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C57
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THE
POEM OF
THE CID
TRANSLATED
BY
JOHN ORMSBY

0. M. BARNES'
LIBRARY.
No...
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THE
POEM OF THE CID

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LONDON: PRINTED BỲ
SPOTTISWOODE and
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El Cid Campeador
=
THE
POEM OF THE CID
A Translation from the Spanish
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
!
BY
JOHN ORMSBY
AUTHOR OF 'AUTUMN RAMBLES IN NORTH AFRICA

'Ipse Rodericus, mio Cid semper vocatus,
De quo cantatur quod ab hostibus haud superatus,
Qui domuit Mauros, comites domuit quoque nostros'
Contemporary Poem on the Siege of Almería A.D. 1147
LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1879
All rights reserved
ΤΟ
4
DON PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS
A TRIFLING TOKEN OF THE GRATITUDE WITH WHICH
EVERY STUDENT OF SPANISH LITERATURE
REGARDS HIS NAME
*
?
*

1
i
Errata
Page 7, line 20, omit the period after mayo
,, 17 (note), line 9 from foot, for Gonzalez read Gomez
1
•
Libray of
E. a. Barnes
4-22-40
added cop.
have bb-he->
POEM OF
OF THE
THE CID.
INTRODUCTION.
1
THE Composition which, in default of an authoritative title,
we must be content to call 'The Poem of the Cid,' is in
some respects the most remarkable production of mediæval
literature that has come down to us. If not absolutely the
oldest document in the Spanish language, it is unquestion-
ably the oldest that can be claimed as belonging to the
literature of Spain. There are, it is true, ballads the
antiquity of which, so far as their substance is concerned,
is far greater, but none, in the form in which we now have
them, of a date within two centuries of that of the Poem ;
and the earliest specimens of cultivated, as distinguished
from popular, poetry are at least half a century later.
'The Poem of the Cid' stands at the very threshold of the
literary history of Spain, the student's starting point,
whether his object be the language or the letters of the
Thus
1 The charters of Oviedo and Avilés are probably older, though
only in a trifling degree. Of these, the former is undated, but the latter
bears date A.D. 1155.
나
​B
2
THE CID.
•
..
Spanish people. In it the literature of Spain springs into
life at once, strong and vigorous, without passing through
an infancy of rhyming chronicle or monkish hymn or
legend; and it is in no small degree characteristic of a
literature in which chivalry and romance play so leading a
part, that, traced back to its remotest source, we should find it
flowing from the achievements of the popular national hero.
But, independently of the interest attaching to it for this
reason, it is also interesting as a contemporary picture of
mediæval character and society such as neither chanson de
geste nor chronicle gives us. Nowhere else have we the
man-at-arms of the middle ages brought before us'in his
habit as he lived' with the vivid realism that inspires the
painting of the poet of 'The Cid.'
It is strange that this, called by more than one critic the
finest poem in the Spanish language, and regarded by all as
a masterpiece, should have been so neglected in this country,
which was the first to appreciate Don Quixote and which
has always manifested such a lively sympathy with Spanish
literature. In Germany the merits of 'The Cid' have been
abundantly recognised by criticism, and it has been trans-
lated by Huber and O. L. B. Wolff. France, besides
minor works more or less directly dealing with the poem,
possesses the valuable edition and prose translation of M.
Damas Hinard. But in England no notice has been taken
of the existence of the Spanish epic except in the eulogies
of Southey and in the pleasant little narrative of the Cid's
life by George Dennis; while the fragments translated by
the late John Hookham Frere are the only medium through
which the English reader can gain any knowledge of the
style and character of the poem.
INTRODUCTION.
3
I confess I should have felt some hesitation in attempt-
ing what may seem like a competition with Frere's spirited
versions were they, fragmentary as they are, published in some
more accessible form, instead of being buried in the appen-
dix to Southey's 'Chronicle of the Cid,' or in that to his own
collected works published in 1872. The spirit and vigour
with which he has rendered his specimens of 'The Cid' are
worthy of all praise, and have received it from such com-
petent judges as Southey and Ticknor. Still it would be
idle to deny that Frere's, apart from its incompleteness, is
far from being a satisfactory translation. The carelessness
to which it owes its dash and freedom is fatal to its fidelity.
In this respect it somewhat resembles a kindred work,
Lockhart's delightful 'Spanish Ballads;' with this difference,
however, that while Frere is to the full as unscrupulous as
Lockhart 2 in substituting his own ideas for those of his
author, he makes no compensation in the shape of harmony
or flowing verse. In the original Spanish, it is true, the
versification is generally careless and often rude, and he
may have felt himself bound to imitate its irregularity. If
so, the imitation cannot be said to be a successful one. In
the first place it is evident that some at least of this care-
lessness is to be laid to the charge, not of the old poet, but
of the transcriber of the one MS. that has been preserved;
and then, even in the most irregular passages, there is
always a certain rhythm and cadence of which there is no
trace in Frere's rough, jolting, jerky lines. In inanner he is
a still greater offender. The language of the poem is simple,
unstudied, sometimes even homely, but never mean or un-
2 See the note on 'Zara's earrings,' in Depping's Romancero
Castellano, 1844. Vol i. p. 411.
.
B 2
4
THE CID.
:
dignified. In Frere's versions simplicity is too frequently
obtained at the cost of dignity, and, now and then, by a
descent into something almost bordering on vulgarity.
Ease and freedom are charming qualities in a translator,
and well worth aiming at, but he overshoots the mark when
he produces such very free and easy translations as:-
Cid, for mercy's sake what upon earth is this?
Nothing at all, my worthy dame, nothing that comes amiss.
I must keep you with me to whet your appetite.
He was flushed and hot with breakfast and with drink;
which are merely casual specimens of the familiar style of
rendering that pervades Frere's fragments. There is, in
short, in his treatment of the old Castilian poet, a provoking
air of condescension, like that of an adult ostentatiously.
bringing down his intellect and phraseology to the level of a
little child's limited capacity. Nor have these renderings of
his the excuse of being close or faithful, for he is much given
to making random shots at the meaning when the language
is at all obscure or obsolete. One instance out of many
will suffice to illustrate the kind of mistranslation this leads
to. In one passage he has :
You rushed out at the door and ran away so hard,
You fell into the cesspool that was open in the yard;
We dragged you forth in all men's sight, dripping from the
drain;
For shame, never wear a mantle nor a knightly robe again.
In the original there is not a word about a 'cesspool,' or a
'drain,' or 'dragging.' Diego Gonzalez is simply taunted
with mounting on the beam of a wine-press, and spoiling his
fine mantle a very natural consequence, as everyone who
INTRODUCTION.
5
has seen a Valencian wine-press will admit. Frere was ap-
parently puzzled by 'viga lagar '-'wine-press beam,' and
adopted the coarse version of the story given in a popular
ballad intended to tickle the vulgar taste.
'-
Whatever may be the shortcomings of my own versions,
there are none arising from want of reverential affection for
the old poet and his work. If there be any truth in the
Spanish proverb, 'En largo camino y chico meson conosce
el hombre su compañon '—' On a long road and in a small
inn
one comes to know one's comrade,'-I may fairly claim
acquaintance with the poem; for the first volume of the
'Poesías Castellanas' of Sanchez, containing his edition of the
'Poema del Cid,' was my companion, and my one book, in
a pedestrian ramble, some years ago, through the scenes of
the Cid's exploits in Valencia, Aragon, and Castile. Com-
panionship of this sort rarely ends in indifference. If you
and your fellow-traveller do not quarrel, the chances are you
become fast friends; if you do not fling your book aside as
a bore, you read, re-read, and come to love it at last. Such
at least was my experience of wanderings in the company of
'The Cid.' The stirring lines of the old bard lent an addi-
tional zest to the pilgrimage, and even now there are passages
of the poem that still seem to have their background of
brown sierra and blue sea, and that recall, somehow, the
scent of the lonely pine-woods of the Albarracin.
>
Another result is that which the reader has before him.
Not that I would ask indulgence for 'rhymes on the road
a book that can only plead in formâ pauperis had better not
come into court at all. Such as it is I submit it-to use a
good old-fashioned phrase 'to the censure of the reader,'
as an attempt to make him acquainted with an old Spanish
6
THE CID.
3
poem which in its original form may be beyond his reach.
To have translated the entire poem, or even the greater por-
tion of it, into English verse, would have been worse than
useless, for The Cid,' like all long mediæval poems, is in
many parts essentially prose, making no pretence to the
character of poetry except in metrical arrangement,-' nisi
quod pede certo differt sermoni, sermo merus.' It should
be borne in mind that these compositions were not merely
the poetry of the public to which they were addressed.
They were in some degree also its drama, its novel, its his-
tory, and its biography; and if they were cast throughout
in metrical form, it was simply because the medium of com-
munication was the chant of the minstrel or jongleur who
stood in the place of a book in the non-reading ages. The
function of verse is more restricted now, and the translator
who attempts to apply it indiscriminately to one of these
productions will find himself repeatedly reduced to the
alternative of laying on a poetic colouring for which there is
no warrant in the original, or else saying in doggerel what
could be far better said in prose. For this reason I have
not given a translation in verse of any portions but those
where the requirements of the Latin poet are complied with ;
where the 'acer spiritus ac vis verbis aut rebus inest.' These
I have endeavoured to render, as far as I could, line for
line, and as literally as was compatible with justice to the
original. For, as everyone who has attempted a task of the
sort knows, there are occasions when absolute literality
would defeat its own object, and paraphrase is the only
3 Celebrant carminibus antiquis (quod unum apud illos memoriæ
et annalium genus est) originem gentis conditoresque.'-Tacitus, De
Mor. Germ. c. 2.
:
INTRODUCTION.
7
course open to the translator. For the rest I have given a
condensed prose translation, preserving all that was required
for maintaining the continuity of the narrative, or the charac-
ter of the poem as a picture of medieval life; and omitting
only those portions where prolixity or repetition in the
original seemed to involve the risk of repelling the reader-
omissions which do not interfere with his judgment or enjoy-
ment of the work as a whole. The student of mediæval or
Spanish literature will, of course, go to the original, so that
his requirements need not be considered.
The date to which the composition of the poem should
be assigned cannot be fixed with any degree of certainty.
Only one manuscript is known to exist, that which the
royal librarian Sanchez, attracted by references in Sandoval
and Berganza, discovered at Bivar, the Cid's birthplace, and
from which he printed his edition of the 'Poema del Cid,'
published in 1779, in the first volume of his 'Coleccion de
Poesías Castellanas.' 4 At the end of this are the words :-
Quien escriuió este libro del Dios parayso, amen.
Per abbat le escriuió en el mes de mayo v
En era de mill e CC * XLV annos es el romanz
Ffecho.
All the authorities who have endeavoured to explain
these perplexing lines are agreed that 'Per abbat' (probably
'the Abbot Pedro') here mentioned was not the author of
the poem, but merely the transcriber of this particular
4 The MS. dated 1596, mentioned by Sanchez, cannot be counted,
as it is nothing more than a transcript, and a not very careful one, of
the Bivar Codex.
8
THE CID.
gr.
manuscript. But there is some difference of opinion as to
the date, and as to what it refers to whether to the com-
position of the poem or to the completion of this copy of it.
In the first place, there is a vacant space between the second
c and the x, which in the original MS. shows signs of an
erasure. The erased letter was no doubt either an 'e' (the
old form of 'y'=' and'), effaced by the writer when he per-
ceived that it was unnecessary, or else a third c, which
would make the date the era 1345 instead of 1245, i.e. A.D.
1307, instead of 1207.5 Sanchez inclines to the belief that
the erasure is owing to a slip of the pen of the transcriber,
and that the true date is the Era 1245, or A.D. 1207, and in
this opinion he is supported by so weighty an authority as
Professor Dozy of Leyden. But he does not seem to have
noticed, at least his edition omits, the words ' es el romanz
ffecho' with which the passage concludes, and by which its
import is materially affected. He remarks, and the Padre
Risco in his 'Life of the Cid' (1792) agrees with him, that
had the writer been speaking of the composition of the poem
he would not have employed the word 'escrivió,' which was-
never used in that sense, but rather the verb 'fer' or 'facer.'
In the omitted portion, however, we have the participle
'fecho,' which not only confirms the remark of Sanchez, but
seems to apply the distinction with some emphasis to this
particular case. As the passage stands, the meaning would
appear to be that the Abbot Peter ('God grant him paradise')
wrote this book in the month of May, but that the poem
was composed (el romanz es fecho) in the era 1245, or A.D.
5 In early Spanish chronology, up to the fourteenth century, dates
are given according to the 'Era,' and to reduce a date so stated to the
corresponding year A.D., 38 years must be subtracted.

INTRODUCTION.
9
1207; and the suggestion in the notes to the new edition
of the poem in the Biblioteca de autores Españoles,'
Madrid, 1864, seems a plausible one-that the transcriber,
meaning to make a memorandum of the date of the poem,
mechanically put down the century in which he wrote, by
mistake for the previous one; just as to cite a case in
point out of Spanish bibliography—the editor of the charm-
ing little Villalpando edition of Quevedo, printed in 1798,
has put 1722 instead of 1622 in the dedication of the 'Visita
de los Chistes.'
One thing, however, is certain. Whether 1345 was in-
tended or not, it is not the date of the composition of the
poem, which must have been in existence at least half a
century earlier, for it was unquestionably used by Alfonso X.
in the composition of his 'Cronica General,' which was
written apparently before A.D. 1260. In the poem itself
there are one or two allusions which throw some little light
on the matter. The town of Monreal, which was not built till
1120, is mentioned as if it was a well-known place. Mention
is also made of 'the Count Don Remond, father of the
good Emperor.' The 'good Emperor' was Alfonso VII.
of Castile, who did not assume that title till 1135. Another
passage, which, however, cannot be relied on so surely, is that
near the end, where, in celebrating the glory of the Cid, it
is said that
Hoy los reyes de España sos parientes son.
To-day the kings of Spain are of his lineage.
This could not have been said with any regard for truth
before the year 1157, when two of the Cid's great-grand-
children were on Spanish thrones, Sancho VI. of Navarre,
10
THE CID.
1
and his sister Doña Blanca, queen of Sancho III. of Castile;
or perhaps before 1158, when the infant son of the latter
came to the Castilian throne as Alfonso VIII. On the
other hand it is, to say the least, extremely improbable that
the poem could have been written after Leon and Castile
had been brought under one crown, that is to say, after 1230;
for if the relations of the two kingdoms had been of a
friendly nature it is inconceivable that the poet would have
represented, or would have ventured to represent, two
powerful and illustrious Leonese houses in the odious and
contemptible light in which he shows the Gomez and
Ordoñez families.
At any rate we are able to fix with some degree of cer-
tainty the limits of the period within which the poem must
have been composed. It cannot have been written much,
if at all, earlier than 1150, or later than 1250. Ferdinand
Wolf of Vienna, a scholar to whom Spanish literature is
more indebted than to any, except, perhaps, Gayangos and
Ticknor, believes the period of its composition to have been
between 1140 and 1160, and, basing his conjecture on the
line already quoted, suggests that it may have been com-
posed as a kind of epithalamium on the occasion of the
marriage of the above-mentioned Blanca with the Infante
Sancho in 1151. Sanchez, its first editor, holds the date to
be 1150, or a little later.' Huber, who has bestowed so
much labour and learning on the history of the Cid and his
time, is of the same opinion. Ticknor considers 'there is
no reasonable doubt that it was composed as early as the
year 1200;' and Dozy, who was not aware of the words
omitted by Sanchez, which go far to confirm his opinion, is
inclined to adopt the MS. date, 1245, or A.D. 1207, but is
1
INTRODUCTION.
ΙΣ
very positive in asserting that the poem cannot be of a later
date. After these authorities, it is unnecessary to cite others;
but in truth the diversity of opinion is not great. The only
reason for hesitation about accepting the date of 1207-for,
of course, the penman of the Bivar MS. is not an unim-
peachable authority-is that it would bring the composition
somewhat too near to the time of Gonzalo de Berceo, who
wrote circa 1250-60, and whose poems have every appearance
of being separated by a wider interval from the 'Poem of
the Cid.' Dozy says the language of the latter is 'un peu
plus ancienne' than that of Gonzalo. He might, without
fear of exaggeration, have said, 'much more ancient,' for
Gonzalo's language indicates a very considerable advance
in the formation of the Castilian. But the difference in
structure is more striking still; something like that between
a canoe hewn from a single log and a craft built with
ribs and planks. In fact, between 'The Cid' and the re-
mains of Gonzalo de Berceo there is a difference, in kind
as well as in degree, nearly as great as an English reader
finds between Chaucer and the Earl of Surrey; or at any
rate one that demands a greater interval of time than half a
century. But after all, whether Dozy or Wolf be the nearer
to the precise date, is a question of comparatively trifling im-
portance, seeing that the age to which the poem belongs is
established beyond all reasonable doubt.
6
Who or what the author was we have no means of ascer-
taining. We may presume that he was a Castilian, probably
of Burgos or its neighbourhood; and it is no unreasonable
• See Appendix iv.
7
12
THE CID.
!
conjecture to suppose him to have been a Churchman, like
the writers of most, if not all, of the longer Spanish metrical
productions of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
Few indeed, except ecclesiastics, in those days had at once
the leisure and the qualifications for such pursuits. There
are, besides, in the poem symptoms of a priestly pen in the
approving emphasis with which all the Cid's acts of piety
and liberality to the Church are recorded. But whoever he
may have been, it is certain that, unlike epic poets in gene-
ral, he lived very near the time of the events he celebrated.
The Cid died in 1099, consequently, if Wolf, Huber, and
Sanchez are right, the hero and his achievements must have
been something much more vivid than mere matters of
report or tradition to the author of the poem. He may not
have looked upon the living Cid; but it is quite possible that
the imagination which comes to us across seven centuries in
the stirring lines of the old poet may have been quickened
by some recollection of how, in his childhood, there used to
be a mysterious shape seen dimly in the half light, seated,
sword in hand, beside the high altar of San Pedro de Car-
deña; and of how it was whispered that this was he, the
champion of Christendom and the scourge of the Moor. Of
course it would be childish to claim historical accuracy for
a work of this kind, but it would be equally uncritical to
reject its statements merely because they occur in a poem.
History is not the aim of the author, but when he cites.
events and occurrences which are not inconsistent with
established facts, and are not introduced in furtherance of
his object as a poet, it may be fairly presumed that he is,
pro tanto, speaking historically, especially when, as in the
present case, he is addressing an audience only a generation
INTRODUCTION.
13.
or two removed from the time of his story. The Poem of
the Cid' may therefore be accepted, not as an absolute autho-
rity on the life and history of the national hero of Spain, but
at any rate as trustworthy corroborative testimony where it
agrees with other accounts, and as evidence deserving respect
where it stands alone.
A more interesting consideration, perhaps, is its relation
to the history of poetry. As the reader will perceive, it was
produced a full century before Dante's 'Divina Commedia,'
and almost two before the poetry of Petrarch or Chaucer.
It is somewhat earlier than the Nibelungenlied, at least in its
connected form, and nearly contemporary with the first lays
of the troubadours of Provence, and the first chansons de geste
of the trouvères of France proper. It belongs, therefore, to
the very dawn of our modern literature, when the poetic in-
stinct of medieval Europe, north and south, at once broke into
song, as if it felt the coming light. Of the two forms in
which this poetic impulse displayed itself, the one we should
have supposed the more likely to influence Spain is the one
with which 'The Poem of the Cid' has the least affinity. It is
remarkable that, with all the advantages of propinquity,
similarity of language, and constant intercourse between the
two countries, the poetry of Provence, which exercised such
an influence on the literature of Italy, never struck root in
Spain, not even under the shelter of the Court of Aragon;
and here, at the very outset, we have almost its exact oppo-
site in The Poem of the Cid.' It would be difficult, indeed,
to imagine a much stronger contrast than that presented by
the elaborate versification, far-fetched conceits, and high-
flown, artificial sentiment of the Provençal poetry, and the
unstudied, almost uncouth, verse, and Homeric simplicity,
1
14
THE CID.
directness, and, it may be added, Homeric fire, of the strains
in which the old poet on the other side of the Pyrenees sings
the deeds of the Castilian hero.
With the poetry of the other school, that of the trouvères,
under which head may be included not only the chansons
de geste proper, such as the 'Chanson de Roland,' but also
productions like the quasi-historical poems of Wace, it is
obvious that 'The Poem of the Cid' has a very close
analogy-so close indeed that some critics have classified
it as a Spanish member of the family. This is substantially
the view of one at least whose authority will not be ques-
tioned by any student of Spanish literature, Don Pascual de
Gayangos, who further, in a letter on the subject, which he
was kind enough to send me, expresses an opinion that the
poem was made up of 'cantares' or 'lays' of an earlier
date, like the rhapsodies out of which the Iliad, according
to the Wolfian theory, was constructed. But from their
very nature these chansons de geste, to take the most
comprehensive title, include a wide range of narrative
poetry, from the mere lay made up of ballads inartistically
tacked together, the 'mere fortuitous concourse of old
songs,' to the epic in which the materials, whether in the
form of lyric or legend, have been fused together, moulded
into shape by an artist's hand, and animated by the spirit of
a poet. Without going quite so far as M. Thalès Bernard,
who in his 'Histoire de Poésie' (1864) maintains that
'toutes les grandes épopées ont eu pour base des ballades
isolées comme celles du Romancéro,' we may admit that
his theory of the genesis of epic poetry holds good in a
sufficiently large number of cases. It would be difficult,
and probably not worth while, to attempt to fix the precise
ރ
.
INTRODUCTION.
15
stage of development at which productions of this kind
become entitled to be regarded as epic poems. The title
must depend on the stamp of individuality which the con-
structor has contrived to impress upon his work, on the
degree of success with which he has combined his materials
so as to form a homogeneous whole, and, above all, on the
evidence of a purpose or design furnishing a motive and
governing the construction throughout. Thus we may fairly
doubt whether the 'Chanson de Roland,' rich as it is in
passages of genuine heroic poetry, has any claim to be con-
sidered as an epic poem. The poet, if we are to call him
so, has done little more than to link together the ballads as
he found them, in some instances inserting a second and a
third version of absolutely the same incident.' His indivi-
duality manifests itself nowhere, the only unity binding the
whole together is that of the subject, and of purpose or
design there is nothing beyond the mere relation of the
treachery of Ganelon and the death of Roland. With 'The
Poem of the Cid' the case is altogether different. In it the
process of assimilation is complete. It would be difficult.
for the most acute critical instinct to detect the joints of the
structure or to attempt with any degree of certainty to
separate it into constituent parts. From first to last one
8
' M. Genin seems to consider these variations as intentional on the
part of the poet, but his arguments cannot be called satisfactory.
• Don Eugenio de Tapia did not think so, but Ticknor does not
agree with him, nor does Wolf; and Huber confesses that with the
utmost pains ('por mas que hayamos trabajado ') he has been unable to
discover the marks of patchwork. One break, indeed, on which Tapia
especially relies, proves, if anything, the contrary of what he held it to
prove, for, instead of being caused by the insertion of two distinct
ballads, it is obviously an intentional division of the poem into two
"
16
THE CID.
•
d?
hand is visible, one mind makes itself felt. But what more
than all distinguishes the work, and raises it from the rank
of an invertebrate string of lays or ballads to that of a deve-
loped poem, is the evidence of a purpose, something more
than that of a mere narrator of heroic deeds, which under-
lies the narrative from beginning to end, which is never lost
sight of, and to which everything directly or indirectly con-
duces. Like all primitive poetry, 'The Cid' was left by its
author to make its way in the world without a name; but if,
in accordance with modern custom, a descriptive title had
been prefixed to it, that title would have been 'The Triumph
of the Cid.' The aim of the poet is to show how the Cid,
banished from Castile through the machinations of his
enemies, carved out his fortunes with his sword to such
good purpose that he was at length recognised as almost an
equal by his Sovereign, and his daughters sought in mar-
riage by princes of the blood royal of Leon and kinsmen of
his chief enemy; and how, moreover, these princes, having
proved themselves dastards and ruffians, were challenged and
ignominiously defeated in combat by the champions of the
Cid, and their brides bestowed upon worthier suitors of still
more illustrious rank. Thus it will be seen there is a double
motive inspiring the poem; not only the exaltation of the
hero, but also the abasement of his enemies. It should be
noted, too, that of the marriages of the Cid's daughters, the
first recorded in the poem, that with the Princes or Infantes
of Carrion, is, there is little reason to doubt, entirely apo-
cryphal, while the other is an historical fact, except that one
of the bridegrooms was the Count of Barcelona, not, as the
'fits' or cantos, and made for the convenience of recitation by the poet
to whom we owe the work in its present form.
INTRODUCTION.
17
poem states, a Prince of Aragon. That the poet should
glorify so typical a Castilian hero as Ruy Diaz is natural,
but why should he have gone out of his way, as he unques-
tionably has done, to glorify him at the expense of at least
two noble Leonese names? For though the marriages and
the events connected with them are fabulous, the families of
Ordoñez and Gomez, to which latter the Infantes belonged,
were at the time of the Cid and when the poem was com-
posed at the very head of the nobility of Leon.9 There can
be little doubt that the explanation of this seemingly gratui-
tous bitterness is to be found in the relations subsisting at
the time between the rival kingdoms of Castile and Leon ;
for such in truth they were, with occasional intervals of union
and concord, up to 1230, when they were finally united
under the rule of St. Ferdinand. It seems clear that from
the beginning there was considerable jealousy between the
• Professor Dozy is not quite correct when, in the appendix to his
valuable work, Le Cid, d'après de nouveaux documents (Leyden, 1860),
he says, 'Le poète a confondu les Gomez avec une autre famille, non
moins puissante, celle qui descendait de l'infante Christine et son époux
l'infant Ordoño, fils de Ramire l'Aveugle.' The poet has not 'confondu'
the two families: he represents them as parientes, kinsmen, which
they were, being descended, according to Rodrigo Mendez Sylva
(Catologo real y genealogico de España), from the two daughters of
Aldonza Ordoñez, the issue of the marriage referred to by M. Dozy.
Of these, one, Teresa Ordoñez, countess of Carrion, married Gonzalo
Gomez, whence the patronymic of Gonzalez borne by the Infantes in Greg
The other, Fronilda, married Ordoño, natural son of
Bermudo II., and from this marriage sprang the other branch, that of
Ordoñez. According to Garibay all the descendants of Aldonza were
called Infantes of Carrion. Nor was Ordoño son of Ramiro l'aveugle.
It was he himself who was the blind,' and he was one of the sons of
the usurper Fruela, all of whom were blinded by Ramiro when he had
possessed himself of the crown of Leon.-Vide Garibay, Sylva, and
Salazar de Mendoza.
the poem.
C
·
1
THE CID.
18
་་
two states. Oviedo and Leon, as the older formation, pro-
bably looked down upon Castile and its counts as a some-
what upstart community; indeed, Garibay mentions it as
a standing grievance of the Castilians, that they always
found themselves slighted-despreciados-at the court of
the kings of Oviedo and Leon, where, no doubt, their
determination to preserve their independence and semi-
republican institutions could not have been looked upon
with any degree of favour. Nor were overt acts wanting to
stir up ill blood between the neighbours. The Castilians
gave aid and comfort to the sons of Alfonso III. in their
rebellion against their father; in the next reign but one a
number of the leading nobles of Castile were treacherously
murdered by Ordoño II., and later the idol of Castile, the
Count Fernan Gonzalez, the hero of many a ballad, was
seized, imprisoned, and narrowly escaped the like fate at
the hands of Sancho I. The ballads bear ample testimony
to the ill feeling between Leon and Castile.
Castellanos y Leoneses
Tienen grandes divisiones,
is the beginning of one, and another ends with thanks to
God for delivering 'honoured Castile from the subjection of
Leon;' and in the "Cronica Rimada' we have the dif-
ference explicitly stated: Leon claimed to be 'head of the
realms, and Castile rose against it.' It seemed a happy
settlement of these uneasy relations when Ferdinand I. of
Castile succeeded to Leon in right of his wife; but unfor-
tunately experience had not as yet taught the political
prudence of a fixed rule of primogeniture, and, embarrassed
by the claims of his children, he divided his dominions
1
'.
3
INTRODUCTION.
19
among them. The eldest, Sancho, king of Castile, tried to
repair his father's error by force of arms, and wrested, first,
Galicia from his youngest brother García, and then Leon
from the next, Alfonso, but only after a doubtful struggle in
which he owed success to the generalship and tenacity of
the Cid, who served him in his campaigns as alferez, or
'ancient,' a post which at that time seems to have corre-
sponded with that of chief of the staff in a modern army
where the sovereign is nominally commander-in-chief. But
laying siege to the city of Zamora, which had been left to his
sister Urraca, he was treacherously slain; and as he left no
heir of his body, the Castilians found themselves reduced
to acknowledge his brother Alfonso, the defeated king of
Leon, against whom they had been in arms only a short
time before. The position was a galling one, but they took
care to make it equally so to the Leonese by compelling
the king and twelve of the chief nobles of Leon to swear
publicly at Burgos that they had no hand or part in the
murder of King Sancho. The oath was administered by
the Cid, who on this, as on other occasions, appears to have
been the leading spirit among the Castilian nobility, and
hence, according to the chronicles, the wrath that furnished
the Spanish Homer with his theme. The poem does not
mention the oath at Burgos as the origin of Alfonso's
resentment, though very likely the earlier portion, which is
now unfortunately lost, may have contained some reference
to it. It merely attributes the anger of the king to the
intrigues of enemies and talebearers (mestureros), who had
poisoned his mind against the Cid, and in one place it hints
that the accusation was that of having appropriated tribute
€ 2
20
THE CID.
•
}
received from the Moors. The poet, indeed, takes, no
small pains to show Alfonso, 'el Castellano,' as he pointedly
calls him, in as favourable a light as possible. After the
first heat of anger has passed away he is represented as
treating the Cid more like a brother prince than a subject,
eager to show him honour and do him justice, and care-
ful to protect his retainers against the violence or treachery
of the other party. As a matter of fact it would seem that
Alfonso, notwithstanding that he married his cousin Ximena
to the Cid, was in reality as bitterly hostile to him as any of
the Leonese lords, restoring him to favour only when he
had need of his services, and casting him off again when he
could dispense with them. But as a Castilian by birth,
rightful king of Castile and Leon, and ancestor of the
reigning sovereign, he would naturally receive far gentler
treatment at the hands of the poet than his Leonese subjects.
For their enmity to the Cid no cause is specified, unless it
be in the case of the chief of them, Count García Ordoñez,
'the Cid's bitter enemy, who always sought to do him evil,'
as the poem describes him, who is taunted with the defeat
and humiliation he suffered at the hands of the hero in the
battle of Cabra.
But the animus of the poet has evidently something
deeper in it than mere partizanship on the side of his
adopted hero. It is not merely that the Infantes of Carrion
are represented as despicable characters in every way,
inflated with family pride, but mean, covetous, and cowardly,
requiting hospitality with treachery, guilty of brutal violence
to women; or that García Ordoñez is always painted as
jealous of the favour shown to the Cid, and drawing on
himself the rebukes of the king for his petulant envy; or
{
INTRODUCTION.
