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THE
;
LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF
CHARLES, LORD METCALFE.
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Published by Smith, Elder & Ce London 1858.
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THE
LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF
The opine
lus
Metcalfe, baron,
1785-1846.
CHARLES, LORD, METCALFE,
BY
JOHN WILLIAM KAYE,
AUTHOR OF "THE LIFE OF SIR JOHN MALCOLM,
WAR IN AFGHANISTAN," ETC.
"HISTORY OF THE
A NEW AND REVISED EDITION.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORNHILL.
1858.
་ ༢
Western Univ. hit.
8-14-1923
2 vols.
.

པད
?
ΤΟ
WILLIAM BUTTERWORTH BAYLEY,
ONE OF THE EARLIEST AND THE LATEST, ONE OF THE MOST
LOVED AND MOST RESPECTED
OF
CHARLES METCALFE'S FRIENDS,
1
THESE VOLUMES
ARE
AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED.

•
.
PREFACE TO NEW EDITION.
A FEW lines will suffice to explain in what respects
this edition of the "Life of Lord Metcalfe " differs
from the work as originally published.
The earlier part of the work is considerably com-
pressed. This has been effected, without detriment
to the completeness of the biography, by the omission
of some passages of explanatory history and of some
letters discussing the events narrated in those pas-
sages. As Metcalfe at that period-I mean, at the
time of the first Mahratta war-held only a subordi-
nate position, it is possible that in the original work
those events were too much elaborated, and Metcalfe's
opinions respecting them too minutely illustrated in
his correspondence. At all events this was the
opinion of some friendly critics—in spite of my anti-
cipatory protest in the preface to the first edition;
and, as I have since gone over much of the same
ground, and with better justification, in the "Life
of Sir John Malcolm," who was really pars magna
of the first Mahratta war, I willingly defer to the
viii
PREFACE.
!
!
!
!
i
!
•
judgment of others, and send forth the early chapters
of the biography in their present condensed shape.
But I have expanded another part of the work;
and in stating this I must make another confession
of error.
I confess that I was one of those who
believed that Metcalfe's repeated allusions to the
insecurity of our Indian empire, and to the probabi-
lities of some sudden and disastrous outbreak, were
not in accordance with the general sagacity and the
sound good sense of the man. His friends, I know,
used to smile at this as his weak point; and in the
original edition of this work, I did not speak of it
with much respect. People, however, think differ-
ently of the matter now; and at all events, it is
curious and interesting, at the present time, to
observe Metcalfe's prognostications of the coming
storm, and not uninstructive to mark in what manner
he was wont to suggest that we should prepare our-
selves to meet it. I have, therefore, given, in the
second volume of this edition, several passages from
Metcalfe's correspondence (not in the original edition)
illustrative of his ever-prevailing sense of danger,
and of his views with regard to the best means of
strengthening and securing our position in the midst
of a conquered people.
4
Besides these more important changes, which I
trust will be considered improvements, there are
some less important alterations, to which it is
scarcely necessary to advert. Some documents
PREFACE.
ix
public and private, which seemed to encumber the
text and impede the flow of the narrative, have
either been omitted altogether or removed to the
Appendix, where they may be read, or not, according
to the taste of the reader. I would not, however,
recommend any one to abstain from the perusal
of Dr. Goodall's letters to his old pupil, although I
have removed them to the end of the book.
In conclusion, I will only say, as an utterance of
pure gratitude, that I owe much to this work; for,
if it has not increased the little literary reputation
that may have before been earned by its author, it
has added to his stock of private friendships, and
that, in his estimation, is a far more valuable posses-
sion. It would be a solace to him to think that he
had, in any way, repaid such service by extending
or perpetuating the fame of the subject of this.
biography.
London, March, 1858.
A
a 5


PREFACE TO ORIGINAL EDITION.
THE biography of a statesman to whose care "the
three greatest dependencies of the British Crown
were successively entrusted," calls for no introduction
to explain or to justify the circumstance of its publi-
cation. But something may be said, in this place,
respecting the materials upon which the present
Memoir is based, and the considerations which have
influenced the manner of its construction.
When, in the autumn of 1846, Lord Metcalfe was
mercifully removed from what had long been to him
a world of suffering, there was found in his will a
special clause, giving and bequeathing to one of his
trustees “all his papers, as well those in his own
possession as in the hands of his agents, Messrs.
Cockerell and Company, consisting principally of
private correspondence," to be disposed of by the
said trustee under instructions from the testator,
and failing such instructions at his own discretion.
Lord Metcalfe died, leaving no instructions regarding
the papers. They, therefore, became absolutely the
property of the trustee, who, after taking counsel
xii
PREFACE.
with some of the nearest and dearest friends of
the deceased, did me the honour to request that I
would take charge of the papers, with the object of
founding upon them a Memoir of the life of Lord
Metcalfe.
The collection was one of considerable bulk. It
comprised several large boxes, containing an immense
mass of private letters addressed to Charles Metcalfe,
from the time when he was a boy at Eton almost
to the very day of his death. Here and there
I found a few drafts or copies of letters written by
Metcalfe himself, mixed up with those of which he
had been the recipient. There were, also, one or
two collections of Metcalfe's letters, written in a
strain of unreserved confidence and familiarity to
intimate private friends who had died in India, and
whose executors had seemingly returned the corre-
spondence to the writer. In addition to these there
were some early journals and common-place books
-written at Eton, on the voyage to India, or during
the first years of the writer's residence in that
country; copies of all his letters written whilst on
his mission to Lahore in 1808; of all, or nearly
all, his minutes written when a member of the
Supreme Government of India; and of his confi-
dential letters and despatches written subsequently
from Jamaica and Canada. Nor must I omit to
state that there was one large box entirely filled with
public addresses of congratulation or condolence-
i
ཀྱིས་
PREFACE.
xiii
of welcome or farewell-voted to him in the three
great dependencies of which he was sometime the
head.
After the first hasty examination of these papers,
I had little doubt that they had been preserved for
the purpose to which I was about to devote them.
Nothing fortifies and encourages a biographer so
much as such an assurance as this. Metcalfe had a
very early prescience that he was destined to be
great. When yet little more than sixteen he wrote,
not lightly and jestingly either, of the "fervent
biographer," who was to seize upon the traits of
character indicated in the self-searching entries in
his Common-place Book. But carefully as all these
papers had been preserved, and multitudinous as
were the records, they were hardly to be regarded as
the best, or most legitimate materials of biography.
Of the thousands of letters which passed into my
hands, there was hardly one which was not of some
use, as suggesting an idea, strengthening an impres-
sion, contributing something to the full comprehension
of a trait of character, or supplying a clue to the
'elucidation of some incident in Metcalfe's life.
the entire collection did not supply complete materials
for a biography. Whilst there was a superabundance
of letters addressed to Lord Metcalfe, there was an
obvious want of letters written by him. The want,
however, was soon supplied. Although some of his
most intimate friends and cherished correspondents
Yet
!
xiv
PREFACE.
had either not retained, or had destroyed upon leav-
ing India all the letters they had received from him,
or had been deprived of them by some of those
moving accidents by flood and field which are the
constituents of a stirring Indian career, others had
carefully preserved the letters of their friend, and, in
some instances, these memorials had survived the
recipients of them.
In a little time, either my own inquiries, or those
of influential friends who entered heartily into the
undertaking and were eager to contribute all they
could to its success, elicited from different quarters
all that I desired. There was one collection of early
letters preserved by the late Mr. John Walter Sherer,
of the Civil Service, one of Metcalfe's earliest friends,
which, as illustrating a most interesting epoch of his
career, the records of which were by no means plen-
tiful, I have found of the greatest service. Some
family letters in the possession of Lord Monson-
Metcalfe's first cousin-which were freely placed at
my disposal, afforded additional materials, for which
I am most grateful; whilst others, illustrative of
what may be called the mid-career of the writer,
were forwarded to me a very little time before his
death, by Sir Richard Jenkins, one of the most dis-
tinguished of Metcalfe's diplomatic contemporaries.
Of letters relating to a later period, after Metcalfe
had become famous, it may be supposed that there
was no lack.
It is the want of authentic records of
PREFACE.
ན་ ་
XV
early life that is commonly the biographer's great
stumbling-block.
It will be seen that I have had no such difficulty
to surmount. The records of Metcalfe's early life,
some may think, have, in these pages, been unduly
amplified. But, rightly or wrongly, what I have
done, I have done advisedly-systematically. What
is for the most part a necessity often comes in time
to be accepted as a rule. But I have not been able
to persuade myself that because, in a large number
of biographical works, three-fourths of the space is
assigned to the few closing years of a distinguished
career—to the record of circumstances illustrative of
a great man's made reputation-that this is neces-
sarily the way in which biography ought to be
written. Doubtless, however, it is often the way
in which it must be written, or not at all. I am
inclined to think that the narrative of the steps by
which a man has risen to greatness is neither less
interesting, nor less instructive, than an account of
his achievements, after the ladder of public life has
been ascended, and he stands on an eminence of
popularity before the world;-in a word, that the
history of promise is not less valuable than the
history of performance. The history of a great
man's public performances are often part and parcel
of the history of the country which he has served.
They belong rather, indeed, to the historian than the
biographer; and though ignorance may misunder-
xvi
:
PREFACE.
stand, or party-spirit may misrepresent them, there
is little chance of their being overlooked. Not always
is that, which is historically the most important,
biographically the most interesting. It is the func-
tion of the biographer to supply what is beyond the
scope of the historian. When he reaches that stage
of his inquiries at which the history of the individual
becomes the history of the country, it would seem to
be less his duty to expand than to contract the narra-
tive. At all events, it is not his business to confine
his efforts mainly to the illustration of those events
which would be known to the public without his
assistance.
