. XVII.
The final diſperſion of the Peruvian army.
Тbe
conſpiracy againſt Pizarro. He is murdered.
154
>
::
b 3
c H A P.
.
vi
CONTENTS
į
CH A P. XVIII.
Young Almagro made governor. The new vice-
roy Vaca di Caſtro arrives. Puts to death
young Almagro. Puts an end to the fa£tions,
and ſettles the province. He is recalled. Gon-
zala Pizarro raiſes a rebellion, and uſurps the
government. Peter de la Gaſca made viceroy.
Defeats the troops of Pizarro, and puts bim
to death.
158
:
he
Em
PART
C O N T E N T S.
vii
PART II.
-
發
​The Manners of the Americans.
C HA P. I.
The perſons of the Americans. Their dreſs and
way of living. Their manner of converfing.
Their hoſpitality. Their temper. Their re-
ligion and ſuperſtitions. Their medicine. 167
CH A P. II.
The government of the Americans. Their coun-
cils. Their orators. Their feaſts. Their man-
ner of adminiſtering juſtice.
175
CHA P. III.
Their mournings for their dead. The feaſt of
fouls. The American women, their occupa-
tions. Their marriages and divorces. 182
CH A P. IV.
The Indian manner of preparing for war. The
ſongs and dances. Their taking the field.
Their method of diſcovering and attacking the
enemy. Their cruel treatment of their priſon-
ers of war
188
PART
viil
CONTENT S.
PART III.
.
SPANISH A M ER I CA.
...
C H A P. 1.
A general defcription of America.
203
CHA P. II.
The climate and foil of New Spain. Animals.
Its vegetable produce.
208
CH A P. III,
.
7
The gold and
ſilver mines. The manner of puri-
fying thoſe metals. Some thoughts on the ge-
neration of metals. Of the quantity of thoſe
metals produced in the Spaniſh Weſt-Indies.
213
CH A P. IV.
1
Of cochineal and cacao.
223
CHAP. V.
The trade of Mexico. Some account of that
city. The fairs of Acapulca and La Vera
Cruz. The flota and regiſter ſhips.
CH A P.
228
CON TEN TS.
CH A P. VI.
Three forts of people in New Spain. The Whites,
Indians, and Negroes; the characters of thoſe.
The clergy, their characters. The civil go-
vernment, its character.
238
CH A P. VII.
New Mexico. Its diſcovery. Climate. Pro-
duets. The Engliſh claim to California. 243
CH A P. VIII.
The climate and ſoil of Peru. Its produce. The
mines, the coca and herb of Paraguay. 245
:
.
CHA P. IX.
$4
The wines of Peru. The wool. The lamas and
vicunnas, sheep of Peru. Jeſuits bark. Gui-
nea pepper. The dung of Iquiqua. Quick-
ſilver mines.
251
*
:
CH A P. X.
The character of the Peruvians. Their divifons.
The Indian feſtival. Honours paid to a de-
fcendant of the ynca.
256
..
C H A P.
:
CONTENT S.
Ở H A P. XỈ.
The cities of Peru, Lima, Cuſco, and Quito ;
a deſcription of them. Callao, its trade and
deſtruction. The viceroy of Peru. His ju-
riſdiction, and revenues.
260
CH A P. XII.
The temperature of the air in Chili. The foil.
Its fertility. A deſcription of the principal
The trade of Chili.
268
towns.
CH A P. XIII.
The Spaniards in this province but few. The
Americans, their character. Some free. 271
CH AP. XIV.
The climate of Paraguay. Its rivers. The
province of La Plata. The town of Buenos-
Ayres. Its trade.
274
*
CHA P. XV.
The territory of the jeſuits in Paraguay. Their
manner of ſettling and governing it. The
obedience of the people. Some reflections on the
late tranſactions there.
278
CH A P.
7
CONTENT S.
xi
C H A P. XVI.
I
Terra Firma. Its extent and produce. The
cities of Panama, Carthagena, and Porto-
bello. The galleons. The iſle of Cuba. The
Havanna, Hiſpaniola. Porto Rico. Re-
flections on the policy of Spain with regard to
the colonies.
218
>
P AR T. IV.
.
The Portugueſe Settlements.
CH A P. I.
An account of the diſcovery of Brazil
. The
method of ſettling it. Conquered by the Dutch.
Reconquered by the Portugueſe.
300
CHAP. II.
The climate of Brazil. Of the Brazil wood.
360
C H A P.
CONTENTS
ca
CH A P. III.
The trade of Brazil. Its intercourſe with Afri-
*
and Rio faneiro. The gold mines. The
commonwealth of the Pauliſts. The diamond
mines.
308
CHA P. IV.
Regulation of the Portugueſe trade. The de-
ſcription of St. Salvador, the capital of Bra-
zil. The fleets for that city. Rio Janeiro
and Fernambucca.
315
CH A P. V.
The charačter of the American Portugueſe. The
ſtate of the Negroes. The government. 321
Α Ν
;
AN
ACCOUNT
,
OF THE
EUROPEAN SETTLEMENTS.
IN
A M E R I CA.
VOL.
I.
B
[ 3 ]
ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಬೆಳೆಸಿ
RE
PART I.
The diſcovery of America, and the
reduction of Mexico and Peru.
ఆ00000000000000000ocodoc concococooooooocooocooocooooooo cope cooocooooooocomoc00040ace000ccorr0000000
CH A P.
I.
:
**##
.
The ſtate of Europe before the diſcovery of
America. The proječt of Columbus. His
application to ſeveral courts,
His ſucceſsful
application to that of Spain. His voyage,
The diſcovery of the Bahamas, and Greater
Antilles.
*** HERE was an extraordinary
coincidence of events at the
time that the diſcovery of A-
merica made one of the prin-
cipal; the invention of print-
**-ing, the making of gunpow-
der, the improvement of navigation, the re-
vival of ancient learning, and the reformation;
all of theſe conſpired to change the face of
Europe entirely. At this time the principal
monarchies began to knit, and to acquire
the ſtrength, and take the form, they have
B 2
T
at
4
An Account of the EUROPEAN
at this day. Before this period, the manners
of Europe were wholly barbarous ; even in
Italy, where the natural mildneſs of the cli-
mate and the dawning of literature had a
little ſoftened the minds of the people, and
introduced ſomething approaching towards
politeneſs, the hiſtory preceding this æra, and
indeed for ſome time after it, is nothing but
one ſeries of treaſons, uſurpations, murders,
and maſſacres: nothing of a manly courage,
nothing of a folid and rational policy. Scarce
any · ſtate had then very extenſive views, or
looked much further than to the preſent ad-
vantage. They did not well comprehend the
complicated ſyſtem of intereſts that Europe
formed even long before this. Lewis the
eleventh, who was looked upon as one of
the wiſeft princes in his time, and one who
ſacrificed every thing to his ambition, facri-
ficed one of the faireſt objects of that am-
bition to a pique, which fince his time could
have little influence on the counſels of
any
prince. His ſon, Charles the eighth, as he
won Italy without either courage or conduct,
ſo he loſt it by a chain of falſe meaſures,
ſuch as we may venture to fay has no pa-
rallel in later times. A wild romantic cou-
rage in the Northern and Weſtern parts of
Europe, and a wicked policy in the Italian
ſtates, was the character of that age. If
we look into the manners of the courts,
there
:
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
5
there appear but very faint marks of cultiva
tion and politeneſs. The interview between
our Edward the fourth and his brother of
France, wherein they were both caged up
like wild beaſts, ſhews diſpoſitions very re-
mote from a true ſenſe of honour, from the
dignity of their ſtations, or any juſt ideas of
politeneſs and humanity. All the anecdotes
which remain of theſe and other courts, are
in the fame ſpirit.
If the courts had made ſuch poor ad-
vances in policy and politeneſs, which might
ſeem the natural growth of courts at any
time, both the courts and the people were
yet leſs advanced in uſeful knowledge. The
little learning which then ſubfifted, was only
the dotage of the ſcholaſtic philofophy of
words; together with the infancy of po-
liter learning, which only concerned words
too, though in another wary. The elegance.
and purity of the Latin tongue was then
the higheſt, and almoſt the only point of a
ſcholar's ambition. Mathematical learning
was little valued or cultivated. The true fy-
ſtem of the heavens was not dreamed of.
There was no knowledge at all of the real
form of the earth; and in general the ideas
of mankind were not extended beyond their
ſenſible horizon.
In this ſtate of affairs Chriſtopher Co-
lumbus, a native of Genoa, undertook to
extend
B 3
6 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
extend the boundaries which ignorance had
given to the world. This man's deſign aroſe
from the juſt idea he had formed of the figure
of the earth; tho' the maps, more erroneous
than his conjectures, made him miſtake the
object. His deſign was to find a paſſage to
China and India by the Weſtern Ocean. It is
not improbable, that beſides the glory attend-
ing ſuch a diſcovery, and the private advan-
tages of fortune he might propoſe to derive
from it, Columbus had a further incentive
from national jealouſy and reſentment. Ve-
nice and Genoa were then almoſt the only
trading powers in Europe ; and they had no
other ſupport of their power but their com-
merce. This bred a rivalſhip, a jealouſy, and
frequent wars between them; but in traffick
Venice was much ſuperior; ſhe had drawn to
herſelf almoſt the whole commerce of India,
always one of the most valuable in the world,
and then carried on only by the way of Egypt
and the Red Sea. An emulation of this kind
might probably have put Columbus on finding
another and more direct paffage to the Eaſt-
Indies, and by that means transferring this
profitable trade to his own country. But nei-
ther that which he fought, nor that which he
found, was deſtined for his country. However,
he performed the duty of a good citizen, and
made his firſt propoſal at home; at home it
was rejected. Diſcharged of this obligation, he
applied
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
applied to the court of France, and meeting
no better ſucceſs there, he offered next his
ſervices to our Henry the ſeventh. This
prince was rather a prudent ſteward and ma-
nager of a kingdom than a great king, and
and one of thoſe defenſive geniuſes who are the
laſt in the world to reliſh a great but proble-
matical deſign. It it therefore no wonder that
his brother, whom Columbus had employed
to ſolicit in England, after ſeveral years ſpent
here, had little ſucceſs in his negotiation. But
in Portugal, where he applied himſelf after his
failure here, his offers were not only rejected
but he was inſulted and ridiculed; he found,
however, in theſe inſults, and this ridicule, a
new incitement to purſuſe his ſcheme, urged
forward by the ſtings of anger and reſentment.
Laſt of all he exerciſed his intereſt and his
patience for eight years together at the court of
Ferdinand and Iſabella. There is a ſort of en-
thuſiaſm in all projectors, abſolutely neceſſary
for their affairs, which makes them proof
againſt the moſt fatiguing delays, the moſt
mortifying diſappointments, the moſt ſhock-
ing inſults; and, what is feverer than all, the
preſumptuous judgments of the ignorant upon
Columbus had a ſufficient
ſhare of this quality. He had every day,
during this long ſpace, to combat with every
objection that want of knowledge, or that a
falſe knowledge, could propoſe. Some held
that
their deſigns.
B 4
:
8
An Account of the EUROPEAN
return.
that the known world, which they thought
was all that could be known, floated like a vaſt
fcum upon the ocean; that the ocean itſelf
was infinite. Others, who entertained more
juſt notions, and believed that the whole of
the earth and waters compofed one vaſt globe,
drew a confequence from it as abſurd as the
former opinion. For they argued, that if
Columbus ſhould fail beyond a certain point,
the convexity of this globe would prevent his
As is uſual in ſuch caſes, every one
abounded with objections. His whole time
was ſpent in fruitleſs endeavours to enlighten
ignorance, to remove prejudice, and to van-
quiſh that obſtinate incredulity, which is of
all others the greateſt enemy to improvement,
rejecting every thing as falſe and abſurd, which
is ever ſo little out of the track of common ex-
perience; and it is of the more dangerous con-
fequence, as it carries a deluſive air of coolneſs,
of temper and wiſdom. With all this, he had
yet greater difficulties from the intereſts of
mankind, than from their malignity and ig-
norance. The expence of the undertaking, in-
conſiderable as this expence was, was at the
bottom the chief ſupport of the other objec-
tions, and had more weight than all the reſt
together. However, with an aſſiduity and
firmneſs of mind, never enough to be admired
and applauded, he at length overcame all diffi-
culties; and, to his inexpreſſible joy, with a
3
fleet
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
no
fleet of three ſhips, and the title and com-
mand of an admirade fet fail on the third of
Auguft, 1492, on a voyage the moſt daring
and grand in the deſign, and in the event of
which the world was the moſt concerned, of
any that ever yet was undertaken.
It muſt not be omitted here, in honour to
the fex, and in juſtice to Iſabella, that this
ſcheme was firſt countenanced, and the equip-
ment made by the queen only; the king had
ſhare in it; The even raiſed the money neceſ-
ſary for the deſign upon her own jewels.
I do not propoſe to relate all the particulars
of Columbus's voyage in a track now ſo well
known, and ſo much frequented; but then
there was no chart to direct him, no lights
from former navigators, no experience of the
winds and currents particular to thoſe feas.
He had no guide but his own genius, nor any
thing to comfort and appeaſe his companions,
diſcouraged and mutinous with the length and
hopeleſſneſs of the voyage, but ſome indica-
tions which he drew from the caſual appea-
rances of land birds and floating ſea-weeds,
moſt of them little to be depended upon, but
which this wife commander, well acquainted
with the human heart, always knew how to
turn to the beſt advantage. It was in this ex-
pedition that the variation of the compaſs was
firſt obſerved; an appearance which has ever
fince puzzled all philoſophers, and which at
this
10 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
::
this time made a great impreſſion upon Co-
lumbus's pilots; when in an unknown and
boundleſs ocean, far from the road of former
navigation, nature itſelf ſeemed altered, and
the only guide they had left, appeared to be
upon the point of forſaking them. But Co-
lumbus, with a wonderful quickneſs and fa-
gacity, pretended to diſcover a phyſical cauſe
for this appearance, which tho' it did not
fatisfy himſelf, was plauſible enough to re-
move ſomething of the terrors of his mariners.
Expedients of this kind were daily wanting,
and the fertile genius of this diſcoverer in-
vented them daily. However, by frequent
uſe, they began to loſe their effect; the crew
inſiſted on his returning, and grew loud and
infolent in their demand. Some even talked
of throwing the admiral overboard. His in-
vention, and almoſt his hopes were near ex-
hauſted, when the only thing which could
appeaſe them happened; the clear diſcovery
of land, after a voyage of thirty-three days,
the longeſt ever any man was known to be
from fight of ſhore before that time.
They landed on one of the iſlands now cal-
led Lucayos, or Bahamas, which is remarkable
for nothing but this event, and here it was,
that the two worlds, if I may uſe the expref-
fion, were firſt introduced to one another ;
a meeting of an extraordinary nature, and
which produced great changes in both. The
firſt
SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA.
IL
firſt thing Columbus did, after thanking God
for the ſucceſs of his important voyage, was to
take poffeffion of the iſland in the name of their
Catholick majeſties, by ſetting up a croſs upon
the ſhore; great multitudes of the inhabitants
looking on, ignorant and unconcerned at a ce-
remony which was to deprive them of their
natural liberty. The ſtay of the Spaniards in
this Iſland was but ſhort; they found, from the
extreme poverty of the people, that theſe were
by no means the Indies, which they fought for.
Columbus at his departure very prudently
took with him ſome of the natives, that they
might learn the Spaniſh tongue, and be his
guides and interpreters in this new ſcene of
affairs; nor were they unwilling to accom-
pany him. He touched on ſeveral of the
iſlands in the fame cluſter, enquiring every
where for gold, which was the only object of
commerce he thought worth his care, becauſe
the only thing that could give the court of
Spain an high opinion of his diſcoveries. AIL
directed him to a great iſland called Bohio, of
which they ſpoke extraordinary things, and
principally that it abounded in gold. They
told him it lay to the Southward. To the
Southward he ſteered his courſe, and found
the Illand, which he called Hiſpaniola, no
ways inferior to the reports; commodious har-
bours, an agreeable climate, a good foil, and,
what was of moſt conſequence, a country that
pro-
I
I 2
An Account of the EUROPEAN
promiſed from fome ſamples a great abun-
dance of gold; inhabited by an humane and
hoſpitable people, in a ſtate of fimplicity fit
to be worked upon.
Theſe circumſtances
determined Columbus to make this iſland the
center of his deſigns, to plant a colony there,
and to eſtabliſh things in ſome permanent order
before he proceeded to further diſcoveries.
But to carry his deſigns of a ſettlement here,
and his ſchemes of future diſcoveries into exe-
cution, it was neceſſary that he ſhould return
to Spain and equip himſelf with a proper force.
He had now collected a ſufficient quantity
of gold to give credit to his voyage at court,
and ſuch a number of curioſities of all kinds
as might ſtrike the imaginations, and engage
the attention of the people. Before he parted,
he took care to ſecure the friendſhip of the
principal king of the iſland by careſſes and
preſents, and under pretence of leaving him
a force ſufficient to affift him againſt his ene-
mies, he laid the ground-work of a colony.
He built a fort, and put a ſmall garriſon of
Spaniards into it, with ſuch directions for
their conduct as might have enſured their
ſafety and the good offices of the inhabitants,
if the men had not been of that kind, who
are incapable of acting prudently either from
their own or other people's wiſdom. He did
every thing to gain the eſteem of the natives,
by the juſtice, and even generoſity of his deal-
ings,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA... 13
ings, and the politeneſs and humanity with
which he behaved upon every occaſion. He
ſhewed them too, that tho' it was not in his
will, it was not the leſs in his power to do
them miſchief, if they acted ſo as to force him
upon harſher meaſures. The ſurprizing effects
of his cannon, and the ſharpneſs of the Spaniſh
ſwords, of which he made an innocent often-
tation, convinced them of this.
When the Spaniards firſt arrived in that
country, they were taken for men come from
heaven; and it was no wonder, confidering
the extreme novelty of their appearance, and
the prodigious fuperiority they had in every
reſpect over a people in all the nakedneſs of
uncultivated nature. Whatever therefore the
Indians got from them, they valued in an high
degree, not only as curious and uſeful, but
even as things facred. The perſons of the
Spaniards were reſpected in the fame light.
Columbus, who knew the value of opinion,
did all he could to keep them in their error;
and indeed no action of his, either of weak-
neſs or cruelty, could furniſh matter to un-
deceive them. For which reaſon, on his de-
parture, he left the people with the beſt in-
clinations imaginable to nurſe his infant co-
lony. And when he deſired ſome of the in-
habitants to carry into Spain, he was more at
a loſs whom he ſhould accept, than how he
ſhould prevail upon them to go.
СНАР.
14 An Account of the EUROPEAN
CH A P. II.
The diſcovery of the Caribbees.
Columbus rem
turns to Europe. His behaviour at Lisbon.
His reception at Barcelona by Ferdinand and
Iſabella. Second voyage of Columbus. The
condition of the Spaniards in Hiſpaniola.
The City of Iſabella built, and a Spaniſh co-
lony ſettled. A voyage for better diſcovering
the coaſt of Cuba.
O
N his return homewards, ſtill attentive
to his deſign, he aimed at ſuch diſcoveries
as could be proſecuted without deviating con-
fiderably from his courſe.
He touched upon
ſeveral iſlands to the Southward, and diſco-
vered the Caribbees, of the barbarity of whoſe
inhabitants he had heard terrible accounts in
Hiſpaniola. He had before landed upon Cuba
in his paſſage from the Bahamas. So that in
this his firſt voyage, he gained a general know-
ledge of all the iſlands, which lie in ſuch an
aſtoniſhing number in that great ſea which
divides North and South America. But hi.
therto he neither knew nor ſuſpected any
continent between him and China.
He returned to Europe after an abſence of
above fix months, and was driven by a great
ſtorm into the harbour of Liſbon. This he did
not look upon as a misfortune; ſince here,
he
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA,
IS
he had the ſatisfaction of convincing the Por-
tugueſe demonſtratively of what an error they
were guilty in rejecting his propoſals. It was
now his turn to triumph. Thoſe who want
fagacity to diſcern the advantages of an offer,
when it is made to themſelves, and treat it
with the greateſt ſcorn, are always moſt ſtung
with envy when they actually ſee theſe advan-
tages in the hands of another. The Portu-
gueſe had ſome time before this begun to
make a figure: their ſhips had coaſted Africa
for a greater length than any had done before
them, which opened to them a profitable trade
to Guinea. This gave them a reputation.
They conſidered diſcovery as their proper pro-
vince; and they were enraged to ſee that the
Caſtilians were now let into the ſame path, in
conſequence of an offer which they had re-
jected. Some propoſed to murder the admi-
ral; but all were agreed to treat him in the
moſt unworthy manner. However, their de-
ſign of inſulting him gave Columbus an oppor-
tunity at once of gratifying his reſentment,
maintaining his own dignity, and aſſerting the
honour of the flag of Caſtile. He ſent to the
king at his firſt entering the harbour, to de-
fire a liberty to come up to Liſbon and refreſh,
as he had his maſter's orders not to avoid his
ports; adding, that he was not from Guinea,
but the Indies. An officer of the king of Por-
tugal came aboard him with an armed force,
and
3
16 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
and ordered him to come afhore, and give an
account of himſelf to the king's officers. Com
lumbus told him he had the honour of ſerving
the king of Caſtile, and would own himſelf
accountable to no other. The Portugueſe then
deſired him to ſend the maſter of his ſhip; this
he likewiſe refuſed, ſaying, that the admirals of
Caftile always chofe rather to die than deliver
up themſelves, or even the meaneſt of their
men; and if violence was intended, he was
prepared to meet force with force. A ſpirited
behaviour, in almoſt any circumſtance of
ſtrength, is the moſt politic as well as the
moft honourable courſe; we preſerve a reſpect
at leaſt by it, and with that we generally
preſerve every thing; but when we loſe re-
fpect, every thing is loſt. We invite rather
than fuffer inſults, and the first is the only
one we can refift with prudence. Columbus
found this; the officer did not purſue his de-
mand; the admiral had all the refreſhments
he wanted; and was even received at court
with particular marks of diſtinction.
4. From Liſbon he proceeded to Seville; the
court was then at Barcelona. But before he
went to give an account of his voyage, he
took all the care he could to provide for ano-
ther. He wrote an abſtract of his proceedings,
and fent with it a memorial of all ſuch things,
as were neceſſary for the eſtabliſhment of a co-
lony, and for further diſcoveries. Soon after he
began
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
17
began his journey to Barcelona, every where
followed by the admiration and applauſes of
the people, who crouded to ſee him from all
parts. He entered the city in a fort of triumph.
And certainly there never was a more innocent
triumph, nor one that formed a more new and
pleaſing ſpectacle. He had not deſtroyed, but
diſcovered nations. The Americans he brought
with him appeared in all the uncouth finery
of their own country, wondered at by every
body, and themſelves admiring every thing
they faw. The ſeveral animals, many highly
beautiful, and all ſtrangers to this part of the
world, were ſo diſpoſed as to be ſeen without
difficulty; the other curiofities of the new
world were diſplayed in the moſt advantage-
ous manner; the utenſils, the arms, and the
ornaments of the people ſo remote from us in
fituation and manners; ſome valuable for the
materials; even the rudeneſs of the workman-
ſhip in many made them but the more curious,
when it was conſidered by whom, and with
what inftruments they were wrought.
ought. The
gold was not forgot. The admiral himſelf
cloſed the proceffion. He was received by the
king and queen with all imaginable marks of
eſteem and regard, and they ordered a manifi-
cent throne to be erected in public to do him
the greater honour. A chair was prepared for
him, in which he fat, and gave, in preſence of
the whole court, a full and circumſtancial ac-
VOL.I.
с
count
18 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
.
king and
count of all his diſcoveries, with that compoſed-
neſs and gravity, which is ſo extremely a-
greeable to the Spaniſh humour, and with the
modeſty of a man who knows he has done
things which do not need to be proclaimed by
himſelf. The ſucceſsful merit of Columbus
was underſtood by every body; and when the
queen led the way, all the
all the grandees
and nobility of the court vied with each other
in their civilities and careffes.
Theſe honours did not ſatisfy Columbus.
He prepared with all expedition for a ſecond
voyage. The difficulties attending the firſt
were all vaniſhed. The importance of the
object appeared every day more clearly, and
the court was willing to ſecond the vivacity of
his deſires to the full. But before his departure
there was one thing which they judged wanting
to give them a clear and unqueſtionable right
to the countries, which ſhould be diſcovered.
This was a grant of them from the pope.
The Portugueſe ſome time before had a grantof
ſuch lands as they ſhould diſcover within
certain
latitudes; and this grant made a ſimilar one
to the Spaniards appear the more neceſſary.
The pope accordingly gave a very ample
bull in their favour, very liberally conceding
countries, of which he was ſo far from hay-
ing any poffeffion, that he had no knowledge
of them. The limits of this grant was a
line drawn from pole to pole, an hundred
leagues
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
19
leagues to the weſtward of the Azores. On
the other ſide no bounds at all were ſet.
This was afterwards a ſubject of much con-
troverſy between the crowns of Spain and
Portugal, the latter having got a grant of all
that ſhould be diſcovered to the Eaſt, as the
former had of all to the Weſtward; thoſe
who drew the bulls not having known enough
of the figure of the earth to ſee, that theſe
grants muſt neceſſarily claſh; and the powers
which deſired them, were perhaps not ſorry
to find their pretenſions ſuch as they might
extend or contract at pleaſure.
Whatever the validity of this ample grant
might be, Columbus was made governor with
the higheſt authority over all that it contained.
But he had ſomewhat with him more material
for his poſſeſſion than any
charters. This was
a fleet of ſeventeen ſail of ihips, with all man-
ner of neceſſaries for ſettlement or conqueſt,
and fifteen hundred men on board, ſome of
them of the beſt families in Spain. With this
fleet he ſet ſail on his ſecond voyage the 25th
of September, 1493.
He
gave
each of the
captains inſtructions for their courſe ſealed,
with orders not to open them, unleſs in diſtreſs,
and ſeparated from the fleet, that he might
create ſuch an abſolute dependence of all upon
himſelf, as ſhould preſerve an uniformity in
their deſigns. On the ſecond of November
they made land, which is the iſland now called
Dominica.
C2
..
cand
An Account of the EUROPEAN
Dominica. But his deſign was firſt to fettle
his colony before he attempted any new diſco-
very, therefore he made no ſtay here, nor at.
feveral other iſlands at which he touched before
he could make Hiſpaniola.
On his arrival he found the fort he had built
utterly demoliſhed, and all his men killed.
The Spaniards had firſt fallen out amongſt
themſelves, upon the uſual ſubjects of ſtrife,
women and gold; and afterwards preferving as
little harmony with the natives, and obſerving
no decency in their behaviour, or juſtice in
their dealings, they quickly loſt their eſteem,
and were every man murdered, after having
been diſperſed into different parts of the iſland.
The prince, whom they were left to defend,
bore this mark of his affection and good faith,
when Columbus returned to the iſland. The
admiral very wiſely forbore to make any nice
enquiry into the affair, or to commence hoſti-
lities in revenge for the loſs of his foldiers;
but he took the moſt effectual meaſures to
prevent ſuch an evil for the future; he choſe
a more commodious ſtation for his colony, on
the North-eaſt part of the iſland, which had.
a good port, great conveniency of water,
and a good foil, and lay near that where he
was informed the richeſt mines of the coun-
try were found: in gratitude to his royal pa-
troneſs, he called it Ifabella. He engaged
in
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
21
in the ſettlement with great warmth, and
never allowed himſelf a moment's repoſe from
fuperintending the fortifications, the pri-
vate houſes, and the works of agriculture ;
in all which the fatigue was infinite; for
he had not only the natural difficulties at-
tending all ſuch undertakings, but he had
the inſuperable lazineſs of the Spaniards to
contend with. So that, ſpent with the fatigues
of ſo long a voyage, and the greater fatigues
he had endured ſince he came on ſhore, he
fell into a dangerous illneſs. Of this acci-
dent ſeveral of his men took the advantage to
begin a rebellion, to undo all he had done,
and to throw every thing into the moſt terrible
confuſion. Theſe people, on their leaving
Spain, had fancied to themſelves that gold was
to be found every where in this country, and
that there required nothing further to make
ample eſtates, than to be tranſported into it;
but finding their miſtake, and that, inſtead of
receiving theſe golden ſhowers without any
pains, they fared ill, laboured hard, and that
their profpects of a fortune, if any at all, were
remote and uncertain, their diſcontent became
general ; and the mutinous diſpoſition increaſed
fo faſt, and was carried to ſuch extremities, that
if the admiral had not recovered at a very criti-
cal time, and on his recovery had not acted in
the moſt reſolute and effectual manner, all his
hopes of a ſettlement in Hiſpaniola had been
at
:
C 3
22
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
at an end. He was fatisfied with impriſoning
fome of the chiefs. This was neither a time
nora place for very extenſive or rigorous juſtice.
He quelled this fedition, but he ſaw at the
ſame time that his work was not yet done; he
ſaw another danger, againſt which he was to
provide with equal diligence. He had good
reaſons to apprehend, that the Americans were
not well affected to their new gueſts, and might
probably meditate to cut them off, whilſt they
ſaw them divided amongſt themſelves. To
prevent this, as well as to baniſh idleneſs from
amongſt his men, and to revive military diſci-
pline, he marched into the heart of the coun-
try, through the moſt frequented parts of it, in
order of battle, colours flying, and trumpets
ſounding, with the flower of his troops, to
the mountains of Cibao; where lay the richeſt
mines then diſcovered in the iſland. Here he
built a fort to ſecure this advantageous poft,
and overawe the country; and then he returned
in the ſame pomp and order, to the inexpreſſi-
ble terror of the Inhabitants, who had now no
proſpect of withſtanding a force, which to them
ſeemed more than human.
In this expedition Columbus made great
oftentation of his cavalry. This was the firſt
time the Indians of America had ever ſeen
horſes. Their dread of theſe animals and their
riders were extreme; they thought both formed
but one animal, and the impetuoſity of their
charge
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
23
tharge appeared irreſiſtible to theſe naked and
ill-armed people. Wherever they appeared,
thoſe Indians, who intended any hoftility, im-
mediately fled; nor did they think the inter
vention of the deepeſt and moſt rapid rivers
any ſecurity; they believed that the horſes
could fly, and that nothing was impoffible to
creatures ſo extraordinary. But Columbus did
not rely upon theſe prejudices, though he made
all imaginable uſe of them; knowing that
thoſe things which appear moſt terrible at firſt,
become every day leſs affecting by uſe, and that
they even grow contemptible, when their real
power is once well known. For which rea-
fon, he neglected none of his former methods
of cultivating the affections of the natives; he
ſtill ſhewed them all manner of reſpect, and
when he had taken two perſons of their na-
tion, who had committed ſome acts of hoſti-
lity, and was at the point of putting them to
death, he pardoned and ſet them free at the
interceffion of a prince of the country, with
whom he was in alliance. On the other hand,
he faw how neceffary it was to preſerve a ſtrict
diſcipline amongſt the Spaniards, to keep them
from that idleneſs to which they had ſuch a
propenſity, and which naturally retarded the
growth of the colony, at the ſame time that
it nouriſhed diſcontent and fedition. He em-
ployed them in cutting roads through the
country, a work which the natives never at-
C4
tempted
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
tempted themſelves, nor now endeavoured to
oppoſe, though it be one of the beſt inftru-
ments of enſlaving any barbarous people.
This wife governor obſerved beſides, that the
Spaniards conformed with great difficulty to
the Indian manner of living, to which, how-
ever, they were neceſſitated, but from which,
for want of uſe, they ſuffered great hardſhips.
To remedy this evil, he daily fent out ſmall
parties upon expeditions into the country; from
which he derived two material advantages.
Firſt, he enured, by degrees, all his people to
the manner of living in the country, and le-
condly, he taught them to know it perfe&tly,
left a war ſhould find them unprovided in their
only point in which the Indians were their
ſuperiors, and a point which in a woody and
mountainous country is certainly of the greateſt
importance. All this he did without any ma-
terial bazard to the ſum of his affairs. At
home, he endeavoured to withdraw the Spani-
ards from their romantic hopes of miracu-
lous treaſures, and to fix them to a rational and
induftrious courſe of life. He repreſented to
them, that there was no real wealth but what
aroſe from labour; and that a garden, a corn
ground, and a mill, were riches more to their
preſent purpoſe, than all the gold they were
in expectation of meeting in the Indies. In
Ahort, he laboured for the eſtabliſhment of this
colony with as much aſliduity, as though his
views
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
views had extended no further ; at the ſame
time that he meditated the greateſt diſcoveries,
and conſidered thoſe things which had aſtoniſh-
ed the world, only as the earneſt of his future
performances.
I have before mentioned his having put in at
Cuba. The country, from fome ſpecimens,
ſeemed a rich diſcovery; but whether it was an
iſland, or a part of ſome great continent, he
was altogether uncertain. Now that he had
got his colony to take firm root in the Indies,
he prepared with all expedition to aſcertain this
point, and to puſh his diſcoveries to the ut
moſt, in which he had ſucceeded hitherto lo
happily.
CH A P. III.
The difficulties attending the voyage. Jamaica
difcovered. Columbus returns to Hiſpaniola.
The Spaniards rebel. A war with the Indians
of that country. They are conquered. Their
ſcheme for ſtarving the Spaniards.
T
HIS voyage was more remarkable for
the hardſhips which the admiral and his
men ſuffered, than for any conſiderable diſco-
veries it produced. As he endeavoured to coaft
along the Southern ſhore of Cuba, he was en
tangled in a labyrinth of an innumerable multi-
tude
in famine and in danger, his ulual firmneſs
26 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
tude of illands, amongſt which he reckoned 160
in one day. They were moſt of them plea-
fant and well inhabited, affording our naviga-
tor an agreeable meditation on this fertility of
nature, where the world looked for nothing
but a barren ocean. Theſe iſlands, Colum-
bus, who had a grateful mind, in which the
memory of his benefactreſs was always upper-
moſt, called Jardin de la Reyna, or the queen's
garden, in honour of queen Iſabella. But
their number and fertility made little amends
for the obſtruction they gave Columbus in the
courſe of his navigation. The coaſt abſolutely
unknown, among ſo many rocks, fands, an
Thelves; the ſudden and violent ſtorms, the
tornadoes, and the terrible thunder and light-
ning ſo conſtant between the tropics, obliged
him to keep a continual watch, and held his
mind upon a conſtant ſtretch ; the voyage was
extended to an unprofitable length by theſe
difficulties; and being driven out to fea, the
worft diſaſter of all befel them. Their
pro-
vifions fell fhort. In this extremity they were
obliged to come to a very narrow and bad al-
lowance, in the diſtribution of which the ad-
miral fared nothing better than the reſt. In
this unremitted fatigue of body and of mind,
began nearly to forſake him; but it could go
no further than to oblige him to remark in his
journal, that no interek of his own ſhould
ever
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
27
ever oblige him to engage again in ſuch an en-
terpriſe. They were at laſt relieved by the ap-
pearance of Jamaica, where they were hoſpi-
tably received, and ſupplied with Caſſava bread
and water. From thence they proceeded,
mortified and diſappointed, to Hiſpaniola, not
being able to come to any certainty concern-
ing Cuba, other than what they underſtood
from ſome of the inhabitants that it was an
iſland. This diſappointment, and the infinite
fatigue and difficulty of the voyage, threw
Columbus into a lethargy, which was near.
being fatal to him, and of which he was ſcarcely
recovered when they arrived at the harbour of
Iſabella.
Here they found all things in confuſion, and
the colony in the utmoſt danger of being a fe-
cond time utterly deſtroyed; as if its proſperity
or deſtruction depended upon the preſence or
abſence of Columbus. For no ſooner was he
failed, than the Spaniards, who were very
difficultly retained in their duty by all his ſtea-
dineſs and wiſdom, broke through all regu-
lations, laughed at government and diſcipline,
and ſpread themſelves over the iſland, com-
mitting a thouſand diſorders, and living at free
quarter upon the inhabitants, whoſe hatred to
them was worked up to ſuch a point, that they
wanted only the word from their princes to
fall on and maſſacre the whole colony ; a thing
by no means impracticable, in its preſent
diſorder,
-
28 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
diſorder. Four of the principal fovereigns of
the iſland took advantage of this diſpoſition,
and united to drive out thoſe imperious in-
truders. None adhered to them but one called
Gunacagarry, the ſame prince whom Colum-
bus from the firſt had taken ſo much pains to
oblige. In his dominions ſome of the Spaniards
found protection. The other princes had
already commenced hoftilities, and one of
them killed fixteen of the Spaniards, who were
taking no uniform meaſures to oppoſe them
neither in their preſent anarchy could it be
well expected
In this condition was the iſland on the arri-
val of Columbus, whoſe firſt buſineſs was to
collect the ſcattered fragments of the colony,
and to form them into a body. This he was
the better able to accompliſh, becauſe the pre-
fent danger added a weight to his authority;
but it was neceſſary that he ſhould lofeno time,
He was reſolved to act with what force he had,
rather than wait until the union of the iſlanders
might be better cemented againſt him, and they
might find ſome lefler matters in their favour to
raiſe their courage, and abate their terror of the
Spaniſh arms. He therefore firſt marched a-
gainſt the king, who had killed the fixteen
Spaniards; as it was an enterpriſe coloured
with an appearance of juſtice, and becauſe that
prince happened to be the worſt prepared to
receive hin. He was eaſily ſubdued, and le-
vera
wa
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
veral of his ſubjects fent priſoners into Spain.
The ſecond whom Columbus deſigned to at-
tack being better prepared againſt force, he
was refolved to circumvent him by fraud, and
got him into his power by a ſtratagem, which
did no honour to his fincerity, and rather fhew-
ed great weakneſs in this unfortunate barba-
rian, than any extraordinary contrivance in
thoſe who deceived him.
The other princes were not terrified at theſe
examples. Their hatred to the Spaniards in-
creaſed; and perceiving that all depended upon
a ſudden and vigorous exertion of their ſtrength,
they brought an immenſe army, it is ſaid of
one hundred thouſand men, into the field,
which was arrayed in the largeſt plain in that
country. Columbus, though he had but a
ſmall force, did not fcruple to go out to moct
them. His army conſiſted but of two hun
dred foot, twenty horſe, and twenty wolf dogs.
The latter part of this army has a ludicrous
appearance; but it was a very ſerious rnatter
amongſt a people no better provided witi
arms offenſive or defenſive than the Indians
Neither was it raſh in Columbusto venture an
engagement againſt forces fo vaitly ſuperior in
numbers; for when ſuch numbers are no bet
ter Skilled or armed than theſe were, their
multitude is in fact no juſt cauſe of dread but
to themſelves. The event was anſwerable ;
the victory was deciſive for the Spaniards, in
which
30
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
ſhare ;
of cultivate this
Itarving out their invaders. In purſuance of
which their horſes and dogs had a confiderable
very great. From that day forward they del-
paired, and relinquiſhed all thoughts of dif-
lodging the Spaniards by force. Columbus
had but little difficulty in reducing the whole
illand, which now became a province of Spain,
had a tribute impoſed, and forts built in ſe
veral parts to enforce the levying of it, and to
take away from this unhappy people all pro-
ipect of liberty.
In this affecting ſituation they often aſked
the Spaniards, when they intended to return to
their own country. Small as the number of
theſe ſtrangers was, the inhabitants were ex-
tremely burthened to ſubfiſt them.
niard confumed more than ten Indians; a cir-
cumſtance which ſhews how little this people
or how lazy they were in doing it, fince their
indigence reduced them to ſuch an extreme
frugality, that they found the Spaniards, who
are ſome of the moſt abſtemious people upon
earth, exceſſively voracious in the compari-
ſon. Their experience of this, joined to their
deſpair, put the Indians upon a project of
One Spa-
this ſcheme, they entirely abandoned the little
agriculture which they practiſed, and unani-
moully retired into the moſt barren and im-
practicable parts of the iſland. This ill-ad-
vited
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
31
one
of the country, ſubſiſting only upon its (pon-
felt amongſt ourſelves. The Mahometan great
viſed ſtratagem compleated their ruin. A
number of people crouded into the worſt parts
.
taneous productions, were ſoon reduced to the
moſt terrible famine. Its fure attendant, epi
demical fickneſs, purſued at its heels; and this
miſerable people, half famiſhed and lefſened
a third of their numbers, were obliged to re-
linquiſh their ſcheme, to come down into the
open country, and to ſubmit once more to
bread and fetters.
This conqueſt, and the ſubſequent ones
made by the ſeveral European nations, with as
little colour of right as conſciouſneſs of doing
flect on the notions entertained by mankind in
all times concerning the right of dominion.
At this period, few doubted of the
the pope to convey a full right to any country
he was pleaſed to chalk out; amongſt the
faithful, becauſe they were ſubject to the
church; and amongſt infidels, becauſe it was
meritorious to make them ſubject to it. This
notion began to loſe ground at the reformation,
but another aroſe of as bad a tendency; the idea
of the dominion of grace, which prevailed.
with ſeveral, and the effects of which we have
power of
merit is to ſpread the empire and the faith ; and
none amongſt them doubt the legality of ſub-
duing any nation for theſe good purpoſes. The
Greeks
32
An Account of the EUROPEAN
Since I have di
Grecks held, that the barbarians were natu-
rally deſigned to be their ſlaves, and this was ſo
general a notion, that Ariſtotle hiinſelf, with all
his penetration, gave into it very ſerioully. In
truth, it has its principle in human nature, for
the generality of mankind very readily ſlide
from
what they conceive a fitneſs for govern-
ment, to a right of governing; and they do not
fo readily agree, that thoſe who are ſuperior in
endowments ſhould only be equal in condition.
Thieſe things partly palliate the guilt and horror
of a conqueſt, undertaken with
ſo little colour,
over a people whoſe chief offence was their
credulity, and their confidence in men who did
not deſerve it. But the circuinſtances of Co-
lumbus, the meaſures he was obliged to pre..
ferve with his court, and his humane and
gen-
tle treatinent of this people, by which he mi-
tigated the rigour of this conqueſt, take off
much of the blame from him, as the neceſſity
of taking up arms at all never aroſe from his
conduct, or from his orders. On the contrary,
his whole behaviour both to the Spaniards and
Indians, the care he took to eſtabliſh the one
without injury to the other, and the conſtant
bent of his policy to work every thing by gen-
tle methods, may well be an example to all
perſons in the ſame ſituation.
more excuſable to mention a circumſtance re-
corded in the hiſtory of this ſettlement. Ame-
rica
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
33
rica was then, at leaſt theſe parts of it were,
without almoſt any of thoſe animals by which
we profit ſo greatly. It had neither horſes,
nor oxen, nor ſheep, nor ſwine. Columbus
brought eight fows into America, and a fmall
number of horned cattle. This was the ſtock
which ſupplied, about two hundred years ago,
a country now the moſt abounding in theſe
animals of any part of the known world; in
which too it has been a buſineſs, for this cen-
tury paſt, to hunt oxen merely for their hides.
An example which thews how ſmall a number
might originally have ſerved to produce all the
animals upon earth, who commonly procreate
very faſt to a certain point, and when they
arrive at it, ſeem much at a ſtand.
CH A P. IV.
WHILST
Complaints againſt Columbus. A perſon is fenfi
to enquire into his conduct. He returns to
Spain. He is acquitted. He ſets out on his
voyage. He diſcovers the continent of
South America. He" fails to Hiſpaniola.
THILST Columbus was reducing this
wealthy iſland to the obedience of the
crown of Caftile, and laying the foundations of
the Spaniſh grandeur in America, his enemies
were endeavouring with pains as indefatigable
to ruin him in Spain. Some of the perſons
VOL. I.
D
prina
34 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
principally concerned in the late diſorders, filed
to Spain before his return; and there, to juſtify
their own conduct, and gratify their malice,
they accuſed him of neglecting the colony, and
of having deceived their majeſties and the ad-
venturers with falſe hopes of gold, from a
country which produced very little either of
that metal or any thing elſe that was valuable.
Theſe complaints were not without effect; and
an officer, fitter by his character for a ſpy and
informer than a redreſſer of grievances, was
fent to inſpect into his conduct; in which man-
ner of proceeding there was certainly a policy
as erroneous, as it was unjuſt and ingrateful.
At that diſtance from the fountain of autho-
rity, with an enemy at the door, and a muti-
nous houſhold, a commander ought always to
be truſted or removed. This man behaved in
a brutiſh and inſolent manner, like all ſuch
perſons, who, unconſcious of any merit of their
own, are puffed up with any little portion of
delegated power. Columbus found that he
ſtaid here to no purpoſe under ſuch diſgraceful
terms; and that his preſence at court was ab-
ſolutely neceſſary to his ſupport. He deter-
mined to return once more to Spain, convin-
ced that a long abſence is mortal to one's intereſt
at court, and that importunity and attendance
often plead better than the moſt folid ſer-
vices. However, before he departed, he ex-
erted the little remains of authority he had
left,
SETTLEMENTS in AMÉRICA.
35
.
left, to ſettle every thing in ſuch a manner, as
to prevent thoſe diſorders which hitherto he
had always found the certain conſequence of
his abſence. He built forts in all the material
parts of the iſland, to retain the inhabitants in
their ſubjection. He eſtabliſhed the civil
vernment upon a better footing, and redoubled
his diligence for the diſcovery of mines, which
were to be the great agents in his affairs; nor
did he altogether fail of ſucceſs.
It was the fate of this great man to have
his virtue continually exerciſed with troubles
Spain in the latitude of 22, not having at that
time diſcovered the advantageous method of
running into the Northern latitudes to meet
the South-weſt winds: they therefore made
very little way; a ſcarcity enſued, in which
they were reduced to fix ounces of proviſion a
day for each perſon. On theſe occaſions the
admiral fared no better than the common
failor ; yet in this diſtreſs his hunger did not
get the better of the tenderneſs and humanity
which diſtinguiſhed his character. He re-
fuſed to liſten to the preſſing inſtances of his
crew,
who were very earneſt in this diftrefs to
have the Indian priſoners thrown overboard to
leffen the conſumption of proviſions. In this
yoyage
his ſkill was as remarkable as his
nanimity. He had nine experienced pilots in
his fleet; yet none of them could tell where
D 2
they
mag
36 An Account of the EUROPEAN
they were, after having been a full month
from the fight of the firſt land. This length of
time perſuaded them they muſt be very near
Europe, and they were therefore for crouding
fail to make land as ſoon as poſſible. But Co-
lumbus, upon ſure obſervations, maintained
they were but a little to the Weſtward of the
Azores, and therefore ordered his fails to be
ſlackened for fear of land. His prediction was
fulfilled, and the Azores relieved them next
morning. This, added to a ſeries of predic-
tions and noble diſcoveries, made his ſkill ſeem
ſomething prophetic, and exalted his charac-
ter in this reſpect above all the ſeamen before
his time; and indeed, conſidering his oppor-
tunities of improvement, and what he did
himſelf to improve his art, he will perhaps
appear inferior to none who have ſucceeded
him.
All the accuſations and prejudices againſt
the admiral vaniſhed almoſt as ſoon as he ap-
peared. He brought ſuch teſtimonies of his
fidelity and good behaviour, as ſilenced all ca-
lumnies which arofe on that head; and the
large ſpecimens of gold and pearl he produced,
refuted all that was ſaid on the poverty of the
Indies. The court was fully convinced of the
importance of the new colony, the merit of its
governor, and the neceſſity of a ſpeedy ſup-
ply. But the admirals enemies were not
idle, though they were ſilenced; they con-
tinued
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
37
his way
tinued to throw all manner of obſtructions in
; which was a thing not difficult in a
country, where every thing is executed with
much phlegm and langour, and where thoſe
forms and mechanical methods of buſineſs, ne-
ceffary perhaps in the common courſe of affairs,
but ruinous in great deſigns, are more exactly
obſerved, than any where elſe. It was therefore
with great difficulty that he was able to pro-
cure any relief to be ſent to Hiſpaniola, but
with much greater, and after a thouſand delays
and diſappointments, that he was himſelfena-
bled to ſet out on a diſcovery of inore impor-
tance than any of the former.
He deſigned to ſtand to the Southward from
the Canaries, until he ſhould come under the
equinoctial line, and then to proceed directly
Weſtward, until Hiſpaniola ſhould bear to
the North-weſt from him, to try what open-
ing that might afford to India, or what new
iſlands or what continent might reward his
trouble. He therefore ſtood away to the
Cape de Verd iſlands, and then South-weſt.
In this navigation a thick fog, which inter-
cepted the light of the ſun and ſtars, enve-
loped them for ſeveral days; and when this
cleared off, the heats were grown ſo excellive,
that the men could not venture between decks.
The fun being at this time nearly vertical, the
heavy rains which fall at this feafon between
the tropics, without abating the heat, added
much
D 3
38 An Account of the EUROPEAN
much to their diſtreſs. At laſt a ſmart gale
ſprang up, and they went before it ſeventeen
days to the Weſtward. The admiral, who
could have no ſecond to ſupply his place,
ſcarce allowed himſelf a moment's ſleep; but
in this, as in all his voyages, had the whole
burthen of every thing upon himſelf; this fa-
tigue threw him into a fit of the gout; but
neither the fatigue nor the diſorder could re-
move him from the deck, or make him abate
of his uſual vigilance. His proviſions, how-
ever, being damaged by the heat, the wine
caſks many of them burſt, and the wine be-
ing ſoured in thoſe that held, obliged him to
alter the courſe he intended to keep South-
ward, and to decline ſome points to the North-
weſt, hoping to fall in with ſome of the Ca-
ribbees, where he intended to refit and take in
proviſions, to enable him to continue his diſ-
coveries. But he had not failed long, when
from the round top a ſeaman ſaw land, which
was an iſland on the coaſt of Guiana, now
called Trinidad. Having paſſed this iſland and
two others which lie in the mouth of the
great river Oronoquo, he was ſurprized and
endangered by a phænomenon he had never
ſeen before. The river Oronoquo, at all times
very great, at this time augmented tenfold by
the rains we have juſt mentioned, ruſhing into
the ocean with an immenſe and rapid flood,
meets the tide ; which riſes here to a great
height,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
39
; ,
height, and comes in with much ſtrength;
and both being pent up between the iſlands,
and reverberated from one to another, cauſed
a conflict extremely terrifying to thoſe who had
not been accuſtomed to it, and were ignorant
of the cauſe, as Columbus was at this time,
But failing further he found plainly that he
was in freſh water, and judging rightly that it
was probable no iſland could ſupply ſo vaſt a
river, he began to ſuſpect he had diſcovered
the continent. But when he left the river,
and found that land continued on to the Weſt-
ward for a great way, he was convinced of it.