21
1
that another kinsman, Asur Gonzalez, is, by a few graphic
touches, put before us as a noisy drunken bully, 'mighty in
tongue, but of little account in aught else;' but the whole
clan or faction to which they belong is stigmatised as law-
less, violent, and treacherous. They come to the cortes of
Toledo intent on violence, and so well do the Cid and his
retainers know their character, that they take care to meet
them with hauberks and 'sweet trenchant swords' hidden
beneath their robes. When the issue is to be tried by wager
of battle they seek to decide the question by murdering the
Cid's champions, and are only prevented by the king's
precautions against their treachery; and when it has been
decided against them, the king himself finds it necessary to
send away the victors by night, and under escort. All this
argues something more than the mere design of singing the
glory of the Cid. It is difficult to resist the impression that
the poem is, in fact, an expression of Castilian spirit finding
vent, not only in the exaltation of a representative Castilian
hero, but also in the depreciation of the hereditary enemies
of Castile, represented by the highest of the nobility of
Leon. There is probably no foundation whatever, in fact,
for any of the charges brought against the Infantes and their
kin. It is possible, of course, that there may have been
some negotiation of marriage with the Cid's family broken
off in a manner calculated to touch the Castilian pundonor,
but the marriages themselves are unhistorical, and conse-
quently everything arising out of them pure fiction. The
story of the lion at Valencia, the aim of which is not to
exalt the courage of the Cid, but to exhibit the poltroonery
of the Infantes, the account of their savage attack on their
brides in the oak-wood of Corpes, the description of the
22
THE CID.
t
cortes at Toledo, and of the combat in the lists of Carrion,
have, one and all, unmistakably the air of productions of
popular fancy dealing with an object of popular animosity;
and it is no unreasonable supposition that the poet caught
and moulded into form such stray pasquinades as he found
adaptable to his purpose. The periòd at which, according
to the great majority of the critics, the poem was composed,
certainly favours the idea that the glory of the Cid was not
his sole incentive. As has been said already, almost all
authorities are agreed in assigning the composition to the
last half of the twelfth century, and at no time was a
patriotic Castilian more likely to entertain a bitter feeling
against Leon than during the long minority of Alfonso VIII.,
which began in 1158, when Ferdinand of Leon took
advantage of the weakness of Castile to despoil his young
nephew of a considerable portion of his inheritance.
The poem has no doubt materially helped to place the
Cid in the position he occupies in the minds of his country-
men as a popular hero. In this respect, indeed, he has but
one rival. Every one who is at all familiar with the peasantry
of Spain will, I think, bear me out in saying that the true
national hero of the Spaniards is Don Quixote; for the
creation of the novelist has become a reality to the popular
mind as much as any of the personages of history or tradition.
But unquestionably next to Don Quixote the Cid has the
greatest hold on the imagination and the memory of the
masses. Why it should be so is not immediately obvious,
for in sober truth the claims of the Cid to hero-worship are
not transcendent. Spain might fairly say in the words of
INTRODUCTION.
23
King Harry in 'Chevy Chase,' 'I have a hondrith captayns as
good as ever was he.' He was in reality little more than a
bold and successful condottiere, fighting for his own hand,
or lending his sword to Moslem or Christian if the terms
proposed were satisfactory. He was by no means insensible
to the calls of patriotism or religion, but undoubtedly, as a
general rule, he considered pay and plunder first, and even
the poem that sings his praise admits as much. Nor were
his actual achievements of a very imposing or important sort,
and that one on which his fame as a warrior mainly depends
was entirely barren of results to his country; for 'Valencia
del Cid,' as it is called to this day, was reoccupied by the
Moors immediately after his death, and it was Jaime of
Aragon who more than a century later added it to Christian
Spain. One important service he certainly did render, in
demonstrating as he did that the chivalry of Castile under a
skilful leader could afford to give the Moors liberal odds and
yet beat them; and no doubt the memory of the Cid kept
many a Spaniard from despair in the gloomy time between
the terrible day of Alarcos and the reviving victory at Navas
de Tolosa. But it is difficult to see how, except in this way,
he served Spain in the great struggle that almost constitutes
her entire history for eight centuries, or why she has placed
his name so immeasurably above those of Fernan Gonzalez,
Ferdinand I., St. Ferdinand, Jaime 'the conqueror,' 'the
great captain' Gonsalvo of Cordova, Hernan Cortes, and
many others to whom her debt is vastly greater.
There can
be little doubt, however, that the Cid's hold upon the affec-
tions of his fellow-countrymen is not altogether due to his
achievements in the cause of Spain and the Faith. As in
the poem he was put forward as the representative of

24
THE CID.
...
Castile, so at a later period he was adopted by popular tra-
dition and popular poetry as the representative of Spanish
democracy. The ballads have, so to speak, expanded the
incident of the oath administered to Alfonso at Burgos, and
sought to make resistance to the sovereign the governing
trait in his character. They delight in representing him as
bearding the king on every possible occasion, and making
a dramatic show of insubordination, which is quite foreign
to the Cid as he appears in the poem and in the chronicles.
Nay, more in their eagerness to make a popular hero of
him, they endeavour, in more than one instance, to claim
him as a man of the people,' calling him the son of a
labourer, and a bastard, though, in reality, he was by birth
the equal of any of the nobles of the kingdom, and in the
female line descended from a common ancestor with the king
himself.
It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that there
are, properly speaking, two very distinct Cids. One is the
Cid of romance, a figure so thickly incrusted with successive
accretions of legend and fable that scarcely a feature of the
original historical personage that formed its nucleus is any
longer discernible. This is the Cid of the ballads and of
the drama, of Guillen de Castro, Corneille, and Diamante;
the Cid who begins his career by cutting off the head of the
Count 'Lozano'-as the ballads call him-to avenge an in-
sult to his father, and then woos, or rather is wooed and
won by, Ximena, Corneille's 'Chimène,' the daughter of the
slain count; who, on the road to Compostella, succours a
leper, and is in consequence blessed by St. Lazarus; who
invades France, defies the Emperor, insults the Pope, and
slays or vanquishes Moorish kings enough to form a battalion.
•
INTRODUCTION.
25
The other is the Cid who first appears to us in definite shape
as the trusted counsellor and captain of King Sancho in his
wars against his neighbours of Navarre and Aragon, and
against his brethren of Galicia and Leon; then as the leader
of the nobles of Castile in their dictation of terms to Alfonso
and the Leonese—that is if we accept the oath at Burgos as
historical; and afterwards as the expatriated soldier of for-
tune, carrying his experience and renown into the market of
Moorish warfare, and disposing of them with the sagacity of
a judicious investor. In this phase of the Cid, at any rate,
we are on solid ground, and run little risk of drifting away
into the regions of fable. Between this, the historical Cid,
and the Cid of romance, there are not many points of re-
semblance. He is bold, daring, at once prompt and prudent,
a born leader of men in his power of inspiring his followers
with implicit belief and confidence, not without certain
touches of nobleness, but in the main crafty, unscrupulous,
and cruel. Such is the Cid-a true picture of a mediæval
border-warrior, as we pick him out of the authorities, a
process at times somewhat resembling the unrolling of a
mummy.
Among the sources, the 'Poem of the Cid' has a pro-
minent place, but, as I have already said, seeing that, to the
poet, historical accuracy was secondary to the glory and
triumph of his hero, its statements are only to be accepted
after they have passed a critical quarantine. The earliest
document which throws any light upon the history of the
Cid is his marriage settlement, preserved at Burgos, and
bearing date 1074. The long list of his possessions in land
which it contains satisfactorily proves him to have been a
territorial magnate of no small consequence, and the facts
26
THE CID.
that the marriage took place little more than a year after
Alfonso VI. had succeeded to the crown of Castile, that the
bride was the king's first-cousin, and daughter of the count
of Oviedo, that the king himself appears as one of the wit-
nesses, and that the trustees are the Counts García Ordoñez,
afterwards the Cid's bitter enemy, and Pedro Asurez, mem-
bers of the same family and of the haute noblesse of Leon,
all taken together make it somewhat more than likely that
the match was a political one arranged by Alfonso with the
object of conciliating his newly-acquired Castilian subjects,
and forming a bond between them, or at least the most
powerful of them, and Leon. Furthermore, this marriage
with Ximena Diaz renders still more improbable the story of
an earlier marriage with another Ximena; though it is scarcely
worth while to consider the probability of what is so evidently
a mere creation of some ballad-maker's brain.
The next record containing anything to the purpose is
the Santiago 'Genealogía de Rodrigo Diaz,' which is de-
scribed as 'written in the time of St. Ferdinand,' and speaks
of Sancho VII., who died in 1234, as being 'now king of
Navarre.' This is simply a short account of the family of
the Cid, and a summary of the chief events of his life, in-
cluding his share in the wars of Sancho and Alfonso of
Castile, his banishment by the latter, his victory over
Berenger of Barcelona, his conquest of Valencia, and the
marriages of his daughters to the count of Barcelona and
the Infante Ramiro of Navarre.
Of about the same or possibly of a still earlier date is a
much more important document, the curious Latin chronicle,
the 'Gesta Roderici Didaci Campidocti,' which was dis-
covered at Leon by the Padre Manuel Risco late in the last
INTRODUCTION.
27
century, and attacked with so much acrimony by Masdeu in
his 'Historia critica de España.' Masdeu was an historian
of that school which tries to make scepticism do the work of
research, and finding the history of the Cid full of incon-
sistencies and improbabilities, and having neither the patience
nor the learning requisite for winnowing fiction from fact,
he settled the matter by the easy method of treating the
whole as a myth ; an example followed by Dr. Dunham in
Lardner's 'Cabinet Cyclopædia.' The 'Gesta,' printed in
Risco's 'Castilla' in 1792, was an awkward piece of evidence,
but to a man who had summarily disposed of the existence
of the hero, it was a trifling matter to dispose of a document
in proof of it, and he declared Risco's discovery to be
a myth likewise, and the so-called 'Gesta' to be, in point
of fact, a forgery, asserting that he had searched for the
original in vain at Leon. The MS. however exists, and is
now in the custody of the Academy of History at Madrid,
but after a series of adventures which almost suggest the
agency of some mischievous spirit bent on supporting
Masdeu's misrepresentations. It was stolen with several
other MSS. from the convent of St. Isidore at Leon, where
Risco found it, and bought in 1846 from a pedlar at Lisbon
by a German savant, Dr. Gotthold Heyne, who subse-
quently fell fighting at the barricades in Berlin in 1848.
Happily, however, the energy and perseverance of Don
Pascual de Gayangos succeeded in tracing its wanderings,
and at length restoring to Spain a national document second
in interest and value only to the Bivar MS. of the 'Poem of
the Cid.' Its genuineness is beyond dispute, and also its
antiquity, for it cannot have been written later than 1238,
the year in which Jaime of Aragon captured Valencia, as it
28
THE CID.
speaks of Valencia being still in the possession of the Moors.
It agrees on the whole with the Genealogy as to the early
facts of the Cid's life. Neither of them makes any mention
of the duel with the count of Gormaz or of the marriage
with his daughter, or of any other of the events in the reign
of Ferdinand I. which form the staple of the earlier Cid
ballads. They agree in representing the Cid as commencing
his career under Sancho, and serving for the first time at the
relief of Saragossa when it was besieged by Ramiro of
Aragon. Neither of them contains any allusion to the oath
forced upon Alfonso at Burgos, which certainly tends to cast
considerable doubt on the story; for though the poem, in its
Castilian eagerness to put Alfonso in a favourable light,
might suppress it, there is no reason why two matter-of-fact
chroniclers should be silent about an incident so remarkable,
and so pregnant with consequences to the subject of their
memoirs. Both agree with the poem in attributing the Cid's
banishment to the intrigues and slanders of his enemies.
The chief merit of the 'Gesta' lies in the account of the
Cid's doings from the time of his banishment in 1081 to his
death at Valencia in 1099. The narrative itself is dry and
prosaic, very different from that of the old poet, whose enthu-
siasm always kindles at the clash of the swords and the war-
cry of the Cid; but it is for that reason all the more trust-
worthy, and if it does not deserve the implicit confidence in
all its statements which Huber seems to consider its due, its
general agreement with Arabic testimony, in substance if not
in matters of detail, makes it an authority of undeniable
weight.
It would be impossible here to deal in detail with the
'bella viriliter peracta' and the various enterprises in which
T.
INTRODUCTION.
29
the Cid engaged during this period, and for these the
reader must be referred to Professor Dozy's learned and
accurate work, Le Cid, d'après de nouveaux documents,
but a slight outline will be necessary for the better com-
prehension of the poem and comparison of the various
accounts.
he
When the Ommiad Caliphate fell to pieces, Mohammedan
Spain resolved itself into a vast number of independent
states under petty kings. At the time of the Cid one of the
most powerful, or least petty, of these was Moctadir (called in
the 'Gesta''Almuctamir,') of the Beni Hud, who ruled over
a considerable territory on both sides of the Ebro, and whose
chief city was Saragossa. To him the Cid betook himself,
apparently after having first sought employment with the
count of Barcelona, and as Moctadir, like all his neigh-
bours, lived in a chronic state of warfare, so useful an ally
received a warm welcome. If we may trust the poem,
had at this time under his command above six hundred
Castilians, who had followed him across the border, knowing,
as the poet says, 'that he who serves a bold captain always
prospers.' Moctadir, dying shortly after, left his dominions
divided between his two sons Moutamin and Mondhir, the
'Almuctamam' and 'Alfagib' of the 'Gesta.' In the ensuing
war between the brothers, the Cid took the side of the elder,
Moutamin, king of Saragossa, while Mondhir secured as
allies the king of Aragon and the count of Barcelona. The
skill and daring of the Cid gave Moutamin the victory in
spite of numbers; the allies were completely defeated at
Almenara near Lerida, the count of Barcelona was taken
prisoner, and the troops returned to Saragossa loaded with
booty. In a second campaign on the south side of the
30
THE CID.
:
Ebro, chiefly in the wild mountain region which forms the
northern boundary of the kingdom of Valencia, and has been
so often since the scene of Carlist warfare, the Cid was
equally successful, defeating with great loss the king of
Aragon, who had marched to the aid of his ally. At the
death of Moutamin in 1085, the Cid remained in the service
of his son and successor Mostain, the Al Muzahen' of the
'Gesta,' and in alliance with him, some two or three years
later, he commenced operations against Valencia. The temp-
tation lay in the state of anarchy which at that time reigned
in the city, and which was indirectly the result of the sur-
render of Toledo to Alfonso VI. in 1085. One of the con-
ditions of this famous transfer, which was much more a
commercial transaction than the martial triumph history
generally represents it, was that Alfonso should put Cadir,
the king of Toledo, in possession of Valencia, which was, in
theory at least, a dependency of Toledo. This was accom-
plished, against the will of the Valencians, with the aid of
the Castilian troops under the command of Alvar Fanez, the
Cid's cousin. But the invasion of Spain by the Almoravides
under Yusof (the 'Rey Yucef' of the Poem) made every
fighting man he could dispose of necessary to Alfonso, and
Cadir was deprived of his Christian supporters. This was
the signal for a rising against his authority, not merely in
Valencia itself, but also in the outlying towns and fortresses;
and encouraged by some of the insurgents, Mondhir, the
uncle of Mostain, proceeded to lay siege to the city. In
this strait, Cadir applied for aid to Mostain, who, with the
Cid, forthwith advanced on Valencia, ostensibly to support
Cadir, but in reality to secure the kingdom for himself, there
being, according to Arabic authorities, an agreement between
INTRODUCTION.
31
the confederates that Mostain was to have the city and the
Cid and his men the plunder.¹ Mondhir, however, had no
mind to try conclusions with his old antagonist, and raised
the siege at their approach; and Mostain, seeing no imme-
diate prospect of effecting an entrance into Valencia,
returned to Saragossa, leaving the Cid to watch the course
of events. The latter, no doubt, desired nothing better.
He had some three or four thousand seasoned troopers
under his command, he was in what is still the garden,
the Huerta of Spain, and was then a far richer garden in
every way than it is now, and his position as protector of
the rights of the lawful sovereign invested him with a kind
of authority to deal as he pleased with all whom he chose to
treat as insurgents. By degrees he overran the whole region
lying between the Albarracin mountains on the north and
the sierras on the south that divide Valencia from Alicante,
lifting spoil or levying tribute according as the inhabitants.
resisted or made terms. He took care at the same time to
fortify and garrison certain strongholds, such as Cebolla,
identified by Don Manuel Malo de Molina with the castle-
crowned hill of El Puig which rises out of the plain near
Murviedro, and Peña Cadiella, or Pinnacatel, which served to
guard the approaches on the south.2 It is needless to say it
¹ Ibn Bassam, however, says that Mostain's object was to place the
Cid in Valencia as a barrier against the advance of Yusof's troops.
2 The site of this fortress, Señor Malo de Molina thinks, can no
longer be identified; but from my own observations on the spot I feel
persuaded that it is to be found on the hill to the S. W. of Albayda, on
the road from Jativa to Alcoy. On the summit of the hill there are the
remains of a Moorish castle of considerable extent and strength. The
position agrees with all the indications afforded by the poem, the 'Gesta,'
and the Chronicles; it commands the mouth of the chief pass in the
rugged sierra that separates Murcia and Alicante from Valencia; it is
32
THE CID.
}
was not in the interest of his patron, King Mostain, that the
Cid took these precautions. He had, in fact, marked
Valencia for his own. If the Arabic historians may be
believed, he admitted as much with considerable naïveté,
saying that neither he nor any of his family had ever pos-
sessed a kingdom, and that from the first time he had seen
Valencia he had felt a strong desire to repair that omission
of fortune. But he was compelled for the present to mask
his intentions. To Alfonso he made earnest protestations
of loyalty, acknowledging himself repeatedly the king's
vassal, and declaring that his object was to put his sovereign
in possession of the kingdom. At the same time he was
assuring Mostain of his eagerness to serve him, giving
promises of help to Mondhir, and urging Cadir to hold the
city against all comers. In justice to the Cid, however, it
should be borne in mind that patriotism pointed in the
same direction as self-interest. Alfonso did not want
Valencia; and, in fact, declined to take it at the Cid's
death, being too prudent a general to extend his front with
such an enemy as Yusof before him. The Cid, therefore,
as a good Castilian, was bound to prevent Valencia from
falling into the hands of one like Mostain, or Mondhir, who
was sure either to lose it to the Almoravides, or to become
their ally and the enemy of Christian Spain. The time for
action came at last. During his temporary absence at
Saragossa the Cadi Ibn Djahhaf raised a revolt against
Cadir, murdered him, and opened negotiations with the
Almoravides. The Cid immediately returned to Valencia,
one which the Cid could not have afforded to neglect; and, lastly, the
adjoining sierra is still called the 'Sierra de Benicadel.'
3 Dozy: Le Cid, d'après de nouveaux documents, p. 134.
INTRODUCTION.
33
and, after sundry fruitless pourparlers, took possession of
the suburbs and proceeded to lay siege to the city. Having
failed in one or two attempts to take it by assault, he set
himself to reduce it by famine, and at length, on June 15,
1094, was made master of it by capitulation. The terms
he is represented as having offered were liberal, indeed
almost improbably liberal, but at any rate it is certain they
were not kept. Ibn Djahhaf, whose person and property
were to have been respected, was burned alive with several
others in the market-place. Of this there can be no doubt,
for besides the testimony of Arabic writers-one of them an
eyewitness writing very shortly after the event-there is
the admission of the Spanish Chronicles. Nor can the
deed be palliated as merely vengeance for the treacherous
murder of the Cid's ally Cadir, for it took place nearly a
year after the surrender of the city, and even the Cronicas
admit that the proximate cause was Ibn Djahhaf's conceal-
ment of treasure that had belonged to Cadir. In the other
matters in which he broke faith, as, for example, the promised
restoration to their original owners of the lands occupied by
his men during the siege, he is not perhaps to blame for
anything more than promising what, when the time came, he
was unable to perform. He was not left undisturbed in his
conquest. The Almoravides, chafing at the spectacle of
Valencia under Christian rule, made more than one attempt
to wrest it from him, but they were signally defeated, first at
Quarte under the walls, and a year or two later in a battle
fought in the Alcoy valley. His reign after all was but a
brief one. He died in July 1099, after a short illness,
brought on, according to Arabic authorities, by grief at the
defeat of his troops by Ibn Ayicha at Alcira. His widow
D
•1

34
THE CID.
!
Ximena, with the aid of the Bishop Jerome and Alvar
Fanez, held the city for nearly three years after his death,
and then, finding that the Moors pressed hard upon her, and
that Alfonso was unwilling to take the burden upon himself,
she and her followers withdrew, leaving Valencia behind
them in flames. The embalmed body of the chieftain was
borne in front, mounted on his trusty Babieca, according to
his last will and testament, and once more, says the legend,
the Moors fled before the face of Ruy Diaz. Then the
cortége took its way across the mountains to San Pedro de
Cardeña, near Burgos, where for ten years the form of 'My
Cid' sat enthroned beside the high altar in the monastery
chapel. He had been restless in life, and restlessness has
been the lot of his remains. Seven times removed since
that journey from Valencia, they repose at last, a show for
tourists, in a huge teacaddy at Burgos.
|
:
A few words must be given here to the other authorities
illustrating the life and deeds of the Cid. The 'Cronica
General de España,' the 'Cronica del Cid,' the 'Cronica
Rimada,' and the ballads composing the 'Romancero del
Cid,' are the chief sources from which we derive the story
of the legendary, as distinguished from the historical Cid.
Of these, the two first may be regarded as practically one
work, for it is now generally admitted that the 'Cronica del
Cid,' first printed in 1512, from a MS. found at Cardeña, is
nothing more than that portion of the general Chronicle of
Alfonso el Sabio which refers to the Cid, extracted, cor-
rected, and somewhat expanded, probably by some monk
of San Pedro, zealous for the fame of the tutelary hero of
INTRODUCTION.
35
į
the monastery. There can be no doubt that it is of a con-
siderably later date than the 'General,' and while it gives
substantially the same narrative, and for the most part in
precisely the same words, it corrects sundry mistakes made
by the compiler of the other. In both the Cid is repre-
sented as already distinguished in arms in the reign of
Ferdinand I., and though the year of his birth is not men
tioned, it is apparently on their authority that 1026 has been
so generally adopted, notwithstanding that by the test of
historical facts it is evidently some fifteen years too early.
They give in full detail his marriage with Ximena Gomez,
but ignore completely the historical marriage with Ximena
Diaz, and they record as a matter of fact the interview with
Lazarus, in which the Cid's future career is revealed to him,
In short, this earlier portion of the Cid's history in the
Cronicas is obviously founded on the legends with which
the popular imagination had already amplified the life of the
hero, and which Alfonso accepted or did not care to examine.
Even in the later portions there are signs of the popular
ballads having been used as materials. For example, the pas-
sage describing the administration of the oath to Alfonso VI.
in Santa Gadea, has undergone scarcely any change from its
original ballad form. From the period of the banishment
onwards, the 'Poem of the Cid' is freely used by the
chronicles, especially in the battle-scenes and descriptive
and dramatic parts, in which at times whole passages of the
'Poema' appear with little more than verbal alterations.
It has been questioned by some (Ticknor for instance)
whether the Latin chronicle, the 'Gesta,' was made use of,
Ticknor, Hist. Span. Lit. vol. i. p. 151 (ed. 1863). Dozy, Le
Cid, &c. p. 52. Malo de Molina, Rodrigo el Campeador, p. xxvii.
D 2
36
THE CID.
+
#
C
but I think there can be little doubt that it was among the
sources from which Alfonso's chronicle was compiled. The
battle of Tebar, for instance, in which the Cid defeated the
count of Barcelona, is recorded twice. The first time the
chronicler follows closely the spirited narrative of the poem,
adopting repeatedly its very words and phrases; but farther
on he describes a second battle with the count in the same
locality, under the same circumstances, and with the same
result, which is in fact nothing more than the battle of
Tebar over again, as given in the dry colourless account in
the 'Gesta.' The author of the poem places the encounter
before the Cid's descent on Valencia, while the author of
the Gesta,' with, it must be admitted, less probability,
makes it occur at a later period; and this difference in
chronology, joined with the differences of detail and treat-
ment, blinded the chronicler to the fact that the 'Poema'
and the 'Gesta' were speaking of one and the same event.
On the whole, however, the obligations of the Cronicas to the
'Gesta' are not great, probably because for the period covered
by the 'Gesta' the chronicler had fuller sources of informa-
tion at hand. For a long time this portion of the history of
the Cid as given in the Cronicas was regarded with
suspicion. No authority for many of its statements could
be found, they were often damaging to the character of the
hero, and always represented it in a light very different from
that of tradition. But Conde, Gayangos, Malo de Molina,
and Dozy, have placed it beyond a doubt that the chronicler
had access to Arabic authorities and records, and made
free use of them, softening as far as was possible the harsh
lines of the picture which the Moorish annalists drew of the
enemy of their race and faith. The most interesting and
INTRODUCTION.
37
}
remarkable of the corroborative documents is unquestion-
ably the fragment of the Dhakhira of Ibn Bassam, discovered
by Professor Dozy at Gotha in 1844. In this, written at
Seville in the year 1109, only ten years after the death of
the Cid, there is a long and full account, partly in the words
of an eyewitness, of the siege and capitulation of Valencia,
the sufferings of the inhabitants, the duplicity of the Cid,
and the execution of the Cadi Ibn Djahhaf. But perhaps
the part which has the greatest interest for us is that which
gives a contemporary portrait of the Cid drawn from the
life. When the king of Saragossa, it says, saw himself
threatened by the soldiers of the Emir el Moslemin (¿.e.
Yusof), he 'set at them a Galician dog,5 one Roderic, sur-
named the Canbitur. He was the scourge of the country.
He had fought many battles with the petty Arab kings of
the Peninsula, doing them much mischief. It was the
Beni Hud who raised him out of obscurity, availing them-
selves of his help to execute their wicked projects, and they
delivered over to him divers provinces of the Peninsula, so
that he overran the plains like a conqueror, and planted
his banner in the fairest cities. His power grew very great,
nor was there any district that he did not ravage. I have it
from one who heard him, that he said, "This Peninsula was
conquered under one Roderic, but another Roderic shall
deliver it." Nevertheless this man, the scourge of his time,
was one of the marvels of the Lord in his love of glory, the
strength of his character, and his heroic courage. Victory
always followed his banner-God's curse be on him. He
triumphed over the barbarians, and in various encounters en-
5 With the Moors Galicia was generally the equivalent for Christian
Spain.
•
38
THE CID.
4
gaged their chiefs, such as García, nicknamed "Wrymouth,”
the count of Barcelona, and the son of Ramiro,6 putting
their armies to flight and slaying their soldiers with his small
band of warriors. It is said that they used to read in his pre-
sence the books of the deeds and achievements of the
ancient heroes of Arabia, and that he was in ecstasies of
delight when they came to the story of Mohallab.' In this
rough etching from a hostile hand we get-who can doubt.
it ?-a thousand times a clearer view of the true features of
the Cid than chronicler or poet has contrived to give us ; and
there is something of the heroic in the portrait. The limner,
who pauses to curse but cannot withhold his admiration, lets
us into the secret of how it was that the Cid, an outlaw, led
an army and ruled a kingdom.
The 'Cronica Rimada,' first published in 1846 by M. Fran-
cisque Michel, from a MS. discovered by Ochoa in the National
Library in Paris, is a fragment of a metrical chronicle some-
what like those of Wace. The MS. is of the fifteenth
century, but the composition is no doubt of earlier date.
M. Dozy thinks it must have been written before 1230, in
which case it would be only by a trifling degree a later pro-
duction than the 'Poem of the Cid ;' but both Ticknor and
Duran are of a different opinion, and the former believes it
• The sobriquet (foum el maoudj) given to García Ordoñez is
probably of Moorish origin. Had it been current in Christian Spain
it would no doubt have been freely utilised in the poem and afterwards
in the Cronicas and ballads. The son of Ramiro (Ibn Radmir) was
Sancho Ramirez, the second king of Aragon. The statement of Ibn
Bassam tends to corroborate the account in the Gesta' of the Cid's
victory over the king of Aragon in the neighbourhood of Morella
(ante, p. 30), which, as well as the others, Masdeu treated as entirely
apocryphal.
?
INTRODUCTION.
39
to have borrowed from the poem. But whatever its anti-
quity, its claims either as a poem or an historical document
are but slight. As far as the Cid is concerned, and he is
the principal figure in the narrative, it only deals with the
mythical portion of his career in the reign of Ferdinand I.,
breaking off in the account of the fabulous invasion of France,
which plays such a prominent part in the story of the
legendary Cid.
As might be expected in a country where the feeling of
the people found vent in ballads so freely as it did in Spain,
a hero whose adventures appealed so strongly to the popular
imagination and sympathy became before long a favourite
theme with the popular minstrels. The ballads which had
the Cid and his deeds for their subject formed so con-
spicuous a feature in the Romanceros and Cancioneros of
the 16th century, that as early as 1612, Juan de Escobar
found it worth while to collect and issue them separately as
the 'Romancero del Cid,' which has been succeeded by
edition after edition, each adding something to the collection
of its predecessor, till we come to the admirable variorum
edition of Carolina Michaelis (Leipzig, 1871), containing no
less than 205 ballads. The Cid ballads, however, it must
be confessed, impress us more by their number than their
light,' for they do but little towards the illustration of the
Cid either as a picturesque hero of romance or as a charac-
teristic figure of medieval history. Southey has been accused
of injustice in his estimate of this series of ballads, but no
one who examines them with any degree of care will deny
that his judgment is at least substantially just. Considered
as a whole, and compared with the pieces belonging to the
best period of Spanish ballad poetry, the Cid ballads must
#
40
THE CID.
!
"
be rated as poor. The first thing that strikes us is that in
this large number of ballads there is not one which, con-
sidered as poetry, rises to the level of those on the Charle-
magne cycle, on Bernardo del Carpio, the Infantes of Lara,
or Fernan Gonzalez, not to mention ballads of a higher order
like the 'Count Alarcos,' or the 'Conde Claros ;' and next
we are struck by the fact that there are very few of which
the antiquity is not at least doubtful. Of course com-
paratively modern language, or even ideas, in a ballad are
no conclusive proof that it is not of ancient origin. A
ballad, owing its preservation to oral transmission, not manu-
script, has necessarily undergone modifications to make it
intelligible to successive generations of hearers, and what
comes to us is merely the shape in which it was current in
the time of the first collector or editor. It is substantial,
not surface anachronism of this sort, that indicates the true
age of a ballad, and it is in this way that—to quote the
words of M. Dozy-ʻla plupart de ces romances (the Cid
ballads) accusent leur origine moderne.' Huber, who has
analysed the group with great care, divides them into three
classes. First, those which are older than the oldest collections
made in the beginning of the sixteenth century; second, those
which are nothing more than versified epitomes of certain
passages in the Cronica General or Cronica del Cid; and, third,
those which are rather imitations of the ballad than true ballads,
and are compositions of the literary period at the end of the six-
teenth and at the beginning of the seventeenth century, when
ballad manufacture had been stimulated by the popularity of
the Romanceros and Cancioneros. Of these classes the two
last include by far the greater number of the Cid ballads. In
the first, Huber can only enumerate thirty-seven, and of these
+
INTRODUCTION.