In
If I have erred in devoting too much space to the
earlier career of Charles Metcalfe, I have done so at
least with design and intention. The first volume
embraces the first thirty-five years of his life, inclu-
ding the first twenty years of his official career.
the second volume are contained the annals of the
last quarter of a century of his life. It so happened
that the last twelve years of his Indian career
embraced a season of remarkable historical unevent-
fulness—a state of quiescence very much the result
of those measures which he had advocated with so
much energy and ability when in a more subordinate
official position. It is well known that Sir Charles
Metcalfe liberated the Indian Press. It is well known
that he differed from his Council, in Canada, on the
question of "Responsible Government." But it is
PREFACE.
xvii
not known how large a share he had in the author-
ship of those great measures for the consolidation of
our Indian Empire, which shed so much lustre on
the administration of Lord Hastings, which have
preserved the whole continent in peace, and prepared
the country for those internal improvements which
could take root only in an undisturbed soil and
under a quiet sky. During the first twenty years
of
Metcalfe's Indian career it was his fortune to live in
stirring times; and, although in a comparatively
subordinate position, the character of his mind and
the impress of his opinions were stamped largely
upon them. During the whole of the administration
of Lord William Bentinck, and the earlier years of
Lord Auckland's reign, when Sir Charles Metcalfe
occupied a prominent station in the Indian Govern-
ment, India was lapped in repose. With one or two
remarkable exceptions, it may be said that the
history of his public life during that period of his
career is to be found in his Council minutes. A
collection of these minutes would form one of the
most valuable works on the subject of Indian admi-
nistration that could be given to the public-but it is
hardly within the scope of legitimate biography to
insert them in these volumes.
At the same time I am not unconscious it may be
said that, in some parts of this work, I have myself
suffered the biographical to merge into the historical
-and such a stricture would not be without justice,
Г
>
PREFACE.
xviii
so far at least as regards the fact. But here, again,
if I have erred, I have erred designedly, and after
mature consideration. I am sorry to say that Indian
and Colonial biography cannot be tried by the same
test as that which is applied to memoirs of English
soldiers and statesmen. In the latter case, the
biographer may fairly assume the possession by the
reader of a certain knowledge of the leading events
of English history, to which reference is made in the
course of his work. There is no necessity that he
should halt to explain who was Napoleon Bonaparte
or Daniel O'Connell; or what was the Catholic
Emancipation or the Parliamentary Reform Bill.
But I am afraid that it is necessary to explain who
were Dowlut Rao Scindiah and Jeswunt Rao Holkar
-what was the position of the King of Delhi after
the first Mahratta war-and what the constitution of
the Agra Government after the passing of the
Charter Act of 1834. I have had all along an
uneasy consciousness, that whilst there are many
readers for whom such explanations are wholly unne-
cessary, there are others for whom I must explain
these things, or leave the narrative of Metcalfe's
connection with them in a state of total obscurity.
It is better to err on the side of fulness and per-
spicuity. I have endeavoured to supply just the
necessary amount of general information and no
more; and as I have drawn the historical portion of
the work mainly from original and exclusive sources,
PREFACE.
xix
I am not without a hope that even the instructed
reader will find something in these passages not
altogether unworthy of his attention.
There are
difficulties peculiar to Indian biography. No man
will rejoice more than myself when they are removed.
Whenever I have had the opportunity, I have
allowed Charles Metcalfe to tell his own story. When
the choice has lain before me of using his words or
my own, I have always employed the former. I
might have made the narrative briefer, but it would
have been less authentic. As it is, I feel that I have
omitted much illustrative matter, to me of very
great interest; and it is not impossible that some
readers might wish that certain points of his career
had been more minutely elaborated. This, however,
more or less, will always be the case.
In the present
instance, the reproach of such insufficiency is hardly
to be escaped, for nothing has been more apparent to
me since I commenced this biography, than that
there is a remarkable difference of opinion regarding
what were the most important epochs of Charles
Metcalfe's life. I have seldom found any two men
to agree upon the subject. In like manner, some
will think that I have devoted too much space to the
Statesman, others, too much to the Man. I have
endeavoured from first to last to bear in mind that
Charles Metcalfe was both. I am not without a
hope that those who knew him, as intimately in
the one relation as the other, will be the most
?
1
XX
PREFACE.
ready to acknowledge the fidelity of the entire
portrait.
My obligations are numerous to those who have
spontaneously aided me with valuable materials, or
with counsel scarcely less valuable; nor less to others
who, in eminent public or private stations, have
responded promptly and courteously to applications
made to them for permission to make use of corre-
spondence in my possession, in which they have
personally or officially had any original or acquired
property. If I were to follow only my own incli-
nation, I would make individual acknowledgments
of all my obligations, but such expressions of thank-
fulness it is often more pleasant to utter than to
receive; and, perhaps, the most acceptable manifes-
tation of gratitude for the assistance of all kinds
that has been rendered to me, will be found in the
earnestness with which I have endeavoured to turn
it to account in the pages of this Biography.
London, August, 1854.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
CHAPTER I.
Birth of Charles Theophilus Metcalfe-The Metcalfe Family
-Major Thomas Metcalfe-Theophilus and Charles—
Early Days-The School at Bromley - Eton— The
Writership-The Voyage to India.
CHAPTER II.
The First Year in India-Arrival at Calcutta-The Young
Writer's Reception-Hospitalities of the Cold Season-
Oriental Studies-The College of Fort William-
Depressing Influences of the Climate-Yearnings after
Home The Prescience of Young Ambition-Appoint-
ment to the Public Service
CHAPTER III.
Departure from Calcutta-Meeting with Lord Wellesley's
Camp-Pageantry at Lucknow-Progress of the March
-Arrival at Agra-Letters to Mr. Sherer-Life at the
Residency-Colonel Collins-Home Correspondence—
Return to Calcutta
CHAPTER IV.
Return to Calcutta-Appointment to the Chief Secretary's
Office-His Studies-Extracts from his Common-place
Book-Visit of Theophilus Metcalfe-Appointment to
Governor-General's Office-Early Official Papers-
Rupture with Scindiah-Appointment to the Staff of
the Commander-in-Chief
PAGE
1
27
42
68
xxii
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
Conclusion of the War with Scindiah and the Rajah of
Berar-Jeswunt Rao Holkar-Recommencement of
hostilities-Charles Metcalfe joins the Army-The
Battle of Deeg-Letters to Sherer and others-
Prospects and Intentions-Adherence to the Political
Line
PAGE
88
CHAPTER VI.
Arrival of Lord Cornwallis-His Policy-Necessities of an
Exhausted Treasury-Charles Metcalfe's Views of the
New System-Letters to Mr. Sherer-State of our
Relations with Scindiah and Holkar-Advance to the
Banks of the Hyphasis-Treaty with Holkar-Return
of the Army-Metcalfe appointed to the Delhi Resi-
dency
120
CHAPTER VII.
Charles Metcalfe's Prospects-His Visit to Calcutta-
Appointed Assistant to the Resident at Delhi—Admi-
nistration of the Delhi Territory-The People and the
Court-Character of Mr. Seton-Charles Metcalfe's
Duties-Letters to Mr. Sherer-Pecuniary Circum-
stances-Better Prospects
CHAPTER VIII.
•
Apprehension of an Invasion-Measures of Defence-Met-
calfe appointed Envoy to Lahore-Meeting with Runjeet
Singh-Conduct of the Rajah-Delays and Excuses-
Metcalfe's Diplomatic Address-His Firmness and
Decision-Advance of the British Troops-Progress of
Negotiation-The Proposed Treaty-Collision with the
Akalis-The Treaty concluded
CHAPTER IX.
Approbation of Lord Minto-Metcalfe's Visit to the Pre-
sidency-Meeting with his Brother-Appointment to
the Deputy-Secretaryship-Voyage to Madras-Return
141
•
166
CONTENTS.
xxiii
to Calcutta-Appointment to the Residency at Scin-
diah's Court-Letters from Lord Minto-Translation to
the Delhi Residency - The Foundation of Charles
Metcalfe's Fortune.
PAGE
226
CHAPTER X.
Duties of the Resident-Metcalfe's Opinions of his Position
-Letters to Mrs. Monson-Appointed permanently to
the Residency Drawbacks and Annoyances The
Royal Family of Delhi-Removal of Metcalfe's Assis-
tants-Letter from Lord Minto-Expenses of the
Residency-Censures of the Court of Directors
Metcalfe's Defence Administration of the Delhi
Territory
240
CHAPTER XI.
Metcalfe's Political Duties-Conduct of the Bhurtpore Rajah
-Macherry and Jyepore-Indications of general In-
quietude-Lord Moira's Tour in the Upper Provinces-
The Nepaul War-Metcalfe's Opinions-Meeting with
the Governor-General-Offer of a Secretaryship-Letters
on the Subject to Mr. Jenkins-The Secretaryship
declined-Death of Metcalfe's Parents
CHAPTER XII.
Peace with the Goorkhas-Relations with the States of
Central India-Scindiah, Holkar, and the Rajah of
Berar-The Pindarrees-Ameer Khan and the Patans
-The Rajpoot States-Metcalfe's Plans for the Settle-
ment of Central India-Adopted by Lord Moira-Oppo-
sition of the Home Authorities-Change of Policy—
Correspondence of Metcalfe with Lord Moira-The
Governor-General takes the Field-Suppression of the
Pindarrees Metcalfe's Treaties with the Rajpoot
Princes
271
311
CHAPTER XIII.
Constitution of the Supreme Government-The Secretariat
-Duties of the Political Secretary - The Private
xxiv
CONTENTS.
Secretary-Metcalfe and Lord Hastings-Irksomeness
of the Situation-Correspondence with Sir John
Malcolm-Contemplated Removal to Central India-
Correspondence with Mr. Henry Russell-The Hyder-
abad Residency
PAGE
•
340
CHAPTER XIV.