Satisfied, in ſome meaſure, with this diſcovery,
he yielded to the uneaſineſs and diſtreſſes of
his crew, and bore away for Hiſpaniola, fa-
voured by a fair wind and thoſe currents which
fet ſtrongly to the Weſtward all along the
Northern coaſt of South America.
In the courſe of this diſcovery the admiral
landed in ſeveral places, and traded with the
inhabitants, amongſt whom he found gold and
pearl in tolerable plenty. Contrary to the
cuſtom of many navigators; who behave
wherever they go as if they never intended to
come there again, he every where uſed the
natives with great civility, and gave them
what they judged the full value of their com-
with ſome trifling apparel, being exchanged
for gold-duſt and pearls, and much to the
D4
40
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
ſatisfaction of both parties, who thought they
had each over-reached the other, and indeed
with equal reaſon.
CHAP. V.
Columbus finds the Spaniards of Hiſpaniola in
rebellion. His meaſures to ſuppreſs it. New
complaints againſt him in Spain. He is ſu-
perſeded in the government, and ſent to Spain
in irons.
HE
E arrived at Hiſpaniola the 19th of
Auguſt, 1498, quite worn down with
fickneſs and continual watching, the neceſſity
of which was rather increaſed thản diminiſhed
as he came nearer home, amongſt ſuch a mul-
titude of iſlands and ſhoals as filled thoſe feas,
at this time little known; add to this, that
a current, ſetting ſtrongly Weſtward towards
the continent, threatening every moment,
without the greateſt attention, to carry him
out of his courſe. So waſted was he with the
fatigue, that his brother, whom he had left
in his place, ſcarce knew him at his return.
And he found that he was likely to have as
little repoſe upon land as at ſea.
The admiral's authority had ſuffered ſome
diminution, from the ill-judged ſtep of ſending
a check upon his motions before he left Hiſ
paniola ; and the encouragement this gave to
all
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
41
government, ſowed the feeds of a rebellion,
all ſorts of murmurings and complaints againſt
a
which ſprung up in the colony foon after he left
it. But this rebellion was more dangerouſly
formed than either of the former. For in the
firſt place, the rebels had regularly appointed
themſelves a chief, called Francis Roldan
man whom the admiral had left in a conſider-
able poft: this gave it' an uniformity and cre-
dit. And ſecondly, they gained the Indians to
their party, by pretending to be their patrons,
and the affertors of their liberty. Then, to
eſtabliſh themſelves the more ſecurely, they
made a feceffion from the uncorrupted part of
the colony, and ſettled in another part of the
iſland, which formed an aſylum for all idle
and feditious perſons, by whom they were
continually reinforced.
In this threatening ſtate of things, the admi-
ral having found his forces in no condition to
act offenſively againſt the rebels, did what he
could to break their force, and diſſolve that
union which made them formidable. He be-
gan by publiſhing a free pardon for all that
choſe to cancel their crimes by a timely ſub-
miffion. Obſerving beſides, that many were
very deſirous of returning to Spain, he gave
them to underſtand they might go with the
fhips which brought the laſt fuccours. He did
not intend to perform this latter part immedi-
ately, but he knew that his offers would ſtag-
3
ger
42 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
*
ger ſome ; and that, in affairs of this nature, it
is every thing to gain time. He wrote to court
a full account of his late diſcoveries, and ſent
ſamples of the wealth they yielded. He took
the ſame opportunity of deſcribing the dif-
tracted ſtate of the colony, defiring that 50 or
60 men might be ſent by every ſhip, which he
promiſed to replace by as many of the rebels.
He propoſed this plan, left the Spaniſh power
ſhould be weakened in thoſe parts, by dimi-
niſhing their men, or kept in as dangerous a
ſtate, by harbouring ſuch as were ill diſpoſed
to the public good. He added very judici-
ouſly to his requeſt that ſome religious men
and able lawyers might be ſent him, as the
moſt effectual means of introducing and
preſerving obedience and order. He then
entered into negociations with the chiefs of
the rebels ; he granted them all they demand-
ed, and even invidiouſly placed their princi-
pal cominander, Roldan, in ſuch an office as
flattered his pride, though without augment-
ing his power. Thus things were brought
into ſomething of regularity, without any
ſtruggling or violence; and Roldan himſelf,
though in his former office of chief judge of the
iſland, contributed moſt of all towards bring-
ing thoſe who ſtood out to obedience. There
aroſe a difference between them; and they
flew again to arms; but on their firſt motion,
Roldan, by virtue of his authority, ſeized,
can-
.
43
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
.
condemned, and executed ſeveral. By this the
reſt were awed, all the connexion broke off
irretrievably, between the head and body of
the rebels, and all done without having any
part of the offence, that might be given by
this ſeverity, charged to the admiral.
He now began juſt to breathe in a little
tranquillity, acquired by the fevereſt labours,
whilſt a new ſtorm was gathering againſt him
from the quarter of the court. His old im-
placable enemies, uniting with ſome of the
rebels who had lately tranſported themſelves
into Spain, renewed the clanour againſt him.
They heaped upon him all manner of calum
nies; they accuſed him of a deſign of ſetting
up for himſelf; and as they charged him in
Hiſpaniola with cruelty and tyranny to the In-
dians, here they reverſed the charge, and ac-
cuſed him of a popularity amongſt that people,
dangerous to his and their alliance. They
added to theſe, what could not fail to work on
national prejudices, that Columbus was a
ſtranger, and had not a proper reſpect for the
Spaniſh nobility. They complained that great
debts were due to them; that all ways of re-
covering them were ſhut up. In ſhort, the
king and queen never went abroad without
being purſued and perſecuted, by the clamours
of theſe pretended ſuitors of juſtice. Wearied
out with ſuch complaints, they ſent a judge,
with power to enquire into the admiral's con-
duct,
44
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
duct, and authorized, if he ſhould find the
accuſations proved, to fend him into Spain,
and remain himſelf as governor in his room.
They made it the judge's intereſt to condemn
him..
The judge, who was extremely poor, and
had no other call but his indigence to un-
dertake the office, no ſooner landed in Hiſpa-
niola, that he took up his lodging in the ad-
miral's houſe, for he was then abſent. He
next proceeded to ſeize upon all his effects ;
and at laſt ſummoned him and his brothers to
appear. In the mean time, he encouraged all
manner of accuſations, without regarding the
character of the accuſers, or the probability or
conſiſtency of their 'accuſations. In conſe-
quence of theſe, he apprehended the admiral
and his brothers, and, with the laſt marks of
inſult and indignity, loaded them with irons,
and embarked them to be tranſported priſoners
into Spain.
The captain of the veſſel, touched with re-
ſpect for the
great
merit of Colum-
bus, offered to take off the irons; but he did
not permit it.
“ Since the king has com-
“ manded, that I ſhould obey his governor,
« he ſhall find me as obedient to this, as I
“ have been to all his other orders. Nothing
" but his commands ſhall releaſe me. If
“ twelve years hardſhip and fatigue ; if con-
“ tinual dangers and frequent famine ; if the
ocean,
years and
<
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
45
• ocean, firſt opened, and five times paſſed and
repaffed, to add a new world abounding
“ with wealth to the Spaniſh monarchy;
« and if an infirm premature old age, brought
on by thoſe ſervices, deſerve theſe chains as
“ a reward ; it is very fit I ſhould wear them
“ to Spain, and keep them by me as memo-
“ rials to the end of my life.”
Great minds, though more apt to forgive in-
juries, perhaps, than common fouls, do not
eaſily loſe the memory of the wrongs that are
done them. Columbus afterwards carried
theſe irons with him wherever he went; they
hung conſtantly in his chamber, and he or-
dered them to be buried with him.
The new governor made a more effectual
proviſion for the reward of his ſervices : for,
beſides confiſcating the greateſt part of the ad-
miral's effects, which he converted to his own
uſe; to flatter the people, he permitted an un-
.
bounded liberty, by which he ruined the royal
revenue, and was near ruining the colony too,
paſt all reparation, if the court had notre-
called him in time, and ſent a perſon to ſuch
ceed him of greater judgment and firmneſs,
though of little more real virtue,
С НА Р.
46 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
C HA P. VI.
odora
The diſcoveries of Americus Veſputius, and other
adventurers. What cauſed the ſpirit of dif-
covery.
BOUT this time the ſpirit of diſcovery
began to ſpread itſelf widely; and pri-
vate adventurers, both in Spain and Portugal,
ſtimulated by the gold which from time to
time was remitted to Europe by Columbus,
made equipments at their own expence. In
one of theſe the famous Americus Vefputius
commanded; he had got into his hands the
charts of Columbus, in his laſt voyage, and
he failed the ſame courſe. But as he was a
man of addreſs and great confidence, and was
beſides an able ſeaman and good geographer,
he found a way of arrogating to himſelf the
firſt diſcovery of the continent of America,
and called it by his own name; which it has
ever ſince retained, though no body has any
doubt concerning the real diſcoverer. For
this, I believe, no other reaſon can be given,
than that America is perhaps a better founding
word than Columbia, and is more eaſily pro-
nounced with the others, in enumerating the
ſeveral diviſions of the earth ; a triffing matter,
and influenced by trifling cauſes. But the
glory of Columbus ſtands upon foundations of
another fort.
Pinzon,
I
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA,
47
$
Pinzon, one who attended the admiral in
his firſt voyage, equipped a ſquadron at his
own expence; and was the firſt who croſſed
the line at the fide of America, and entered
the
great river Maranon, or the river of Ama-
zons.
The Portugueſe, notwithſtanding the pope's
excluſive grant, turned their thoughts to Ame-
rica, and diſcovered the Brazils, which make
the moſt valuable part of their preſent poffef-
fions, when they have loſt what was conſidered
as their original right, and which never was
fo advantageous to them.
What animated theſe adventurers, at the
fame time that it fixes a ſtain upon all their
characters and deſigns, is that unſatiable thirſt
of gold, which ever appeared uppermoſt in
all their actions. This diſpoſition had been a
thouſand times extremely prejudicial to their
affairs : it was particularly the cauſe of all the
confuſion and rebellions in Hifpaniola : yet it
is certain, that if it were not for this incentive,
which kindled the ſpirit of diſcovery and colo-
nization firſt in Spain and Portugal, and after
wards in all parts of Europe, America had
never been in the ſtate it now is ; nor would
thoſe nations ever have had the beneficial colo-
nies, which are now eſtabliſhed in every part
of that country. It was neceſſary there ſhould
be ſomething of an immediate and uncommon
gain, fitted to ſtrike the imaginations of men
forcibly,
48
An Account of the EUROPEAN
forcibly, to tempt them to ſuch hazardous de
ſigns. A remote proſpect of commerce, and
the improvement of manufactures, by ex-
tending of colonies, would never have an-
ſwered the purpoſe ; thoſe advantages come to
be known only by reaſon and deduction, and
are not conſequently of ſo ſtriking a nature.
But to go out with a few baubles, and to re-
turn with a cargo of gold, is an object readily
comprehended by any body, and was confe-
quently purſued with vigour by all. The
ſpeculative knowledge of trade made no part
of the ſtudy of the elevated or thinking part
of mankind, at that time. Now, it
may
be
juſtly reckoned amongſt the liberal ſciences
and it makes one of the moſt conſiderable
branches of political knowledge. Commerce
was then in the hands of a few, great in its
profits, but confined in its nature. What we
call the ballance of trade, was far from being
well underſtood, all the laws relative to com-
merce were every where but ſo many clogs
upon it. The impoſts and duties charged on
goods, were laid on without diſtinction or
judgment. Even amongſt ourſelves, the moſt
trading and reaſoning people in Europe, right
notions of theſe matters began late, and ad-
vanced flowly. Our colonies were ſettled
without any view to thoſe great advantages
which we draw from them. Virginia was
conſtructed out of the wrecks of an armament
deſtined
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
49
deſtined on a golden adventure, which firſt
tempted us to America. And thoſe who ſet-
tled New England and Maryland, meant them
only as afylums from religious perſecution. So
that if America had not promiſed ſuch an in-
undation of treaſure, it could only have ſup-
plied a languid commerce, which would have
habituated the natives by degrees to our Eu-
ropean manners, and ſupplied them with equal
arms. Then it would have been next to im-
poſſible to have made thoſe extenſive ſettle-
ments in that new world. So certain it is, that
we often reap differently from what we have
ſowii; and that there muſt be ſome ſtrong ac-
tive principle to give life and energy to all de-
ſigns, or they will languiſh, let them be ever
ſo wiſely concerted.
VOL. I.
E
СНАР.
50
An Account of the EUROPEAN
CH A P. VII.
Columbus again acquitted.
Undertakes a fourth
voyage. Diſcovers the coaſt of Terra Firma
and the iſthmus of Darien. Returns to Hif-
paniola. His reception there. Purſues his
diſcoveries to the coaft of Terra Firma. He
is driven to Jamaica, and ſhipwrecked on that
iſland. His diſtreſſes there." The rebellion of
bis men, which he ſuppreſſes. He leaves the
iſland and returns to Spain. His reception
there. He dies.
NO
O ſooner was Columbus arrived in Spain,
in this diſgraceful manner, than the
court diſavowed and highly blamed the con-
duct of their
governor And now, according
to the giddy cuſtom of men who act with-
out plan or principle, they acquitted Colum-
bus of all the charges againſt him, with as
little enquiry into their validity, as they before
uſed, when, upon the ſame charges, they un-
juſtly condemned him. Reſtitution and re-
ward were promiſed him, and he wanted very
few incentives to engage once more in diſco-
veries. His ambition was to arrive at the Eaſt.
Indies, and ſo to ſurround the globe. This
had really an influence upon his own mind,
and he knew nothing could ſo much influence
thoſe of the king and queen. On this pro-
speck
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
5*
fpe&t he was again fitted out with a fleet,
promiſing to reduce both Eaſt and Weſt
Indies, under the dominion of their Catholic
majeſties.
He embarked upon his fourth voyage in
May 1502. His deſign was to ſtand directly
for the coaſt of South-America, and keep
along the Northern Shore until he ſhould come
to the place where he heard an obſcure ac-
count of ſome narrow ſtreight (whether a
ſtreight or iſthmus was not ſo clear from the
accounts he had ;) and by this, if a ſtreight,
he hoped to paſs into the great South-Sea.
After ſo very long a voyage as this had been to
America, and the diſcovery of a continent
which was not that of India nor that of
China, he ſaw clearly that the maps were no
longer in the leaſt to be relied on; he there-
fore depended ſolely upon his own ideas. He
reviewed the bearings of all the countries
which his former experience or his late diſco-
veries had opened to him ; he conſidered the
figure of the earth in general; he reaſoned up-
on the ballance and diſtribution of the land and
water; and comparing all theſe he concluded,
that, beyond the continent he had diſcovered
was another ocean, probably as great or greater
than that he had formerly paſſed; if this were
ſo, then it was probable too that theſe oceans
had ſome communication. He judged it to be
near thoſe places ſince called Veragua and
Nombre
E 2
52 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
Nombre de Dios; but not thinking his ſhips
fit for that voyage, he propoſed to put into
Hiſpaniola to refit, and to make ſome new
diſpoſitions.
Columbus, whilſt he navigated and reſided
in the Weſt-Indies, was extremely diligent in
his obſervations upon the nature of the air, the
ſeaſons, the meteors, rains and winds; and
how each of theſe ſeemed to affect the others;
nor was he leſs fagacious in drawing prognof-
tics from the remarkable appearances in all;
at this time he judged from obſervations that a
great hurricane was approaching. Before he
entered the harbour, he notified his arrival to
Obando the governor, with the nature of his
deſign and the condition of his veſſels ; defi-
ring at the ſame time that the fleet, which he
underſtood to be on the point of ſetting fail
for Europe, ſhould in conſideration of the
ap-
proaching hurricane defer their departure for
fome days. But it was his deftiny that in-
gratitude ſhould purſue him every where,
and perfecute him in every ſhape. For the
governor, without any cauſe, not only refuſed
to hearken to his advice about the ſailing of
the ſhips, but abſolutely denied him permif-
fion to enter into harbour, to ſave his life in
that iſland which he himſelf had diſcovered
and ſubdued. He had nothing to do but to
draw up as cloſe to the ſhore as he could. The
ſtorm came on the next night; but Provi.
3
dence
...
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
53
dence, favouring his innocence and aſſiſting
his capacity, brought him fafe through it,
though as terrible a ſtorm as had ever hap-
pened in thoſe ſeas. The fleet of twenty
ſail, which againſt his advice had put to ſea,
ſuffered the puniſhment due to their teme-
rity. Only four eſcaped the ſtorm, fixteen
periſhed. Amongſt thoſe which were loſt,
was the ſhip which carried back that
go-
vernor to Spain, who had ſent Columbus
thither in ſo oppreſſive and ſcandalous a man-
ner; amongſt the four that were faved, was
one that had on board fome treaſure, all
that could be reſcued from the pillage of the
admiral's fortune. So that whilft he was
mortified at this ſhameful inſtance of human
gratitude, Heaven ſeemed to declare in his
favour, and to condemn and puniſh it. His
character was highly raiſed by the prediction
of the ſtorm, and by his behaviour in it;
for to his, and his brother's good conduct,
the ſafety of his little fleet was juſtly attri-
buted. His brother was a navigator and
philoſopher, ſecond only to the admiral, very
uſeful to his affairs, and a comfort and aſſiſt-
ance in all his misfortunes, by his capacity
and the goodneſs of his heart.
After he had weathered the ſtorm, he left
this iſland, in which he had ſo ſurprizing an
inſtance of ingratitude, in purſuit of more
matter to employ it. In this voyage he dif-
E 3
covered
54
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
1
ers.
verid the Eastern ſide of tho
covered all the coaſt of Terra Firma to the
iſthmus of Darien, where he hoped to have
found a paſſage to the South-Sea. In this he
was diſappointed, but he was not diſappointed
in the other part of his project; for every
where as he advanced, he became more fen-
fible of the value of his diſcoveries on the
continent. He found a people more civilized
and more abounding in gold than the iſlan-
He entered a harbour which from its
excellence he called Porto Bello, well known
ſince as one of the greateſt openings by which
the Spaniſh commerce is carried on between
the two worlds. Here the admiral deſigned
to eſtabliſh a colony, under the command of
his brother, propoſing to return to Europe
himſelf to obtain the requiſites for a compleat
ſettlement. But the avarice and infolence of
his men raiſed the country upon him, and
cbliged him to relinquiſh his deſign, without
having an opportunity of doing any thing
more than ſhewing his judgment in the choice
of the fituation, and his own and brother's
bravery in extricating their men from the ca-
lamities in which their folly had involved
them.
Driven from hence, and finding his veſſels
in ſo bad a condition that it was by no means
adviſeable to proceed upon further diſcoveries,
he quitted the continent, after having diſco-
rien,
SeTTLEMENTs in AMERICA. 55
rien, and the whole ſhore as far as Gracios
o Dios in the gulph of Honduras. He then
ſtood over to Hiſpaniola. His voyage was
made under a thouſand difficulties of the fe-
vereſt kind; the veſlels ſo leaky, that the
crew had not a moment's reſpite from the
pump, and ſcarce any proviſion remaining to
refreih them after their labours. To compleat
the ſum of their calamities a violent ſtorm
aroſe, in which the ſhips fell foul of one an-
other. But though he providentially wea-
thered this ſtorm, it was now ſcarcely poſſible
to keep his
ſhip above water, and he was glad
to make Jamaica, where he was a ſecond
time relieved from the greateſt dangers and
diftreffes.
But a diſtreſs of almoſt as bad a nature ex-
erciſed his invention here. His ſhips were
abſolutely unfit for ſervice, beyond all poſſi-
bility of being repaired; no means of getting
new; the inhabitants ſuſpicious, and the ill
behaviour of his men gave daily occaſion to
increaſe thoſe ſuſpicions. In this diſtreſs, he
prevailed upon ſome of the hardieſt and moſt
faithful of them to paſs over in a canoe to
Hiſpaniola, to repreſent his calamitous ſitua-
tion to the governor, and to beg veſſels to
carry them off.
Eight months did the admiral remain in this
illand, without the leaſt intelligence from his
meſſengers, or affiſtance from the governor.
The
E
56
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
The natives grew exaſperated at the delay of
the Spaniards and the weight of ſubfiſting
them, which was a heavy burthen on the
po-
verty of the Indians. Proviſions therefore
came in very ſparingly. Things even threat-
ened to grow much worſe ; for the ſeamen,
who are at beſt unruly, but think that all dif-
cipline ceaſes the moment they ſet foot on
land, mutinied in great numbers. By this
mutiny the admiral's authority and ſtrength
was conſiderably weakened, whilſt the na-
tives were exafperated by the diſorders of the
mutineers; but Columbus found means to re-
cover his authority, at leaſt among the Indians.
Knowing there would ſhortly be a viſible
eclipſe of the moon, he ſummoned the prin-
cipal perſons in the iſland; and by one who
underſtood their language told them that
the God whom he terved, and who created
and preſerves all things in heaven and earth,
provoked at their refuſing to ſupport his fer-
vants, intended a ſpeedy and ſevere judgment
upon them, of which they ſhould ſhortly ſee
manifeſt tokens in the heavens, for that the
moon would, on the night he marked, ap-
pear of a blocdy hue, an emblem of the de-
ſtruction that was preparing for them. His
prediction, which was ridiculed for the time,
when it came to be accompliſhed ſtruck the
barbarians with great terror. They brought
him plenty of proviſions; they fell at his feet,
and
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
57
and befought him in the moſt fupplicating ſtile
to deprecate the evils which threatened them.
He took their proviſions, comforted them,
and charged them to attone for their paſt fin
by their future generoſity.
He had a temporary relief by this ſtrata-
gem, but he ſaw no proſpect of getting out
of the iſland, and purſuing thoſe great pur-
poſes to which he had devoted his life. The
mutiny of his men was in danger of growing
general, when every thing ſeemed to be ſet-
iled by the fight of a ſhip in the harbour,
ſent by Obando, the governor of Hiſpaniola.
The governor reſolved not only to abandon,
but to inſult this great man in his misfortunes.
The captain of the veſſel was a mortal enemy
to the admiral, and one of the perſons prin-
cipally concerned in thoſe rebellions, which
had formerly given him ſo much trouble.
The deſign of this captain was only to be a
witneſs of the diſtreſs of his affairs; for he
came aſhore, forbidding his crew all manner
of communication with the admiral or his
men; and after delivering to Columbus an
empty letter of compliment, embarked with-
out even flattering him with the leaſt hope of
relief.
Thus abandoned, his firmneſs and preſence
of mind alone did not forſake him. The ar-
rival of this ſhip for a moment reconciled his
men to obedience ; but when they ſaw it de-
part,
.
58
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
part, they were almoſt unanimouſly on the
point of ſhaking off all authority, and aban-
doning themſelves to the moſt deſperate cour-
ſes. The admiral, without betraying the leaſt
fign of diſappointment or grief, told them in
a chearful manner, that he had a promiſe of
an immediate ſupply : that he did not depart
in this thip, becauſe ſhe was too ſmall to carry
off all the Spaniards who were with him ; and
that he was reſolved not to leave the iſland
until every man of them might enjoy the
fame conveniency. The eaſy and compoſed
air of the admiral himſelf, and the care he
manifeſted for his people, ſuperior to his
own preſervation, reconciled their minds,
and made them attend their fate with
pa-
tience. But he knew his delay might be very
tedious in this iſland, and that as long as there
remained a receptacle to which every ill hu-
mour among his men might gather, his af-
fairs would grow worſe every day.
every day. He found
thoſe that ſtill adhered to him, firmly attached
to his cauſe; he therefore came to a reſolu-
tion of taking vigorous meaſures with the
reſt. He ſent his brother, a ſenſible and re-
ſolute man, with a proper force, and well
armed, to treat with them; and in caſe of ob-
ftinacy to compel them to obedience. They
met, and the captain of the mutineers, grown
infolent with a long courſe of licentiouſneſs
and rapine, not only rejected the admiral's
propoſal,
3
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
59
propoſal, but offered violence to his brother
who uſing this as a ſignal to his men, prepared
for ſuch an accident; they fell upon the rebels
with ſo much reſolution, that ten lay dead in
a moment with their chief; diſordered by the
unexpected attack, the reſt fled, and ſoon after
were obliged to ſubmit.
Thus the admiral pacified every thing with
equal ſpirit and addreſs, ſometimes giving way
to the ſtorm, and temporizing when he doubt-
ed his ſtrength; but when he was aſſured of
it, always employing it with reſolution and
effect; turning every incident, even the moſt
unfavourable, to his advantage ; and watch-
ing every change of nature, and every mo-
tion of the human mind, to employ them in
his purpoſes. It is the principal thing which
forms the character of a great man, to be rich
in expedients; the uſe Columbus made of the
eclipſe was truly ingenious. It may be ſaid,
that ſuch a thing cannot be imitated amongſt a
civilized people. I grant it.
. But the way
to imitate great men is not to tread in their
ſteps, but to walk in their manner. There is
no people who have not ſome points of igno-
rance, weakneſs, or prejudice, which a pene-
trating mind may diſcover, and uſe as the moſt
powerful inftrumeuts in the execution of his
deſigns. Such a knowledge as this, is the
only thing which gives one man a real ſuperio-
rity over another.; and he who underſtands the
paſſions
60
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
paſſions of men, and can entirely command
his own, has the principal means of fubduing
them in his hands.
The admiral might have ſpent his whole life
in this miſerable exile, if a private man, moved
with eſteem for his merit, and compaſſion to
his misfortunes, had not fitted out a ſhip for
his relief. This brought him to Hiſpaniola.
The governor, who refuſed to contribute any
thing to his coming, when he came received
him with that overacted complaiſance and thew
of friendſhip, which ſo often ſucceeds the
greateſt inſolence in baſe minds, and which
they practice with ſo little ſhame and remorſe
to the perſons they have before loaded with
the greateſt injuries. The admiral bore this
like everything elſe; and, convinced that a
diſpute with a governor in his own juriſdiction
would bring him little advantage or honour,
haftened every thing for his departure to
Spain, where he arrived after a voyage in
which he was toſſed by moſt terrible ſtorms,
and failed ſeven hundred leagues after he had
loſt his main-maſt.
He was now grown old, and ſeverely af-
Alicted with the gout. The queen his pa-
troneſs was dead, and the king, of a cloſe
and diffembling diſpoſition, and a narrow
mind, was the only perſon he had to footh
his misfortunes, or pay the reward which was
due to his labours. But he received neither
comfort
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 61
comfort nor reward. The performance of
his contract was deferred upon frivolous pre-
tences; and he employed the cloſe of his life,
as he had done the active part of it, in a court
ſolicitation ; the moſt grievous of all employ-
ments to any man, the moſt hopeleſs to an
old man. Vanquiſhed at laſt by years, fa-
tigues, and diſappointments, he died with
thoſe ſentiments of piety, which ſupported
him through the misfortunes of his life, and
added a finiſhing, which nothing elſe could
give to his greatneſs of mind, and all his other
virtues.
CH A P. VIII.
The character of Columbus. Some reflektions on
the conduet of the court of Spain.
Enceforward, in treating of the pro-
greſs of the Spaniſh diſcoveries and
arms, inſtead of deſigns laid in Science, and
purſued with a benevolent heart and gentle
meaſures; we are but too often to thew an
enthuſiaſtic avarice, urging men forward to
every act of cruelty and horror. The cha-
racter of this firſt diſcoverer was extremely
different from that of all with whom he
dealt, and from that of moſt of thoſe who
purſued his diſcoveries and conqueſts ; ſome
with a vigour and conduct equal, but all with
virtues
62
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
1
virtues very much inferior. In
much inferior. In his character
hardly is any one of the components of a truly
great man wanting. For to the ideas of the
moſt penetrating philoſopher, and a ſcheme
built upon them worthy of a great king, he
joined a conſtancy and patience, which alone
could
carry
it into execution, with the for-
tune of a private man.
Continual ſtorms at
ſea, continual rebellions of a turbulent people
on ſhore, vexations, diſappointments, and ca-
bals at court, were his lot all his life; and
theſe were the only reward of ſervices, which
no favours could have rewarded ſufficiently.
His magnanimity was proof againſt all theſe,
and his genius ſurmounted all the difficulties
they threw in his way, except that of his pay-
ment, the point in which ſuch men ever meet
with the worſt ſucceſs, and urge with the leaſt
ability. That ſurprizing art, poffeſſed by ſo
few, of making every accident an inſtrument
in his deſigns; his nice adjuſtment of his be-
haviour to his circumſtances, temporizing, or
acting vigorouſly as the occaſion required, and
never letting the occaſion itſelf paſs by him ;
the happy talent of concealing and governing his
own paſſions, and managing thoſe of others; all
theſe conſpire to give us the higheſt idea of his
capacity. And as for his virtues, his diſinte-
reſted behaviour, his immoveable fidelity to the
ungrateful crown he ſerved, the juſt policy of
his dealing with the Indians, his caution
againſt
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA63
.
.
againſt giving them any offence, and his ten-
der behaviour to them when conquered, which
merited him the glorious title of their father,
together with his zeal to have them inſtructed
in the truths of religion, raiſe him to the ele-
vated rank of thoſe few men whom we ought
to conſider as examples to mankind, and orna-
ments to human nature.
I hope it will be forgiven me, if I add a re-
mark
upon
the conduct of the court of Spain
with regard to this great man. Though, as
we ſaw all along, this conduct was equally un-
juſt and impolitic, forry I am, that no leſſon
of inſtruction can be drawn from the event,
which was in all reſpects as fortunate, as the
meaſures purſued were ungrateful and impru-
dent. But there was a coincidence of events
at that time, which does not always happen fo
opportunely to juſtify an ungrateful and nar-
row policy.
It is certain that ſome men are
ſo poffeffed with their deſigns, that, when once
engaged, nothing can diſcourage them in the
purſuit. But great and frequent diſcourage-
ments are examples to others, which will at
leaft certainly have an effect, and will terrify
men from forming ſuch deſigns at all. Then
the ſpirit of invention and enterprize dies
away; then things begin to ſtagnate and to cor-
rupt; for it is a rule as invariable in politics as
it is in nature, that a want of
want of proper motion
does not breed reſt and ſtability, but a motion
of
64 An Account of the EUROPEAN
of another kind; a motion unſeen and intel-
tine, which does not preſerve but deſtroy.
The beſt form and ſettlement of a ſtate, and
every regulation within it, obeys the ſame
univerſal law; and the only way to prevent all
things from going to decay, is by continually
aiming to better them in ſome reſpect or other
(ſince if they are not better, they will ſurely
be worſe,) and to afford an attentive ear to
every project for this purpoſe. I am ſenſible
that it muſt frequently happen, that many of
theſe projects will be chimerical in themſelves,
and offered by people of an appearance and
manner not very prejudicing in their favour.
But then I am fatisfied too, that theſe men
muſt in the nature of things have ſomething
odd and fingular in their character, who ex-
poſe themſelves, and deſert the common and
certain roads of gain, in purſuit of advantages
not certain to the public, and extremely doubt-
ful to themſelves.
It is equally true, that, if ſuch people are
encouraged, a number of viſionary ſchemes
will be offered. But it is the character of
pride and lazineſs to reject all offers, becauſe
ſome are idle, as it is a weakneſs and cre-
dulity to liſten to all without diſtinction. But
ſurely, if judgment is to have any ſhare in our
conduct, it is the province of judgment to fift,
to examine, to diſtinguiſh the uſeful from
the fooliſh, the feaſible from the impracti-
cable,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 65
cable, and even in the midſt of the viſions of a
fruitful and diſordered brain, to pick out mat-
ter which a wiſe man will know how to qua-
lify and turn to uſe, though the inventor did
not. Cromwell, partly from his circum-
ſtances, but more from his genius and diſpo-
fition, received daily a number of propoſals of
this kind, which always approached him in a
fanatical dreſs, and were mixed frequently
with matters the moſt remote from probability
and good ſenſe ; and we know that he made a
fignal uſe of many things of this kind.
Colbert ſpent much of his time in hearing
every ſcheme for the extending of commerce
the improvement of manufactures, and the
advancement of arts ; fpared no pains or ex-
pence to put them in execution, and bounti-
fully rewarded and encouraged the authors of
them. By theſe means France advanced du-
ring the reign of Lewis the fourteenth, and
under this miniſter, more than it had done in
many reigns before ; and by theſe means, in
the midſt of wars which brought that king-
dom and all Europe to the brink of deſtruction,
amidſt many defaults in the royal character
and many errors in his governmens, a ſeed of
induſtry and enterprize was fown, which, on
the firſt reſpite of the public calamities, and
even while they oppreſſed that nation, roſe to
produce that flouriſhing internal and external
commerce and power, that diftinguiſhes
Vol. I.
F
France,
:
66 An Account of the EUROPEAN
France, and forms its ſtrength at this day,
though a leſs active reign and miniſters of
a different character have ſucceeded. On the
contrary, it was always the character of the
court of Spain to proceed very flowly, if at
all, in any improvement; and to receive
ſchemes for that purpoſe with coldneſs and
diſdain. The effects upon the power of that
monarchy were at laſt anſwerable. With re-
gard to America, the conqueſt as well as the
diſcovery was owing wholly to private men ;
the court contributed nothing but pretenſions
and patents.
:
CH A P. IX.
The diſcoveries and conqueſts of Balboa. Velaf-
quez ſends Cortes on the Mexican expedition.
The ſtate of the Mexican empire. Cortes
makes an alliance with the Tlafcalans.
A
Nancient painter drew a ſatyrical picture
of Cimon the Athenian. He repre-
ſented this commander alleep, and Fortune
drawing a net over cities to put them into his
poffeffion. There never were princes to whom
this repreſentation could be applied with more
juſtice, than to king Ferdinand and his fuc-
ceffor the emperor Charles. Without form-
ing any plan in the cabinet, without iſſuing
a penny out of their treaſury, without ſend-
3
ing
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
67
ing a regiment from their troops, private ad-
venturers amongſt their ſubjects put them into
poffeffion of a greater, and a more wealthy ter-
ritory, than ever the moſt celebrated conque-
rors had acquired by their valour, or their
wiſdom. Nor was this conqueſt more extra-
ordinary for the trivial means by which it was
accompliſhed, than for the ſhortneſs of the
time in which it was effected; for from the
departure of Columbus, which was in the
year 1492, to the entire reduction of Chili,
which was in 1541, ſeven great kingdoms,
inhabited by a vaſt number of warlike and
wealthy nations, were made to bow under the
Spaniſh yoke. After the diſcoveries of Co-
lumbus had enlarged the ſphere of induſtry to
active minds, ſuch a ſpirit of enterprize went
abroad, that not only thoſe perſons whoſe
indigence might have driven them from their
native country, but perſons of the firſt rank
went over to ſettle in America. Gold was
the ſpur to all thoſe adventurers, of whatever
rank; and this, with a romantic ſpirit of chi-
valry, made the greateſt hazards appear but
common matters in their eyes. And indeed
in a country wholly uncivilized, under the
burning zone, and in many places extremely
unhealthy, the temperance of the Spaniards,
their hardineſs under fatigue, and the pati-
ence and perſeverance which make the moſt
Shining part of their character, enabled them
F 2
to
68 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
to engage in enterprizes, and to ſurmount
difficulties, to which any other people had
certainly been unequal.
Vaſco Nunez de Balboa made a conſider
able figure amongſt theſe adventurers ; he
was a man of a graceful preſence, a liberal
education, a hardy conſtitution, and that
kind of popular bravery, which recommends a
man who engages in deſperate expeditions,
where he muſt have more authority from his
perſon than his place. This man firſt ſur-
rounded Cuba, conquered, and left it. He
did not there find the treaſures which he ex-
pected. He therefore relinquiſhed the glean-
ings of this field to thoſe who had a more
moderate ambition, and a more ſaving induſ-
try. He fought new ground, he followed
the tracks of Columbus to Darien, gained
the friendſhip of ſome of the Caziques, and
conquered others. He was the firſt who dif-
covered the South-Sea. He ſettled a colony
upon that coaſt, and built the city of Panama.
But according to the fate of all the firſt ad-
venturers in this new world, indeed according
to the fate of moſt who engage in new un-
dertakings, he never lived to reap the fruit of
his labours. He found himſelf ſuperſeded by
one who had only diſcernment enough of his
merit to raiſe his jealouſy and envy, and who
could make no other uſe of the diſcoveries of
this great man, than to increaſe his own
private
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
69
private fortune.
This man was a politi-
cian and a courtier, and having in ſeveral in-
ſtances bafely injured Balboa, he was too wiſe
to ſtop there, but under a pretended form of
juſtice cut off his head, and confiſcated his
eſtate.
Some time after the ſettlement of Cuba,
Don James Velaſquez obtained the govern-
ment; a man of good ſenſe in common affairs,
but ſo much miſtaken, as to imagine he could
act a great part by deputy; and that too in cir-
cumſtances, wherein a man who had but little
capacity, could do him but little ſervice, and
he that could do much, would certainly do it
for himſelf. The continent of America was
now very well known, and the fame of the
greatneſs and wealth of the Mexican empire
ſpread every where.
where. This inſpired Velaſquez
with a ſcheme of reducing ſome part of this
opulent country under his obedience. He
pitched upon Hernando Cortes to command in
this expedition, in which he certainly made a
very right judgment.
There was no man
amongſt the Spaniards, who to an adventu-
rous diſpoſition, then common to them all,
knew ſo well to join a cool and ſteady con-
duct, to gain love whilſt he preſerved reſpects
not to ſhift his ſchemes according to occaſions,
but perſiſting uniformly in a well-judged de-
ſign, to make every inferior action and event
ſubſervient to it ; to urge ſtill forward; to ex-
3
tricate
F 3
70 An Account of the EUROPEAN
tricate himſelf out of difficulties into which
he was brought by bold actions, not by mean
fubterfuges, but by actions yet bolder. This
was the character of the man already in high
reputation, whom Velaſquez choſe to conquer
for him.
The embarkment was made at St. Jago de
Cuba, and Cortes was to take in ſome rein-
forcements at the Havanna. But he was hardly
departed, when Velaſquez grew jealous of
him; and, without conſidering that Cortes was
of that heroic diſpoſition in which a blind
obedience is rarely a principal ingredient, he
took the ill-judged ſtep of removing him from
the command of an army, which in ſome ſort
might be conſidered as his own, ſince he had
much influence on the ſoldiers, and a con-
fiderable part of the expence of the armament
had been ſupplied by himſelf. When this or-
der, which was to deprive him of his com-
mand, arrived to Cortes, he was not long be-
fore he came to a reſolution. He explained the
whole matter to his ſoldiers; he ſhewed them
how uncertain the intentions of Velaſquez
were, and how much all their hopes were
like to be fruſtrated by the inconſtancy of his
diſpoſition. The event was prepared. The
foldiers declared to a man, that they were ſub-
jects only to the king of Spain, and knew no
commander but Cortes. The army and the
general,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
71
general, thus bound to each other by their
mutual diſobedience, failed for Mexico.
The empire of Mexico was at that time
governed by a prince called Montezuma, the
eleventh who reigned from the firſt monarch
who had conquered the country. The em-
pire was elective, and the merit of Montezuma
had procured him the election. A prince of
capacity and courage, but artful, hypocritical,
and cruel. This empire, founded on conqueſt,
was increaſed by his victories. By himſelf, or
by his generals, he had abſolutely ſubdued ſe-
veral kingdoms and provinces ; feveral were
made tributary, and others, which were not
abſolutely ſubdued, were influenced by his
power to an entire obedience to his will. His
armies were the beſt in that part of the world,
and prodigiouſly numerous. In this ſituation,
and ſo headed, was the empire of the Mexicans,
when Cortes came to prove its ſtrength, with
an army of no more than five hundred foot,
and not quite fixty horſe. He did not come a
Itranger into the country, to encounter a force
which he dared to engage only becauſe he was
ignorant of it. He had long made every pof-
ſible enquiry from the Spaniards and Indians
in every circumſtance of its internal weakneſs
or power; its allies, its enemies, and the in-
tereits which determined them to be allies or
enemies. Weighing all theſe, and knowing
that, along with great hopes, great dangers like-
wiſe
F 4
72 An Account of the EUROPEAN
wiſe lay before him, he made his retreat yet
more dangerous by diſobedience to the governor
of Cuba; and when he landed on the conti-
nent, he made it impoſſible, for he burned his
ſhips. But though he had made a retreat im-
poftible, he had ſomething more to encourage
him to go forward, than the impoſſibility of
retiring. He had great hopes that many of
thoſe ſtates, who were kept in a forced ſub-
jection or a ſlaviſh dread of Montezuma, would
gladly turn this new and alarming appearance
from themſelves againſt that monarch,and, un-
der the banner of theſe formidable ſtrangers,
arm themſelves to ſhake off the ancient tyran-
ny, which always appears the worſt, without
foreſeeing conſequences, to which more civiliza
ed nations have frequently been as blind as they.
It happened according to his expectations.
The Zempoallans, a nation tributary to
Montezuma, as ſoon as they had ſufficient
proofs of the power of the Spaniards, at the
expence of ſeveral of their neighbours, who
attempted to oppoſe their progreſs, threw off
the Mexican yoke, gladly put themſelves un-
der the protection of Cortes, and earned it by
the large reinforcements which they added to
his army. Montezuma was foon made ac-
quainted with theſe meaſures. For, according
to the cuſtom of that well-regulated kingdom,
he had poſts fo ſtationed, that in a little time
he had notice of whatever happened in the
remote
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
73
remote parts of his empire. The diſpatches
which were ſent him, were painted cloaths,
exactly repreſenting every circumſtance of the
buſineſs of which he was to be informed; the
figures were interſperſed with characters to
explain what muſt neceſſarily be wanting in
the picture. So far, but no farther, had this
people advanced in the art of writing. As well
informed as the emperor was of every particu-
lar of this invaſion, and of the defection of
his tributaries, he acted not at all conforma-
bly to the greatneſs of his former exploits.
He took the worſt method which a great
prince ever did upon ſuch an occaſion, which
was, to temporize. He let the Spaniards fee,
by ſome trifling arts which he uſed to oppoſe
them, that he did not look upon them as his
friends, and at the ſame time neglected to act
againſt them as fo formidable an enemy re-
quired. They made daily advances in the
country. His enemies were encouraged, his
tributaries' made infolent, and his ſubjects
and allies utterly diſpirited ; whilſt the Spa-
niards, in a variety of engagements which
they had with the petty princes of the coun-
try, raiſed their reputation by a train of vic-
tories, and began to be conſidered as invinci-
ble. Cortes, like the great commander he
was, took advantage of this irreſolute diſpofi-
tion in Montezuma, and uſed every poſſible
means to cheriſh it. He always fent back
what
74
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
what priſoners his new allies had taken, with
prefents, and every profeſſion of eſteem and re-
gard to their maſter, and with the ſtrongeſt af-
furance of a deſire of preſerving peace; re-
queſting to ſee Montezuma, and to confer with
him upon fome matters which he ſaid he had
in charge to deliver to him from his maſter the
emperor of the Romans.
There was at that time a celebrated republic
on the coaſt of Mexico, towards the gulph,
called Tlaſcla. This people were ſaid to be ſo
powerful, as to be able to arm four hundred
thouſand men. Powerful as they were, tho'
not fubdued, they were yet awed by the great-
nefs of the Mexicans. This awe, or perhaps
a better policy, induced them to give a check
to the Spaniards. But, in the manner of Mon-
tezuma's proceedings, they would not oppoſe
them publicly, and therefore could not oppoſe
them effectually. Some nations, on whom
they had prevailed to fall upon the Spaniards,
were over and over again defeated, together
with thoſe troops the Tlafcalans had ſent
clandeſtinely to their affiſtance. At laſt, by
degrees, declaring themſelves more openly, as
the danger preſſed them, they drew a large
army
into the field, which was routed by the
troops of Cortes ; few indeed in number, but
infinitely fuperior in arms, and now grown fa-
miliar with victory. The conſequence of this
battle was the alliance of the Tlafcalans with
their
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
75
their conqueror, which they entered into with
the leſs difficulty, as they were to ſerve againſt
the Mexicans, and might now hope to ſerve
with ſucceſs. Cortes, however, did not chuſe
to truſt this untried and forced alliance too
far, nor at the ſame time to deprive himſelf
entirely of the ſuccour it produced. He there-
fore took a middle courſe, and, accepting
three thouſand of their men, he held on his
route to Mexico.
CH A P.
X.
Cortes builds La Vera Cruz, He marches to
Mexico. His reception by Montezuma. Cora
tes impriſons Montezuma. That prince's ſtra-
tagem to gain his liberty; the conſequence
of it.
B
BEFORE Cortes began his expedition to
Mexico, he had built a ſtrong fortreſs at
the principal port on the coaſt, to open a paſ-
ſage for ſuccours, whenever his ſucceſs ſhould
make intereſt enough to procure them. This
he called La Vera Cruz, and it has fince be-
come a city, remarkable for the great traffic
carried on between thoſe opulent countries
and Old Spain.
During the Tlaſcalan war, in which the
Spaniards ſuffered fomething, and had every
thing to apprehend, Montezuma took no ſteps,
but
76 An Account of the EUROPEAN
but lay by, watching the event, in hopes that
the Tlafcalans might defeat the troops of Cor-
tes at their own expence; or, if the Spaniards
proved victorious, he might then have the
meritof not having uſed hoſtilities againſt them.
He loft both parties by this double conduct;
ſuch an inſidious neutrality betrays nothing but
the weak policy of him who uſes it. How-
ever as a fair correſpondence ſtill ſubliſted be-
tween them, he uſed every means he could to
diffuade Cortes from his propoſed journey to
Mexico. At laſt he took a ſtep, worſe judged
than all the bad ones he had hitherto taken.
He ſent to the Spaniards a very large and mag-
nificent preſent, of every thing his dominions
afforded valuable, but principally a vaſt quan-
tity of gold and precious ſtones ; offering at
the ſame time yet more, and perſuading them
to return to their own country. If any per-
ſon in the army was unwilling before this to
proceed, he now changed his mind. All
were convinced that they ought to advance
with ſpeed to poſſeſs the fountain of that
wealth, of which this rich donation was but
an inconſiderable rivulet.
Montezuma, baffled in all his ſchemes to
keep the Spaniards at a diſtance, having uſed
himſelf to ſhifting meaſures until they were
in a degree grown habitual, found Cortes at
the gates of Mexico before he was reſolved
how he ſhould receive him. It was now al-
moſt
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
77
moft too late for force. He therefore diffem-
bled his concern with the beſt grace he could,
and received him with all the honours a mo-
narch cản beſtow, when he would diſplay his
own magnificence and ſhew his ſenſe of ex-
traordinary merit. Cortes was lodged in a pa-
lace ſpacious and grand, after the manner of
the country. All his Spaniards were lodged
with him ; but he took care to place a train
of artillery at his gate.
Thus poſted without a blow in the heart of
this great city, the capital of the new world,
he was for a while at a loſs what meaſures to
purſue, for ſecuring himſelf in a conqueſt of
ſuch importance. Having received more than
he could reaſonably have aſked, there was no
cauſe of complaint, and conſequently no ad-
vantage to be colourably taken. He had only
to wait for ſome of thoſe critical incidents,
upon whoſe uſe all great matters depend, and
without which the greateſt genius muſt be at
a ſtand. It was not long before one of theſe
occured.
Two Tlaſcalans arrived in diſguiſe at Mexi-
co, who brought him an account that a ge-
neral of Montezuma had attacked ſome of his
confederate Indians; that the garriſon of
Vera Cruz had gone out to their defence
;
and that, though the Mexicans were repulſed
with loſs, the Spaniards were greatly endan-
gered, many wounded, and one killed, whoſe
head,
78 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
head, by the order of Montezuma, was carried
through all the cities and villages of their
country, to deſtroy the reverence in which
they held the Spaniards, and to undeceive
them in a notion they had conceived, that
theſe ſtrangers were immortal. This intel-
ligence alarmed Cortes. He knew that opi-
nion was one of the ſtrongeſt ſupporters of
his little force; that things of this kind never
ſtop at their beginnings; that Montezuma,
while he careſſed him in his city, was disjoin-
ing his allies, and diſtreſſing his garriſon
abroad; and that no time was to be loſt in
dilatory counſels; that he muſt keep alive
the memory of his former exploits. He
therefore took a reſolution worthy of a brave
man, in a difficulty made for his capacity.
He armed himſelf in the beſt manner, and
with five of the moſt faithful and beſt reſol-
ved of his officers, went directly to the palace
of Montezuma. Thirty of his men attend-
ed at ſome diſtance. Guards of Spaniards
were placed at the principal avenues to the
palace.
It was uſual for Montezuma's guards to
withdraw, out of reſpect, when he had any
conference with Cortes. On this occaſion,
as ſoon as he was admitted to audience, he
charged the emperor with the outrages com-
mitted by his orders, in terms of great reſent-
The emperor diſavows them. But
Cortes,
ment.
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
79
Cortes, after having paid him the compli-
ment of not ſuppoſing him capable of fo
mean à diffimulation, aſſured him, that he
was himſelf entirely ſatisfied of his inno-
cence; but that others had fears which were
not eaſily removed : that, to ſatisfy the Spani-
ards, he muſt give ſome folid proof of his
confidence in them; which he could effec-
tually do no otherwiſe than by his removing
without delay to their quarters. A requeſt
of this nature ſtartled Montezuma, who never
was uſed to any voice but that of the humbleft
fubmiffion. However, he faw plainly that
Cortes did not make ſo extraordinary a requeſt
but with a reſolution of making it be com-
plied with. He ſaw the neceſſity, and he
yielded to it.
Thus was the metropolis of a vaſt and
powerful empire, inhabited by an innumer-
able multitude of warlike people, entered
without reſiſtance by an handful of men,
who came to overturn its liberty. And thus
was one of the greateſt princes on earth, re-
nowned for his wiſdom and valour, ſeized in
his palace, in the midſt of his capital, at noon-
day, and carried priſoner, without noiſe or vio-
lence, by ſix perſons, to be diſpoſed of at their
pleaſure.