4I
several are doubtful, as, for instance, 'Guarte, guarte, Rey
Don Sancho,' and 'De Zamora sale Dolfos,' which Ticknor
considers to have been taken from the Cronica; and 'No
me culpedes,' 'Non es de sesudos homes,' 'Cabalga Diego
Lainez,' and others, which Don Antonio Alcala-Galiano shows
in the notes to Depping's 'Romancero Castellano' to be more
modern than they at first sight seem to be. I have already
referred to the anti-royalist spirit that pervades the Cid
ballads as a whole, and their tendency to make the Cid a
mouthpiece for democratic sentiments, and put him forward
as the type of resistance to the sovereign. Another charac-
teristic to be noticed is a certain tendency to vulgarise and
degrade tradition down to the level of the popular taste.
The ballad version of the adventure with the lion at
Valencia is an illustration of this. In the 'Poem of the
Cid,' so far as we know, the earliest source of the legend,
the Infantes of Carrion are represented as taking refuge,
one under the Cid's couch, the other upon the beam of a
wine-press in the courtyard. The ballad-maker, not con-
tent with this, improves the occasion with a coarse jest in
the one case, and in the other by substituting for the wine-
press 'un lugar asaz deshonesto y perfumado.'
It will be seen that the 'Poem of the Cid' occupies in
some measure a middle place between the romantic and the
historical accounts of the hero. The foundation which the
poet has laid down is historical, but the superstructure he
has raised upon it is either a creation of his own, or, more
probably, a fabric constructed out of legends which had
already grown up round the memory of the Cid. In that
part which refers to the great achievement of the Cid's life,
the invasion of the Valencian territory and capture and
5
42
THE CID.
་
occupation of the city, he hurries somewhat rapidly over
the ground, evidently eager to get to his main subject, the
Infantes of Carrion and the Cid's triumph over them. But
though hasty, the account agrees in all important points
with the 'Gesta' and the Moorish authorities. It is at
variance with the former as to the time of the battle of
Tebar, and it puts Murviedro among the Cid's earliest con-
quests, whereas he did not become master of it until some
time after the fall of Valencia. It describes Valencia as
surrendering under pressure of famine, and not taken by
assault, as the other authorities represent it; but here the
poet is right and the chroniclers, Spanish and Moorish, are
wrong, for the contemporary narrative of Ibn Bassam
corroborates the passage of the poem where the situation is,
in a few simple words, painted with the force and pathos of
a Greek dramatist. In the account of the battles which
took place after the occupation of the city, the poet avails
himself a little of the licence of his order. In the first,
fought soon after the arrival of Ximena and her daughters,
the Moors are said to have been commanded by Yusof
himself, the great leader of the Almoravides; and in the
second, by his cousin Abu Bekr (Rey Bucar). The first
statement is certainly, and the second most probably, a
misrepresentation of facts. At any rate it is certain that
Abu Bekr did not fall under the Cid's hand, as the poem
says, and that the battle was not fought close under the
walls of Valencia, but beyond the mountains to the south,
Dozy and Malo de Molina are of opinion, and apparently with
good reason, that in both attempts to recover Valencia from the Cid
the Almoravides were commanded by Mohammed Ibn Ayicha, the
nephew of Yusof.
*
INTRODUCTION.
43
between Alcoy and Gandía. It is remarkable, however, that
the poem stands alone in its account of the Cid's doings im-
mediately after his banishment, his first exploits on Moorish
soil, the capture of Castejon, and the brilliant victory at
Alcocer. The Cronicas, it is true, adopt, as they generally
do, the narrative of the poem ; but the 'Gesta' and the
Moorish authorities are silent as regards any battles by the
Cid previous to his arrival at Saragossa. The explanation
probably is that these affairs were regarded as mere free-
booting raids not worth mentioning (indeed, in the 'Gesta'
it is expressly said that the campaigns of Roderic and his
soldiers 'non sunt omnia scripta in hoc libro'); for the
narrative in the poem is too circumstantial, and too accurate
in all its geographical and topographical details, to have had
no more solid foundation than popular or individual in-
vention.8
8 It would be easy to give instances illustrating the topographical
accuracy of the poem: one, however, may be mentioned, as Damas
Hinard, Huber, and others are mistaken in their identification of the
spot referred to. The Poyo de Myo Cid' is described (1. 863) as a
lofty hill above Monreal on which the Cid established himself, and
from which he levied tribute on Daroca behind, Molina on the other
side, and Teruel farther on.' There is no 'Poyo del Cid' marked on
the maps, but near Montalvan there is a Peña del Cid,' which Huber
somewhat hastily assumed to be the place meant, an assumption which
led him to substitute Montalvan for Monreal in his edition of the
Cronica. The correction was an unnecessary one, for there, on the
road from Daroca to Teruel, stands the Poyo for all men to see, a
conical hill rising some 500 feet above the river Jiloca, within a mile
or two of Monreal, and an easy day's march of each of the three places
mentioned in the poem.
On the summit there are remains of a rude
fortification surrounded by a trench, but whether these be relics of the
occupation by the Cid and his men, there can be no doubt that this is
the spot to which the poet refers. In his time, he tells us, the hill was
44
THE CID.
The Cid himself, too, as he appears in the poem, is à
character intermediate between the Cid of romance and the
Cid of history; though of the two he is far more like the
grim guerrillero that Ibn Bassam describes, than the melo-
dramatic figure that pervades the ballads. The poet cer-
tainly makes no mention of the acts of cruelty or bad faith
charged against the Cid on his occupation of Valencia, but it
is not likely that he was restrained by any feeling that they
were discreditable to his hero. To anyone about to write a
history of morals, the 'Poem of the Cid' may be recommended
as a curious study illustrating the peculiar morality of the
Middle Ages. The poet, who boasts that no perfidy was
ever found in his hero, represents him as pledging for six
hundred marks two chests filled with sand, which he de-
clared to be filled with gold. He is made to lament the
necessity which drove him ; but afterwards, when he is in
funds, and sending lavish gifts to the king and to the
monastery of San Pedro, he never troubles himself about
repaying his swindled creditors, and all the comfort his
messenger Alvar Fanez gives them is that perhaps the Cid
will see about it. The poet seems to look upon this as
simply legitimate spoiling of the Egyptians. It is instructive
to note the improvement in morality at a later period when
the Cronica and the ballads come to deal with the legend,
and Alvar Fanez is represented as not only refunding
called, by Moors as well as Christians, 'El poyo de Myo Cid.' That
title has disappeared, but the village on the slope of the hill still pre-
serves the name of El Poyo, and the height itself is called the Cerro
of El Poyo'-the hill of the hill; for 'poyo' of course is the old
Spanish equivalent of the French 'puy,' as in Puy de Dôme, Puy de
Sancy, &c.
INTRODUCTION.
45
scrupulously, but also apologising humbly for the cheat of
the chests-' el engaño de las arcas.'
,9
Nor does the Cid show to much greater advantage, at
least according to modern ideas, in the cortes at Toledo,
when he deludes his sons-in-law into the notion that his
only object is the recovery of his property. In fact, if the
poem is to be relied on, it would seem that craft and
cunning, so far from being reckoned unheroic in the Middle
Ages, were esteemed, as they are by the Red Indians,
admirable virtues in a hero.
It is not easy to say whether the abject loyalty to the
sovereign which the poem attributes to the Cid is to be
regarded as characteristic of the age, or merely as the
expression of the political bias of the poet; but it is, at any
rate, a very remarkable point of difference between the
earlier and the later portraits of the hero.
But what, above all, distinguishes the 'Poem of the Cid'
from the ballads, and not only from them, but from all the
early narrative poetry with which it can be properly com-
pared, is the strong human interest pervading it, and the
lifelike individuality of its portraiture. Nowhere, indeed,
except in Homer, until we come to comparatively modern
literature, do we find a group of figures so natural, so real,
so 'wirkliche menschen mit fleisch und blut,' to borrow the
forcible words of Ferdinand Wolf, as that of the Cid and
his comrades as they stand before us, drawn with uncon-
scious art in the lines of the old Castilian poet. The Cid
• There is something very sophistical in the gloss of the ballad-
'Quedó soterrado en ella
El oro de mi verdad—'
'The gold of my truth lay buried there.'
"
46
THE CID.
himself is no mere embodiment of heroic qualities, no mere
personification of exalted valour combined with muscle.
There is something very human in the portrait presented to
us, even in the first glimpse we get of the tough warrior
moved to tears as he stands before his wrecked homestead;
and all through the poem we see the tender-hearted husband
and father, from whose thoughts his wife and children are
never absent, in all his schemes of ambition and cares and
anxieties. Very naïve and natural is his pride in having
them for spectators as he goes to battle, and his belief that
they have brought him good luck; and not less so is his
satisfaction when the sons-in-law, of whom he has such sore
misgivings, acquit themselves creditably in the tilting field,
and when by the good-natured deceit of Pero Bermuez he
is led to believe that they are not wanting in courage. Of
a very different stamp is his lieutenant, Alvar Fanez, his
'right arm,' diestro brazo, as he calls him-the very type of
the practical soldier of fortune whose whole soul is in his
trade. And then Pero Bermuez, 'Pero Mudo, Dumb Peter,'
slow in speech, hot in blood-it is hard to say whether it
would be more pleasant to believe in him as an historical
personage, or to regard him simply as a creation of the old
romancer's brain, and thus a kind of ancestor of Don
Quixote and Sancho Panza. Except in one passage in the
Cronica Rimada we have no record of his existence save
what is evidently based upon the poem ; but, fact or fiction,
he is equally delightful from the first time we make his
acquaintance, when the Cid gives him the standard at
Alcocer. Most men would have said something about
being faithful to the trust; but Pero was not the one to
waste time in unnecessary talk, with a battle toward and
INTRODUCTION.
47
;
C
the enemy at the gate. He 'kissed the Champion's hand and
took the standard.' Characteristic, too, is his silence on the
poltroonery of Ferrando Gonzalez, until the moment comes
for breaking it with effect in his one speech (the best in
the debate) at the cortes of Toledo. An artistic unity like
this could hardly come out of a mere congeries of ballads
by different hands, such as Tapia believed the Poem of
the Cid' to be. Nor should we overlook stout Bishop
Jerome, the analogue of the Archbishop Turpin in the
'Chanson de Roland,' who comes from the East, that he may
do honour to his order and his hand by slaying a Moor or
two—'algun moro.' Sir Walter Scott is said to have re-
gretted that he did not become acquainted with the 'Civil
Wars of Granada' in time to enable him to make Spain the
scene of one of his tales. Few, I imagine, will read the
'Poem of the Cid' without a feeling of regret of the same
sort regarding it. If the melodramatic romance of Hita
could have stimulated the novelist's imagination, how much
more would the vigorous life and vivid realism of the poem
have stirred one whose sympathies with the Middle Ages
were like those of Scott. His own beloved borderland
could not have furnished a subject fitter for his hand than
the outlawed Castilian noble, half bandit half monarch, nor
his favourite chroniclers a more suggestive figure than the
stately Ximena. It needs no great effort of fancy to see the
development of the fighting bishop of Valencia; or how the
outline of Pero Bermuez might have grown into a portrait
worthy of a place in that gallery which will continue to
delight young and old as long as the English language lasts.
Certainly he would have found no lack of scenes and in-
cidents such as his soul loved. Indeed, at times the very
48
THE CID.
spirit of Scott seems to be speaking to us in the voice of
the old Castilian.'
But books which have not been written open even a
wider and more unprofitable field for speculation than events
which have never happened. As sententious Tom Cecial
says to Sancho Panza: 'Pues tenemos hogazas no busque-
mos tortas,'—' Having loaves, let us not hanker after cakes.'
From what we might have had let us turn to what we have.
¹ Compare, for instance, the Cid before the battle of Tebar--
'Ciento cavalleros devemos vencer aquelas mesnadas--
with Roland Cheyne before the battle of Harlaw-
'If they hae twenty thousand blades,
And we twice ten times ten,
Yet they hae but their tartan plaids,
And we are mail-clad men.
Vide p. 82.
49
*
APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION.
I.
ANCESTORS AND DESCENDANTS OF the CID.
Gonzalo Nuñeż
1
Fernan Gonzalez
Nuño Rasura, Judge of Castile, A.D. 898.
Teresa Nuñez Lain Calvo, Judge of Castile
Fernan Lainez
Bermudo Lainez
García Fernandez
Lain Fernandez
Sancho García
Ruy Bermudez
Fernan Rodriguez
Doña Nuña-Sancho of Navarre
Ferdinand I. of Castile
Nuño Lainez-Doña Ela
Sancho II. Alfonso VI.
Lain Nuñez
Alfonso V. of Leon
Rodrigo Alvarez
Urraca Raymond of
Burgundy
Alfonso VII.
Diego Lainez-Teresa Rodriguez
RUY DIAZ=Ximena
Christina
Elvira
Ramiro of
Navarre
Sol
García Ramirez=Urraca
Maria=Raymond
Berenger III.
A daughter
Ferdinand II. Sancho III. = Blanca
of Leon
died childless
Sancho VI. of Navarre
1
Alfonso VIII.
Blanca
Theobald of Sancho VII.
Champagne (childless)
Berengaria
Queen of
Richard I.
of England
Henry I.
(childless)
Alfonso IX.
(VIII: of Leon)=Berenguela
'Saint' Ferdinand III.
(Leon and Castile finally united
1230)
Line of Castile
Line of Navarre
E
•
1
50
THE CID.
!
The only issue of the marriage of the Cid's daughter Maria
with Raymond Berenger III. was a daughter who died childless.
By the marriage of Blanca, daughter of Alphonso VIII., to
Louis VIII. of France, the blood of the Cid passed into the
French line. The Bourbons inherited it by two channels,
through Blanca the mother of St. Louis, and through Joanna,
heiress of Navarre and mother of Henri IV.; and thus the line
of the Cid is continued on the Spanish throne in the person of
Alphonso XII. It passed into the House of Hapsburg through
Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., and it was brought into
our own Royal Family by Eleanor of Castile, in whose great-
grandson, the Black Prince, it showed itself again on Spanish
soil at Najera, a battle fought and won thoroughly in the style
of the Cid.
According to the Santiago Genealogía and the Cronicas
the Cid had also a son, Diego, who was slain, a mere child, at
the battle of Consuegra in 1081, but the assertion is not sup-
ported by anything with a semblance to evidence. It is also
stated by Rodrigo Mendez Sylva, and in the notes to the
'Poema del Cid,' in the Biblioteca de Autores españoles, that
the Cid's daughter Maria was, before her marriage to Raymond
Berenger, married to the Infante Pedro of Aragon. This is an
error due to the poem. The Infante Pedro, only son of Pedro I.
of Aragon, the Cid's ally, died in early childhood.
The termination ez, az, or iz, recurring so frequently in the
above table, and in all collections of Spanish names, is merely
the sign of the patronymic. Rodrigo (or Ruy) Diaz is simply
Roderick the son of Diego, as the latter was Diego Lainez, or
James the son of Lain. The Cid's wife is Ximena Diaz, the
daughter of Diego, and his son, if he had one, would have been
Diego Rodriguez, or Ruiz. But in process of time it came
occasionally to indicate a family, like our corresponding termi-
nation in such cases as Roberts, Williams, Matthews, &c.
+
APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION.
51
1
II.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE AND TIME OF
THE CID.
1040. (circa) Ruy Diaz born at Bivar near Burgos.
1063. Expedition of Sancho to Saragossa.
1064. First mention of Ruy Diaz in a charter of Ferdinand I.
1065-70. Wars of Sancho II. with Aragon, Navarre, and Galicia.
1071. Battle of Llantada: Alfonso taken prisoner and banished
to Toledo.
1072. Siege of Zamora : Sancho II. slain by Vellido Dolfos.
1073. Alfonso VI. King of Castile, Leon, and Galicia.
1074. Marriage of the Cid to Ximena, daughter of Diego, Count
of Oviedo.
1079. (?) Battle at Cabra in Andalusia: García Ordoñez taken
prisoner by the Cid.
1080-1. Banishment of the Cid.
1082. Battle at Almenara: the Count of Barcelona taken
prisoner.
1084. Campaign in the mountains south of the Ebro.
1085. Surrender of Toledo to Alfonso VI.
1086. Invasion of the Almoravides under Yusof battle of
Zalaca.
1088. Incursion of the Cid into Valencian territory.
1090. Battle of Tebar: Berenger Raymond taken prisoner.
(According to the poem the battle was fought a couple
of years earlier.)
1092. Forays in Valencian territory; occupation of Peña
Cadella, or Pinnacatel.
1093. Occupation of Cebolla (El Puig).
1094. Capitulation of Valencia.
1095. Battle of Quarte; the Almoravides defeated.
1096. The Cid in alliance with Pedro I. of Aragon.
1097. Battle near Gandía; the Almoravides defeated.
J
L
E 2
52
THE CID.
1098. Murviedro taken. (According to the poem taken before
Valencia.)
1099. Defeat of the Cid's troops at Alcira; death of the Cid in
July.
1102. Evacuation of Valencia by Ximena and the Cid's fol-
lowers.
III.
THE TITLES OF THE CID.
'Mio Cid,' the title under which Ruy Diaz is most frequently
mentioned, is nothing more than a half Arabic half Spanish
rendering of S, Sid-y='My Lord,' and there can be no
doubt it was originally given to him by his Mohammedan sub-
jects in Valencia, though it is never applied to him in any of
the Arabic documents in which he is mentioned. It seems,
however, to have been in vogue in Christian Spain at a com-
paratively early period, for in a Latin poem, written little more
than half a century after his death, he is described as
Ipse Rodericus, mio Cid semper vocatus.
M. Dozy
The origin of 'Campeador' is not so obvious.
inclines to the explanation given in another old Latin poem,—
Hoc fuit primum singulare bellum,
Cum adolescens devicit Navarrum;
Hinc Campidoctor dictus est maiorum
Ore virorum,
and holds that a 'campeador' was one who in Oriental fashion
challenged a warrior of the enemy to single combat in the
presence of the two armies. The title may therefore be roughly
translated 'champion.' But, as M. Dozy points out, it has
nothing to do with campus,' its root being the same as that of
the German 'kampf.' This, curiously enough, is the name by
which the Cid is always described by the Moorish authorities,
ཟླ་
APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION.
53
!
while the Spaniards show a decided preference for the Arabic
title. In the Moorish accounts of Valencia he is always called
Rodric el-Canbitur; but sometimes written with
the instead of 5); and it is generally added, 'God's curse be
on him.'
Besides these, he bears a variety of epithets in the poem, to
the frequent use of which it owes some of its Homeric flavour.
The commonest are 'El que en buen ora násco,'-' He that was
born in a good hour,' and 'He that girt on his sword in a good
hour;' but he is also called 'The good one of Bivar,' 'The
Castilian,' 'The conqueror of Valencia,' 'The fighter '—' El lidi-
ador,' 'The perfect one'-'El caboso,' 'The bonny beard'—
'Barba belida,' and so forth. It is worth notice that he is only
once or twice called The Cid.
The name of Roderic or Ruy he apparently derived from
his maternal grandfather, Rodrigo Alvarez, said by some to have
been an illegitimate son of Alfonso V. of Leon.
The design on the title-page, copied from the tomb at
San Pedro de Cardeña, shows the arms attributed to the Cid.
The crossed swords represent Colada and Tizon; the field
vert enclosed in a chain is emblematic of his conquest of
Valencia while under sentence of banishment; and the sus-
pended cross is copied from that which, according to tradition,
he wore in battle, and which contained a piece of the true cross
in the central ornament. It is hardly necessary to say that
these arms were never borne by Ruy Diaz, and are probably
the invention of Alfonso X. 'el Sabio,' who erected the tomb in
1272. A device of some sort, such as the Bishop Jerome means
when he speaks of 'armas de señal,' may have been usual, but
arms, properly so called, did not come into use in Spain until
more than a century after the Cid's time.
t
54
THE CID.
+
IV.
STRUCTURE AND VERSIFICATION OF THE POEM.
UNTIL what is now scarcely to be hoped for-another ancient
MS. of the Poem of the Cid be discovered, the Bivar Codex must
remain the sole authority for the text, and unfortunately Per
Abbat, or whoever was the penman, does not seem to have
been a very careful or skilful transcriber. Of printed texts
there are, first, that of Sanchez (Madrid, 1779), which contains
many inaccuracies, not, apparently, due to carelessness, but
rather to want of practice in deciphering old writing. Secondly,
M. Damas Hinard's (Paris, 1858), which follows Sanchez, cor-
recting conjecturally, and sometimes happily, many of his
errors. And, lastly, that printed in vol. 57 of the Biblioteca de
Autores españoles (Madrid, 1864), under the care of Don
Florencio Janer and the Marqués de Pidal, which reproduces
scrupulously the text of the Bivar MS., now in the possession of
the last-named distinguished Spanish scholar. A critical text,
however, or at least one which, without yielding to the tempta-
tions of conjectural emendation, would rectify the obvious cor-
ruptions of copyist or reciter, is still a desideratum. It would,
at any rate, remove much of the ruggedness and irregularity of
versification, and a good deal of the confusion and obscurity
due to the repetition, transposition, or misplacement of lines,
which are so common in the Poem of the Cid as we now have it.
The Bivar MS. is, unfortunately, imperfect. It wants the
beginning, and also a leaf, or about fifty lines, in the middle of
the poem. The missing leaf is, however, in a measure supplied'
by a later passage; and, as the subject of the poem is obviously
not the Cid's life, but his triumph over his enemies, in all
probability not much has been lost at the beginning; nothing
more, perhaps, than the story of the cabal against him in the
court, which is alluded to more than once, his fall from favour,
and the sack of his castle of Bivar, which the poem seems to
suggest was an act of personal vengeance on the part of his
enemies.
1
APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION.
55
As it stands the poem contains 3,735 lines, and is divided
into two 'cantares' or 'fits,' being of course much too long for
recitation without a break. This division, which has been cited
as a proof that the poem is nothing more than a congeries of
ballads loosely strung together, is, in fact, a strong proof that,
whatever may have been the original materials, what we have
before us is an individual work constructed throughout in
accordance with a design. Nothing could be more artistic than
the way in which the division is managed; the first part leaving
the Cid master of Valencia, reconciled to the king, and content
with the brilliant marriages his daughters have made, but not
without an intimation of an impending shock to his contentment;
the second opening dramatically with the adventure of the lion,
which was the cause of the vengeance and final discomfiture of
the Counts of Carrion. A string of independent ballads could
never produce a symmetrical and coherent result like this.
Another division has been supposed to be indicated in an earlier
portion of the poem ; but as I have said in a note on the
passage, the context shows that the word 'gesta,' on which the
supposition is founded, is there used in the original sense of
' achievement,' not in the secondary meaning of 'tale' or 'story.'
The poetry of the period to which 'The Cid' belongs may be
considered as divided into two schools, one making form its
primary object, the other treating it as altogether secondary.
The first was the school of the 'langue d'oc,' of the troubadours,
from which in process of time came the sonnet, the sestine, the
rondel, the villanelle, and the various elaborate shapes poetic
art assumes when it expends itself on the envelope rather than
on the thought enveloped. The second was that of the narrative
and epic minstrels with whom versification and rhyme were but
means to an end, the end being to secure the sympathy of their
audience with the tale, deed, or hero they presented to it. The
Poem of the Cid is of this school and on this principle. The
poet acknowledges poetic law, but his allegiance sits light upon
him; he casts it off whenever he finds it irksome, 'numerisque
fertur lege solutis,' a fitting bard for the lay of a free-lance. He
does not entirely break loose from the 'troublesome and modern
bondage of rhiming,' as Milton called it, but when the consonant
rhyme proves 'a vexation, hindrance, and constraint,' he betakes
}
56
THE CID.
1
himself to the easier assonant-the rhyme in which the con-
sonants are disregarded and the accented vowels alone have
power; and throughout the poem these two struggle for the
mastery. In the first twenty lines, which are appended as a
specimen of the original, the reader will perceive that the
assonant rhyme prevails, as it does on the whole, but not, how-
ever, to such an extent as to make its prevalence a characteristic
of the poem. This struggle of rhymes in the oldest piece of
Spanish poetry in existence is interesting in its bearing on the
nature and origin of the assonant rhyme which is so conspicuous
a feature in the popular poetry of Spain. Ticknor, however, is
not quite correct in saying that this rhyme 'may be claimed to
have its origin in Spain,' for it is to be found in the 'Chanson
de Roland,' which is probably at least half a century earlier
than the Poem of the Cid, and in other early French works,
such as the 'Lay of the Leherains 'and' Aucassin and Nicolette.'
Nor can it be said to be a characteristic of Spanish poetry in
general. It very rarely occurs in the verses of any of the old
poets of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, from
Gonzalo de Berceo and the archpriest of Hita down to the
Marquis of Santillana and Juan de Mena; and of course it was
not employed by the poets of the Italian school, Garcilaso,
Boscan, Mendoza, Francisco de la Torre, or the Argensolas.
The only recognised poets who had recourse to it were those
who, like Lope, Gongora, and Quevedo, occasionally adopted
the ballad measures, and wrote in distinct imitation of the old
national ballads; and its employment, in short, is practically
confined to popular poetry and to imitations of it in the ballad
form or in the drama. There can be no doubt it had its origin
in the recitative of the primitive minstrels, in which the assonant
rhyme, however imperfect to the ear or eye of a reader, would
be just as effective as the consonant; and which, moreover, in
the early narrative poetry of the Romance languages, seems to
have been mostly a monorhymic chant, the same rhyme or
assonance being generally carried on to the end of the division
corresponding with the paragraph in prose, so that a consider-
able licence in rhyming would be often unavoidable. This
structure is apparent throughout the Poem of the Cid, though
not nearly so well defined there as in the Chanson de Roland,'
APPENDIX TO INTRODUCTION.
57
}
In metre the poem is even more lawless than in rhyme. It
almost seems at first sight to obey no metrical rule whatever.
The lines vary in length in a most arbitrary manner, ranging
from ten syllables to twenty. Some, however, of this irregularity
is, as I have already said, due to the transcriber. In the
appended specimen, for instance, there can be little doubt that
line sixteen should end with 'levava,' and it is possible that in
line six the unnecessary 'grandes' may be a mere penman's
interpolation. At any rate there are abundant proofs on almost
every page that addition, subtraction, and division have been at
work upon the lines. What we may call the standard line, that
which the poet would. have adhered to if it had been his humour
to observe metrical uniformity, is one of fifteen syllables, with
a cæsural pause at the eighth: an octameter catalectic, in short;
and iambic, while the ballads and popular poetry are always
trochaic. To an English ear it will be best represented,
perhaps, by the metre of the once popular song—
A captain bold of Halifax | who lived | in country quarters,
which is exactly the same as that of—
De los | sos oilos tan | fuer|te-milentre | loran|do
Torna va la cabeça e | esta|ba-los | catan do."
But the incomplete foot at the end is not, of course, de rigueur,
and the line may be, and repeatedly is, the simple fourteen-
syllable iambic which I have used in translation. The measure
deserves notice because it is that in which the great bulk of the
Spanish poetry of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is
written. In the compositions which succeed the Poem of the
Cid, however, it is employed in a manner which argues a con-
siderable advance in poetic art. In these the lines are arranged
in quatrains with a single rhyme, a structure which the author
of the long poem of 'Apollonius,' written in the thirteenth
century, calls significantly the 'nueva maestría.' But a specimen
of this 'new mastery' will give a better idea of its form.
¹ The i in 'oios' of course stands for the gutturalj, representing the
c in 'oculus.'
58
THE CID.
Quiero fer una prosa en roman paladino,
En qual suele el pueblo fablar a su veçino,
Ca non so tan letrado por fer otro latino,
Bien valdrá, commo creo, un vaso de bon vino.
Or-freely translated and imitated-
I mean to tell a homely tale, a commonplace narration
Told in the tongue the people use in common conversation,
But though I am not clerk enough to try latinization,
A cup of wine it merits if it gives you recreation.
Volume 57 of the Biblioteca de Autores españoles contains
about 11,000 of these quatrains, written between 1250 and 1400.
The specimen quoted above is from the beginning of the 'Life
of St. Domingo de Silos' by Gonzalo de Berceo, already re-
ferred to (Int. p. 11), who died about the year 1270. The
difference in structure as well as in language between it and the
Poem of the Cid will be apparent even to the eye, and were no
other evidence forthcoming would suffice to establish approxi-
mately the period to which the composition of the latter must
belong.
De los sos oios tan fuerte-mientre lorando
Tornaua la cabeça e estaua-los catando.
Vió puertas abiertas e vços sin cannados,
Alcandaras uazias sin pielles e sin mantos,
E sin falcones e sin adtores mudados.
Sospiró Myo Cid ca mucho auie grandes cuydados.
Ffabló Myo Cid bien e tan mesurado :
Grado a ti sennor padre que estas en alto,
Esto me an buelto myos enemigos malos.
Alli pienssan de aguiiar, alli sueltan las riendas :
A la exida de Biuar ouieron la corneia diestra,
E entrando a Burgos ouieron la siniestra.
Meció Myo Cid los ombros e engrameó la tiesta :
Albricia Albar Ffanez ca echados somos de tierra.
Myo Cid Ruy Diaz por Burgos entraua.
En su companna LX pendones leuaua : exien-lo
ver mugieres e uarones.
APPENDIX ΤΟ INTRODUCTION.
59
4
Burgeses e burgesas por las finiestras son puestos,
Plorando de los oios, tanto auyen el dolor.
De las sus bocas todos dizian una razon :
Dios, que buen vassallo si ouiesse buen sennor !
As I have given the original text, I may as well add a
verbatim translation, which will enable the reader to judge how
far the exigences of verse enforce a departure from strict
literality:
From his eyes thus sorely weeping,
He turned his head and stood gazing at them.
He saw open doors and coffers without padlocks,
The racks 2 empty, without fur robes and without mantles,
And without falcons and without hawks in mew.
My Cid sighed, for very great grief had he.
My Cid spoke well and very measuredly.
'Thanks to thee, Lord Father, who art on high,
This turn mine evil enemies have done me.'
Then they resolve to give the spur, then they slacken rein:
At the going forth from Bivar they had the crow on the right,
And entering Burgos they had it on the left.
My Cid shrugged his shoulders and raised his head,
'A guerdon for good news! Alvar Fanez, for we are cast
forth from the land.'
My Cid Ruy Díaz entered into Burgos.
In his company he carried sixty pennons: women and men
go forth to see it.
The townsfolk, men and women, are posted at their windows,
Weeping from their eyes, such sorrow had they.
From their mouths all spoke one sentiment :
'God! what a good vassal if he had a good lord !'
2 The same word, 'Alcandaras,' serves for the racks or pegs used for
hanging up garments in the hall, as well as for the perches on which
the hawks were kept.
4

IT
POEM OF THE CİD.

Mark it, Cesario, it is old and plain.-Twelfth Night.
--
POEM OF THE CID.
WITH tearful eyes he turned to gaze upon the wreck behind :
His rifled coffers, bursten gates, all open to the wind :
Nor mantle left, nor robe of fur; stript bare his castle hall :
Nor hawk nor falcon in the mew, the perches empty all.
Then forth in sorrow went my Cid, and a deep sigh
sighed he;
Yet with a measured voice, and calm, my Cid spake loftily—
"I thank thee God our Father, thou that dwellest upon high,
I suffer cruel wrong to-day, but of mine enemy.'