Hyderabad-Its Government-The Administration of Meer
Allum-His Death-Elevation of Mooneer-ool-Moolk-
Chundoo-Lall-Captain Sydenham and Mr. Russell—
Intrigues of the Minister - Misgovernment of the
Country- The Nizam's Contingent-The House of
Wiliam Palmer and Co.-Loans to the Nizam-State of
the Country-Projected Reforms-Metcalfe's Appoint-
ment to the Residency-His inauguration-Remedial
Measures-Improvement of the Country
CHAPTER XV.
Finances of the Nizam-Residency Expenses-William
Palmer and Co.-The Sixty-lakh Loan-Influence of
the House-Sir William Rumbold-Metcalfe's Friend-
ship for the Partners-Proposed Financial Arrange-
ments-Correspondence with Lord Hastings-Intrigues
of the House-The Governor-General and Mr. Adam-
Further Revelations-Reconciliation with the Governor-
General Discussions in England .
APPENDIX
362
394
441
THE
LIFE OF LORD METCALFE.
CHAPTER I.
[1785-1800.]
BOYHOOD.
Birth of Charles Theophilus Metcalfe-The Metcalfe Family-
Major Thomas Metcalfe-Theophilus and Charles-Early
Days-The School at Bromley-Eton-The Writership-The
Voyage to India.
ON the 30th of January, 1785, a few days before Warren
Hastings ceased to be Governor-General of India, was born
in the city of Calcutta to Major Thomas Theophilus Metcalfe,
of the Bengal Army, and to Susannah his wife, a second
son, who in course of time was christened Charles Theo-
philus. The house in which he was born, was then, and
afterwards, known as the "Lecture House."* Whether it
still exists, or to what uses it may have since been put, I
have not been able to discover.
My authority for this statement is a letter from Major
Metcalfe to his son, written during the first year of Charles's
residence in India, in which he says: "I give you some credit for
having determined, and I think with some judgment, not to have
a room in the Lecture House. Your objections were just, though
it required some forbearance-particularly being the house you were
born in."
VOL. I.
B
2
BOYHOOD.
The Metcalfes appear to have been of a good old York-
shire stock; and to have numbered many members of their
family distinguished in their generation. One Thomas
Metcalfe was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, in the
reign of Richard the Third. The valour of James Metcalfe
displayed in the battle of Agincourt, earned for him the
honour of knighthood, and he was dubbed Sir James
Metcalfe of Nappa. In the 15th century, another Thomas
Metcalfe was High Sheriff of the County, and it is narrated
of him, that he rode to the assizes, attended by fifteen
Metcalfes, all mounted on white horses. In the reign of
Charles the Second, another Metcalfe, Theophilus by name,
distinguished himself in another way. He was the first to
reduce short-hand writing to a system, and to publish an
account of it. He went to London, was rewarded for his
invention, and in remembrance of it was especially per-
mitted to add a hand and pen to the heraldic adornments
of his family scutcheon. He, or his son, afterwards settled
in Ireland, and from him the subject of this Memoir was
lineally descended.
I can nowhere find it recorded that Charles Metcalfe was
learned in these genealogies, or held his ancestors of any
account. But he was greatly and reasonably proud of his
father. That father was the son of Thomas Metcalfe, an
officer of the King's Army, who married the daughter of
the Reverend Thomas Williams. At an early age he was
despatched as a cadet to India, with a letter of introduc-
tion to Lord Clive; but any expectations he may have.
based upon it were disappointed, for the great man had
left the country before young Metcalfe's arrival. So the
friendless boy was thrown upon his own resources, and for
a time so cheerless was his situation, and so sombre his
prospects, that he determined to leave the service, and
actually called upon the commanding-officer of his regi-
ment to tender his resignation. An accident caused him
THOMAS METCALFE.
3
to abandon the intention as hastily as he had formed it ;*
and from that time he determined to achieve success by a
steadfast course of professional perseverance.
And in due time he did achieve it. Those were days in
which rapid fortunes were sometimes made by lucrative
Government contracts. It seems that Thomas Metcalfe
soon contrived to detach himself from the go-cart of regi-
mental routine, and to obtain employment on the staff. He
was for several years "Agent for Military Stores ;" and it
was, doubtless, in this situation that in course of time he
made a respectable fortune.†
Whilst thus Thomas Metcalfe, having risen through the
different gradations of the service up to the rank of major,
was supplying the army with stores and making a fortune,
he took unto himself a wife. In the year 1782 he married
the widow of a Major Smith, of the Bengal army. Five
or six years before, this lady, then Susannah Debonnaire,
daughter of a gentleman resident at the Cape of Good
Hope, had gone out with a sister to join her father in that
settlement; but it was deemed expedient that the young
ladies should pursue their voyage to Madras, where Lord
Pigot, a friend of Mr. Debonnaire, was then governor of the
presidency. Between the Cape and the coast her sister
died, under very melancholy circumstances, and she nar-
rowly escaped a similar fate. Arriving, however, alive,
though in shattered health, at Madras, she attracted the
regards of Major Smith, to whom she was married in
August, 1776, and soon afterwards proceeded with her
W
* Major Metcalfe's own version of this anecdote is given in a
subsequent chapter, page 60. He was a cadet of 1767.
† The fact stated in the text is given on the authority of the
Company's Records, whence it was extracted for me by Mr. Waud,
under whose admirable arrangements all the historical wealth of
the India House has been rendered peculiarly accessible to the
student.
.
B 2
4
BOYHOOD.
husband to Bengal. He died, leaving no issue; and in
1782 the widow became the attached and devoted wife of
Thomas Theophilus Metcalfe.
The eldest son, born on the 19th of September, 1783, was
called Theophilus John; the second, as I have said,
Charles Theophilus. They were very young when their
parents returned to England. Soon after his arrival,
Major Metcalfe bought a house in Portland-place, and
began to canvass for a seat in the Direction of the East
India Company. He was a man of active business habits,
good sterling common-sense, and an integrity beyond all
impeachment. Altogether he was a reliable man. In
process of time he became, as he intended, an East India
Director.* Then he bethought himself of obtaining a seat
in Parliament; and in due course he was returned for the
borough of Abingdon, which he represented in several
Parliaments. A loyal gentleman, a Tory, and a staunch
supporter of William Pitt, on whose recommendation, in
1802, he was created a Baronet, he was an active and
assiduous, rather than a brilliant member of the House of
Commons. But he often spoke, and with good effect,
bringing his sound practical sense and his extensive expe-
rience to bear on many of the questions of the day; but
more especially on those relating to the conduct of our
Indian affairs. He was also an active Director of the
Globe Insurance Company in days when insurance offices
were few, and to be a director of such a company was
esteemed an honour by men of high repute. He had
brought with him no languor or lassitude from the East;
and altogether was as robust a man of business as if he
had never wiped the baked dust of Calcutta out of his
blinded eyes.
He had several children born to him, of whom five
survived their childhood. They were brought up, with a
* At the general election in April, 1789.
:
CHARLES METCALFE'S PARENTS.
10
5
sensible kind of indulgence, under the eye of their mother,
who was a woman of strong understanding, and of great
sincerity of character. Her affection for her children
seldom displayed itself in any maternal weaknesses, but
was manifested in an eager desire to advance their worldly
interests, whatever might be the immediate sacrifice of
self. If she had any partialities, they were in favour of
her eldest son, Theophilus-a fine manly boy, of whom
frequent mention will be made in subsequent portions of
this narrative.
Of the infant days of Charles Metcalfe little is known
beyond what he afterwards recorded of himself. He seems
to have encountered, like most other children at the
threshold of life, the great stumbling-block of an unprin-
cipled or an injudicious nurse.
"The woman to whom
my infant years were entrusted," he wrote in a common-
place book which he kept in his youth, "used to convey
me, by way of punishment, to a dark room, and repre-
sented the coming of the Old Man (a famous bugbear in
the mouths of nurses) as every minute to be expected.
Here was I left, whilst probably the foolish woman would
groan and make use of several other means to terrify me.
The consequence was, that throughout my childish and
boyish years, I was a prey to the most horrid fears; and
such an effect has this treatment had on my imagination,
that I am even now much weaker on this point than I
could wish to be."
At an early age Charles Metcalfe was sent to school at
Bromley, in Middlesex. The establishment was kept by
a Mr. Tait. How it was obtained I do not know, but this
gentleman had a considerable "Indian connection;" and
among his pupils were divers Pattles, and Plowdens, and
others bearing names with which East India Registers
have long been familiar. It was partly on this account,
and partly, perhaps, because some members of Mrs. Met-
6
BOYHOOD.
!
!
calfe's family resided in the neighbourhood of Bromley,
that Mr. Tait's academy was fixed upon as the first
training-house for the young Metcalfes. Its recommen-
dations were, I believe, chiefly of an extrinsic character.
Scholastically, perhaps, there was not very much to be said
in its favour.
To this period of Charles Metcalfe's early career there
are but few allusions in his letters and journals. In 1841,
nearly half a century after he had been boarded and birched
at good Mr. Tait's, being then Governor of an important
Crown colony, he wrote to a near relative, in answer to
some family inquiries:
"I remember, at Bromley, a fine-looking old gentleman, of the
name of Debonnaire, who, with his family, occupied the pew in
church next to that of our school, and whose broad shoulders and
peculiar coat of remarkable pattern are impressed on my memory.
I quitted Bromley in September, 1795. I also remember 'Aunt
Winch,' as she was called, who used to board and lodge in Tait's
house, and had my brother Theophilus and myself sometimes in
her room.
I paid her and the school at Bromley a farewell visit
on my departure from England for India, on which occasion she
gave me 21., encumbered with a laudable injunction to purchase
the 'Whole Duty of Man.'