The people, confounded and enraged to
find one whom they always uſed to revere
as a god, treated in this unworthy manner
ſurrounded
80 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſurrounded the quarters of the Spaniards to
puniſh this facrilege, and reſcue their captive
prince. But Cortes, who well underſtood
the conſequence of the ſteps he had taken,
was not alarmed. He knew that he had
now in his hands an engine, which was
capable of doing anything. Montezuma
went out to appeaſe the people, aſſured them
that he was there of choice, and (which was
true) that the Spaniards were wanting in no
inſtance of reſpect due to his character and
dignity.proinde
This appeaſed and diſperfed the people.
But Montezuma, whoſe unfortunate cir-
cumſtances obliged him to act as an inſtru-
ment to his own captivity, could enjoy ng
reſt, though allowed the attendance of the
principal officers of his court, and indulged
by the Spaniards in every thing but his li-
berty. Long revolving, he at laſt contrived
a ſcheme, which he judged, without his
appearing to occur with them, might alarm
his ſubjects with a ſenſe of their danger, or
oblige the Spaniards to depart by the reaſon-
ableneſs of his propoſals. He had always
liberty of going abroad with a guard of Spa-
niards under pretence of doing him honour,
He now deſired to hold a council of the
ſtates of his empire, that in concurrence they
might ſatisfy Cortes and his aſſociates in the
ampleſt manner. This council was conve-
ned,
I
Settlements in AMERICA. 81
..
2
ned, in which Montezuma, in a premedita-
ted ſpeech, ſet forth the origin of his nation;
the prophecies extant among them, that a
people of the fame race ſhould arrive, to
whom this empire ſhould be ſubject ; that
the people were now arrived who were the
object of thoſe prophecies, and ſprung from
this origin, to whom the gods had deſtined
univerſal empire, and who, by their great
accompliſhments and ſurprizing bravery, me-
rited their high deſtination : then he ſo-
lemnly declared himſelf tributary to the em
peror of the Romans; he exhorted his people
on their part to a due obedience, and ended
by telling them, that, as he had himſelf
pre-
pared a preſent from his treaſures worthy of
this emperor, he expected that every one of
them, in proportion to his ability, would
teſtify his loyalty to their new maſter, and
his regard to the merit of his general and
thoſe brave men that attended him, that they
might be enabled to depart ſpeedily to their
own country, with that opinion of their bre-
thren the Mexicans, which their affection to
them, and their obedience to their common
maſter, deſerved.
At firſt a dead filence ſucceeded this ha-
rangue; the whole aſſembly were confounded
and ſtruck dumb with grief, indignation and
ſurpriſe. Then followed a mixed cry, as each
perſon was affected by ſome particular part
VOL. I.
G
of
82 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
of the general calamity. The luſtre of their
empire was tarniſhed, their religion to be pro-
fained, their freedom ſurrendered, their empe-
ror degraded; what was worſe, degraded by
himſelf; could they believe their ears? Was
it Montezuma who had ſpoken in ſuch a
manner
The deſign of Montezuma was until this
moment a ſecret to Cortes; he was ſurpriſed
and ſomething chagrined at an artifice, the
invention of which he now penetrated very
clearly. But this ſurpriſe did not confound or
perplex him in the part he ſaw it was proper
for him to act. Without any embarraff-
ment, he ſeconded the harangue of Monte-
zuma by a ſpeech, which was well inter-
preted, wherein he ſtrongly urged the propri-
ety, and inſinuated the neceſſity, of an entire
obedience to their prince and an imitation of
his conduct. Diſordered as the aſſembly was,
yet
ſtill held by a ſacred reverence to their em-
peror, influenced by the hope of the ſudden
departure of the Spaniards, and reſerving them-
ſelves for a better occaſion, they followed Mon-
tezuma's example, and paid homage to Cortes,
in that dumb and fullen ſubmiſſion with which
fierce fpirits yield to neceſſity. He received it,
and thanked them, as a man thanks his debtor
for a ready payment.
Cortes
I
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
83
Cortes ſaw that this empty homage fecured
him nothing; but he knew that the gold,
which was to accompany it, would be of real
ſervice in cancelling the ill impreſſions made
by his diſobedience, in Spain. In Mexico he
might look upon himſelf as ſecure; he had
the perſon of the emperor in his hands ; he
had his forces in the capital; he had lately
ſtruck a terror into all, by ſeizing the general,
who had committed hoftilities againſt the
Spaniards. He got the emperor to diſavow
his conduct, and condemn him as a trai-
tor. By their joint authority, this unhappy
man, guilty of nothing but obedience to his
lawful maſter and zeal for his country, was
burned alive in the public ſquare of Mexico.
But neither this horrid example, nor the im-
priſonment of their emperor, nor the late
acknowledgment of the emperor Charles,
was fufficient to make the Mexicans inſenſible
to the diſgrace they ſuffered, nor of the dan-
ger which hung over them. They began to
conſult how they might deliver themſelves.
Some propofed to cut off the communication
with the continent, and hold the Spaniards
beſieged in their quarters ; for the city of
Mexico is an iſland in a great lake, and com-
municates with the continent by four great
cauſeways, extremely curious for contrivance
and folidity. Whilſt they were ripening
their ſchemes, à report came to Cortès, that
fome
G2
84
An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſome words had dropt from a Mexican con-
cerning the practibility of deſtroying one of
theſe cauſeways. From this word (for. he
heard no more) this watchful and fagacious
commander judged of the whole contrivance.
Without however taking notice of it pub-
licly, he immediately orders 'two brigantines
to be built to ſecure his retreat, if a retreat
ſhould prove the wiſeſt meaſure. In the mean
time he kept a ſtrict diſcipline in his army;
and to preſerve reverence from the Indians,
he prohibited their approaching his quarters
when his men were alleep, and ſeverely pu-
niſhed thoſe of his foldiers who ſlept out of
the times and places appointed for that pur-
poſe. All this while no preparations for his
departure.
C HA P. XI.
The attempts of Montezuma to make the Spani-
ards leave Mexico. The arrival of Narvaez
to take the command from Cortes. Cortes
leaves Mexico. Defeats and takes Narvaez
priſoner. The Spaniards in Mexico befeged.
Cortes raiſes the hege. Montezuma is killed.
ONTEZUMA, ſick with impatience
of his confinement, and ſeeing that
he daily loſt his authority amongſt the peo-
ple by the pufillanimous appearance of his
conduct,
MON
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
85
conduct, as ſoon as he perceived that any
ſpirited action on his fide would be ſeconded
with equal ſpirit by his ſubjects, rouſed his
dormant magnanimity, and, in ſpite of the
condition he was in, fent for Cortes, and
addreſſed him in this manner : “ Cortes, the
deſires of my ſubjects, my own dignity, and
the commands of my gods, require that you
ſhould depart my empire. You are ſenſible
how much I valued your friendſhip, and how
effectually I have ſhewn that I valued it.
But, after ſo many profeſſions of good-will
upon your ſide, and ſo many proofs of it
up-
on mine, after every pretence of buſineſs is
over, wherefore do you delay your return?
I have yielded homage to your maſter, I am
ready to obey him; I have ſent him preſents
(or ſhall I call it a tribute ? worthy of myſelf
and of him; your whole army is loaded, even
to an inconvenience, with their darling gold.
Would they have more ? they ſhall have more.
But then, when they ſhall have ſpoken their
largeſt wiſhes, and ſatisfied their moſt eager
deſires, I infift upon it that they depart im-
mediately; or they may find, in ſpite of the
condition I am in, of which condition, for
your fake and for my own, I ſhall ſpeak but
little, that Montezuma has yet courage
enough to vindicate his honour, and friends
in Mexico who will not fail to revenge the
wrongs he ſhall ſuffer."
Cortes
G3
86 An Account of the EUROPEAN
Cortes perceived ſomething of an unuſual
reſolution and fternneſs in the emperor's
countenance whilſt he ſpoke. 1. He therefore
ſent orders, before the interpreter began to
explain his ſpeech, that the Spaniards Thould
ſtand to their arms, and wait his commands.
His anſwer was reſolute, but not ſuch as to
drive the emperor to deſpair. He lamented
the jealouſy which their common enemies had
occafioned; that, for his párt, he was fe-
cured from all fear, by his own courage and
the bravery of his own troops ; but, fince
he was ſo unfortunate as to find he could not
longer enjoy the honour of a converſation he
had ſuch reaſon to eſteem, conſiſtently with
the emperor's repoſe, he would depart as ſoon
as ſhips could be built, for on landing he had
been obliged to burn his own. This anſwer
foothed Montezuma; he reſumed his good
humour, he promiſed to load his army with
gold at his departure, and gave immediate
orders that every thing ſhould be prepared for
fitting out the ſhips in the ſpeedieſt and am-
pleſt manner. But Cortes gave orders, which
were full as well obeyed, to the perſon he
appointed for the equipment, to delay it upon
every poſſible pretence. He expected daily
the return of the meſſengers he had fent into
Spain, to ſolicit his pardon and fuccours,
with the continuance of the command.
Whilt
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
87
Whilft he was entertained with theſe ex-
pectations, and with finding out pretences to
defer his departure, an expreſs arrived from
Sandoval, his governor at La Vera Cruz, in-
forming him of the arrival of eighteen ſhips,
in which was an army of eight hundred foot,
and two hundred horfe, under the command
of one Narvaez, who was ſent by his old
enemy Velaſquez, the governor of Cuba, to
ſuperſede him in the command, to treat him
as a rebel, and ſend him in chains to Cuba.
The governer ſeized the meſſengers, who
were ſent by Narvaez to require him to
ſurrender, and ſent them priſoners with this
account to Cortes. There never was a time
wherein the firmneſs and capacity of this
commander in chief were put ſo ſtrongly to
the proof. On one hand, here was an army
in weapons and courage equal to his own, in
numbers vaſtly ſuperior, and aboveall, ſtrength-
ened with the name of royal authority. The
Mexicans, ill-affected before, would rejoice
in this opportunity to fall upon him. On the
other hand, muft he reſign the conqueſts he
had made with ſuch infinite toils and hazards
into the hands of his mortal enemy, and in
return to bear the name and receive the pu-
niſhment of a traitor? There was little room to
hope for an accommodation. The thoughts
of a ſurrender was intolerable.
only remained, to conquer Narvaez, His own
courage
One way
G4
::
88 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
courage and conduct; his ſoldiers, habituated
to victory; and endeared to him by common
dangers and triumphs; his reputation, and
the ſignal providence which always attended
him, would combat upon his fide. Above
all, no time was to be loſt in fruitleſs counſels,
He ſent an expreſs to Sandoval, his governor
in La Vera Cruz, to evacuate that place, and
join him in his route with what men he had,
He aſſembled his forces, and found them to a
man attached to his intereſts, and ready to
hazard every thing in ſupport of them. He
left eighty men in Mexico, picked from his
troops, recommending them to Montezuma,
and him to them. With this ſmall garriſon
he dared to entruſt Mexico and all his vaſt
hopes there; but the impriſoned emperor was
himſelf a garriſon, from the reverence his ſub-
jects bore him. Before he ſet out, he releaſed
the priſoners which Sandoval had ſent him,
uſing the ſeverity of his officer to diſplay his
own clemency. He careſſed them extremely,
loaded them with preſents for themſelves
and the principal officers of Narvaez's army,
and did every thing to create himſelf a party
there by his generoſity. He fent at the ſame
time very advantageous terms of accommo-
dation to the general himſelf, but took care
to follow and ſecond his ambaſſadors with all
the power he could raiſe. This, with San-
doval's reinforcement, did not amount to
three
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA, 89
three hundred men; but with theſe, and
ſome confederate Indians, he marched
with all imaginable diligence to Narvaez's
quarters. Vo
Narvaez, elated with the ſuperiority of his
army, would hearken to no terms, though he
was much preſſed to it by his principal officers,
who diſcovered plainly that this quarrel could
only end in the ruin of their party, or that of
the Spaniſh intereſt in Mexico. Mean time
Cortes, little incumbered with baggage, and
leſs with a dilatory genius, advanced by forced
marches. He was but a ſmall diſtance from
the enemy's quarters, when the rains came on,
and, as uſual in that country, fell very heavily.
Cortes, knowing that the ill diſpoſitions of the
ſkywere circumſtances favourable to a ſurprize,
inviting to deſperate enterprizes, and that they
are always leaſt prejudicial to thoſe in mo-
tion, having perfect intelligence of the dif-
poſition of Narvaez'sarmy,and having diſpoſed
his troops in ſuch a manner as not to fall upon
one another, and to act in concert, he ordered
them, when they ſhould enter the town where
the enemy was poſted, to keep in cloſe to the
houſes, that they might not ſuffer by the ar-
tillery, which was fo placed as to play upon
the middle of the ſtreet. Having made this
diſpoſition, he marched to attack the camp, on
one of thoſe gloomy and tempeſtuous nights.
Though he directed every thing with the ut-
moſt
90
An Account of the EuroPEAN
a
ao ?
moſt ſecrecy, Narvaez had intelligence of his
approach, but he laughed at it; and, not un-
derſtanding the nature of a prudent raſhneſs,
could not believe that Cortes would make ſuch
,
without taking ſufficient care that it ſhould not
be diſturbed. Security in the general is ea-
ſily followed by that of every one elſe. Cor-
tes aſſaulted the town in three bodies, and
whilſt every one in the adverſe party ran in
confufion to his arms, and oppoſed without
command or uniformity as each man was at-
tacked, the whole army was routed. The
quarters of Narvaez were attacked by Cortes's
diviſion, and the men routed there as elfe-
where. Narvaez himſelf, ſhamefully taken in
bed, fell into his hands." Value yourſelf,
faid he, my lord Cortes, on your fortune in
making me your priſoner ;” But Cortes, with
a ſmile of indignation, anſwered, “ That he
thought this by far the leaſt action he had
formed, fince he came into the new world.”
When the morning came on, the diſperſed
army of Narvaez began to form into bodies,
and to diſcover the inconſiderable force which
the night before had defeated them. Their
firſt motion, diſtracted with ſhame and anger,
was to fall upon the conquerors, and recover
the honour they had loſt. But, when they
found that their general was a priſoner, their
artillery ſeized, and the advantageous poſt
they
1
per
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA. W 91
o
they had occupied in the enemy's poſſeſſion,
and numbers amongſt themſelves well affected
to Cortes, they liſtened at laſt to his propoſals,
recommended as they were by the polite and
inſinuating behaviour of which he was maſter,
and that open and unbounded generoſity he
ſhewed to every one. They all enliſted under
his banner, and agreed to ſhare his fortune.
Thus did this accident, which ſeemed to
threaten inevitable deſtruction to the affairs of
Cortes, prove the moſt effectual method of re-
ſtoring them to an excellent condition, wholly
by means of the wiſdom of his meaſures, and
of that vigour and activity with which he
pur-
fued them. His army now conſiſted of above
à thouſand men, after replacing his garriſon at
La Vera Cruz, in which fortreſs he left Nar-
vaez a priſoner.
This victory, and the reinforcement it pro-
cured, came at a moſt critical time; for hardly
had he begun to adjuſt matters for his return
to Mexico, when an expreſs arrived that his
affairs there were in a moſt dangerous condi-
tion. Alvarado, whom he had left to com-
mand at his departure, though a brave and
able man, had too great a contempt for the
Indians, and too little a diſcernment for the
nice circumſtances he was in, to manage with
that juſt mixture of firmneſs and yielding, by
which Cortes had hitherto fo ballanced the
hopes and fears of the Mexicans, that he ne-
ver
92 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ver gave them an entire opportunity of know-
ing their own ſtrength. This man, either
diſcovering, or pretending at leaſt to diſcover,
that ſome of the chief men in the city, who
were met in the great temple, were aſſembled
to conſult how to expel the Spaniards, ſud-
denly ſurrounded the place, and murdered
all the perſons of rank who compoſed the
aſſembly.
This cruel and precipitate action fired the
whole people. Enraged at what they had al-
ready ſuffered, and what they ſaw plainly
they were yet to expect, their late ignominious
patience, the fear of the Spaniſh arms, their
inbred reſpect for Montezuma, were all loft
in their fury. Should they ſtay, until on va-
rious pretences they were all butchered ? Mon-
tezuma, either forgetful of his office and
dignity, or unable to exert it, could protect
them no longer. Gods and men allowed
them to defend themſelves, and arms were in
their hands. The flame ſo furious in the
capital, ſpread itſelf with equal ſwiftneſs and
rage over all the country, and all were vowed
and hearty for the deſtruction of the Spa-
niards. In this extremity, Alvarado fhewed
as much bravery as he had done imprudence
in bringing it on. He redoubled his watch
on the emperor ; he obliged him to exert the
remains of his authority in his favour, and,
fortifying his quarters in the beſt manner the
time
:
93
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
time would admit, he ſtood out the ſtorm
and repulſed the Mexicans in ſeveral attacks.
But their fury, far from relenting at the fre-
quent and bloody repulſes they met, redoub-
led by their loffes. They exerciſed the be-
fieged, day and night, with the moſt vigorous
affaults; and to cut off their retreat, found
means to burn the brigantines which Cortes
had built.
Cortes, who was obliged to make ſo rapid a
march from Mexico, to defend himſelf againſt
Narvaez, was compelled by an equal neceſſity
to march from Zempoalla to Mexico, to re-
lieve his forces and preſerve his moſt eſſential
intereſts there. The Mexicans, like all peo-
ple who have not reduced the art of war to
fome rule, ſuffered their eagerneſs in purſuing
one advantage to let another material one lie
neglected. For, whilſt they puſhed on the
fiege of the Spaniſh quarters with great vigour
and diligence, they took no effectual care of
the avenues to the city, or to cut off all ſuc-
cours from the beſieged. Cortes entered the
city without reſiſtance. He ſoon routed thoſe
who inveſted the poſt of the Spaniards, and
brought them a relief of which they ſtood in
the greateſt need. har or
The arrival of ſo formidable a body of
troops held the Mexicans fome time in fuf-
pence; but, in ſpite of the fatal error of ad-
mitting them into their city, which had now
inex-
94
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
inexcuſably been a ſecond time committed,
and in ſpite of the ſucceſs every where at-
tending the Spaniſh arms, they came to a re-
ſolution of continuing hoſtilities. But things
wore another face ſince the arrival of Cortes.
No longer ſatisfied with defending his quar-
ters, he fallied out and defeated them ſeveral
times with great ſlaughter. However, as he
found that he ſuffered more by the leaſt loſſes
than the Mexicans by the greateſt, he kept
cloſe for ſome time, ſuffering the enemy to
approach, in hopes of making one laſt effort,
to appeaſe them by the authority of Monte-
zuma. This unhappy prince, reduced to the
ſad neceſſity of becoming the inſtrument of
his own diſgrace, and of the ſlavery of his
people, appeared on the battlements, and ad-
dreſſed his ſubjects with every argument he
could uſe to prevail with them to diſperſe.
But this expedient was not attended with the
uſual ſucceſs. The Mexicans, by an habit
of living without rule, had many of them
loft much of that reſpect, which, even to
adoration, every one of them uſed to their
prince; they anſwered him with reproaches ;
and a ſtone from an uncertain hand ſtruck him
with great violence in the temple. The Spa-
niards carried him to his apartinent. Here he
refuſed to ſuffer any dreſſings to be applied to
his wound; but, wrapping his head in his gar-
ment, gave himſelf up a prey to ſhame and
to pay
grief;
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 95
grief, and in a few days died, leſs of his
wound, which was but inconſiderable, than
of ſorrow and indignation, on feeling that he
had ſo far loſt the eſteem and love of his ſub-
jects. There are other accounts of the death
of Montezuma, but this appears the moſt
probable.
Thus died this noble prince, more remark-
able for the great virtues by which he aſcended
the throne, and thoſe qualities by which he
held it in ſo much luſtre for many years, than
for his ſteadineſs and wiſdom in defending it
when attacked by a formidable enemy. It has
happened thus to many great men. When
Lucullus and Pompeyattacked Tigranes, king
of Armenia, we do not ſee any thing in him
of the conqueror of ſo many kings. Even his
conqueror Pompey was not himſelf, after ha-
ving enjoyed in glory for a long time a power
acquired by the greateſt exploits. Se ele
magnum oblitus eſt. It is natural whilft we
are raiſing ourſelves, and contending againſt
difficulties, to have our minds, as it were,
ſtrung, and our faculties intent and conſtantly
awake. The neceſſity of our affairs obliges
us to a continual exerciſe of whatever talents
we poffeſs; and we have hope to animate and
urge us onward. But when we are come to
the ſummit of our deſires, the mind ſuffers
itſelf to relax. It is grievous to contend a-new
for things, of which we have long looked
upon
96
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
upon ourſelves as fecure. When we have no
longer any thing to hope, we have then every
thing to fear. Thus enervated by this prof-
perity, and diſcompoſed with this fear, we
become ſtiff and irrefolute to action ; we are
willing to uſe any temporizing meaſures, ra-
ther than hazard on an adventure ſo much
power and reputation. If Montezuma had
made an early uſe of his power, he had
ſtrength enough after many loſſes, to have
kept Cortes far enough from his capital; but,
having once entered upon ſhifting and dilatory
courſes, this brave and active enemy gave his
affairs a mortal blow, by ſeizing his capital
and his perſon. The reſt was all a confe-
quence, which no prudence could prevent, of
a plan of conduct imprudent and ill laid ori-
ginally.
CHA P. XII.
Guatimozin chofen emperor by the Mexicans.
He beſieges the Spaniards in their quarters.
Obliges Cortes to retire out of the city. Dif-
treſſes bim in his retreat. The battle of
Otumba. Cortes retreats to Tlaſcala.
S ſoon as the Mexicans were apprized of
the death of their emperor, they ſet
about the election of a fucceffor. They im-
mediately caſt their eyes upon Guatimozin,
nephew
AS
Settlements in AMERICA.
97
nephew and ſon-in-law of Montezuma, a
man fit to command at ſuch a time; of a per-
ſon graceful, a body ſtrong and robuſt, and of
a ſoul full of the moſt undaunted courage.
"Though no more than twenty-four years old,
the reputation of his early exploits procured
him the authority of age, and a penetrating
genius ſerved him for experience. He was no
fooner called to this unſteady throne, than he
took meaſures to prevent the Mexicans from
their diſorderly and caſual attacks, and to make
them act with deſign and uniformity. He
examined thoroughly into the cauſe of their
former miſcarriages ; and conſidering every
thing, he found that the Indians in their pre-
ſent condition, couldnever hope for any ſucceſs
in open action; he reſolved therefore to ſpare
his men as much as poſſible, until his own in-
vention and time might teach them better me-
thods of fighting. On theſe ideas he cauſed
all affaults to ceaſe; then he cut off the cauſe-
ways which joined the city to the continent,
and at the ſame time ſtrongly barricaded the
ſtreets, reſolving to ſtarve an enemy which
ſeemed unconquerable by any other means ; a
meaſure, which though it has with us no ex-
traordinary appearance, ſhewed no ſmall faga-
city in Guatimozin, becauſe it was what had
never been before practiſed amongſt the mili-
tary ſtratagems of this people, and invention
is the characteriſtic of genius.
VOL. I.
H
From
98 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
From henceforward the whole method of the
war was changed, the Spaniards grew every
day more and more ſtreightened for proviſions ;
and whenever they fallied out, though they flew
great numbers of their opponents, the many
canals of the city, and barricado behind barri-
cado, after ſome ſucceſsful progreſs, obliged
them, vanquiſhed by mere wearineſs, to return
without effect to their quarters. The Spa-
niards, invincible by the Indian arms, were not
proof againſt famine. Cortes ſaw that nothing
was left for his ſecurity, but as ſpeedy a retreat
as poſſible ; and though this muſt neceſſarily
loſe them the moſt conſiderable part of the
treaſure they had amaſſed, it was what leaſt
afflicted him. He encouraged his troops, by
chearfully relinquiſhing his own part, not to
attempt burthening themſelves with a treaſure
which they might conſider as lying at an ad-
vantageous intereſt, until they ſhould, as they
certainly would, be enabled to return with a
fufficient force to reclaim it.
The reſolution of retreating being now ta-
ken, and all things diſpoſed for it, a queſtion
aroſe, whether it were better made by day or
in the night. On this the council of war was
divided ; and their reaſons ſeeming pretty
equal, a perfon among them, a ſort of aſtrolo-
ger, who paſſed for a prophet, and as ſuch was
much reſpected by the greater part of the ar-
my, promiſed them certain ſucceſs if they re-
treated
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
99
van.
treated by night. Certain it is, that when
meaſures are dubious, ſuperſtitious determina-
tions have great uſe; for as reaſon cannot eaſily
determine the right way, that method which
ſuperſtition fixes upon it, by the weight it has
from thence, purſued with the greater chear-
fulneſs and effect.
Thegeneral was guided by the prophet, and
he diſpoſed every thing for his retreat with
great judgment. He cauſed the uſual fires to
be lighted in every part of his quarters. Some
of his boldeſt and moſt active men led the
The priſoners, artillery, and heavy
baggage were in the center. He himſelf, with
one hundred of his choiceſt troops, formed
With wonderful order and ſilence,
and without any interruption, did the Spa-
niards march until they came to the firſt breach
in the cauſeway. Here a portable wooden
bridge, which Cortes had prepared, was laid
over; but when the artillery and horſes had
paſſed, it was wedged ſo cloſely into the
ſtones that bordered the cauſeway, that it
could not be removed, and there was yet ano-
ther breach. But they were ſoon called from
attending to this by a more preſſing danger;
for, as nothing could elude the vigilance of the
new emperor, he found out their intention
of retreating, and diſpoſed all along the fides
of the cauſeway an infinite multitude of ca-
noes, with orders to preſerve the greateſt fi-
H 2
lence,
the rear.
100 An Account of the EUROPEAN
lence, and not to attempt any thing until a
fignal was given. The darkneſs of the night
favoured the ſcheme. And now, perceiving
that the Spaniards were under fome embarraff-
ment, the Mexicans took this advantage, and
all at once, with great order, poured in their
arrows; raiſing at the ſame time a moſt tre-
mendous fhout, ſwelled with the barbarous
found of all their martial inſtruments of mu-
ſic. The Spaniards were not wanting to
themſelves, but behaved with ſignal bravery.
It were needleſs, and almoſt impoſſible, to
relate all the deſtruction of that horrid night.
The Indians at firſt attacked in good order,
but the firſt ranks being repulſed, and the
diſtant canoes preſſing on to action, the whole
attack was thrown into confuſion. The In-
dians drowned or ſlaughtered one another :
however, they ſtill preſſed on with untame-
able fury. Thouſands, impatient of the delay
their remote ſituation cauſed them, leapt from
their canoes, and, climbing up the cauſeway
in the front where it was interrupted, broke
in upon the Spaniards, with a torrent hardly
reſiſtible. In vain this naked multitude was
hacked to pieces by the Spaniſh ſwords, in
vain were they tumbled upon one another by
hundreds into the lake ; new warriors ſuc-
ceeded thoſe that were killed, and the Spa-
niards, actually wearied out, were in danger
of being wholly cut off; when, making one
vigorous
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
IOI
vigorous effort in the front, they happily
cleared that poſt, and by a beam which they
caſually met, they paſſed over one by one ;
or as ſome ſay, filling the intervals with the
dead bodies of their enemies, they gained the
main land. Cortes came over with the firſt,
for in the confuſion of the night, their for-
mer order was in a good meaſure loft, and
took care as faſt as his men got over to form
them, in order to ſecure the paſſage for the
reſt.
Then returning to thofe who were be-
hind, by his preſence and example, he ani-
mated them to renew the fight, and drawing
up a part of his men on both ſides of the
cauſeway, he ordered the reſt to file off from
the center In this manner the firſt light
ſaw the Spaniards clear out of the city. Cor-
tes halted at a ſmall diſtance, that thoſe
whom the confuſion and the night had dif-
perſed, might have an opportunity of rejoin-
ing the reſt of the army.
Happily they were not purſued ; for as foon
as the dawning light unveiled the field of
battle to the Mexicans, the poſſeſſion of which
they bought by ſuch a profuſion of their
own blood, they perceived among the slain
two ſons of Montezuma. Theſe were a-
mongſt the priſoners, and were pierced by
the arrows of the Mexicans in the promiſcuous
and undiſtinguiſhed carnage of the prece-
ding night. For ſome time they were con-
Н
founded
IO2
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
founded and ſtruck dumb with horror at this
fight; their ſentiments of loyalty returned ;
their monarch, almoſt their god, lately pro-
faned by their own violence ! now their hands
imbrued in the blood of his children! A
general deadneſs and conſternation enſued.
They muſt not add to their impiety by ne-
glecting the obſequies due to the deceaſed. In
the mean time the Spaniards, favoured by
this circumſtance, purſued their retreat with-
out moleſtation. But this ſecurity laſted a
ſhort time : all the allies of the Mexicans, al-
ready in arms and divided into ſeveral flying
parties, hung over the army of Cortes, and
harraſſed it without intermiffion; they attack-
ed him in front, in rear, in flank, by open
force, by ambuſcade, by ſurprize. Proviſion
grew extremely ſcarce on his march ; and
now it was that Cortes ſhewed a firmneſs un-
der his loffes, a vigilance againſt inceſſant at-
tacks ſo various in time and manner, and a
courage which enabled him to repulſe them,
which have been exceeded by nothing in
hiſtory.
The principal army of the Mexicans, whilſt
he contended with ſuch difficulties from the
flying parties, took another route, and pour-
ing in three columns into a plain, where their
number might be of moſt avail, they covered
the whole of an extended valley, which lay
directly in his road to Tlaſcala : this was called
the
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA'.
103
the valley of Otumba. They concealed their
purpoſes with all imaginable care. To blind
the Spaniards, they ordered feveral villages to
give them a friendly reception. But Cortes
did not ſuffer this to relax his vigilance, not
allowing himſelf to be deceived by any ap-
pearances of friendſhip ſhewn by men, whofe
intereſt it was not to be his friends ; convin-
ced, as he was, that a ſurprize of all things was
indeed very prejudicial to the affairs of a ge-
neral, but that it was mortal to his reputa-
tion. He drew indications of their fenti-
ments towards him, from the manners, the
geſtures, and the countenances of thoſe he
treated with in his march; and, perceiving that
many ſhewed unuſual figns of content and ex*
ultation, he judged, not without reafon, that it
could not be favourable to him. He therefore
diſpoſed every thing in ſuch a manner as that
his troops were neither diſordered, nor his
courage abated, when from an eminence they
diſcovered the extended plains of Otumba
darkened as far as the eye could reach with
the myriads of their enemies. The Spaniards,
animated by their ſuperiority in arms and
their former victories, and the Tlaſcalans, by
the preſence of ſuch allies and their hatred of
the Mexican name, behaved with
great
bravery and fuccefs ; neither were the Mexi-
cans inferior in animoſity and courage. But
it was Cortes himſelf who determined the
fortune
H 4
104 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
fortune of the day, Nothing he ever heard
was either forgot, or ſuffered to be an uſeleſs
burthen upon his memory. He remembered
to have heard from the Mexicans, that the
fortune of the field with them ever followed
that of the royal ſtandard. This was a net
of gold, elevated on a gilded ſtaff, and ſplen-
did with plumes of a thouſand colours. Great
exigencies alone brought it into the field, and
it was entruſted to none but the care of the
general, who ſat on a chair ſumptuouſly a-
dorned, and ſupported on men's ſhoulders in
the center of the armies, to view the whole
battle, to be a witneſs of the behaviour of all
his troops, and to give orders as the occaſion
required. Cortes, pretending to make his
principal effort in a quarter remote from the
ſtandard, employed all his foot in that ſervice;
but, heading the horſe himſelf with ſome of
his braveſt officers, informing them of his
deſign, and animating them with the hopes
of a ſpeedy deciſion, he flung himſelf with
fury againſt the part that ſeemed leaſt diſtant
from the center. After diſperſing and over-
turning whole battalions, they penetrated to
the choſen body of nobles, who guarded the
general and ſtandard. Here the reſiſtance was
greater, but it was ſoon overcome, and Cor-
tes's own lance met the general, who was
overthrown, and the ſtandard taken. All the
other ſtandards were ftruck directly, and the
Mexicans
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
105
Mexicans fled every way which their fear and
confufion hurried them. They loſt twenty
thouſand men in this battle, and a ſpoil infi-
nite. This victory gave Cortes an undiſturb
ed paſſage to Tlafcala, and a welcome recep-
tion amongſt his allies there.
CH A P. XIII.
Spaniards fent againſt Cortes join him. He
marches again to Mexico. A conſpiracy a-
gainſt his life baffled.
L
ET us now turn our eyes to Mexico.
No ſooner were the Spaniards departed,
than Guatimozin ordered the city to be forti-
fied in ſuch a manner as to ſecure himſelf
againſt their entrance a third time. He found
that a thouſand Tlafcalans were killed in this
retreat, upwards of two hundred Spaniards
(the greateſt loſs they had yet in America,) and
a great number of horſes. He cut off the
heads of the Spaniards, and of their horſes, no
leſs dreaded, and ſent them to all the neigh-
bouring nations, as an infallible token of his
victory; as a fure proof that he was reſolved
to keep no meaſures with the enemy, and to
ſtir them up to their utter deſtruction. He
ſucceeded ſo well, that numberleſs petty na-
tions, well inclined to the Spaniards, fell off,
3
and
106 An Account of the EUROPEAN
and many that were wavering were confirmed
in the Mexican intereſt. By this means feve-
ral adventurers, that from the fame of Cortes
had landed to join him, were cut to pieces be-
fore they gained his army. But the negoti-
ation to which Guatimozin bent all his force,
was that with Tlaſcala, becauſe this was Cor-
tes's chief ſtrength. He ſent large preſents,
and ambaſſadors of ability, with excellent in-
ſtructions, to detach them from the Spaniſh
intereſt; who executed their commiffion fo
well, that they cauſed a great diviſion in their
favour in the councils of that republic. But
Cortes, making his military exploits ſubſervient
to his negotiations, and his ſkill in negotiation
aſſiſtant to his exploits, baffled them at length
with great addreſs, but not without great dif-
ficulty; and the Tlafcalans were confirmed in
his friendſhip.
Whilſt a general has an obedient and well
united army, he has an engine in proper order
to work in his deſigns, and he can then exe-
cute them with eaſe ; but the greateſt trial of
his capacity is to defend himfelf againſt a fo-
reign enemy, and wreſtle with a domeſtic fe-
dition at the fame time. The foldiers of Nar-
vaez, fince Cortes's return from Mexico, where
they were obliged to leave fo confiderable a
part of their booty, now hopeleſs of the expe-
dition, began to mutiny, and demanded to be
fent home directly to Cuba; nor were his other
3
troops
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
107
troops free from fome part of the infection.
Whatever could be done by preſerving them
in action, without too great a fatigue; what-
ever a ſeaſonable yielding, without forfeiting
authority; in ſhort, whatever an able com-
mander could do in ſuch circumſtances; was
done by Cortes, without any other effect than
that of palliating the diſeaſe ;
the indiſpoſition
ftill continued.
Whilft he ſtruggled with theſe difficulties,
which nearly overpowered him, his old ene-
my, James Velaſquez, looking on the ſucceſs
of Narvaez's expedition as a thing certain,
fent a ſhip to get intelligence of his proceed-
ings, and about thirty men to reinforce him.
The perſon who commanded at the
Cortes, no ſooner ſaw the ſhip in the offing
than he went on board her ; and, upon the cap-
tain's enquiry after Narvaez, he aſſured him
he was well, and as ſucceſsful as he could
with. Not doubting this, the captain and his
men landed, and were immediately made pri-
foners. Finding how affairs were really cir-
cumſtanced, they admired the conqueror,
commended the ſtratagem, and chearfully
joined the army.
Much about the ſame time the governor of
Jamaica, and he too a determined enemy of
Cortes, ſent three ſhips with a ſmall body of
troops, in hopes of tearing from him fome
part of his conqueſts. Theſe fhips were dif-
perſed
port for
108 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
3
perſed in a ſtorm, and were involved in many
difficulties; but, what is fingular, they all,
though ſeparated, came to one and the ſame
reſolution, which was, to revolt from the com-
mander and join Cortes the moment they
came on ſhore : ſo that the enemies of Cortes
now no leſs than three times relieved him, by
the very methods which they took to diſtreſs
his affairs. Theſe advantages, though im-
proved to the utmoſt by Cortes, were certainly
not at all the reſult of his contrivance. There
is a ſpecies of a ſplendid good fortune neceſſary
to form an hero, to give a luſtre to his wiſdom
and courage, aud to create that confidence
and ſuperiority in him that nothing elſe can
give, but which always makes a principal part
of an heroic character. Without this, it is
impoſſible for any man, however qualified, to
emerge. Cortes was not only fortunate, by
being freed from the moſt terrible embarrafl-
ments by the arrival of theſe ſuccours, which
were never intended as ſuch; but much about
the ſame time ſhips arrived from Spain, bring-
ing, on the account of ſome private perſons, a
reinforcement of men and military ſtores ; and
from the court an authentic approbation of
his conduct, and a confirmation of his com-
mand.
Fortified with theſe, he yielded to the mu-
tinous importunities of fuch of his ſoldiers as
were earneſt to depart; and, though he dimi-
niſhed
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
109
niſhed his numbers conſiderably by this ſtep,
he judged it better to have a well-diſciplined
army than a great one, and knew that little
could be expected from men who were dragged
unwillingly to action ; at the ſame time that
their cowardice or fedition would infect the
reſt. After the departure of the mutineers, he
found he had ſtill above nine hundred Spaniſh
foot, eighty-ſix horſe, and eighteen pieces of
cannon. With theſe, and with the aſſiſtance
of a vaſt body of Tlafcalans, and allies of va-
rious nations, whom admiration and fear of
Cortes or hatred to the Mexicans had brought
under his banner, he once more prepared to
attack Mexico, which was the grand object of
his undertakings. The city was ſo advantage-
ouſly ſituated, and he knew at this time ſo well
fortified, that nothing could be done with-
out a force on the lake. To cut off their ſup-
plies, he ordered the materials of twelve bri-
gantines to be got ready, in ſuch a manner as
only to need being put together when they
ſhould arrive at Mexico. Theſe were carried
upon the ſhoulders of his Indian allies. His
route to Mexico cannot be ſo much conſidered
in the light of a march, as a continued train
of ambuſcades and battles, ſome of which
were fought with the moſt numerous armies,
and with circumſtances not ſuited to the bre-
vity of my purpoſe to relate. In all theſe he
was ſucceſsful, though his enemies may be
ſaid
110' An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſaid, with little exaggeration, to have diſputed
with him every foot of ground between Tlaf-
cala and Mexico.
At laſt that city ſhewed itſelf, riſing from
the midſt of a noble lake, ſurrounded with a
number of moſt populous cities, as her atten-
dants
upon every ſide, and all ſubject to her
power. The Spaniards, looking on this as their
goal, revived their courage and forgot the
difficulties of their march ; and the Tlafcalans,
in perfect fury of military delight, wanted the
ſteady hand of Cortes to reſtrain a courage.
which he commended and kept alive by his
example and words, whilſt he moderated its
ardor. Before he began the attack of Mexico,
he ſpent ſome time in reducing all the neigh-
bouring cities from which it might derive any
fuccour. He cut off the aqueducts which ſup-
plied Mexico with water, that of the lake be-
ing brackiſh ; and he got ready his brigantines
with all imaginable diligence, to cut off all re-
lief from that quarter.
Whilft his attention was wholly employed
in the proſecution of the war, an old Spaniard,
who had long ſerved, diſcovered to him a con-
fpiracy of the moſt dangerous nature. Anto-
nio de Vilefana, a private ſoldier, but a man
bold and deſperate in any bad purpoſe, and
fubtle in contriving it, had formed a conſpiracy
with ſeveral others to kill Cortes and the prin-
cipal perſons upon whom he relied, and then to
return
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
III
ز
return to Vera Cruz, from whence they might
eaſily paſs to Cuba, and ſecure their pardon by
the merit they ſhould make of this action
with James Velaſquez. They were urged
to this refolution by the fatigue of thoſe innu-
merable dangers and difficulties they had paff-
ed, and by the deſpair of overcoming thoſe
which yet lay before them ; without confider-
ing that by this wicked action, they muſt ra-
ther produce new difficulties than overcome
the old. Others of more conſequence were
drawn in ; and the conſpiracy had been ſo far
formed, that the time and manner of killing
the general was ſettled, and the perfon fixed,
upon whom they intended to devolve the com-
mand.
When Cortes was appriſed of this conſpi-
racy, without any hurry which might give
notice that he had diſcovered it, yet, without
loſing a moment to take advantage of the dif-
covery, with four or five of his principal cap-
tains, he went directly to the quarters of Vi-
lefana, who, aſtoniſhed at ſeeing him, made
half his confeffion by the fear he diſcovered.
Cortes had him thrown immediately into
irons; and then, ordering every body to retire,
he examined himſelf into all the particulars of
the affair, and the names of the perſons con-
cerned. Vilefana made a full confeſſion, and
ended it by producing a paper in vindication
of their proceeding, which had been ſigned
with
112 An Account of the EUROPEAN
army, he
with the names of all the conſpirators. Cortes
was not a little ſurprized to ſee amongſt them,
the names of perſons upon whom he had great
reliance. However, he diſſembled his con-
cern, and ordered Vilefana to be immediately
executed. He was ſhewn to all the army
hanging by his tent door. Cortes informed
none of the friends he moſt truſted with the
paper he had received; but fummoning the
gave them an account of the horrid
conſpiracy that had been formed againſt his
life ; that he had puniſhed the perſon princi-
pally concerned; but that it was with fatis-
faction he was left ignorant of his accomplices,
by the care the criminal took in deſtroying a
paper, which he believed might have made
great diſcoveries. For his part, as he had
puniſhed, and was reſolved ſeverely to puniſh,
any flagitious attempt againſt his life or autho-
rity, fo he was determined to order both
in ſuch a manner as to give juſt cauſe of com-
plaint to no man; and if by any accident he had
done ſo, he was ready to give him all rea-
ſonable fatisfaction. Proceeding thus, Cortes
had the advantage of knowing who they were
that wilhed him ill; at the ſame time that they
remained unappriſed of the diſcovery he had
made, and endeavoured to prevent it by a more
diligent performance of their duty: he now
appointed a guard upon his perſon.
Hardly
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
113
Hardly hadCortes ſuppreſſed this conſpiracy,
and made the proper uſe of a baffled attempt,
againſt his authority, which was to ſtrengthen
and increaſe it, than a difficulty of ſomething
of a ſimilar nature engaged him, and from
which he extricated himfelf with the ſame
courage and prudence. The general of the
Tlafcalans, envying his glory, and perhaps fear-
ful of the conſequence of the entire deſtruction
of the Mexicans, though enemies to his own
country, perſuaded a conſiderable body of the
people to quit the Spaniſh camp. Cortes im-
mediately ordered him to be purſued. This
general had formerly been an enemy to Cortes,
and oppoſed him in the council of his nation;
but when he ſaw the general current in his
favour, he made a timely change, and came
entirely into his intereſts. He had now re-
lapſed, and was therefore not to be truſted
any
Cortes gave orders to thoſe who
pur-
ſued him to put him to death. The Tlaſca-
lans who revolted were eaſily prevailed upon to
return; and ſo dexterouſly did Cortes repreſent
this affair, that neither the Tlaſcálans in his
army, nor the republic, nor even the fa-
ther himſelf of the general, condemned him
for what he had done.
more.
Vol. I.
I
CH A P.
114 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
TH
was young
CH A P. XIV.
The fiege of Mexico. Terms of accommodation
refuſed by the Mexicans. The Spaniards re-
pulſed by a ſtratagem of Guatimozin. A new
ſtratagem of Guatimozin. He is taken. The
city ſurrenders. Guatimozin fortured. Cor-
tes ſuperſeded in his government. Reflections
on the Spaniſh cruelties.
HESE internal diſorders being com-
poſed, he turned his fortitude and wif-
dom againſt his open enemies.
enemies. Three prin-
cipal cauſeways led to the city, which three
towns or ſuburbs defended upon the ſide of
the continent. Within were trenches and
barricadoes one behind another the whole
length of the way. Cortes ordered three at-
tacks upon theſe towns, and the cauſeways
which they defended. The brigantines acted
upon the water. Through the whole length
of the ſiege, the bravery of the Mexicans, in
was not more remarkable than the ingenuity
by which they baffled the attacks of the Spa-
niards, and attacked them in their turn. On
land, on water, by open force, by ſtratagem,
by every method, they plied each other in-
ceſſantly day and night. But the Spaniards,
invincible under the command of Cortes, had
the
I
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
115
1
the advantage fo far, that with infinite ſlaugh-
ter they gained theſe poſts which ſecured the
cauſeways upon the ſide of the country, at
the ſame time that they cleared the lake ſo,
that a canoe of the enemy did not dare to ap-
pear upon it.
Cortes gained theſe advantages, but he ſaw
how dearly he had bought them; he reflected
how it would tarniſh his glory to deſtroy ſo
beautiful a city, and drench it in the blood of
its unfortunate inhabitants; and, conſidering
what ſupernatural exertions of ſtrength had
been frequently ſhewn by a deſpairing people,
in the laſt convulfive ſtruggle for their reli-
gion, life, and property, he made uſe of the
advantages he had gained to recommend the
terms of accommodation which he reſolved
to fend in to the beſieged. He required no
more than the acknowledgment of the em-
peror of the Romans, and the confirmation
of his right of ſucceeding ceded to him by
Montezuma, and long acknowledged by the
moſt authentic prophecies of the nation, and
ſuch a ſecurity as might ſettle the performance
of this.
Guatimozin, who had done all that bravery
and military ſkill could perform to ſave his
country, finding the means moſt ſuited to his
years and inclinations unſucceſsful, though full
of that noble pride which becomes and ſup-
ports the royal character, was now as willing
I 2
to
116 An ACCOUNT fo the EUROPEAN
a pain
to ſave it by the milder and furer way of
accommodation. But the prieſts, who had
much influence in the council, either fearful
of loſing their power, or through an honeſt,
though blind, zeal, denounced vengeance from
their
gods upon all who could think of ſub-
miſſion, and promiſed a certain ſucceſs to thoſe
who ſtood up in defence of their religion.
They had great weight; and the whole coun-
cil, contrary to the opinion of the emperor,
became unanimousin refuſing all terms. Gua-
timozin, who yielded to the general fenti-
ment with regret, and ſaw the unhappy con-
ſequence but too clearly, reſolved to fall with
the ſame ſpirit that he had lived.
“ Then,
faid he, ſince you are determined to hazard
every thing, prepare to act in a manner wor-
thy of that reſolution. Me, you ſhall never
find wanting to you, or to myſelf. Theſe are
the laſt good terms you are to expect. What-
cver henceforward
you
demand through ne-
ceffity, will be anſwered with pride and cru-
elty. Therefore, henceforward, let no man
preſume to ſpeak of peace, be our exigencies
what they will; the firſt that dares to do it
fhall certainly die; even the prieſts themſelves;
they are moſt concerned to ſupport the oracles
of their gods."
When he had faid this, with a ſtern and
determined countenance, he went out of the
aſſembly, and ordered the whole city under
arms.
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
117
arms. Cortes, on the other ſide, as ſoon as
he found that his propoſals were rejected, laid
aſide all thoughts but thoſe of violence, and
commanded a general affault to be made at
the three cauſeways all at once, and to carry
fire and ſword into the heart of the city. He
commanded himſelf in the principal attack.
The cauſeway was broke down before him,
and the breach formed a ditch of fixty feet
wide. On the other ſide appeared a fortifica-
tion of earth and planks.
He ordered the
brigantines to the ſide of the cauſeway, to
favour the attack, and directing his cannon
againſt the fortification, made fo furious a fire
that it was ſoon demoliſhed; and the defen--
ders, galled by the inceſſant ſhot, which made
a moſt terrible havock, could maintain the poſt
no longer. Cortes, under the fire of his
cannon and with the help of his brigantines,
paſſed over the ditch, and loft no time to pof-
ſeſs himſelf of the other ſide, leaving one of
his captains with a detachment to fill it up,
and ſecure a retreat, in caſe it ſhould be found
neceſſary. Then he advanced to attack the
remaining barricadoes of the Mexicans, who
made a brave defence. The battle raged fu-
rioully, and as the Spaniards gained ground,
their dangers and loſſes grew every moment
greater. They had now advanced amongſt
the buildings, from whence they were oppreſ-
fed with a mixt ſtorm of darts, arrows, ſtones,
I 3
and
118 An Account of the EUROPEAN
and boiling water. Before them ſtood a cho-
ſen body of the Mexican ſoldiers, who made
a refolute ſtand. During this conflict, the
captain who had been poſted to fill up the
ditch, thinking it an inglorious employment
to be employed as a pioneer whilſt his com-
panions were in ſuch hot action, advanced
with all his men, and deſerted the neceſſary
work he was employed in.
No ſooner had Guatimozin, whoſe eyes
were every where, perceived this motion, than
he took advantage of it. He ordered thoſe
who were in the front of the Spaniards to
flacken their efforts ; for, as night came on
faſt, he thought it better to allow the enemy
to gain ſome ground, that he might fall on
them with more advantage in their retreat.
Cortes as quickly perceived this flackneſs, and
the cauſe which produced it. He found that
the breach of the cauſeway was abandoned,
that night approached, and that there was
little hope of a lodgment in the city at that
tinie. He therefore began to retreat in the
beſt order he could, ſetting fire to the houſes,
that he might not be incommoded by them
in his next attack. But ſcarcely was the re-
treat begun, when their ears were alarmed by
the dreary ſound of the ſacred trumpet, ſo
called becauſe it was permitted to the prieſts
alone to found it; and that only when they
animated the people on the part of their gods.
The
::
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
119
The ſound was doleful,continued, and ſtrong,
inſpiring a contempt of death, and a dark re-
ligious fury. Immediately enſued a horrid
cry, which reſounded from all parts; and
this was followed by an attack of more than
common rage upon the arrear of the Spaniards,
which was broke entirely, after a gallant and
bloody ſtand. All order was now loft. The
general's commands were drowned in the
cry
and tumult of the fight; the Tlaſcalans, who
were in the front, threw themſelves precipi-
tately into the trench; fome made a fruitleſs op-
poſition, others attempted to gain the brigan-
tines, whilſt the Mexicans on ſhore, in canoes,
wading or ſwimming, upon every ſide, af-
ſaulted and ſlaughtered them with the moſthor-
rid cries, and a rage almoſt inconceivable.