1
As they came riding from Bivar ¹ the crow was on the right,
By Burgos gate, upon the left, the crow was there in sight.2
My Cid he shrugged his shoulders and he lifted up his
head :
'Good tidings! Alvar Fanez;³ we are banished men !' he
said.
¹ Bivar, now a small hamlet about three miles to the north of Burgos,
on the Santander road. A few stones near the river are said to mark
the site of the Cid's castle.
2 The Cid's belief in augury is more than once alluded to in the
poem, and he is taunted with it in a letter from the Count of Barcelona
quoted in the Gesta. It seems, however, to have been common in
Spain at the time, for in the Cento Novelle Antiche Messer Imberal del
Balzo is described as much given to augury' a guisa spagnuola.'
³ Albricia (Arabic, Al-baschara), a fee claimed by the bringer of
64
THE CID.
With sixty lances in his train my Cid rode up the town,
The burghers and their dames from all the windows looking
down ;
And there were tears in every eye, and on each lip one
word :
'A worthy vassal—would to God he served a worthy lord!'
Fain would they shelter him, but none durst yield to his
desire.
Great was the fear through Burgos town of King Alfonso's
ire.
Sealed with his royal seal hath come his letter to forbid
All men to offer harbourage or succour to my Cid.
And he that dared to disobey, well did he know the cost-
His goods, his eyes, stood forfeited, his soul and body lost.
A hard and grievous word was that to men of Christian
race;
And, since they might not greet my Cid, they hid them
from his face.
4
He rode to his own mansion gates; shut firm and fast they
were,
Such the king's rigour, save by force, he might not enter
there ;
And loudly though his henchmen call, within no sound is
heard,
No answer to their call; my Cid up to the threshold spurred,
news. Alvar Fanez (or Fernandez), son of Fernan Lainez, was the
Cid's cousin, and next to him the most distinguished warrior of the
time in Moorish warfare; and as such is celebrated in the old poem on
the taking of Almería.
4 The Cid's town house (su posada) was in the Calle Alta near the
Arco de San Martin. The site is marked by three pillars of modern
date.
T
I
:
THE CID.
65
His foot from out the stirrup raised and on the door smote
hard :
It yielded not beneath the stroke, 'twas stout and strongly
barred :
But from a chamber window high a damsel's voice im-
plored :
'O thou that in a happy hour didst gird thee with the sword,
It is the order of the king; we dare not, O my lord!
Sealed with his royal seal hath come his letter to forbid
The Burgos folk to open door, or shelter thee, my Cid.
Our gocds, our homes, our very eyes, in this are all at stake;
And small the gain to thee, though we meet ruin for thy
sake.
Go, and God prosper thee in all that thou dost undertake.'
So spake the little damsel, and she hurried from the place.
Then knew my Cid no hope was left of King Alfonso's
grace.
And turning away he spurred on through Burgos to Santa
Maria, and passing through the gate he halted beside the
Arlanzon, and my Cid Ruy Diaz, he who girt on the sword in a
good hour, with a goodly company around him, pitched his tent
there in the Glera,5 as if he were on a mountain-side, since there
was no house open to him. Moreover, he was forbidden to buy
food of any sort in Burgos, nor durst any man sell him a
farthing's-worth. But Martin Antolinez, the worthy Burgalese,
brought them bread and wine of his own, and my Cid and his
men were refreshed. And said Martin Antolinez, 'Campeador,
born in a good hour, we must go forth this night, for I shall be
held to account, and earn the wrath of King Alfonso, because I
have served you. But if I escape safe with you, sooner or later
the king will be glad to have me for a friend; if not, I care not
•
• The Glera is the gravelly plain to the east of Burgos, through
which the Arlanzon river flows.
F
66
THE CID.
6
a fig for what I leave behind.' Said my Cid, 'Martin Antolinez,
a stout lance art thou; if I live I will repay thee double; but
my gold and silver are spent ; money have I none, and I need
it for my troop, and have it I must; for nothing is obtained for
nothing. With your help I will make two chests, and we will
fill them with sand, so that they be heavy, and they shall be
covered with red leather and studded with gilt nails, and thou
shalt go to Rachel and Vidas, and say that I cannot carry with
me my treasure, for it is very weighty, and that I would pawn it
for what may be reasonable. I call God and all his Saints to
witness, that I cannot help this, and do it against my will.' And
Martin Antolinez without delay passed through Burgos and
entered the castle and sought out Rachel and Vidas. And
Rachel and Vidas were together, counting their wealth and
profits. In friendly fashion Martin Antolinez came to them:
'Rachel and Vidas, my dear friends, give me your hands that
ye will not discover me to Christian or to Moor. I am come to
make you rich for ever with no risk of loss. The Campeador
has levied much tribute, and has carried away great and rich
treasure, on account of which he has been accused. He has
two chests full of fine gold. These he cannot carry with him
unseen, and he would leave them in your hands if ye will lend
him what money may be reasonable, and put the chests in your
place of safety, swearing and pledging yourselves both that' ye
will not look into them for this year to come.' Rachel and
Vidas consulted together. 'We must seek profit by every
means. We know well he has wealth: what rich treasure he
took when he entered the lands of the Moors. He who has
money sleeps not without care. We will take these chests and
put them where they shall not be seen; but tell us what will
content the Cid, and what interest will he give us for the year?'
Said Martin Antolinez in friendly fashion, 'My Cid desires
what is reasonable, and asks little for leaving his treasure in
your hands. Needy men are gathering to him from all sides.
7.
6 One of these chests, long since stripped of its red leather and gilt
nails, is still seen, or, to use a safer word, shown, in the sacristy of
Burgos Cathedral. .
7
Literally, 'in your safe'-'en vuestro salvo.'
1
THE CID.
67
He requires six hundred marks.' Said Rachel and Vidas, ‘We
will give them willingly.' Said Martin, 'Night is coming on,
and my Cid is pressed: we would that ye give us the marks.'
'But,' said Rachel and Vidas, 'business is not done thus; but
by first taking and then giving.' 'Good,' said Martin Antolinez,
'let us all three to the Campeador, and we will help you to carry
the chests and put them in your place of safety, so that neither
Moor nor Christian may know.' With that they betook them-
selves to the tent of the Campeador, and they kissed his hands,
and my Cid said smiling, 'Don Rachel and Vidas, ye have
forgotten me. I am exiled now, and under the wrath of the
king, but ye will have somewhat of my substance, and while ye
live ye shall never suffer loss.' Then Martin Antolinez set forth
the agreement that they should give him six hundred marks on
those chests, and keep them safely till the end of the year, and
pledge themselves by oath not to look into them meanwhile;
else that they should be forsworn, and that my Cid should not
give them a farthing of the interest. Then said Martin Anto-
linez, 'Take up the chests and carry them away, and I will go
with you to bring back the marks, for my Cid has to march
before the cock crows.' You might see how glad they were
when they came to move the chests. They were not able to
hoist them on their shoulders, strong as they were.
palace they spread a carpet, and over it a sheet of white linen,
whereon they paid down three hundred marks in silver and
other three hundred in gold. And Don Martin counted them,
taking them without weighing, and with them he loaded five
squires he had with him. This done, he said, 'Now, Don
Rachel and Vidas, that the chests are in your hands, I who have
brought you this gain have fairly earned breeches.' And Rachel
and Vidas said between themselves, 'Let us give him a good
gift, for it was he who sought us out.' 'You deserve something,'
they said, 'and we will give you wherewithal you may get
breeches and a fur robe and a fair mantle; we will give you
thirty marks; you have earned them, and it is reasonable, and you
will testify to what we have agreed.' Don Martin received the
marks with thanks and took his leave, glad to quit the house ;
and passed through Burgos and across the Arlanzon, and came
to the tent of the Cid, who received him with open arms.
And in the
·
F 2
68
.
THE CIDCID.
8
'Campeador,' he said, 'I bring good tidings. You have gained
six hundred marks and I thirty. Now bid them strike the tents
and let us go at once. At San Pedro de Cardeña ere the cock
crow we shall see your high-born lady, and we will take rest and
then quit the kingdom, for the day of grace draws to a close.'
With that the tents were struck, and my Cid and his band
mounted and rode forth. When the good Campeador reached
San Pedro, the Abbot Don Sancho was chanting matins at day-
break, and Doña Ximena and her five ladies were praying to St.
Peter and the Creator to aid my Cid the Campeador. With
great joy they received him of the good hour, and said the Cid,
'Sir Abbot, as I am going forth from the land, I give you fifty
marks, and if I live they shall be doubled. I do not wish to
cause expense to the monastery. And here for Doña Ximena I
give you a hundred marks, that you maintain her and her
daughters and ladies for this year; and if this should not suffice,
let them want for nothing, I charge you. For one mark that you
spend I will give four to the monastery.' Ximena sank on her
knees, weeping, and kissing his hands. 'Campeador, born in a
good hour, by wicked tale-bearers art thou driven from the land.
For the love of the blessed Mary give us counsel.' And he took
his daughters in his arms. 'Ximena,' said he, 'wife whom I love
as my soul, I have to go, and ye must remain behind;
but please
God and the blessed Mary I shall yet bestow these my
daughters in marriage, if fortune does not desert me, and some
days of life are left to me.' Meanwhile, through Castile it was
noised abroad that my Cid the Campeador was quitting the land.
And some left houses and others honours, and that day on the
bridge of Arlanzon a hundred and fifteen cavaliers assembled,
asking for my Cid. Martin Antolinez joined them, and they
went to San Pedro. And when my Cid was aware of it, he rode
forth to meet them, and said: 'I pray God that to you, who have
left houses and heritages for me, I may be able to restore
doubled what you have lost. To-morrow, when the cocks crow,
the good Abbot will ring to matins in San Pedro, and, mass said,
8 The monastery of San Pedro de Cardeña stands about six miles
south-east of Burgos. It contains the tomb, but not the bones, of the
Cid and Ximena.
THE CID.
69
we will mount; for the day of grace is nearly at an end, and we
have far to go.' The night passed and morning came, and with
the first cocks they prepared to mount, while the bells were
ringing to matins. And my Cid and his wife entered the church,
and Ximena threw herself on the steps before the altar, praying
fervently to God to protect my Cid Campeador from evil.
The prayer was said, the mass was sung, they mounted to
depart ;
My Cid a moment stayed to press Ximena to his heart :
Ximena kissed his hand, as one distraught with grief was
she:
He looked upon his daughters: 'These to God I leave,'
said he
'Unto our Lady and to God, Father of all below;
He knows if we shall meet again :-and now, sirs, let us go.'
As when the finger-nail from out the flesh is torn away,
Even so sharp to him and them the parting pang that day.
Then to his saddle sprang my Cid, and forth his vassals led;
But ever as he rode, to those behind he turned his head.
Minaya with small favour this so tender yearning viewed.
"Thou in the good hour born!' he cried, 'where is thy
fortitude?
Our thoughts should now be for our road, and thine are
wandering;
Out of this sorrow of to-day to-morrow joy will spring.
God who hath given souls to us will give us guidance too.'
To Abbot Sancho then they turn, and charge him to be true,
And serve Ximena loyally and her young daughters twain,
Themselves and all their following, the ladies of their train.
And well the Abbot knew the charge would bring his house
much gain.
70
THE CID.
.
< Should any come to join our band, if to our trail they hold,
They'll find us,' said Minaya, 'in the waste or on the wold.'
With that they give their steeds the rein and on their way
they ride;
The day of grace is well-nigh sped; no longer may they
bide.
And thus an exile from the land the loyal Champion went :
Over against Spinar de Can⁹ that night he pitched his tent:
The good town San Esteban¹ next upon the left they sight :
The Moorish towers of Ahilon 2 rise far upon their right:
Then quitting Alcobilla, of Castilian towns the last,
And the highway of Quinea, they on rafts³ the Duero
passed.
At Higeruela my Cid halted, while men came to him from
all sides. And as he laid him down after supper a sweet vision
visited him in his sleep. The angel Gabriel came to him in a
dream, saying, 'Mount, Cid, brave Campeador. Never mounted
knight in so good a case: whilst thou livest thou shalt prosper.'
4
The next day—it was the last of the day of grace—they halted
at the Sierra de Miedes, and there the Campeador mustered his
men, and besides men on foot he counted three hundred pennoned
lances. By night they crossed the Sierra and went down the
Loma and descended upon Castejon on the Henares. And my
• Spinar de Can-probably now Espinosa.
1 San Esteban de Gormaz and Alcubilla, towns on the right bank
of the Duero.
2 Ahilon-now Ayllon.
3 On rafts' 'sobre navas de palos.' But near this spot is a place
called 'Navapalos' on Coello's map, which may be a reminiscence of
the Cid's passage of the river at this point; or, on the other hand, may
be the name of a place where even in the Cid's time there was a rude
raft ferry.
4 The Sierra de Miedes is an eastern continuation of the Guadarrama
range, which divides Old from New Castile.
THE CID.
71
Cid, by the advice of Alvar Fanez, placed himself in ambush with
a hundred of his company, while he despatched Alvar Fanez,
and Alvar Alvarez, and Alvar Salvadores, and Galin Garcia, with
two hundred, on a foray towards Hita and Guadalajara as far as
Alcalá.5 Dawn broke and the sun rose-God! how splendid he
showed! And the men of Castejon arose and opened their
gates, and sallied forth to their labours and their fields, leaving
the gates open and but few people in Castejon. Then the
Campeador issued from the ambush and rushed upon Castejon.
And those that held the gate were panic-stricken and left it un-
defended, and Ruy Diaz entered by the gate with naked sword
in hand, and slew eleven of those he encountered, and won
Castejon with its gold and silver. The fifth part of the spoil
fell to my Cid, but it could not be sold here, nor did he care to
have captive men or women in his company. So he spoke
with those of Castejon, and he sent to Hita and Guadalajara
to know for how much this fifth part would be bought. And the
Moors appraised it at three thousand marks of silver. And my
Cid was pleased with the offer, and on the third day the money
was paid. And my Cid agreed with his company not to remain
in the castle, as King Alfonso was near; and they departed rich
from the castle they had taken, the Moorish men and women
blessing them; and with the utmost speed they went up the
Henares and across the Alcarias by the caves of Anquita and
the plain of Torancio and Fariza and Cetina. Great was the
spoil my Cid took as he went : little did the Moors know what
daring they had. Next my Cid passed by Alhama down the
valley to Bubierca and Ateca and planted himself over against
Alcocer' upon a round hill, lofty and strong, near to the Salon, so
5 Guadalajara was really taken from the Moors by Alvar Fanez
about this time, and in grateful memory preserves his mounted effigy
on the town-hall, but when he took it he was in the service of Alfonso,
not under the Cid. 'Alcalá' is Alcalá de Henares, afterwards the
birthplace of Cervantes.
• Alhama, now a popular watering-place, 'the Bath' or 'Baden '
of Aragon: not to be confounded with the more famous Alhama of the
ballads, near Granada. The Cid's line of march corresponds exactly
with the line of the Madrid and Saragossa railway.
" Generally confounded with the Alcocer south of the Tagus, about
72.
!
THE CID.
•
that they could not cut him off from the water, for it was his
purpose to take Alcocer. And he levied tribute upon the people
of Alcocer and Ateca and Terrel. There my Cid abode fifteen
weeks, but when he saw that Alcocer would not surrender he
devised a stratagem. He left one tent pitched, and took the
others and marched his men down the Salon in their armour,
with their swords at their sides. When they of Alcocer
saw it, God! how they exulted. 'Bread and barley have
failed my Cid, and he retreats like one defeated, leaving
a tent behind him. Let us haste and seize the spoil before
they of Terrel take it.' So they sallied out of Alcocer,
great and small, so eager to seize the prey, that they thought of
nothing else, leaving the gates open and no one to guard them.
When the good Campeador saw a wide space between them
and the Castle, he ordered the standard to be turned and gave
his horse the spur, crying, 'Strike home, gentlemen, without falter-
ing: by God's grace, the spoil is ours !' and wheeled upon them
in the middle of the plain. God! how great was the joy of that
morning! My Cid and Alvar Fanez on their good steeds
charged forwards, and got between them and the Castle, and my
Cid's vassals fell upon them without mercy, and in a small space
slew three hundred Moors. Those who were in advance made
for the Castle, and sword in hand seized the gate, and soon the
remainder came up, for the rout was complete; and in this
manner, look you, my Cid won Alcocer. Pero Bermuez, who
bore the standard, planted it on the highest part; and said my
Cid: "Thanks be to the God of Heaven and all his Saints, now
shall we have better lodgings for both man and horse. As for
the Moors, we cannot sell them, and we shall gain nothing by
cutting off their heads. Let us drive them in, for we have the
seventy miles distant. The name, which is simply another form of
Alcazar the castle,' has disappeared from the locality here referred
to; but there can be no doubt that the Alcocer of the poem was a
Moorish stronghold on the site of the existing Castle of Ateca on the
River Jalon or Salon (the Salo of Martial), about seven miles above
Calatayud.
8 Written 'Teruel' in the MS., the transcriber having apparently
confounded it with Teruel on the Guadalaviar (v. p. 79). The place
meant is now Terrer, a village about three miles from Calatayud.
F
THE CID.
73
mastery, and take possession of their houses and make them
serve us.' A heavy blow it was to them of Ateca; nor did it
please them of Terrel or of Calatayud. They sent word to the
king of Valencia, how one whom they call my Cid Ruy Diaz of
Bivar, banished in anger by King Alfonso, had posted himself
over against Alcocer, and taken the Castle. 'Give help,' they said,
or thou wilt lose Ateca and Terrel and Calatayud, which can-
not escape; and it will go hard with all the Salon-side, and along
the Siloca too.' And when King Tamin heard it, he despatched
three thousand Moors, saying, 'Take him alive and bring him
to me, for he must render account for entering my lands.' And
they marched by Segorbe and Celfa, and came to Calatayud,
great numbers joining them as they went, and under the two
kings, named Fariz and Galve, they came and surrounded the
good Cid in Alcocer, and took up positions and pitched tents.
And day and night the Moorish scouts patrolled around, and
mighty was their host. And my Cid's men were cut off from the
water. And they wished to go forth to battle, but he strictly
forbade them; so for three weeks complete they were besieged,
and at the beginning of the fourth, my Cid turned to take counsel
with his men.
'From water they have cut us off, our bread is running low;
If we would steal away by night, they will not let us go;
Against us there are fearful odds if we make choice to fight;
What would ye do now, gentlemen, in this our present
plight?'
Minaya was the first to speak: said the stout cavalier,
'Forth from Castile the Gentle thrust, we are but exiles
here;
Unless we grapple with the Moor bread he will never yield ;
A good six hundred men or more we have to take the field;
In God's name let us falter not, nor countenance delay,
But sally forth and strike a blow upon to-morrow's day.'
• Siloca, now the Jiloca, an affluent of the Jalon above Calatayud.
74
THE CID.
;
'Like thee the counsel,' said my Cid; ' thou speakest to my
mind;
And ready to support thy word thy hand we ever find.'
Then all the Moors that bide within the walls he bids to go
Forth from the gates, lest they, perchance, his purpose
come to know.
In making their defences good they spend the day and night,
And at the rising of the sun they arm them for the fight.
Then said my Cid: 'Let all go forth, all that are in our
band;
Save only two of those on foot, beside the gate to stand.
Here they will bury us if death we meet on yonder plain,
But if we win our battle there, rich booty shall we gain.
And thou Pero Bermuez, this my standard thou shalt hold;
It is a trust that fits thee well, for thou art stout and bold;
But see that thou advance it not unless I give command.'
Bermuez took the standard and he kissed the Champion's
hand.
Then bursting through the Castle gates upon the plain they
show;
Back on their lines in panic fall the watchmen of the foe.
And hurrying to and fro the Moors are arming all around,
While Moorish drums go rolling like to split the very
ground;
And in hot haste they mass their troops behind their
standards twain,
Two mighty bands of men-at-arms-to count them it were
vain.
And now their line comes sweeping on, advancing to the
fray,
Sure of my Cid and all his band to make an easy prey.
1
•
THE CID.
75
'Now steady, comrades,' said my Cid; our ground we
have to stand;
Let no man stir beyond the ranks until I give command.'
Bermuez fretted at the word, delay he could not brook;
He spurred his charger to the front, aloft the banner shook :
'O loyal Cid Campeador, God give thee aid! I go
To plant thy ensign in among the thickest of the foe;
And ye who serve it, be it yours our standard to restore.'
'Not so--as thou dost love me, stay!' called the Cam-
peador.
Came Pero's answer: "Their attack I cannot, will not
stay.'
He
gave
his horse the spur and dashed against the Moors'
array.
To win the standard eager all the Moors await the shock :
Amid a rain of blows he stands unshaken as a rock.
Then cried my Cid-'In charity, on to the rescue-ho!'
With bucklers braced before their breasts, with lances point-
ing low,
With stooping crests and heads bent down above the saddle-
bow,
All firm of hand and high of heart they roll upon the foe.
And he that in a good hour was born, his clarion voice
rings out,
And clear above the clang of arms is heard his battle shout,
'Among them, gentlemen! Strike home, for the love of
charity !
The Champion of Bivar is here-Ruy Diaz-I am he!'
Then bearing where Bermuez still maintains unequal fight,
Three hundred lances down they come, their pennons flicker-
ing white;
=
76
THE CID.
Down go three hundred Moors to earth, a man to every
blow;
And when they wheel, three hundred more, as charging
back they go.
It was a sight to see the lances rise and fall that day;
The shivered shields and riven mail, to see how thick they
lay;
The pennons that went in snow-white come out a gory
red;
The horses running riderless, the riders lying dead;
While Moors call on Mohammed, and 'St. James!' the
Christians cry,
And sixty score of Moors and more in narrow compass lie.
Above his gilded saddle-bow there played the Champion's
sword;
And Minaya Alvar Fanez, Zurita's gallant lord ;¹
And Martin Antolinez the worthy Burgalese ;
And Muño Gustioz his squire—all to the front were these.
And there was Martin Muñoz, he who ruled in Mont
Mayor;
And there was Alvar Alvarez, and Alvar Salvador;
And the good Galin Garcia, stout lance of Aragon;
And Feliz Muñoz, nephew of my Cid the Champion :
Well did they quit themselves that day, all these and many
more,
In rescue of the standard for my Cid Campeador.
¹ I follow the reading given in Pidal and Janer's edition, ‘que
Çorita mandó.' Sanchez printed 'que corta mandó,' which M.
Damas Hinard translates 'donne l'ordre de couper'—a rather needless
order at the time. According to Salazar de Mendoza (Dignidades de
Castilla) Alvar Fanez was in fact Lord of Zurita.
1
J
THE CID.
77
But Minava Alvar Fanez-the Moors have slain his steed;
And crowding on the Christians come to aid him in his
need;
His lance lies shivered, sword in hand he showers blows
around,
As, giving back, he, inch by inch, on foot contests the
ground.
He saw it, the Campeador, Ruy Diaz of Castile :
Athwart him on a goodly steed there came an Alguacil;
With one strong stroke of his right hand he cleft the Moor
in twain
;
And plucked him from the saddle, and flung him on the
plain.
'Now mount, Minaya, mount,' quoth he, 'for thou art my
right arm;
I have much need of thee to-day, thou must not come to
harm;
The Moors maintain a front as yet; unbroken still they
stand.'
Mounted again Minaya goes against them sword in hand.
With strength renewed he wields his blade as he his way
doth wend,
Cleaving a path like one who means to make a speedy end.
And he that in a good hour was born at Fariz deals three
blows;
Two glance aside, but full and fair the third one home it
goes;
Forth spurting flies the blood; the streams down the king's
hauberk run;
He turns the rein to quit the plain-that stroke the field
hath won.
78
THE CID.
2
And Martin Antolinez, he at Galve dealt a stroke ;
Through the carbuncles 2 of the casque the sword descend-
ing broke,
And cleaving down right to the crown, in twain the helmet
shore ;
Well wot ye, sirs, that Galve had no lust to stay for more.
And now are both king Galve and Fariz in retreat ;
Great is the day for Christendom, great is the Moors' defeat!
King Fariz found refuge in Terrel, but Galve fled onward,
and the pursuit continued up to Calatayud. Bravely went the
steed of Alvar Fanez: thirty and four Moors he slew, and he
came back with his trenchant sword and his arm from the elbow
downwards dripping blood. Now am I content,' said Minaya,
'for the good tidings will reach Castile that Ruy Diaz has won
a pitched battle.' Back came my Cid on his good steed, his
coif twisted, his scarf round his loins, his sword in hand. God!
what a beard he bore! Thanks be to God,' he said, 'for the
great victory we have won.' And in the camp his men took
great spoil of shields and arms and other goods; and they
found five hundred and ten horses. Great was the joy of the
Christians; but of their own men fifteen were missing. And my
Cid made distribution of the money and other treasure to his
vassals, and even to the Moors he gave somewhat. To my Cid
in his fifth share there fell a hundred horses. Hear me,
Minaya,' said he, 'I would send you to Castile with tidings of
the battle we have won ; and of this wealth that God has given
us, to offer a gift to King Alfonso of thirty horses saddled and
bridled, with as many swords slung upon the saddle bows: and
here is a wallet full of gold and silver, that in Santa Maria at
Burgos you pay for a thousand masses. What is left, give to
my wife and daughters, that they may pray for me night and
6
2 The carbuncle was a favourite gem with medieval warriors for
the ornamentation of helmets and shields. In the Chanson de Roland
it is mentioned more than once, for instance, 'L'elme li freint ù li
carbuncle luisent,' civ.
THE CID.
79
day if I live they shall be rich ladies. And to our friends you
can say that God gives us aid and we conquer. On your return,
if you find us not here, follow us. By lance and sword we must
maintain ourselves, else in this narrow land we cannot live.'
So on the morrow Minaya departed. But the land was narrow
and full of evil, and the Moors of the frontier and the people
beyond kept watch against my Cid and plotted with King
Fariz; so he bargained with them of Ateca and Terrel and
Calatayud, and sold them Alcocer for three thousand marks.
When my Cid left Alcocer the Moors, men and women, raised
lamentations. Our prayers go before thee,' they said, 'we are
left prosperous by thy means.' And raising his standard the
Campeador passed down the Salon, and on quitting the Salon
he had many good omens. And he pushed forward and planted
himself on a hill which is above Mont'real.3 Marvellous and
high was the hill, and safe from attack on every side; and thence
he laid under tribute Daroca, which is behind, and Molina, which
is on the other side, and Teruel, which is farther on, and in his
hand he held Celfa de Canal.³ Alvar Fanez went to Castile
and presented the thirty horses to the king. Said the king,
'It is too soon at the end of three weeks to take into favour a
man who has earned the wrath of his lord, but since it comes
from the Moors I accept this gift, and I am even glad my Cid
has won such spoil. For you, Minaya, I release your lands
and honours, and give you my pardon; but as to my Cid, I say
nothing save this, that throughout my kingdom any stout and
valiant men who may wish to join my Cid, I leave free both as
to their persons and estates.'
Meanwhile he who was born and girt on the sword in a good
hour took up his abode on this hill, and, whether the people be
Moorish or Christian, it will be called 'The hill of my Cid' in all
writings. There he remained fifteen full weeks, levying tribute
over a wide country. But when he saw that Minaya delayed,
he made a night march, and passing by Teruel, he fixed himself
in the pine-wood of Tebar, and all the lands that side he laid
under tribute, up to Saragossa. Thence he moved to the pass
• Mont'real.-See Introduction p. 43 (note). Celfa de Canal is
apparently Alcalá de la Selva, to the east of Teruel.
1
80
THE CID.
4
of Alucant, and on every side the tale was spread that the
outlaw of Castile was doing much harm.
The Count of Barcelona,5 when the tidings met his ear
How that my Cid Ruy Diaz made forays far and near,
And laid the country waste, with wrath his inmost soul was
stirred,
And in his anger hastily he spake a braggart word—
'He cometh to insult me, doth my Cid, he of Bivar.
Up to my very court, methinks, he means to carry war.
My nephew he hath wronged; the wrong remaineth unre-
paired :
And now the lands that I protect to harry hath he dared.
No challenge have I sent to him, nor sought him for my
foe;
But now I call him to account, since he will have it so.'
Great mustering there is of Moors and Christians through
the land,
A mighty host of men-at-arms he hath at his command.
Two days, three nights, they march to seek the Good One
of Bivar,
4 The Puerto de Alucant M. Damas Hinard supposes to have been
in the mountains between Navarre and Aragon; but the context shows
that it must have been on the south side of the Ebro. The present
Alacon on the Rio Martin is most likely the place meant.
'
5 The poet is in error when he calls this Count of Barcelona
• Raymond Berenger.' There were two Counts of Barcelona, brothers,
Raymond Berenger and Berenger Raymond. The former, who was
probably the Cid's antagonist at Almenara, was assassinated in
December 1082, leaving an infant son, the nephew referred to lower
down. It was the other, Berenger Raymond, who attacked the Cid
on this occasion. The nephew was the Count Raymond Berenger III.,
who afterwards married the Cid's daughter Maria, and by his second
marriage with Countess Dulce became Count of Provence.
1
i
THE CID.
81
To snare him where he harbours in the Pine-wood of
Tebar; 6
And such the speed of their advance, that, cumbered with
his spoils,
And unaware, my Cid well nigh was taken in the toils.
The tidings reached my Cid as down the sierra side he went,
Then straightway to Count Raymond he a friendly message
sent:
'Say to the Count that he, meseems, to me no grudge doth
owe :
Of him I take no spoil, with him in peace I fain would go.'
'Nay,' said the Count, 'for all his deeds he hath to make
amends:
This outlaw must be made to know whose honour he
offends.'
• The exact position of the Pine-wood of Tebar (or Iber, as it is
called in the Gesta) can no more be identified than that of the adjacent
Ibera where the Scipios defeated Hasdrubal. Clearly, however, it was
in the intricate mountain region to the N.E. of Teruel, between the
basins of the Ebro and Guadalaviar. According to the poem, it was
in the neighbourhood of Montalvan and the valley of the Rio Martin,
and according to the Gesta it lay between Morella and Calamocha.
Combining these indications, we may conjecture that it was somewhere
near Segura (where there are still remains of an extensive pine forest),
and that the head of the Martin valley may have been that compara-
tively level ground, 'qui planior in cunctis terris istis videtur esse,' on
which, according to the Gesta, the Cid challenged Berenger to attack
him; while the long ridge of the Sierras of Cucalon and San Just might
well be the 'immensum Hab'ntiarum montem,' from the summit of
which Berenger's scouts, sent out from Calamocha, discovered the Cid's
camp, and from behind which the Count himself made the sudden
descent described in both the Poem and the Gesta. It is worth notice
that the Peña del Cid, mistaken by Huber and Damas Hinard for the
Poyo (v. Int. p. 43), is within a few miles of Segura on the road to
Montalvan.
G
82
THE CID.
With utmost speed the messenger Count Raymond's answer
brought;
Then of a surety knew my Cid a battle must be fought.
'Now, cavaliers,' quoth he, 'make safe the booty we have
won.
•
Look to your weapons, gentlemen; with speed your armour
don.
On battle bent Count Raymond comes; a mighty host hath
he
Of Moors and Christians; fight we must if hence we would
go free.
Here let us fight the battle out, since fight we must perforce.
On with your harness, cavaliers, quick! saddle, and to
horse !