I have a faint impression
that the Lefevres, whom I then understood to be relatives of the
Debonnaires, had been the occupants of the house then in Tait's
possession, which had some old ceilings of carved wood that we
boys used to think very fine."
From Charles Metcalfe's own recorded reminiscences
little more can be gathered regarding his sojourn at the
Bromley school. His surviving school-fellows are not
many; but I am told that he was then a boy of a reserved
and retiring nature, and that the more showy qualities of
his elder brother entirely shone him down. It is remem-
bered that Mrs. Metcalfe would pay occasional visits to the
school; and it was well known even to the boys that
Theophilus was the mother's favourite. Among the most
memorable incidents of that period of Charles Metcalfe's
CHARLES METCALFE AT ETON.
7
life, was the preparation of a dramatic entertainment, which
caused great excitement for many weeks in the school.
The play was "Julius Cæsar;" and there was a great show
of people to witness the performance. Theophilus Met-
calfe played Mark Antony. To Charles were assigned the
two humble parts of Flavius and Friend to Brutus.
After the Christmas holidays of 1795-96, Charles Met-
calfe, being then just eleven years old, was entered at
Eton. He went to that famous seminary as an Oppidan,
and boarded with his tutor, Mr. Goodall, afterwards head-
master and provost of the college; Dr. Heath being then
preceptor-in-chief. As at the private school, so at the
public, he was known as a quiet retiring boy. He was not
celebrated for his adroitness in any athletic exercises. He
was neither a cricketer nor a boater. I am not sure that
he ever played at fives. But it is on record, and on very
sufficient authority, that he was once seen riding on a
camel. "I heard the boys shouting," says Dr. Goodall,
many years afterwards, "and went out and saw young
Metcalfe riding on a camel; so you see he was always
orientally inclined."
甫
​Many who knew Charles Metcalfe will, doubtless, accept
the worthy Doctor's interpretation of this feat, for such
gymnastic achievements were not at all in the young
gentleman's way. It is not even on record that, in those
early days, he ever trusted himself on the back of a pony.
He was, at all times of his life, so miserable a horseman,
that he seldom took equestrian exercise for any length of
time without falling off and hurting himself. So that
except upon the hypothesis that the boy was orientally
inclined, it is not easy to account for the camel-riding
exploit of the studious Etonian.
* A printed play-bill, containing a list of the dramatis personæ
and the names of the performers, was preserved by Charles
Metcalfe to the latest day of his life.
8
BOYHOOD.
For very studious, indeed, he was at Eton. He went
there when he was eleven years of age, and left when he
was only fifteen. But Goodall was always of opinion that
Metcalfe minor was a boy of very high promise; and,
perhaps, there was not among his many pupils one to
whom he was more sincerely attached. The affection was
reciprocal. And it was lasting. Death only put a period
to it.
When it is said that Charles Metcalfe was studious, it is
not meant that he merely learnt his lessons-that he sapped
at Latin and Greek, got up his derivations, wrote lyrics
with great success, and was sometimes sent up for good.
Doubtless, all this was done in the common course of
things. But a boy may accomplish all this at Eton and
still have much time for the playing-fields or the river.
Neither had any charms for Metcalfe. His play-hours
were spent for the most part in-doors. He read English,
he read French, he read Italian. He wrote poetry. He
was fond of drawing. Already was he becoming some-
what prone to disputation. A whole holiday was for him
of value only as it gave him more time to puzzle over
"Rowley's" poems, to read Gibbon, to translate Ariosto
and Rousseau, and to tread the echoing cloisters, immersed
in day-dreams of future renown. "Ah!" he said, a few
years later, "those were days of real happiness! In those
cloisters has my youthful and ardent imagination planned
to itself a life of greatness, glory, and virtue-there have
I been the orator, and discussed important topics in the
senate-house-there have I been the statesman prescribing
terms to the wondering nations of Europe-there have I
concluded peaces, commanded armies, or headed a party
struggling for liberty; or, descending from these lofty
views-there have I found myself in private life, in the
enjoyment of domestic happiness, the honoured patron of
a neighbouring hamlet.”
ETON JOURNAL.
9
Towards the close of his career at Eton Charles Metcalfe
began to keep a journal. His entries in it exhibit clearly
the studious life that he led. They exhibit, too, something
more than this. The annals of his last month at Eton
afford some curious indications of the resolution of the
boy-of his disposition to do what he afterwards called
"holding out" against opposition. It appears that, in
defiance of their tutor's orders, Metcalfe and some other
boys were determined to drink tea in each other's rooms
after the hour prescribed by authority. Some of the
entries in the following passages relate to this act of
sedition:
66
JOURNAL BEGUN IN MARCH, 1800.
Monday, 3rd.—Whole school-day. Not well. Wrote an
anecdote to the editor of the Naval Chronicle. Drank tea after
six in Hervey's room, according to agreement. Afraid the plan of
bringing in that custom won't succeed. Passed the evening in
Hervey's room. Supped with Neville; went to bed full of turkey.
Tuesday, 4th.-Whole holiday. Not well. Employed at verses;
good theme. Read the 'Age of Louis XIV.' Mem. Write to the
editor of the Military Journal. Heard of Parson Grey's being
drunk. Drank tea solo. Finished verses; gave to tutor ; he
liked them. Passed the remainder of the evening in Neville's .
room, reading.
“Wednesday, 5th.-Whole school-day. Did translation. Drank
tea in Neville's room, according to agreement, after six. My
hopes gain on my fears, though the latter are still predominant.
Re-translated four pages of my translation from Rousseau. Passed
the rest of the evening in Neville's room, between reading and
rowing.
66
Thursday, 6th.-Half-holiday. Wrote a letter. Tonson sat in
* On the cover of his first diary the young journalist wrote:
"First conceived the idea of this journal on the 1st of March;
intend not only to make it a relation of facts, but also to inter-
sperse it with observations, reflections, &c., &c.; so that it will be
the general rendezvous not only of my actions, but of my
thoughts."-C. T. M.
10
BOYHOOD.
F
66
my room one hour and a half. Adjourned to Spires's. Tutor
jawed about drinking tea after six. Drank tea with Tonson.
Drew. Passed the remainder of the evening in Neville's room.
Friday, 7th.Whole school-day. Drank tea with Shaw,
according to our convention, after six. Tutor jawed with great
spirit. Destruction of our plan must in the end come on: we are
at our last struggle; all our endeavours now are the exertions of
despair, and we must only think how to resign nobly; in such
cases as these, unanimity is required to obtain success, and that
has not been obtained. Did Greek with my tutor. The remainder
of the night in Neville's room.
66
Saturday, 8th.-Common Saturday. Saw Rooke just going to
Ireland, and thence expects a trip to France. Gave Nepean tea.
Passed the evening in Neville's room, reading. Finished Voltaire's
'Life of Louis XIV.' Mem. Follow up the inquiry about the Iron
Mask; ask my tutor to lend me Gibbon.
66
66
Mem.
Sunday, 9th.-Did theme. Read Ariosto with Melville and
Shaw;
make laws for the sake of due attention to the book.
Monday, 10th.-Whole school-day; did some Homer.
These epic poets are very free in their ideas; for instance, in the
290th line of the Book &λov, Æneas has got a stone in his
hand in the act of throwing it at Achilles, who is rushing with his
sword drawn on Æneas; but Neptune, who perceives destruction
impending over Æneas, is determined to ward it off; accordingly
addresses the other gods in a speech of sixteen lines, to which
Juno makes answer in one of nine; in the mean time, we must
suppose the stone pendent in the air, and Achilles in the act of
rushing forward, but both very complaisantly waiting till their
godships have finally decided. Perhaps it would have been
better to have introduced Minerva with her ægis, turning these
heroes into stone till the speeches were done with. To be sure,
that would be comprehensible, whereas the other idea is so
sublime as to be above the weak understanding of us mortals.
Gave tea to Neville, Hervey, and Shaw, after six, according to
agreement. Had a most tremendous jaw from my tutor, who
said nothing but that it was a serious inconvenience, but could
not bring one argument to prove that it was so. After supper did
verses.
66
Tuesday 11th. Whole holiday.
Finished verses. Gave Tonson tea.
Read riost o with Neville and Shaw.
the Twelfth.'
Gave Lamb breakfast.
Began a French letter.
Began 'Life of Charles
ETON JOURNAL.
11
(6
Wednesday, 12th.-General fast. Drank tea with Shaw. Read
Ariosto with Neville and Shaw.
66
Thursday, 13th.-Play at four.
Read some of Lucan and
Cicero. Drew. Read Ariosto with Neville and Shaw. Read
Voltaire's Life of Charles XII.'
· Friday, 14th.-Read part of Horace's 'Art of Poetry.' Whole
school-day. Read some Lucan. Drank tea with Hervey after
six. We have conquered; and my tutor, not finding an argument
against us, was obliged to consent; so that now we do it lawfully.
Had it not been for our last despairing struggles we should have
failed. Read the continuation of the Iron Mask' (which
Voltaire mentions in his Siècle de Louis XIV.") in Gibbon. It is
most probably, as he says, a son of Cardinal Mazarin and Anne
of Austria, as indeed I think there are strong suspicions that
Louis XIV. was. Read Gibbon's Antiquities of the House of
Brunswick and Este.' Read Gibbon's 'Observations on Bishop
Warburton's Explanation of his Sixth Book of the Æneid.'
Read part of Gibbon's 'Journal;' and finished Voltaire's 'Life of
Charles XII.”
CC
Saturday, 15th.-Common Saturday. Read Lucan. Greek
Testament. Read Rowley's 'Poems.' Gave Shaw tea. Passed
the evening in Hervey's room.
66
་
Sunday, 16th.-Learnt Fourth Satire' of Juvenal for my tutor.
Read Rowley's 'Poems.' Gave Grose tea. Did verses.