With difficulty Cortes and ſome of his troops
eſcaped on board the brigantines, wounded
and defeated. A thouſand Tlafcalans lay dead
upon the cauſeway, many Spaniards, and ſcarce
any eſcaped without a wound. What was the
ſaddeſt circumſtance of all, forty were taken
priſoners, of whoſe deſtiny there was no doubt
The other attacks had no better ſucceſs,
though in them the loſs was not ſo conſiderable.
The officer, whoſe imprudence had occaſioned
this misfortune, came to Cortes, with tears
acknowledging his crime, and defiring to waih
it out with his blood; but Cortes, though
rigid in his diſcipline, ſaw that this was no
time
I 4
1 20
An Account of the EUROPEAN
time to diſpirit the army with examples of
ſeverity.
Night came on ; but it brought no reſt to
the afflicted Spaniards, ſince darkneſs could
not conceal from them the triumph of the
Mexicans, and the fate of their friends. They
ſaw the whole city ſhining with lights, and
heard it reſounding with the diffonance of bar-
barous muſic, and all the marks of an horrid
joy. So great were the fires and illuminations,
that they could ſee diſtinctly the men in mo-
tion, and all things preparing for the death of
the priſoners, attended with the mortifying
circumſtance, that they were to be facrificed
to their falſe gods. Cortes, in the midſt of
all theſe calamitous circumſtances, which lay
heavy about his heart, aſſumed an air of tran-
quillity, endeavouring to comfort his ſoldiers
with the hope of a timely revenge, and ta-
king all neceſſary care that they ſhould not be
attacked unawares. This care was neceſſary;
for, before morning appeared, the Mexicans,
elated with their late victory, and under the
auſpices of thoſe gods whom they believed they
had rendered propitious by the human blood
which waſhed their altars, and animated by
the ſound of the conſecrated trumpet, ſallied
out to attack the Spaniards in their quarters.
The attack was violent, but repelled at length
with an incredible ſlaughter of the Mexicans,
Guati-
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
I 21
Guatimozin was not diſheartened. Hepre-
pared for new aſſaults, and had his ruined
works repaired, to endure thoſe aſſaults which
ſhould be made againſt himſelf. Not relying
ſolely on force, he ſpread a report amongſt all
the neighbouring nations that Cortes was
killed ; to them he ſent the heads of the Spa-
niards, who had been ſacrificed, informing
them, that the god of war, appeaſed by a fa-
crifice ſo agreeable to him, had audibly de-
clared in favour of the Mexicans, threatened
vengeance on thoſe who reſiſted them, and
foretold that in eight days time the Spaniards
ſhould be all deſtroyed. The credit of this
oracle amongſt all the Indians, and the deter-
minate time aſcertained for its completion,
gave it the air of truth; for falſehood delights
in general terms and equivocations, whereas
the preciſe manner of ſpeaking truth, is one
of the marks by which we gueſs at it. In fact,
this ſtratagem had its effect; many tribes of
Indians, who were upon the point of joining
Cortes, embraced the Mexican intereſt; the
more prudent ſuſpended their reſolution ; but
Guatimozin did not want emiffaries even in
the Spaniſh camp, who terrified the Indian
allies with this prophecy. Even the Tlaſca-
lans were upon the point of deſerting him,
when Cortes counteracted this ſtratagem in
the wiſeft manner poſſible. He reſolved to
ſuſpend all manner of operations againſt the
city
I
I22 An Account of the European
city for theſe eight days, to demonſtrate the
falſity of this oracle, and to hinder it from
being ever again uſed as an inſtrument to work
upon the credulity of his confederates. He
prevailed upon the Tlaſcalans to wait the de-
termination. In the mean time he ſtrongly
fortified his camp.
Guatimozin was ſenſible that the effect of
his policy muſt be weakened every day, and
with that idea employed every hour of the day
or night to aſſault Cortes's camp, but always
with ill ſucceſs. This great commander was
always on his guard ; and his troops, advan-
tageouſly poſted, bid defiance to everything
of an Indian attack. At laſt the eight days
expired, and with them the terror of the con-
federate Indians. The ſtratagem now opera-
ted as powerfully againſt thoſe who contrived
it, inſomuch that all the neighbouring nations,
before ſuſpended by the uncertain event of
theſe mighty ſtruggles, declared in favour of
Cortes, who by this fortunate turn in a little
time found himſelf at the head of two hun-
dred thouſand men. This was the laſt hope
of the Mexicans. All that followed was only
the departing agony of that ſtate. The city
was aſſaulted with redoubled vigour, and now,
reduced by flaughters, fatigue, and famine,
the Mexicans ſaw the ſuperior ſtar of Cortes
gain the aſcendant. The town was penetrated
upon all fides, yet the beſieged defended every
ſtreet;
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
123
Itreet ; and their inceffant ſhowers of darts and
ſtones from the tops of the houſes, made the
progreſs of the beſiegers flow and bloody. In
this extremity, Guatimozin did every thing
that could juſtify the hopes of the Mexicans
when they called him to the throne, everything
that was worthy of one reſolved to die a
king. But when he found that all hope of dif-
lodging the enemy was utterly at an end, his
troops half famiſhed, exhauſted in numbers
and in ſtrength, and no part tenable, he de-
termined to leave the city to obtain the beſt
terms it could from the conquerors, and to
ſeek himſelf a more proſperous opportunity
at a diſtance. For this purpoſe he renewed
the treaty with the Spaniards, and took the
opportunity of this ceſſation of arms to put
himſelf and his family, with ſome of the braveſt
and moſt faithful of his nobility, on board
ſome periaguas, attempting to eſcape to the
continent; but Cortes, apprehending this very
thing, ſtationed his fleet in ſuch a manner,
that he was intercepted, and foon out of a
condition of making any defence. He went
on board the Spaniſh commander, with an
air of dignity and compoſure, betraying nei-
ther fear nor ſurprize, and deſired no favour,
but that the honour of his wife and her at
tendants might be ſpared. The Spaniſh cap-
tain attended but little to him, endeavouring
to prevent the eſcape of the nobility; but
Gua-
124 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
Guatimozin deſired him not to be anxious about
them. " Not one of theſe men will fly, ſays
he, do not fear it, they are come to die at the
feet of their ſovereign.” The captain, ad-
miring the conſtancy of the man and the fide-
lity of his ſubjects, conducted him to Cortes.
The ruins of the city of Mexico were now
delivered up to Spaniards. With it fell
that empire, and the liberty of all the Indian
nations, which filled that vaſt country now cal-
led New Spain, who either ſlid gradually from
alliance to ſubjection, or defending themſelves
without ſucceſs, were made and treated as
ſlaves.
The curioſity of the reader will doubtleſs
be intereſted to know the fates of the captains
of the conquering and conquered parties in
this war.
For ſome time the treatment of
Guatimozin was ſuch as fitted an unfortunate
brave man, in the hands of thoſe who could
eſtimate virtue by other ſtandards than its for-
tune; and ſuch was his treatment, whilſt the
authority of Cortes was fufficient to protect
him. But the infernal avarice of his troops,
which at once excited and diſgraced their
courage, not ſatisfied with the plunder of this
opulent city, believed that there were ſome
latent treaſures, within the knowledge of the
emperor, which far exceeded all the reſt that
they had yet poſſeſſed. They often folicited
the captive emperor with promiſes and threats
to
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
125
14
to make a diſcovery, but to no purpoſe ; at
laſt a number of villains, Juan de Alderette at
their head, a name deſerving to be remem
bered to its everlaſting infamy, ſeized upon
him, and proceeding to the moſt abominable
cruelty, laid him upon burning coals to ex-
tort a diſcovery of his wealth. But their wick-
edneſs could neither extort a diſcovery of
his wealth, nor the ſatisfaction even of a de-
claration that he had none to diſcover. His
countenance did not betray the leaſt yielding
or weakneſs under the torture ; ſome of his
principal counſellors ſuffered along with him,
and with equal conſtancy At laſt, one of
thoſe unhappy men, overcome by the force
of torments, almoſt ſuperior to human ſtrength,
turned his eyes, fainting with anguiſh, upon
his maſter, and uttered a doleful cry; but
Guatimozin anſwered him only by ſaying,
« Do you think I lie upon roſes?”. The ſuf-
ferer, ſtruck dumb with theſe words and
ſtifling every murmur that might diſhearten
the others or diſturb Guatimozin, expired in
an act of obedience to his prince. This wick-
edneſs was committed without the knowledge
of Cortes. He was no ſooner appriſed of
what was doing, than he ruſhed in upon the
villains, and reſcued their prey, mangled as
it was, from their further fury. However,
this was but a ſhort reſpite. This prince,
conſcious of his own dignity and ſenſible of
the
126 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
the baſe uſage he received, either endeavoured
to ſtir up commotions, or was ſuſpected of
ſuch a deſign; and Cortes, being obliged to
ſubmit the humanity of his nature to the
cruel neceſſity of politics, ordered him to be
executed.
As for Cortes himſelf, neither his great
fuccefs, nor the vaſt treaſures which he ſent
into Spain, could ſecure him from his ene-
mies; by whoſe unwearied zeal for his ruin,
he ſaw himſelf ſuperſeded in the government
of a country, conquered by himſelf with ſo
much toil and danger, and which in any other
hands had never been effected. He died in
Spain, having received a title and ſome other
rewards from Charles the Vth, for whom he
had acquired an empire ; but by his own de-
fire he was carried to Mexico, and buried there.
It was the policy of Spain at that time to give
great encouragement, and extenſive grants, to
all adventurers, but when any great diſcovery
was made, or conqueſt atchieved, they always
fent another to reap the benefit of the firſt
adventurer's labours. This was a policy un-
doubtedly good with regard to one object, the
ſecurity of the conquered country; but, like
all unjuſt policy, it had altogether as ill an
effect another way; the new governors, hun-
and rapacious, and ſcarce conſidering the
Indians as human creatures, murdered vaſt
numbers of them; and, exhauſting them by
an
gry and
.
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
127
Credit not a
an intolerable flavery, in hopes of a ſudden
gain, they depopulated the country in ſuch a
manner, as to abate very much the advantages
which Spain might have derived from ſo ex-
tenſive a conqueft. Cortes himſelf was not
free from the imputation of cruelty; the bi-
ſhop of Chiapa, a good man, who was ſent
purpoſely to make an enquiry into complaints
of this kind, gives a very unfavourable repre-
fentation of his conduct. He accuſes him of
having deſtroyed four millions of people in
New Spain. It is certain, whether by his
connivance or not, but partly by the neceſſity
of war and partly by the avarice and inſo-
lence of the conquerors, vaſt numbers of the
Indians periſhed: but, on the other hand, it
appears that the biſhop of Chiapa was an ene-
my to Cortes ; which, though a good man
little, eſpecially as other hiſtorians differ from
him in this point. Beſides, I am well fatis-
fied that great allowance muſt be made for
exaggerations in the number of inhabitants
theſe countries are faid to have contained.
More populous, I believe, they were than
the entirely uncivilized parts of North or
South America ; but it can hardly be thought
they were ſo full of people as they are repre-
ſented to have been, if we can truſt to any of
the rules by which we uſually judge in this
matter, nor conſequently could they have ſuf-
fered
tutional
128 An Account of the EUROPEAN
fered fuch loffes in fo ſhort a time, without
being utterly depopulated, which certainly
they were not.
Since I am on the ſubject of theſe cruelties,
and ſince they are things fo frequently men-
tioned, I cannot help obſerving, that the ac-
counts are by no means founded upon any to-
lerable methods of calculation, but thrown
down at random in a declamatory way, with a
deſign yet further to blacken the Spaniſh ad-
venturers; men certainly wicked enough,
though repreſented without any heightening
colours. The truth is, that great numbers,
perhaps almoſt as great as are charged, have
really periſhed; but then it was in a ſeries of
years, by being reduced to flavery in the mines
and other laborious occupations, to which the
Americans are of all people by their conſti-
heartened by a ſtate of unpolitical and deſpe-
rate ſlavery, the greateſt enemy in the world
to an increaſe.
There is a notion likewiſe pretty common,
that theſe cruelties were committed partly, if
not wholly, upon a religious account, and at
the inſtigation of the prieſts; but in reality it
was quite otherwiſe. This unfortunate
peo-
ple found their only refuge in the humanity
which yet remained in the clergy, and the
influence they had on the Spaniards ; though
the clergy, who went on theſe adventures,
were
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
129
vernor Over
were generally not the moſt zealous for reli-
gion, and were, as the Spanish clergy commonly
are, ignorant enough, and fo little principled
in the ſpirit of the religion they profeſſed, or
indeed in the nature of the human mind, that
they could boaſt, as a very glorious thing, that
one of them had baptized ſeveral thouſands of
Indians in one day, without the help of any
miracle for their converſion, and with a degree
of good life, which, to ſay the beſt, was no-
thing more than common. But of any mur-
ders committed by them, or at their inſtiga-
tion, I find little or no proof at at all.
C HA P. XV.
6
The ſcheme of Pizarro and Almagro for the con-
queſt of Peru. Tbeir characters. The ſtate
of the empire of Peru at that time. The ta-
king of the yncă Atabalipa.
BES
ESIDES Mexico, there was but one
country in America which in any fort
deſerved the name of a civilized kingdom,
and that was Peru. During the latter part
of
the Mexican war, the Spaniards became ac-
quainted with the fame and wealth of this
country. After Pedraria was appointed go-
tenants reduced all that large tract which is
VOL. I.
K К.
now
130 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
now called Terra-firma, committing barbari-
ties worthy the man under whoſe authority
they acted. Amongft all the adventurers who
acted under his cominiſſion, none have made
themſelves ſo famous as thoſe of whom we are
going to ſpeak.
As if it were deſtined that every thing in
in this new world ſhould be carried on in a new
and extraordinary manner, three citizens of
Panama, private men, and advanced in years, ,
undertook the conqueſt of Peru, a country
known to them only by report, but by the
fame report ſaid to be rich, extenſive, popu-
lous and powerful. The names of theſe ad-
venturers were, Francis Pizarro, Almagro,
and Ferdinand Lucques, a prieſt, and a man
of confiderable fortune. They entered into
this engagement in the moſt folemn manner.
Lucques faid maſs, an oath of mutual fidelity
was plighted, the facrament was divided into
three parts, Lucques took one, and delivered
the other two to his confederates. The firſt
expedition, in conſequence of this confede-
racy, was made under extraordinary difficul-
ties and with very little ſucceſs. Pizarro,
who commanded, ſpent two years in the
ſhort Navigation between Panama and the
Northern extremity of Peru, a voyage now
made frequently in two weeks, fince the
winds and currents are known. He landed,
and found that the wealth of the country was
as
3
SETTLEMENTS in America. 137
as great as he imagined ; and that the refif-
tance he was like to meet in endeavouring to
poffefs himſelf of it, would be full as confi-
derable. This he put to the proof very ear-
ly, by taking the raſh ſtep of attacking the
inhabitants at his firſt landing; and thus let-
ting them fee all at once the worſt of his in-
tentions. The difficulties he met with, and
the refiftance his ill conduct occaſioned in the
country, obliged him to return without effect-
ing any thing conſiderable. But neither he
nor his aſſociates, after fuch a length of time
or ſuch greatneſs of expence, were deterred
from the proſecution of their ſcheme. It was
agreed that Pizarro ſhould go into Spain, to
obtain an exemption from the government of
Pedraria, and to get for themſelves the grant
of whatever they ſhould conquer. Pizarro
(who, though not the monied man, was the
foul of the enterprize) was to be chief go-
vernor, with the property of two hundred
leagues along the fea-coaſt. Almagro they
agreed ſhould be adelantado, or king's lieu-
tenant ; and Lucques, who was a prieſt, was
to be firſt biſhop and protector of the In-
dians. The other profits of the enterprize
were to be equally divided. But as this was
an enterprize of ambitious avarice, there was
little faith obferved. Pizarro folicited.only
his own fuit in Spain, and obtained for him-
felf alone the property of the land, the go-
K 2
vernment,
132 An Account fo the EUROPEAN
:
. 2
vernment, the lieutenançy, every thing which
he was capable as a layman of taking; Alma-
gro was forgot, and to Lucquez was left his
eventual biſhoprick.
On his return, this too early diſcovery of
breach of faith was like to ruin all ; but Pi-
zarro, who knew how to retreat as well as to
advance, yielded up to Almagro every thing he
could reaſonably deſire; and nothing now ob
ſtructed the embarkation, which, after all, did
not exceed one hundred and eighty men.
Before we proceed, it may not be unnecef-
ſary to ſay ſomething of the perſons who had
the conduct of this great undertaking. Francis
Pizarro was the baſtard ſon of a gentleman of
good family. His education was as irregular
as his birth, he could not even read; but then
he had a great deal of that capacity and fit-
neſs for the world, which is obtained by much
ſtruggling in it, and by being early made de-
pendent on a man's own induſtry. Hardened
to life, dextrous in affairs, never ſetting his
heart upon a part of his deſigns whilſt the to-
tal was at ſtake, of a penetrating ſagacity into
the nature of man, artful, bold, diſſembling,
and cruel. Almagro had likewiſe enough of
that deſperate bravery and toughneſs of body
and mind, fo neceſſary in a deſign of this
fort. In their birth there was no conſiderable
difference. Pizarro was a baſtard, Almagro
a foundling. Pizarro owed nothing to edu-
cation;
I
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
133
cation ; Almagro depended wholly upon his
natural parts. But Almagro, bred from his
infancy in the camp, had all the foldierly
qualities, patient, laborious, and temperate ;
far from the craft and diffimulation of Pi-
zarro, he was all openneſs and generoſity,
knew not what avarice was, and his cruelty,
the common diſtemper of all the adventurers
in this
part of the world, was much mitigated
by the intercourſe he had with an Indian
woman, who, by degrees, ſoftened the rigour
of a veteran ſeaſoned to blood, into ſome com-
paſſion to her unhappy countrymen.
The empire of Peru was governed by a race
of kings, which they called yncas. The
twelfth in ſucceſſion was then upon the throne.
The firſt of this race, named Mango Capac,
was a prince of great genius, with that mix-
ture of enthuſiaſm, which fits a man to make
great changes, and to be the tegiſlator of a
forming nation. He obſerved that the peo-
ple of Peru were naturally ſuperſtitious, and
had principally a veneration for the ſun. He
therefore pretended that he was deſcended
from that luminary, whoſe authority he was
deſigned to bear, and whoſe worſhip he was
by that authority to enforce. By this
By this per-
ſuaſion, eaſily received by a credulous
peo-
ple, he brought a large territory under his
juriſdiction ; a larger was ſubdued by his
but he made uſe both of the deceit
and
:
arms;
K 3
134 An Account of the EUROPEAN
pur-
and the force for the moſt laudable
poſes. He united and civilized the diſperſed
and barbarous people; he bent them to laws
and arts; he ſoftened them by the inſtitu-
tions of a benevolent religion ; in ſhort,
there was no part of America in which agri-
culture and the arts were ſo much and ſo well
cultivated, nor where the people were of a
milder nature, and more ingenuous man-
ners, The yncas, deſcended as they jina-
gined, from ſo ſacred an original, were them-
ſelves reſpected as divinities. In none, even
of the Aſiatic countries, was there fo entire
an obedience to the royal authority. But here
it was rather filial than ſlaviſh. As to the
character of the Peruvians themſelves, they
feem to have had a ſtrong reſemblance to the
åncient Egyptians : like them, under a ſky
conſtantly ſerene, they were a people industri-
ous and ingenious ; cultivating the arts, but
without bringing them to perfection ; in-
clined to ſuperſtition, and of a ſoft unwar-
like temper.
The ynca Guaiana Capac having conquered
the province of Quito, which now makes a
part of Spaniſh Peru, to ſecure himſelf in the
poffeffion, married the daughter of the natural
prince of the country. By her he had a ſon
called Atahualpa, or Atabalipa, By a former
inarriage he had a ſon named Hueſcar, heir of
his other dominjons, On his death Hueſcar,
his
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
135
his eldeſt fon, claims his whole dominions,
both hereditary and acquired. Atabalipa, the
youngeſt, without pretending to the reſt,
would keep Quito as his right by the double
title of fon to the conqueror, and to her whoſe
inheritance that kingdom was, fortified beſides
by the will which the dying ynca had made in
his favour. This diſpute kindled a civil war,
which, after ſeveral turns of fortune, ended at
laſt in favour of Atabalipa; he not only routed
his brother's armies and over-run his domi-
nions, but actually held him a priſoner in the
tower of Cuſco.
Such was the face of affairs when the Spa-
niards arrived in Peru, whoſe remarkable ap-
pearance and ſurprizing feats of arms were
every where ſpread about the country, and
cauſed a general alarm. As uſual in frightful
rumours, new ſuperſtitions begin, or old ones
are revived, to encreaſe the confuſion. There
ſubſiſted a tradition amongſt the Peruvians,
that one of their ancient princes had a dream
which he ordered carefully to be recorded.
He imagined that he ſaw a man cloathed all
over, even to his feet, with a long beard, and
leading in his hand an animal, ſuch as he had
never ſeen before; and that at the ſame time
he was clearly informed of the will of the
gods,
, that ſuch a man ſhould rule that coun-
try. A Spaniard, whom Pizarro had ſent
- upon an embafly to Atabalipa, as ſoon as he
К. 4
was
fome oc-
ceflor had foretold, and of the fame divine
136 An Account of the EUROPEAN
was diſcovered leading his horſe upon
caſion that made him diſmount, agreed ſo well
with his dream, that it is incredible how foon
it ſpread into the remoteſt parts of the coun-
try, and with how great a terror it ſtruck the
whole nation.
Atabalipa, newly ſeated upon a precarious
throne, was not the leaſt alarmed at thisevent;
for a new-erected power has every thing to
fear from whatever ſets the people's minds,
ſtill unſettled, upon a new motion. He re-
ſolved, if poſſible, that his enemies ſhould
take no advantage of the arrival of thoſe
ſtrangers, by engaging them by all means to
his own intereſt. He therefore received the
embaſſadors, which Pizarro had ſent, with the
greateſt marks of honour, though their diſ-
courſe, conſiſting itſelf of very impertinent
matter, was very ill interpreted to him, as
was his to them. He even went out to meet
Pizarro with a vaſt number of attendants, to
whom he gave the ſtricteſt charge upon no
account to offer the leaſt injury to the ſtran-
gers, as they were thoſe of whom his prede-
original, children of the ſun. But Pizarro,
who advanced with other notions to the inter-
view, foon convinced him that a contrary
caution was more neceffary. They met near
a celebrated temple, the Spaniards drawn up
in order of battle, and a party in ambuſcade.
This
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
137
This circumſtance leaves us in no doubt as to
the deſign of Pizarro. The firſt perſon who
addreſſed himſelf to the ynca, was father Vin-
cent, a friar, who was not aſhamed to make
his character the inſtrument of fo baſe a crime.
He advanced with a croſs in his hand, and
began a moſt unſeaſonable diſcourſe upon the
birth and miracles of Chriſt, exhorting him
to become a chriſtian, on the pain of eter-
nal puniſhment. Then he ſpoke with equal
eloquence of the emperor of the Romans,
preſſing him with the ſame ſtrength of argu-
ment to become a ſubject to that emperor;
threatening him, in caſe of obſtinacy, that
God would harden his heart as he did Pha-
raoh's, and then punish him with the plagues
of Egypt; with other miſerable ſtuff, worſe
interpreted. The ynca, though utterly aſto-
niſhed at a matter fo unaccountable, behaved
with decency and gravity, telling him, that
he believed that he and his companions were
children of the fun recommended himſelf
and his ſubjects to their protection ; and made
no doubt but they would behave to them in a
manner worthy the offspring of fo beneficient
a deity.
Whilſt theſe diſcourſes continued, the Spa-
niſh ſoldiers, whoſe leaſt buſineſs to Peru was
to liſten to fermons, obſerving a conſiderable
quantity of gold in the neighbouring temple,
had their zeal immediately ſtirred up, and a
party
138
An Account of the EUROPEAN
party of them began to pillage it. The prieſts
made ſome oppoſition. A diſturbance enſu-
ed, and a great noiſe, which fo alarmed our
adventuring apoſtle, that he let fall his croſs
and breviary in his fright, and turned his back
upon his intended profelyte. Thoſe Spaniards
who were not concerned in the pillage ſeeing
him fly, either that they judged the heathens
had offered their prieſt ſome violence, or that
Pizarro made uſe of this ſignal to them to
fall on, immediately drew their ſwords, at-
tacked the guards and attendants of the ynca,
defenceleſs through a religious obedience to
their ſovereign's command, and with every
circumſtance of the inoſt deliberate and ſhock-
ing barbarityllaughtered five thouſand,
which was near the whole number of the In-
dians, who fell without any anxiety for their
own lives, preſſing forward with all the zeal
and officiouſneſs of a moſt heroic loyalty to the
chair of their prince, to expire at his feet;
and as faſt as one ſet of his ſupporters were
fain, the others fucceeded with eagerneſs to
fupply their places, and ſhare their fate. The
ynca at lait was dragged down, and made a
priſoner, by an act of the moſt unparalleled
treachery, executed with a cruelty that has
hardly an example, and can admit of no ex-
cufe. The plunder of his camp, rich beyond
the idea of any European of that time, was
their reward.
The
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
139
was to
The unfortunate prince was not wanting to
himſelf in his captivity. Seeing that his li-
berty had fallen a facrifice to their avarice, he
hoped to relieve himſelf by working upon the
ſame diſpoſition. He began to treat of his
ranſom, and promiſed ſuch ſums as aſtoniſhed
the Spaniards into an agreement; nor was the
performance unequal. On this occaſion, not
only the ancient ornaments and valuable fur-
niture, amaſſed by a long line of magnificent
kings, were brought out, but the hallowed
treaſures of the moſt venerated temples were
given without ſcruple, to ſave him who was
the ſupport of the kingdom and the reli-
gion. Whilſt theſe were preparing, three
Spaniards, who were ſent to Cuſco to ſuper-
intend in the work, had means of conferring
with Hueſcar, who, quickly finding their foi-
ble and the uſe his brother had made of it,
complained bitterly of the injuries he had
ſuffered ; begging the Spaniards, as the patrons
of the oppreſſed, to embrace his cauſe,
pro-
mifing threefold the treaſure for their affil-
fom. He received a very favourable anſwer.
Mean time the Spaniards treated the ynca
with all manner of civility, admitted his at-
tendants to him, but no talk of his liberty,
As ſoon as he had been appriſed of Hueſcar's
negotiation with the Spaniards and Almagro's
arrival with an additional force, he began to
be
140 An Account of the EUROPEAN
be under great apprehenſions. To eaſe him-
ſelf upon one ſide, he ſent immediate orders
to have Hueſcar put to death.
The arrival of Almagro, on the other
hand, cauſed fome embarraſſment in Pizarro's
affairs. This commander, finding that Pi-
zarro had ſeized the ynca with immenſe trea-
ſures, and having already experienced his ill
faith, conſulted with his principal officers
about leaving Pizarro's part to himſelf and
ſeeking their fortune elſewhere. Whilſt this
was in agitation, his ſecretary, moved by
ſome reſentment to his maſter, gave Pizar-
ro notice of the deſign. In an inſtant Pi-
zarro ſaw how diſadvantageous ſuch a ſtep
muſt
prove to him, with fo finall a force, all
reſources at a diſtance, and the country exaf-
perated by the deteſtable action he had
lately committed. He ſaw that all depended
upon removing every ſuſpicion from the
breaſt of Almagro. For this purpoſe, and
as ſomething of an ill mind appeared in his
moſt maſterly actions, he began by facrifi-
cing the ſecretary. He informed Almagro of
his treachery. Next, though gold was the
great object of his undertakings, yet he
knew how to relinquiſh fome part to ſecure
the reſt. He agreed to divide the ſpoil
equally between Almagro and himſelf, and to
make no diſtinction between the ſoldiers of
either in the diſtribution. This made an
3
entire
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
141
entire and hearty reconciliation ; which was
no ſooner concluded than the ynca's ranſom
came in.
But this vaſt treaſure, the capital object of
all their labours and villanies, no fooner came
into their poffeffion, but in its conſequences
it was very near being the utter ruin of their
affairs. It is ſaid, and not improbably, that
the whole exceeded the ſum of one million
five hundred thouſand pounds ſterling, a ſum
vaſt at the preſent time; then it was a pro-
digy. On the dividend, after deducting a
fifth for the emperor, and the ſhares of the
chief commanders and officers, each private
foldier had above two thouſand pounds Eng-
liſh money. They had now made a fortune
even beyond their imaginations, but the fol-
diery was ruined, the greateſt part of the
army infifted upon being diſcharged, that they
might enjoy their fortunes in quiet. This
propoſal ill ſuited with the ambitious views of
the commanders. Almagro'was for proceed-
ing in the uſual way, to enforce obedience by
the ſeverity of military diſcipline; but Pizarro
oppoſed him.
ri Let them go, ſays he, they
cannot do us better ſervice ; here we ſhall
have them mutinous and cowardly ſoldiers, at
home they will act for us as recruiting officers
with great ſucceſs; for when it ſhall be ſeen
that common ſoldiers, of ſo little merit as they,
have made fuch large fortunes, we ſhall not
long
:
142 An Account of the European
long want better men to ſupply their places."
The defire of the ſoldiers was complied with,
and as many as choſe to go, who were no in-
conſiderable number, departed. In due time,
the fagacious prophecy of Pizarro was ac-
compliſhed, and their army never wanted re-
inforcements.
CH A P. XVI.
The murder of the ynca. A diſpute between
Pizarro and Almagro. They were reconciled.
Almagro's expedition to Chili. The Peru-
vians renew the war, and behege Cuſco. Al-
magro returns and defeats them. Almagro
renews the quarrel with Pizarro, but is de
feated and put to death.
IN
N the mean time the unfortunate Atabalipa,
the greatneſs of whoſe ranſom only con-
vinced the Spaniards of the neceſſity of never
releaſing him, endeavoured to take advantage
of his captivity, to know the genius and man-
ners of this people. Amongſt all their ac-
compliſhments, there was nothing he ſo much
admired as the art of reading and writing.
This appeared almoſt incomprehenſible to
him, though he ſaw clearly the uſe of it. He
was at a loſs to know whether he ſhould con-
ſider it as a natural endowment, or as an ac-
quiſition of art. To diſcover this, he one day
deſired
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA 143
and better part of the a
defired a ſoldier to write the name of God
upon his nail : he carried this about the army,
defiring ſeveral to explain it, which they all
did, to his wonder and fatisfaction. At laſt
he ſhewed it to Pizarro, but Pizarro bluſhed,
and could make nothing of it. The ynca
then perceived it was no natural gift, but ow-
ing to education; the want of which he thus
diſcovered in Pizarro, and fighted him for it.
This mortified the general, and his diſguſt,
joined to his natural cruelty and a policy he
thought he ſaw in the proceeding, made him
haften the fate he had ſome time before de
termined for his unhappy priſoner. That no-
thing might be wanting to the boldneſs and
atrociouſneſs of their barbarity, they proceeded
againſt him by way of trial and by the forms
of law.
A charge was exhibited, digeſted under ſem
veral heads. iſt, For being an idolater. 2dly,
For having many concubines. zdly, For waſt-
ing the treaſures of the kingdom, and raiſing
taxes ſince the coming in of the Spaniards.
And laſtly, For the murder of his brother
Hueſcar. An attorney-general was appointed
to manage the accuſation, and an advocate ap-
pointed from amongſt themſelves aſſigned for
his defence. In vain did the more numerous
this proceeding, and lodge an appeal to Spain;
in vain did they alledge their want of power
to
144 An Account of the EUROPEAN
to judge a foreign prince for any crimes, and
the abſurdity of the crimes with which this
prince was charged. Before ſuch judges, and
with ſuch an advocate to defend him, the
ynca was condemned to be burned alive. To
compleat this violation and mockery of all
laws, human and divine, the ſame father Vin- .
cent, who had fo ſignalized himſelf upon a
former occaſion, was ſent to comfort and in-
ſtruct him in his laſt moments. The chief
argument which he uſed to convert him to
chriſtianity was, that, on his embracing the
faith, inſtead of being burned, his ſentence
ſhould be mitigated to ſtrangling. This prince
ſubmitted to baptiſm, and was immediately
ſtrangled in priſon. Pizarro gave the final
ſtroke to his hardened and ſhameleſs villainy,
by giving him a magnificent funeral, and
gos
ing into mourning,
The death of the ynca was no ſooner ſpread
abroad, than the principal nobility at Cuſco
ſet up the brother of Hueſcar; Pizarro ſet
up a ſon of Atabalipa ; and two generals of
the Peruvians ſet up for themſelves. Thus
was this wretched country torn to pieces at
once by foreigners, and by a domeſtic war
amongſt themſelves. Yet ſuch is the
pre-
ference of any ſort of ſpirit rouſed within a
nation, to a lethargic inactivity, that the Pe-
ruvians gained ſome conſiderable advantages
over the Spaniards, even in this diſtracted con-
dition,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
145
dition, and took ſeveral priſoners, amongſt
which was the attorney-general, whom they
put to the death he deſerved without any great
formality. The reſt of the priſoners, as ſoon
as they were informed of their having pro-
teſted againſt the emperor's death, they gene-
rouſly releaſed. Theſe advantages gained by
the Peruvians made the Spaniards liſten to a
treaty; for Pizarro was equally ready at all
times to make a peace, or to break it, as his
affairs required. He made uſe of this interval
to ſettle the Spaniards in the country. It was
now that he laid the foundations of the famous
city of Lima. But as ſoon as he judged him-
ſelf in a condition to proſecute it, he renewed
the war with the Indians, and, after many dif-
ficulties, made himſelf maſter of Cuſco, then
the capital of the empire.
But, whilft he was thus by force and fraud
eſtabliſhing himſelf every where, the whole
fabric of his deſigns was ſhaken by a freſh
diſpute between him and his collegue Almagro.
Theſe commanders had little mutual affection,
and leſs confidence in each other's honour and
integrity; for fimilarity of manners is no
ground of friendſhip, but where the manners
are good in themſelves. Their common ne-
ceſſities, it is true, obliged them for a time
to keep a fair appearance; but each, ſatisfied
of the other's ill intentions, watched an op-
portunity of being before-hand in ſome finifter
VOL. I.
L
advan-
܀
146 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
advantage. New grants and ſupplies had
lately arrived from Spain. Pizarro obtained
two hundred leagues along the fea-coaſt, to
the Southward of his former government.
Almagro had a grant of two hundred more to
the Southward of Pizarro's. Judging, or
pretending he judged, that the wealthy and
important city of Cuſco was not included with-
in Pizarro's grant, he immediately ceaſed to
act in ſubordination to him, and claimed this
city as his property. Pizarro's brother, who
commanded for him, abſolutely refuſed to de-
liver
up the place. Almagro inſiſted on it
with equal obſtinacy; and they were on the
point of deciding the diſpute by the ſword,
when Pizarro, the moment he had notice of
the quarrel, ſet out from Lima, where he was
at that time indiſpoſed, and, notwithſtanding
his infirmity, with incredible expedition ar-
rived at Cuſco. He told his collegue, that he
was not unable nor afraid to ſupport the juſtice
of his claim by arms; but he choſe rather to
convince him by reaſon ; that the ties which
ſubſiſted between them, and their common
neceſſities, would always touch him with
concern when he ſhould be compelled to vio-
lent courſes; which, however they might end
with regard to the competitors, would certainly
be much more in favour of the common ene-
my.
He demonſtrated to him that Cuſco
was indubitably within his (Pizarro's) govern-
ment
:
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
147
ment, and ended in aſſuring him, that, as he
would defend his own right with all his force,
ſo he was equally willing to employ all that
force, with all his treaſure, and all his coun-
fel, and whatever aſſiſtance he could give, to
put Almagro into poſſeſſion of whatever was
really his right; that this lay yet more to the
Southward than Cuſco, and was a country no
way inferior in its riches, and the eaſineſs of
its conqueſt.
terous management, and judicious mixture of
firmneſs and flexibility, made ſuch an impref-
fion upon Almagro, that he was once more re-
conciled; and, adding as many of Pizarro's
troops to his own as he judged neceſſary, he
penetrated with great danger and difficulty into
Chili, loſing many of his men whilſt he paſſed
over mountains of an immenſe height, and al-
ways covered with ſnow. He ſucceeded not-
withſtanding in a good meaſure in his deſigns,
for he reduced a valuable and conſiderable
part
of that country.
There was undoubtedly in the four hundred
leagues which Pizarro had folicited for him-
felf, enough of land to ſupply any reaſonable
ambition, and ſomething to ſpare, to ſecure
the quiet poſſeſſion of the reſt, but his eager-
neſs after a large territory made him blind to
the folly of dividing his troops, and fending
Almagro upon a wild diſtant expeditions and
yet
L 2
148 An Account of the EUROPEAN
yet he conſidered this as a maſter-piece of
policy. A little time, however, convinced
him to the contrary, No ſooner did the
ynca
perceive this diviſion of the Spaniſh troops,
than he deſired leave from Pizarro's brother,
who managed affairs for him at Cuſco, to
affiſt at a folemn feſtival of his nation, which
was to be held at fome distance. This feaft
was in reality a ſort of an aſſembly of the ſtates
of the kingdom. The ynca, having obtained
permiſſion to aſſiſt at it, made uſe of this
op-
portunity to repreſent to his ſubjects, in the
moſt pathetic manner, the miſery to which
the nation was reduced; the ſettlement of the
Spaniards, the cities they had built, the
gar-
riſon they kept at Cuſco, and the guard they
had on his own perſon. That, for their fakes,
he was now reſolved to hazard that perſon,
and every thing that was dear to him; that
now was the time to make the effort with ſuc-
ceſs, when their enemies, divided amongſt
themſelves, had ſeparated in ſearch of other
kingdoms, to ſatisfy an ambition that nothing
could ſatiate. The whole aſſembly united in
theſe ſentiments; they rouſed the country eve-
ry where, and the Spaniards who remained in
Peru were not able to prevent the ynca from
laying fiege to Cuſco, with an army of two
hundred thouſand men. Though the garriſon
under Ferdinand Pizarro conſiſted of no
more than ſeventy men, yet, with their artil-
lery,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
149
lery, the fallies made with their horfe, and
affiſted by the ignorance of the Peruvians in
carrying on a fiege, their defence was as fuc-
ceſsful as it was brave.
News was brought to Almagro of the dan-
gers to which Cuſco was expoſed, and the
univerſal inſurrection of the Peruvians. Rea
linquiſhing his new conqueſts, he haſtened
back to preſerve his old with great expedition;
tho' on his return he ſuffered as much from
drought and heat, as in his progreſs he had
endured from cold. At his approach the In-
dians raiſed the ſiege, and he was joyfully re-
ceived into Cuſco by Ferdinand Pizarro, and
the garriſon, almoſt exhauſted by the length
of the defence.
After all theſe long and laborious marches,
Almagro was extremely fatigued, and thought
it hard, that now in the wane of his life he
ſhould be driven with infinite toil upon new
conqueſts, while Pizarro ſat down at eaſe to
enjoy alone the fruits of their common la-
bours. He reſolved to renew his claim to
Cuſco; he had now a ſort of right to it by
having raiſed the ſiege, and he had a ſtrength
ſufficient to ſupport that right. Ferdinand
and Gonzalo, the two brothers of Pizarro,
making ſome oppoſition, were thrown into pri-
fon, and their little army either joined hiin,
or ſhared the ſame fate.
L 3
Pizarro,
150 An Account of the EUROPEAN
Pizarro, unacquainted with the arrival of
Almagro or the ſtep he had taken, had got
together an army for the relief of Cuſco, who
were near the town before they found they had
an enemy of any other fort than the Indians
to contend with. Almagro, after having tried
in vain to ſeduce their fidelity, engaged and
routed them. On this advantage, his friends
repreſented to him, that now was the happy
hour of his fortune, and that he ought to
employ it to eſtabliſh himſelf beyond all pof-
fibility of being removed. That he ought to
put the Pizarros, his priſoners, to death, and
march directly to Lima, to ſeize upon his ri-
val, who never could be heartily reconciled to
him, and whilſt he remained in poſſeſſion of
the fea-coaſt, could never want means of ma-
king his enmity terrible. Almagro had huma-
nity enough to reject the firſt part of this
counſel, and weakneſs enough not to hearken
to the laſt. If he marched into another's
s go-
vernment, he trembled at the name of a rebel
and, for fear of the name, expoſed himſelf to
fuffer the puniſhment of the thing; not con-
fidering that, having once embrued his hands
in civil blood, he ought never to ſtop till his
end was gained ; that conqueſt alone could
decide the queſtion of their right; and that
he who had the greater force, would have the
beſt means of protection, if he was in the
wrong. Whilſt he deliberated what courſe
to
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
151
ment, the
to take, Gonzalo Pizarro made his eſcape with
an hundred of thofe who were affected to his
cauſe.
It was the intereſt of Pizarro, who found
himſelf in no immediate condition to carry
on the war, yet poffeffed all the means of be-
ing reinforced, to keep matters from coming
to an extremity; it was Almagro's to bring
them to a ſpeedy iſſue ; and, in this knowledge
of the management of time, when to lie by
to gain it, and when to uſe the preſent mo-
great
ſkill in buſineſs, fo little un-
derſtood, depends almoſt entirely. Pizarro
had recourſe to the old way of treaty; he
promiſed largely, he offered a ſea-port, and
agreed to ſubmit the deciſion of all their dif-
putes to the royal audience; but, as a prelimi-
nary, he inſiſted on the releaſe of his brother
Ferdinand. Experienced as Almagro was in
Pizarro's faith, he gave up the only pledge that
could ſecure it. The moment Ferdinand was
releaſed, he was put at the head of the rein-
forcements Pizarro had long expected, and now
received; and, as he was a man of capacity,
he prepared to act with vigour. The treaty
was forgot.
The country which held for Almagro was
ſeparated from that which Pizarro poſſeſſed,
by vaſt mountains paffable only in ſome ſteep
and dangerous defiles. Almagro's counſellors
adviſed him by all means to poft his troops in
ſuch
L 4
152 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſuch a manner as to oppoſe his enemies in
thoſe paſſes; but ſo infatuated was he with
a falſe ſecurity, that he refuſed to ſend any
troops to occupy thoſe important poſts, which
were ſeized by the enemy without the leaſt
oppoſition. He had, however, one reſource
left, and that a good one.
The town of Cuſco
was well fortified, had a good garriſon, and
the enemy was ill provided for carrying on the
fiege. But, as he had prejudiced his affairs
before by dilatory meaſures, he now com-
pletely ruined them by precipitation and teme-
rity. He turned his back upon the advan-
tages of his ſituation, and reſolved, contrary
to the opinion of all his officers, to hazard
his fortune in the field; confident of his own
fuperiority, and full of contempt of the ene-
my, whom he believed to be raw troops. But
he found too late, that they were veterans of
great bravery, and exact diſcipline, The en-
gagement was warm; in which Almagro and
his troops behaved in ſuch a manner as not to
diſgrace their former exploits ; but, after a gal-
lant ſtruggle, they were in the end entirely
defeated. Almagro himſelf was taken pri-
foner, and fell, at the age of ſeventy-three
years, a victim to a raſhneſs ſcarce excuſeable
in a young ſoldier ; but to the laſt degree
blameable in an experienced commander, who,
being ſuppoſed to have long eſtabliſhed his re-
putation for courage beyond all doubt, ought
to
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
153
to model his conduct only by his own expe-
rience, and the circumſtances of the affair in
which he is engaged.
Pizarro, having got the rival who had cau-
ſed him ſo many apprehenſions into his hands,
reſolved to ſhew him no mercy. In ſpite of
Almagro's age, which, as it might remove his
fears, ought to have given room for pity; in
ſpite of their common warfare, their dangers
and triumphs ; in ſpite of every ſentiment of
gratitude for what this unfortunate man had
contributed to his greatneſs, and in ſpite of his
late mercy to his brother; all which were pa-
thetically and ſtrongly urged by Almagro, to
ſuffer an old man, and a priſoner too, after ſo
many fruitleſs toils, to die quietly in his bed ;
Pizarro was deaf to every thing but a barba-
rous policy, which made him ſubmit every vir-
tue to ſecuring the meaneſt part of his deſigns.
Almagro was formally tried, ſentenced, and
then ftrangled in priſon. His body was after-
wards beheaded publicly on a ſcaffold, and for
a long time denied burial. A negro ſlave in-
terred it by ſtealth. Amidſt the pity which
this barbarous execution cauſed, people could
not forbear recollecting the unhappy fate of
Atahualpa, and the ſhare which Almagro had
in it.
C H A P.
154 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
they will certainly deſtroy each other.”.
CH A P. XVII.
A
The final diſperſion of the Peruvian army.
The
conſpiracy againſi Pizarro. He is murdered.
HILST this civil war raged, the ynca
took a very extraordinary reſolution.
He diſbanded his troops and retired to the
mountains; “ Becauſe, fays he, whilſt we are
in arms, their fear of us will be a means of
uniting the Spaniards; but if we diſperſe,
WHILST this
A re-
0
folution this, which at firſt view has fome-
thing maſterly, but it is only when viewed in
ane light. When their natural prince is filed,
the people who muſt be governed may give
the reins of government into the hands of the
enemy. An army once diſperſed is got toge-
ther again with great difficulty; and, on the
other hand, a civil war is by no means a certain
deſtruction to thoſe who are engaged in it: and
indeed, by the reaſon of the thing and by the
event, it was an ill-judged ſtep, the ſcheme of
a barbarous prince, who was far from being a
conſummate politician.
It was very ruinous to the Peruvians, that,
happening to be divided amongſt themſelves
when the Spaniards came in, they ſuffered
them to interfere in their parties; but it was of
yet worſe conſequence that, when the Spaniards
23:
were
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA, 155
일
​felves in the Spaniſh parties. Almagro and
wereafterwards divided, they interfered them-
Pizarro had armies of Indians, by which thoſe
people were habituated to obey them, and to
be intereſted in their ſucceſs; this, joined to
the want of any regular plan of defence on the
part of their king and commanders, ſubdued
that empire to Pizarro with ſmall trouble, if
we conſider the greatneſs of the object, But
having atchieved ſo great a conqueſt, it only
made Pizarro acquainted with
other great tracts
which were rich, and might be added to them.
He followed the tracks of Almagro into Chili,
and reduced a conſiderable part of the country.
Orellana, one of his commanders, paſſed the
Andes, and ſailed down to the mouth of the
river of Amazons ; an immenſe navigation,
which diſcovered a rich and delightful country;
but, as it is moſtly flat, and therefore not
abounding in minerals, the Spaniards then, and
ever ſince, neglected it.
The death of Almagro. and the influence it
had upon the conduct of Pizarro, is a ſtriking
example how neceffary it is for a great man to
have an awe upon him from ſome oppoſition,
that may keep his prudence alive, and teach
him to have a watch upon his paſſions. Not
content with a territory upwards of eight hun-
dred leagues long, and of a prodigious breadth,
riches ſuch as none of the kings of his country
had ever poſſeſſed, a juriſdiction little leſs than
royal,
156 An Account of the EUROPEAN
royal, and an abſolute ſecurity for the extince
tion of the only perſon who had any preten-
fions againſt him, either through a jealouſy
which often haunts the happieſt fortune, or
through a pride which cannot bear even the
appearance of any who had once withſtood his
power, he took a reſolution entirely to cut off
all that had ever adhered to his rival; he did
not know when the iſſue of blood ought to be
ſtopped; nor that examples of ſeverity on a
few, create terror and ſubmiſſion, but that
threats of general deſtruction produce nothing
but deſpair and deſperate reſolutions. He was
not ſatisfied with putting many to death, but
iſſued a proclamation, inhibiting, under the
fame penalty, that'any perſon ſhould harbour,
or even relieve an Almagrian with the neceſ-
faries of life. This party was yet numerous,
though diſperſed and lurking about the coun-
try. The heads of them, finding Pizarro im-
placable, entered into a conſpiracy to murder
him. They did not want adherents in the city,
ſo that they found means of concealing them-
felves until their plot ſhould be ripe for exe-
cution ; but by fome means Pizarro diſcovered
their deſigns, and ſuffered them to know he
had diſcovered them. Alarmed at this infor-
mation, they ſaw nothing could happen but
death at any fide. Twelve of the chiefs march-
ed into the ſtreets at noon-day, with their
fwords drawn, crying out,
3
Long live the
king!
* SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
157
king! but let the traitordie;" and croſſing the
great ſquare of Lima, made directly to Pi-
zarro's palace ; the reſt followed in different
parties. The people all the while ſuſpended,
and in that inactive amazement which the exe-
cution of a bold and ſudden enterprize gene-
rally inſpires, made no oppoſition. The con-
ſpirators ſecured the avenues ; and Pizarro,
not alarmed until he was ſurrounded by his
enemies, fell under their ſwords after having
fold his life dearly.
Thus died Pizarro, by an event extremely
memorable. A great conqueror, in the city
he had himſelf built, in his own palace, a-
midſt his guards, murdered at noon-day by the
hands of a ſmall number of fugitives. The Pe-
ruvians had the ſatisfaction to ſee the ſecond of
their conquerors cut off by the ſame fword that
had afflicted themſelves.
CHAP
158 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
CH A P. XVIII.
:
Young Almagro made governor. The new vice-
roy Vaca di Caſtro arrives. Puts to death
young Almagro. Puts an end to the factions,
and ſettles the province. He is recalled. Gon-
zalo Pizarro raiſes a rebellion, and ufurps the
government. Peter de la Gaſca made viceray.
Defeats the troops of Pizarre, and puts bim
to death.
WHOLE
THEN Pizarro had fallen in confe.
quence of thoſe cruel and ill-judged
fteps which he took for his ſecurity, the Al-
magrians, elate with their ſucceſs, and grow-
ing into a formidable body, ſeized upon the
city, and proclaimed the natural fon of old
Almagro governor ; a youth not twenty years
of age, but of a courage and capacity not ab-
folutely unequal to a charge of ſuch impor-
tance, undertaken in circumſtances fo critical.