7
Yonder they come, the linen breeks, all down the mountain
side,
For saddles they have Moorish pads, with slackened girths
they ride :
Our saddles are Galician make, our leggings tough and
stout:
A hundred of us gentlemen should scatter such a rout.
Before they gain the level plain, home with the lance charge
we,
And then, for every blow we strike, we empty saddles three.
Count Raymond Berenger shall know with whom he has
to do;
And dearly in Tebar to-day his raid on me shall rue.'
In serried squadron while he speaks they form around my
Cid.
7 6 Calças :' probably short and loose linen drawers, like those worn
by the Valencian peasantry at the present day.
THE CID.
83
2
E
Each grasps
his lance, and firm and square each sits upon
his steed.
Over against them down the hill they watch the Franks
descend,
On to the level ground below, where plain and mountain
blend.
Then gives my Cid the word to charge-with a good will
they go :
Fast ply the lances; some they pierce, and some they over-
throw.
And he that in a good hour was born soon hath he won the
field
;
And the Count Raymond Berenger he hath compelled to
yield;
And reaping honour for his beard a noble prize hath
made;
A thousand marks of silver worth, the great Colada blade.
Unto his quarters under guard the captive Count he sent,
While his men haste to gather in their spoils in high con-
tent.
Then for my Cid Don Roderick a banquet they prepare ;
But little doth Count Raymond now for feast or banquet
care,
They bring him meat and drink, but he repels them with
disdain.
'No morsel will I touch,' said he, 'for all the wealth of
Spain.
* One of the treasures of the splendid Armería at Madrid is a sword
which tradition asserts to be the identical Colada of the Cid. The
blade, which is of moderate length, and broad, straight, and double-
edged, may well be of the eleventh century, but the hilt is probably of
the fifteenth or sixteenth.
G 2
84
THE CID.
Let soul and body perish now; life why should I prolong,
Conquered and captive at the hands of such an ill-breeched
throng?'
'Nay,' said my Cid; 'take bread and wine; eat, and thou
goest free ;
If not, thy realms in Christendom thou never more shalt
see.'
'Go thou, Don Roderick,' said the Count, 'eat if thou wilt,
but I
Have no more lust for meat or drink: I only crave to die.'
Three days, while they the booty share, for all that they
entreat,
The Count his purpose holds unchanged, refusing still to
eat.
Then said my Cid, 'I pray thee, Count, take food and trust
to me;
Thyself and two knights of thy train I promise to set free.'
Glad was Count Raymond in his heart when he the promise
heard-
'A marvel that will be, my Cid, if thou dost keep thy word.'
'Then, Count, take food, and when I see thy hunger satisfied,
My word is pledged to let thee go, thyself and two beside.
But understand, one farthing's worth I render not again
Of what has been in battle lost and won on yonder plain.
I give not back the lawful spoils I fairly win in fight;
But for mine own and vassals' wants I hold them as my
right.
My followers are needy men; I cannot if I would;
For spoil from thee and others won is all our livelihood.
And such, while God's good will it is, must be our daily life,
As outcasts forced to wander, with an angry king at strife.'
!
85
THE CID.
!
:
With lighter heart Count Raymond called for water for his
hands,
And then with his two gentlemen, sent by the Cid's com-
mands,
He blithely sat him down to meat: God! with what gust
· ate he !
And glad was the Campeador such heartiness to see.
6
Quoth he, Until thou eat thy fill we part not, Count, to-day.'
'Nor loth am I,' Count Raymond said, 'such bidding to obey.'
So he and his two cavaliers a hearty meal they made :
It pleased my Cid to watch his hands, how lustily they
played.
'Now, if thou wilt,' Count Raymond said, 'that we are
satisfied,
Bid them to lead the horses forth, that we may mount and
ride.
Never since I have been a Count have I yet broken fast
With such a relish; long shall I remember this repast.'
Three palfreys with caparisons of costly sort they bring,
And on the saddles robes of fur and mantles rich they fling.
Thus, with a knight on either hand, away Count Raymond
rides;
While to the outposts of the camp his guests the Champion
guides,
'Now speed thee, Count; ride on,' quoth he, 'a free Frank
as thou art. 9
For the brave spoil thou leavest me I thank thee from my
9 C
heart;
'Aguisa de muy franco:' there seems to be something in the
nature of a pun here on the double meaning of the word 'franco,'—
free,' and 'Frank;' in which latter sense it is already applied to
Berenger's Catalan troopers.
་
86
THE CID.
1
+
And if to win it back again perchance thou hast a mind,
Come thou and seek me when thou wilt; I am not far to
find.
But if it be not to thy taste to try another day,
Still, somewhat, be it mine or thine, thou carriest away.'
-'Nay! go in peace for me, my Cid: no more I seek of
thee;
And thou, I think, for one year's space hast won enough
of me.'
He spurred his steed, but, as he rode, a backward glance
he bent,
Still fearing to the last my Cid his promise would repent:
A thing, the world itself to win, my Cid would not have
done :
No perfidy was ever found in him, the Perfect One.
When the Count had departed, he of Bivar turned to his
men and set them to collect together the spoils they had won.
Here beginneth the achievement of my Cid of Bivar;¹ leaving
1 'Aquis conpieça la gesta de Myo Cid el de Biuar.' These words
have been generally held to indicate the commencement of one of the
'cantares' or lays out of which the poem was composed. I think,
however, it is far more likely that the word 'gesta,' on which the
assumption rests, is here used merely in its strict and original sense of
' achievement;' as it is, for instance, in the poem of the 'Libro de
Alexandre'-'Que ouo de su gesta dictador tan onrrado ;" and the con-
text bears out the supposition. For it is, in fact, at this point that begins
what was in strictest truth the achievement of the Cid's life, his conquest
of Valencia. By the defeat of Berenger he had secured the sinews of
war for a campaign, and disposed of the only enemy who could interfere
with his advance, and so, quitting the scenes of his former forays, he
began a new enterprise, began,' as the poet adds, 'to make war
towards the salt sea' ('conpeçó de guerrear'). The other interpretation
involves the necessity of treating 'gesta' as the equivalent of 'chanson
de geste,' for which it would be difficult to show any authority.
i
·
THE CID.
87
:
Saragossa and the lands on that side, and Huesca,2 and the lands
of Montalvan, he began to make war towards the salt sea. The
sun rises in the east, and he turned in that direction, and took
Xerica and Onda and Almenar, and conquered all the lands of
Burriana, and moreover Murviedro.3 Then did my Cid see that
God was aiding him. Within Valencia there was no little fear,
and they of Valencia took counsel together, and marching by
night, they came and encamped against Murviedro. When my
Cid saw them he said, 'We are in their lands and we do them
much evil we drink their wine and eat their bread: if they
come to besiege us, they have a right to do it. Let a summons
be sent to Xerica and Alucant and Onda and Almenar and
Burriana, to all who are bound to aid us.' And on the third day
all were brought together, and said my Cid, 'To-morrow will we
go forth to meet this host, like exiles from a far country: then it
will be seen who deserves his pay.' With the dawn my Cid
attacked them, in the name of God, and of the Apostle
Santiago, crying, 'Strike home, gentlemen, with heart and
good will! I am Ruy Diaz, my Cid, he of Bivar!' And
then you might see tent-ropes broken, and poles plucked up
and tents overturned. On the other side, Alvar Fanez fell upon
them, and despite of themselves they had to give back and flee.
Two Moorish kings were slain in the pursuit and it continued
up to Valencia. Great were the spoils which my Cid made, and
he took Cebolla¹ and all that lies beyond; and my Cid and all
his company were glad, and his horsemen began to make forays
by night, reaching to Cullera and Xativa,5 and even as far as
2 Most likely Huesa, near Segura, on the south side of the Ebro,
not Huesca, to the north of Saragossa. It should be noted that the
poet ignores, as foreign to his purpose, the Cid's relations with the King
of Saragossa and his battles beyond the Ebro.
3 Places on or near the coast to the north of Valencia. The poet,
however, is in error about Murviedro, which held out against the Cid
until after his occupation of Valencia,
• Cebolla, now El Puig, near Murviedro.
5 Xativa, Jativa, or San Felipe, about half way between Valencia
and Alicante, one of the most extensive and picturesque of the Moorish
strongholds of southern Spain.
88
THE CID.
Denia. All the land of the Moors they harried as far as the
sea-shore, and they took Peña Cadiella with the outlets and
entrances. In winning these cities my Cid spent three years.
They of Valencia were disheartened, nor durst they go forth to
meet him. He reaped their fields and in each of these years
he took away their bread from them. Bitter were the lamenta-
tions in Valencia, for they knew not what to do, nor was there
any side from which food might come to them; nor could
father help son nor son father, nor friend give comfort to friend.
When the bread runs low, to see the women and children die of
hunger, sirs, it is a piteous tale. Those outside saw their misery,
but could not help them. They sent word to the King of
Morocco, for they were in great friendship with him of the
Bright Mountains,' but he gave them no help nor came to aid
them, and my Cid knew it and was glad of heart. And he
caused it to be proclaimed through Navarre and Aragon and
Castile: 'Whoso would rid himself of care and be rich, let him
come to my Cid, who purposes to beleaguer Valencia, to give it
to the Christians.' Great numbers flocked to him out of fair
Christendom, and when my Cid saw them collected he marched
against Valencia and beleaguered it closely, suffering none to
go in or out but he granted a day of grace in case any should
come to relieve it. Nine months complete he sat before it, and
when the tenth came they had to surrender. Great was the
rejoicing when my Cid entered Valencia. Those who were on
foot became cavaliers, and the gold and the silver-who could
:
• This I believe to be the hill close to Albayda, which commands
the mouth of the pass connecting Xativa with Alcoy and Alicante.
There are the remains of a Moorish fortress on the top. See Intro-
duction, p. 31 (note).
7 In the MS. 'Con el de los montes claros auyen grra tan grand.'
The editors in the Bib. Aut. Esp. read 'guerra,' and think that 'he
of the bright mountains' means the Cid. M. Damas Hinard reads
'gracia,' and believes the 'King of Morocco' to be meant. The
Montes Claros certainly appear to. have been beyond the Straits from
a passage in the poem of Fernan Gonzalez (c. 37), and another in
that of Alfonso XI. (c. 2437); and, besides, we know from Ibn Bassam
that at this time Yusof was much interested in the fate of Valencia, but
too far off to send timely help when appealed to.
THE CID.
89
8
count it? All were rich, as many as were there. Thirty
thousand marks in money fell to my Cid in his fifth part, and
the other wealth, who could count it? And joyful was my Cid
and all his men when his standard rested on the summit of the
Alcazar. Word was brought to the king of Seville how
Valencia was taken, and he came with thirty thousand men-at-
arms, and gave battle on the Huerta, and he of the long beard
routed them. Up to Xativa the rout continued, and you might
have seen a struggle at the passage of the Jucar, and the Moors
drinking their fill of water in spite of themselves. Rich was the
spoil when they took Valencia, but much more gainful, look
you, was this victory: even to the least of them, there fell a
hundred marks of silver. Now was the beard of my Cid
growing great and increasing in length, and said he, 'For the
love of King Alfonso who hath banished me neither shall
scissors come near it, nor a hair of it be plucked, and it shall
be famous among Moors and Christians.' And to Minaya he
said: 'I desire to send you to Castile, to King Alfonso, my
natural lord, with a hundred horses of this spoil, that you kiss
his hand for me and pray that of his grace he allow me to bring
my wife and daughters to this distant land that we have won.'
Meanwhile there had come from the east a holy man, the
Bishop Don Jerome by name, one of learning and repute, and
valiant both on foot and on horseback, who came to my Cid's
gates in the hope of seeing Moors in the field and having his fill
of fighting. My Cid was pleased, and he said to Alvar Fanez:
'Since God is willing to aid us, we should show our gratitude.
In these lands of Valencia will I make a bishopric and give it
to this good Christian: it will be good news to bring when you
go to Castile.' Minaya departed for Castile: I will not enu-
merate his halting-places, but he came to the king and kissed
9
8 The chief river of Valencia, rising in the Albarracin and flowing
into the Mediterranean to the south of Valencia city.
• Jerome, the first Bishop of Valencia, was a native of Périgord,
brought into Spain by Bernard, the Archbishop of Toledo. After the
evacuation of Valencia in 1102, he was translated to Zamora, with which
see he afterwards held that of Salamanca. His tomb is still to be seen
in the latter city, in the old cathedral he helped to raise.
་་
THE CID.
90
!
1
his hand, and showed how my Cid was prospering in a far
country, and had won Xerica and Murviedro and Castellon, and
the strong fortress Peña Cadiella, and withal was Lord of
Valencia, and had made a bishop with his hands, and fought
and won five pitched battles, and gained much booty, in token
whereof he sent these hundred horses to the king. And the
king was pleased, but Count García Ordoñez was vexed.
'Methinks,' he said, 'there cannot be a man in the land of the
Moors, for my Cid does as he pleases.' But the king said, ‘Be
silent; for in every way he serves me better than you.' And he
gave leave for Doña Ximena and her daughters to depart from
the monastery, and ordered an escort to attend them while they
should be in his dominions. At this the Infantes of Carrion
said between themselves: My Cid is growing in importance. It
would be well for us to marry his daughters, but we dare not
think of it, for he is of Bivar and we are Counts of Carrion.'
They said nothing of this to any one, but they bade Minaya to
give their salutations to my Cid of Bivar. And Rachel and
Vidas came to Minaya and fell at his feet saying, 'The Cid has
undone us, look you, if he does not help us.'
if he does not help us.' 'I will see to it
with my Cid,' said Minaya: 'what you have done he will take
into consideration.' 'God grant it,' said Rachel and Vidas: ‘if
not, we shall leave Burgos and go to seek him.' And Minaya
and the ladies departed, and passed by Medina and came to
Molina, where the Moor Abengalvon ruled, and well did he
serve them; they had no lack of anything they desired. And
when they were within three leagues of Valencia, the news was
brought to my Cid, and he was joyful more than ever he had
been, having tidings of what he loved best. And they led forth
Babieca, then lately won, and as yet my Cid knew not whether
he was swift or well managed. And he leaped upon him and
ran a course so marvellous that all wondered, and from that day
Babieca was held to be worth all Spain. Then he dismounted

2
3
1 For Count García Ordoñez and the Counts of Carrion, see Intro
duction, p. 17, and note.
2 Medinaceli and Molina de Aragon.
8 This is the earliest mention of the Cid's celebrated charger, Babieca
or Bavieca. The ballads, however, which always make the most of
everything, represent Babieca as carrying the Cid from the very com-
THE CID.
91
and went to meet his wife and daughters, and fondly embraced
them, while their eyes were filled with tears through the joy they
felt. Then said he who was born in a good hour, 'My heart
and soul come with me into Valencia, this heritage I have won
for you.' And my Cid went with them to the Alcazar, and led
them up to the highest part, and with their bright eyes they
looked around. They beheld Valencia, how the city lay, and
on the other side the sea, and the great broad Huerta; and they
lifted up their hands, thanking God for a prize so fair.
Now winter was past and March was coming in, and King
Yucef of Morocco, being wroth with my Cid Don Roderick,
collected his forces, and with fifty thousand men-at-arms put to
sea and came to Valencia and pitched his tents. Said my Cid:
'I thank God and the blessed Mary mother, that I have my
wife and daughters here: they shall see me fight, and how we
sojourn and win our bread in the land of the stranger.' And
he took them up to the Alcazar, and when they saw the pitched
tents, they said, 'Cid, God be with you, what is this?' 'Fear
not, honoured wife,' he said: 'it is marvellous great wealth that
comes to us. Scarcely have you arrived but they bring a gift to
you- -a dowry against the marriage of your daughters. Fear not
to see me fight; my heart swells within me, because ye are by,
and with God's help I shall win this battle.' And my Cid
sprang upon Babieca, and taking the standard, they sallied forth
from Valencia. Four thousand less thirty followed my Cid, and
they went forth joyfully to attack fifty thousand. My Cid plied
his lance and sword; and, from the elbow downwards dripping
blood, he slew so many Moors they could not be counted, and he
dealt three blows at King Yucef, who escaped by the speed of
his horse and took refuge in Cullera. All the spoil remained in
his hands; the fifty thousand were reckoned by counting, and
not more than a hundred and four had escaped. Between gold
and silver, they found three thousand marks, and of other spoils
there was no count. Back upon Babieca came my Cid, sword
in hand, and before the ladies, who were waiting for him, he
drew rein. 'My homage to you, ladies,' he said; 'great
mencement of his career and surviving him; in which case the steed
would have attained, according to their chronology, the partriarchal
age of over sixty years.
92
THE CID.
:
booty have I won for you. While ye held Valencia, I have won
on the plain. It was the will of God and all his Saints; since at
your coming they have granted us such spoil. Behold my
gory sword and sweating steed; thus are Moors vanquished on
the field.' He gave orders to preserve the tent of the king of
Morocco: this,' said he,' will I send to Alfonso of Castile,
that he may believe the tales of my Cid's booty.' And he said
to Minaya: 'To-morrow shall you go with these two hundred
horses of my fifth share as a present, that King Alfonso may
not speak ill of the ruler of Valencia.' He bade Pero Bermuez
to accompany him, and travelling day and night across sierras
and forests and rivers, they came to Valladolid, where the
king was. And the king was pleased. 'Willingly,' said he,
'I receive the gift my Cid has sent me, and may the day
come when he shall be reconciled with me.' But the Count Don
García was wroth, and withdrawing apart, with ten of his kins-
men, he said: 'It is a marvel, how the honour of the Cid increases :
by it are we humiliated-by this insolent conquering of kings in
battle, and sending horses as if he had found them dead.' But
said the Infantes of Carrion, taking counsel together privily,
'The fame of my Cid is growing great : let us ask his daughters
in marriage; so shall we increase in honour and advance
ourselves.' So they came to King Alfonso with this design,
saying, 'We seek a favour of you as our king and natural lord,
that you demand for us the Campeador's daughters, that we
marry them, to their honour and to our advantage.' For a good
hour the king thought and considered. 'I have banished the
good Campeador, and while I have done him evil, he has
rendered me good service. I know not whether this marriage
will be to his taste; but since ye desire it, let us enter into nego-
tiation.' And he sent for Minaya Alvar Fanez and Pero
Bermuez, and took them aside into a chamber. 'My Cid the
Campeador,' said he, 'serves me, and he shall have pardon of
me. Diego and Ferrando the Infantes of Carrion have a mind
to wed with his two daughters. Be true messengers I bid ye, and
tell the good Campeador that he will grow in honour by an
intermarriage with the Infantes of Carrion.' And Minaya and
Pero said: "We will make the demand as you bid us; let the Cid
do as pleases him.' So they took leave of the king, and departed
1
THE CID.
93
F
for Valencia with their company. And the good Campeador
went forth to meet them, and he embraced them, saying,
'Welcome, Minaya, and thou, Pero Bermuez. In few lands are
there two such barons. How is the health of my Lord Alfonso?
is he content, and doth he receive my gift?' Said Minaya, 'Heart
and soul he is content, and he gives you his love.' 'Thanks be
to God,' said my Cid; and with that they opened the proposal
of Alfonso of Leon, that he should give his daughters to the
Infantes of Carrion. When my Cid heard it, he thought and
considered a good hour. For this,' said he, 'I give thanks to
Christ my Lord; I was banished and stripped of honour, and
with great toil have Iwon what I possess. Thanks be to God for
the king's grace, and that he asks my daughters for the Infantes
of Carrion. They are haughty, and have a faction in the Court.
I would have no taste for the match, but since he, who is
mightier than we, advises, let us consent and be silent; and may
God in Heaven direct us for the best.' Then they wrote a
letter to the king, that what he desired, that would the Campeador
do. And the king was glad, and said: 'Let the meeting be three
weeks hence. If I am alive, I will go without fail.' And my Cid
made preparation for the meeting, and they set forth from
Valencia. And when King Alfonso knew the good Campeador
was coming, he went forth to receive him with honour. And
when he who was born in a good hour beheld him, he ordered
all his men to halt, and placed himself hands and knees upon
the earth, and took the grass of the field in his teeth, shedding
tears from his eyes, so great was the joy he felt, and thus did he
do homage to Alfonso his lord. But it grieved the king. 'Rise,'
he said, 'Cid Campeador, kiss my hands, not my feet. If you do
so, you shall not have my love.' Still on his bended knees, said
the Campeador, 'I ask grace of you, my natural lord, that you
will here grant me your love, so that all present may hear it.
Said the king: 'That will I with heart and soul. Here do I
pardon you, and grant you my love throughout my kingdom
from this day forth.' Said my Cid: 'I thank God of Heaven,
and next to him, you, Alfonso, my lord, and this present com-
pany.' And on bended knees he kissed his hand, and rising to
4 'Tales dos varones.'
94
THE CID.
"
his feet saluted him on the mouth. That day my Cid Ruy
Diaz was the guest of the king, who could not satisfy himself in
showing him affection, ever gazing on his beard, which had
grown so mighty; and all that were there marvelled at my Cid.
And the next day my Cid ordered his men to prepare a banquet
for as many as were present, and in such fashion did he entertain
them, that all agreed they had not feasted better for three years
back. On the morrow, when they came forth from mass, the
king opened the negotiation. 'Give ear, all ye in attendance,
counts and gentlemen. I make a request of my Cid the
Campeador. Christ grant that it be for his advantage. I ask
your daughters Doña Elvira and Doña Sol for wives for the
Infantes of Carrion-an honourable and fitting marriage, as it
seems to me.' Said the Campeador in answer: 'I have no
marriageable daughters, for they are of tender age; but I and
they are in your hands. Give them as it pleases you; I
am content.' Then the Infantes of Carrion rose and kissed his
hand, and said the king: 'I thank you, Cid, that you give me
your daughters for the Infantes of Carrion.' But said my Cid;
'It is you who give my daughters in marriage, not I. I will not
give them from my hand, nor shall they vaunt themselves of it.'
The king made answer: 'Here is Alvar Fanez; let him take
them from your hands and give them to the Infantes.' With
that my Cid took his leave of King Alfonso, and set forth for
Valencia, giving the Infantes in charge to Don Pero and Muño
Gustioz. Doña Ximena and his daughters met him, and he
said: 'By this marriage of yours we shall increase in honour ;
but, look you, it was not I that brought it about. My lord
Alfonso demanded you so earnestly, that I knew not how to say
no, and in his hands have I placed you, my daughters. Believe
me, it is he who bestows you in marriage, not I.' Then they set
about preparing the palace. From top to bottom it was adorned
with hangings of purple and samite and choice cloth.
would have relished living and eating in that palace. Then
they sent for the Infantes, who rode forth to the palace arrayed
in rich raiment. God! how meekly they entered. My Cid and
his vassals received them, and they did homage to him and to his
wife, and seated themselves upon a costly couch. Then said the
Campeador, rising to his feet: 'As we have somewhat to do, why
You
#
THE
THE CID.
95
do we delay? Come hither, Alvar Fanez, whom I love and esteem:
here are my two daughters, I place them in your hands. You
know what the king hath commanded. I would not fail in
aught that has been agreed. Give them to the Infantes of
Carrion, with your blessing, and let us proceed.' Then said
Minaya to the Infantes: 'By the hand of King Alfonso, who has
laid the charge upon me, I give you these ladies of high degree,
that ye take them for wives in honour and respect.' This done,
they went forth from the palace to Santa Maria, and the bishop,
Don Jerome, received them at the door of the church and
gave them his benediction and chanted the mass. And from
the church they rode out to the Glera of Valencia. God! how
gallantly my Cid and his vassals bore their arms. He that was
born in a good hour changed three horses, and with what he saw
he was well content, for the Infantes of Carrion rode well; and
the next day my Cid set up seven shields, and before they
returned to dine, they broke them all. Rich was the wedding
festival in the honoured Alcazar, and it lasted for fifteen days.
And then those who had arrived for the marriage returned to
Castile, taking their leave of Ruy Diaz and the ladies and gentle-
men. And my Cid and his sons-in-law remained in Valencia,
and there the Infantes abode well nigh two years. Great was
the affection shown to them, and the Cid was glad, and all his
vassals. The blessed Mary and our Father grant that my Cid
may have joy of this marriage.
Here end the verses of this lay. The Creator and all his
Saints be with you.
My Cid was in Valencia, with his vassals and his sons-in-law
the Infantes of Carrion. Stretched upon a couch, the Campeador
was sleeping, when, wot ye, a mishap befel them. The lion
broke loose and escaped from the cage, and in sore fear were
they in the midst of the court. They of the Campeador
wrapped their mantles upon their arms, and gathered round the
couch, and stood over their lord. But Ferran Gonzalez seeing
no place of safety, neither open chamber nor tower, crept be-
neath the couch, so great was his fear, and Diego Gonzalez fled
through the door, crying: 'I shall never see Carrion more,' and
96
THE CID.
-
in his terror threw himself across a wine-press beam, with his
mantle and robe all besmeared. Thereupon he who was born
in a good hour awoke, and seeing the couch surrounded by his
good barons, he said: 'What means this, comrades? what would
ye?'
'Honoured lord,' said they, 'it is the lion gives us
dread.' Then my Cid rose to his feet, and drew his mantle on
his neck, and advanced on the lion. And the lion, when he saw
him, was abashed and bent his head before my Cid, and Don
Roderick grasped him by the mane, and dragging him put him
in the cage: a marvel to all that were by. And returning to
the palace through the court, he asked for his sons-in-law, but
found them not. Despite of calling, there came no answer.
And when they were found, they came back so pale, that
laughter, you never saw the like-ran round the court. My
Cid the Campeador bade it cease, but the Infantes of Carrion
held themselves grievously insulted.
While matters stood so, a thing befel, which gave them sore
trouble. The army of Morocco, and King Bucar,5 if you have
heard tell of him, came and beleaguered Valencia with fifty
thousand pitched tents. My Cid and all his barons were glad.
Thanks to God, it was more spoil for them. But, look you, the
Infantes of Carrion were troubled at heart to see so many tents
of the Moors, for which they had no relish. 'We look for booty,'
said they, 'and not loss. Now we shall have to go forth to battle,
and it is certain we shall never see Carrion again, and the
Campeador's daughters will be left widows.' Muño Gustioz
heard their discourse, and carried the news to my Cid. 'See
how your sons-in-law are afeared; how courageous they are :
at the prospect of battle they are longing for Carrion. Go give
them heart, and God speed you.' And my Cid Don Roderick
went out smiling. God be with you, sons-in-law,' said he.
'Battle is my desire, Carrion is yours. In your arms ye have
my daughters, bright as the sun. Rest in Valencia at your will.
I know how to deal with the Moors, and with God's grace I will
endeavour to overthrow them.'
5 King Bucar.-The person here meant is the Almoravide general,
Abu Bekr, the lieutenant of Yusof; but it is very doubtful whether
he commanded in this battle. See Introduction, p. 42.
}
1
THE CID.
97
[The break, owing to the abstraction of a leaf from the Bivar Codex,
occurs at this point. The defect in the narrative is partially supplied
further on by the speech of Pero Bermuez at the Cortes of Toledo. We
may assume that the brothers, or at least Ferrando, stung by the im-
putation of cowardice, make some demonstration of zeal, which leads
to the encounter described by Pero.]
"May the time come when I may deserve as much of both of
you.'" They went back together, and as Don Pero agreed, the
honour was bestowed upon Ferrando. My Cid and his vassals
rejoiced. 'Please God,' said he, 'both my sons-in-law will yet
bear themselves stoutly in battle,' and so say his followers all,
Loud from among the Moorish tents the call to battle
comes,
And some there are, unused to war, awed by the rolling
drums.
Ferrando and Diego most of troubled mind are they ;
Not of their will they find themselves before the Moors
that day.
'Pero Bermuez,' said the Cid, 'my nephew stanch and
true,
Ferrando and Diego do I give in charge to you;
• These are the last words of Pero's reply to Ferran Gonzalez, who
had probably expressed his gratitude. There is, perhaps, a touch of
dry contemptuous sarcasm in the answer, which would be very charac-
teristic of Pero and his estimate of the Infantes. The line has an
interest for English readers, for by means of a conjectural emendation
of it, known only to himself and the Marquis de la Romana, Frere was
able to accredit a confidential messenger to the latter when in the
French service in Denmark. He proposed to read 'que vos meres-
cades' in place of 'que vos meresca dos.' Frere's emendation is
ingenious. It is a decided improvement in construction, and perhaps
in sense also, if we take it to mean 'when you may deserve the like
thanks of me.'
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98
THE CID.
*
Be yours the task in this day's fight my sons-in-law to shield,
For, by God's grace, to-day we sweep the Moors from off
the field.'
'Nay,' said Bermuez, 'Cid, for all the love I bear to thee,
The safety of thy sons-in-law no charge of mine shall be.
Let him who will the office fill; my place is at the front,
Among the comrades of my choice to bear the battle's
brunt ;
As it is thine upon the rear, against surprise to guard,
And ready stand to give support where'er the fight goes
hard.'
Came Alvar Fanez: 'Loyal Cid Campeador,' he cried,
'This battle surely God ordains-He will be on our side;
Now give the order of attack as seems to thee the best,
And, rust me, every man of us will do his chief's behest.'
But lo! all armed from head to heel the Bishop Jerome
shows;
He ever brings good fortune to my Cid where'er he goes.
'Mass have I said, and now I come to join you in the
fray;
To strike a blow against the Moor in battle if I may,
And in the field win honour for my order and my hand.
It is for this that I am here, far from my native land.
Unto Valencia did I come to cast my lot with you,
All for the longing that I had to slay a Moor or two.
And so, in warlike guise I come, with blazoned shield, and
lance,
That I may flesh my blade to-day, if God but give the
chance.
Then send me to the front to do the bidding of my heart :
Grant me this favour that I ask, or else, my Cid, we part.'
་
THE CID.
99
'Good!' said my Cid. Go, flesh thy blade; there stand
thy Moorish foes.
Now shall we see how gallantly our fighting Abbot goes.'
He said; and straight the Bishop's spurs are in his charger's
flanks,
And with a will he flings himself against the Moorish
ranks.
By his good fortune, and the aid of God, that loved him
well,
Two of the foe before his point at the first onset fell.
His lance he broke, he drew his sword-God! how the
good steel played!
Two with the lance he slew, now five go down beneath his
blade.
But many are the Moors, and round about him fast they
close,
And on his hauberk, and his shield, they rain a shower of
blows.
He in the good hour born beheld Don Jerome sorely
pressed;
He braced his buckler on his arm, he laid his lance in rest,
And aiming where beset by Moors the Bishop stood at
bay,
Touched Babieca with the spur and plunged into the fray;
And flung to earth unhorsed were seven, and lying dead
were four,
Where breaking through the Moorish ranks came the
Campeador.
God, it so pleased, that this should be the finish of the
fight;
Before the lances of my Cid the fray became a flight ;
་
4
H 2
100
THE CID,
1
And then to see the tent-ropes burst, the tent-poles pros-
trate flung !
As the Cid's horsemen crashing came the Moorish tents
among,
Forth from the camp King Bucar's Moors they drove upon
the plain,
And charging on the rout, they rode and cut them down
amain;
Here severed fell the mail-clad arm, there lay the steel-
capped head,
And here the charger, riderless, ran trampling on the dead.