66
Monday, 17th.-Whole holiday. Read Rowley's 'Poems.'
Drank tea with Nepean. Did some lyrics.
66
Tuesday, 18th.-Whole school-day. Read Homer. Cicero.
Finished Rowley's 'Poems.' Drank tea with Shaw. Finished
lyrics. Translated three pages of Rousseau.
Wednesday, 19th.—Whole school-day. Read Homer. Virgil.
Read a dissertation on Rowley's 'Poems,' tending to prove from
the language that they were not written in the 15th century, but
by Chatterton. Gave Neville, Hervey, and Shaw tea. Wrote a
letter. Entered into a train of thoughts on public schools in
general, and Eton in particular.
66
Thursday, 20th.-Half-holiday. Read Lucan. Drank tea alone.
Read Ariosto with Shaw and Neville.
66
Friday, 21st.-Whole school-day. Read Horace. Lucan. Read
Bryant's 'Dissertation on Rowley's Poems,' tending to prove they
were actually written by him. Drank tea with Hervey. Read
Ariosto with Neville and Shaw. Read Xenophon with my tutor.
12
BOYHOOD.
66
Saturday, 22nd.—Common Saturday. Read Callimachus. Con-
tinued Bryant's Dissertation. Saw the College Library. Read
Xenophon with my tutor. Read Ariosto with Neville and Shaw.
Sunday, 23rd.-Learnt part of the Fifth Satire of Juvenal for
my tutor. Dr. Norbury, the deceased Fellow, was buried in the
church. Did theme. Read Ariosto with, &c. Read Bryant's
Dissertation. Drank tea with Tonson.
Monday, 24th.-Half-holiday. Read Homer. Did lyrics. Read
Bryant's Dissertation.
66
Tuesday, 25th.—Whole holiday. Wrote a French letter. Read
Bryant's Dissertation.
66
Wednesday, 26th.-Whole school-day. Read Homer. Virgil.
Concluded Bryant's Dissertation. Began Tyrwhitt's, tending to
prove that they were written by Chatterton. Took a solitary
walk, and employed myself in making a few verses to Solitude.
Drank tea with Neville. Re-translated part of my translation of
Rousseau. Read Ariosto, &c.
Thursday, 27th.-Play at four. Read Lucian. Cicero. Wrote
a letter. Finished Tyrwhitt's Dissertation. Began Warton's on
the same side of the question. Read Ariosto, &c. Took a walk
with Tonson and Kelsale.
"C
Friday, 28th. - Whole school-day. Read Horace. Lucian.
Finished Warton's Dissertation. After having finished all the
Dissertations, I am now quite at a loss which to give it to: had I
read the poems, and taken no trouble about convincing myself, I
should have formed an opinion that they were Rowley's, and could
have supported my opinion with arguments; but now I am quite
in the dark. I think Bryant proves they were not written by
Chatterton, and Tyrwhitt that they were not written by Rowley.
The idea of a third person is still more chimerical than either of
these. Who were they written by, then? I believe they must
have written themselves. Drank tea with Shaw. Read Ariosto.
Saturday, 29th.—Whole holiday. Read Goldsmith's 'Deserted
Village.' Drank tea with Grose. Some more poems, said to be
Rowley's. Turned first Eclogue of Rowley's poems into modern
English verse.
66
“Sunday, 30th.—-Took a solitary walk. Made a few stanzas, a
Simile to Human Life. Gave Tonson tea. Took a walk with
him. Read Ariosto.
66
Monday, 31st.—Whole school-day. Read Homer. Cicero. Gave
tea to Neville, Hervey, and Shaw. Packed up. Read Ariosto."
STUDIOUS HABITS.
1
13
There is much in all this that is worthy of notice. In
after days, Charles Metcalfe used to say that nearly all the
literary knowledge which he had acquired in the course of
his life, had been gained as a boy at Eton-he had never
been able to read much at a later period of his career.
How great was his application then, how varied his
pursuits, may be gathered from these extracts. Great
men are not to be tried by ordinary rules; they make
rules for themselves. I would rather think of a fine
open-spirited boy, boating, swimming, playing, even getting
into mischief at school, and in the holidays spending half
his time on the back of a pony; and I should, as a rule,
believe that in such training there were more hopeful
assurance of turning him, in due time, into a useful
servant of the State, than in the discipline of such
continued book-work as is recorded in Charles Metcalfe's
journal. But it was fortunate, in this instance, that the
bent of the boy's inclination was rather towards intel-
lectual than muscular exercise-that he spent his leisure
hours with Ariosto and Chatterton, with Gibbon and
Voltaire, rather than with the boats' crews and the Eton
elevens. If he had been captain of the boats, and beaten
Harrow and Winchester off his own bat, he could not
have grown into a manlier character. The finest physical
training in the world could not have made him a robuster
statesman. But if he had not acquired a love of literature,
and some knowledge of books at school, he would never
have acquired them at all; and though he might still
have distinguished himself greatly on the theatre of the
world, it is hard to say how much might have been wanting
from the completeness of the character, which it is the
business and the privilege of the biographer to illustrate.*
* It is probable that these studious habits were strengthened, if
not generated, in the boy, by the exhortations of his mother, who
was wont to stimulate him to new exertions in such a strain as the
e
14
BOYHOOD.
That he read what he did at Eton, Charles Metcalfe in
after years continually rejoiced; but he lamented that he
had not enjoyed more extended opportunities of self-im-
provement. "Were I disposed," he wrote two years after-
wards, "to lament that which is irretrievable, I should
never cease to regret that I was removed from Eton at the
time that I was. I left it at the age of fifteen, at a time
when my ideas were ripening-when I was attached to the
studies in the pursuit of which I was engaged, had objects
towards which I was directing my exertions, and had
formed plans which promised success. Five years more
might well have been spared to Eton and a University,
after which there would have been plenty of time for
India." But now he was taken away from Eton, that he
might be shipped off to India at once.
It was an awkward fact in the lives of the two young
Metcalfes-Theophilus and Charles-that their father was
an East India Director. So, doubtless, at least they
regarded it. Already was the elder brother under sentence
following: "I am glad you persevere in your endeavours," she
wrote to Charles, in 1799; "you must succeed; but to acquire
knowledge requires resolution, without which nothing can be
attained. Mrs. S. made a very deep impression on me the other
day, by telling me that a very clever man said, if a person would
read three hours a day seriously, and well-chosen books, for four
years, he could not fail of being so clever and able, that he might
fill any office or place in the kingdom-that the Ministers would
be happy to have his abilities.
I have read more regu-
larly every day since her observation. I wish it had made as
deep an impression on Theophilus-but books seem to give him
no pleasure. What a pity! With his quickness and compre-
hension, he would, if he chose, be a very shining character. I
think, if I were you, I would adopt the plan. It's astonishing
what a number of volumes you will get through in that time."
Her maternal penetration had not at this time discovered that it
was not Theophilus, but Charles, who was destined to be the
shining character.
!
THE CHINA WRITERSHIP.
15.
of banishment to China. And now it was decreed that the
younger should be despatched to Bengal. A China writer-
ship was, in those days, the best bit of preferment in the
world. It was a certain fortune in a very few years. The
appointments in that service were so few and so lucrative,
that they were commonly reserved for the Directors' own
sons. Major Metcalfe saw clearly the advantages of such
a provision for his eldest boy. He had an easy fortune of
his own; but he had a large family, and, divided among
so many children, his 4000l. a year would not have
secured a sufficiency to any. The baronetcy had not then
been attained, nor a family estate purchased; and if they
had been, it is doubtful whether Thomas Metcalfe would
have "made an eldest son" and left Theophilus to amuse
himself. As it was, he wisely determined that the boy
should work for himself; and there being no easier and no
more rapid road to fortune than the Company's Factory at
Canton, the prudent father determined, in 1799, to despatch
his first-born, in the following year, to "Cathay."
To Theophilus, who had left Eton some little time
before, and had been dissipating, as he called it, in
Scotland and Wales, this decision was a heavy blow.
He was already tasting the sweets of independent life
in England-making friends, falling in love, acting at
masquerades, drinking his bottle of wine, and exhibiting
other symptoms of premature manhood. The thought of
being cut short in this career of glory was grievous to him
in the extreme. So he cast about in his mind how he
could escape the sentence recorded against him; and began
to think whether Charles could not be persuaded to go to
China in his room.
The two brothers had not always walked hand-in-hand
with each other. The breaches between them were
frequent as frequent they will be between boys of
different character, each with pretensions of his own, each
..
t
16
BOYHOOD.
:
after his own fashion egotistical and intolerant (and there
is no egotism and intolerance equal to that of clever boys);
but there was a fund of good brotherly love at the bottom
of their hearts, even when they were most vehement in
their denunciations of each other. All through the year
1799, this fraternal antagonism seems to have been at
its height. Their good mother declared that she quite
dreaded the approach of the holidays on this account, and
strenuously exhorted them to peace. Her exhortations
were not at first successful. Early in November, the two
brothers fell to quarrelling over the politics of the day.
Charles was at that time, like his father, a Tory and a
Pittite; whilst Theophilus was in Opposition. Charles
declared that the Ministers were the only men capable of
governing the country, and called his brother a democrat.
Upon this Theophilus fired up, and, adverting to the
expedition to Holland, asked what was to be said of
"Ministerial liberality, which now accuses the Russians,
accuses the Austrians, accuses anything but those who
would have taken all the credit if it had succeeded-so
much for Ministers, for the only men who can govern the
country, or in other words, can lose our credit by secret
expeditions." Men got from politics into personalities
more expeditiously in those days than they do now; and
boys followed their example. So Theophilus, having
disposed of Pitt and his colleagues, told Charles that as
he treated all his opinions with insolence, he desired that
the correspondence might drop. "You may," he added,
(by dint of application) have made yourself a better
classical scholar than I (by idleness) have made myself;
but still, I do not lower my abilities, in my own opinion, so
as to need advice from a younger brother." Charles was,
doubtless, inclined to be a little self-opinionated and
dictatorial (and in this there were the germs of what
afterwards came to be a noble self-reliance); but, although
BROTHERLY FEUDS.