But though the Almagrians ſucceeded beyond
their hopes, by the conſternation cauſed by
the ſuddenneſs of the attempt, and the general
diſlike to the cruel procedure of Pizarro the
major part of the Spaniards were far from ac-
quiefcing in this irregular nomination of a go-
A conſiderable number, and thoſe of
the beſt men, declared, that, without interef-
ting themſelves in the quarrel of either party,
they
3
vernor
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
159
they would wait for the emperor's determina-
tion, which they expected hourly, and to
which alone they were reſolved to conform
themſelves.
In this ftate of things the new governor
Vaca di Caſtro arrived. This man was of a
good family, and by profeſſion a lawyer ; but,
through a more rigid adherence to the ſtricteft
idea of right and juſtice than is ſuitable to the
coarſeneſs of practice, he did not make that
figure in his profeſſion to which his great ca-
pacity entitled him. But what kept him back-
ward at the bar, recommended him first to the
knowledge, and afterwards to the eſteem, of
his maſter the emperor Charles the Vth, who
was a man of too much diſcernment not to be
ſtruck with a character fo fingular as was that
of one who was a lawyer without exerciſing
the trade of law, and lived at court without
being a courtier.
Therefore, without any
folicitation of his own, without any recom-
mendation from a miniſter or favourite, this
man's plain unoftentatious virtue placed him
in an employment of fo great a truſt. When
he arrived in the Indies, he ſtill preſerved his
character. He acted like one who came nei-
ther to acquire friends nor fortune, but ſolely
to do his duty; and he ſhewed favour or diſ-
approbation to all in proportion as they per-
formed their's. Indian or Spaniard was en-
tirely alike to the equality of his juſtice. He
3
flattered
160 An Account of the EUROPEAN
flattered nobody, he threatened nobody; and,
whilft he lived with all the modeſty of a pri-
vate man, he ſupported all the dignity of a
governor.
He was hardly landed, when young Alma-
gro ſent him an embaſſy, explaining the rea-
fons of his conduct, and propoſing terms;
but Caſtro anſwered him, that he was come
under the emperor's authority, folely to do
him and every body juſtice, of which, if a
good ſubject, he could have no room to com-
plain ; if a bad one, he muſt prepare to feel
it: he knew no other terms. This was new
language to governors in this part of the world,
who almost forgot they had a ſuperior. Al-
magro
therefore was reſolved to abide the form
tune of war, rather than fubmit without ſuch
terms as might enſure him the government of
his father's province at leaſt. On the other
hand, Caſtro would hear of no terms between
a king and his ſubjects, and therefore ſet
himſelf at the head of his troops, which were
compoſed of thoſe who had refuſed to obey
Almagro, and gave
him battle. The victory
was on his fide, but not without a bloody
diſpute.
Several of Almagro's officers, in hopes of
procuring favour for themſelves, betrayed his
cauſe in the battle; but Caſtro was far from
thinking their treachery to their leader could
be reckoned a ſervice to the crown, and there-
fore
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 161
fore ſpared none of them in the numerous exe-
cutions he found it neceſſary to make on this
occaſion. None of the ſufferers was more
pitied than Almagro, who behaved with the
utmoſt gallantry in the engagement, as he
had done with much humanity and honour
upon moſt occaſions. He was taken and be-
headed.
The ſeverity of this procedure, whilft it
terrified every body, drew no odium upon the
governor, who acted clearly without prejudice
or felf-intereſt. They looked on theſe exe-
cutions like judgments from heaven, which
afflict us bitterly, but leave no room for mur-
mur or complaint againſt the hand that inflicts
them. To the followers of Pizarro, who
valued themſelves on their late fervice, and
murmured that they were not rewarded better
than he thought they deſerved, he Thewed lit-
tle favour. He told them he could well dif-
tinguiſh between what was done out of a ſpirit
of party, and what proceeded from a princi-
ple of loyalty to their ſovereign; that they might
look upon themſelves as very happy that he
ſuffered their laſt action to obliterate the me-
mory of all their others. In ſhort, he pro-
ceeded with ſuch conſtancy, that the Spani-
ards were reduced to an entire ſubjection, and
the Indians treated by them as fellow-ſubjects
and fellow-creatures. The clergy he made to
attend diligently to the duty of their function,
VOL. I.
M
and
int
162 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
and to the converſion of the Indians, rather
than to the acquiſition of their gold. He mo-
delled the adminiſtration of juſtice in the ex-
acteſt manner.
He founded ſeveral towns,
and eſtabliſhed ſchools and colleges in them,
and placed the royal revenues on ſuch a foot-
ing, that the conqueſt of Peru became im-
mediately a great public advantage, which for-
merly was little more than an object of private
plunder. But, whilft he remained himfelf
poor
among ſome of the richeſt confiſcations that
ever were made, and whilſt he enriched the
royal treaſury with moſt prodigious remit-
tances, the great men at court received no pre-
fents. This induced them to get a number of
judges appointed, whoſe authority over-ruled
that of Caſtro. The end was anſwered. Difm
putes aroſe; the colony was unſettled; ap-
peals and complaints innumerable came home,
and preſents from all ſides. But what an-
fwered the preſent end of the courtiers, was
near ſtopping up the ſpring of bribery for the
claſhing juriſdictions and the ſchemes of men
intent upon their own intereſts, it was not hard
for Gonzalo, the brother of the famous Pin
zarro, to avail himſelf of the general diſcontent,
and to ſet himſelf at the head of a party.
It was now no longer a diſpute between go-
vernors about the bounds of their juriſdictions;
Gonzalo Pizarro only paid a nominal ſubmif-
fion
SETTLEMENTS in AMÉRICA.
163
fion to the emperor. He Strengthened daily,
and even went ſo far as to behead a vice-roy
who was ſent to curb him. There was a fleet
at this time in the South-Seas, and he had ad
dreſs enough to gain the admiral to his intereſts;
by which means he was able to over-awe the
coaſt of Mexico, and prevent any force coming
againſt him from that part. He even enter-
tained hopes of gaining the Spaniards in that
kingdom to join in his revolt.
The court, juſtly alarmed at this progreſs,
having felt the ill effect of ſending men who
were recommended to their poſts by impor-
tunity and cabal, as they had experienced the
beneficial conſequences of employing perſons
whoſe character only pleaded for them,
ſent a licentiate in divinity, called Peter de la
Gaſca, a man differing only from Caftro, by
being of a milder and more inſinuating be-
haviour ; but with the ſame love of juſtice,
the ſame greatneſs of ſoul, and the ſame diſ-
intereſted fpirit, This mildneſs of character
ſuited the circumſtances of the times, as well
as the rigid juſtice of Caſtro did thoſe in which
he was appointed; for, as the revolt was now
almoſt general, he could find no friends but
ſuch as he could make; becauſe, though he
was inveſted with the ampleſt authority from
Spain, he neither carried men to enforce it,
nor money; and the whole ſucceſs of the ex-
pedition retted ſolely in his own capacity.
M 2
When
164 An Account of the EUROPEAN
w
4
When he arrived in Mexico, he declared
that his was a peaceable profeſſion; that he
came not to exerciſe ſeverities, but to heal by
gentle meaſures the effects of thoſe which were
formerly exerciſed. He even wrote a very o-
bliging letter to Pizarro, perſuading him to
ſubmit, and offering him a free pardon for him-
ſelf and his aſſociates. In the mean time, he
was not wanting in more vigorous meaſures ;
but, by his engaging addreſs and the reputation
of his probity, raiſed large ſums of money, and
ſome hundreds of men. Pizarro, puffed up
by his ſucceſs, received the ambaſſador with
great haughtineſs, and ſent his anſwer, which
was likewiſe that of his aſſociates, by the ad-
miral; it was, in effect, that neither would he
yield up his government, nor would they ſub-
mit to have
governor. The admiral
had inſtructions to try what bribery would do,
and, if that failed, to fire the city of Panama,
and bring off the new vice-roy priſoner. How-
ever, during their conferences, the affair took
abſolutely another turn, and the admiral, in
ſtead of conveying Gaſca a priſoner to Perug,
tranſported him thither with all his forces, re-
turning to his allegiance himſelf, and perſuad-
ing all his adherents to be hearty in the royal
cauſe. The viceroy did not at all alter the pro-
feffions and behaviour he had uſed in Mexico;
but, every where proclaiming peace and pardon
at the head of a powerful force, he drew the ci-
any other
ties
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 165
:
ties of Lima and Cuſco from the party of Pi-
zárro; who, finding himſelf obliged to eva-
cuate the moſt conſiderable places of ſtrength,
with very unequal forces hazarded a battle, in
which he was made priſoner. He was ſoon af-
ter condemned and executed, with thoſe who
had been the chief inſtruments of his rebel-
lion.
Such an ill ſtar governed all thoſe who had a
ſhare in the reduction of Peru! Almagro be-
headed; his ſon ſharing the ſame fate ; Pizarro
murdered in his own palace; his brother Fer-
dinand kept a priſoner twenty-three years; anda
his other brother Gonzalo, as we have juſt ſeen,
ſuffering death as a traitor. The new governor,
having by neceſſary ſeverities quieted his pro-
vince, took effectual care to heal its diſorders
by the arts of peace, and to complete what Caf-
tro had been obliged to leave unfiniſhed. He
ſettled the civil government, the army, and
the mines, upon ſuch a baſis as made the pro-
vince worthy to be plundered by future vice-
roys. He carried over two millions to the royal
treaſury, paid all his debts, and ſate down as
poor in Spain as he had left it.
The reduction of the great empires of Peru
and Mexico makes almoſt the only thing very
much worth inſiſting upon in the American
hiſtory. A few ſkirmiſhes
A few ſkirmiſhes with a ſavage peo-
ple, and ſome voyages and diſcoveries exactly
reſembling each other, changing only the names
and
M 3
166 An Account of the EUROPEAN
and fituations, is the matter, which, in my
opinion, unprofitably fills ſo many volumes,
and contains very little of either curioſity or
inſtruction. However, when I come to treat
of the ſeveral European fettlements particular-
ly, I ſhall not omit to mention any thing in
their hiſtory that contains either the one or the
other,
End of the FIRST PART.
PART
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
167
PART II.
The Manners of the Americans.
0000c060cdoccoocooocococcoocodococcodocococowocopoceocc000 codo coocados concopocede co0oCoSectos son
CH A P. I.
The perſons of the Americans. Their dreſs and
way of living. Their manner of converſing.
Their hoſpitality. Their temper. Their re-
ligion and ſuperſtitions. Their medicine.
TH
HE Aborigines of America, through-
out the whole extent of the two vaſt
continents which they inhabit, and amongſt
the infinite number of nations and tribes into
which they are divided, differ very little from
each other in their manners and cuſtoms;
and they all form a very ſtriking picture of the
moſt diſtant antiquity. Whoever confiders
the Americans of this day, not only ſtudies
the manners of a remote preſent nation, but
he ſtudies, in fome meaſure, the antiquities
of
M4
.
168 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
of all nations, from which no mean lights
may be thrown upon many parts of the an-
cient authors, both ſacred and profane, The
learned Lafitau has laboured this point with
great ſucceſs, in a work which deſerves to
be read amongſt us much more than I find
it is.
The people of America are tall, and ſtrait
in their liinbs beyond the proportion of moſt
nations; their bodies are ſtrong; but of a ſpe-
cies of ſtrength rather fitted to endure much
hardſhip, than to continue long at any fervile
work, by which they are quickly conſumed ;
it is the ſtrength of a beaſt of prey, rather than
that of a beaſt of burthen. Their bodies and
heads are flattiſh, the effect of art; their fea-
tures are regular, but their countenances
fierce; their hair long, black, lank, and as
ſtrong as that of a horſe. No beards. The
colour of their ſkin a reddiſh brown, admired
amongit them, and improved by the conſtant
uſe of bear's fat and paint,
When the Europeans firſt came into Ame-
rica, they found the people quite naked, ex-
cept thoſe parts, which it is common for the
moſt uncultivated people to conceal. Since
that time they have generally a coarſe blanket
to cover them, which they buy from us. The
whole fashion of their lives is of a piece ;
hardy, poor, and ſqualid; and their education
from their infancy is ſolely directed to fit their
bodies
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 169
bodies for this mode of life, and to form their
minds to inflict and to endure the greateſt evils.
Their only occupations are hunting and war.
Agriculture is left to the women. Merchan-
dize they contemn. When their hunting
ſeaſon is paſt, which they go through with
much patience, and in which they exert great
ingenuity, they paſs the reſt of their time in an
entire indolence. They ſleep half the day in
their huts, they loiter and jeſt among their
friends, and they obſerve no bounds or de-
cency in their eating and drinking Before
we diſcovered them, they had no fpirituous
liquors ; but now, the acquirement of theſe
is what gives a fpur to their induſtry, and
enjoyment to their repofę. This is the prin-
cipal end they purſue in their treaties with
us; and from this they ſuffer inexpreſſible
calamities; for, having once begun to drink,
they can preſerve no meaſures, but continue a
ſucceſſion of drunkenneſs as long as their
means of procuring liquor laſts. In this con-
dition they lie expoſed on the earth to all the
inclemency of the ſeaſons, which waſtes them
by a train of the moſt fatal diſorders ; they
periſh in rivers and marſhes; they tumble into
the fire; they quarrel, and very frequent-
ly murder each other; and, in ſhort, ex-
ceſs in drinking, which with us is rather im-
moral than very deſtructive, amongſt this un-
civilized people, who have not art enough to
guard
170 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
guard againſt the conſequence of their vices,
is a public calamity. The few amongſt them,
who live free from this evil, enjoy the reward
of their temperance in a robuſt and healthy old
age. The diſorders which a complicated lux-
ury has introduced, and ſupports in Europe,
are ſtrangers here.
The character of the Indians is ſtriking.
They are grave even to ſadneſs in their deport-
ment upon any ferious occaſion ; obfervant of
thoſe in company; reſpectful to the old; of a
temper cool and deliberate; by which they
are never in haſte to ſpeak before they have
thought well upon the matter, and are ſure
the perſon who ſpoke before them has finiſhed
all he had to ſay. They have therefore the
greateſt contempt for the vivacity of the Eu-
ropeans, who interrupt each other, and fre-
quently ſpeak all together. Nothing is more
edifying than their behaviour in their public
councils and aſſemblies. Every man there is
heard in his turn, according as his years, his
wiſdom, or his ſervices to his country, have
ranked him. Not a word, not a whiſper,
not a murmur, is heard from the reſt while he
ſpeaks. No indecent condemnation, no ill-
timed applauſe. The younger fort attend for
their inſtruction. Here they learn the hiſtory
of their nation ; here they are inflamed with
the ſongs of thoſe who celebrate the warlike
action of their anceſtors; and here they are
taught
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA, 171
taught what are the intereſts of their country,
and how to purſue them.
There is no people amongſt whom the laws
of hoſpitality are more facred, or executed
with more generoſity and good-will. Their
houſes, their provifion, even their young wo-
men, are not enough to oblige a gueſt. To
thoſe of their own nation they are likewiſe ve-
ry
humane and beneficent. Has any one of
them fucceeded ill in his hunting? has his
harveſt failed ? or is his houſe burned ? He feels
no other effect of his misfortune, than that
it gives him an opportunity to experience the
benevolence and regard of his fellow-citizens,
who for that purpoſe have all things almoſt in
But to the enemies of his country,
or to thoſe who have privately offended,
the American is implacable. He conceals his
ſentiments, he appears reconciled, until by
fome treachery or ſurprize he has an opportu-
nity of executing an horrible revenge. No
length of time is fufficient to allay his refent-
ment; no diſtance of place great enough to
protect the object; he croſſes the ſteepeſt
mountains, he pierces the moſt impracticable
foreſts, and traverſes the moſt hideous bogs
and deferts for ſeveral hundreds of miles, bear-
ing the inclemency of the ſeaſons, the fatigue
of the expedition, the extremes of hunger
and thirſt, with patience and chearfulneſs,
in hopes of ſurprizing his enemy, on whom
3
he
common.
.:
172 An Account of the EUROPEAN
.
as does the chief cauſe
vices
he exerciſes the moſt ſhocking barbarities, even
to the eating of his fleſh. To ſuch extremes
do the Indians puſh their friendſhip or their
enmity ; and ſuch indeed in general is the
character of all ſtrong and uncultivated minds.
Notwithſtanding this ferocity, no people
have their anger, or at leaſt the ſhew of their
anger, more under their command. From
their infancy they are formed with care to
endure ſcoffs, taunts, blows, and every ſort
of inſult patiently, or at leaſt with a com-
pofed countenance. This is one of the prin-
cipal objects of their education. They eſteem
nothing ſo unworthy a man of ſenſe and con-
ftancy, as a peeviſh temper, and a proneneſs
to a ſudden and raſh anger.
And this ſo
far has an affect, that quarrels happen as
rarely amongſt them when they are not in--
of all quarrels, hot and abuſive language.
But human nature is ſuch, that, as virtues
may with proper management be engrafted
upon almoſt all ſorts of vicious paſſions, ſo
tions, and are the conſequence of thoſe re-
gulations, that produce and ſtrengthen them.
This is the reaſon that, when the paſſions
of the Americans are rouſed, being ſhut up,
as it were, and converging into a narrow
point, they become more furious ; they
are
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 173
3
are dark, fullen, treacherous and unappea-
fable.
A people who live by hunting, who inha-
bit mean cottages, and are given to change
the place of their habitation, are ſeldom very
religious. The Americans have ſcarce any
temples. We hear indeed of ſome, and thoſe
extremely magnificent, amongſt the ancient
Mexicans and Peruvians ; but the Mexicans
and Peruvians were comparatively civilized
nations. Thoſe we know at preſent in any
part of America are no way comparable to
them. Some appear to have very little idea
of God. Others entertain better notions
they hold the exiſtence of the Supreme Being,
eternal and incorruptible, who has power
over all. Satisfied with owning this, which
is traditionary amongſt them, they give him
no ſort of worſhip. There are indeed nations
in America, who ſeem to pay fome religious
homage to the ſun and moon; and, as moſt
of them have a notion of ſome inviſible be-
ings, who continually intermeddle in their af-
fairs, they diſcourſe much of demons, nymphs,
fairies, or beings equivalent. They have ce-
remonies too, that ſeem to ſhew they had
once a more regular form of religious wor-
ſhip; for they make a fort of oblation of
their
firſt fruits ; obſerve certain ceremonies at the
full moon ; and have in their feſtivals many
things that very probably came from a religious
origin,
3
174 An Account of the EUROPEAN
origin, though they perform them as things
handed down to them from their anceſtors,
without knowing or enquiring about the rea-
fon. Though without religion, they abound
in fuperſtitions; as it is common for thoſe
to do, whoſe ſubſiſtence depends, like theirs,
upon fortune. Great obſervers of omens and
dreams, and pryers into futurity with great
eagerneſs, they abound in diviners, augurs,
and magicians, whom they rely much
upon
in all affairs that concern them, whether
of health, war, or hunting. Their phyfic,
which may rather be called magic, is en-
tirely in the hands of the prieſts. The fick
are naturally prone to ſuperſtition, and hu-
man help in ſuch caſes is generally found fo
weak, that it is no wonder that, in all coun-
tries and ages, people have amuſed them-
ſelves, in that diſmal circumſtance of human
nature, with the hope of ſupernatural affil-
tance.
Their phyſicians generally treat them, in
whatever diſorder, in the ſame way. That is,
they firſt encloſe them in a narrow cabbin,
in the midſt of which is a ſtone red hot; on
this they throw water, until the patient is well
foaked with the warm vapour and his own
fweat; then they hurry him from the bagnio,
and plunge him ſuddenly into the next river.
This is repeated as often as they judge neceſ-
fary; and by this method extraordinary cures
are
SETTLEMENTS I AMERICA.
175
are ſometimes performed. But it frequently
happens too, that this rude method kills the
patient in the very operation, eſpecially in the
new diſorders brought to them from Europe;
and it is partly owing to this manner of pro-
ceeding, that the ſmall-pox has proved ſo much
more fatal to them than to us. It muſt not be
denied that they have the uſe of ſome fpecifics
of wonderful efficacy; the power of which they
however attribute to the magical ceremonies
with which they are conſtantly adminiſtered.
And it is remarkable, that purely by an ap-
plication of herbs they frequently cure wounds,
which with us refuſe to yield to the moſt judi-
cious methods.
C Η Α Ρ. ΙΙ.
.
The government of the Americans. Their coun-
cils. Their orators. Their feafts. Their man-
ner of adminiſtering juſtice.
L
IBERTY, in its fulleſt extent, is the
darling paſſion of the Americans. To
this they ſacrifice every thing. This is what
makes a life of uncertainty and want ſupport-
able to them; and their education is directed
in ſuch a manner as to cheriſh this diſpoſition
to the utmoſt. They are indulged in all man-
ner of liberty ; they are never upon any ac-
count chaſtiſed with blows, they are rarely
even
176 An Account of the EUROPEAN
even chidden. Reaſon, they ſay, will guide
their children when they come to the uſe of
it; and before that time their faults cannot be
very great : but blows might abate the free
and martial ſpirit which makes the glory of
their people, and might render the ſenſe of
honour duller, by the habit of a ſlaviſh motive
to action. When they are
When they are grown up, they
experience nothing likecommand, dependence,
or ſubordination; even ſtrong perſuaſion is in-
duſtriouſly forborn by thoſe who have influ-
ence amongſt them, as what may look too
like command, and appear a ſort of violence
offered to their will.
On the ſame principle, they know no pu-
niſhment but death. They lay no fines, be-
cauſe they have no way of exacting them
from free men ; and the death, which they
fometimes inflict, is rather a conſequence of
a ſort of war declared againſt a public enemy,
than an act of judicial power executed on a ci-
tizen or ſubject. This free diſpoſition is
general; and, though ſome tribes are found in
America with an head, whom we call a king,
his power is rather perſuaſive than coercive,
and he is reverenced as a father, more than
feared as a monarch. He has no guards, no
priſons, no officers of juſtice. The other
forms, which may be conſidered as a fort of
ariſtocracy, have no more power. This
latter is the more common in North America.
In
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
177
In ſome tribes there are a kind of nobility,
who, when they come to years of diſcretion,
are entitled to a place and vote in the councils
of their nation: the reſt are excluded. But
amongſt the five nations, or Iroquois, the
moſt celebrated commonwealth of North-
America, and in ſome other nations, there is
no other qualification abfolutely neceſſary for
their head men, but age, with experience and
ability in their affairs. However, there is
generally in every tribe fome particular ſtocks
which they reſpect, and who are conſidered
in ſome fort as their chiefs, unleſs they ſhew
themſelves unworthy of that rank; as among
the tribes themſelves there are ſome, who, on
account of their number or bravery, have a
pre-eminence over the reſt, which, as it is
not exacted with pride and infolence, nor
maintained by tyranny on one hand, ſo it is
never diſputed on the other when it is due.
Their great council is compoſed of theſe
heads of tribes and families, with ſuch whoſe
capacity has elevated them to the fame degree
of conſideration. They meetin a houſe, which
they have in each of their towns for the pur-
poſe, upon every folemn occafion, to receive
ambaſſadors, to deliver them an anſwer, to
their traditionary war ſongs, or to com-
memorate their dead.
Theſe councils are
public. Here they propoſe all ſuch matters
concerning the ſtate, as have already been
Vol. I.
N
digeſted
ling
و
the entertainment
178 An Account of the EUROPEAN
digeſted in the ſecret councils, at which none
but the head men affift. Here it is that their
orators are employed, and diſplay thoſe ta-
lents which diſtinguiſh them for eloquence
and knowledge of public buſineſs ; in both of
which ſome of them are adinirable. None
elſe {peak in their public councils; theſe are
their ambaſſadoas, and theſe are the commif-
fioners who are appointed to treat of peace or
alliance with other nations. The chief ſkill
of theſe orators conſiſts in giving an artful
turn to affairs, and in expreſſing their thoughts
in a bold figurative manner, much ſtronger
than we could bear in this part of the world,
and with geitures equally violent, but often
extremely natural aud expreffive.
When
any bufineſs of conſequence is tranſ-
acted, they appoint a feaſt upon the occaſion,
of which almoſt the whole nation partakes.
There are lefſer feaſts upon matters of leſs
general concern, to which none are invited
but they who are engaged in that particular
buſineſs. At theſe feaſts it is againſt all rule
to leave any thing ; ſo that if they cannot
conſume all, what remains is thrown into the
fire; for they look upon fire as a thing facred,
and in all probability theſe feaſts were an-
is ready, the principal perſon begins a ſong,
the ſubject of which is the fabulous or real
hiſtory of their nation, the remarkable events
which
♡
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
179
ſary;
which have happened, and whatever matters
may make for their honour or inſtruction.
The others ſing in their turn. They have
dances too, with which they accompany their
ſongs, chiefly of a martial kind; and no fo-
lemnity or public buſineſs is carried on with-
out ſuch fongs and dances. Every thing is
tranſacted amongſt them with much cere-
mony; which in a barbarous people is neceſ-
for nothing elſe could hinder all their
affairs from going to confuſion; beſides that,
the ceremonies contribute to fix all tranſac-
tions the better in their memory.
To help their memory, they have bits of
ſmall ſhells or beads of different colours,
which have all a different meaning, according
to their colour or arrangement. At the end
of every matter they diſcourſe upon, when
they treat with a foreign ſtate, they deliver
one of theſe belts. If they ſhould omit this
ceremony, what they ſay paſſes for nothing.
Theſe belts are carefully treaſured up in each
town, and they ſerve for the public records of
the nation; and to theſe they occaſionally have
recourſe, when any conteſts happen between
them and their neighbours. Of late, as the
matter of which theſe belts is made is grown
ſcarce, they often give ſome ſkin in the place
of the wampum, for ſo they call theſe beads
in their language, and receive in return pre-
ſents of a more valuable nature; for neither
will
N 2
o the
980 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
will they conſider what our commiſſioners fay
to be of any weight, unleſs ſome preſent ac-
companies each propoſal.
2 The ſame council of their elders which
regulates whatever regards the external poli-
cy of the ſtate, has the charge likewiſe of its
internal peace and order. Their ſuits are few
and quickly decided, having neither property
nor art enough to render them perplexed or
tedious. Criminal matters come before the
fame juriſdiction, when they are fo flagrant
as to become a national concern. In ordinary
caſes, the crime is either revenged or com-
promiſed by the parties concerned. If a mur-
der is committed, the family which has loft
a a relation prepares to retaliate on that of the
offender. They often kill the murderer, and
when this happens, the kindred of the laſt
perſon ſain look upon themſelves to be as
much injured, and think themſelves as much
juſtified in taking vengeance, as if the violence
had not begun amongſt themſelves. But, in
general, things are determined in a more ami-
cable manner. The offender abſents himſelf;
his friends ſend a compliment of condolance
offered, which are rarely refuſed : the head of
the family appears, who in a formal ſpeech
delivers the preſents, which conſiſt often of
above fixty articles, every one of which is
given to cancel fome part of the offence and
to
SeTTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 181
to aſſuage the grief of the ſuffering party.
With the firſt he ſays, “ By this I remove the
hatchet from the wound, and make it fall out
of the hands of him that is prepared to
revenge the injury :" with the ſecond, “I dry
up the blood of that wound;" and ſo on, in
apt figures, taking away one by one all the ill
conſequences of the murder. As uſual, the
whole ends in mutual feaſting, ſongs, and
dances. If the murder is committed by one
of the fame family, or cabbin, that cabbin
has the full right of judgment, without ap-
peal, within itſelf, either to puniſh the guilty
with death, or to pardon him, or to force
him to give ſome recompence to the wife or
children of the ſlain. All this while the ſu-
preme authority of the nation looks on un-
concerned. and never rouſes its ſtrength, nor
exerts the fulneſs of a power more revered
than felt, but upon fome ſignal occaſion.
Then the power ſeems equal to the occaſion.
Every one haſtens to execute the orders of
their fenate; nor ever was any inſtance of dif-
loyalty or rebellion known amongſt this
peo-
ple. Governed as they are by manners, not
by laws; example, education, and the con-
ftant practice of their ceremonies, give them
the moſt tender affection for their country,
and inſpire them with a moſt religious regard
for their conſtitution, and the cuſtoms of
their anceſtors. The want of laws, and of
3
N
an
182 An Account of the EUROPEAN
an univerſal ſtrong coercive power, is not per-
ceived in a narrow fociety, where every man
has his eye upon his neighbour, and where
the whole bent of every thing they do is to
ſtrengthen thoſe natural ties by which fociety
is principally cemented. Family love, rare
amongſt us, is a national virtue amongſt
them, of which all partake.
partake. Friendſhips
there are amongſt them, fit to vie with thoſe
of fabulous antiquity; and were ſuch friend-
ſhips are ſeen to grow, the families concerned
congratulate themſelves as upon an acquiſition,
that promiſes to them a mutual ſtrength, and
to their nation the greateſt honour and ad-
vantage.
C HA P. III,
Their mournings for their dead. The feaſt of
fouls. The American women, their occupa-
tions. Their marriages and divorces.
TH
THE loſs of any one of their people,
whether by a natural death, or by war,
is lamented by the whole town he belongs
to *. In ſuch circumſtances no buſineſs is
taken in hand, however important, nor any
rejoicing permitted, however intereſting the
OD TO
The towns are ſmall, and, except the affairs of war or ſtatę,
they have no buſineſs to employ them, for the greateſt part of
the year, after the hunting ſeaſon is over.
occaſion,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 183
as
occaſion, until all the pious ceremonies due
to the dead are performed. Theſe are always
diſcharged with the greateſt folemnity. The
dead body is waſhed, anointed, and painted,
death. Then the women lament the loſs
with the moſt bitter cries, and the moſt hide-
ous howling, intermixed with fongs, which
celebrate the great actions of the deceaſed,
and thoſe of his anceſtors. The men mourn
in a leſs extravagant manner.
The whole
village attends the body to the grave, which
is interred, habited in their moit ſumptuous
ornaments. With the body of the deceaſed
are placed his bow and arrows, with what he
valued moſt in his life, and proviſions for the
long journey he is to take: for they hold the
immortality of the ſoul univerſally, but their
idea is groſs. Feaſting attends this, as it
does every folemnity. After the funeral, they
who are nearly allied to the deceaſed con-
ceal themſelves in their huts for a conſide-
rable time, to indulge their grief. The com-
pliments of condolance are never omitted,
nor are preſents wanting upon this occafion.
After ſome time they reviſit the grave; they
renew their ſorrow ; they new clothe the re-
mains of the body, and act over again the
folemnities of the first funeral.
Of all their inſtances of regard to their de-
ceaſed friends, none is ſo itriking as what
they
N 4
184 An Account of the EUROPEAN
they call the feaſt of the dead, or the feaſt of
fouls. The day of this ceremony is appoint-
ed in the council of their chiefs, who give
orders for every thing which may enable
them to celebrate it with pomp and magni-
ficence. The riches of the nation are exhauſted
on this occaſion, and all their ingenuity dif-
played. The neighbouring people are invited
to partake of the feaſt, and to be witneſſes of
the folemnity. At this time, all who have
died ſince the laſt folemn feaft of that kind
are taken out of their graves. Thoſe who
have been interred at the greateſt diſtance
from the villages are diligently fought for,
and brought to this great rendezvous of car-
caſſes. It is not difficult to conceive the hor-
ror of this general dif-interment. I cannot
paint it in a more lively manner than it is
done by Lafitau.
“ Without queſtion, ſays he, the opening
of theſe tombs diſplay one of the moſt ſtrik-
ing ſcenes that can be conceived; this hum-
bling pourtrait of human miſery, in ſo many
images of death, wherein ſhe ſeems to take
a pleaſure to paint herſelf in a thouſand va-
rious ſhapes of horror, in the ſeveral carcaſ
ſes, according to the degree in which corrup-
tion has prevailed over them, or the manner
in which it has attacked them. Some appear
dry and withered ; others have a fort of parch-
ment upon their bones ; fome look as if they
were
SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA. 185
were baked and then ſmoked, without any ap-
pearance of rottenneſs; ſome are juſt turning
towards the point of putrefaction; whilī
others are all fwarming with worms, and
drowned in corruption. I know not which
ought to ſtrike us moſt, the horror of ſo
ſhocking a fight, or the tender piety and af-
fection of theſe poor people towards their de-
parted friends; for nothing deſerves our ad-
miration more, than that eager diligence and
attention with which they diſcharge this me-
lancholy duty of their tenderneſs; gathering
up carefully even the ſmalleſt bones; hand-
ling the carcaſſes, diſguſtful as they are, with
every thing lotheſome; cleanſing them from
the worms, and carrying them upon their
ſhoulders through tireſome journeys of ſeveral
days, without being diſcouraged by their in-
ſupportable ſtench, and without ſuffering any
other emotions to ariſe, than thoſe of regret,
for having loſt perſons who were ſo dear to
them in their lives, and ſo lamented in their
death."
This ſtrange feſtival is the moſt magnificent
and folemn which they have: not only on ac-
count of the great concourſe of natives and
ſtrangers, and of the pompous re-interment
they give to their dead, whom they dreſs in
the fineſt ſkins they can get, after having ex-
poſed them ſome time in this pomp; but for
the games of all kinds which they celebrate
upon
186 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
upon the occafion, in the ſpirit of thoſe which
the antient Greeks and Romans celebrated up-
on ſimilar occaſions.
In this manner do they endeavour to footh the
calamities of life, by the honours they pay their
dead ; honours, which are the more chearfully
beſtowed, becauſe in his turn each man expects
to receive them himſelf. Though amongſt
theſe favage nations this cuſtom is impreſſed
with ſtrong marks of the ferocity of their na-
ture; an honour for the dead, a tender feeling
of their abſence, and a revival of their memory,
are ſome of the moſt excellent inſtruments for
ſmoothing our rugged nature into humanity.
In civilized nations ceremonies are leſs prac .
tiſed, becauſe other inſtruments for the ſame
purpoſes are leſs wanted; but it is certain, a
regard for the dead is ancient and univerſal.
Though the women in America have gene-
rally the laborious part of the economy upon
themſelves, yet they are far from being the
ſlaves they appear, and are not at all ſubject to
the great ſubordination in which they are placed
in countries where they ſeem to be more re-
fpected. On the contrary, all the honours of
the nation are on the ſide of the woman. They
even hold their councils, and have their ſhare
in all deliberations which concern the ſtate ;
nor are they found inferior to the part they act.
Polygamy is practiſed by ſome nations, but it
is not general. In moſt they content themſelves
a
with
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 187
with one wife; but a divorce is admitted, and
for the ſame cauſes that it was allowed amongſt
the Jews, Greeks, and Romans. No nation
of the Americans is without a regular marriage,
in which there are many ceremonies; the
principal of which is, the bride's preſenting
the bridegroom with a plate of their corn.
Incontinent before wedlock, after marriage
the chaſtity of their women is remarkable.
The puniſhment of the adultreſs, as well as
that of theadulterer, is in thehands of the huf-
band himſelf; and it is often ſevere, as inflicted
by one who is at once the party and the judge.
Their marriages are not fruitful, ſeldom pro-
ducing above two or three children, but they
are brought forth with leſs pain than our wo-
men ſuffer upon fuch occafions, and with little
conſequent weakneſs. Probably, that ſevere
life, which both ſexes lead, is not favourable to
procreation. And the habit unmarried women
have of procuring abortions, in which they
rarely fail, makes them the more unfit for bear-
ing children afterwards. This is one of the rea-
ſons of the depopulation of America ; for what-
ever loſſes they ſuffer, either by epidemical
diſeaſes or by war, are repaired flowly.
C H A P.
188 An Account of the EUROPEAN
with a ſcalp of one of its enemies. When
CH A P. 1V.
The Indian manner of preparing for war. Ibe
fongs and dances. Their taking the field.
Their method of diſcovering and attacking the
enemy. Their cruel treatment of their priſo-
ners of war.
LMOST the fole occupation of the
American is war, or ſuch an exerciſe
as qualifies him for it. His whole glory con-
fifts in this, and no man is at all conſidered
until he has increaſed the ſtrength of his
country with a captive, or adorned his houſe
AY
the Antients reſolve upon war, they do not
always declare what nation it is they are de-
termined to attack; that the enemy, upon
whom they really intend to fall, may be off
his guard. Nay, they even ſometimes let
years paſs over without committing any act
of hoſtility, that the vigilance of all may be
unbent by the long continuance of the watch,
and the uncertainty of the danger. In the
mean time they are not idle at home. The
principal captain ſummons the youth of the
town to which he belongs; the war kettle is
ſet on the fire ; the war ſongs and dances
commence; the hatchet is ſent to all the vil-
lages of the fame nation, and to all its allies;
the
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. .
189
the fire catches; the war ſongs are heard in
all parts; and the moſt hideous howlings con-
tinue without intermiſſion day and night over
that whole tract of country. The women add
their cries to thoſe of the men, lamenting
thoſe whom they have either loft in war or by
a natural death, and demanding their places
to be ſupplied from their enemies ; ftimula-
ting the young men by a ſenſe of ſhame, which
women know how to excite in the ſtrongeſt
manner, and can take the beſt advantage of
when excited.
When by theſe, and every other means,
the fury of the nation is raiſed to the greateſt
height, and all long to embrue their hands in
blood, the war captain prepares the feaſt,
which conſiſts of dogs fleſh.
take of this feaſt receive little billets, which
are ſo many engagements which they take to
be faithful to each other, and obedient to
their commander. None are forced to the
war; but when they have accepted this billet,
they are looked upon as liſted, and it is then
death to recede. All the warriors in this aſ
fembly have their faces blackened with char-
coal, intermixed with daſhes and ſtreaks of
vermillion, which give them a moſt horrid
appearance. Their hair is dreſſed up in an
odd manner, with feathers of various kinds.
In this aſſemblv, which is preparatory to their
military expedition, the chief begins the war
3
ſong:
All that par
190 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſong ; which having continued for ſome time,
he raiſes his voice to the higheſt pitch, and,
turning off ſuddenly to a ſort of prayer,
addreſſes himſelf to the god of war, whom
they call Areſkoni : “ I invoke thee, ſays he,
to be favourable to my enterprize! I in-
voke thy care upon me and my family! I in-
voke ye likewiſe, all ye ſpirits and demons
good and evil! All ye that are in the ſkies, ,
or on the earth, or under the earth, to pour
deſtruction upon our enemies, and to return
me and my companions ſafely to our country.
All the warriors join him in this prayer
with
fhouts and acclamations. The captain renews
his ſong, ſtrikes his club againſt the ſtakes of
hiscottage, and begins the war dance, accom-
panied with the thouts of all his companions,
which continue as long as he dances.
The day appointed for their departure be-
arrived, they take leave of their frends
they change their clothes, or whatever move-
ables they have, in token of mutual friend-
fhip; their wives and female relations
before them, and attend at ſome diſtance from
the town. The warriors march out all
dreſt in their fineſt apparel and moſt thowy or-
naments, regularly one after another, for they
never march in rank. The chief walks flow-
ly on before them, ſinging the death ſong,
whilſt the reſt obſerve the moſt profound ſi-
lence. When they come up to their women,
they
ing as
3
go out
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
191
they deliver up to them all their finery, put on
their worſt clothes, and then proceed as their
commander thinks fit.
Their motives for engaging in a war are
rarely thoſe views which excite us to it. They
have no other end but the glory of the victory,
or the benefit of the flaves which it enables
them to add to their nation, or facrifice to
their brutal fury; and it is rare that they take
any pains to give their wars even a colour of
juſtice. It is no way uncommon among them
for the young men to make feaſts of dogs
flesh, and dances, in ſmall parties, in the
midſt of the moſt profound peace. They fall
ſometimes on one nation, and ſometimes on
another, and ſurprize fome of their hunters,
whom they ſcalp and bring home as priſoners.
Their fenators wink at this, or rather encou-
rage it, as it tends to keep up the martial fpi-
rit of their people, inures them to watchfulneſs
and hardſhip, and gives them an early taſte
for blood.
The qualities in an Indian war are vigi-
lance and attention, to give and to avoid a
ſurprize; and patience and ſtrength, to en-
dure the intolerable fatigues and hardſhips
which always attend it. The nations of Ame-
rica are at an immenſe distance from each
other, with a vaſt deſart frontier, and hid in
the bofom of hideous, and almoſt boundleſs
foreſts. Theſe muſt be traverſed before they
meet
3
192 An Account of the EUROPEAN
meet an enemy, who is often at ſuch a dir
tance as might be ſuppoſed to prevent either
quarrel or danger. But, notwithſtanding the
fecrecy of the deſtination of the party that firſt
moves, the enemy has frequent notice of
it, is prepared for the attack, and ready to
take advantage in the ſame manner of the leaſt
want of vigilance in the aggreſſors. Their
whole art of war conſiſts in this : they never
fight in the open field, but upon ſome very
extraordinary occaſions ; not from cowardice,
for they are brave ; but they deſpiſe this me-
thod, as unworthy an able warrior, and as an
affair in which fortune governs more than
prudence. The principal things which help
them to find out their enemies, are the ſmoke
of their fires, which they ſmell at a diſtance
almoſt incredible; and their tracks, in the
diſcovery and diſtinguiſhing of which, they
are poſſeſſed of a ſagacity equally aſtoniſhing :
for they will tell in the footſteps, which to
us would ſeem moſt confuſed, the number of
men that have paſſed, and the length of time
ſince they have paſſed ; they even go fo far
as to diſtinguiſh the ſeveral nations by the dif-
ferent marks of their feet, and to perceive
footſteps, where we could diſtinguiſh nothing
leſs. A mind diligently intent upon one thing,
and exerciſed by long experience, will go
lengths at firſt view ſcarcely credible.
But
Settlements in AmeriCA. 193
But as they who are attacked have the ſame
knowledge, and know how to draw the ſame
advantages from it, their great addreſs is to
baffle each other in theſe points. On the ex-
pedition they light no fire to warm themſelves,
or prepare their victuals, but ſubfift merely on
the miſerable pittance of ſome of their meal
mixed with water'; they lie cloſe to the ground
all day, and march only in night. As they
march in their uſual order in files, he that
cloſes the rear diligently covers his own tracks,
and thoſe of all who preceded him, with
leaves. If any ſtream occurs in their route,
they march in it for a conſiderable way to foil
their purſuers. When they halt to reſt and
refreſh themſelves, ſcouts are ſent out on every
fide to reconnoitre the country, and beat up
every place where they ſuſpect an enemy may
lie perdue. In this manner they often enter
a village, whilſt the ſtrength of the nation is
employed in hunting, and maſſacre all the
helpleſs old men, women, and children, or
make priſoners as many as they can manage,
or have ſtrength enough to be uſeful to their
nation.
They often cut off ſmall parties of men in
their huntings; but when they diſcover an ar-
my of their enemies, their way is to throw
themfelves flat on their faces amongſt the with-
ered leaves, the colour of which their bodies
are painted to reſemble exactly. They gene-
VOL. I.
O
rally
194 An Account of the EUROPEAN
rally let a part paſs unmoleſted; and then, rifing
a little, they take aim, for they are excellent
markſmen, and ſetting up a moſt tremendous
fhout, which they call the war-cry, they pour
a ſtorm of muſquet-bullets upon the enemy;
for they have long ſince laid aſide the uſe of
arrows: the party attacked returns the ſame cry.
Every man in haſte covers himſelf with a tree,
and returns the fire of the adverſe party, as
foon as they raiſe themſelves from the ground
to give the ſecond fire.
After fighting ſome time in this manner, the
party which thinks it has the advantage ruſhes
out of its cover, with ſmall axes in their hands,
which they dart with great addreſs and dexte-
rity; they redouble their cries, intimidating
their enemies with menaces, and encouraging
each other with a boaſtful diſplay of their own
brave actions. Thus being come hand to hand,
the conteſt is foon decided; and the conque-
rors fatiate their ſavage fury with the moſt
Shocking inſults and barbarities to the dead,
biting their fleſh, tearing the ſcalp from their
heads, and wallowing in their blood like wild
beaſts.
The fate of their priſoners is the moſt fe-
vere of all. During the greateſt part of their
journey homewards they ſuffer no injury.
But when they arrive at the territories of the
conquering ſtate, or at thoſe of their allies,
the people from every village meet them, and
think
SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA,
in
195
air
think they ſhew their attachment to their
friends by their barbarous treatment of the
unhappy priſoners ; ſo that when they come
in a terrible manner. The conquerors enter
the town in triumph. The war-captain waits
upon the head-men, and in a low voice gives
them a circumſtantial account of every parti-
cular of the expedition, of the damage the
enemy has ſuffered, and his own loffes in it.
This done, the public orator relates the whole
to the people. Before they yield to the joy
which the victory occaſions, they lament the
friends which they have loſt in the purſuit of it.
The parties moſt nearly concerned are afflicted
apparently with a deep and real forrow. But,
by one of thoſe ſtrange turns of the human
mind, faſhioned to any thing by cuſtom, as
if they were diſciplined in their grief, upon
the ſignal for rejoicing, in a moment all
tears are wiped from their eyes, and they ruſh
into an extravagance and phrenzy of joy for
their victory.
In the mean time the fate of the priſoners
remains undecided, until the old men meet,
and determine concerning their diſtribution. It
is uſual to offer a llave to each houſe that has
loft a friend; giving the preference according
to the greatneſs of the lois. The perſon who
has taken the captive attends him to the door
of the cottage to which he is delivered, and
with
02
196 An Account of the EUROPEAN
power of
with him gives a belt of wampum, to ſhew
that he has fulfilled the purpoſe of the expe-
dition, in ſupplying the loſs of a citizen. They
view the preſent which is made them for
ſome time; and, according as they think him
or her, for it is the ſame, proper or improper
for the buſineſs of the family, or as they take
a capricious liking or diſpleaſure to the coun-
tenance of the victim, or in proportion to
their natural barbarity or their reſentment for
their loſſes, they deſtine concerning him, to
receive him into the family, or ſentence him
to death. If the latter, they throw away the
belt with indignation. Then it is no longer
in the
any one to ſave him. The
nation is aſſembled as upon ſome great ſolem-
nity. A ſcaffold is raiſed, and the priſoner
tied to the ſtake. Inſtantly he opens his death
ſong, and prepares for the enſuing ſcene of
cruelty with the moſt undaunted courage. On
the other ſide, they prepare to put it to the
utmoſt proof, with every torment, which the
mind of man ingenious in miſchief can in-
vent. They begin at the extremities of his
body, and gradually approach the trunk. One
plucks out his nails by the roots, one by one;
another takes a finger into his mouth, and
tears off the fleſh with his teeth; a third
thruſts the finger, mangled as it is, into the
bole of a pipe made red hot, which he
{moaks like tobacco. Then they pound his
3
toes.
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
197
fames with the
toes and fingers to pieces between two ſtones;
they cut circles about his joints, and gaſhes in
the fleſhy parts of his limbs, which they ſear
immediately with red hot irons, cutting and
ſearing alternately, they pull off this fleſh
thus mangled and roaſted, bit by bit, devour-
ing it with greedineſs, and ſmearing their
ror and fury. When they have thus torn off
the fleſh, they twiſt the bare nerves and ten-
dons about an iron, tearing and ſnapping them ;
whilſt others are employed in pulling and ex-
tending the limbs themfelves, in every way
that can increaſe the torment. This continues
often five or fix hours together. Then they
frequently unbind him, to give a breathing to
their fury, to think what new torments they
ſhall inflict, and to refreſh the ſtrength of the
ſufferer, who, wearied out with ſuch a variety
of unheard-of torments, often falls immedi-
ately into fo profound a ſleep, that they are o-
bliged to apply the fire to awaken him, and
renew his ſufferings.id
He is again faſtened to the ſtake, and again
they renew their cruelty; they ſtick him all
over with ſmall matches of wood that eaſily
takes fire, but burns flowly; they continu-
ally run ſharp reeds into every part of his
body; they drag out his teeth with pincers,
and thruſt out his eyes; and laſtly, after hav-
ing burned his fleſh from the bones with flow
03
fires ;
e
198 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
fires; after having ſo mangled the body that
it is all but one wound; after having mutilated
his face in ſuch a manner as to carry nothing
human in it; after having peeled the ſkin
from the head, and poured a heap of red hot
coals or boiling water on the naked ſkull
they once more unbind the wretch, who,
blind and ſtaggering with pain and weakneſs,
aſſaulted and pelted upon every ſide with
clubs and ſtones, now up, now down, fall-
ing into their fires at every ſtep, runs hither
and thither, until one of the chiefs, whe-
ther out of compaſſion or weary of cruelty,
puts an end to his life with a club or a dagger.
The body is then put into the kettle, and this
barbarous employment is ſucceeded by a feaſt
as barbarous.
The women, forgetting the human as well
as the female nature, and transformed into
ſomething worſe than furies, act their parts
,
ror. The principle perſons of the country
fit round the ſtake ſmoaking and looking on
without the leaſt emotion. What is moſt ex-
traordinary, the ſufferer himſelf, in the little
intervals of his torments, ſmoaks too, appears
unconcerned, and converſes with his tortu-
rers about indifferent matters. Indeed, during
the whole time of his execution, there ſeems
a conteſt between him and them which ſhall
exççed, they in inflicting the moſt horrid
pains,
as
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
199
pains, or he in enduring them with a firm-
nefs and conſtancy almoſt above human. Not
a groan, not a ſigh, not a diſtortion of coun-
tenance, eſcapes him; he poffeffes his mind
entirely in the midſt of his torments; he re-
counts his own exploits, he informs them
what cruelties he has inflicted upon their
countrymen, and threatens them with the
revenge that will attend his death; and, tho'
his reproaches exaſperate them to a perfect
madneſs of rage and fury, he continues his
reproaches even of their ignorance in the art of
tormenting, pointing out himſelf more ex-
quiſite methods, and more ſenſible parts of
the body to be afflicted. The women have
this
part of courage as well as the men ; and it
is as rare for any Indian to behave otherwiſe,
as it would be for an European to ſuffer as an
Indian.
I do not dwell upon theſe circumſtances of
cruelty, which fo degrade human nature, out
of choice; but, as all who mention the cu-
ſtoms of this people have inſiſted upon their
behaviour in this reſpect very particularly,
and as it ſeems neceſſary to give a true idea
of their character, I did not chuſe to omit
it. It ſerves to thew too, in the ſtrongeſt
light, to what an inconceivable degree of
barbarity the paſſions of men let looſe will
them. It will point out to us the ad-
vantages of a religion that teaches a compal-
lian
carry them.