Behind King Bucar, as he fled, my Cid came spurring on;
'Now, turn thee, Bucar, turn!' he cried; 'here is the
Bearded One ;
Here is that Cid you came to seek, King from beyond the
main,
Let there be peace and amity to-day between us twain.'
Said Bucar, Nay; thy naked sword, thy rushing steed, I
see;
If these mean amity, then God confound such amity.7
Thy hand and mine shall never join unless in yonder
deep,
If the good steed that I bestride his footing can but keep.'
Swift was the steed, but swifter borne on Babieca's stride,
Three fathoms from the sea my Cid rode at King Bucar's
side;
Aloft his blade a moment played, then on the helmet's
crown,
Shearing the steel-cap dight with gems, Colada he brought
down.
? Confonda Dios tal amistad,'
.
THE CID.
fot
•
Down to the belt, through helm and mail, he cleft the
Moor in twain.
And so he slew King Bucar, who came from beyond the
main.
This was the battle, this the day, when he the great sword
won,
Worth a full thousand marks of gold-the famous Brand,
Tizon. 8
9
And as my Cid came back from the slaughter, he lifted up
his eyes and saw Diego and Ferrando coming, and he rejoiced,
smiling brightly. Welcome, sons-in-law,' said he : 'my sons are
ye both. I know now that ye delight in battle. Good news of you
will go to Carrion, how we have vanquished King Bucar.'
Then came Minaya Alvar Fanez, from the elbow down dripping
with blood, for twenty Moors and more had he slain; his
shield upon his neck all dinted; little recked he of the lance-
thrusts; those who had given them had not profited by them.
'To God be thanks,' said he, 'and to you, Cid, born in a good
hour. You have slain Bucar, we have won the field, and your
sons-in-law have fleshed their swords in battle with the Moors.'
Said my Cid: 'I too am glad. Now that they are brave, hence-
forth will they be esteemed.' With good intent he said it, but
they took it ill. They withdrew apart verily they were
brothers. 'Let us,' said they,‘have no regard for what they
say. Let us depart for Carrion; we delay too long here.
Great and rich is the wealth we have gained. While we live
we cannot spend it. Let us demand our wives of the Cid, that
we take them to the lands of Carrion, to show them our heri-
8 Tizon, the second of the Cid's swords, was, in Rodrigo Mendez
Sylva's time, and, according to Don Manuel Malo de Molina, still is
preserved as an heirloom in the family of the Marqueses de Falces.
The word, to suit the trochaic trip of the ballads, was altered into
Tizona, and its signification thereby lost. It means simply 'the brand.'
• 'Smiling brightly:''fermoso sonrrisando '—' belement en riant,'
Chanson de Roland, Ixix.
102
THE CID.
Saff
disko
tage. Let us remove them from Valencia and from the power
of the Campeador, and afterwards on the road we will do our
will, so that they reproach us no more with the affair of the lion.
We will flout the daughters of the Campeador. With this
wealth we shall be rich for ever; we shall be able to wed the
daughters of kings or emperors, for by birth we are Counts of
Carrion.' With this design they returned, and said Ferran
Gonzalez: 'God be with you, Cid Campeador. May it please
Doña Ximena, and you, and Minaya Alvar Fanez, and all
present give us our wives, that we take them to our lands of
Carrion and establish them in the towns we give them for
portions and honours, so that your daughters may see what we
possess and what will be the possessions of the sons we beget.'
Said the Campeador, 'I will give you my daughters and some-
what of my wealth;' for the Cid cared not to be thus slighted.
'Ye give them towns and lands for portions in the lands of
Carrion, and I as a marriage portion give them three thousand
marks of silver, and to you I give mules and palfreys and horses
strong and swift, and raiment of cloth and robes, and two
swords, Colada and Tizon: well you know I won them in
knightly fashion. My sons are ye, since I give you my daughters,
and in them ye take from me the core of my heart.¹ Let them
of Galicia, and Castile, and Leon know how I have sent my
sons-in-law home with wealth.' Thus did they go forth from
Valencia the Bright, and held their way across the Huerta.
Cheerful went my Cid and all his company; but he who girt
the sword in a good hour saw in the omens that these
marriages would not be without some mishap, but it was vain
to repent of having made them. And he said: 'Feliz Muñoz,
thou art my nephew and the cousin of my daughters. I charge
thee go with them even unto Carrion, and see the heritage given
to them, and return with the tidings. Take ye your way by
Molina, and salute my friend Abengalvon the Moor, that he
receive my sons-in-law with honour, and for love of me escort
them as far as Medina.' The parting was as that of the nail
from the flesh, and then he of the good hour returned to Valencia.
And the Infantes of Carrion took their way by Santa Maria de
1 ¹ Literally, the web of my heart'—'telas del corazon.'
THE CID.
103
Albarracin and came to Molina, to the Moor Abengalvon, who
received them with great joy, and on the morrow rode forth with
them with two hundred cavaliers, to escort them through the
forest of Luzon and Arbuxuelo, till they reached the Salon. But
the brothers, seeing the wealth the Moor carried, plotted treachery
together: 'If we could slay the Moor Abengalvon, we might
possess ourselves of his wealth, and hold it as surely as our
possessions of Carrion; and the Cid Campeador could never
have satisfaction of us.' But a Moor versed in Latin 2 overheard
the plot, and said to Abengalvon: 'Have a care, my lord. The
Infantes of Carrion plot thy death.' And Abengalvon was very
wroth, and with his two hundred men he presented himself,
arms in hand, before the Infantes. Say, Infantes of Carrion,
what have I done to you? Without guile am I serving you, and
ye plot my death. Were it not for my Cid of Bivar, I would
I would
serve you so that the world should ring with it.
restore his daughters to the loyal Campeador, and ye should
never set foot in Carrion. Here I leave you as villains and
traitors. Under your favour, Ladies Elvira and Sol, I will
depart. God the Lord of the earth give the Campeador joy of
this marriage.' So saying the Moor returned across the Salon
towards Molina, and the Infantes moved forward and crossed
the Sierra of Miedes, and leaving Griza on the left and San Es-
téban on the right, but far beyond, they entered the oak wood of
Corpes, a tall forest, where branches lifted themselves to the
clouds, and fierce beasts roamed around. They found a glade
with a clear fountain, and they caused the tents to be pitched,
and there they passed the night with their wives in their arms,
making a show of love, which they ill proved at sunrise. Then
they ordered the mules to be loaded and their servants to go
forward, and when they four were left alone, then did the Infantes
do a cruel wrong. 'Here,' said they, 'in this wild forest, do we
cast you off, and the Cid Campeador shall know that this is our
2 Un Moro latinado.' It probably means merely one acquainted
with the languages of Christian Spain.
• "Torpes' and 'Tormes' in other authorities. Sylva, in the Pobla-
cion general de España, says it was near Berlanga, on the south side of
the Duero, but neither name nor wood is to be found there now.
104
THE CID
vengeance for the affair of the lion.' Then plucking off mantles
and pelisses, the cruel traitors strip them to their smocks and
undercoats, and seize the hard strong saddle-girths. Seeing this,
said Doña Sol, 'For God's sake we entreat you, as ye have
trenchant swords in your hands, rather cut off our heads, and
let us be martyrs. If we are beaten, ye will be reviled of
Moors and Christians, and called to answer it in Council or in
Cortes.' But all their entreaties availed them nothing, for
straightway the Infantes began to lash them with the saddle-
girths and sharp spurs, tearing their linen and their flesh till the
bright blood ran down their clothing. "Ah!' thought the ladies
in their hearts, 'if it were God's will, what fortune it would be if
the Campeador should now appear.' Then, weary of striking
and striving which could give the hardest blows, the Infantes left
Elvira and Sol for dead, a prey to the beasts and birds of the
forest. O for the Cid Campeador to come upon them that
hour! Then the Infantes went on their way rejoicing through
the wood. Now are we avenged of our marriages,' said they.
'Thus is the dishonour of the lion avenged.' But I must tell
you of Feliz Muñoz, the nephew of the Cid. They bade him go
forward, and against his will he went. His heart smote him as
he followed the road, and he drew aside from the others, and
hid himself in a thicket to watch whether his cousins came, and
what the Infantes did. He saw them pass and heard their talk:
had they seen him, look you, he had not escaped death. But
they spurred onwards, and he turned back and found his cousins
in a swoon, and sprang from his horse, crying, ' Cousins! cousins!
for the love of God, waken while it is yet day, that the savage
beasts of the forest devour us not.' Coming to themselves,
Doña Elvira and Doña Sol opened their eyes and saw Feliz
Muñoz, and in sore pain said Doña Sol: 'If our father the
Campeador deserve aught of you, for God's sake give us water.'
And with his hat (new and fresh was it when he brought it out
of Valencia) he fetched water and gave it to his cousins, and
urging them and encouraging them, he set them upon his horse,
and they took their way through the oak wood of Corpes, and by
nightfall they issued forth from the wood and reached the waters
of Duero. He left them at the Tower of Doña Urraca, and
came to San Esteban, where he found Diego Tellez, kinsman
THE CID.
tos
;
of Alvar Fanez. He, when he heard it, was grieved to the heart
and he took beasts and proper raiment, and fetched Doña Elvira
and Doña Sol and lodged them in San Esteban, showing them
all the honour he could. They of San Esteban are ever courteous,
and it grieved them to the heart when they knew of the matter,
and they comforted the daughters of the Cid and tended them
till they were restored. These tidings came to Valencia, and
when they were told to my Cid, he thought and pondered a
full hour and he raised his hand and grasped his beard,
saying, 'Christ be thanked, since the Infantes of Carrion have
done me such honour. By this beard that none hath reaped,
the Infantes of Carrion shall not profit by this, and well shall I
marry my daughters.' And he ordered Minaya and Pero
Bermuez and Martin Antolinez to go with two hundred cavaliers
to bring back his daughters to Valencia. When Doña Elvira
and Doña Sol saw Minaya, 'We are as thankful to see you,'
said they, 'as if we had seen the Creator; and give ye thanks
unto him that we are alive. When we are on our journey, we
will tell you all our grievance.' And said Pero Bermuez, 'Be of
good cheer, since ye are alive and well and without other hurt.
Ye have lost a good marriage, but ye can win a better, and may
we see the day when we shall be able to avenge you.' And the
next day they set forth, they of San Esteban attending them
with loving kindness as far as the river-side.¹ And Minaya
and the ladies passed through Alcoceba to the right of San Es-
téban de Gormaz and halted at the King's ford at the Casa de
Berlanga, and the next day they reached Medina, and the next
Molina. The Moor Abengalvon was glad, and went forth to
4 Ffata rio damor dando-les solaz.' M. Damas Hinard makes a
curious mistake here. He treats Rio Damor' (so printed by Sanchez)
as a proper name, and says it is 'un petit ruisseau, affluent du Duéro,
à une lieue et demie de San Esteban.' This is something like Warton's
interpretation of 'faucon brode' (i.e. a broad falchion) by 'falcon bird.'
'Damor' is of course only 'de amor - lovingly,' or 'out of love.'
Nor is this his only contribution to Spanish topography. In a former
passage he explains 'la Foz' by saying it is an affluent of the Jalon.
'Foz' is nothing more than 'fossa,' the hollow in which the river
runs, and 'foz ayuso' is simply 'down the valley '—(p. 71.)
9
106
THE CID.
receive them, and made them a rich supper for the love of the
Cid. Thence they went to Valencia, and he in the good hour
born went forth to meet them, and he embraced them and
kissed them. 'Welcome, my daughters,' said he. 'God keep
you from evil. I accepted this marriage, for I dared not gainsay
it. God grant that I see you better married hereafter, and that
I have my revenge of my sons-in-law of Carrion.' Then he
took counsel with his followers, and he said to Muño Gustioz,
Carry the tidings to Castile, to King Alfonso, of this dishonour
the Infantes have done me. It will cut the good king to the
heart, for he and not I gave my daughters in marriage, and if
any dishonour falls on us, great or small it falls on my lord.
Let him summon me the Infantes of Carrion to council, as-
sembly, or cortes, that I have justice of them, for heavy is the
grievance on my heart.' And Muño Gustioz set forth, travelling
day and night, and found the king at Sahagun. And the king
was silent and meditated a good hour. 'Sooth to tell,' said he,
'it grieves me to the heart, for it was I married his daughters to
the Infantes of Carrion. I did it for his advantage, but to-day I
wish the match had not been made. It is his right that I
should aid him: so my heralds shall go through all my kingdom
to summon my court to Toledo. And I shall summon the
Infantes of Carrion, that they do justice to my Cid the Cam-
peador, so that he have no grievance if I can prevent it. Tell
the Campeador to come to me to Toledo at the end of seven
weeks. For the love of him do I summon this court.' Then
without delay Alfonso of Castile sent letters to Leon and
Santiago, to the Portuguese and Galicians, and to them of
Carrion, and to the barons of Castile, that the honoured king
would hold a court in Toledo at the end of seven weeks, and
that he who came not to the court should not be esteemed his
vassal. It weighed heavily upon the Infantes of Carrion, for
they feared my Cid the Campeador would come; and they
entreated the king to excuse them this court. 'That will I not
do,' said the king, 'so help me God: my Cid the Campeador
will come, and you have to render him justice, for he has a
grievance against you. He who will not come to my court, let
him quit my kingdom, for I relish him not.' Then the Infantes
saw there was no help for it, and they took counsel with their
I
THE CID. ·
107

kinsmen ; and the Count Don García, the enemy of my Cid, who
always sought to do him harm, was among them.
When the appointed day came, among the first went the
good King Don Alfonso, and the Count Don Anrrich, and the
Count Don Remond, the father of the good Emperor,5 and the
Count Don Vella, and the Count Don Beltran, and many other
prudent men of the kingdom. With the Infantes were the Count
Don García, and Asur Gonzalez, and Gonzalo Asurez, and a
great band, which they brought to the court, thinking to overawe
my Cid. On the fifth day came my Cid (he had sent Alvar
Fanez before him), and when he saw the good King Alfonso, he
lighted down to humble himself and honour his lord. Said the
king, 'By San Esidro, I will have none of that. Mount, Cid!
With heart and soul I salute you. What grieves you, pains me
to the heart.' That night my Cid did not cross the Tagus, but
lodged in San Servan, for he wished to watch and pray in that
sanctuary and commune with Minaya and his trusty men.
When morning came he said to Minaya, 'Let a hundred of my
good men get ready, with vests under the hauberks bright as
the sun, and over the hauberks ermines and furs, the girdles
bound tight, so that the arms show not, and sweet trenchant
swords under the mantles. In this wise will I go to the court
to demand my rights and plead my plea, and, if the Infantes of
Carrion try treachery, with a hundred such I shall be
no fear!
He himself put on breeches of fine cloth, and bravely wrought
shoes, and a linen shirt white as the sun, with loops of gold and
silver at the wrists, for so he would have it. And over that, and
under the surcoat, a tunic embroidered with gold, and next a
6
5 'The good Emperor' was Alfonso VII. of Castile, who assumed
that title in 1135. Don Anrrich and Don Remond were the Burgun-
dian Counts Henry and Raymond, the former of whom married
Theresa, the natural daughter of Alfonso VI., receiving as her dower
the county of Portugal. The latter married the Infanta Urraca, who
succeeded her father. Vide App. 1.
• San Servan, now called the Castle of Cervantes, the picturesque
ruin on the south side of the Tagus, which forms such a striking feature
in the grand view of Toledo, one of the most characteristic of Spain in
all Spain, that opens to the eye on the ascent from the railway station.
108
THE CID.
1.
robe of red fur with border of gold, which the Campeador
always wore ; and over his hair a coif of rich scarlet worked
with gold, for the hair of the good Campeador was not cut.
Long was the beard he bore, and he bound it with a cord, so
doing because he would fain preserve it; and over all he threw
a mantle of great price. Then mounting quickly, he issued forth
from San Servan, and thus arrayed did my Cid go to the court.
When they saw him enter, the good King Don Alfonso and the
Count Don Anrrich and the Count Don Remond, and all the
others, rose to their feet. But the Crespo de Grañon' would not
rise, nor they of the party of the Infantes of Carrion. My Cid
seated himself upon a couch, and the hundred who guarded him
placed themselves around him; and all that were in the court
were gazing at my Cid and at the long beard he bore bound in
a cord. In his port he looked a true baron, but for shame the
Infantes of Carrion could not look upon him. Then the king
rose to his feet. 'But two Cortes have I held since I have been
king, one in Burgos, the other in Carrion. This third have I
summoned to Toledo this day for the love of my Cid, him that
was born in a good hour, that he have justice of the Infantes,
who, as we all know, have done him a wrong. Let the Count
Don Anrrich and the Count Don Remond and the other counts
that are not of the party be judges in this matter; and give ye
your minds to it, to search out the right, for wrong I will not
have. Let us have peace on each side. I swear by San Esidro,
he who disturbs my court shall quit my kingdom and forfeit
my love, and he who shall prove his right, on his side am I.
Now let the Cid make his demand, and we will hear what
answer the Infantes make.' My Cid kissed the king's hand and
rose to his feet. Much do I thank you, my lord and king, that
in love of me you have summoned this court. This do I
" 'Crespo de Grañon.'-There can be no doubt that this is here a
title of Count García Ordoñez; but in the Cronica Rimada Count
Garci Fernandes is called 'Crespo de Grañon,' while Count García de
Cabra is mentioned in the preceding line. According to most autho-
rities the Cid's enemy was Count of Najera and Cabra, but Sandoval
seems to have some doubt whether the two titles belonged to the same
individual.
THE CID.
109
demand of the Infantes of Carrion. It is not I that am dis-
honoured because they deserted my daughters, for it was you,
O king, who married them, and you will know what to do to-day.
But when they carried away my daughters from Valencia the
Great, I, of the love I bore them, gave them two swords that I
won in knightly fashion, Colada and Tizon, that with them they
might do honour to themselves and service to you. When they
deserted my daughters in the oak-wood of Corpes, they meant to
have nought of mine. Let them restore my swords, since they
are no longer my sons-in-law.' And the judges agreed it was
just. Then said the Count Don García, 'We must speak about
this;' and going aside with their kinsmen, the Infantes said,
'Still does the Cid bear love to us, since he urges not against
us the dishonour of his daughters. Easily shall we reconcile
ourselves with the king. Let us give him his swords, since this
is the end of the dispute. When he has them, he will quit the
court.' And returning to the court they said, 'So please ye,
King Alfonso, we cannot deny that he gave us two swords, and
as he desires them, we give them up in your presence.' And
they drew forth the swords Colada and Tizon and placed them
in the hands of the king. And he drew the swords and dazzled
all the court; of gold were the pummels and guards. And all
that were in the court marvelled. The Cid, receiving the swords,
held them in his hands, gazing on them. They could not change
them, for he knew them well. And his whole body was
glad, and from his heart he smiled, and grasping his beard, the
beard that none had reaped, 'Thus,' said he, 'are Doña Elvira
and Doña Sol being avenged.' Then he called his nephew, and
stretching forth his arm, gave him the sword Tizon. 'Take it,'
he said, 'and it will have a better master.' And to Martin
Antolinez, the worthy Burgalese, he gave the sword Colada.
'Take Colada,' he said: 'I won it from a brave master, the
Count Don Remont Berengel of Barcelona; therefore do I give
it to you, that you take good care of it. I know if you have the
chance with it, you will win honour and glory.' Then he rose to
his feet. 'Thanks be to God and you, my lord the king, I am
satisfied in my swords, but I have another grievance against the
Infantes of Carrion. When they carried away my daughters
from Valencia, I gave them three thousand marks in gold and
HO
THE CID.
silver. Let them restore my treasure, since they are no longer
my sons-in-law.' Then made answer the Infantes, 'We gave
him back his swords, that he should make no further demand,
and that the dispute should end here. This, if it please the
king, is our answer.' But said the king, 'Ye must satisfy the
Cid in his demand.' With that the Infantes retired apart, per-
plexed in mind, for the sum was great and they had spent all.
·The conqueror of Valencia bears hard on us,' said they,‘in this
eagerness to seize our possessions. We must pay out of our
heritage in the lands of Carrion.' Said the judges, 'If this
please the Cid we will not refuse it, but our judgment is that ye
make restitution here in the court.' Said Ferran Gonzalez,
"We have no money.' The Count Don Remond made answer,
"Ye have spent the gold and silver; then our award before King
Alfonso is that ye pay him in kind, and that the Campeador
accept it.' Then the Infantes saw there was no help, and you
might see them bring many a swift steed and stout mule and
trained palfrey, and good sword with its furniture. My Cid
received them on the appraising of the court, and the Infantes
paid him, borrowing of others, for their own means sufficed not.
Ill did they come, and scoffed at, look you, out of this debate.
My Cid received the appraisements, and his men took charge
of them; but when this was done, they turned to another matter.
'So please your Grace! once more upon your clemency I
call;
A grievance yet remains untold, the greatest grief of all.
And let the court give ear, and weigh the wrong that hath
been done.
I hold myself dishonoured by the Lords of Carrion.
Redress by combat they must yield; none other will I take.
How now, Infantes! what excuse, what answer do ye make?
Why have ye laid my heartstrings bare? In jest or earnest,
say,
Have I offended you? and I will make amends to-day.
THE CID.
111
-
My daughters in your hands I placed the day that forth ye
went,
And rich in wealth and honours from Valencia were ye sent.
Why did ye carry with you brides ye loved not, treacherous
curs?
Why tear their flesh in Corpes wood with saddle-girths and
spurs,
And leave them to the beasts of prey? Villains throughout
were ye!
What answer ye can make to this 'tis for the court to see.'
The Count García was the first that rose to make reply.
'So please ye, gracious king, of all the Kings of Spain most
high;
Strange is the guise in which my Cid before you hath
appeared;
To grace your summoned court he comes, with that long
straggling beard;
With awe struck dumb, methinks, are some; some look as.
though they feared.
The noble Lords of Carrion of princely race are born;
To take the daughters of my Cid for lemans they should
scorn;
Much more for brides of equal birth: in casting them
aside-
We care not for his blustering talk-we hold them justified.'
Upstood the Champion, stroked his beard, and grasped it
in his hands.
'Thanks be to God above,' he cried, 'who heaven and
earth commands,
A long and lordly growth it is, my pleasure and my pride;
In this my beard, García, say, what find you to deride?
112
THE CID.
Its nurture since it graced my chin hath ever been my care;
No son of woman born hath dared to lay a finger there;
No son of Christian or of Moor hath ever plucked a hair.
Remember Cabra, Count! of thine the same thou canst not
say:
On both thy castle and thy beard I laid my hand that day:
Nay! not a groom was there but he his handful plucked
away.
Look, where my hand hath been, my lords, all ragged yet it
grows !'
With noisy protest breaking in Ferran Gonzalez rose :
Cid, let there be an end of this; your gifts you have again,
And now no pretext for dispute between us doth remain.
Princes of Carrion are we, with fitting brides we mate;
Daughters of emperors or kings, not squires of low estate :
We brook not such alliances, and yours we rightly spurned.'
My Cid, Ruy Diaz, at the word, quick to Bermuez turned.
"Now is the time, Dumb Peter,8 speak, O man that sittest
mute!
My daughters' and thy cousins' name and fame are in
dispute :
To me they speak, to thee they look to answer every word.
If I am left to answer now, thou canst not draw thy sword.'
Tongue-tied Bermuez stood, awhile he strove for words in
vain,
But, look you, when he once began he made his meaning
plain.
Cid, first I have a word for you: you always are the same,
In Cortes ever jibing me, "Dumb Peter" is the name :
#
• Dumb Peter,'' Pero Mudo.'
1
THE CID
113
It never was a gift of mine, and that long since you
knew ;
But have you found me fail in aught that fell to me to do?
You lie, Ferrando; lie in all you say upon that score.
The honour was to you, not him, the Cid Campeador;
For I know something of your worth, and somewhat I can
tell.
That day beneath Valencia wall-you recollect it well-
You prayed the Cid to place you in the forefront of the
fray;
You spied a Moor, and valiantly you went that Moor to
slay;
And then you turned and fled-for his approach you would
not stay.
Right soon he would have taught you 'twas a sorry game to
play,
Had I not been in battle there to take your place that day.
I slew him at the first onfall; I gave his steed to you;
To no man have I told the tale from that hour hitherto.
Before my Cid and all his men you got yourself a name,
How you in single combat slew a Moor-a deed of fame ;
And all believed in your exploit: they wist not of your
shame.
You are a craven at the core; tall, handsome, as you
stand:
How dare you talk as now you talk, you tongue without a
hand ?9
Again, Ferrando, call to mind-another tale for you-
That matter of the lion; it was at Valencia too.
• 'Lengua sin manos, cuemo osas fablar?'
I
卢
​114
THE CID.
My Cid lay sleeping when you saw the unchained lion near ;
What did you do, Ferrando, then, in your agony of fear?
Low did you crouch behind the couch whereon the Cham-
pion lay:
You did, Ferrando, and by that we rate your worth to-day.
We gathered round to guard our lord, Valencia's conqueror.
He rose, and to the lion went, the brave Campeador;
The lion fawned before his feet and let him grasp its mane;
He thrust it back into the cage; he turned to us again :
His trusty vassals to a man he saw around him there :
Where were his sons-in-law? he asked, and none could tell
him where.
Now take thou my defiance as a traitor, trothless knight :
Upon this plea before our King Alfonso will I fight;
The daughters of my lord are wronged, their wrong is mine
to right.
That ye those ladies did desert, the baser are ye then;
For what are they?-weak women; and what are ye?—
strong men.
On every count I deem their cause to be the holier,
And I will make thee own it when we meet in battle here.
Traitor thou shalt confess thyself, so help me God on high,
And all that I have said to-day my sword shall verify.'
Thus far these two. Diego rose, and spoke as ye shall hear :
'Counts by our birth are we, of stain our lineage is clear.
In this alliance with my Cid there was no parity.
If we his daughters cast aside, no cause for shame we see.
And little need we care if they in mourning pass their lives,
Enduring the reproach that clings to scorned rejected wives.
In leaving them we but upheld our honour and our right,
And ready to the death am I, maintaining this, to fight.'
&
#
•
THE CID.
'
115
Here Martin Antolinez sprang upon his feet: 'False hound!
Will you not silent keep that mouth where truth was never
found?
For you to boast! the lion scare have you forgotten too?
How through the open door you rushed, across the court-
yard flew;
How sprawling in your terror on the wine-press beam you
lay?'
Ay! never more, I trow, you wore the mantle of that day.¹
There is no choice; the issue now the sword alone can try ;
The daughters of my Cid ye spurned; that must ye justify.
On every count I here declare their cause the cause of
right,
And thou shalt own thy treachery the day we join in fight.'
He ceased, and striding up the hall Assur Gonzalez passed;
His cheek was flushed with wine, for he had stayed to
break his fast;
Ungirt his robe, and trailing low his ermine mantle hung ;
Rude was his bearing to the Court, and reckless was his
tongue.
'What a to-do is here, my lords! was the like ever seen?
What talk is this about my Cid-him of Bivar I mean?
To Riodouirna let him go to take his millers' rent,
And keep his mills agoing there,² as once he was content.
¹ Frere translates this: "For shame, never wear a mantle nor a
knightly robe again.'
2 Frere translates: Has he been to Riodivirna to besiege the
windmills there?' Seeing that the mills (not wind- but water-mills)
were his own, the Cid was not likely to besiege them. 'Molino picar'
is simply to work a mill. Riodouirna is now the Rio Ovierna, which
flows past Bivar.
I 2
116
THE CID.
:
He, forsooth, mate his daughters with the Counts of
Carrion!'
Upstarted Muño Gustioz: 'False, foul-mouthed knave, have
done!
Thou glutton, wont to break thy fast without a thought of
prayer,
Whose heart is plotting mischief when thy lips are speaking
fair;
Whose plighted word to friend or lord hath ever proved a
lie;
False always to thy fellow-man, falser to God on high.
No share in thy good will I seek; one only boon I pray,
The chance to make thee own thyself the villain that I say.'
Then spoke the king: 'Enough of words: ye have my
leave to fight,
The challenged and the challengers; and God defend the
right.'
3
But lo! two cavaliers came into court; one, Oiarra by name,
the other Yenego Simenez; the one the Infante of Navarre,
the other the Infante of Aragon. They kiss King Alfonso's
hand, and ask the daughters of my Cid the Campeador for
Queens of Navarre and Aragon; whereat the Court was silent
and gave ear. My Cid rose to his feet. 'So please your grace,
King Alfonso, for this do I thank the Creator, that from Navarre
and Aragon they ask them of me. You gave them in marriage
before, not I. My daughters are in your hands. Without
your command, I will do nothing.' The king rose and bade
the Court keep silence. 'Of you, Cid, noble Campeador, I ask
consent that this marriage be ratified to-day in this court, for
it brings to you honour and territory.' Said my Cid: 'Since it
is pleasing to you, I agree to it.' Then said the king, 'I ratify
³ As has been already said, this is an error on the part of the poet.
Oiarra and Iñigo Simenez are, of course, the names of the envoys.

THE CID.
117
this marriage of the daughters of my Cid, Doña Elvira and
Doña Sol, with the Infantes of Navarre and Aragon. Let this
debate end; and to-morrow, at the rising of the sun, shall be the
combat, three against three, of those engaged by challenge in
the court.' But said the Infantes of Carrion hastily: 'Grant us
time, O king, for to-morrow it cannot be they of the Cam-
peador have arms and horses, but we must first go to our
domains of Carrion.' Said the king to the Campeador, 'This
combat shall be when you command.' But said my Cid, 'I will
take no part in it. I love Valencia more than the lands of
Carrion.' Then said the king: 'Campeador, leave your
cavaliers and arms with me, fearing nothing. I will take care, as
vassal would for his lord, that neither of count nor squire they
suffer violence, and at the end of three weeks they shall engage
in this combat in the vega of Carrion in my presence. He who
appears not at the expiration of the time, shall lose his cause, be
held vanquished, and pass for a traitor.' My Cid kissed the
king's hand and said, 'I am content, my lord: my three gentle-
men are in your hands: they are ready to do their duty. Send
them to me to Valencia with honour, for the love of the Creator.'
Then the Campeador took off his coif, and removed the cord
and released his beard; nor could all they that were in the court
refrain from gazing on him. And he approached the Counts
Don Anrrich and Don Remond, and embraced them, entreating
them to take what they pleased of his wealth-them and the
others that were well disposed. And some there were who took
and some not. Then my Cid kissed the king's hand, and
moved towards his horse. Said he, 'You bid me mount the
courser Babieca. Among Moors or Christians there is not such
another to-day. As a gift I give him to you; deign to accept
him, my lord.' 'That will I not,' said the king. 'If I took
-him from you, the horse would not have so good a lord. A
horse like that is for the like of you, to beat the Moors off the
field and press them in pursuit. God speed not the man who
would take him from you, for by you and your steed do we
gain honour.' And the Campeador laid charge on them who
were to fight. 'Martin Antolinez, and you, Pero Bermuez, and
Muño Gustioz, bear yourselves stoutly on the field like men, that
good news of you come to me in Valencia.' Said Martin
•
118
THE CID.
:
Antolinez, 'Why say that, my lord? We have accepted the
duty, and it is for us to go through with it. You may hear of
us dead, but not conquered.' Glad at this was he in the good
hour born; and so my Cid departed for Valencia and the king
for Carrion.