17
the rupture for a week or two was complete, it was not
likely to be of long continuance between two such fine-
harted boys, and they were soon writing to each other in
fiting terms of brotherly love.
Then it was that the great question of the China
witership rose up for consideration. When Charles
Macalfe came home to Portland-place for the Christmas
holdays of 1799-1800, Theophilus was in Wales, on a
vist to Lord Newborough. Thence he wrote to his
brther to sound him about China, bravely assuming at
the outset that Charles could not possibly object to so
exellent a provision for a younger brother:
"When I consider," he wrote, in January, 1800,"of the differ-
ence between you and me, I am astonished. You, a studious,
grae fellow, studying five hours a day; me, a wild idle dog, who
doesnot look into a book from the rising to the setting of the sun.
You who would like to go to China to make a large fortune; me,
whowould like to stay in England and spend what I have.
Added to this difference between us, another great one is,
you would not give a for a glass of wine, and I, with pleasure,
will rink a bottle with any friend. Would, Charles, that you
were o bend your way to China in my stead! and I know not
why should be refused remaining in England, when I seem so
anxiously to wish it.
What, because the world styles
it god, is a young man to be sent to a place which least of all
suits his disposition, to be shut up for ten or twelve years from all
relatios and friends."
But Charles having no stronger taste for China than
Theopiilus, wrote his brother to that effect. The elder,
howeve, would not still abandon all hope of the vicarious
sacrifice to Mammon, on which he had set his heart. "If
you are inclined to make money," he wrote, "which your
dispositòn in some degree shows, China is the best place.
Ihave written to my father on this subject; but I
have one question to ask you. If it is offered to you, are
you detemined not to go? I request you to keep this
letter, an you will see hereafter that I was your brother."
18
BOYHOOD.
Charles was not to be persuaded, though he kept the letter.
He still said, that if the decision depended upon himelf,
he would have nothing to do with the China factory. He
hoped his brother would not be offended; but he had no
wish to be offered up a sacrifice in his place. To his
Theophilus frankly replied that he could not conceive vhy
he should be offended; "as it is a maxim of mine, he
said, "first to please myself, and then my friends, I cannot
be angry at your doing the same."
But whilst these young gentlemen were arranging for
themselves the business of their future disposal, the
elder Metcalfes were settling everything for them, and
leaving little choice to the boys. Both, after a few yars,
acknowledged that their parents were right. But whn it
was finally decided—and all escape from the decisior was
impossible that Theophilus should be despatched to China,
and that Charles should go as a writer to Bengal, the two
boys were ready to die with vexation, Charles was very
sorry to leave Eton. He loved the school. He loved his
tutor. He loved many of his school-fellows; and heloved
his books. He was sorry to think of leaving England; for
he loved his parents, and he loved his sisters. Mrs Met-
calfe, though Theophilus was her favourite, sonetimes
acknowledged that Charles was the more dutifil and
attentive of the two. By his sisters, into whose school-
room he would make frequent disturbing incursons, he
was held in the fondest affection. He was very long and
very loveable. He was not one who could be banished to
a distant country without grievous laceration of th heart.
In the year 1800, and at the end of March Charles
Metcalfe quitted Eton. In those days boys were ent fresh
from public or private schools, or from no school at all, to
embark on board ship, and sail for the land were they
were to become judges, or ambassadors, or mnisters or
finance. That under this system some great administrators
LEAVING ETON.
19
rose into eminence is not to be denied. But in the cha-
racter and qualifications of the general body of the Indian
Civil Service, under an improved educational system-a
system of special training still to be improved-a great and
progressive advance during the last half century may be
clearly discerned. When Major Metcalfe entered in his list
the name of his son Charles Theophilus, the service of
which he was about to become a member had emerged
from the slough of corruption in which it had once been
sunk; and though some who had belonged to it in the old
bad times were still in its ranks, it had become a respect-
able profession. Lord Cornwallis and Sir John Shore had
nursed the infancy and sustained the childhood of its
respectability; and now Lord Wellesley was watching the
progress of its adolescence. Instead of a race of men, who
were more than three-fourths traders, growing rich upon
irregular and unrecognised gains, there was fast growing
up an army of administrators, receiving fixed pay for fixed
service, and adding nothing to their stores that was not to
be found in the audit-books of the Government. All that
they wanted was more training to fit them for the public
service, and this was soon about to be supplied. At no
period were the prospects of the profession better; at no
period were higher emoluments to be obtained with more
honour; a no period was there finer scope for action, or a
greater likelihood of a youth of energy and ability soon
rising to fane and fortune.
Of Charles Metcalfe's abilities his father had a high
opinion. He knew, too, that his son had great powers of
application; and he predicted that the union of the two
would enable him to command success. He was one of
the few India Lirectors who neither at that nor a later
period were alarned by the vigour and determination of
Lord Wellesley. He believed that under the government
of that great man there were the fairest prospects of his
20
BOYHOOD.
!
1
་
ན
son laying the foundation of his future eminence as a
statesman; and though, if he had been swayed only by the
impulses of parental affection, he would have retained both
his elder sons in England, he now resolutely decreed that
they should seek their fortunes in the East.
It was arranged, therefore, that Theophilus should sail
for China in the spring, and that Charles should embark
for Calcutta in the summer. In the meanwhile the boys
were to enjoy themselves as best they could. Charles,
though of a retiring disposition, did not dislike society;
and there were a few families, in the neighbourhood of his
father's house, to whom he was a frequent visitor. In one
of these there was a young lady, a little older than himself,
with whom he fell in love at first sight. He was first
introduced to her, on the day after he left Eton, at a kall in
his father's house.* After that event he frequently saw
her, either at his own house or her mother's. The charms
of the young lady, not merely those of external beauty and
grace, made a deep and abiding impression on his mind
and he was long afterwards of opinion, that this boyish
attachment, pure and disinterested as it was, had a bene-
ficial influence on his character. He corresponded with
her for some time afterwards, and her "sensible letters
heightened his admiration." They are almost the only part
of his correspondence which has not survived lim. The
exception tells its own story.
* He entered in his journal at the foot of a paşe, under date
April 2, "Ball at home. I was first introduced to Miss D—;
danced with her." What followed this simple statement can only
be conjectured, for the next leaf in the journal is (very expres-
sively) cut out of the book. Soon afterwards there was another
ball in Portland-place-" a very pleasant one" wrote Charles;
"danced four dances with Miss D-" Two or three nights
afterwards he “passed the evening at Lady D—'s. Supped
there; a most delightful party.". On the next day he “called on
Miss D, sat an hour with her ;" and so on.
;
DEPARTURE OF THEOPHILUS.
21
All through the months of April and May, and the first
half of June, Charles Metcalfe's head-quarters were in
Portland-place. There he spent his time, improving him-
self in French and drawing, under masters; reading the
Naval and Military Magazines, and sometimes writing for
them; walking in the Park or in Bond-street with old
schoolfellows; turning Rowley's Eclogues into modern
English; writing letters to his "friend and tutor Goodall;"
going to the opera; getting up masquerade costumes;*
paying visits; painting a chess-board; sitting for his picture;
and reading whenever he had time.†
""
In the beginning of May he went to Eton, spent a day
or two there, and took leave of Dr. Heath, his schoolfellows,
and his friend Goodall. It was, as he said afterwards,
a sad, sad day." It moved him deeply to say farewell to
his old tutor; and the tutor, too, was greatly affected. He
had recognised the many good and great qualities of his
pupil; and whilst he was fondly attached to him on account
of the former, there was a strong assurance in his mind
that the latter would secure for the studious boy a not
undistinguished career. Two or three years afterwards,
he asked a gentleman from Bengal if he knew Charles
Metcalfe, and being answered in the affirmative, he said,
"Then you know a very good young man-a very superior
young man. I have done for him what I never did for
any one else—I wrote a letter in his favour to Lord Wel-
lesley!"
In the middle of May, Theophilus Metcalfe embarked
for China, on board the Exeter; but the fleet being
delayed in the Channel, he came up to town and very
* He went to one masquerade as a Quaker, and to another as
a Petit Maitre. He was wonderfully unlike both.
†The reading, however, was but scanty. It did not embrace
much beyond Symes' "Embassy to Ava," and Turner's "Embassy
to Thibet."
22
BOYHOOD.
nearly lost his passage. He re-embarked at the end of
the month, but was detained by stress of weather in
Torbay, whence he wrote to Charles to "give him a bit of
advice" about his love affair, as one who had "experience
in such matters." * But it may be doubted whether the
younger brother needed to be told that it was necessary to
act with caution and diffidence. He was always very
diffident about himself, and used sometimes to speak
almost painfully of his want of personal attractions. For
as he grew up, the beauties which developed themselves in
the person of Charles Metcalfe were, for the most part,
those of the mind. He was short and somewhat homely
in appearance. But in the intelligence of his countenance,
and the habitual sweetness of his smile, there was something
that atoned for all such defects.
The vessel (the Skelton Castle) in which a cabin had
been secured for Charles Metcalfe, was to sail with the
June fleet. In the early part of the month, therefore, he
took leave of his friends, and among others, of his first
preceptor, Mr. Tait, of Bromley,† and his wife. The
former died a quarter of a century afterwards, and Mrs.