04
200
An Account of the EUROPEAN
fion to our enemies, which is neither known
nor practiſed in other religions; and it will
make us more fenfible, than fome appear to be,
of the value of commerce, the art of a civi-
lized life, and the lights of literature ; which,
if they have abated the force of ſome of the
natural virtues by the luxury which attends
them, have taken out likewiſe the ſting of
our natural vices, and foftened the ferocity
of the human race without enervating their
courage.
On the other hand, the conſtancy of the
ſufferers in this terrible ſcene ſhews the won-
derful power of an early inſtitution, and a fe-
rocious thirſt of glory, which makes men imi-
tate and exceed what philoſophy, or even reli-
gion, can effect.
The priſoners who have the happineſs to
pleaſe thoſe to whom they are offered, have a
fortune altogether oppoſite to that of thoſe
who are condemned. They are adopted into
the family, they are accepted in the place
of the father, fon, or huſband, that is loſt ;
and they have no other mark of their capti-
vity, but that they are not ſuffered to return
to their own nation. To attempt this would
be certain death. The principle, purpoſe of
the war is to recruit in this manner; for
which reaſon a general, who lofes many of
his men, though he ſhould conquer, is little
better than difgraced at home; becauſe the
end
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
201
end of the war was not anſwered. They are
therefore extremely careful of their men,
and never chufe to attack but with a very
undoubted ſuperiority, either in number or
ſituation.
The fcalps, which they value fo much, are
the trophies of their bravery; with theſe
they adorn their houſes, which are eſteemed
in proportion as this ſort of ſpoils is more nu-
merous. They have folemn days appointed,
upon which the young men gain a new name
or title of honour from their head-men ; and
theſe titles are given according to the quali-
ties of the perſon, and his performances; of
which theſe ſcalps are the evidence. This is
all the reward they receive for the dangers of
the war and the fatigues of many campaigns,
ſevere almoſt beyond credit. They think
it it abundantly ſufficient to have a name given
by their governors; men of merit themſelves,
and judges of it; a name reſpected by their
countrymen, and terrible to their enemies.
There are many other things fit to engage
the
curioſity, and even afford matter of inſtructive
reflection, in the manners of this barbarous
people; but theſe ſeem to be the moſt ſtrik-
ing, and fitteſt to be infifted on in a work
which is to give a general idea of America.
The preſent ſettlements, their commerce and
productions, ought to be allowed their
proper
In which I propoſe to treat, firſt of
the
room.
202 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
the Spaniſh colonies, as the firſt diſcovered and
largeſt object, and that in which the reſt of
Europe, though excluded, is the moſt con-
cerned. The Portugueſe, as neareſt in place
and rank, ſhall be ſecond. The French ſhall
next be conſidered. The Engliſh ſhall be re-
ferved to the laſt, as the moſt important to
ourſelves.
End of the SECOND PART,
PART
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA, 203
*
****
PART III.
SPANISH AMERICA.
Obec ODCOCHECONOSCED CODEONOCOJOROTACOSOCONOCHOSESeacaGedesespectoscopeconocOSO 0000 coperempuan
C H A P. I.
A general deſcription of America.
AVING deſcribed, with as much con-
HAH
ciſeneſs as the ſubject would bear, the
manners of the original inhabitants of Ame-
rica, as we had before that related the moſt
remarkable adventures of its diſcoverers and
conquerors; it will be neceſſary to view
more minutely, what and how advantageous a
country theſe conqueſts and diſcoveries have
added to the world ; and what are the views,
intereſts, and characters of thoſe who at
preſent poſſeſs the greateſt part of that exten-
ſive region.
America extends from the North pole to
the fifty-ſeventh degree of South latitude ; it
is
204 An Account of the EUROPEAN
is upwards of eight thouſand miles in length;
it fees both hemiſpheres; it has two fummers
and a double winter ; it enjoys all the variety
of climates which the earth affords; it is
waſhed by the two great oceans. To the
Eaſtward it has the Atlantic ocean, which
divides it from Europe and Africa. To the
Weft it has another ocean, the great South-
Sea by which it is disjoined from Aſia. By
theſe feas it may, and does, carry on a direct
commerce with the other three parts of the
world. It is compoſed of two vaft continents,
one on the North, the other upon the South,
which are joined by the great kingdom of
Mexico, which forms a ſort of iſthmus, fif-
teen hundred miles long, and in one part, at
Darien, ſo extremely narrow, as to make the
communication between the two oceans by no
means difficult. In the great gulph, which is
formed between this iſthmus and the Nor-
thern and Southern continents, lie an infinite
multitude of iſlands, many of them large,
moſt of them fertile, and capable of being
cultivated to very great advantage.
America in general is not a mountainous
country, yet it has the greateſt mountains in
the world. The Andes, or Cordilleras, run
from North to South along the coaſt of the
Pacific ocean. Though for the moſt part
within the torrid zone, they are perpetually
coyered with ſnow, and in their bowels con-
tain
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
205
upon the
tain inexhauſtible treaſures. In the province
of St. Martha in South America are likewiſe
very great mountains, which communicate
with the former. In North America we
know of none conſiderable, but that long
ridge which lies to the back of our fettle-
ments, which we call the Apalachian, or Al-
legeney mountains ; if that may be at all con-
ſidered as a mountain, which upon one fide
indeed has a very great declivity, but
other is nearly on a level with the reſt of the
country.
Without compariſon, America is that part
of the world which is the beſt watered; and
that not only for the ſupport of life, but for
the convenience of trade, and the intercourſe
of each part with the others. In North
America the great river Miſſiſippi, riſing from
unknown ſources, runs an immenſe courfe
from North to South, and receives the vaſt
tribute of the Ohio, the Oubache, and other
immenſe rivers, ſcarcely to be poſtponed to
the Rhine, or the Danube, navigable almoſt
to their very ſources, and laying open the in-
moſt receffes of this continent. Near the
heads of theſe are five great lakes, or rather
ſeas of freſh water, communicating with each
other, and all with the main ocean, by the
river St. Laurence, which paſſes through
them. Theſe afford ſuch an inlet for com-
merce as muſt produce the greateſt advan-
tages,
206 An Account of the EUROPEAN
tages, whenever the country adjacent ſhall
come to be fully inhabited, and by an in-
duſtrious and civilized people. The Eaſtern
fide of North America, which is our portion,
beſides the noble rivers Hudſon, Delaware,
Suſquehanna, Patowmack, ſupplies ſeveral
others of great depth, length, and commo-
dious navigation. Many parts of our fettle-
ments are ſo interfected with navigable rivers
and creeks, that the planters may be ſaid,
without exaggeration, to have each a harbour
at his own door.
South America is, if poffible, in this re-
ſpect, even more fortunate. It fupplies much
the two largeſt rivers in the world, the river
of Amazons, and the Rio de la Plata. The
firſt, riſing in Peru, not far from the South-
Sea, paffes from Weſt to Eaſt, almoſt quite
through the continent of South America, na-
vigable for ſome fort or other of veſſels all the
way, and receiving into its bofom a prodi-
gious number of rivers, all navigable in the
fame manner, and ſo great, that Monſieur
Condamine found it often almoſt impoſſible
to determine which was the main channel.
The Rio de la Plata, riſing in the heart of the
country, ſhapes its courſe to the South-Eaſt,
and pours ſuch an immenſe flood into the
fea, that it makes it taſte freſh a great many
leagues from the ſhore; to ſay nothing of the
Oronoquo, which might rank the foremoſt
amongſt
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
207
amongſt any but the American rivers. The
foil and products, in ſuch a variety of climates,
cannot ſatisfactorily be treated of in a general
deſcription; we ſhall, in their places, conſider
them particularly.
All America is in the hands of four na-
tions. The Spaniards, who, as they firſt diſ-
covered it, have the largeſt and richeſt ſhare.
All that part of North America, which com-
poſes the iſthmus of Mexico, and what lies
beyond that towards the river Miffiſippi on
the Eaſt, the Pacific ocean to the Weſt and
North-weſt; and they poſſeſs all South-Ame-
rica excepting Braſil, which lies between
the mouth of the river of Amazons and that
of Plata along the Atlantic Ocean ; this be-
longs to Portugal. That part of North Ame-
rica which the Spaniards have not, is divided
between the Engliſh and French. The En-
gliſh have all the countries which incircle
Hudſon's Bay, and thence in a line all along
the Eaſtern ſhore to the thirtieth degree of
North latitude. France claims the country
which lies between this and the Spaniſh ſet-
tlements to the Weſt, and ſecures an inter-
courſe with them by the mouths of the Mira
ſifippi, the Mobile, and of the river St. Lau-
rence, which are the only avenues of navi-
gation to this very extenſive country. The
multitude of Iſlands, which lie between the
two continents, are divided amongſt the Spa-
niards,
208
An Account of the EUROPEAN
niards, French, and Engliſh. The Dutch
pofſeſs three or four ſmall iſlands, which, in
any other hands, would be of no conſequence.
The Danes have one or two ; but they hardly
deſerve to be named amongſt the proprietors of
America.
CH A P. II.
The climate and ſoil of New-Spain. Animals.
Its vegetable produce.
T
HE order which I intend to obſerve
in treating of the Spaniſh colonies is,
after having ſet forth their fituation, their cli-
mate, and the nature of the ſoil, to deſcribe
thoſe commodities in which they trade ; to
give a clear and conciſe account of their me-
thod of manufacturing them; and then to
lay open the manner of their dealing in them,
as well as that by which they carry on their
foreign commerce. Laſt of all, I ſhall ſay
ſomething of the genius and temper of the
inhabitants ; of ſuch cuſtoms of theirs as are
remarkable, and of their civil policy, and of
their military, fo far as they are come to my
knowledge, or as they are worthy the atten-
tion of the reader. The exact diviſion of the
provinces, the courſes of the rivers, the dif-
ſtances of places, the dimenſions of harbours
and their foundings, all theſe, as they are in-
finitely
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
209
finitely better known from maps and charts,
ſo it would be impertinent and tedious to fill up
this ſhort work with them, which propoſes to
give, even ſhort as it is, a deſcription of every
thing that may tend to a juſt notion of Ame-
rica; and therefore cannot facrifice matters of
more moment to the deſcription of things, of
which a far better idea may be acquired by
ather means to thoſe whom they concern; and
to thoſe whom they do not intereſt, who are
far the majority, muſt be tedious and unin-
ſtructive.
The firſt country which the Spaniards ſet-
tled upon the continent of America was Mexi-
co; and it ſtill continues their principal ſet-
tlement, whether we conſider its number of
inhabitants, its natural wealth, or its extended
traffic. As it lies for the moſt part within the
torrid zone, it is exceffively hot; and on the
Eaſtern coaſt, where the land is low, marſhy,
and conſtantly flooded in the rainy ſeaſons, it
is likewiſe extremely unwholeſome; neither
is that coaſt pleaſant in any reſpect; incum-
bered for the moſt part with almoſt impene-
trable woods of mangrove trees, of a bare
and diſagreeable aſpect, and which extend
into the water for a confiderable way
inland country aſſumes a more agreeable af-
pect, and the air is of a better temperament;
here the tropical fruits grow in great abun-
dance; the land is of a good variety, and would
VOL. I.
P
not
210 An Account of the EUROPEAN
not refuſe any ſort of grain, if the number or
induſtry of the inhabitants were any way pro-
portioned to the goodneſs of the foil." But on
the Weſtern fide the land is not ſo low as on
the Eaſtern, much better in quality, and full
of plantations.
* It is probable the Spaniards chufe to leave
the Eaſtern coaſt in its preſent ſtate of rude-
neſs and deſolation, judging that a rugged and
unwholeſome frontier is a better defence againſt
an European enemy, than fortifications and
armies, to be maintained at a vaſt expence;
or than the ſtrength of the inhabitants, made
by the climate effeminate and pufillanimous,
and kept fo by policy: and indeed it would be
next to impoſſible to inake any conſiderable
eſtabliſhment on that coaſt, that could effec-
tually anſwer the purpoſes of any power in
Europe, without ſtruggling with the greateſt
difficulties; and as for a ſudden hvaſion, the
nature of the country itſelf is a good fortifi-
cation. In general, few countries, under the
fame aſpect of the heavens, enjoy more of the
benefits of nature and the neceffaries of life
but, like all the tropical countries, it rather is
more abundant in fruits than in grain. Pine
apples, pomegranates, oranges, lemons, cit-
Fons, figs, and cocoa nuts, are here in the
greatest plenty and perfection. Vines and ap-
ples require temperate climates.
The
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
2IN
from all other countries under the torrid zone.
The number of their horned cattle is in a
manner infinite; fome private perſons are ſaid
to have poſſeſſed forty thouſand head ; many
are wild, and a very conſiderable trade is dri-
ven in their hides and tallow, but the extreme
heat prevents their turning the fleſh to any ac
count in commerce. Swine are equally nu-
merous, and their lard is much in requeſt all
over this country, where it is uſed inſtead of
butter. Sheep are numerous in Mexico, but
I do not find that wool is an article of any
great confideration in their trade; nor is it
probable that it is of a good kind, as it is ſcarce
ever found uſeful between the tropics, where
it is hairy and ſhort, except only in Peru; and
that is the produce of ſheep
ſheep of a ſpecies very
different from that in the reſt of America; as
Peru is itſelf remarkably different in climate
But cotton is here very good, and in great
plenty. It is manufactured largely, for, as it is
very light and ſuitable to the climate, and all
other cloathing being extravagantly dear, it is
the general wear of the inhabitants'; the wool-
lens and linens of Europe being rather luxu-
ries, and worn only by perſons of ſome con-
dition. Some provinces produce filk, but not
in that abundance or perfection to make a re-
markable part of their export; not but that
the country is very fit for that, and many other
things valuable, which are but little cul-
P 2
tivated;
212 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
tivated; for the gold and ſilver, which make
the glory of this country, and in the abundant
trealures of which it exceeds all the world,
engage almoſt the whole attention of the in-
habitants, as they are almoſt the only things for
which the Spaniards value their colonies, and
what alone receive the encouragement of the
court; therefore I ſhall infiſt molt largely upon
theſe articles. After that, I ſhall ſpeak of thoſe
commodities, which are produced here of
moſt importance in foreign commerce, and reſt
upon them in proportion to their importance.
Theſe are cochineal, indigo, and cocoa, of
which chocolate is made. As for ſugar, and
tobacco, and indigo, though no part of the
world produces better than Mexico, andas for
logwood, though it be in a manner peculiar
to this country; yet, as the firſt is largely raiſed
and manufactured elſewhere, and as our own
commerce in the two laſt is what chiefly in-
tereſts an Engliſh reader, I ſhall reſerve them
to be treated of in the divifion I allot to the
Engliſh colonies,
CH A P.
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
213
CH A P. III.
The gold and filver mines. The manner of puri-
fying thoſe metals. Some thougbts on the ge-
neration of metals. Of the quantity of thoſe
metals produced in the Spaniſh Weft-Indies.
IT
T is not known with certainty, whether all
or ſome provinces only of New Spain
produce mines of gold and ſilver. It is, how-
ever, allowed that the chief mines of gold are
in Veragua and New Granada, confining upon
Darien and Terra Firma. Thoſe of ſilver,
which are much more rich as well as nume-
rous, are found in ſeveral parts, but in none ſo
much as in the province of Mexico. But all
the mines, whether of gold or ſilver, are ge-
nerally found in the mountainous and barren
parts ; nature often making amends one way
for her failures in another.
Gold is found either in the fand of rivers,
native, and in ſmall grains, or it is dug out of
the earth in the fame condition in ſmall bits,
almoſt wholly metallic, and of a tolerable pu-
rity; or it is found, like the ore of other metals,
in an aggregate opaque maſs, in a mixture of
earth, ſtone, fulphur, and other metals. In
this ſtate it is of all colours, red, white, blac-
kiſh, and making little or no oftentation of the
riches it contains. Sometimes it forms part
P 3
of
,
214 An ACCOUÂN T of the EUROPEAN
of the ornament of ſome beautiful ſtones,
which are of various lively colours, interfected
with filaments of this metal, quite native;
Lapis lazuli is one of theſe, which has always
fome ſmall portions of gold; but this golden
streaking is often extremely fallacious, and has
betrayed many into ruinous expences; for
in ſeveral ſtones theſe fine veins have been no-
thing more than marcaſite : however, ſuch
marcaſites or fire-ſtones are found in mines
which contain real gold. But gold, how,
foever found, whether native or in what
is called the ore, is feldom or never without a
mixture of other metals, generally filver or
copper.
The gold mines, though they contain the
richeſt of all metals, it is remarkable, moſt
frequently diſappoint the hopes and ruin the
fortunes of thoſe who engage in them; tho
neither the labouring of the mine, nor the
purifying of the metal, is attended with ſuch an
expence as what thoſe are obliged to, who
work mines of the inferior metals. For the
vein is, of all others, the moſt unequal;
often decays by a quick gradation, and is
ſometimes ſuddenly loſt. But the ends of the
veins are, on the other hand, often extremely
rich; they are called the purſe of the vein ;
and when the miner is ſo happy as to light
on
::
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
215
on one of theſe purſes, his fortune is made
immediately.
When the ore is dug out, the moſt uſual
method is to break it to pieces in a mill, ex-
actly reſembling thoſe large ones we uſe for
grinding apples, wherein a mill-ſtone ſet on
end is made to turn in a circular channel of
ſtone. When the ore is thus broke, and the
gold ſomewhat ſeparated from the impure
maſs, they add to the whole a quantity of
quickſilver. Quickſilver has, of all other bo-
dies, the greateſt attraction with gold, which
therefore immediately breaks the links which
held it to the former earth, and clings cloſe to
this congenial ſubſtance. Then a rapid ſtream
of water is let into the channel, which, fcour-
ing away(through a hole made for the purpoſe)
the lighter earth, by the briſkneſs of its cur-
rent, leaves the gold and mercury precipitated
by its weight at the bottom. This amalgama,
or paſte, is put into a linen cloth, and ſqueezed
ſo as to make the quickſilver ſeparate and run
To complete this feparation, it is necef-
fary to fuſe the metal, and then all the mer-
cury flies off in fumes.
But in many parts of Spaniſh America, ano-
ther way of getting and purifying gold is prac
tiſed. When by ſure tokens they know that
gold lies in the bed of a rivulet, they turn the
current into the inward angles, which time
and the ſtream have formed; whilſt this runs,
P
they
out.
216 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
they dig and turn up the earth, to make it the
more eaſily diffolved and carried off. When
the ſurface is thus completely waſhed away,
and they are come to a ſort of ſtiff earth, which
is the receptacle of gold, they return the ſtream
into its former channel, and dig up the earth
as they find it, which they carry to a little
bafon fomewhat in the form of a ſmith's bel
lows. Into this they turn a ſmall but a lively
ſtream, to carry off the foreign matter, whilſt
they facilitate the operation by ſtirring the
maſs with an iron hook, which diffolves the
earth, and gathers up the ſtones, which are
carefully thrown out that they may not inter-
rupt the paſſages that carry off the earth. By
this means the gold, looſened from the groſs
matter which adhered to it, falls to the bot-
tom, but mixed ſo intimately with a black
heavy fand, that none of the gold can be per-
ceived, unleſs it happens to be a pretty large
grain. To ſeparate it from this fand, it is
put into a ſort of wooden platter, with a lit-
tle hollow of about the depth of half an inch
at bottom. This platter they fill with water,
and, turning the maſs about briſkly with their
hands for ſome time, the fand paſſes over the
edges, and leaves the gold in ſmall grains,
pure, and of its genuine colour, in the hollow
at the bottom. Thus is gold refined with-
out fire or mercury, merely by waſhing. The
places where this is performed are called
there.
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
217
therefore Lavaderos by the Spaniards. There
are many more methods of extracting and
purifying this precious metal ; but theſe are the
moſt common ways uſed by the Spaniards in
their Indies.
Silver is the metal next in rank, but firſt in
conſequence in the Spaniſh traffic, as their
mines yield a much greater quantity of the
latter than of the former. It is found in the
earth under different forms, as indeed the ore
of all metal is. Such is the diverſity of ores
in this reſpect, that nothing but a long ex-
perience in this particular branch can exactly
aſcertain the ſpecies of the metal, which al-
moſt any ore contains at firſt view. I have
ſeen ſpecimens wherein the ſilver, almoſt pure,
twined itſelf about a white ſtone, penetrating
into the interſtices in the ſame manner that
the roots of trees enter into the rocks, and
twiſt themſelves about them. Some are of an
aſh-coloured appearance, others ſpotted of a
red and blue, ſome of changeable colours, and
many almoſt black, affecting ſomewhat of a
pointed regular form like cryſtals. I cannot
find that it is ever found in grains or fand, na-
tive, as gold is.
The manner of refining ſilver does not dif-
fer eſſentially from the proceſs which is em-
ployed for gold. They are both purified upon
the ſame principle ; by clearing away as much
of the earth as can be, with water; by uni-
ting
taken in the
218 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ting or amalgamating it with mercury, and
afterwards by clearing off the mereury itſelf,
by ſtraining and evaporation. But the manage-
ment of filver in this reſpect is much more
difficult than that of gold; becauſe this metal
is much more intimately united with the fo-
reign matters with which it is foundinthemine;
and its attraction with mercury is much weak-
amalgamation, and it is a long time before
they are perfectly mixed. A quantity of ſea-
falt is likewiſe added. No filver is had by
mere waſhing.
The chemiſts have talked very freely of the
production of theſe and other metals in the
earth; of the falt, ſulphur, and mercury, that
compofe them; and the manner in which theſe
ſubſtances are united and changed, fo as to form
metals and minerals of every 1pecies. Some
have recourſe to the ſun as the great agent in
this proceſs, eſpecially in gold and ſilver, as
the most worthy ſuch an operator. Others
call in the aid of ſubterraneous fires and cen-
tral heat. But in reality they have advanced
very little that is ſatisfactory upon this ſubject,
They have never, by any method of joining the
matters which they have aſſigned as the con-
tituent parts of metals, in any proportions
whatſoever, nor by any degree of their great
agent fire, been able to make metal of that
which was not metal before. Neither have
they
1
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
219
they found what they allot as the component
parts of all metals in ſuch a manner in all, as
to enable them to fix any common principle
for their generation. Some they cannot ana-
lyſe by any art, as gold; they indeed define it
à compoſition of a very ſubtile mercury, and a
ſulphur as ſubtile.
But how this comes to be known, when
no proceſs hitherto diſcovered has been able
to extract either of theſe from gold, they
who have advanced ſuch things ought to
tell. It is reaſonable to believe, that there is
ſome plaſtic principle in nature, perhaps
ſomething analogous to the ſeminal principle
in plants and animals, whatever that is,
which does not, as we know, reſemble any
known body, nor is compoſed of any com-
bination of known bodies ; but powerful of
itſelf to combine and vary ſuch a part of the
common ſtock of matter as it is fitted to
operate upon, which it draws to itſelf, and
cauſes to form an animal, or a plant, or a mi-
neral, or metal, of this or that nature, ac-
cording to the original nature of the ſeed.
Suppoſe a plant ſubjected to all the torture of
the chemical queſtion : you find it contains
various matters; an earth, water, oil, ſalt,
ſpirit, and in the three laſt perhaps ſome-
thing ſpecific, and differing from other plants.
But neither the fame quantities of ſimilar
matter, nor theſe very matters themſelves, can
ever
out
220 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
ever come to form a plant like the original, or
any thing like a plant at all, becauſe the fe-
minal virtue is wanting ; nor is it perhaps
diſcoverable. And as for the other matters,
they are the inert parts of the plant; with-
with which, and on which, the ſeminal virtue
acts, to organize the maſs, to ſpread the bran-
ches, to ſhoot out the gems, to mature the
fruit, and in ſhort to perform all the func-
tions of a complete plant.
The ſame may be
faid of animals. And why not of minerals,
though of a leſs nice organization? Why
ſhould they not have the ſeminal principle too,
which, operating, by its own power, and in a
way of its own, upon the elements of air,
earth, water, oil, and falt, is capable of pro-
ducing iron, copper, gold, ſilver, and other
metals. The want of this will aways hin-
der us from being able to produce any metal
from other than metalline ingredients, though
we ſhould take ſuch things as reſemble the
ingredients they yield upon an analyſis, and
in the ſame quantities in which we find them.
This I do not ſay as favouring the notion that
ſtones and metals vegetate exactly like plants.
That theſe are often found where they had
formerly been exhauſted, and that they are
known to extend their dimenſions, is pretty
certain ; but that they affimulate the hetero-
geneous matter which increaſes their bulk,
I
in
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
221
in a manner analogous to plants, I cannot
venture to propoſe. It muſt be allowed that
ſilver has been found, and I have ſo ſeen it,
extending itſelf among the interſtices of ſtones,
not unlike ivy and other paraſite plants; yet,
as a metal no way differing from it, or at all
inferior, is extracted from ores, which have
an appearance altogether different, and which
too is the uſual way, it is probable the manner
in which they grow is not the ſame.
What I had to ſay of gold and ſilver, as
both are found, and the latter in vaſt quanti-
ties, in Mexico, I thought proper, for the
fake of avoiding repetitions, to bring under
this head, though all the reſt of the Spaniſh
territories produce largely of both.
Of the plenty of gold and ſilver, which
the mines of Mexico afford, great things have
been ſaid, and with juſtice; as this, with
the other Spaniſh colonies in America, in a
manner furniſh the whole world with filver;
and bear a great proportion in gold to the
whole of what the world produces. A late
very judicious collector of voyages ſays, that
the revenues of Mexico, can hardly fall ſhort
of twenty-four millions of our money,
founds this upon a return made by the biſhops
of their tenths, which, without doubt, were
not over-rated ; and that theſe amounted to
one million and a half ſterling ; that theſe are
about a fourth of the revenues of the clergy;
and
money. He
much muſt be allowed in this account for the
222 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
and that the eſtates of the clergy are about the
fourth part of the whole revenues of the king-
dom, which at this rate amount to twenty-
four millions Engliſh. He takes another me-
thod of computing the wealth of this pro-
vince, which is, by the fifth paid to the king
of the gold and ſilver dug out of their mines
This he obſerves, in the year 1730, amounted
to one million of marks in filver, each mark
equivalent to eight ounces ; ſo that if we
compute this ſilver at five fhillings per ounce,
then the inhabitants receive from their mines
ten millions in money. What a prodigious
idea muſt this calculation give us of the united
product of all the American mines! How
exaggeration of travellers, and the oftentation
of Spaniards, I will not pretend to determine.
The plate circulated in trade; or lying dead
as the ornaments of churches and houſes,
though a great deal is undoubtedly employed
in all theſe ways, did not ſeem to me to juf-
tify ſo vaſt a computation; but, as the gentle-
man who has conſidered this point with un-
common attention is of another opinion, I
wave any further obſervation upon it.
3
C H A P.
CH
SETTLEMENTS M AMERICA.
223
CH A PO IV.
Of cochineal and cocoa.
POCHINEAL, the next commodity for
value which they export, is uſed in dye-
ing all the ſeveral kinds of the fineſt ſcarlet,
crimſon, and purple. After much diſpute
about the nature of this curious drug, it ſeems
at laſt agreed, that it is of the animal kind;
an inſect of the ſpecies of the gall inſects.
This animal is found adhering to various
plants, but there is only one which commu
nicates to it the qualities which make it va
luable in medicine and manufactures. This
plant is called Opuntia by the botaniſts. It
confifts wholly of thick fucculent oval leaves,
joined end to end, and fpreading out on the
fides in various ramifications. The flower is
large, and the fruit in ſhape reſembling a fig:
this fruit is full of a crimſon juice, and to this
juice it is that the cochineal infect owes its
colour.
When the rainy ſeafons come on, they who
cultivate this plant, cut off thoſe heads which
abound moſt with ſuch infects, as are not yet
at their full growth , and preſerve them very
carefully from the weather and all other in-
juries. Iu Theſe branches, though feparated
from their parent ftocks, preſerve their freſh-
neſs
224 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
neſs and juices a long time ; and this enables
the infect not only to live out the rains, but to
grow to its full ſize, and be in readineſs to
bring forth its young, as ſoon as the incle-
mency of the ſeaſon is over. When this
time comes on, they are brought out, and
placed upon the proper plants, diſpoſed in
little neſts of ſome mofly ſubſtance. As ſoon
as they feel the enlivening influence of the
freſh air, they bring forth in three or four
days from their expoſure at fartheſt. The
young, ſcarce bigger than a mite, runs about
with wonderful celerity, and the whole plan-
tation is immediately peopled ; yet, what is
ſomewhat fingular, this animal, fo lively in
its infancy, quickly loſes all its activity, and,
attaching itſelf to ſome of the leaſt expoſed
and moſt ſucculent part of the leaf, it clings
there for life, withoutevermoving, not wound-
ing the leaf for its fuftenance, but fucking
with a proboſcis, with which it is furniſhed
for this purpoſe.
What is not leſs remarkable than the
way
of life of this animal, is the nature of the
male, which has no appearance of belonging
to the fame ſpecies ; far from being fixed to a
ſpot, he has wings, and is, like the butterfly,
continually in motion ; they are ſmaller than
the cochineal, and conſtantly ſeen amongſt
them, and walking over them without being
ſuſpected by thoſe who take care of the infect,
of
.
225
of it are mixed with the
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
of being a creature of the fame kind, though
they believe that the cochineals are impreg.
nated by them. But it is the female cochi-
neal only which is gathered for uſe.
They make four gatherings in a year, which
are ſo many generations of this animal. When
they are ſufficiently careful, they bruſh off the
infects one by one with a fort of hair pencils,
and take them as they fall; but they often
bruſh the whole plant in a careleſs manner,
cochineals, and themſelves mixed, the old
and
young together, which careleſſneſs abates
much of the value ; but what chiefly makes
the goodneſs of this commodity is, the man-
ner of killing and drying the cochineals, which
is performed three ways; the firſt is by dip-
ping the baſket in which it is gathered into
boiling water, and afterwards drying them in
the fun; this the Spaniards call renegrida.
The ſecond method is by drying them in
ovens made for the purpoſe; this, from its
grey colour, veined with purple, is called
jaſpeade. The third manner is, when the
Indians dry them on their cakes of maize
which are baked on flat ſtones; this laſt is the
worit kind, as it is generally overbaked, and
ſomething burned. They call it negra.
This drug has a very uncommon good
quality, and the more extraordinary as it be-
longs to the animal kingdom, and to the moſt
VOL. I.
periſh-
Q
226 An Account of the EUROPEAN
periſhable of that kind, that it never decays.
Without
any other care than having been put
by in a box, fome have been known to keep
fixty, fome even upwards of an hundred years,
and as fit for the purpoſes of medicine, or
manufacture, as ever it was.
It is uſed in
medicine as á cordial and ſudorific, in which
intentions few things anſwer better. And
indeed, as it anfwers ſuch good purpoſes in
medicine, is fo effential in trade, and pro
duced only in this country, it may be confi-
dered in all markets as equivalent to gold or
ſilver, by the certainty and quickneſs of the
ſale. It is computed they annually export no
leſs than nine hundred thouſand pound weight
of this commodity.
The cocao, or cacao, of which chocolate is
made, is a conſiderable article in the natural
hiſtory and commerce of New Spain. It
grows upon a tree of a middling fize; the
wood is ſpungy and porous, the bark fmooth,
and of a cinnamon colour: the flower grows
in bunches between the ſtalks and the wood,
of the form of roſes, but ſmall, and without
any ſcent. The fruit is a ſort of pod, which
contains the cacao, much about the fize and
ſhape of a cucumber. Within there is a pulp
of a moſt refreſhing acid taſte, which fills up
the interſtices between the nuts before they
are ripe; but, when they fully ripen, theſe
nuts are packed up wonderfully cloſe, and in a
moft
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA... 227
moſt regular and elegant order; they have
a pretty tough ſhell, and within this is the oily
rich ſubſtance, of which chocolate is made.
This fruit grows differently from our Euro-
pean fruits, which always hang upon the
Imall branches ; but this grows along the
body of the great ones, principally at the
joints. None are found upon the ſmall, which,
though it is a manner of vegetation unknown
here, prevails in ſeveral other plants within
the tropics. This cacao is a very tender tree,
equally impatient of the wind, heat or cold,
and will flouriſh only in the ſhade ; for which
reaſon, in the cacao walks, they always plant
a palm-tree for every one of cacao. I need
fay little of the uſe of this fruit; it is gene-
ral amongſt ourſelves, and its virtues well
known; but, however the great external call
for it may be, the internal conſumption is
much greater , ſo that in Mexico and Terra
Firma, in ſome provinces of which latter it
is found in the greateſt perfection, their fo-
reign and domeſtic commerce in this article
is immenſe, and the profits ſo great, that a
ſmall garden of the cacao's is ſaid to produce
twenty thouſand crowns a year ; though I
believe this to be exaggerated: it ſhews, how-
ever, in what a light of profit 'this commo-
dity is conſidered. At home it makes the
principal part of their diet, and is found whole-
fome, nutritious, and ſuitable to the climate.
This
Q?
228
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
This fruit is often confounded with the cocoa
nut, which is a ſpecies wholly different.
CH A P. V.
The trade of Mexico. Some: account of that
city. The affairs of Acapulco and La Vera
Cruz. The flota and regiſter ſhips.
T!
HE trade of Mexico may be conſidered
as conſiſting of three great branches
by which it communicates with the whole
world; the trade with Europe by La Vera
Cruz; the trade with the Eaſt-Indies by Aca-
pulco; and the commerce of the South Sea
by the ſame port. The places in New Spain,
which can intereſt a ſtranger, are therefore
three only, La Vera Cruz, Acapulco, and
Mexico.
Mexico, the capital of the kingdom, the
reſidence of the viceroy, the ſeat of the firſt
audience or chamber of juſtice, and an arch-
bishopric, is certainly one of the richeſt and
moſt ſplendid cities, not only in America, but
in the whole world. Though no ſea-port
town, nor communicating with the ſea by
any navigable river, it has a prodigious com-
merce, and is itſelf the center of all that is
carried on between America and Europe on
one hand, and between America and the
Eaſt-Indies on the other ; for here the prin-
cipal
I
:
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA 229
necklaces, and jewels in
cipal merchants reſide, the greateſt part of the
buſineſs is negotiated; and the goods fent
from Acapulco to La Vera Cruz, or from
La Vera Cruz to Acapulco, for the uſe of the
Philippines, and in a great meaſure for the
ufe of Peru and Lima, all paſs through this
city, and employ an incredible number of
horſes and mules in the carriage. Hither all
the gold and ſilver come to be coined, here
the king's fifth is depoſited, and here is
wrought all that immenfe quantity of utenſils
and ornaments in plate, which is every year
ſent into Europe. Every thing here has the
greateſt air of magnificence and wealth; the
ſhops glitter upon all ſides with the expoſure
of gold, ſilver, and jewels, and ſurprize yet
more by the work of the imagination upon
the treaſures which fill great cheſts piled up
to the cielings, whilſt they wait the time of
being ſent to Old Spain. It is ſaid that the
negro wenches, who run by the coaches of the
ladies there, wear bracelets of gold, pearl
black foot-boys are all over covered with
lace and embroidery. It cannot exactly be
aſcertained what number of people are in this
city. It is certainly very conſiderable, by
many not made leſs than ſeventy or eighty
thouſand. This city itſelf is well and regu-
larly built, though the houſes are not lofty ;
the monaſteries are numerous, and richly en-
Q3
dowed,
except at the time of the fairs, when it intirely
230 An Account of the EUROPEAN
dowed, and the churches extravagantly rich
in their ornaments, though comparatively poor
in the taſte of their architecture.
The port neareſt to this city is Acapulco,
upon the South-Sea, upwards of two hundred
miles diſtant from the capital. Acapulco it-
ſelf has one of the deepeſt, ſecureſt, and moſt
commodious harbours in the South-Sea, and
indeed almoſt the only one which is good
upon
the Weſtern coaſt of New Spain. The
entrance of the harbour is defended by a caſtle
of tolerable ſtrength; the town itſelf is but ill
built, and makes every way a miſerable figure,
changes its appearance, and becomes one of
the moſt confiderable marts in the world.
About the month of December, the great
galleon, which makes the whole communica-
tion that is between America and the Philip-
pines, after a voyage of five months, and fail-
ing three thouſand leagues without ſeeing any
other Mand than the Little Ladrones, arrives
here loaded with all the rich commodities
of the caſt; cloves, pepper, cinnamon, nut-
megs, mace, china, japan wares, callicoes
plain and painted, chints, muſlins of every
ſort, filks, precious ſtones, rich drugs, and
glod duſt.
At the ſame time the annual
Thip from Lima comes in, and is not com-
puted to bring leſs than two millions of pieces
of eight in ſilver, beſides quickſilver, cacao,
drugs,
I
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
231
drugs, and other valuable commodities, to be
laid out in the purchaſe of the commodities
of the Eaſt-Indies. Several other ſhips from
different parts of Chili and Peru meet upon
the ſame occaſion; and, beſides the traffic
for the Philippine commodities, this cauſes a
very large dealing for every thing thoſe coun-
tries have to exchange with one another, as
well as for the purchaſe of all ſorts of Euro-
pean goods. The fair lafts ſometimes for thirty
days. As ſoon as the goods are diſpoſed of,
the galleon prepares to ſet out on her voyage
to the Philippines with her returns, chiefly in
filver, but with ſome European goods too,
and ſome other commodities of America. I
ſpeak here, as though there were but one
veſſel on the trade with the Philippines ; and
in fact there is only nominally one trading vef-
fel, the galleon itſelf, of about twelve hun-
dred tons; but another attends her commonly
as a ſort of convoy, which generally carries
ſuch a quantity of goods as pretty much dif-
ables her from performing that office. The
galleon has often above a thouſand people on
board, either intereſted in the cargo, or mere-
ly paſſengers; and there is no trade in which
fo large profits are made ; the captain of the
veſſel, the pilots, their mates, and even the
common ſailors, making in one voyage, what
in their ſeveral ranks may be conſidered as
eaſy fortunes. It is ſaid, by the writer of Lord
Q4
Anſon's
232 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
Anſon's voyage, that the jeſuits have the pro-
fits of this ſhip to ſupport their miſſions; and
if ſo, their gains muſt be extremely great,
and muſt add much to the conſequence of a
ſociety which has as great a reputation for its
riches as its wiſdom.
This commerce to fo vaſt a value, though
carried on directly between the king of Spain's
own dominions, enriches them in proportion
but very little; the far greater part of every
thing that comes from the Philippines being
the produce, or the fabric, of other countries;
the Spaniards add none of the artificial value
of labour to any thing. The Chineſe are
largely intereſted in this cargo, and it is to
them they are indebted for the manufacturing
of fuch of their plate, as is wrought into any
better faſhion than rude ingots or inelegant
coins. When this fair is over, the town is
comparatively deſerted; however, it remains
for the whole year the moſt confiderable port
in Mexico, for the trade with Peru and Chili,
which is not very great. The Eaſt-India
goods brought hither are carried on inules to
Mexico, from whence what exceeds their
own conſumption is ſent by land-carriage to
La Vera Cruz, to paſs over the Terra Firma,
to the iſlands, and fome even to Old Spain,
though in no great quantity.
From the port of La Vera Cruz, it is that
the great wealth of Mexico is poured out
upon
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
233
upon all the old world; and it is from this
port alone, that they receive the numberleſs
luxuries and neceffaries that the old world
yields them in return. To this port the an-
nual fleet from Cadiz, called the flota, arrives
about the latter end of November, after a
paſſage of nine weeks. This fleet, which
fails only from Cadiz, conſiſts of about three
men of war as a convoy, and fourteen or fif-
teen large merchant ſhips, from four hundred
to one thouſand tons burthen. They are load-
ed almoſt with every ſort of goods which
Europe produces for export; all ſorts of
woollens, linens, filks, velvets, laces, glaſs,
paper, cutlery, all ſorts of wrought iron,
watches, clocks, quickſilver, horſe furniture,
ſhoes, ſtockings, books, pictures, military
ſtores, wines, and fruits ; ſo thatall the trading
parts of Europe, are highly intereſted in the
cargo
of this fieet. Spain itſelf fends out little
more than the wine and fruit. This, with
the freight and commiſſions to the merchant
and the duty to the king, is almoſt all the ad-
vantage which that kingdom derives from her
commerce with the Indies. It is ſtrictly pro-
hibited to load any commodities on board this
fleet without entering the goods, the value,
and the owners naine, in the India houſe at
Seville; and when they return, they muſt
bring a certificate, from the proper officer
there, that the goods were duly landed, and
in
234
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
in the proper port. They are not permitted
to break bulk upon any account until they ar-
rive at La Vera Cruz, nor are they ſuffered
to take in any other than Spaniſh paſſengers
nor them without a licence firſt obtained at
the India-houſe.
1 Jealouſy is the glaring character of the
court of Spain, in whatever regards their
American empire ; and they often facrifice the
proſperity to an exceſſive regard to the ſecu-
rity of their poffeffions. They attend in this
trade principally to two objects; the exclu-
fion of all ſtrangers from any ſhare in it, and
the keeping up of the market for ſuch goods as
they fend, and they think both theſe ends
beſt anſwered by ſending out only one annual
fleet, and that from one only port in Spain,
and to one port only in Mexico. Theſe
views, which would be impolitic in any
power in Europe beſides, are judicious enough
in Spain ; becauſe the goods they fend belong-
ing moſtly to ſtrangers, and the profits upon
the fale in the Indies being the only thing
that really accrues to themſelves, it is cer-
tainly right to conſult primarily how they
ſhall get the greateft returns upon the ſmalleſt
quantity of goods. It would be quite other-
wife, if all, or moſt of what they ſend abroad,
were their own produce or manufacture,
They are undoubtedly right too in keeping
the trade very carefully to themſelves, though
perhaps
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
235
perhaps the means taken to attain this end
will not be thought ſo rational. By ſuffering
all the trade to be carried on only between two
ports, they they diſcourage in the old world
all their towns from that emulation, which
would not only enable them to traffic in for
reign commodities, but in time to ſet
up
fa
brics of their own; whereas now, with re-
gard to the export of their commodities, they
ſtand upon the level of ſtrangers ; they can
not carry their produce directly to the beſt
market; and it is very certain, that even tri-
fing diſcouragements operate very powerfully
where the commercial ſpirit is weak, and the
trade in its infancy. Again ; in thenew world,
this confinement of the trade encourages in-
terlopers, and an illicit commerce, too gainful
for any regulation to prevent, and which may
afford ſuch bribes as will diſarm the moſt ri-
gid juſtice and lull the moſt attentive vigi-
lance. So that in reality it may greatly be
doubted, whether the precautions, fo fyftema-
tically purſued, and improved from time to
time with ſo much care and foreſight, are at
bottom of moſt advantage or prejudice to that
nation. It was probably ſome conſideration
of this kind, that gave riſe to the cuſtom
of regiſter ſhips : it was found that this con-
fined commerce fupplied its extenſive object
very imperfectly ; and that thoſe who were
at watch to pour in contraband goods would
take
officer at the
236 An Account of the EUROPEAN
take advantage of this want of a regular ſup“
ply from Spain. When therefore a company
of merchants of Cadiz or Seville judge that
goods muſt be wanting at any certain port in
the weſt-Indies, the courſe is, to petition the
council of the Indies for licence to ſend a
ſhip of three hundred tons, or under, "to that
port. They pay for this licence forty or fifty
thouſand dollars, beſides preſents to the of-
ficers, in proportion to the connivance neceſ
ſary to their deſign ; for, though the licence
runs to three hundred tons at the utmoſt, the
veſſel fitted out is ſeldom really leſs than fix
hundred. This ſhip and cargo is regiſtered
at the pretended burthen. It is required too,
that a certificate be brought from the king's
bound, that the does not exceed the ſize at
which ſhe is regiſtered; all this paſſes of
courſe; theſe are what they call regiſter-ſhips,
and by theſe the trade of Spaniſh America
has been carried on principally for ſome years
paſt, ſome think, as much to the prejudice of
their trade, as contrary to all their former
maxims in carrying it on.
But to return to
the flota.
When all the goods are landed and diſ-
poſed of at La Vera Cruz, the fleet takes in
the plate, precious ſtones, cochineal, indigo,
cocoa, tobacco, ſugar and hides, which are
their returns for Old Spain. Sometimes in
May,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
237
es for
May, but more frequently in Auguſt, they
are ready to depart. From La Vera Cruz
they fail to the Havanna in the iſle of Cuba,
which is the place of rendezvous where they
meet the galleons; another fleet, which carries
on all the trade of Terra Firma by Cartha-
gena, and of Peru by Panama and Porto-bello,
in the ſame manner that the flota ferves
that of New-Spain. When they arrive at this
port, and join the galleons and the regiſter
ſhips that collect at the ſame port from all
quarters, ſome of the cleaneſt and beſt failing
of their veffels are diſpatched to Spain, with
advice of the contents of theſe ſeveral fleets,
as well at with treaſure and goods of their
own, that the court may judge what indulto or
duty is proper to be laid on them, and what
convoy is neceffary for their ſafety. Theſe
fleets generally make fome ſtay at the Havanna
before all the ſhips that compoſe them are
collected and ready to fail. As ſoon as this
happens they quit the Havanna, and beat
through the gulph of Florida, and, paſſing
between the Bahama iſlands, hold their courſe
to the 'North-Eaſt, until they come to
the height of St. Auguſtin, and then ſteer
away to Old Spain. When the flota has left
La Vera Cruz, it has no longer the appear--
ance of a place of conſequence; it is a town
in a very unhealthy ſituation, inhabited ſcarcely
by any but Indians, Meztezes, or Negroes.
All
238
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
All the merchants of any conſequence reſide at
fome diſtance, at a place called Los Angelos.
This town may contain about three thouſand
inhabitants.
CH A P. VI.
Three forts of people in New-Spain. The Whites,
Indians, and Negroes; the characters of thoſe.
The clergy, their characters. The civil go-
vernment, its character.
TE
HE inhabitants of New Spain are
compoſed of people of three different
races; Whites, Indians, and Negroes, or the
ſeveral mixtures of thoſe. The Whites are
either born in Old Spain, or they are Creoles ;
thoſe who are native Spaniards are moſtly in
offices, or in trade, and have the fame cha-
racter and manners with the Spaniards of
Europe ; the ſame gravity of behaviour, the
ſame natural fagacity and good ſenſe, the fame
indolence, and yet a greater ſhare of pride and
ſtatelineſs ; for here they look
upon
natives of Old Spain as a very honourable
diſtinction, and are in return looked upon by
the Creoles with no ſmall ſhare of hatred and
envy. The latter have little of that firmneſs
and patience which makes one of the fineſt
parts of the character of the native Spaniard.
They have little courage, and are univerſally
weak
the being
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
239
weak and effeminate. Living as they do in a
conſtant enervating heat, furfeited with wealth,
and giving up their whole time to loitering
and inactive pleaſures, they have nothing bold
or manly to fit them for making a figure in
active life ; and few or none have any taſte for
the fatisfaction of a learned retirement. Luxu-
rious without variety or elegance, and expen-
five with great parade and little conveniency,
their general character is no more than a grave
and ſpecious infignificance.
They are temperate at their tables and in
their cups, but, from idleneſs and conſtitution,
their whole buſineſs is amour and intrigue;
theſe they carry on in the Old Spaniſh tafte, by
doing and ſaying extravagant things, by bad
muſic, worſe poetry, and exceffive expences.
Their ladies are little celebrated for their cha-
ſtity or domeſtic virtues; but they are ſtill a
good deal reſtrained by the old-faſhioned eti-
quette, and they exert a genius, which is not
contemptible, in combating the reſtraints
which that lays them under.
The clergy are extremely numerous, and
their wealth and influence cannot be doubted
amongſt fo rich and ſuperſtitious a people. It
is ſaid, that they actually pofleſs a fourth of
the revenues of that whole kingdom; which,
after all abatements, certainly amounts to ſe-
veral millions. And as to their numbers, it is
not extravagant to ſay, that prieſts, monks,
and
240 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
and nuns of all orders, are upwards of one
fifth of all the white people, both here and
in the other parts of Spaniſh America. But,
the clergy here being too ignorant in general
to be able inſtructors by their preaching, and
too looſe and debauched in their own man-
ners to inſtruct by their example, the people
are little the better for their numbers, wealth,
or influence. Many of them are no other
than adventurers from Old Spain, who, with-
out regard to their character or their vows,
ftudy nothing but how to raiſe a ſudden for-
tune, by abuſing the ignorance and extreme
credulity of the people. A great deal of at-
tention is paid to certain mechanical methods
of devotion, Moral duties are little talked
of. An extreme veneration for faints, lucra-
tive to the orders they have founded or are
fuppoſed to patronize, is ſtrongly inculcated,
and makes the general ſubject of their ſer-
mons deſigned rather to raiſe a ſtupid admi-
ration of their miracles, than an imitation of
the fanctity of their lives. However, having
faid this, it muſt be conſidered as all general
obfervations, with the reaſonable allowances;
for many of the dignified clergy, and others
among them, underſtand and practice, the
duties of their ſtation ; and ſome whole or-
ders, as that of the Jeſuits, are here, as they
are elſewhere, diſtinguiſhable for their learn-
ing and the decency of their behaviour. And
certainly,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 241
certainly, with all their faults, in one reſpect
their zeal is highly commendables that they
are the cauſe of ſeveral charitable foundations;
and that they bring the Indians and blacks
into ſome knowledge of religion, and in ſome
meaſure mitigate their ſlavery. This too has
a good political effect; for thoſe Naves are
more faithful than ours, and, though indulged
with greater liberty, are far leſs dangerous.
I do not remember that any inſurrection has
been ever attempted by them; and the Indians
are reduced to more of a civilized life, than
they are in the colonies of any other European
nation.
This race of people are now, whatever they
were formerly, humble, dejected, timorous,
and docile; they are generally treated with
great indignity. The ſtate of all people fub-
jected to another people is infinitely worſe
than what they ſuffer from the preſſure of the
worſt form, or the worſt adminiſtration, of any
government of their own.
The blacks here, as they are imported
from Africa, have the ſame character as the
blacks of our colonies; ſtubborn, hardy, of
an ordinary underſtanding, and fitted for the
groſs ſlavery they endure.
Such are the characters of the people, not
only of New Spain, but of all Spaniſh Ame,
rica. When any thing materially different
occurs, I ſhall not fail to mention it.
VOL. I.