And now the three weeks of truce were passed, and the
champions of the Campeador were ready to do their lord's
behest. Two days they waited for the Infantes of Carrion; who
came well provided with horses and arms, and with them all
their kinsmen, so that, if haply they could separate the Cid's
champions, they might slay them to the dishonour of their lord.
Evil was the design, but it was not attempted, for they were in
great fear of Alfonso of Leon. Through the night they watched
their arms and prayed. When the night was passed and the
dawn broke, there came a multitude of men of substance, eager
to see the fight.
They of the Campeador donned their armour all together,
being all of one lord. And, on the other side, the Infantes armed
themselves, the Count García Ordoñez giving them counsel.
And they pleaded with King Alfonso that the trenchant
swords Colada and Tizon should not be used in battle, and that
the Campeador's champions should not fight with them. Sorely
did the Infantes repent that they had restored them. So said
they to the king, but he gave them no comfort. 'Had ye not
swords with you when we held the Court? Wield them well, and
they will serve your needs, and suffice against those of Cam-
peador. Arise, and go to the field, Infantes of Carrion. Ye have
need to fight like men, for there will be no shortcoming on the
side of the Campeador. If ye come well out of the field, ye will
have great honour if ye are vanquished, ye cannot charge it to
us, for all know it was your own seeking.' Then did the Infantes
of Carrion repent of what they had done: for all Carrion they
would not have done it. They of the Campeador all three were
armed, and King Alfonso went to see them. We kiss your
hands as our king and lord,' they said. 'Be just to them and to
us to-day, and aid us in the right, not in the wrong. The
Infantes have their faction here; we know not what they will do,
but our lord put us in your hand. Then hold to the right, for the
love of the Creator.' Then they led them forth their horses, strong.
?
THE CID.
119
and swift; they signed the cross upon their saddles, and mounted
stoutly, their well-bossed shields about their, necks, and their
pennoned lances with trenchant blades in their hands. So they
went forth to the plain where the bounds were set, all three agreed
to strike well home each at his man. On the other side came
the Infantes of Carrion, well attended, for their kinsmen were
many. The king assigned them marshals to decide the right
and wrong, so that there should be no dispute, and from his seat
upon the field said King Alfonso: 'Hear what I say, Infantes of
Carrion. This combat ye should have fought at Toledo; but ye
would not so I have brought these three cavaliers of my Cid
in safety to the lands of Carrion. Take your right, seek no
wrong: who attempts it, ill betide him.' Then the marshals
and the king mark out the bounds, and to all the six they
point out that he who should pass the bound should be held
vanquished: and all the people withdraw six lance-lengths,
and they portion out the field and the sun for them by lot.
The marshals leave them face to face and from the lists are
gone ; 4
Here stand the champions of my Cid, there those of
Carrion;
Each with his gaze intent and fixed upon his chosen
foe,
Their bucklers braced before their breasts, their lances
pointing low,
Their heads bent down, as each man leans above his saddle-
bow.
Then with one impulse every spur is in the charger's side,
And earth itself is felt to shake beneath their furious
stride;
• Ticknor points out the resemblance between this passage and the
description of the combat between Palamon and Arcite in Chaucer's
Knight's Tale.
120
THE CID.
.
Į
Till, midway meeting, three with three, in struggle fierce
they lock,
While all account them dead who hear the echo of the
shock.
Ferrando and his challenger, Pero Bermuez, close;
Firm are the lances held, and fair the shields receive the
blows.
Through Pero's shield Ferrando drove his lance, a bloodless
stroke ;
The point stopped short in empty space, the shaft in
splinters broke.
But on Bermuez, firm of seat, the shock fell all in vain ;
And while he took Ferrando's thrust he paid it back again.
The armoured buckler shattering, right home his lance he
pressed,
Driving the point through boss and plate against his foe-
man's breast.
5
Three folds of mail Ferrando wore, they stood him in good
stead;
Two yielded to the lance's point, the third held fast the head.
But forced into the flesh it sank a hand's-breadth deep or
more,
Till bursting from the gasping lips in torrents gushed the
gore.
Then, the girths breaking, o'er the croup borne rudely to
the ground,
He lay, a dying man it seemed to all who stood around.
5 This is translated by Frere: 'Two breastplates Fernando wore
and a coat of mail.' Why, it would be hard to say; for the original is
plain enough, 'tres dobles de loriga tenie Fernando.' Furthermore, a
knight in plate armour at this period is an anachronism. In an earlier
passage, too, he translates 'loriga' by 'breastplates.'
5
Ä
THE CID.
121
.
Bermuez cast his lance aside, and sword in hand came on ;
Ferrando saw the blade he bore, he knew it was Tizon :
Quick ere the dreaded brand could fall, 'I yield me,' came
the cry.
Vanquished the marshals granted him, and Pero let him lie.
And Martin Antolinez and Diego-fair and true
Each struck upon the other's shield, and wide the splinters
flew.
Then Antolinez seized his sword, and as he drew the blade,
A dazzling gleam of burnished steel across the meadow
played;
And at Diego striking full, athwart the helmet's crown,
Sheer through the steel plates of the casque he drove the
falchion down,
Through coif and scarf, till from the scalp the locks it razed
away,
And half shorn off and half upheld the shattered head-piece
lay.
Reeling beneath the blow that proved Colada's cruel might,
Diego saw no chance but one, no safety save in flight :
He wheeled and fled, but close behind him Antolinez drew ;
With the flat blade a hasty blow he dealt him as he flew ;
But idle was Diego's sword; he shrieked to Heaven for aid:
'O God of glory, give me help! save me from yonder
blade!
Unreined, his good steed bore him safe and swept him past
the bound,
And Martin Antolinez stood alone upon the ground.
'Come hither,' said the king; 'thus far the conquerors are
ye.'
And fairly fought and won the field the marshals both agree.
K
ནཱ་
122
THE CID.
1
..
So much for these, and how they fought : remains to tell
you yet
How meanwhile Muño Gustioz Assur Gonzalez met.
With a strong arm and steady aim each struck the other's
1
shield,
And under Assur's sturdy thrust the plates of Muño's yield ;
But harmless passed the lance's point, and spent its force in
air.
Not so Don Muño's; on the shield of Assur striking fair,
Through plate and boss and foeman's breast his pennoned
lance he sent,
Till out between the shoulder blades a fathom's length it
went.6
Then, as the lance he plucked away, clear from the saddle
swung,
With one strong wrench of Muño's wrist to earth was
Assur flung;
And back it came, shaft, pennon, blade, all stained a gory
red;
Nor was there one of all the crowd but counted Assur sped,
While o'er him Muño Gustioz stood with uplifted brand.
Then cried Gonzalo Assurez: 'In God's name hold thy
hand!
:
Already have ye won the field; no more is needed now.'
And said the marshals, 'It is just, and we the claim allow.'
'Una braza,' which exactly corresponds with our fathom, being
the length of the extended arms from finger tip to finger tip. A man
through whom that length of lance had been driven and withdrawn
would not, according to modern notions, need intercession on his
behalf, but, as the reader has probably noticed, the heroes of the
Poema del Cid have a Homeric capacity for cold steel.
#
THE CID.
123
J
And then the King Alfonso gave command to clear the
ground,
And gather in the relics of the battle strewed around. ::
And from the field in honour went Don Roderick's cham-
pions three.
Thanks be to God, the Lord of all, that gave the victory.
But fearing treachery, that night upon their way they went,
As King Alfonso's honoured guests in safety homeward
sent,
And to Valencia city day and night they journeyed on,
To tell my Cid Campeador that his behest was done.
But in the lands of Carrion it was a day of woe,7
And on the lords of Carrion it fell a heavy blow.
He who a noble lady wrongs and casts aside-may he
Meet like requital for his deeds, or worse, if worse there be.
But let us leave them where they lie-their meed is all
men's scorn.
Turn we to speak of him that in a happy hour was born.
Valencia the Great was glad, rejoiced at heart to see
The honoured champions of her lord return in victory :
And Ruy Diaz grasped his beard: "Thanks be to God,'
said he,
'Of part or lot in Carrion now are my daughters free ;
Now may I give them without shame whoe'er the suitors be.'
And favoured by the king himself, Alfonso of Leon,
Prosperous was the wooing of Navarre and Aragon.
The bridals of Elvira and of Sol in splendour passed ;
Stately the former nuptials were, but statelier far the last.
" In several instances the lines seem to have been transposed here,
and I have not thought it necessary to follow the arrangement of the
original.
124
THE CID.
And he that in a good hour was born, behold how he hath
sped!
His daughters now to higher rank and greater honour wed:
Sought by Navarre and Aragon for queens his daughters
twain ;
And monarchs of his blood to-day upon the thrones of
Spain.
And so his honour in the land grows greater day by day.
Upon the feast of Pentecost from life he passed away.
For him and all of us the Grace of Christ let us implore.
And here ye have the story of my Cid Campeador.Ⓡ
› Estas son las nuevas de myo Cid el Campeador.'
The Bivar MS. concludes with the lines quoted in the introduction,
p. 7, to which is added the distich-
' dat nos del vino si non tenedes dinneros,
Ca mas podré, que bien vos lo dixieron labielos.'
This probably was a customary 'tag' addressed by the minstrel or
jongleur to his audience at the conclusion of his recitation or chant.
From other poems of the period it would appear that a cup of wine
was a common honorarium.
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by Count Escognara, handsome volume, imperial 8vo, half
crimson morocco, gilt top (pub at £6 12s), reduced to 21s.
Carter's Specimens of Ancient Sculpture and Painting now
Remaining in England, from the Earliest Period to the Reign of
Henry VIII., edited by Francis Douse, and other eminent anti-
quaries, illustrated with 120 large engravings, many of which are
beautifully coloured, and several highly illuminated with gold,
handsome volume, royal folio, half crimson morocco, top edges
gilt (first pub at £15 15s), now reduced to £3 35.
Also uniform in size and binding.
Carter's Ancient Architecture of England, including the
Orders during the British, Roman, Saxon, and Norman Eras,
also under the Reigns of Henry III. and Edward III., illustrated
by 109 large copperplate engravings, comprising upwards of 2000
Specimens shown in Plan, Execution, Section, and Detail, best
edition, illustrated by John Britton (first pub at £12 12s), now
reduced to £2 25.
Castles (The) and Mansions of the Lothians, illustrated
in 103 Views, with Historical and Descriptive Accounts, by John
Small, LL.D., Librarian, University, Edinburgh, 2 handsome
vols, folio, cloth (pub £6 6s), £2 15s. W. Paterson.
Claude Lorraine's Beauties, consisting of Twenty-four of
his Choicest Landscapes, selected from the Liber Veritatis,
beautifully engraved on steel by Brimley, Lupton, and others, in
a folio cloth portfolio (pub £3 3s), 12s 6d. Cooke.
Marlborough Gems-The Collection of Gems formed by
George Spencer, Third Duke of Marlborough, illustrated by 108
full-page engravings, chiefly by Bartolozzi, with Letterpress
Descriptions in French and Latin by Jacob Bryant, Louis
Dutens, &c., 2 handsome vols, folio, half crimson morocco, gilt
top (selling price £10 10s), £2 12s 6d. John Murray, 1844.
The most beautiful Work on the "Stately Homes of England."
Nash's Mansions of England in the Olden Time, 104
Lithographic Views faithfully reproduced from the originals, with
new and complete history of each Mansion, by Anderson, 4 vols
in 2, imperial 4to, cloth extra, gilt edges (pub £6 6s), £2 10s.
Sotheran.
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
1
25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
3
Choice Illustrated Works-continued:
Lyndsay (Sir David, of the Mount)-A Facsimile of the
ancient Heraldic Manuscript emblazoned by the celebrated Sir
David Lyndsay of the Mount, Lyon King at Arms in the reign of
James the Fifth, edited by the late David Laing, LL.D., from
the Original MS. in the possession of the Faculty of Advocates,
folio, cloth, gilt top, uncut edges (pub £10 10s), £3 10s.
Impression limited to 250 copies.
Also Uniform.
Scottish Arms, being a Collection of Armorial Bearings,
A.D. 1370-1678, Reproduced in Facsimile from Contemporary
Manuscripts, with Heraldic and Genealogical Notes, by R. R.
Stodart, of the Lyon Office, 2 vols, folio, cloth extra, gilt tops
(pub £12 12s), £4 10s.
Impression limited to 300 copies.
Several of the manuscripts from which these Arms are taken have hitherto been
unknown to heraldic antiquaries in this country. The Arms of upwards of 600
families are given, all of which are described in upwards of 400 pages of letter-
press by Mr Stodart.
The book is uniform with Lyndsay's Heraldic Manuscript, and care was taken
not to reproduce any Arms which are in that volume, unless there are variations,
or from older manuscripts.
Strutt's Sylva Britanniæ et Scotia; or, Portraits of
Forest Trees Distinguished for their Antiquity, Magnitude, or
Beauty, drawn from Nature, with 50 highly finished etchings,
imp. folio, half morocco extra, gilt top, a handsome volume (pub
£9 9s), £2 25.
The Modern Cupid (en Chemin de Fer), by M. Mounet-
Sully, of the Comedie Français, illustrations by Ch. Daux.
A
Bright, Attractive Series of Verses, illustrative of Love on the Rail,
with dainty drawings reproduced in photogravure plates, and
printed in tints, folio, edition limited to 350 copies, each copy
numbered. Estes & Lauriat.
Proofs on Japan paper, in parchment paper portfolio, only 65
copies printed (pub 63s), £1 Is.
Proofs on India paper, in white vellum cloth portfolio, 65 copies
printed (pub 50s), 16s.
Ordinary copy proofs on vellum paper, in cloth portfolio, 250
copies printed (pub 30s), 10s 6d.
The Costumes of all Nations, Ancient and Modern,
exhibiting the Dresses and Habits of all Classes, Male and Female,
from the Earliest Historical Records to the Nineteenth Century,
by Albert Kretschmer and Dr Rohrbach, 104 coloured plates
displaying nearly 2000 full-length figures, complete in one hand-
some volume, 4to, half morocco (pub £4 4s), 45s. Sotheran.
Walpole's (Horace) Anecdotes of Painting in England,
with some Account of the Principal Artists, enlarged by Rev.
James Dallaway; and Vertue's Catalogue of Engravers who have
been born or resided in England, last and best edition, revised
with additional notes by Ralph N. Wornum, illustrated with
eighty portraits of the principal artists, and woodcut portraits of
the minor artists, 3 handsome vols, 8vo, cloth (pub 27s), 14s 6d.
Bickers.
The same, 3 vols, half morocco, gilt top, by one
of the best Edinburgh binders (pub 45s), £1 8s.
.".
4
John Grant, Bookseller,
Works on Edinburgh :—
Edinburgh and its Neighbourhood in the Days of our
Grandfathers, a Series of Eighty Illustrations of the more remark-
able Old and New Buildings and Picturesque Scenery of Edin-
burgh, as they appeared about 1830, with Historical Introduction
and Descriptive Sketches, by James Gowans, royal 8vo, cloth
elegant (pub 12s 6d), 6s. J. C. Nimmo.
"The chapters are brightly and well written, and are all, from first to last,
readable and full of information. The volume is in all respects handsome.
Scotsman.
Edinburgh University—Account of the Tercentenary Fes-
tival of the University, including the Speeches and Addresses on
the Occasion, edited by R. Sydney Marsden, crown 8vo, cloth
(pub 3s), Is. Blackwood & Sons.
Historical Notices of Lady Yester's Church and Parish,
by James J. Hunter, revised and corrected by the Rev. Dr Gray,
crown 8vo, cloth (pub 2s 6d), 9d.
Of interest to the antiquarian, containing notices of buildings and places now
fast disappearing.
History of the Queen's Edinburgh Rifle Volunteer Brigade,
with an Account of the City of Edinburgh and Midlothian Rifle
Association, the Scottish Twenty Club, &c., by Wm. Stephen,
crown 8vo, cloth (pub 5s), 2s. Blackwood & Sons.
"This opportune volume has far more interest for readers generally than might
have been expected, while to members of the Edinburgh Volunteer Brigade it
cannot fail to be very interesting indeed.”—St James's Gazette.
Leighton's (Alexander) Mysterious Legends of Edinburgh,
illustrated, crown Svo, boards, Is 6d.
CONTENTS:-Lord Kames' Puzzle, Mrs Corbet's Amputated Toe, The Brownie
of the West Bow, The Ancient Bureau, A Legend of Halkerstone's Wynd, Deacon
Macgillvray's Disappearance, Lord Braxfield's Case of the Red Night-cap, The
Strange Story of Sarah Gowanlock, and John Cameron's Life Policy.
Steven's (Dr William) History of the High School of
Edinburgh, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, based
upon Researches of the Town Council Records and other Authentic
Documents, illustrated with view, also facsimile of a School
Exercise by Sir Walter Scott when a pupil in 1783, crown 8vo,
cloth, a handsome volume (pub 7s 6d), 2s.
Appended is a list of the distinguished pupils who have been educated in this
Institution, which has been patronised by Royalty from the days of James VI.
The Authorised Library Edition.
Trial of the Directors of the City of Glasgow Bank, before
the Petition for Bail, reported by Charles Tennant Couper,
Advocate, the Speeches and Opinions, revised by the Council and
Judges, and the Charge by the Lord Justice Clerk, illustrated
with lithographic facsimiles of the famous false Balance-sheets,
one large volume, royal 8vo, cloth (pub 15s), 3s 6d. Edinburgh.
Wilson's (Dr Daniel) Memorials of Edinburgh in the
Olden Time, with numerous fine engravings and woodcuts, 2 vols,
4to, cloth (pub £2 2s), 16s 6d.
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
5
Works on the Highlands of Scotland:
Disruption Worthies of the Highlands, a Series of Bio-
graphies of Eminent Free Church Ministers who Suffered in the
North of Scotland in 1843 for the Cause of Religious Liberty,
enlarged edition, with additional Biographies, and an Introduc-
tion by the Rev. Dr Duff, illustrated with 24 full-page portraits
and facsimiles of the autographs of eminent Free Churchmen,
4to, handsomely bound in cloth, gilt (pub 1 Is), 8s 6d.
Gaelic Names of Plants, Scottish and Irish, Collected and
Arranged in Scientific Order, with Notes on the Etymology,
their Uses, Plant Superstitions, &c., among the Celts, with
Copious Gaelic, English, and Scientific Indices, by John Came-
ron, 8vo, cloth (pub 7s 6d), 3s 6d. Blackwood & Sons.
"It is impossible to withhold a tribute of admiration from a work on which
the author spent ten years of his life, and which necessitated not only voluminous
reading in Gaelic and Irish, but long journeys through the Highlands in search
of Gaelic names for plants, or rather, in this case, plants for names already
existing."-Scotsman.
Grant (Mrs, of Laggan)-Letters from the Mountains,
edited, with Notes and Additions, by her son, J. P. Grant, best
edition, 2 vols, post 8vo, cloth (pub 21s), 4s 6d. London.
Lord Jeffrey says:-" Her 'Letters from the Mountains
Her Letters from the Mountains are among the
most interesting collections of real letters that have been given to the public:
and being indebted for no part of their interest to the celebrity of the names
they contain, or the importance of the events they narrate, afford, in their suc-
cess, a more honourable testimony of the talents of the author. The great
charm of the correspondence indeed is its perfect independence of artificial
helps, and the air of fearlessness and originality which it has consequently
assumed.
22
Historical Sketches of the Highland Clans of Scotland,
containing a concise account of the origin, &c., of the Scottish
Clans, with twenty-two illustrative coloured plates of the Tartan
worn by each, post 8vo, cloth, 2s 6d.
"The object of this treatise is to give a concise account of the origin, seat,
and characteristics of the Scottish Clans, together with a representation of the
distinguishing tartan worn by each."-Preface.
Keltie (John S.)—A History of the Scottish Highlands,
Highland Clans, and Highland Regiments, with an Account of
the Gaelic Literature and Music by Dr M'Lauchlan, and an
Essay on Highland Scenery by Professor Wilson, coloured illus-
trations of the Tartans of Scotland, also many steel engravings, 2
vols, imperial 8vo, half morocco, gilt top (pub £3 10s), £1 17s 6d
Mackenzie (Alexander)-The History of the Highland
Clearances, containing a reprint of Donald Macleod's "Gloomy
Memories of the Highlands,' "Isle of Skye in 1882," and a
Verbatim Report of the Trial of the_Brae Crofters, thick vol,
crown Svo. cloth (pub 7s 6d), 3s 6d. Inverness.
>>
"Some people may ask. Why rake up all this iniquity just now? We answer,
That the same laws which permitted the cruelties, the inhuman atrocities,
described in this book, are still the laws of the country, and any tyrant who may
be indifferent to the healthier public opinion which now prevails, may legally
repeat the same proceedings whenever he may take it into his head to do so."
Stewart's (General David, of Garth) Sketches of the
Character, Institutions, and Customs of the Highlanders of Scot-
land, crown 8vo, cloth (pub 5s), 2s. Inverness.
Stewart's sketches of the Highlands and Highland regiments are worthy to
rank beside the Highland works of Sir Walter Scott, or even more worthy, for
facts are stronger than fiction. Every Scottish lad should have the book in his
hands as soon as he is able to read.
'
6
John Grant, Bookseller,
Scottish Literature:-
The genial Author of " Noctes Ambrosianæ."
Christopher North-A Memoir of Professor John Wilson,
compiled from Family Papers and other sources, by his daughter,
Mrs Gordon, new edition, with portrait and illustrations, crown
8vo, cloth (pub 6s), 2s 6d.
"A writer of the most ardent and enthusiastic genius."-HENRY HALLam.
"The whole literature of England does not contain a more brilliant series of
articles than those with which Wilson has enriched the pages of Blackwood's
Magazine."-Sir ARCHIBALD ALISON.
Cockburn (Henry)-Journals of, being a Continuation of
the Memorials of his Time, 1831-1854, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub
21s), 8s 6d. Edinburgh.
Cochran-Patrick (R. W.)-Records of the Coinage of
Scotland, from the Earliest Period to the Union, numerous
illustrations of coins, 2 vols, 4to, half citron morocco, gilt top,
£4 IOS. David Douglas.
Also uniform.
+
Cochran-Patrick (R. W.)-The Medals of Scotland, a
Descriptive Catalogue of the Royal and other Medals relating to
Scotland, 4to, half citron morocco, gilt top, £2 5s. David
Douglas.
Also uniform.
Cochran-Patrick (R. W.)-Early Records relating to
Mining in Scotland, 4to, half citron morocco, £1 7s 6d. David
Douglas.
!
"The future historians of Scotland will be very fortunate if many parts of
their materials are so carefully worked up for them, and set before them in so
complete and taking a form."-Athenæum.
"We have in these records of the coinage of Scotland not the production of a
dilettante but of a real student, who with rare pains and the most scholarly dili-
gence has set to work and collected into two massive volumes a complete history
of the coinage of Scotland, so far as it can be gathered from ancient records.".
Academy.
Such a book
revealing as it does the first developments of an
industry which has become the mainspring of the national prosperity, ought to
be specially interesting to all patriotic Scotsmen."-Saturday Review.
Crieff: Its Traditions and Characters, with Anecdotes of
Strathearn, Reminiscences of Obsolete Customs, Traditions, and
Superstitions, Humorous Anecdotes of Schoolmasters, Ministers,
and other Public Men, crown 8vo, Is.
"A book which will have considerable value in the eyes of all collectors of
Scottish literature. A gathering up of stories about well-known inhabitants,
memorable local occurrences, and descriptions of manners and customs.'
Scotsman.
""
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
Scottish Literature-continued:-
7
Douglas' (Gavin, Bishop of Dunkeld, 1475-1522) Poetical
Works, edited, with Memoir, Notes, and full Glossary, by John
Small, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., illustrated with specimens of manu-
script, title-page, and woodcuts of the early editions in facsimile,
4 vols, beautifully printed on thick paper, post 8vo, cloth (pub
£3 35), £1 2s 6d. W. Paterson.
"The latter part of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century, a
period almost barren in the annals of English poetry, was marked by a remark-
able series of distinguished poets in Scotland. During this period flourished
Dunbar, Henryson, Mercier, Harry the Minstrel, Gavin Douglas, Bellenden,
Kennedy, and Lyndesay. Of these, although the palm of excellence must beyond
all doubt be awarded to Dunbar,-next to Burns probably the greatest poet of
his country, the voice of contemporaries, as well as of the age that immediately
followed, pronounced in favour of him who,
'In barbarous age,
Gave rude Scotland Virgil's page,'-
Gavin Douglas. We may confidently predict that this will long remain the standard
edition of Gavin Douglas; and we shall be glad to see the works of other of the
old Scottish poets edited with equal sympathy and success."—Athenæum.
Lyndsay's (Sir David, of the Mount, 1490-1568) Poetical
Works, best edition, edited, with Life and Glossary, by David
Laing, 3 vols, crown 8vo, cloth (pub 63s), 18s 6d.
Another cheaper edition by the same editor,
2 vols, 12mo, cloth (pub 15s), 5s. W. Paterson.
When it is said that the revision, including Preface, Memoir, and Notes,
has been executed by Dr David Laing, it is said that all has been done that
is possible by thorough scholarship, good judgment, and conscientiousness.".
Scotsman.
▼
Lytteil (William, M.A.)—Landmarks of Scottish Life
and Language, crown 8vo, cloth (pub 7s 6d), 2s. Edinburgh.
Introductory Observations; Cumbrae Studies, or an Alphabet" of Cumbrae
Local Names; Arran Studies, or an "Alphabet" of Arran Local Names;
Lochranza Places; Sannox Scenes and Sights; Short Sketches of Notable
Places; A Glance Round Bute; Symbols; Explanations, &c. &c.
M'Kerlie's (P. H., F.S.A. Scot.) History of the Lands and
their Owners in Galloway, illustrated by woodcuts of Notable
Places and Objects, with a Historical Sketch of the District, 5
handsome vols, crown 8vo, roxburghe style (pub £3 15s), 26s 6d.
W. Paterson.
Ramsay (Allan)—The Gentle Shepherd, New Edition,
with Memoir and Glossary, and illustrated with the original
graphic plates by David Allan; also, all the Original Airs to the
Songs, royal 4to, cloth extra (pub 21s), 5s. W. & A. K.
Johnston.
The finest edition of the celebrated Pastoral ever produced. The paper has
been made expressly for the edition, a large clear type has been selected, and
the printing in black and red is of the highest class. The original plates by
David Allan have been restored, and are here printed in tint. The volume con-
tains a Prologue, which is published for the first time.
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
8
John Grant, Bookseller,
Scottish Literature-continued:
The Earliest known Printed English Ballad.
Scottysche Kynge-A Ballad of the, written by John
Skelton, Poet Laureate to King Henry VIII., reproduced in
facsimile, with an Historical and Biographical Introduction, by
John Ashton, beautifully printed on thick paper, small 4to, cloth,
uncut edges (pub 16s), 3s 6d. Elliot Stock.
Southey says of him :-"The power, the strangeness, the volubility of his
language, the audacity of his satire, and the perfect originality of his manner,
made Skelton one of the most extraordinary writers of any age or country.
This unique ballad was printed by Richard Fawkes, the King's printer, in
1513, immediately after the battle of Flodden Field, wnich is described in it, and
is of great interest.
Every justice has been done to the work in this beautiful volume, the paper,
printing, and binding of which are all alike excellent.
One of the Earliest Presidents of the Court of Session.
Seton (Alexander, Earl of Dunfermline, Chancellor of
Scotland, 1555-1622) — Memoir of, with an Appendix contain-
ing a List of the various Presidents of the Court, and Genealogical
Tables of the Legal Families of Erskine, Hope, Dalrymple, and
Dundas, by George Seton, Advocate, with exquisitely etched
portraits of Chancellor Seton, and George, seventh Lord Seton,
and his family; also the Chancellor's Signatures, Seals, and Book-
Stamp; with etchings of Old Dalgety Church, Fyvie Castle, and
Pinkie House, small 4to, cloth (pub 21s) 6s 6d. Black wood & Sons.
"We have here everything connected with the subject of the book that could
interest the historical student, the herald, the genealogist, and the archæologist.
The result is a book worthy of its author's high reputation."-Notes and Queries.
Warden's (Alex. J.) History of Angus or Forfarshire, its
Land and People, Descriptive and Historical, illustrated with
maps, facsimiles, &c., 5 vols, 4to, cloth (published to subscribers
only at £2 17s 6d), £1 17s 6d. Dundee.
Sold separately, vol 2, 3s 6d; vol 3, 3s 6d; vols 4 and 5, 7s 6d;
vol 5, 3s 6d.
A most useful Work of Reference.
Wilson's Gazetteer of Scotland, demy Svo (473 pp.),
cloth gilt (pub 7s 6d), 3s. W. & A. K. Johnston.
This work embraces every town and village in the country of
as existing at the present day, and is portable in form and very moderate in
any importance
price. In addition to the usual information as to towns and places, the work
gives the statistics of real property, notices of public works, public buildings,
churches, schools, &c., whilst the natural history and historical incidents con-
nected with particular localities have not been omitted.
“It
The Scotsman says :-" It entirely provides for a want which has been greatly
felt."
""
Younger (John, shoemaker, St Boswells, Author of "River
Angling for Salmon and Trout," "Corn Law Rhymes," &c.)—
Autobiography, with portrait, crown 8vo (457 pages), cloth (pub
7s 6d), 2s.
"The shoemaker of St Boswells,' as he was designated in all parts of Scot-
land, was an excellent prose writer, a respectable poet, a marvellously gifted
man in conversation. His life will be read with great interest; the simple heart-
stirring narrative of the life-struggle of a highly-gifted, humble, and honest
mechanic,—a life of care, but also a life of virtue."-London Review.
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
1
2
!
25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
9
Grampian Club Publications, of valuable MSS.
and Works of Original Research in Scottish
History, Privately printed for the Members :-
The Diocesan Registers of Glasgow-Liber Protocollorum
M. Cuthberti Simonis, notarii et scribæ capituli Glasguensis, A.D.
1499-1513; also, Rental Book of the Diocese of Glasgow, A.D.
1509-1570, edited by Joseph Bain and the Rev. Dr Charles
Rogers, with facsimiles, 2 vols, 8vo, cl, 1875 (pub £2 2s), 7s 6d.
Rental Book of the Cistercian Abbey of Coupar-Angus,
with the Breviary of the Register, edited by the Rev. Dr Charles
Rogers, with facsimiles of MSS., 2 vols, 8vo, cloth, 1879-80 (pub
£2 12s 6d), 10s 6d.
The same, vol II., comprising the Register of
Tacks of the Abbey of Cupar, Rental of St Marie's Monastery, and
Appendix, 8vo, cloth (pub £I Is), 3s 6d.
Estimate of the Scottish Nobility during the Minority of
James VI., edited, with an Introduction, from the original MS.
in the Public Record Office, by Dr Charles Rogers, 8vo, cloth
(pub 10s 6d), Is. 6d.
The reprint of a manuscript discovered in the Public Record Office. The
details are extremely curious.
Genealogical Memoirs of the Families of Colt and Coutts,
by Dr Charles Rogers, 8vo, cloth (pub 10s 6d), 2s 6d.
An old Scottish family, including the eminent bankers of that name, the
Baroness Burdett-Coutts, &c.
Rogers (Dr Charles) Memorials of the Earl of Stirling
and of the House of Alexander, portraits, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub
£3 3s), 10s 6d. Edinburgh, 1877.