Tait survived Charles Metcalfe. Whether he ever saw
* The following amusing passage in this letter is extremely
characteristic of Theophilus Metcalfe :-" Here we are lying in
company with Lord St. Vincent and the Channel Fleet-wind
S.S.W. My Lord is determined to put to sea the first oppor-
tunity, and we are to go with him. It will be a fine sight, the
two fleets together. He has given orders that not one of us shall
go ashore. He is a proud, overbearing fellow, and I should like
to show him there is one in the fleet who does not see he has any
right to fear him. If there were any of my friends ashore here, I
would go in spite of the old fellow. One of the ships, the Phonix
by name, ran foul of him on entering the bay. I rejoiced to see
it. The old fellow swore at him, I'll be bound."
† Reference to this visit has already been made. It is duly
entered in his journal under date June 12: "Went to old Aunt
Winch at Bromley.”
TOUCHING AT ST. HELENA.
23
her again I do not know; but when he died, he had for
many years been paying a pension which he had settled on
her; and after his death, a passage was found in his will
directing that, in the event of her surviving him, it should
be continued during her life.
The 14th of June, as he wrote in his journal, was "the
last he was destined to spend with his family." On the
following day, he "took leave of all his friends and left
London, not to enter it again for twenty years." After a
few days spent at Portsmouth, off which place the fleet
was lying, in making ready his cabin, visiting the Dock-
yard, and writing letters to his friends, including Goodall
and Miss D- he "took leave of his dear father," who
had accompanied him, and resigned himself to his fate.
After some detention in the Channel, the fleet got fairly
out to sea; and then Charles Metcalfe began again to
practise that system of "holding out," which had enabled
him to defeat his friend Goodall, at Eton, and which after-
wards secured him great moral triumphs over Eastern
princes and Western partisans. But neither before nor
after, neither in the east nor the west, did he encounter
so troublesome and contumacious an opponent as his
enemy of the Skelton Castle. Resolute in all things,
Charles Metcalfe was resolute not to be sea-sick; and
though his sufferings were considerable, he still entered in
his journal from day to day that he "held out" against
the enemy; and in spite of the frequent entries of "very
squeamish," he almost accomplished success.
He had a friend on board, Mr. Bazett, with whom he
"read Moors;" and in his own cabin he studied the Abbé
Raynal's East Indies, Howell's Tracts, the Memoirs of
Abdul Kurreem, and other books; and wrote poetry to Miss
D-
On the 22nd of September, the fleet came-to off the
Island of St. Helena. Under the auspices of Mr. Bazett,
24
BOYHOOD.
Charles Metcalfe landed, and was most hospitably enter-
tained. He seems to have spent a week very pleasantly
there, and to have come away with some lively impres-
sions. I have heard it doubted whether Metcalfe was
much alive to the beauties of external nature. I do not
find many allusions to such things in his writings, nor can
I gather that, at a later period of his life, the associations
of the picturesque had much effect on his mind. But he
was charmed and awe-struck by the beauty and sublimity
of the scenery of St. Helena. The enthusiasm which they
engendered within him may be gathered from some pas-
sages in a descriptive account which he wrote of the island.
He thus speaks of his first ride: *
"In the first ride I took I was struck with astonishment and
admiration. Every step I took afforded a new scene of delight;
every winding of the valley, every twining of the mountain,
offered a magnificent view to our eyes; the contrast was wonder-
ful. If I looked behind, I saw a bleak, barren rock, without a
stalk of cultivation; if I looked before me, I was struck with the
pleasing view of the sides of the hills covered with verdure; a fine
breed of cattle browsing on the declivity, and every here and there
waterfalls, pouring their contents into the bosom of the most
fertile valleys, where they formed a meandering stream, the banks
of which were covered with water-cresses and other herbs in the
greatest abundance. Everywhere something grand or something
beautiful opened upon us, and everywhere there was fresh sub-
stance for admiration. But I need not attempt to describe what
cannot be described; I shall overrun my imagination, and be lost
in the maze of wonders."
* Having spoken lightly of Metcalfe's equestrian skill, it may
appear strange and contradictory that I have so soon set him on
horseback, and that too in a rocky, precipitous, and dangerous
country. He himself affords the explanation. "The roads," he
wrote, "throughout the island are situated on the edge of pre-
cipices-nor would I trust myself on them on any English horse—
but the animals here are so quiet, and sure-footed, and careful,
that I should not be afraid to trust myself asleep on the back of
any of them."
SCENERY OF ST. HELENA.
25
In another passage he thus describes one of his mountain
walks :
"From Rosemary we walked to a ridge of rocks, piled loose
one on another by the hand of nature; some of them are so
heaped up as to form the figure of a man, which goes by the
name of the Friar, and taken in one point of view, it has that
appearance. From this ridge you look down on an immense
abyss, which from its depth and steepness is called Eternity;
and, indeed, any despairing lover might in one instant, without
any trouble or noise, put an end to his existence in one step; the
appearance cannot be better described than by making use of the
allegorical term, Beauty in the lap of Horror.' There are many
other situations similar to this in the island which I had not an
opportunity of seeing; their names will give a better idea of
them than anything I can say; such as Purgatory, Break-neck
Valley, Hold-fast Tom, and others, which have escaped my recol-
lection. I clambered up High Peak, one of the highest points (as
its name indicates) in St. Helena; from this I looked down upon
Ladder Hill (which, as I observed, stands half a mile perpendicular
from the sea), as upon a deep valley. I found myself, for the first
time in my life, when on High Peak, above the clouds. The
prospect is noble, and the eye grasps at one view nearly the whole
island;
but we were prevented from enjoying it by the clouds,
which seemed to shut us out from the world and oppose a barrier
to our communication with humble mortals; but the barrier was
but vapour, through which we descended from the regions of air
to grovel once more amongst the herd of terrestrials. I was
inclined to loiter, when a cry of descende cœlo, from Mr. Bazett,
drove away my fanciful ideas; and I found in descending, that
there was more difficulty in scrambling down than in clambering
up rocks."
The remainder of the voyage furnished little worthy of
record. An eclipse of the sun, a storm off the Cape, an
enemy in sight, and a fall down the hatchway,* were the
*“October 30.—-Had a terrible fall from the gun-deck to the
orlop, by which I cut open my chin, and at the time imagined I
had received an internal injury; but the next day, being bled,
the pains went off, and in a few days I felt no more of it.”
26
BOYHOOD.
!
principal incidents recorded in young Metcalfe's journal.*
At the end of December they were in soundings, and
sighted land.
* His studies at this time were principally in a poetical
direction.' He read Dryden and Pope-Othello, Jane Shore,
Venice Preserved, and the Pursuits of Literature. On the 21st of
October he "began a poem, intended to be entitled 'Eton,' in
imitation of Pope's Windsor Forest.""
27
CHAPTER II.
1801.
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
The First Year in India-Arrival at Calcutta-The Young
Writer's Reception-Hospitalities of the Cold Season-
Oriental Studies-The College of Fort William-Depressing
Influences of the Climate-Yearnings after Home-The
Prescience of Young Ambition-Appointment to the Public
Service.
On the first day of the present century, the vessel which
conveyed Charles Metcalfe to India entered the Hooghly
river, and at night-fall anchored off Kedgeree. On the
following evening, as there was a likelihood of the ship's
detention, the young writer put himself into a rowing-boat,
and made his way towards Calcutta. After a "tedious,
disagreeable expedition," owing, as the eager boy declared,
to the "stupidity of the fellows," he arrived on the night
of the 3rd of January, off one of the ghauts, or landing-
places, of the great city; and in outer darkness, seeing
nobody, and knowing not where he was, first planted his
foot on Indian soil.*
* MS. Journal.
January, 1801. Thursday, 1st.-Having got
our pilot on the preceding evening, we proceeded up the river,
and anchored at Kedgeree.
“Friday, 2nd.—A number of boats came to us with fruits, and
the appearance of the boats, as well as men, is very curious and
entertaining to a stranger. As there was a likelihood of the
ship's being detained, I got into the chokey boat at six in the
evening, which, after a most tedious, disagreeable expedition,
28
BOYHOOD.
'.
After half an hour's delay, young Metcalfe contrived to
obtain the assistance of a man, who showed him the way
to Mr. Colvin's house-the house of one of those great
Calcutta merchants, who were fast rising into the "princely"
dignity which at a little later period they attained. Thither
his baggage was conveyed, and there he spent the first
night of his sojourn in India. On the following morning,
Mr. Colvin lent his young visitor a carriage; and Metcalfe,
with a bundle of letters of introduction, set out to pay a
round of visits. Among others to whom he presented
himself, was Mr. Bristow, a member of the Civil Service,
who invited the boy "to remain with him.”* On the next
day, he officially reported himself, ordered a palanquin,
and hired a retinue of servants.†
And now commenced Charles Metcalfe's Indian career.
He was fairly launched as a young writer." He belonged
to the great privileged class; he was the son of an East
India Director; he had many friends in the settlement, for
his father had preceded him there; he had a passport to
the best society in Calcutta. It was the season of social
activity, the height of the cold weather, when dinner-
parties and balls are abundant, and young civilians are in
owing to the stupidity of the fellows, brought us up to Calcutta
on Saturday night. When I landed, I know not where, I saw
nobody, till, after half an hour's delay, I got a man to show me
Colvin's house, where I got my baggage, and slept."
*MS. Journal. “Sunday, 4th.-Got into Colvin's carriage
and went to Graham's-thence to Cotton's, and after that to
Bristow's, who invited me to remain with him. Despatched my
letters-wrote to my uncles." [Mr. Richardson and Colonel
Monson.]
† MS. Journal. “ Monday, 5th.-Reported myself to Crommelin,
Secretary in the Public Department; saw Plowden and Higginson.
Went to Mr. Brown, the provost. [The Rev. David Brown,
minister of the Old Church, and provost of the College of Fort
William.] Ordered a palanquin (160 rupees). Got a Khitmudgar,
Hircarrah, Masaulchee, and Tailor."
COLD-WEATHER HOSPITALITIES.