R
The
The civil
242 An Account of the EUROPEAN
tribunals, which here are called audiences,
confiſting of a certain number of judges, di-
vided into different chambers, more refem-
bling the parliaments in France than our
courts. At the head of the chief of theſe
chambers the viceroy himſelf preſides when
he fees fit. His employment is one of the
greateſt truſt and power the king of Spain has
in his gift; and is perhaps the richeſt govern-
ment entruſted to any ſubject in the world.
All employments here are held only by na-
tive Spaniards, and by them but for a certain
limited time ; at moſt not above three years.
Jealouſy, in this reſpect, as in all others rela-
tive to the Indies, is the fpirit that influences
all their regulations, and it has this very bad
effect; that every officer, from the higheſt
to the lowest, has the avidity which a new and
lucrative poft inſpires ; ravenous becauſe his
time is tort, he oppreſſes the people and
defrauds the crowns another fucceeds him
with the ſame diſpoſitions ; and no man is
careful to eſtabliſh any thing uſeful in his
office, knowing that his ſucceilor will be fure
to trample upon every regulation which is not
fubfervient to his own interefts; fo that this
enſlaved people has not the power put-
ting in uſe the fox's policy, of letting the
firft ſwarm of bloodſuckers ſtay on, but is
obliged to ſubmit to be drained by a con-
Itant
power of
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 243
ſtant ſucceſſion of hungry and impatient
harpies.
There are ſome troops kept in New Spain,
and a good revenue appropriated for their
maintenance, and for the ſupport of the for-
tifications there ; but the ſoldiers are few; ill
cloathed, ill paid, and worſe diſciplined; the
military here keep pace with the civil and
ecclefiaſtical adminiſtration, and every thing
is a jobb.
CH A P. VII.
New Mexico. Its diſcovery. Climate. Pro-
duets. The Engliſh claim to California
N
EW Mexico lies to the North and
North-Eaſt of New Spain. Its bounds
to the North are not aſcertained. Taking in
California, it has the great South-Sea to the
Weſt, and to the Eaſt it is bounded by the
French pretenſions on the Miſſiſippi. This
country lies for the moſt part within the
temperáte zone, and has a moſt agreeable cli-
mate, and a foil in many places productive of
every thing for profit and delight. It has rich
mines of filver, and ſome of gold, which
are worked more and more every day; and it
produces precious ſtones of ſeveral kinds; but
it has no direct intercourſe with any part of
Europe. The country is but little known at all
R 2
to
244 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
PAR
to Europeans; and the Spaniſh ſettlements
there are comparatively weak; however, they
are every day increaſing in proportion as they
diſcover mines; which are here not inferior
to any that have been diſcovered in the other
parts
of America. The inhabitants are moſtly
Indians; but in many places lately reduced,
by the Spaniſh miſſionaries, to chriſtianity, to
a civilized life, to follow trades, and to raiſe
corn and wine, which they now export pretty
largely to old Mexico. This uſeful change
was principally effected at the expence of a
Spanish nobleman, the marquis Velaſco,
whom the reverend author of lord Anſon's
voyage calls, for that reaſon, a munificent
bigot.
The famous peninſula of California is a
part, and far from an inconſiderable part, of
this country. It is a place finely ſituated for
trade, and has a pearl fiſhery of great value.
It was diſcovered by the great conqueror of
Mexico, Hernando Cortes. Our famous admi-
there, and took poſſeſſion of it in 1578; and he
not only took poſſeſſion, but obtained the beſt
right in the world to the poſſeſſion; the prin-
cipal king having formally inveſted him with
his principality. However, I do not find that
we have thought of aſſerting that right i
ſince
his time; but it may probably employ, in fome
future age, the pens of thoſe lawyers who
diſpute
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
245
diſpute with words what can only be decided
by the ſword, and will afford large matter up-
on the right of diſcovery, occupancy, and ſet-
tlement.
CHA P. VIII.
The climate and foil of Peru. Its produce. The
mines, the coca and herb of Paraguay.
T
HE conqueſt of Peru, atchieved in ſo
extraordinary a manner, brought into
the power of Spain a country not leſs weal-
thy and nearly as extenſive as Mexico; but
far beyond it for the conveniency of habita-
tion and the agreeableneſs of the climate.
Like Mexico, it is within the torrid zone; yet,
having on one ſide the South-Sea, and on the
other the great ridge of the Andes through
its whole length, the joint effects of the ocean
and the mountains temper the equinoctial
heat in a manner equally agreeable and fur-
priſing. With a ſky for the moſt part clou-
dy, which ſhields them from the rays of the
vertical fun, it never rains in this c
country.
But every night a ſoft benign dew broods
upon the earth, and refreſhes the graſs and
plants ſo as to produce in ſome parts the
greateſt fertility; what the dew wants in per-
fecting this, is wrought by the vaſt number
of ſtreams, to which the frequent rains and
R3
the
of the 6
246 An Account of the EUROPEAN
the daily melting of the ſnow on thoſe aſto-
niſhing mountains give riſe ; for thoſe moun-
tains, though within the tropics, have their
tops continually covered with ſnow, which is
an appearance unparallelled in the fame cli-
mate. Along the fea-coaſt, Peru is generally a
dry barren ſand, except by the bank of the
rivers and ſtreams we have mentioned, where
it is extremely fertile, as are all the valleys in
the hilly country,
The cauſe of the want of rain in all the flat
country
of Peru is difficult to be aſſigned ;
though the agents in it are not improbably the
conſtant South-Weſt wind, that prevails there
for the greateſt part of the year; and the im-
menſe height of the mountains, cold with a
conſtant ſnow. The plain country between,
refreſhed as it is on the one hand by the cool
winds that blow without any variation from
the frigid regions of the South, and heated as
uniformly by the direct rays of the equinoc-
tial fun, preſerve ſuch an equal temper, that
the vapour once elevated can hardly every de-
fcend in rain : But in the mountainous part of
the
e country, by the alternate contraction and
dilatation of the air from the daily heats and the
from the unequal temper of the air which
prevails in all hilly places, the rain falls very
plentifully; the climate in the mountainous
countries
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
247
countries is extremely changeable, and the
changes ſudden,
All along the coaſt of Peru, à current ſets
ſtrongly to the North; further out to ſea, it
paſſes with equal rapidity to the South. This
current probably moves eddywife ; for, having
run as far as its moving caufe impels it, it na-
turally paſſes back again where it has leaſt re-
fiſtance. The ignorance of this double cur-
rent made the navigation in the South-Seas
originally very uncertain and fatiguing; but
now the courſe is, for thoſe who paſs from
Chili to Peru, to keep in to the ſhore in their
paffage to Callao, and on their return to ſtand
out a great many leagues to ſea, and take the
Southern current homewards. The fame me-
thod, but reverſed, is obſerved in the voyages
between Panama, and all the other Northern
countries, and the ports of Peru.
The commodities of Peru, for export, may
be reduced to theſe articles. Firſt, filver and
gold; fecondly, wine, oil, and brandy; third-
ly, Vigonia wool; fourthly, jeſuits bark; fifth-
ly, Guinea or Jamaica pepper. Of the firſt
of theſe articles we have already treated in
our deſcription of Mexico. The mines of
gold in Peru are almoſt all in the Northern
part, not very remote from Lima; thoſe of
filver almoſt wholly in the Southern. The
voyagers who treat of this country are gene-
rally pretty diffuſe in their accounts of the
principal
R 4
4
tive, it would be little
248 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
principal places, where mines are found; but
it does not therefore give us encouragement to
inſiſt much on theſe particulars, becauſe they
contain very little inſtruction in themſelves; and
if they were things in their own nature inſtruc-
upon what is continually changing. New
mines are daily opened, and the old exhauſted
or deferted. The towns ſhift with the mines.
A rich mine is always the founder of a town in
proportion to its produce; the town which it
fubfifts, when the mine is exhauſted, diſap-
pears. Indeed the great mines of Potofi in
the province of Los Charcas, are the inheri-
tance of ages; and, after having enriched the
world for centuries, ſtill continue the inex-
hauſtible fources of new treaſure. They are
not however quite ſo valuable now as former
ly; not ſo much from any failure of the vein,
as from the immenſe depth to which they have
purſued it, which, by the greater labour ne-
ceffary, leffens the profit on what it yields, in
proportion as they deſcend; beſides, new mines
are daily opened, which are worked at a leſs
expence : ſo that the accounts we have had of
the great number which inhabited the city of
Potofi, when Mr. Fręzier was in that country
muſt have fince ſuffered ſome abatement. It
had then upwards of ſeventy thouſand ſouls,
Spaniards and Indians; of which the latter
were fix to one,
The
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 249
The Spaniards oblige this unfortunate peo-
ple to ſend annually a certain number from the
villages of the adjacent country, who are com-
pelled to work for a limited time; afterwards
they may return. But, having loſt the ſweet-
neſs of their former connexions, they that ſur-
vive this ſlavery commonly ſettle in the city of
Potoſi. It is incredible how theſe mines (the
moſt terrible ſcourge with which God could
afflict the inhabitants) have contributed to de-
populate this country. Worſe they are than
ſword or peſtilence; equally fatal to their lives ;
and where thoſe eſcape, they are embittered
by the circumſtance of an ignominious ſlavery,
without any proſpect of end or mitigation.
The effects of this fervitude would be yet more
fatal, if it were not for the uſe of an herb
which the inhabitants call Coca, to which
they aſcribe the moſt extraordinary virtues, and
which they conſtantly uſe. Its qualities ſeem
to be of the opiate kind, and to have ſome re-
ſemblance to thoſe of tobacco; for it produces
a kind of ſtupid compoſure. It is an antidote
againſt poiſons and poiſonous effluvia, and
makes thoſe who uſe it ſublift a long time
without food. Though neceſſary to thoſe only
who work in the mines, it is ufed for pleaſure
by all the Indians, who chew it conſtantly,
though it makes thoſe who uſe it ſtink in a
moſt offenſive manner. This herb is gathered
by the Indians with many ſuperſtitious cere-
monies,
250
An Account of the EUROPEAN
monies, to which they attribute its virtues ; for
which reaſon it is, in many parts of Peru, with
equal ſuperſtition, ſtrictly forbidden ; the Spa-
niards, as well as the Indians, giving the cre-
dit of its effects to magic, and allowing to theſe
more than they deſerve; for they think the In-
dians ſuperiority in ſtrength owing principally
them. However, notwithſtanding the ſe-
vérity of the inquiſition, which is eſtabliſhed
în all the Spaniſh dominions with great terror,
neceſſity makes them wink at the practice,
where the mines are worked.
They make uſe of another preſervative, an
infuſion of the herb of Paraguay; ſomething of
the nature of tea. The conſumption of this in
Peru by all ranks of people is prodigious. A-
bove 18,000 hundred weight is annually
brought into Chili and Peru, and
is worth,
when the duty is paid, not leſs than 80,000
pound ſterling. The fineſt of this ſpecies of
tea comes from the country of the jeſuits.
C HA P.
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
251
CHA P. IX.
The wines of Peru. The wool. The lamas and
vicunnas, ſheep of Peru. Jeſuits bark, Gui-
nea pepper. The dung of Iquiqua. Quick-
filver mines.
TH
HE Southern part of Peru, which lies
without the tropic of Capricorn, pro-
duces wine in great plenty, but not in a per-
fection proportionable. The Spaniards diſlike
and leave it to the Indians and negroes, chul-
ing rather, what may ſeem odd, to regale in
the brandy of the ſame wine, which is like-
wife made and exported in large quantities,
not only to all parts of Peru, but to Panama,
and the ports of New Spain. The greateſt
quantity is made near a place otherwiſe of no
conſequence, called Moquaga ; here, it is ſaid,
they make annually of wine and brandy one
hundred thouſand jars, which Mr. Frezier
reckons at three million two hundred thou-
ſand Paris pints. A vaſt quantity in a ſmall
territory. The value of this produce is four
hundred thouſand pieces of eight. Other
places trade in wine, ſuch as Piſco, but of a
goodneſs not ſuperior. Oil is likewiſe had in
Peru; but both the wine and oil are moſtly the
produce of thoſe places that lie beyond the
Southern tropic:
Wool
252 An Account of the EUROPEAN
Wool makes one of the moſt valuable com-
modities of the growth of this country. And
it is not more remarkable for its fine long fta-
ple, than for the fingularity of the animal
which carries it. It is ſheered from a ſort of
fheep, which they call lamas and vicunnas ;
the lamas have ſmall heads, reſembling in ſome
meaſure both an horſe and ſheep; the upper
lip is cleft like that of the hare, through which,
when they are enraged, they ſpit, even to ten
paces diſtance, a fort of envenomed juice,
which when it falls on the ſkin, cauſes a red
fpot and great itching. The neck is long like
that of a camel; the body reſembles that of
a ſheep, but the legs are much longer in propor-
tion. This animal has a diſagreeable ſmell,
but its fleſh is good; and it is extremely uſe-
ful, not only for the wool, which is very long
and fine, but as it is a beaſt of burthen, Atrong,
patient, and kept at a very eaſy expence. It
ſeldom carries above one hundred and fifty
pound weight, but then it carries that weight
a vaſt way without tiring, eats very little, and
never drinks. As ſoon as night comes, the la-
ma lies down ; and no blows can get him to
move one foot, after the time he deſtines for his
reſt and food.
The vicunna is an animal reſembling the
lama, pretty much as the dromedary does the
camel. He is ſmaller and ſwifter, with a far
finer wool, but otherwiſe exactly like the lama
in
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
253
in all reſpects. The wool of theſe creatures
is almoſt as fine as filk. Probably the famous
ſheep of Cachemir, of whoſe wool they make
the little white cloths, ſo much valued in India,
is of this ſpecies. I cannot aſcertain what
quantity of this wool is exported, manufactured
or raw, out of Peru, either to New or Old
Spain; but I have reaſon to believe it is not
at all inconſiderable.
The fourth great article of their commerce
is jeſuits bark, ſo well known in medicine, as
a ſpecific in intermitting diſorders, and the
many other great purpoſes, which experience
daily finds it to anſwer. The tree which pro
duces this valuable bark grows principally in
the mountainous parts of Peru, and that moſt
and beſt in the province of Quito. Condamine
informs us, that it grows on the hither ſide of
the Andes, no way inferior to the Peruvian in
quantity and goodneſs; the beſt is produced
on the high and rocky grounds ; and it is not
fingular in this, for it ſeems in a good mea-
ſure to be the caſe of all plants, whoſe juices
are much more ſtrong and effective when ela-
borated in ſuch ſituations. The tree which
bears it is about the ſize of a cherry-tree; its
leaves are round and indented; it bears a long
reddiſh flower, from whence ariſes a ſort of
huſk, which envelopes aflat and white kernel,
not unlike an almond. Thie bark was firſt
introduced in France by the Cardinal Lago, a
jeſuit,
254 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
jeſuit, about the year 1650. Hence it had its
name of jeſuits bark. It is ſaid to have been
diſcovered by the accidentof an Indian's drink-
ing in a fever of the water of a lake into which
ſome of theſe trees had fallen, and by which
he was cured. This medicine, as uſual, was
held in defiance for a good while by the fa-
culty ; but after an obſtinate defence, they
have thought proper at laſt to furrender. Not-
withſtanding all the miſchiefs at firſt foreſeen
in its uſe, every body knows that it is at this
day innocently and efficaciouſly preſcribed in a
great variety of caſes ; for which reaſon it
makes a confiderable and valuable
and valuable part of the
cargo of the galleons.
Guinea pepper, Agi, or, as it is called by
us, Cayenne pepper, is a very great article in
the trade of Peru, as it is uſed all over Spa-
niſh America in almoſt every thing they eat.
This is produced in the greateſt quantity in
the vale of Arica, a diſtrict in the Southern
parts of Peru, from whence they export it to
the annual value of fix hundred thouſand
The diſtrict which produces this
pepper in füch abundance is but ſmall, and
naturally barren; its fertility in pepper, as
well as in grain and fruits, is owing to the
advantage of a ſpecies of a very extraordinary
manure, brought from an iſland called Iqui-
qua. This is a fort of yellowiſh earth, of a
fetid ſmell. It is generally thought to be dung
of
Crowns.
Settlements in AMERICA,
255
of birds, becauſe of the fimilitude of the ſcent;
feathers having been found very deep in it,
and vaſt numbers of ſea fowls appearing
upon
that and all the adjacent coafts. But, on
the other hand, whether we look upon this
ſubſtance as the dung of theſe fea fowls or a
particular fpecies of earth, it is almoſt equally
difficult to conceive how the ſmall iſland of
Iquiqua, not above two miles in circumfe-
rence, could ſupply ſuch immenſe quantities ;
and yet, after ſupplying upwards of twelve ſhip
loads annually for a century together for the
diſtant parts, and a vaſtly larger quantity for
the uſe of the neighbourhood, it cannot be
obſerved that it is in the leaſt diminiſhed, or
that the height of the iſland is at all leffened.
But theſe are matters, which to handle pro-
perly, require a more exact knowledge of all
the circumſtances relating to them, than can
be gathered from travellers,
Quickſilver is a remarkable article in their
trade, becauſe the purification of their gold
and ſilver depends upon it. I do not find that
any other part of the Spaniſh America pro-
duces it; fo that Mexico and Terra Firma are
ſupplied from Old Spain with all they want
of that mineral, which is brought them on
the king's account only; except that ſome ar-
rives from Peru in a contraband manner. In
Peru likewiſe it is monopolized by the crown.
The principal mine of this extraordinary fub-
ſtance
256 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſtance is at a place called Guancavelica, where
it is found in a whitiſh maſs, reſembling brick
ill burned; this they pound, and put into a
furnace vaulted at the top ; it is laid upon an
iron grate covered with earth. Through this
the fire paſſes; and volatilizing the mineral,
it is raiſed in a ſmoke, which, finding no paſ-
fage but through a little hole contrived for
that purpoſe, ruſhes through into a ſucceſ-
fion of little round veſſels, united to each
other by the necks; here the ſmoak circu-
lates, and it condenſes by means of a little
water at the bottom of each veſſel, into which
the quickſilver falls in a pure heavy liquid.
The men who work in the mines of this mi-
neral are yet more ſubject to diſeaſes than thoſe
who toil in the others; and they make uſe
of the fame preſervatives of Paraguay, tea
and coca.
C H A P. X.
The character of the Peruvians. Their divifons.
The Indian feſtival. Honours paid to a de-
ſcendant of the ynca.
TH
HE manners of the Spaniards and
Creolians of Peru reſemble, with little
difference, thoſe of the Spaniards and Creo-
lians of Mexico, other than that the natives
of Peru ſeem to be of a more liberal turn,
and
SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA. 257
and of greater ingenuity ; but they are for the
greater part equally deſtitute of all cultivation,
The flavery of the Indians is here yet more
ſevere. The magiſtrate and the prieſt devour
their whole ſubſtance; and every Spaniard,
as fome authors report, inſults them with
impunity. The traveller takes as much of
their proviſion as he pleaſes, and decides for
himſelf what he ſhall pay, or whether he
Thall pay any thing at all. Complaints are
anſwered with new indignities, and with
blows, which it is a crime to return. This
cruel irregular bondage contributes to diſpeo-
ple this country even more than the metho-
dical tyranny of the government. To avoid
the plunder he is hourly ſubjected to, the maf-
ter of the family often raiſes no more grain
than what juſt fuffices for the ſuſtenance of
his family; this he buries, and keeps the
fecret of his hoard to himſelf, only drawing
out daily juſt ſo much as ferves for the uſe of
the day. If he chances to die ſuddenly, the
family ſtarves; if a bad ſeaſon comes, the
calculated produce falls ſhort, and they are
all reduced to beggary. Yet worſe, they are
even the ſlaves of flaves; for the Spaniards
encourage their negroes to treat them with
the greateſt inſolence; and they politically
keep up a rancour, now grown inveterate, be-
tween theſe two races of people. They are
forbidden, under the ſevereft penalties, to
VOL.I.
S
marry
258
An Account of the EUROPEAN
fnarry, or to have an unlawful intercourſe to-
gether. Diviſion is the great inſtrument in
which the Spaniards truſt for the preſervation
of their colonies. The native Spaniard has
alone all the lucrative offices, civil, ecclefiaf-
tical, and military. He deſpiſes the Creolian ;
the Creolian hates and envies him. Both
contemn and maltreat the Indians, who, on
their ſide, are not inſenſible of the indignities
they ſuffer. The Blacks are encouraged to
trample on the Indians, and to conſider their
intereſts as altogether oppoſite; whilſt the In-
dians in their nominal freedom look with an
envious diſdain upon the ſlavery of the Ne-
groes, which makes them their maſters.
What is extraordinary, the Spaniards, not
content with reducing this unhappy nation
under fo cruel a yoke, as if they thought it
nothing unleſs they were thoroughly fenfi-
ble of its weight, ſuffer the Indians to cele-
brate an annual feſtival, in which plays are
repreſented, commemorating the overthrow
of their own ſtate. Theſe are acted with all
the horrid and aggravating circumſtances
which attended this event; and the people
are at this time ſo enraged, that the Spaniards
find it dangerous to go abroad. In the city
of Lima, there is annually celebrated a feſti-
val of this kind, with a grand proceſſion,
wherein they carry in a fort of triumph the
remaining deſcendant of the yncas of Peru,
and
SettleMENTS in AMERICA, 259
upon his
upon à
and his wife; who at that time receive all
imaginable honours in the moſt melancholy
pomp, from a race bowed down with the ſenſe
of the common bondage of prince and peo-
ple. This throws the moſt affecting gloom
over the feſtival that renews the image of their
former freedom. To this remaining ynca the
viceroy of Peru does homage when he enters
government. The ynca fits
lofty ſtage, and the viceroy makes his obei-
fance upon an horſe, who is taught to kneel
upon
the occaſion. This manner of
proceed-
ing may be thought of the moſt refined ſtrain
of inſolent tyranny, and to be as unpolitic as
it is infulting ; but it is not impoſſible that
thoſe vents, which they ſuffer the indignation
of the people to take, may carry off a ſpirit,
that might otherwiſe break out in a much
more fatal manner. Whether by the diviſion
they keep up, or by theſe vents, or by the
management of the clergy, or by whatever
means, the Spaniards preſerve their conqueſts
with very little force; the Indians are even
armed, and make a conſiderable part of their
militia; it is true, they are interdicted the uſe
of weapons without licence; but licence is
procured without much difficulty.
They
have likewiſe a large number of free blacks,
and they too are formed into companies in
their militia. Certain it is, that, both in the
wala
Spaniſh and Portugueſe colonies, they find
S2
llavery
fideration, as we do not ſeem to excel in the
260 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſlavery compatible enough with great licence
in fome reſpects, and both with the ſecurity
of the maſters. Things deſerving our con-
conciliating arts of government in our colo-
nies, nor to think that any thing is to be ef-
fected by other inſtruments than thoſe of ter-
for and rude force.
C H A P. XI.
The cities of Peru, Lima, Cuſco, and Quito;
a deſcription of them. Callao, its trade and
deſruction. The viceroy of Peru. His ju.
riſdition, and revenues.
T
HERE are three cities in Peru famous
for their opulence and trade; Lima,
Cuſco, and Quito. Lima lies in the Northern
part of Peru, in the latitude of 12 South,
and 299 longitude from Teneriffe. It ſtands
about two leagues from the ſea, upon a river
called Rimac, ſmall and unnavigable. This
city is the capital of Peru, and of all South
America; it extends in length about two
miles, and in breadth about one and a quar-
ter ; its diſtant appearance, from the multitude
of ſpires and domes, is extremely majeſtic;
and when you enter it you ſee the ſtreets laid
out with the greateſt regularity, cutting each
other at equal diſtances and right angles ; the
houſes,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
261
houſes, on account of the equality of the
climate, are ſlightly roofed, as they are built
low and of light materials, to avoid the con-
ſequences of earthquakes, frequent and dread-
ful in this country. But they are elegantly
plaiſtered and painted on the outſide, ſo as to
have all the appearance of free-ſtone. To add
to the beauty and convenience of this city,
moſt houſes have a garden, watered by cuts
drawn from the river ; each man commands
a little running ſtream for his own uſe; in a
hot and dry country as this is, no ſmall mat-
ter of convenience and delight. Here is a
grand walk by the river-ſide two hundred fa-
thom long, conſiſting of five rows of fine
orange trees. To this the company reſorts at
five in the evening drawn in their coaches
and calalhes *. Such is the opulence of this
city, that, excluſive of coaches, there are
kept in it upwards of five thouſand of theſe
carriages.
Lima has fifty-four churches, taking in
the cathedral, the parochial, and conventual ;
thirteen monaſteries of men (beſides ſix col-
leges of jeſuits, one of which contains ſeven
hundred, and another five hundred friars and
ſervants; twelve nunneries, the principal of
* The calaſh reſembles that ſort of coach which is called a Vis
a Vis, but is drawn only by a ſingle horſe or mule, and goes on
a ſingle pair of wheels; yet ſometimes by the gilding and other
decorations the price of a calaſh amounts to a thouſand crowns.
S
3
which
262 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
which has not leſs than three hundred nuns ;
and twelve hoſpitals, beſides foundations for
the portioning of poor girls. The number
of whites is not leſs than 10,000; and the
whole of the inhabitants of all cafts and co-
lours are ſaid not to fall ſhort of 60,000 fouls.
They tell a very remarkable fact, that may
help us to ſome idea of the vaſt wealth of
this city. When their viceroy the duke de
la Palata made his public entry in 1682, they
cauſed two of the principal ſtreets to be paved
with ingots of filver, that had paid the fifth
to the king, of between twelve and fifteen
inches long, four or five in breadth, and two
or three in thickneſs; the whole of which
could not amount to leſs than fixteen or ſe
venteen millions ſterling. But nothing can
give a true idea of the vaſt wealth of Lima,
except the churches, which the moſt judici-
ous travellers ſpeak of with aſtoniſhment;
and ſeem incapable of deſcribing, on account
of that amazing profuſion of gold, ſilver, and
precious ſtones with which every thing) even
the walls) is in a manner totally covered. The
tide of this vaſt wealth is fed from ſources as
copious; this city being the great magazine for
almoſt all the plate of Peru, which is coined
here; for the large manufactures and natural
products of that kingdom ; for thoſe of Chili;
and for all the luxuries and conveniences
brought from Europe and the Eaft-Indies.
The
3
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA. 263
The trade of the French to Peru, during
the general war in Europe which was cauſed
by the diſputes about the Spaniſh ſucceflion,
made this city decay not a little, by diffuſing
the commerce, of which before it was the
center, amongſt the other towns which lie
along the coaſt; but, as that privilege has been
fince taken away, Lima began to revive again,
and continued in great ſplendor until the year
1747, when a moſt tremendous earthquake,
which entirely devoured Callao the port be-
longing to it, laid three fourths of this city
level with the ground. The deſtruction
of
Callao was the moſt perfect and terrible that
can be conceived; no more than one of all
the inhabitants eſcaping, and he by a pro-
vidence the moſt ſingular and extraordinary
imaginable. This man was on the fort that
overlooked the harbour, going to ſtrike the
flag, when he perceived the ſea to retire to
a conſiderable diſtance; and then ſwelling
mountain high, it returned with great vio-
lence. The inhabitants ran from their houſes
in the utmoſt terror and confuſion; he heard
a cry of Miferere riſe from all parts of the
city; and immediately all was ſilent; the ſea
had entirely overwhelmed this city, and bu-
ried it for ever in its boſom; but the ſame
wave which deſtroyed this city, drove a little
boat by the place where the man ſtood, into
which he threw himſelf and was faved. What
is
SA
264
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
is remarkable too in this affair, Mr. Frezier,
who was in Peru in the year 1714, and from
whom I have part of my materials, on con-
fidering the ſituation of this town and the na-
ture of the country, ventured to prophefy for
it the deſtruction, which we have ſeen ac-
compliſhed in our days. Whilſt this town
fubfifted, it contained about 3000 inhabitants
of all kinds, had five convents, and pofſeffed
the fineſt port in all Peru. Here were the
rich warehouſes furniſhed with all the goods
of Europe, which being landed by the gal-
leons at Porto-bello were brought over land
to Panama, and thence tranſported hither by
the armadilla, or fleet, with a convoy of three
men of war reſerved for this purpoſe. To
this port arrived the annual fhip from Aca-
pulco laden with all the products of the
Eaſt, from Chili it received vaſt quantities of
corn, dried beef and pork, leather, tallow,
plank, and ſeveral forts of woollen goods,
particularly carpets like thoſe of Turkey.
From the Southern ports of Peru were brought
ſugars, wine and brandy, naval ſtores, cacao,
Vigonia wool, and tobacco. From Mexico it
had pitch and tar, woods for dying, and that
balfam, which we improperly call of Peru,
ſince it comes from Guatimala.o As the
port
of Callao is fo excellent, and as it is that by
which the trade of Lima wholly, and that of
all Peru in a great meaſure, muſt be carried
on,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 265
on, we cannot doubt but that a new city is
already built there, and that Lima is reſtored
to its former luſtre; eſpecially as this latter is
the center of fo yaſt a trade, and the ſeat of ſo
great a government. For to the viceroy of
Peru, both Chili and Terra Firma are ſubject.
His ſettled falary is 40,000 pieces of eight
yearly; his perquiſites are great ; as often as
he goes to Callao, he is intitled to 3000 pieces
of eight for that little airing: he has 10,000
for every progreſs into more diſtant parts; he
has the ſole diſpoſal of above an hundred great
magiſtracies; and, in ſhort, the granting of all
triennial employments both civil and military
throughout the extent of his ample juriſdic-
tion. It cannot therefore be doubted that his
perquiſites, even his lawful ones (for there
are many others,) at leaſt double the value of
his ſalary. And certainly, whatever the king
of Spain may loſe by the bad economy in
his affairs, no prince in the world has ſuch
means of rewarding the ſervices of his ſubjects,
without any immediate burden upon his own
revenues.
Cuſco, the capital of the ancient empire, is
ſtill a very conſiderable city ; it is at a good dif-
tance from the fea, and ſituated in the moun-
tainous part of the country; it has not leſs than
forty thouſand inhabitants, three parts Indians,
who are very induſtrious and ingenious. Tho '
little inſtructed in the art, a taſte for paint.
ing
3
266
An Account of the EUROPEAN
ing prevails, and fome performances of the
Indians of Cuſco and Quito have met with
applauſe in Italy. An incredible quantity of
pictures are painted here, and are diſperſed all
over Peru and Chili. They have here like-
wiſe manufactures of bays and cotton, and
they work largely in leather in moſtof the
ways
in which it is uſed.
Quito is likewiſe an inland town fituated in
the moſt Northern part of Peru; it is a very
conſiderable place, and equal to any in Peru
for the number of inhabitants, which are be-
tween fifty and fixty thouſand; and it carries
on a very extenſive trade with Lima, in ma-
nufactures of wool, cotton, and flax, which
are wrought in the city and its diſtrict, and
ſupply the greater part of the conſumption of
the poorer fort all over this kingdom. Few
mines are worked in this diſtrict, tho' thought
to abound in minerals ; they receive plate in
return for their own manufactures, and ſend it
to Carthagena in return for thoſe of Europe.
It is not eaſy to calculate the number of in-
habitants in Peru, becauſe we have none of
thofe data which are neceſſary to ground ſuch a
calculation. There are ſeveral very large and
populous towns diſperſed through that country;
but in many places it is little better than a de-
fart; partly for want of water, but much
more generally through the pride of one part
of the people, the miſerable ſubjection of the
other,
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
267
other and the floth of all. The mines un-
doubtedly contribute largely to depopulate the
country, by turning the inhabitants from agri-
culture and manufactures, employments that
prolong life and provide for it, to the working
of metals extremely pernicious to health, and
which makes them depend upon others for
their neceſſary ſuſtenance. The nations which
are poor in reſpect of gold, and induſtrious
from that poverty, have not the leaſt reaſon to
envy the wealth of the Peruvians; who, amidſt
all that extravagant glare that dazzles the eye,
live penuriouſly and fordidly; and are often
in extreme want in a country, which in many
places is one of the moſt fertile in the world.
In fact, the countries which employ their men
in arts and in agriculture, and receive their re-
turn in gold and ſilver, from the countries
which abound in thoſe metals, may be confi-
dered as the real proprietors of the mines; the
immediate poffeſfors, only as their ſtewards
to manage, or as their llaves to work them ;
whilſt they are employed themſelves at an
eafy labour, friendly to life, and neceffary to
their well-being
CH A P.
268
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
C HA P. XII.
The temperature of the air in Chili. The foil.
Its fertility. A deſcription of the principal
The trade of Chili.
toguns.
IM
Mmediately to the Southward of Peru lies
Chili, extending itſelf in a long narrow
Sip along the coaſt of the South-Sea, in the
South temperate zone.
The air here is re-
markably clear and ſerene. Scarce any changes
happen for three parts of the year. Very
little rain falls during that period. But the
benign dews every night, and the many rivu-
lets which the neighbourhood of the Andes
fupplies them, fertilize the plain country, and
make it produce as much corn, wine, oil, and
fruits, as the number of theinhabitants, which
is very ſmall, or their induſtry, which is but
moderate, will ſuffer them to cultivate. If it
were under a more favourable government,
and better peopled, there is hardly any part of
the world which could enter into competition
with this. For at the ſame time that it enjoys
a very healthful air, and is warmed by an heat
no way oppreſſive, it bears many of the tro-
pical fruits that would thrive no where elſe
out of the torrid zone. It is luxuriant on the
furface with every thing for profit and delight;
and beneath it is rich to profuſion with veins
of
Dountry
SETTLEMENŤS in AMERICA. 269
of gold, ſilver, copper, lead, quickſilver,
and iron. Thoſe of gold are the moſt
wrought; and indeed there is ſcarce a rivulet
in the country in which gold is not found in
ſmaller or greater plenty ; but want of people,
which is here more felt than in the other Spa
niſh ſettlements, hinders them from working
all their mines, and, what is worſe, from im-
proving the ſurface of their country to any
thing like the degree of perfection to which it
might be brought. For in this whole extent
of country, upwards of twelve hundred miles
in length, and from three hundred to five hun
dred miles in breadth, it is not reckoned they
have much above twenty thouſand whites fit
to bear arms, and about three times that num-
ber of Indians, Blacks, and Mulattoes. Yet,
with fo few hands, and thoſe not the moſt
induſtrious, they export annually from the
ports of Chili, to Calloa, and other parts of
Peru, corn enough to ſupport fixty thouſand
prolific in grain of every ſpecies ; they export
beſides great quantities of wine, hemp (which
is raiſed in no other part on the South-Seas,)
hides, tallow, and falted proviſions ; to ſay
nothing of the gold, ant other minerals,
which form their principal wealth. The peo-
ole are much employed in paſturage ; and cat-
tle are here in ſuch plenty, that an ox fatted
may be had for four dollars; a great proof of
the
270 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
the fertility of a country where there is no
ſcarcity of money: But as they have a con-
ſiderable trade in dried and falted beef, hides,
and tallow, they conſtantly drive great num-
bers of horned cattle from the other ſide of
the Andes, from the province of Tucuman in
Paragua. Chili has but a very few beaſts of
prey, and thoſe timorous ; and although toads,
ſnakes, and fcorpions, are here as numerous as
in other hot countries, they are found entirely
harmleſs.
There are in Chili four towns of ſome note,
either on the ſea, or near it ; St. Jago which
is the capital, and contains about 4000 fami-
lies, La Conception, Coquimbo or La Serena,
and Baldivia. The three firſt of theſe towns
are laid out in a manner exactly reſembling
each other, the ſtreets like thoſe of Lima,
cutting one another fo as to form fquares like
thoſe of a draft board. They have all gar-
dens between the houſes, and running waters
drawn from the neighbouring rivers to ferti-
lize them ; but the houſes are ſo low and
meanly built (mud walls, and thatch in
fome) that they rather reſemble agreeable
country villages, than cities of buſineſs and
grandeur. However, ſome of the houſes are
well furniſhed, and it is ſaid, that in St. Jago
there are many, which have the meaneſt uten-
fils of the kitchen, of gold and ſilver. As
for Baldivia, it is not more remarkable for
being
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
271
being the ſtrongeſt fortreſs in the South-Seas,
than for the manner in which it is peopled ;
for hither the criminals from Peru and the
other parts of Chili are tranſported, either for
a time or for life, and obliged to labour up-
on the fortifications and other public works.
What is fingular ; theſe criminals are at once
the priſoners and the jailors; for the garriſon
of the place, the whole corps, ſoldiers and of-
ficers, is formed of no other. The town
contains about two thouſand fouls, and all of
them baniſhed people, or the deſcendants of
ſuch.
The maritime trade of Chili is entirely con-
fined to what they carry on with Peru, one or
two ports of New Spain, and Panama. Their
Thips rarely penetrate the ſtreights of Magellan,
or paſs Cape Horn. But they have a conſide-
rable inland commerce with Tucuman, Bue-
nos-Ayres, and other parts of Paragua, from
which they get the herb of Paragua, bees-wax,
and cattle.
:
CH A P. XIII.
The Spaniards in this province but few. The
Americans, their character. Some free.
S in Chili they are weak in men, have a
large body of independent Indians, ill-
affected to them on their borders ; as the
Dutch
A
272 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
is a
Dutch once attempted an eſtabliſhment here,
and as other people have nouriſhed projects of
the fame nature ; they are extremely cautious
and watchful on the coaſt, and the country is
immediately in arms upon every alarm, which
is given when any ſhip appears off the coaſt
that is not Spaniſh built : yet, notwithſtand
ing all their caution, their ſecurity is rather
owing to the ſyſtem of Europe, of which it
a part to keep the Spaniſh poſſeſſions in the
hand of the prefent proprietors, and to the
difficult and dangerous paſſage of the ſtreights
of Magellan or Cape Horne, for any European
armament of force, than either to their own
ſtrength or vigilance.
The Indian inhabitants of Chili are a brave
and warlike people, who defended their liber
ties vigorouſly, made ſeveral ſucceſsful infura
rections, killed Peter Baldivia the conqueror
of the country, and maintained a war againſt
the whole Spaniſh power in that part of the
world for ſeveral years ; which was only ter-
minated, on the part of ſeveral of the nations
near the mountains, by an honourable peace,
which is preſerved to this day. None can be
more jealouſly watchful than this people of
their freedom. They traffic indeed with the
Spaniards, but with ſo much caution, and un-
der limitations ſo ſtrict, that they can take
very little advantage of this communication,
As for thoſe who are obliged to fubmit, it is
to
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
273
to a yoke nothing near ſo heavy as that which
oppreſſes the people who inhabit the other
Spaniſh provinces ; partly from the better
terms which were procured ; and partly from
the fear of a nation, whom they have expe-
rienced to be brave, and know to be ſurround-
ed with many, who are of the fame blood,
and have defended their freedom with better
ſucceſs. A good example, even in the un-
fortunate, how much a brave defence of li-
berty may contribute to procure, if nothing
elſe, yet a more tolerable ſervitude. The In-
dians of this country have more reſemblance
to thoſe of North America, though more hu-
mane and civilized in their manners, than to
the Peruvians and Mexicans. Here they have
leſs ſuperſtition naturally; and, far from having
that exceſſive veneration which thoſe nations
had for their kings, they have no kings at all,
and very little form of government; each fa-
mily being ſovereign within itſelf, and inde-
pendent. The buſineſs which concerns them
all, is tranſacted in the aſſemblies of all; and
the plurality of voices decides. They are much
given to liquor; and they practiſe polygamy,
which in America is not common. How-
ever, the Spaniſh miſſionaries have now made
a conſiderable progreſs amongſt theſe free na-
tions; they have a college for the education of
the Indian youth ; and their influence is
great
means of preſerving peace between the Spaniſh
VOL.I.
T
ſettle-
а
274 An Account of the EUROPEAN
ſettlements and the free Indians on their bor-
ders, which, without their aſſiſtance, would
be difficult. For, though they liſten to the
Spaniſh prieſts, they preſerve a very juit terror
of falling under their government, and no
ſmall hatred to the people.
CH AP: XIV
The climate of Paraguay. Its rivers.
T be
province of La Plata. The town of Buenos-
Ayres. Its trade.
T
d
HE country of Paraguay, or La Plata,
ſhuts up the Eaſtern lide of a conſider-
able part of Chili
and Peru; whence extend-
ing over a tract of country, above a thouſand
miles broad, it bounds Brazil
$ Brazil upon
the Weſt,
and
upon the South butts upon the Atlantic
ocean; being fifteen hundred miles at leaſt in
length, from the mouth of the great
river Plata
to its Northern boundary the country of the
Amazons. This vaſt territory is far from be-
ing whollyſubdued or planted by the Spaniards.
There are many parts in a great degree un-
known to them, or to any other people of Eu-
rope. In ſuch
In ſuch a vaſt country, and lying in
climates ſo different, for it lies on the Nor-
thern frontier under the equinoctial line, and
on the South advances to the thirty-ſeventh
degree of latitude, far into the South temper-
ate
SETTLEMEN TS in AMERICA. 275
ate zone, we muſt expect to meet great' di-
verſity of foil and product. However, in
ge-
neral, this great country is fertile; the paſtures
particularly are ſo rich that they are covered
with innumerable herds of black cattle, horſes,
and mules ; in which hardly any body thinks
it worth his while to claim a property. Any
perſon takes and breaks them according to his
occaſions.
This country, beſides an infinite number of
ſmaller rivers, is watered by three principal
ones, which unite near the ſea, to form the
famous Rio de la Plata. The firſt is Paraguay,
from whence the country is denominated; this
forms the main channel. It has its origin from
a great lake in the center of South America,
called the lake of Xarayes, and runs in a
courſe nearly North and South. Parana, which
riſes amongſt the mountains on the frontiers
of Brazil, runs a floping courſe to the South-
Weſt, until it joins the Paraguay, at a great
diſtance from the ocean, about the twenty-
ſeventh degree of South latitude. Uraguay
riſes likewiſe upon the fame ſide, and runs al-
moſt an equalcourſe before it meets thoſe united
rivers at no great diſtance from the ocean, with
which it mixes along with them.
The principal province which concerns us,
in this vaſt tract, is that which is called Rio de
la Plata, towards the mouth of the above-men-
tioned rivers. This province, with all the ad-
jacent
T 2
. This
276 An Account of the EUROPEAN
jacent parts, is one continued level, interrupted
by not the leaſt hill for ſeveral hundreds of
miles every way; extremely fertile in moſt
things; but, contrary to the general nature of
America, deſtitute of woods; this want they
endeavour to ſupply by plantations of every
kind of fruit trees, all which thrive here to
admiration. The air is remarkably ſweet and
ferene, and the waters of the great river are
equally pure and wholeſome; they annually
overflow their banks; and, on their receſs,
leave them enriched with a ſlime, which pro-
duces the greateſt plenty of whatever is com-
mitted to it.
The principal town is Buenos-Ayres, on the
South-ſide of the river; it was ſo called upon
account of the excellence of the air.
town is the only place of traffic to the South-
ward of Brazil, yet its trade, confidering the
rich and extenſive country to which it is the
avenue, is very conſiderable. No regular fleet
comes here, as to the other parts of Spaniſh
America; two, or at moſt three, regiſter ſhips
make the whole of their regular intercourſe
with Europe. Their returns are very valuable,
conſiſting chiefly of gold, ſilver, ſugar, and
hides. I cannot learn that they have opened
any conſiderable mines in this province; but it
is probable there are rich ones in the provinces
which lies to the Eaſtward of the Andes; be-
ſides, it is certain that a good deal of gold is
returned
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
277
returned from Chili, for the mules, cattle, and
tea, which are ſent thither; and that filver from
the province of Los Charcas in Peru is fent
upon the ſame account, for the moſt part by
land-carriage. There is beſides a tolerable
water-carriage; for a large river, called Pilco-
mayo, riſes not far from the mines of Potoſi,
which, winding amongſt the openings of the
Cordillera, diſcharges itſelf at laſt into the Pa-
raguay; and this river is navigable to the very
ſource, allowing for the interruption of ſome
falls, which is the caſe of the river of Plata
itſelf. By this way it is, I judge, that a great
quantity of ſilver comes to Buenos-Ayres.
Indeed it is in great plenty in that province;
and thoſe who have now and then carried on
a contraband trade to this country, have found
it far more advantageous than any other what-
ſoever. The benefit of this contraband is
now wholly in the hands of the Portugueſe,
who keep magazines for that purpoſe in the
adjacent parts of Brazil,
T 3
С НА Р.
278 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
CHA P. XV.
The territory of the jefuits in Paraguay. Their
manner of ſettling and governing it. The
obedience of the people. Some reflections on the
late tranſactions there.
T
HE trade of Paraguay, and the manners
of the people, are ſo much the ſame
with thofe of the reſt of the Spaniſh colonies
in South America, that nothing further can be
faid on thoſe articles; but it would be inex
cufable to quit the country without ſaying
Something of that extraordinary ſpecies of
commonwealth which the jeſuits have erected
in the interior parts.
About the middle of the laſt century thoſe
fathers repreſented to the court-of Madrid,
that their want of ſucceſs in their miflions
was owing to the ſcandal which the immorality
of the Spaniards never fail to give, and to
the hatred which their inſolent behaviour
cauſed in the Indians wherever they came.
They inſinuated, that, if it were not for that
impediment, the empire of the goſpel might,
by their labours, have been extended into the
moſt unknown parts of America; and that all
thoſe countries might be fubdued to his ca-
tholic majeſty's obedience, without expence
and without force. This remonſtrance was
liſtened
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
279
upon the
liſtened to with attention; the ſphere of their
labours was marked out; an uncontrouled
liberty was given to the jeſuits within theſe
limits; and the governors of the adjacent
provinces had orders not to interfere, nor
to ſuffer any Spaniard to enter into this pale,
without licence from the fathers. They on
their part agreed, to pay a certain capitation
tax in proportion to their flock; and to ſend
a certain number to the king's works when-
ever they ſhould be demanded, and the mil-
fions ſhould become populous enough to ſup-
ply them,
On theſe terms, the jeſuits entered upon
ſcene of action, and opened their ſpiritual
campaign. They began by gathering toge-
ther about fifty wandering families, whom
they perſuaded to ſettle; and they united
them into a little townſhip. This was the
ſlight foundation upon which they have built
a ſuperſtructure, which has amazed the world,
and added ſo much power, at the ſame time
that it has brought on fomuchenvyand jealouſy,
to their ſociety. For when they had made
this beginning, they laboured with ſuch inde-
fatigable pains, and with ſuch maſterly policy,
that, by degrees, they mollified the minds of
the moſt favage nations; fixed the moſt ram-
bling; and ſubdued the moſt averſe to govern-
ment. They prevailed upon thouſands of va-
rious diſperſed tribes of people to embrace
their
T 4
280 An Account of the EUROPEAN
their religion, and to ſubmit to their govern-
ment; and when they had ſubmitted, the
jeſuits left nothing undone, that could con-
duce to their remaining in this ſubjection, or
that could tend to increaſe their number to the
degree requiſite for a well-ordered and potent
ſociety; and their labours were attended with
ſucceſs.
It is faid, that, from ſuch inconſiderate be-
ginnings, ſeveral years ago, their ſubjects a-
mounted to three hundred thouſand families.
They lived in towns; they were regularly
clad; they laboured in agriculture ; they ex-
erciſed manufactures. Some even aſpired to
the elegant arts. They were inſtructed in the
military with the moſt exact diſcipline; and
could raiſe fixty thouſand men well armed.
To effect theſe purpoſes, from time to time,
they brought over from Europe ſeveral han-
dicraftſmen, muſicians, and painters. Theſe,
I am told, were principally from Germany
end Italy.
We are far from being able to trace, with
the exactneſs they deſerve, all the ſteps which
were taken in the accompliſhment of fo ex-
traordinary a conqueſt over the bodies and
minds of ſo many people, without arms or
violence, and differently from the methods of
all other conqueſts; not by cutting off a large
part of the inhabitants to ſecure the reſt, but
by multiplying their people, whilſt they ex-
tended
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA 281
tended their territory. Their own accounts
are not very ample, and they are partial to
themſelves without doubt. What ſome others
have written, is with a glaring prejudice againſt
them. The particulars which ſeem beſt a-
greed upon by both ſides are the only ones to
be mentioned.
It is agreed then, that in each miſſion or
diſtrict (the country is divided into forty-ſeven
diſtricts) a jeſuit preſides in chief. But ma-
giſtrates are ſettled in every town, anſwerable
to thoſe in the Spaniſh cities; theſe are al-
ways Indians, elected by the people, and
ap-
proved by the preſiding jeſuit: on folemn oc-
caſions they appear in rich robes of ceremony,
attended with a ſuitable retinue, and every
thing which may make for the dignity of
their government. The people, which com-
poſe this commonwealth, are compoſed chiefly
of two nations or tribes, one called Garanies,
the other Chiquitos. The latter are active,
lively and ingenious, therefore their economy
is more left to themſelves; and they have ſome-
thing of property, but there is ſomething too
in common. Amongſt the Garanies there is
no property ; every thing is done under the pub-
lic eye, and for the public; for otherwiſe this
people, naturally lazy and ſtupid to the laſt
degree, would be in perpetual want. Each
man's labour is allotted him in proportion to
his ſtrength, or to his ſkill in the profeſſion
which
282 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
which he exerciſes. The product is brought
faithfully into the public magazines ; from
whence he is again ſupplied with all things
which the managers judge to be expedient
for the ſuſtenance of himſelf or his family,
All neceſſaries are diſtributed regularly twice a
week; and the magazines always contain ſuch
a ſtock of proviſions and goods of every kind,
as to anſwer not only the ordinary exigencies,
but to provide againſt a time of ſcarcity, or
for thoſe whom accidents, age, or infirmities,
have diſqualified for labour.
Thus want is
never known amongſt them; their villages are
cleanly and decent, greatly exceeding thoſe of
the Spaniards in their neighbourhood. Their
churches are particularly grand and richly a-
dorned; and ſervice is in them performed
with all the folemnity and magnificence of ca-
thedrals ; nor are good voices and inſtruments
wanting.
They provide early for the marriage of their
young people, as well to prevent diſorders, as
to multiply their ſubjects. Here, as intereſt
can be no motive to the union, there are few
difficulties attending it. The young man ap-
plies to the governing jeſuit, informs him of
his deſire of marriage, and names the party :
ſhe is conſulted, and, if there is no objection
upon her part, they are immediately married,
They are ſupplied with all neceſſaries for their
eſtabliſhment from the public ſtores, and they
haye
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 283
have at the ſame time their taſk allotted them,
by which they are to make amends for what
they have received, and to provide for others
in their turn.