This work embraces not only a history of Sir William Alexander, first Earl of
Stirling, but also a genealogical account of the family of Alexander in all its
branches; many interesting historical details connected with Scottish State affairs
in the seventeenth century; also with the colonisation of America.
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
IO
John Grant, Bookseller,
Histories of Scotland, complete set in 10 vols
for £3 3s.
This grand national series of the Early Chronicles of Scotland, edited by the
most eminent Scottish antiquarian scholars of the present day, is now completed,
and as sets are becoming few in number, early application is necessary in order
to secure them at the reduced price.
The Series comprises:
Scoticronicon of John de Fordun, from the Contemporary
MS. (if not the author's autograph) at the end of the Fourteenth
Century, preserved in the Library of Wolfenbüttel, in the Duchy
of Brunswick, collated with other known MSS. of the original
chronicle, edited by W. F. Skene, LL.D., Historiographer-Royal,
2 vols (pub 30s), not sold separately.
The Metrical Chronicle of Andrew Wyntoun, Prior of St
Serf's Inch at Lochleven, who died about 1426, the work now
printed entire for the first time, from the Royal MS. in the British
Museum, collated with other MSS., edited by the late D. Laing,
LL.D., 3 vols (pub 50s), vols 1 and 2 not sold separately.
Vol 3 sold separately (pub 21s), 10s 6d.
Lives of Saint Ninian and St Kentigern, compiled in the
12th century, and edited from the best MSS. by the late A. P.
Forbes, D.C.L., Bishop of Brechin (pub 15s), not sold separately.
Life of Saint Columba, founder of Hy, written by Adamnan,
ninth Abbot of that Monastery, edited by Wm. Reeves, D.D.,
M.R.I.A., translated by the late A. P. Forbes, D. C.L., Bishop
of Brechin, with Notes arranged by W. F. Skene, LL.D.
(pub 15s), not sold separately.
The Book of Pluscarden, being unpublished Continuation
of Fordun's Chronicle by M. Buchanan, Treasurer to the Dauphi-
ness of France, edited and translated by Skene, 2 vols (pub 30s),
12s 6d, sold separately.
A Critical Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scotland,
by Thomas Innes of the Sorbonne, with Memoir of the Author by
George Grubb, LL.D., and Appendix of Original Documents by
Wm. F. Skene, LL.D., illustrated with charts (pub 21s),
Ios 6d, sold separately
In connection with the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, a uniform series of
the Historians of Scotland, accompanied by English translations, and illustrated
by notes, critical and explanatory, was commenced some years since and has
recently been finished.
So much has recently been done for the history of Scotland, that the necessity
for a more critical edition of the earlier historians has become very apparent.
The history of Scotland, prior to the 15th century, must always be based to a
great extent upon the work of Fordun; but his original text has been made the
basis of continuations, and has been largely altered and interpolated by his con-
tinuators, whose statements are usually quoted as if they belonged to the original
work of Fordun. An edition discriminating between the original text of Fordun
and the additions and alterations of his continuators, and at the same time trac-
ing out the sources of Fordun's narrative, would obviously be of great importance
to the right understanding of Scottish history.
The complete set forms ten handsome volumes, demy 8vo, illustrated with
facsimiles.
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
II
Campbell (Colin, Lord Clyde)-Life of, illustrated by
Extracts from his Diary and Correspondence, by Lieut.-Gen.
Shadwell, C.B., with portrait, maps, and plans, 2 vols, 8vo,
cloth (pub 36s), 6s 6d. Blackwood & Sons.
"In all the annals of 'Self-Help,' there is not to be found a life more truly
worthy of study than that of the gallant old soldier. The simple, self-denying,
friend-helping, brave, patriotic soldier stands proclaimed in every line of General
Shadwell's admirable memoir.”—Blackwood's Magazine.
De Witt's John, Grand Pensionary of Holland) Life;
or, Twenty Years of a Parliamentary Republic, by M. A. Pon-
talis, translated by S. E. Stephenson, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub
36s), 6s 6d.
Longman.
Uniform with the favourite editions of Motley's "Netherlands” and “John of
Barnveld," &c.
Johnson (Doctor): His Friends and his Critics, by
George Birkbeck Hill, D.C.L., crown 8vo, cloth (pub 8s), 25.
Smith, Elder, & Co.
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readable volume. Seldom has a pleasanter commentary been written on a
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Mathews (Charles James, the Actor)-Life of, chiefly
Autobiographical, with Selections from his Correspondence and
Speeches, edited by Charles Dickens, portraits, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth
(pub 25s), 5s. Macmillan, 1879.
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business of editing."-Globe.
Brazil and Java-The Coffee Culture in America, Asia,
and Africa, by C. F. Van Delden Lavine, illustrated with
numerous plates, maps, and diagrams, thick 8vo, cloth (pub 25s),
3s 6d. Allen.
A useful work to those interested in the production of coffee. The author was
charged with a special mission to Brazil on behalf of the coffee culture and coffee
commerce in the Dutch possessions in India.
Smith (Captain John, 1579-1631)-The Adventures and
Discoveries of, sometime President of Virginia and Admiral of New
England, newly ordered by John Ashton, with illustrations taken
by him from original sources, post 8vo, cloth (pub 5s), 25.
Cassell.
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Philip's Handy General Atlas of America, comprising a
series of 23 beautifully executed coloured maps of the United
States, Canada, &c., with Index and Statistical Notes by John
Bartholomew, F.R.G.S., crown folio, cloth (pub £1 Is), 5s.
Philip & Son.
Embraces Alphabetical Indices to the most important towns of Canada and
Newfoundland, to the counties of Canada, the principal cities and counties of the
United States, and the most important towns in Central America, Mexico, the
West Indies, and South America.
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Little's (J. Stanley) South Africa, a Sketch-Book of Men
and Manners, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub 21s), 3s 6d. Sonnenschein.
Oliphant (Laurence)-The Land of Gilead, with Ex-
cursions in the Lebanon, illustrations and maps, 8vo, cloth (pub
21s), 8s 6d. Blackwood & Sons.
"A most fascinating book."-Observer.
"A singularly agreeable narrative of a journey through regions more replete,
perhaps, with varied and striking associations than any other in the world. The
writing throughout is highly picturesque and effective."-Athenæum.
"
A most fascinating volume of travel. ... His remarks on manners, customs,
and superstitions are singularly interesting."-St James's Gazette.
"The reader will find in this book a vast amount of most curious and valuable
information on the strange races and religions scattered about the country.
Saturday Review.
"An admirable work, both as a reecrd of travel and as a contribution to
physical science."-Vanity Fair.
Patterson (R. H.)-The New Golden Age, and Influence
of the Precious Metals upon the War, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub
31s 6d), 6s. Blackwood & Sons.
CONTENTS.
VOL I.-THE PERIOD OF DISCOVERY AND ROMANCE OF THE NEW GOLDEN
AGE, 1848-56.-The First Tidings-Scientific Fears, and General Enthusiasm-
The Great Emigration-General Effects of the Gold Discoveries upon Commerce
-Position of Great Britain, and First Effects on it of the Gold Discoveries-The
Golden Age in California and Australia-Life at the Mines. A RETROSPECT.-
History and Influence of the Precious Metals down to the Birth of Modern
Europe The Silver Age in America-Effects of the Silver Age upon Europe—
Production of the Precious Metals during the Silver Age (1492-1810)-Effects of
the Silver Age upon the Value of Money (1492-1800).
17
VOL II. PERiod of Renewed Scarcity.-Renewed Scarcity of the Precious
Metals, A.D. 1800-30-The Period of Scarcity. Part II.-Effects upon Great
Britain-The Scarcity lessens-Beginnings of a New Gold Supply-General
Distress before the Gold Discoveries. "CHEAP AND "DEAR MONEY-On
the Effects of Changes in the Quantity and Value of Money. THE NEW Golden
AGE.-First Getting of the New Gold-First Diffusion of the New Gold— Indus-
trial Enterprise in Europe-Vast Expansion of Trade with the East (A.D. 1855-
75)—Total Amount of the New Gold and Silver-Its Influence upon the World
at large-Close of the Golden Age, 1876-80-Total Production of Gold and
Silver. PERIOD 1492-1848.-Production of Gold and Silver subsequent to 1848-
Changes in the Value of Money subsequent to A.D. 1492. PERIOD A.D. 1848
and subsequently. PERIOD A.D. 1782-1865.-Illusive Character of the Board of
Trade Returns since 1853-Growth of our National Wealth.
Tunis, Past and Present, with a Narrative of the French
Conquest of the Regency, by A. M. Broadley, Correspondent of
the Times during the War in Tunis, with numerous illustrations
and maps, 2 vols, post 8vo, cloth (pub 25s), 6s. Blackwood & Sons.
"Mr Broadley has had peculiar facilities in collecting materials for his
volumes. Possessing a thorough knowledge of Arabic, he has for years acted as
confidential adviser to the Bey. The information which he is able to place
before the reader is novel and amusing. . . . A standard work on Tunis has
been long required. This deficiency has been admirably supplied by the author.'
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Burnet (Bishop)—History of the Reformation of the
Church of England, with numerous Illustrative Notes and copious
Index, 2 vols, royal 8vo, cloth (pub 20s), 10s. Reeves & Turner,
1880.
Burnet is,
"Burnet, in his immortal History of the Reformation, has fixed the Protestant
religion in this country as long as any religion remains among us.
without doubt, the English Eusebius."-Dr APTHORPE.
Burnet's History of his Own Time, from the Restoration
of Charles II. to the Treaty of the Peace of Utrecht, with
Historical and Biographical Notes, and a copious Index, com-
plete in I thick volume, imperial 8vo, portrait, cloth (pub £1 5s),
5s 6d.
"I am reading Burnet's Own Times. Did you ever read that garrulous
pleasant history? full of scandal, which all true history is; no palliatives, but all
the stark wickedness that actually gave the momentum to national actors; none
of that cursed Humeian indifference, so cold, and unnatural, and inhuman,” &c.
-CHARLES Lamb.
Creasy (Sir Edward S.)-History of England, from the
Earliest Times to the End of the Middle Ages, 2 vols (520 pp
each), 8vo, cloth (pub 25s), 6s. Smith, Elder, & Co.
Crime-Pike's (Luke Owen) History of Crime in England,
illustrating the Changes of the Laws in the Progress of Civilisa-
tion from the Roman Invasion to the Present Time, Index, 2
very thick vols, Svo, cloth (pub 36s) 10s. Smith, Elder, & Co.
Globe (The) Encyclopædia of Useful Information, edited
by John M. Ross, LL.D., with numerous woodcut illustrations, 6
handsome vols, in half-dark persian leather, gilt edges, or in half
calf extra, red edges (pub £4 165), £2 8s. Edinburgh.
'A work of reference well suited for popular use, and may fairly claim to be
the best of the cheap encyclopædias."-Athenæum.
History of the War of Frederick I. against the Communes
of Lombardy, by Giovanni B. Testa, translated from the Italian,
and dedicated by the Author to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone,
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Freemasonry-Paton's (Brother C. 1.) Freemasonry and
its Jurisprudence, according to the Ancient Landmarks and
Charges, and the Constitution, Laws, and Practices of Lodges
and Grand Lodges, Evo, cloth (pub 10s 6d), 3s 6d. Reeves &
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Freemasonry, its Symbolism, Religious Nature, and
Law of Perfection, 8vo, cloth (pub 10s 6d), 2s 6d. Reeves &
Turner,
Freemasonry, its Two Great Doctrines, The Exist-
ence of God, and A Future State; also, Its Three Masonic
Graces, Faith, Hope, and Charity—in I vol, 8vo, cloth (pub 10s),
2s 6d. Reeves & Turner.
The fact that no such similar works exist, that there is no standard of autho-
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number of Freemasons and Lodges at home, and of those in the British
Colonies and other countries holding Charters from Scotland, or affiliated with
Scottish Lodges, warrants the author to hope that they may prove acceptable to
the Order. All the oldest and best authorities—the ablest writers, home and
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Arnold's (Cecil) Great Sayings of Shakespeare, a Com-
prehensive Index to Shakespearian Thought, being a Collection
of Allusions, Reflections, Images, Familiar and Descriptive Pas-
sages, and Sentiments from the Poems and Plays of Shakespeare,
Alphabetically Arranged and Classified under Appropriate Head-
ings, one handsome volume of 422 pages, thick 8vo, cloth (pub
7s 6d), 3s. Bickers.
""
Arranged in a manner similar to Southgate's "Many Thoughts of Many
Minds. This index differs from all other books in being much more com-
prehensive, while care has been taken to follow the most accurate text, and to
cope, in the best manner possible, with the difficulties of correct classification.
The most Beautiful and Cheapest Birthday Book Published.
Birthday Book-Friendship's Diary for Every Day in the
Year, with an appropriate Verse or Sentence selected from the
great Writers of all Ages and Countries, each page ornamented by
a richly engraved border, illustrated throughout, crown 8vo, cloth,
bevelled boards, exquisitely gilt and tooled, gold edges, a perfect
gem (pub 3s 6d), Is 9d. Hodder & Stoughton.
This book practically has never been published. It only requires to be seen
to be appreciated.
Dobson (W. T.)—The Classic Poets, their Lives and their
Times, with the Epics Epitomised, 452 pages, crown 8vo, cloth
(pub 9s), 2s 6d. Smith, Elder, & Co.
CONTENTS.-Homer's Iliad, The Lay of the Nibelungen, Cid Campeador,
Dante's Divina Commedia, Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, Camoens' Lusiad, Tasso's
Jerusalem Delivered, Spenser's Fairy Queen, Milton's Paradise Lost, Milton's
Paradise Regained.
English Literature: A Study of the Prologue and
Epilogue in English Literature, from Shakespeare to Dryden, by
G. S. B., crown 8vo, cloth (pub 5s), is 6d. Kegan Paul, 1884.
Will no doubt prove useful to writers undertaking more ambitious researches
into the wider domains of dramatic or social history.
Bibliographer (The), a Magazine of Old-Time Literature,
contains Articles on Subjects interesting to all Lovers of Ancient
and Modern Literature, complete in 6 vols, 4to, antique boards
(pub £2 5s), 15s. Elliot Stock.
"It is impossible to open these volumes anywhere without alighting on some
amusing anecdote, or some valuable literary or historical note."-Saturday
Review.
Book-Lore, a Magazine devoted to the Study of Biblio-
graphy, complete in 6 vols, 4to, antique boards (pub £2 5s), 15s.
Elliot Stock.
A vast store of interesting and out-of-the-way information, acceptable to the
lover of books.
Antiquary (The), a Magazine devoted to the Study of
the Past, complete set in 15 vols, 4to, antique boards (pub £5
12s 6d), £1 15s. Elliot Stock.
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Chaffers' Marks and Monograms on European and
Oriental Pottery and Porcelain, with Historical Notices of each
Manufactory, preceded by an Introductory Essay on the Vasa
Fictilia of the Greek, Romano-British, and Medieval Eras, 7th
edition, revised and considerably augmented, with upwards of
3000 potters' marks and illustratious, royal 8vo, cloth extra, gilt
top, £1 15s. London.
Civil Costume of England, from the Conquest to the
Present Time, drawn from Tapestries, Monumental Effigies,
Illuminated MSS., by Charles Martin, Portraits, &c., 61 full-page
plates, royal 8vo, cloth (pub 10s 6d), 3s 6d. Bohn.
In addition there are inserted at the end of the volume 25 plates illustrating
Greek costume by T. Hope.
Dyer (Thomas H., LL.D.)—Imitative Art, its Principles
and Progress, with Preliminary Remarks on Beauty, Sublimity,
and Taste, 8vo, cloth (pub 14s), 25. Bell & Sons, 1882.
Great Diamonds of the World, their History and
Romance, Collected from Official, Private, and other Sources,
by Edwin W. Streeter, edited and annotated by Joseph Hatton
and A. H. Keane, 8vo, cloth (pub 10s 6d), 2s 6d. Bell & Sons.
Hamilton's (Lady, the Mistress of Lord Nelson) Attitudes,
illustrating in 25 full-page plates the great Heroes and Heroines of
Antiquity in their proper Costume, forming a useful study for
drawing from correct and chaste models of Grecian and Roman
Sculpture, 4to, cloth (pub £1 Is), 3s 6d.
Jewitt (Llewellyn, F.S.A.) Half-Hours among some
English Antiquities, illustrated with 320 wood engravings, crown
8vo, cloth gilt (pub (5s), 2s. Allen & Co.
CONTENTS:-Cromlechs, Implements of Flint and Stone, Bronze Implements
among the Celts, Roman Roads, Temples, Altars, Sepulchral Inscriptions, An-
cient Pottery, Arms and Armour, Slabs and Brasses, Coins, Church Bells, Glass,
Encaustic Tiles, Tapestry, Personal Ornaments, &c. &c.
King (Rev. C. W.)-Natural History of Gems and
Decorative Stones, fine paper edition, post 8vo, cloth (pub 10s 6d),
4s. Bell & Sons.
work
"Contains so much information. and of so varied a nature, as to make the
by far the best treatise on this branch of mineralogy we possess
in this or any other language."-Athenæum.
•
•
Leech's (John) Children of the Mobility, Drawn from
Nature, a Series of Humorous Sketches of our Young Plebeians,
including portrait of Leech, with Letter on the Author's Genius
by John Ruskin, 4to, cloth, 1841 (pub 7s 6d), 3s 6d. Repro-
duced 1875, Bentley & Son.
Morelli (G.)- Italian Masters in German Galleries,
translated from the German by L. M. Richter, post 8vo, cloth
(pub 8s 6d), 2s. Bell & Sons.
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knowledge and independent opinion."-Academy.
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Exquisitely beautiful Works by Sir J. Noel Paton at a remarkably
low price.
Paton's (Noel) Compositions from Shakespeare's Tempest,
a Series of Fifteen Large Outline Engravings illustrating the
Great Drama of our National Poet, with descriptive letterpress,
oblong folio, cloth (pub 21s), 3s. Chapman & Hall.
Uniform with the above.
Paton's (Noel) Compositions from Shelley's Prometheus
Unbound, a Series of Twelve Large Outline Engravings, oblong
folio, cloth (pub 21s), 3s. Chapman & Hall.
Smith (J. Moyr)—Ancient Greek Female Costume, illus-
trated by 112 fine outline engravings and numerous smaller
illustrations, with Explanatory Letterpress, and Descriptive
Passages from the Works of Homer, Hesiod, Herodotus, Eschy-
lus, Euripides, and other Greek Authors, printed in brown, crown
8vo, cloth elegant, red edges (pub 7s 6d), 3s. Sampson Low.
Bacon (Francis, Lord)—Works, both English and Latin,
with an Introductory Essay, Biographical and Critical, and
copious Indices, steel portrait, 2 vols, royal 8vo, cloth (originally
pub £2 2s,) 12s. 1879.
All his works are, for expression as well as thought, the glory of our nation,
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delighted in; so that those men who had more than ordinary knowledge in
human affairs, esteemed him one of the most capable spirits of that age.
Burn (R. Scott)—The Practical Directory for the Im-
provement of Landed Property, Rural and Suburban, and the
Economic Cultivation of its Farms (the most valuable work on
the subject), plates and woodcuts, 2 vols, 4to, cloth (pub £3 3s),
15s. Paterson.
Martineau (Harriet)—The History of British Rule in
India, foolscap 8vo (356 pages), cloth (pub 2s 6d), 9d. Smith,
Elder, & Co.
A concise sketch, which will give the ordinary reader a general notion of
what our Indian empire is, how we came by it, and what has gone forward in it
since it first became connected with England. The book will be found to state
the broad facts of Anglo-Indian history in a clear and enlightening manner; and
it cannot fail to give valuable information to those readers who have neither time.
nor inclination to study the larger works on the subject.
Selkirk J. Brown) Ethics and Esthetics of Modern
Poetry, crown Svo, cloth gilt (pub 7s), 2s. Smith, Elder, & Co.
Sketches from Shady Places, being Sketches from the
Criminal and Lower Classes, by Thor Fredur, crown 8vo, cloth
(pub 6s), Is. Smith, Elder, & Co.
"Descriptions of the criminal and semi-criminal (if such a word may be coined)
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Southey's (Robert) Commonplace Book, the Four Series
complete, edited by his Son-in-Law, J. W. Warter, 4 thick vols,
8vo, cloth (pub 42s), 14s. Longmans.
Warren's (Samuel) Ten Thousand a Year, early edition,
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1853.
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Jones' (Professor T. Rymer) General Outline of the Or-
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gilt top (pub £I IIS 6d), 6s. Van Voorst.
Jones' (Professor T. Rymer) Natural History of Animals,
Lectures delivered before the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
209 illustrations, 2 vols, post 8vo, cloth (pub 245), 3s 6d. Van
Voorst.
Hunter's (Dr John) Essays on Natural History, Ana-
tomy, Physiology, Psychology, and Geology, to which are added
Lectures on the Hunterian Collection of Fossil Remains, edited
by Professor Owen, portrait, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub 32s), 5s.
Van Voorst.
Forestry and Forest Products Prize Essays of the
Edinburgh International Forestry Exhibition, 1884, edited by
John Rattray, M.A., and Hugh Robert Mill, illustrated with 10
plates and 21 woodcuts, 8vo, cloth (pub 16s), 5s. David Douglas.
COMPRISES :-
BRACE'S Formation and Management of Forest Tree Nurseries.
The same, by THOMAS BERWICK.
STALKER'S Formation and Management of Plantations on different Sites,
Altitudes, and Exposures.
The same, by R. E. HODSON.
MILNE'S Afforesting of Waste Land in Aberdeenshire by Means of the Planting
Iron.
MACLEAN'S Culture of Trees on the Margin of Streams and Lochs in Scotland,
with a View to the Preservation of the Banks and the Conservation of Fish.
CANNON'S Economical Pine Planting, with Remarks on Pine Nurseries and on
Insects and Fungi destructive to Pines.
ALEXANDER on the Various Methods of Producing and Harvesting Cinchona
Bark.
ROBERTSON on the Vegetation of Western Australia.
BRACE'S Formation and Management of Eucalypus Plantations.
CARRICK'S Present and Prospective Sources of the Timber Supplies of Great
Britain,
OLDRIEVE on the best Method of Maintaining the Supply of Teak, with Remarks
on its Price, Size, and Quality; and on the Best Substitutes for Building
Purposes.
On the same, by J. C. KEMP.
ALEXANDER'S Notes on the Ravages of Tree and Timber Destroying Insects.
WEBSTER'S Manufacture and Uses of Charcoal.
BOULGER'S Bye-Products, Utilisation of Coppice and of Branches and other
Fragments of Forest Produce, with the View of Diminishing Waste.
STONHILL'S Paper Pulp from Wood, Straw, and other Fibres in the Past and
Present.
GREEN'S Production of Wood Pulp.
T. Anderson REID'S Preparation of Wood Pulp by the Soda Process.
CROSS and BEVAN'S Report on Wood Pulp Processes.
YOSHIDA'S Lacquer (Urushi), Description, Cultivation, and Treatment of the
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Johnston's (W. & A. K.) Instructive Series :—
Scientific Industries Explained, showing how some of the
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F.R.S.S.A., First Series, containing Articles on Aniline Colours,
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Coloured Fires, Gun-cotton, Distillation, &c. &c., crown 8vo, cloth
(pub 2s 6d), IS.
"Mr Watt discourses of aniline pigments and dyes; of candles and paper; of
gunpowder and glass; of inks and vinegar; of fireworks and gun-cotton;
excursions over the whole field of applied science;
one of the best is that
on 'gilding watch-movements. A systematic arrangement of the subjects has
been purposely avoided, in order that the work may be regarded as a means of
intellectual recreation."-Academy.
Scientific Industries Explained, Second Series, containing
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tions, crown 8vo, cloth (pub 2s 6d), Is.
Mechanical Industries Explained, showing how many
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Science in a Nut-Shell, in which rational Amusement is
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ander Watt, crown 8vo, illustrated boards (pub Is), 6d.
CONTENTS:-Absorption of Carbonic Acid by Plants. The Air-Pump.
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tion of Water-Crystallisation.-Distillation.-Effect of Carbonic Acid on Animal
Life. Electricity.-Evaporation, Expansion by Heat, &c.-Heat.-Hydrogen
Gas.-Light.-To Prepare Oxygen.-Photographic Printing.-How to Make a
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Stewart's (Dugald) Collected Works, best edition, edited
by Sir William Hamilton, with numerous Notes and Emendations,
II handsome vols, Svo, cloth (pub £6 12s), the few remaining
sets for £2 10s. T. & T. Clark.
Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, 3 vols,
8vo, cloth (pub £1 16s), 8s 6d.
Philosophy of the Active Powers, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub
LI 4s), 6s 6d.
Principles of Political Economy, 2 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub
£1 45), 5s.
As the names of Thomas Reid, of Dugald Stewart, and of Sir William Hamil-
ton will be associated hereafter in the history of Philosophy in Scotland, as
closely as those of Xenophanes, Parmenides, and Zeno in the School of Elea, it
is a singular fortune that Sir William Hamilton should be the collector and
editor of the works of his predecessors.
The chair which he filled
for many years, not otherwise undistinguished, he rendered illustrious."
Athenæum.
Dante-The Divina Commedia, translated into English
Verse by James Ford, A.M., medallion frontispiece, 430 pages,
crown 8vo, cloth, bevelled boards (pub 12s), 2s 6d. Smith,
Elder, & Co.
"Mr Ford has succeeded better than might have been expected; his rhymes
are good, and his translation deserves praise for its accuracy and fidelity. We
cannot refrain from acknowledging the many good qualities of Mr Ford's trans-
lation, and his labour of love will not have been in vain, if he is able to induce
those who enjoy true poetry to study once more the masterpiece of that literature
from whence the great founders of English poetry drew so much of their sweet-
ness and power."-Athenæum.
Pollok's (Robert) The Course of Time, a Poem, beauti-
fully printed edition, with portrait and numerous illustrations,
12m0, 6d. Blackwood & Sons.
""The Course of Time' is a very extraordinary poem, vast in its conception,
vast in its plan, vast in its materials, and vast, if very far from perfect, in its
achievement."-D. M. MOIR.
Monthly Interpreter, a New Expository Magazine, edited
by the Rev. Joseph S. Exell, M.A., joint-editor of the "Pulpit
Commentary," &c., complete from the commencement to its close,
4 vols, 8vo, cloth (pub £1 10s), 10s 6d. T. & T. Clark.
Vols. 1, 3, 4, separately, 2s each.
The aim of The Monthly Interpreter is to meet in some adequate way the
wants of the present-day student of the Bible, by furnishing him in a convenient
and accessible form with what is being said and done by the ablest British, Ameri-
can, and foreign theologians, thinkers, and Biblical critics, in matters Biblical,
theological, scientific, philosophical, and social.
Parker's (Dr Joseph, of the City Temple) Weaver Stephen ;
or, The Odds and Evens of English Religion, 8vo, cloth (pub
7s 6d), 3s 6d. Sonnenschein.
"Dr Parker is no repeater of old remarks, nor is he a superfluous commentator
His track is his own, and the jewels which he lets fall in his progress are from
his own casks; this will give a permanent value to his works, when the produc-
tions of copyists will be forgotten."-C. H. SPURGEON.
Skene (William F., LL.D., Historiographer-Royal for
Scotland)-The Gospel History for the Young, being Lessons on the
Life of Christ, adapted for use in Families and in Sunday Schools,
3 maps, 3 vols, crown 8vo, cloth (pub 15s), 6s. Douglas.
"In a spirit altogether unsectarian provides for the young a simple, interest-
ing, and thoroughly charming history of our Lord."—Literary World.
The Gospel History for the Young 'is one of the most valuable books of
the kind."- The Churchman.

:
20
John Grant, Bookseller, Edinburgh.
By the Authoress of "The Land o' the Leal."
Nairne's (Baroness) Life and Songs, with a
Memoir, and Poems of Caroline Oliphant the Younger, edited
by Dr Charles Rogers, portrait and other illustrations, crown
8vo, cloth (pub 5s)
£ S. D.
Griffin 0 2 6
"This publication is a good service to the memory of an excellent and gifted.
lady, and to all lovers of Scottish Song."-Scotsman.
Ossian's Poems, translated by Macpherson,
24m0, best red cloth, gilt (pub 2s 6d)
A dainty pocket edition.
Perthshire-Woods, Forests, and Estates of
Perthshire, with Sketches of the Principal Families of the
County, by Thomas Hunter, Editor of the Perthshire Consti-
tutional and Journal, illustrated with 30 wood engravings,
crown 8vo (564 pp), cloth (pub 12s 6d)
Perth
"Altogether a choice and most valuable addition to the County Histories of
Scotland."-Glasgow Daily Mail.
Duncan (John, Scotch Weaver and Botanist)
-Life of, with Sketches of his Friends and Notices of the
Times, by Wm. Jolly, F.R.S. E., H.M. Inspector of Schools,
etched portrait, crown 8vo, cloth (pub 9s)
Kegan Paul
"We must refer the reader to the book itself for the many quaint traits of
character, and the minute personal descriptions, which, taken together, seem to
give a life-like presentation of this humble philosopher. The many inci-
dental notices which the work contains of the weaver caste, the workman's
esprit de corps, and his wanderings about the country, either in the performance
of his work or, when that was slack, taking a hand at the harvest, form an interest-
ing chapter of social history. The completeness of the work is considerably
enhanced by detailed descriptions of the district he lived in, and of his numerous
friends and acquaintance."-Athenæum.
Scots (Ancient)-An Examination of the An-
cient History of Ireland and Iceland, in so far as it concerns
the Origin of the Scots; Ireland not the Hibernia of the
Ancients; Interpolations in Bede's Ecclesiastical History and
other Ancient Annals affecting the Early History of Scotland
and Ireland-the three Essays in one volume, crown 8vo, cloth
(pub 4s)
0 I 6
046
036
Edinburgh, 1883 0 I O
The first of the above treatises is mainly taken up with an investigation of the
early History of Ireland and Iceland, in order to ascertain which has the better
claim to be considered the original country of the Scots. In the second and
third an attempt is made to show that Iceland was the ancient Hibernia, and
the country from which the Scots came to Scotland; and further, contain a
review of the evidence furnished by the more genuine of the early British Annals
against the idea that Ireland was the ancient Scotia.
Traditional Ballad Airs, chiefly of the North-
Eastern Districts of Scotland, from Copies
gathered in the Counties of Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray, by
Dean Christie, and William Christie, Monquhitter, with the
Words for Singing and the Music arranged for the Pianoforte
and Harmonium, illustrated with Notes, giving an Account of
both Words and Music, their Origin, &c., 2 handsome vols,
4to, half citron morocco, gilt top, originally published at
£4 45 by Edmonston & Douglas, reduced to
Ι ΙΟ
Sent Carriage Free to any part of the United Kingdom on
receipt of Postal Order for the amount.
JOHN GRANT, 25 & 34 George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
O

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CIRCULATING
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ARTES
18171
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN |
TUEMOR
-QUÆRIS-PENINSULAM-AMⱭNAM”
CIRCUMSPICE
From the Librar
of
Edw. A. Barnes
Gift of
Mrs. Barnard Pierce
Mrs. Howard Luce
Mrs. Carl Haessler
Miss Margaret Knight