The Indian magiſtrate isobliged continually
to watch over the minuteſt actions of his peo-
ple, and to give the jeſuit an exact account of
the ſtate of his diftrict, and the merit and de-
merit of the people which it contains. They
are rewarded or puniſhed according to this re-
port. The puniſhment for ſmaller crimes is
by impriſonment, for greater by whipping,
from which it is ſaid not even the principal
magiſtrates are exempted. Capital puniſh-
ments they do not inflict, as indeed crimes
deſerving ſuch puniſhments are rarely commit-
ted amongſt them. The correction is received
by all, not only with patience, but acknow-
ledgment. The rewards are ſeldom more
than benedictions, and ſome flight marks of
the jeſuits favour, which make thoſe men en-
tirely happy.
Nothing can equal the obedience of the
people of theſe miſſions, except their content-
ment under it. Far from murmuring, that
they have only neceſſaries of life, by a labour
which might in ſome degree procure them the
conveniencies of it, they think hemſelves a
diſtinguiſhed and favoured people in wanting
them; and they believe their obedience a duty,
that not only ſecures their order and repoſe in
this
a canner, until he is
284 An Account of the EUROPEAN
this world, but the very beſt means of inſu-
ring their happineſs in the next.
This is care-
fully inculcated; and indeed, beſides their
attention to the government, the jeſuits are in-
defatigable in their inſtructions in the doc-
trines of religion, the regularity of life, and
the contempt of this world. And by what I
can find, the Indians under their juriſdiction
are an innocent people, civilized without be-
ing corrupted.
The jeſuits who govern them, are ſaid to
be extremely ſtrict in preſerving their privilege
in keeping all ſtrangers from amongſt them.
If any ſuch ſhould, by accident or in his jour-
ney, arrive in the country of the miſſions, he
is immediately carried to the preſbytery, where
he is treated for a day, or two at moſt, with
great hoſpitality; but regarded with no leſs
circumſpection. The curioſities of the place
are ſhewed him in company with the jeſuit,
and he can have no private converſation with
any
of the natives. In a reaſonable time, he is
civilly diſmiſſed, with a guard to conduct him
to the next diſtrict, without expence, where
out of the country of the miſſions. Cautions
altogether as ſtrict, and in the ſame ſpirit, are
obſerved, when the natives are obliged to go
out of their own territory to ſerve in the king's
works, or when any part of their troops are
called out for his ſervice. They ſhun all man-
ner
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA, 285
V
ner of converſation with ſtrangers, upon whom
they look with a ſort of horror ; and ſo return,
uninformed and untainted, into their own
country as they left it.
I am ſenſible, that many have repreſented
the conduct of the jeſuits in this miſſion in a
very bad light; but their reflections appear to
me not at all ſupported by the facts upon
which they build them. To judge perfectly
of the ſervice they have done their people,
we muſt not conſider them in a parallel with
the flouriſhing nations of Europe, but as com-
pared with their neighbours, the favages of
South America, or with the ſtate of thoſe In-
dians who groan under the Spaniſh yoke,
Conſidering it in this, which is the true-light,
it will appear, that human ſociety is infinitely
obliged to them for adding to it three hundred
thoufand families in a well-regulated com-
munity, in the room of a few vagabond un-
taught ſavages. And indeed, it can ſcarce be
conceived, that the governnent has not fome
extraordinary perfection, which has a princi-
ple of increaſe within it, which draws others
to unite themſelves to the old ſtock, and
ſhoots out itſelf a luxuriance of new branches.
Neither can we by any means, blame a
ſyſtem which produces ſuch falutary effects;
and which has found that difficult, but happy
that grand deſideratum in politics, of
uniting a perfect ſubjection to an entire con-
tent
way, that
I
286 An Account of the EUROPEAN
tent and ſatisfaction of the people. Matters,
which, it were to be wiſhed, were ſtudied
with more attention by us, who content our-
ſelves with railing at the diligence of an ad-
verſary, which we ſhould rather praiſe and
imitate ; and who, in our affairs, feldom think
of uſing any other inſtruments than force or
money.
This commonwealth is now becoino a
ſubject of much converſation, upon account
of the ceflion which has lately been made of
part of that territory to the crown of Portu-
gal. It is well known, that the inhabitants
of ſeven of the miſſions refuſed to comply
with this diviſion, or to ſuffer themfelves to
be tranferred from one hand to another, like
cattle, without their own conſent*
We are
informed by the authority of tho Gazette,
that the Indians actually took up arms; but,
notwithſtanding the exactneſs of their diſci-
pline, they were eaſily, and with a confi-
derable ſlaughter, defeated by the European
troops, who were ſent to quell them. It
ſeems to have been ill-judged in this people,
who had never ſeen any real ſervice, nor were
headed by officers who had ſeen any, without
which the beſt diſcipline is but a fort of
play, to have hazarded a battle with troops
* The jeſuits have been entirely diſgraced at the court of
Portugal, for the thare they are faid to have had in this re-
fiftance.
from
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA. 287
be true, that the jeſuits h
from Europe. They ought rather to have firſt
habituated themſelves to action by attacking
ſmall parties, by cutting off convoys, by lit-
tle ſurprizes, until, by uſe and ſucceſs in ſmaller
matters, they were entitled to hazard the fum
of their affairs in the open field. However,
it is not improbable, that this oppoſition will
rouze the indolence of the Spaniards, and
make them take the government of the coun-
try out of the hands it is in at preſent. If
they do, it is not difficult to foreſee, that the
ſame depopulation, the ſame diſtreſs, and the
ſame diſcontent, which diſtinguiſh the In-
dians in the reſt of the Spaniſh provinces,
will be foon equally viſible in this. It will
not be difficult for them to effect the reduction
of this country; for the jeſuits have too large
and valuable an intereſt in Old Spain, as well
as in the new world, to diſpute it with
the court, whenever they ſhall demand in good
earneſt to have this country ſurrendered ; if it
influence on the inhabitants as is attributed
to them.
It was not originally ſuch bad policy, as it
may ſeem, to have intruſted the jeſuits with ſo
great a power ; ſince a little time will ſhew,
that they have given them a territory un-
known, unpeopled, and uncultivated, which
they have the certain means of repoſſeſſing
when they pleaſe, ſubdued, peopled, and cul-
tivated.
288 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
tivated. As to its wealth, it is hard to ſay
any thing certain ; the jeſuits deny it . And
truly, if they acted with a perfect policy, they
would never have ſuffered any mines of gold
or ſilver to be opened in that country. Of
this matter I have no information
upon
which
I can depend.
( H A P. XVI.
Terra Firma. Its extent and produce. The
cities of Panama, Carthagena, and Porto-
bello. The galleons. The iſle of Cuba. The
Havanna Hiſpaniola. Porto Rico. Re-
flections on the policy of Spain with regard to
tbe Colonies.
TH
HE Spaniards have not made any ſet-
tlements in the other diviſions of South-
America, which they claim to the Southward
of Buenos-Ayres, nor to the Northward, ex-
cept in Terra Firma, of which we ſhall ſay
ſomething. The country of the Amazons,
though prodigiouſly large, wonderfully fer-
tile, and watered by fo noble a river, is al-
moſt entirely neglected. The river of Ama-
zons, called alſo Maranon and Orellana,
which waters and gives its name to this coun-
try, ariſing from the union of ſeveral ſtreams
that fall from the Cordillera, runs a courſe of
no leſs than 1100 leagues; it flows for the
greater
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
289
greater part through a level country covered
with the faireſt and loftieſt foreſts in the world,
in which it forms an innumerable multitude
of delightful iſlands; and receiving on both
fides the copious tribute of ſeveral rivers almoſt
equal to itſelf in greatneſs, increaſing in
breadth to a fort of fea, and to a depth which
in ſome parts has been in vain ſearched with a
line of upwards an hundred fathoms, it ruſhes
at length into the Atlantic ocean by two
mouths of an aſtoniſhing wideneſs, the prin-
cipal being 45 leagues broad, the ſmaller not
leſs than twelve. The country on this fine
river has no other inhabitants than Indians,
fome fayage, ſome united under Spaniſh and
Portugueſe miffionaries.
The country of Patagonia is likewiſe of a
vaft ſtretch to the Southward of Buenos
Ayres, all in the temperate zone, and extend
ed all along the Atlantic ocean. It is a plain
country without trees; but this is the caſe of
the delightful and fertile country of Buenos-
Ayres. It is ſaid likewiſe to be barren and
deſert; but, what is certain, it is unſettled by
any European nation, and little known, tho
it lies open for any power that can avail itſelf
of a favourable opportunity to eſtabliſh a colony
there.
The laſt province, according to the order I
have obſerved, though not of the leaſt conſe-
quence in the Spaniſh American dominions, is
VOL. I.
U
Terra
290
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
vated
Terra Firma; a vaſt country, above 2000 miles
in length, and 500 broad. Bordering on Mexi-
co, Peru, and Amazonia, it ſtretches all
along the North ſea, from the Pacific ocean to
the mouth of the river of Amazons upon the
Atlantic. It is divided into twelve large pro-
vinces. They all contain a vaſt deal of high
and mountainous country, particularly the
province of St. Martha, where there are faid
to be hills furpaffing Teneriffe itſelf in height.
Theſe hills communicate with the Andes.
The valleys are deep and narrow, and for a
great part of the year flooded; but though
Terra Firma is on the coaſt, the moſt un-
pleaſant and moſt unhealthful country in the
torrid zone, the plain grounds are extremely
fertile ; produce corn enough, when culti-
drugs; cacao, vanilla, indigo, piemento, gua-
iacum, farſaparilla, and balſam of Peru. No
country abounds more in rich and luxuriant
pafturage, or has a greater ſtock of black
cattle. Their rivers have rich golden ſands;
their coaſts have good pearl fiſheries ; and
their mines formerly yielded great quantities
of gold; but at preſent they are neglected or
exhauſted ; ſo that the principal wealth of
this kingdom ariſes from the commerce of
Carthagena; and what treaſure is ſeen there
is moſtly the return for European commodi-
ties which are ſent from that port to Santafe,
Popayan,
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
291
Popayan, and Quito: and rubies and eme-
rals are here found in plenty; but, the value of
precious ſtones depending more on fancy than
that of gold or ſilver, this trade has conſider-
ably declined.
This province has a very conſiderable ſhare
of the trade of Europe ; not only on account
of its own produce and demand, but becauſe
all the intercourſe of Peru and Chili with Old
Spain is carried on through this country, for,
as we have mentioned, Carthagena ſupplies.
Its capital city Panama, is the great barcadier of
the South-Sea. Hither is brought all the trea-
fure which the rich mines of Peru and Chili
pay to the king, or produce upon a private
account.
The city of Panama is ſituated upon one of
the beſt harbours, in all reſpects, of the South-
Seas. Ships of burden lie ſafe at ſome diſtance
from the town; but ſmaller veſſels come up.
to the walls. In this bay is a pearl fiſhery of
great value. The town, one of the largeſt in
America, is ſaid to contain five thouſand
houſes, elegantly built of brick and ſtone, diſ-
poſed in a ſemicircular form, and enlivened
with the ſpires and domes of ſeveral churches
and monaſteries. It is covered on the land
ſide with an agreeable country, diverſified with
hills, valleys, and woods. The town ſtands
upon a dry and tolerably healthful ground, and
has a great and profitable trade with Peru,
Chili,
U 2
292 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
Chili, and the Weſtern coaſt of Mexico,
chiefly for proviſions of every fort both of the
animal and vegetable kinds; corn, wine, ſugar,
oil, with tallow, leather, and jeſuits bark.
In the neighbourhood of this city they raiſe
nothing; and yet, by traffic and their conve-
nient fituation, there are few cities more abun-
dantly fupplied with all things for neceſſity,
convenience, or luxury. Their trade with the
Terra Firma and with Europe is carried on O-
ver the iſthmus of Darien, and by the river
Chagra.
The ſecond town of confideration in Terra
Firma, is Carthagena, which ſtands upon a
peninſula, that incloſes one of the ſafeſt and
beſt defended harbours in all the Spaniſh Ame-
rica. The town itſelf is well fortified, and
built after the elegant faſhion of moſt of the
SpaniliAmerican towns, with a ſquare in the
middle, and ſtreets running every way regu-
larly from it, and others cutting theſe at right
angles. This town has many rich churches
and convents; that of the jeſuits is particu-
larly magnificent. Here it is that the galleons
on their voyage from Spain put in firſt, and
diſpoſe of a conſiderable part of their cargo;
which from hence is diſtributed to St. Mar-
tha, the Caraccas, Venezuela, and moſt of
the other provinces and towns in the Terra
Firma,
The
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
293
guns each
The fleet which is called the galleons con-
ſiſts of about eight men of war, of about fifty
with military ſtores; but in reality, laden not
only with theſe, but with every other kind of
merchandize on a private account; fo as to be
in bad condition for defending themſelves, or
protecting others. Under the convoy of theſe,
ſail about twelve merchant fhips, not inferior
in burden. This fleet of the galleons is re-
gulated in much the ſame manner with the
Aotas, and it is deſtined for the excluſive com-
merce of Terra Firma and the South-Sea, as
the flota is for that of Mexico.
No ſooner is this fleet arrived in the haven of
Carthagena, than expreſſes are immediately dif-
patched to Porto-bello, and to all the adjacent
towns, but principally to Panama; that they
may get ready all the treaſure which is depo-
fited there, to meet the galleons at Porto-bello;
in which town, (remarkable for the goodneſs
of its harbour, which brings ſuch a ſurprizing
concourſe here at the time of the fair, and the
unwholſomeneſs of the air, which makes it a
defart at all other times) all the perſons con-
cerned in the various branches of this exten-
five traffic aſſemble; and there is certainly no
part of the world where buſineſs of ſuch great
importance is negotiated in ſo ſhort a time.
For in about a fortnight the fair is over ; dur-
ing which the diſplay of the gold, ſilver, and
U 3
precious
id
An Account of the EUROPEAN
294
Precious ſtones, on the one hand, and of all
the curioſity and variety of the ingenious fa-
brics of Europe on the other, is aſtoniſhing.
Heaps of wedges and ingots of ſilver are tum-
bled about on the wharfs like common things.
At this time an hundred crowns are given for
a poor lodging, a thouſand for a ſhop, and
proviſion of every kind is proportionably dear
which may help us to ſome idea of the profits
made in this trade. The treaſure is brought
hither from Panama, by a very dangerous
road, upon mules. The other goods, ſugar,
tobacco, and drugs, are tranſported on the
river Chagra,
When the galleons have taken in their re-
turns, they ſteer together to the Havanna,
which is the place of rendezvous of all the
ſhips concerned in the Spaniſh American
trade.
The Havanna is the capital city of the
iſland of Cuba, it is ſituated upon an excellent
harbour upon the Weſtern extremity of the
iſland. This city is large, containing not leſs
than two thouſand houſes, with a number of
churches and convents; but then it is the only
place of conſequence upon the noble iſland of
Cuba, which lies in the latitude 20, and ex-
tends from Eaſt to Weſt near feven hundred
miles in length, though in breadth it is dif-
proportioned, being but from one hundred
and twenty to ſeventy miles. However, it
a
yields
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
295
yields to no part of the Weſt-Indies in the
fertility of its foil, or in excellence of every
thing which is produced in that climate. But
the Spaniards, by a ſeries of the moſt inhu-
man and impolitic barbarities, having exter-
minated the original inhabitants, and not find
ing the quantities of gold in the iſlands which
the continent afforded, they have left this, as
well as Hiſpaniola, of which the French now
poffefs the greater part, and Porto Rico, a
large, excellent, and fertile iſland, compara-
tively ſo many defarts. The commerce be-
tween theſe iſlands and the Spaniſh continent, is
carried on by the Barlevento fleet, conſiſting of
fix ſhips of good burthen and force, who an-
nually make the tour of all theſe iſlands, and
the coaſt of Terra Firma, not only to carry on
the commerce between thoſe places, but to
clear the ſea of pirates and illicit traders.
Now and then a regiſter ſhip from Old Spain
is bound to one or other of theſe iſlands. His
therto the Spaniards ſeemed rather to keep
them, to prevent any other nation from grow-
ing too powerful in thoſe ſeas, than for any
profit they expected to derive from them.
And it is certain, that if other nations thould
come entirely to poſſeſs the whole of the iſlands,
the trade of the American continent, and
perhaps the continent itſelf, would be entirely
at their mercy, However, of late, the Spam
niards have taken ſome ſteps towards the bet-
U 4
296
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
ter ſettlement of Porto Rico. They are be-
ginning to open the American trade to fome
other towns in Spain beſides Cadiz. They
have made a difference in point of duty be-
tween their own manufactures and thoſe of
foreigners. They are, in ſhort, opening their
eyes to the true intereſt of their country, and
moving their hands, though flowly, to pro-
mote it.
Upon this time, the tide of wealth, that
conſtantly flowed from America into Spain,
ran through that kingdom like a hafty torrent,
which, far from enriching the country, hur-
ried away with it all the wealth which it found
in its paffage. No country in Europe receives
fuch vaſt treaſures as Spain. In no country
in Europe is ſeen ſo little money. The truth
is, from the time that the Indies fell into the
hands of Spain, the affairs of that monarchy
have been conſtantly going backward. In
America their ſettlements were carried on
conforınably to that genius, and to thoſe
maxims, which prevailed in their government
in Europe. No means of retaining their con-
queſts, but by extirpating the people; no
fchemes for the advancement of trade; no
attempts at the reformation of abuſes, which
became venerable in proportion to the miſ-
chiefs they had ſuffered by them. In
ment, tyranny ; in religion, bigotry; in trade,
monopoly.
When
In govern-
SETTLEMENTS AMERICA.
297
When the Spaniards found, to their ambi-
tion which was boundleſs, that they had joined
a treaſure which was inexhauſtible, they ima
gined there was nothing too vaſt for them to
compaſs. They embraced a thouſand projects
at once ; many of them noble ones in theory,
but to be executed with different inſtruments
in different parts of the world, and all at a vaft
expence of blood and treaſure. The wars,
which were the reſult of theſe ſchemes, and
the Indies, which were to ſupport them,
were a continual drain, which carried off their
people, and deſtroyed all induſtry in thoſe who
remained. The treaſure which flowed in every
year from the new world, found them in debt
to every part of the old; for to the reſt of their
revenues they had forgot to add that, which
is a great revenue itſelf, and the great ſupport
of all the others, economy. On the con-
trary, an ill order in their finances at home,
and a devouring uſury abroad, ſwallowed
up
all their treaſure, whilſt they multiplied the
occaſions for it. With the beſt fcheming heads
in Europe, they were every where outwitted,
with the braveſt and beſt diſciplined troops,
they were almoſt always defeated ; with the
greateſt treafures, they were in want ; and
their armies were ill provided, and ill paid.
Their friends exhauſted them by trade ; their
enemies by plunder. They ſaw new ſtates
ariſe out of the fragments of their dominions
and
298 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
and new maritime
powers ſtart up from the
wrecks of their navy. In ſhort, they provok-
ed, troubled, and enriched all Europe ; and
at laſt deſiſted through mere want of ſtrength.
They were inactive, but not quiet ; and they
were enervated as much by their lazineſs du-
ring this repoſe, as they had been weakened
before by their ill-judged activity.
All this happened in a country, which a-
bounded with men of capacity as much as any
ſtate in Europe, and often with men of great
capacity at its head. But their talents took a
wrong turn; their politics were always more
abroad than at home; more employed in weak-
ening their neighbours, than in ftrengthening
themſelves. They were wiſe in the concerns
of foreign courts; they were ſatisfied with
being formal in their own domeſtic buſineſs.
They relied too much upon their riches; and
the whole ſtate, being moulded into a ſyſtem
of corruption from the top to the bottom,
things grew at laſt ſo bad, that the evils them
felves became a fort of remedies ; and they
felt ſo ſeverely the conſequences of their for-
mer conduct, that they have for ſome years
paſt turned their thoughts into a very good
channel ; and they may in time, and with per-
ſeverance, riſe again, whilſt others ſhall fall,
by adopting the abuſes which brought them
to ruin.
At
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
299
At preſent the politics of Spain, with regard
to America, ſeem to be, to preſerve South
America, and particularly the navigation of the
South-Seas, as much as poſſible to themſelves;
to deſtroy effectually the contraband trade,
and to encourage the export of their own
manufactures. Of us they have long ſhewn a
remarkable jealouſy; a much greater than of
the French, whom they ſee quietly ſettling in
the neighbourhood of New Mexico; and who
are growing certainly in the Weſt-Indies in a
far
greater degree than we are.
I ſhall not
pretend to account for this diſtinction,
End of the THIRD PART.
PART
300
An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
**
PART IV.
The Portugueſe Settlements.
ergo ebdeodo¢croeconcc2000008406d60dbouocta6c06007006efoedoc comcooucopacosoco0000
CH A P. I.
An account of the diſcovery of Brazil. The
method of ſettling it. Conquered by the Dutch.
Reconquered by the Portugueſe.
IT
*T is very rare that any material diſcovery,
whether in the arts, in philoſophy, or in
navigation, has been owing to efforts made
directly for that particular purpoſe, and deter-
mined by the force of reaſonings a priori.
The firſt hints are owing to accident; and dif-
coveries in one kind preſent themſelves volun-
tarily to us, whilſt we are in ſearch of what
flies from us in ſome other. The diſcovery of
America by Columbus was owing originally to
a juſt reaſoning on the figure of the earth, tho'
the particular land he diſcovered was far
enough
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
301
enough from that which he fought. Here
was a mixture of wife deſign and fortunate ac-
cident; but the Portugueſe diſcovery of Brazil
may be conſidered as merely accidental. For
failing with a conſiderable armament to India,
by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, but
ſtanding out to ſea to avoid the calms upon
the coaſt of Africa, the Portugueſe fleet fell in
upon the continent of South America. Upon
their return they made ſo favourable a report
of the land they had diſcovered, that the court
reſolved to ſend a colony thither. And accord-
ingly made their firſt eſtabliſhment; but in a
very bad method, in which it were to be withed
they had never been imitated. This was by
baniſhing thither a number of criminals of all
kinds. This blended an evil diſpoſition with
the firſt principles of the colony, and made
the ſettlement infinitely difficult by the difor-
ders inſeparable from ſuch people, and the of-
fence which they gave the original inhabitants.
This ſettlement met with ſome interruption
too from the court of Spain, who conſidered
the country as within their dominions. How-
tver, matters were accommodated by a treaty,
in which it was agreed, that the Portugueſe
ſhould poſſeſs all that tract of land that lies
between the river Maranon, or of the Ama-
zons, and the river plate.
When their right was thus confirmed, the
Portugueſe purſued the ſettlement with great
vigour.
302
An Account of the EUROPEAN
vigour. Large grants we
Large grants were made to thoſe
who were inclined to become adventurers; and
almoſt all the nobility of Portugal procured
intereſts in a country which promiſed ſuch
great advantages. The natives were in moſt
parts ſubdued, and the improvement of the
colony advanced apace. The crown in a little
time became attentive to ſo valuable an acqui-
fition; the government was new modelled,
many of theexorbitants recalled, and all things
ſettled upon ſo advantageous a footing, that
the whole ſea-coaſt, upwards of two thouſand
miles, was in ſome meaſure fettled, to the
honour of the induſtry and courage of the
firſt planters, and infinitely to the benefit of
the mother-country. The Portugueſe con-
queſts on the coaſt of Africa forwarded this
eſtabliſhment, by the number of Negroes it
afforded them for their works; and this was
the firſt introduction of Negroes into America,
of which at preſent they form a large part of
the inhabitants.
In the very meridian of their proſperity,
when the Portugueſe were in poſſeſſion of lo
extenſive an empire, and ſo flouriſhing a trade
in Africa, in Arabia, in India, in the iſles of
Afia, and in one of the moſt valuable parts of
America, they were ſtruck down by one of
thoſe incidents, that by one blow, in a
critical time, decides the fate of kingdoms.
Don Sebaſtian, one of their greateſt princes,
in
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
in an expedition he had undertaken againſt the
Moors, loſt his life ; and by that accident the
Portugueſe loſt their liberty, being abſorbed
into the Spaniſh dominions.
Soon after this misfortune, the ſame yoke
that galled the Portugueſe, grew fo intolerable
to the inhabitants of the Netherlands, that
they threw it off with great fury and indigna-
tion. Not ſatisfied with erecting themſelves
into an independent ſtate, and ſupporting their
independency by a ſucceſsful defenſive war,
Aluſhed with the juvenile ardor of a growing
commonwealth, they purſued the Spaniards
into the remoteft receſſes of their extenſive
territories, and grew rich, powerful, and ter-
rible, by the ſpoils of their former maſters.
Principally, they fell upon the poſſeſſions of
the Portugueſe; they took almoſt all their
fortreſſes in the Eaſt Indies, not fufficiently
defended by the inert policy of the court of
Spain; and then turned their arms upon Bra-
zil, unprotected from Europe, and betrayed
by the cowardice of the governor of the then
principal city. And they would have overrun
the whole, if Don Michael de Texeira, the
archbiſhop, deſcended from one of the no-
bleft families in Portugal; and of a ſpirit fupe-
rior to his birth, had not believed that in
ſuch an emergency, the danger of his coun-
try ſuperſeded the common obligations of his
profeſſion. He took arms, and at the head of
his
304 An Account of the EUROPEAN
;
his monks, and a few fcatered forces, puti
ftop to the torrrent of the Dutch conqueft. He
made a gallant ſtand until ſuccours arrived
and then reſigned the commiſſion with which
the public necefſity and his own virtue had
armed him, into the hands of a perſon appoint-
ed by authority. By this ftand he ſaved ſeven
of the captainfhips, or provinces, out of four-
teen, into which Brazil is divided; the reſt fell
into the hands of the Dutch, who conquered
and kept them with a bravery and condu&,
which would deferve more applauſe; if it had
been governed by humanity.
The famous captain, prince Maurice of
Naſſau, was the perſon to whom the Dutch
owed this conqueft, the eſtabliſhment of their
colony there, and that advantageous peace
which ſecured them in it. But as it is the
genius of all mercantile people to defire a fud-
den profit in all their deſigns; and as this
colony was not under the immediate inſpec-
tion of the States, but ſubject to the company
called the Weſt-India Company, from prin
ciples narrowed up by avarice and mean no-
tions, they grudged that the preſent profits of
the colony ſhould be facrificed to its future
fecurity. They found that the prince kept
up more troops, and erected more fortreſſes,
than they thought neceffary to their ſafety;
and that he lived in a grander manner than
they thought became one in their ſervice.
They
I
Settlements in AMERICA.
305
They imagined that a little official economy
was the principal quality neceſſary to form a
great conqueror and politician ; and therefore
they were highly diſpleaſed with their governor
prince Maurice, whom they treated in ſuch a
manner as obliged him to reſign.
Now their own ſchemes took place. A re-
duction of the troops; the expence of fortifi-
cations faved; thecharge of a court retrenched;
the debts of the company ſtriąly exacted ; their
gains increaſed cent,
per cent. and every thing
flouriſhed according to their beſt ideas of a
flouriſhing ſtate. But then, all this fine ſyſtem
in a ſhort time ended in the total loſs of all
their capital, and the entire ruin of the Weſt-
India company. The hearts of ſubjects were
loſt, by their penurious way of dealing and
the ſeverity of their proceedings. The enemy
in their neighbourhood was encouraged by
the defenceleſs ſtate of their frontiers; and
both operated in ſuch a inanner, that Brazil
was reconquered by the Portugueſe, though
after a ſtruggle, in which the States exerted
themſelves vigorouſly, but with that aggravated
expence, and that ill ſucceſs, which always
attends a late wiſdom, and the patching up of
a blundering ſyſtem of conduct. A ſtanding
leſſon to thoſe people who have the folly to
imagine they conſult the happineſs of a nation,
when, by a pretended tenderneſs for ſome of
its
advantages, they neglect the only things
VOL. I.
X
that
:
306 An Account of the EUROPEAN
that can ſupport it, the cultivating of the good
opinion of the people, and the keeping up of a
proper force.
CHAP. II.
The climate of Brazil. Of the Brazil wood.
TH
HE name of Brazil was given to this
country, becauſe it was obſerved to
abound with a wood of that name. It ex-
tends all along a tract of fine ſea coaft upon
the Atlantic ocean upwards of two thouſand
miles, between the river of Amazons on the
North, and that of Plate on the South. To
the Northward, the climate is uncertain, hot,
boiſterous, and unwholeſome. The country,
both there and even in more temperate parts,
is annually overflowed. But to the South-
ward beyond the tropic of Capricorn, and
indeed a good way beyond it, there is no part
of the world that enjoys a more ſerene and
wholeſome air; refreſhed with the ſoft breezes
of the ocean on one hand, and the cool breath
of the mountains on the other. Hither ſeye-
ral aged people from Portugal retire for their
health, and protract their lives to a long and
eaſy age.
In general, the ſoil is extremely frui
and was found very fufficient for the comfort-
able fubfiftence of the inhabitants, until the
3
mines
SETTLEMÉNTS in AMERICA.
307
.
timber, by the thickneſs of the tree, will be
mines of gold and diamonds were diſcovered.
Theſe with the ſugar plantations, occupy ſo
many hands, that agriculture lies neglected ;
and, in confequence, Brazil depends upon
Eu-
rope for its daily bread.
The chief commodities which this country
yields for a foreign market are, ſugar, tobacco,
hides, indigo, ipecacuanha, balfam of Copaibo,
and Brazil wood. As this laſt article in a
more particular manner belongs to this coun-
try, to which it gives its name, and which
produces it in the greateſt perfection, it is not
amiſs to allow a very little room to the deſcrip-
tion of it. This tree generally flouriſhes in
rocky and barren grounds, in which it grows
But a man who judges of the quantity of the
muchdeceived; for,upon ſtripping off the bark,
which makes a very large part of the plant, he
will find, from a tree as thick as his body, a log
no more in compaſs than his leg. This tree
is generally crooked, and knotty like the haw-
thorn, with long branches, and a ſmooth
green leaf, hard, dry, and brittle. Thrice a
year bunches of finall Aowers ſhoot out at the
extremities of the branches, and between the
leaves. Theſe flowers are of a bright red,
and of a ſtrong aromatic and refreſhing ſmell.
The wood of this tree is of a red colour, hard
and dry. It is uſed chiefly in dying red, but
not
X 2
308 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
not a red of the beſt kind; and it has ſome
place in medicine as a ſtomachic and reftrin-
gent.
CH A P. III.
The trade of Brazil. Its intercourſe with Afri-
The ſettlement of the river Amazons.
and Rio Faneiro. The gold mines. The
commonwealth of the Pauliſts. The diamond
mines.
T'
HE trade of Brazil is very great, and
it increaſes every year. Nor is this a
wonder ; fince they have opportunities of fup-
plying themſelves with flaves for their ſeveral
works, at a much eaſier and cheaper rate that
any y other European power, which has ſettle-
ments in America. For they are the only
European nation which has taken the pains to
eſtabliſh colonies in Africa. Thoſe of the
Portugueſe are very confiderable, both for
their extent and the numbers of their inhabi
tants; and of courſe they have advantages in
that trade which no other nation can have.
For beſides their large eſtabliſhment on the
Weſtern ſhore of Africa, they claim the whole
coaſt of Zanguebar on the Eaſtern fide, which
in part they poſſeſs ; beſides ſeveral other large
territories, both on the coaſt and in the coun-
try; where ſeveral numerous nations acknow-
ledge
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
309
ledge themſelves their dependants or ſubjects:
This is not only of great advantage to them,
as it increaſes their ſhipping and ſeamen, and
ſtrengthens their commercial reputation, but
as it leaves them a large field for their ſlave
trade; without which, they could hardly ever
ſupply, upon any tolerable terms, their ſertle-
ments in Brazil, which carry off ſuch num.
bers, by the ſeverity of the works and the un-
wholſomeneſs of ſome part of the climate ,
nor could they otherwiſe extend their planta-
tions, and
open
fo
many new mines as they do,
to a degree which is aſtoniſhing.
I own, I have often been ſurprized, that our
African traders ſhould chufe fo contracted an
object for their ſlave trade, which extends to
little more than ſome part of the gold coaſt,
to Sierra Leone, and Gambia, and ſome other
inconſiderable
ports; by which they have de-
preciated their own commodities, and raiſed
the price of flaves within theſe few
years
above
thirty per cent. . Nor is it to be wondered; as
in the tract, in which they trade, they have
many rivals; the people are grown too expert,
by the conſtant habit of European commerces
and the flaves in that part are in a good mea-
(ure exhauſted ; whereas, if ſome of our vef-
ſels paſſed the Cape of Good Hope, and tried
what might be done in Madagaſcar, or on
thoſe coaſts which indeed the Portuguere
claim, but do not nor cannot hold, there is
X 3
10
and where
310 An Account of the EUROPEAN
no doubt but that they would find the greater
expence and length of time in paſſing the Cape,
or the charge of licences which might be pro-
cured from the Eaſt-India company, amply
compenſated. Our African trade might then
be conſiderably enlarged, our own manufac-
tures extended, and our colonies ſupplied at an
caſier rate than they are at preſent, or are likely
to be for the future, whilſt we confine our
ſelves to two or three places, which weexhauſt,
every day. The Portugueſe, from theſe fettle-
ments and this extenſive range, draw every
year into Brazil between forty and fifty thou-
fand flaves. On this trade all their other der
pends, and therefore they take great care to
have it well ſupplied, for which purpoſe the
ſituation of Brazil, nearer the coaſt of Africa
than any other part of America, is very con-
venient; and it co-operates with the great ad-
vantages they derive from having colonies in
both places
Hence it is principally, that Brazil is the
richeſt, moſt flouriſhing, and moſt growing
eſtabliſhment in all America, Their export
of ſugar within forty years is grown much
greater than it was, though anciently it made
almoſt the whole of their exportable produce,
and they were without rivals in the trade. It
is finer in kind than what any of ours, the
French or Spaniſh ſugar plantations, ſend us,
Their
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
311
Their tobacco too is remarkably good; and
they trade very largely in this commodity to
the coaſt of Africa, where they not only fell
it directly to the natives, but ſupply the ſhips
of other nations, who find it a neceſſary ar-
ticle to enable them to carry on the ſlave and
gold duſt trade to advantage. The Northern
and Southern parts of Brazil abound in horned
cattle, theſe are hunted for their hides, of
which no leſs than twenty thouſand are ſent
annually into Europe.
The Portugueſe were a conſiderable time
poffeffed of their American empire, before
they diſcovered the treaſures of gold and dia-
monds, which have ſince made it ſo confider-
able. After the expulſion of the Dutch, the
colony remained without much attention from
the court of Portugal; until in 1685, a miniſter
of great fagacity adviſed the then monarch to
turn his thoughts to ſo valuable and conſider-
able a part of his territories. He repreſented
to him, that theclimatein the Bay of All-Saints,
where the capital ſtood, was of ſuch a nature
as to deaden the activity and induſtry of the
people; but that the Northern and Southern
extremities of Brazil, in a more temperate cli-
matc, invited them to the cultivation of the
country. The advice was taken. But, becauſe
it was found that the infolence and tyranny of
the native Portugueſe always excited the ha-
tred of the native Brazilians, and conſequently
obſtructed
X 4
i
en
312 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
obſtructed the ſettlements, they were reſolved
to people the countries, which were now the
object of their care, with thoſe who are called
Meſtizes ; that is, a race ſprung from a mix-
ture of Europeans and Indians, who they
judged would behave better ; and who, on
account of their connection in blood, would
be more acceptable to the Brazilians on the
borders, who were not yet reduced. To com-
pleat this deſign, they veſted the government
in the hands of prieſts, who acted each as go-
vernor in his own pariſh or diſtrict. And
they had the prudence to chuſe with great
care ſuch men as were proper for the work.
The conſequence of theſe wiſe regulations was
ſoon apparent ; for, without noiſe or force,
in fifteen years, they not only ſettled the ſea
coaſt, but, drawing in vaſt numbers of the
natives, they ſpread themſelves above an hun-
dred miles more to the Weſtward than the
They opened ſeveral mines, which improved
the revenues; the planters were eaſy, and le
veral of the prieſts made no inconſiderable
fortunes.
The fame of theſe new mines drew toge-
ther a number of deſperadoes and adventurers
of all nations and colours; who not agreeing
with the moderate and fimple manners of the
inhabitants of the new ſettlements, nor readily
fubmitting to any order or reſtraint elſewhere,
3
retired
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA,
313
retired into a mountainous part of the coun-
try,but fertile enough and rich in gold; where,
by the acceſſion of others in their own cir-
cumſtances, they ſoon became a formidable
and independent body, and for a long time
defended the privileges they had aſſumed with
great courage and policy. They were called
Pauliſts, from the town and diſtrict called St.
Paul, which was their head-quarters. But, as
this odd commonwealth grew up in fo unac-
countable a manner, ſo it periſhed in a man-
ner altogether unknown in this part of the
world. It is now heard of no longer. The
king of Portugal is in full poſſeſſion of the
whole country; and the mines are worked
by his ſubjects and their ſlaves, paying him
a fifth. Theſe mines have poured almoſt as
much gold into Europe as the Spaniſh America
had of filver.
Not many years after the diſcovery of the
gold mines, Brazil, which for a century had
been given up as a place incapable of yielding
the metals for which America was chiefly va-
lued, was now found to produce diamonds
too; but at firſt of ſo unpromiſing a nature,
that the working of the mines was forbidden
by thecourt of Portugal, left, without making
any compenſation by their number, they
might depreciate the trade which was carried
on in thoſe ſtones from Goa. But, in ſpite of
this prohibition, a number were from time to
time
314
An Account of the EUROPEAN
,
time ſmuggled from Brazil; and fome too
of fuch great weight, and high luſtre and
tranſparency, that they yielded very little to
the fineſt brought from India. The court
now perceived the importance of the trade,
and accordingly reſolved to permit it, but un-
der fuch reſtrictions as might be ſufficiently
beneficial to the crown and ſubject ; and at
the ſame time preſerve the jewels in that
fcarcity which makes the principal part of
their value. In 1740, the diamond mines
were farmed at one hundred and thirty-eight
thouſand Cruſadoes, or about twenty-ſix thou-
fand pounds ſterling annually, with a prohi-
bition againſt employing more than fix hun-
dred flaves at a time in the works. It is pro-
bable that this regulation is not very ſtrictly
complied with ; the quantity of diamonds be-
ing much increaſed, and their value of courſe
of the very firſt rank are nearly as dear as
None of the diamonds of Brazil have
ſo high a luſtre as the firſt rate of Golconda;
and they have generally ſomething of a duſky
yellowiſh caſt; but they have been found of a
prodigious fize. Some years ago we had
an account in the news papers of one fent to
the king of Portugal, of a ſize and weight
almoſt beyond the bounds of credibility ; for
it was ſaid to weigh fixteen hundred carats,
or fix thouſand ſeven hundred and twenty
grains ;
ever.
SerTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
315
grains; and conſequently muſt be worth ſeve-
ral millions
CH A P. IV.
Regulation of the Portugueſe trade. The de-
ſcription of St. Salvador, the capital of Bra-
zil. The fleets for that city. Rio Janeiro
and Fernambucca.
T
HE trade of Portugal is carried on
upon the fame excluſive plan, on
which the ſeveral nations of Europe trade
with their colonies of America, and it more
particularly reſembles the Spaniſh method, by
ſending out not ſingle ſhips, as the conveni-
ency of the ſeveral places and the ideas of
the European merchants may direct ; but by
annual fleets, which fail at ſtated times from
Portugal, and compoſe three fotas bound to
as many ports in Brazil; to Fernambucca,
in the Northern part; Rio Janeiro, at the
Southern extremity; and the Bay of All-
Saints, in the middle. In this laſt is the ca-
pital, which is called St. Salvador, where all
the fleets rendezvous on their return to Por-
tugal. This city commandsa noble, ſpacious,
and commodious harbour. It is built upon
an high and ſteep rock, having the ſea upon
one ſide, and a lake forming a creſcent, in-
veſting it almoſt wholly, ſo as nearly to join
the
:
316 An ACCOUNT of the EUROPEAN
the ſea on the other. This ſituation makes
it in a manner impregnable by nature; but they
have beſides added to it very ſtrong fortifica-
tions. All theſe make it the ſtrongeſt place in
America. It is divided into an upper and
lower town. The lower conſiſts only of a.
Street or two, immediately upon the harbour,
for the convenience of lading and unlading
goods, which are drawn up to the higher
town by machines. The ſtreets in the
upper
town are laid out as regularly as the ground
will admit, and are handſomely built. They
had forty years ago in this city above two
thouſand houſes, and inhabitants proportion-
able; a fumptuous cathedral; ſeveral magni-
ficent churches, and many convents, well
built and endowed. The Portugueſe fleet ſets
out from Liſbon in its voyage hither in the
month of February.
I can get no accounts, preciſe enough to be
depended upon, of the towns of Fernambucca
or Parayba, and the capital of the Rio Ja-
neiro, to enable me to be particular about
them. Let it ſuffice that the fleet for the
former of theſe ſets out in March, and for the
latter in the month of January ; but they all
rendezvous in the Bay of All-Saints, to the
number of an hundred fail of large ſhips,
about the month of May or June, and carry
to Europe a cargo little inferior in value to the
treaſures of the flota and galleons. The gold
alone
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
317
alone amounts to near four millions ſterling.
This is not all extracted from the mines of
Brazil ; but, as they carry on a large direct
trade with Africa, they bring, eſpecially from
their ſettlement at Mozambique, on the Eaſ-
tern fide of that continent, beſides their ſlaves,
vaſt quantities of gold, ebony, and ivory,
which goes into the amount of the cargo of
the Brazil fleets for Europe. Thoſe parts of
Brazil which yield gold, are the middle and
Northern parts on the Rio Janeiro and Bay of
All-Saints. They coin a great deal of gold in
America ; that which is coined at Rio Janeiro
bears an R, that which is ſtruck at the Bay is
marked with a B.
To judge the better of the riches of this
Brazil fleet, the diamonds it contains muſt
not be forgot. For if the mines rented to
the crown in the year 1740, at twenty-ſix
thouſand pounds a year, it will be a very ſmall
allowance to ſay, that at leaſt five times more
is made out of them; and that there is re-
turned to Europe in diamonds to at leaſt the
value of one hundred and thirty thouſand
pounds. This, with the ſugar, which is
principally the cargo of the Fernambucca
fleet, the tobacco, the hides, the valuable
drugs for medicine and manufactures, may
give ſome idea of the importance of this trade,
not only to Portugal, but to all the trading
powers of Europe. The returns are not the
fiftieth
318 An Account of the EUROPEAN
hiftieth part of the produce of Portugal. They
conGift of the woollen goods, of all kinds, of
England, France, and Hollands the linens
and laces of Holland, France, and Germany;
the filks of France and Italy; lead, tin, iron,
copper, and all ſorts of utenſils wrought in
theſe metal, from England; as well as falt-
fiſh, beef, flour, and cheeſe. Oil they have
from Spain. Wine, with ſome fruits, is
nearly all with which they are ſupplied from
Portugal.
Though the profits in this trade are great,
very few Portugueſe merchants trade upon
their own ſtocks; they are generally credited
by the foreign merchants, whoſe commodities
they vend, eſpecially the Engliſh. In ſhort,
though in Portugal, as in Spain, all trade
with their plantations is ſtrictly interdicted to
ſtrangers ; yet, like all regulations that con-
tradict the very nature of the object they re-
gard, they are here as little attended to as in
Spain. The Portugueſe is only the truſtee and
factor; but his fidelity is equal to that of the
Spaniſh merchant; and that has ſcarce ever
been ſhaken by any public or private cauſe
whatſoever. A thing ſurpriſing in the Portu-
gueſe; and a ſtriking inſtance amongſt a peor
ple ſo far from remarkable for their integrity,
of what a cuſtom originally built upon a few
examples, and a conſequent reputation built
upon that, will be able to effect in a ſucceſſion
of
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
319
of men of very different natural characters
and morals. And ſo different is the ſpirit of
commercial honeſty from that of juſtice, as
it is an independent virtue, and influences the
heart.
The Engliſh at preſent are the moſt inte-
reſted, both in the trade of Portugal for home
conſumption, and of what they want for the
uſe of the Brazils. And they deſerve to be
moſt favoured, as well from the ſervices they
have always done that crown, and from the
ſtipulations of treaties, as from the confideration
that no other people conſumes ſo much of the
products of Portugal. However, partly from
our own ſupineneſs, partly from the policy and
activity of France, and partly from the fault
of the Portugueſe themſelves, the French have
become very dangerous rivals to us in this,
as in most other branches of our trade. It is
true, though the French have advanced fo pro-
digiouſly, and there is a ſpirit of induſtry
and commerce raiſed in moſt countries in Eu-
rope, our exports of manufactures or natural
products, have by no means leſſened within
theſe laſt forty years; which can only be ex-
plained by the extending of our own, and the
Spaniſh and Portugueſe colonies, which in-
creaſes the general demand. But, though it be
true, that we have rather advanced than de-
clined in our commerce upon the whole, yet
we ought to take great care not to be deceived
by
320 An Account of the EUROPEAN
by this appearance. For if we have not likes
wiſe advanced in as great a proportion to what
We were before that period, and to our means
fince then, as our neighbours have done in
proportion to theirs, as I apprehend we have
not, then, I ſay, we have comparatively de-
clined ; and ſhall never be able to preſerve that
diſtinguiſhed rank of the first commercial and
maritime power in Europe, time muſt be ef-
ſential to preſerve us in any degree, either of
commerce or power. For if any other power,
of a more extenſive and populous territory than
ours, ſhould come to rival us in tradeand wealth,
he muſt come of neceſſity to give law to us in
whatever relates either to trade or policy.
Notwithſtanding that the want of capacity
in the miniſters of ſuch a power, or the indo-
lence of the ſovereign, may protract the evil
for a time, it will certainly be felt in the end,
and will ſhew us demonſtratively, though too
late, that we muſt have a great ſuperiority in
trade, not only to ourſelves formerly, but to
our neighbours at preſent, to have any at all
which is likely to continue with us for a long
time,
СНАР.
SETTLEMENTs in AMERICA.
321
CH A P. V.
The character of the American Portugueſe. The
ſtate of the Negroes. The government.
T!
HE portrait which the moſt judici-
ous travellers give us of the manners
and cuſtoms of the Portugueſe in America,
is very far from being favourable to that peo-
ple. They are repreſented as a people at
once funk in the moſt effeminate luxury, and
practiſing the moſt deſperate crimes. Of a
diffembling hypocritical temper; of little ho-
neſty in dealing, or ſincerity in converſation;
lazy, proud, and cruel. They are poor and
penurious in their diet, not more through
neceſſity than inclination. For, like the in-
habitants of moft Southern climates, they
are much more fond of ſhow, ſtate, and at-
tendance, than of the joys of free fociety
and the fatisfaction of a good table. Yet
their feaſts, ſeldom made, are ſumptuous to
extravagance.
The luxury, indolence, pride, and cruelty
of the maſters has, amongſt other cauſes,
been very juſtly attributed to their being
bred up amongſt Naves, having every buſineſs
entirely done by ſuch; and to their being
permitted to keep a prodigious number of
Negroes, not for their field work, nor for
VOL.I.
Y
domeſtic
I affairs
322 An Account of the EUROPEAN
domeſtic employments, but merely to wait
upon them, and to form their train. Theſe
become more corrupted than their maſters,
who make them the inſtruments of their
crimes ; and, giving them an unbounded and
fcandalous licence, employ them, whenever
they want to terrify or revenge, as bullies and
aſſaſſins. And indeed nothing can be con-
ceived more fit to create the worſt diſorders,
than the unnatural junction of flavery to idle-
neſs and a licentious way of living. They
are all ſuffered to go armed, and there are vaſt
numbers who have merited or bought their
freedom; and this is ſuffered in a country
where the Negroes are ten to one.
But this picture, perhaps too highly co-
loured for thoſe whom it is intended to repre-
fent, is by no means applicable to all the Por-
tugueſe of Brazil. Thoſe by the Rio Janeiro,
and in the Northern captainſhips, are not near
fo effeminate and corrupted as thoſe of the Bay
of All-Saints, which, being in a climate favour-
able to indolence and debauchery, the capital
city, one of the oldeſt ſettlements, is in all re-
ſpects worſe than any of the others. IS
The government of Brazil is in the vice-
roy, who reſides at St. Salvador. He has
two councils, one for criminal, the other
But, to the infinite prejudice of the ſettle-
ment, all the delay, chicanery, multiplied
expences
SETTLEMENTS in AMERICA.
323
expences incident to the worſt part of the
law, and practiſed by the moſt corrupted
lawyers, flouriſh here; at the fame time that
juſtice is fo lax, that the greateſt crimes often
paſs with impunity. Formerly the judges
could not legally puniſh any Portugueſe with
death. And it is not difficult to imagine,
how much a licence in ſuch a country muſt
have contributed to a corruption, that it
may be the buſineſs of ſucceſſions of good
magiſtrates, and ages of good diſcipline, to
reſtore to foundneſs. Upon the river of Ama-
zons, the people, who are moſtly Indians
and reduced by the prieſts ſent thither, are
ſtill under the government of theſe paſtors.
The ſeveral diviſions of this country are called
miſſions.
As the Portugueſe have been once diſpoſ-
feſſed of this country by the Dutch, and
once endangered by the French, their miſ-
fortunes and dangers have made them wife
enough to take very effe&ual meaſures for
their future ſecurity. St. Salvador is a very
ſtrong fortification ; they have others that are
not contemptible; beſides a good number of
European regular troops, of which there are
two regiments in St. Salvador. The militia
too is regimented, amongſt whom they reckon
fome bodies of Indians, and free Negroes ;
and indeed at preſent Brazil ſeems to be in as
little danger as the ſettlements of any power
of
Y 2
324
An ACCOUNT, &c.
of America, not only from their own internal
Arength, their remoteneſs, and the intolerable
heat and unhealthineſs of a great part of the
climate, but from the intereſt that moſt of
the ſtates in Europe, who are concerned in that
trade, have to keep it in the hands of the
Portugueſe.
End of the First VOLUME.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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