29
constant requisition,
the entries in his journal consist of little more than records
of the places at which he dined and at which he danced.
At the end of the first fortnight, he bethought himself of
the duty of studying the languages; and he secured the
services of a moonshee. But after two days' trial, he
dismissed him, “finding him of no use ;" and "determined
to teach himself." The laudable determination, however,
went the way of young civilians' resolutions in general;
and for many weeks there is no record of anything beyond
the hospitalities of Calcutta. A page or two from the boy's
journal will indicate what they were:
So for some weeks after his arrival,
(6
Tuesday, January 6th.-Went with Plowden to see Miss Baillie
at Barlow's.* Received an answer from Crommelin. Dined at
home.
Wednesday, 7th.-Went with Plowden to Brooke's. Saw Gold-
ing. Dined at Thornhill's. Got a Dhobee.
Thursday, 8th.-Changed my residence from Bristow's to
Chapman's. Dined at home. Went to Lady Russell's. †
Friday, 9th.-With Plowden in the morning. Was introduced
to Sir Alured Clarke‡ and General Baynard. Dined with the
Governor-General, who talked much about Eton. Went to Lady
Anstruther's ball.§
66
Saturday, 10th.—Shopping in the morning. Got a cocked-hat
(20 rupees). Dined and passed the evening at Dr. Dick's.
“Sunday, 11th.—Called on Mr. Bazett. Dined with them.
Monday, 12th.—Strolling about in the morning. Went to the
levee. Dined at home, and passed the evening at Colvin's.
66
Tuesday, 13th.-Dined at college. Went to the Governor's ball.
Wednesday, 14th.-Dined at Sir Alured Clarke's. At Dick's in
the evening.
* Mr. G. H. Barlow, then one of the chief officers of the
Secretariat Department; afterwards Sir George Barlow, Governor-
General of India.
+ Wife of Sir Henry Russell, one of the puisne judges.
Commander-in-Chief.
§ Wife of Sir J. Anstruther, Chief Justice.
30
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
“Thursday, 5th.-Dined at Mr. Graham's. Went to Brooke's
ball. Sat up till sunrise at a second supper.
66
Friday, 16th.-Dined at Tucker's.* Went to bed very much
fatigued, not having slept the preceding night.
Saturday, 17th.-Dined at college. Sat at Higgonson's. Had a
moonshee.
66
Sunday, 18th.-Dined at home. Had a moonshee.
"Monday, 19th.-Dismissed my moonshee, finding him of no use.
Determined to teach myself. Went on board the Skelton Castle,
the Malartigue, and London, taken from the French; and the
Countess of Sutherland, a very large ship, in company with
Plowden, Impey, Hamilton, and Chester. Dined at home. Went
to Lady Anstruther's.
"Tuesday, 20th.-Dined at Dick's.
Wednesday, 21st.-Breakfasted at Bristow's. Wrote journal.
Dined at Bristow's.
66
Thursday, 22nd.-Tiffed at Hamilton's. Dined with Plowden.
Friday, 23rd.-Answered my uncle Monson's letter. Ditto
Richardson. Dined at home. Went to the Governor's ball.
66
66
66
Monday, 26th.-Dined at Barlow's. Great A.'s rout.
Tuesday, 27th.-Dined at Bazett's.
Wednesday, 28th.-Dined at college. Spent the evening at
Hamilton's.
66
66
Thursday, 29th.-Dined at Brooke's.
Friday, 30th.-Dined at Buller's.† Ball at Brooke's.
Saturday, 31st.-Tiffed at Law's."
After this, appears a long hiatus in the journal, and to-
wards the end of February there is a brief admission that
the writer had nothing but idleness to record :—“This
long vacuum," he wrote, "would be filled by nothing
but accounts of my idleness. It is, therefore, as well to
drop it. I got into my own house on Sunday, 22nd
(February)."
Having established himself in a house of his own, and
being now in all respects the master of his own time and
* Mr. Henry St. George Tucker, then Financial Secretary.
† Probably Mr. C. Buller, of the Civil Service, father of the
late Mr. Charles Buller and of Sir A. Buller, now one of the
puisne judges of the Supreme Court of Calcutta.
STUDYING THE LANGUAGES.
31
his own actions, Charles Metcalfe began seriously to think
about qualifying himself for the active business of his pro-
fession. The native languages were to be mastered at the
threshold. It was to be a toilsome, systematic operation.
No longer were Persian and Hindostanee to be acquired by
chance. No longer were young men, fresh from Eton or
Harrow, to be flung loose upon the surface of Indian life to
acquire, as best they could, without any formal training or
scholastic discipline, the knowledge that was to fit them to
become judges and ambassadors and ministers of finance.
Earnestly and assiduously had Lord Wellesley addressed
himself to the great work of improving the administrative
machinery of the Anglo-Indian Government. And fore-
most among his projects was the establishment of a nursery
for young Indian administrators, under efficient direction
and control. Clinging with peculiar fondness to those
academic reminiscences, which no Etonian will willingly
let die, he had conceived the idea of planting an Alma
Mater on the banks of the Hooghly; and now the college
of Fort William was fast springing into life. The history
of this great project-of its rise and its fall-has been
written, and may be written again. But it has not yet
been recorded that Charles Metcalfe was the first student
ever admitted into the college of Fort William.
It was on the 27th of April that he signed the declara-
tion preparatory to his formal admission. He had been
diligently "sapping "* all through the two preceding
months. In spite of his determination to teach himself,
he had secured the services of another moonshee; and
day after day had been deep in Persian and Hindostanee,
occasionally varying his Oriental studies with snatches of
* No Etonian need to be told that "sapping" means studying-
literally, growing wise-but to other readers the interpretation
may be necessary.
32
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
French and classics. The entries in his diary at this
time relate almost exclusively to the continuance of his
studies :-
"Wednesday, February 25th.-Attended Hindostanee lectures,
second and first class. Breakfasted with Tucker, and dined.
66
Thursday, 26th.-Dined at college.
"Friday 27th.-Attended first, second, and third classes of Hin-
dostanee, and studied with my moonshee. Read Gibbon.
CC
Saturday 28th.-Studied with my moonshee. Read first vol. of
Gibbon's Roman Empire. Breakfasted at Cotton's.
66
66
"C
<<
66
66
66
66
66
Sunday, 1st of March.-Went to church. Hindostanee.
Monday, 2nd.-Hindostanee.
Tuesday, 3rd.-Ditto.
Wednesday, 4th.-Ditto. Went to Bazett's in the evening.
Thursday, 5th.-Dined at Tucker's. Hindostanee, &c.
Friday, 6th.-Hindostanee lectures. Dined at Dashwood's.
Saturday, 7th.-Classical.
Monday, 9th.-French. Sapping.
Tuesday, 10th.-Persian. Ditto.
Wednesday, 11th.-Hindostanee. Ditto." [And so, all through
the remainder of the month, continued "sapping to April the 1st,
when the term closed;" and again "sapped to Sunday the 5th.”]
A few more extracts from this journal will carry on the
history of the young writer's life better than anything I
can substitute for them. It will be seen how he continued
to devote himself diligently to his studies; how he endea-
voured to accustom himself to his new way of life, and to
absorb himself in the occupations of the present; but how
the cherished associations of the past would rise up to
distract his mind and unhinge his resolutions. Do what
he would, he still thought less of the Calcutta course than
of the Eton playing-fields—less of Brown and Buchanan
than of Heath and Goodall-less of Writers'-buildings
than of Portland-place :
“Thursday, 23rd.-Wrote a long letter to my father. Got a
new moonshee, the other having left with much insolence.
66
Friday, 24th.-Wrote to Goodall.
66
66
JOURNAL ENTRIES.
Saturday, 25th.-Ditto.
Sunday, 26th.-To my mother.
33
Monday, 27th.-Read and signed the declaration, and was
admitted into college-being the first ever 'admitted into the
College of Fort William.
66
Tuesday, 28th.-Wrote to my mother.
"Wednesday, 29th.-Wrote to Lloyd, bookseller. Dined at
Cruttenden's. Mure arrived from Cawnpore.
"N.B. During this month I daily did something in the way of
studies, and found myself at the end of it improved. I have not
written down an account of them, as my memory could not afford
one. Of what nature they may have been, must be hereafter
proved at the college examinations, and the degree of praise, or
discredit, I may receive, will be the best criterion by which to
judge whether my time has been thrown away or not. I cannot
boast of having applied so much as I ought, for, of all disagreeable
studies, the first steps of a language are most disagreeable.
66
66
Saturday, 2nd of May.-At Bazett's in the evening.
Sunday 3rd.-Church. Barton came and took up his quarters
with me.
66
Monday 4th.-Went to the Provost's chambers, read the decla-
rations, &c., and was admitted the first on the list of the College
of Fort William. Signed my name to the Hindostanee, Persian,
Greek, Italian, French, and Latin languages. [Remark particu-
larly: This is the anniversary of my going to Eton, and my
taking leave of Dr. Heath.] There was a grand dinner at college,
where the Governor-General, Lord Wellesley, was present. He
was remarkably attentive to me. Went to Mrs. Palmer's.
66
Tuesday, 5th.—Had a dinner at home. Sherer, Chester, Potts,
and Plowden.
66
Wednesday, 6th,-Anniversary of my leaving Eton. The last
time I saw Goodall, Tonson, and Grose-a sad, sad day. Called
on Mrs. Potts after college dinner.
66
Thursday, 7th.-Dined at home. Bayley came. Received a
letter from my mother and Grose.
"Friday, 8th.-Heard from Cawnpore. [From this to Monday,
18th, forgot.] Monday, examined in Persian by Edmonstone and
Bayley.* Put in the sixth, or actually the second class.
* This should have been written Baillie. Captain Baillie was
then one of the Professors of the College. He was subsequently a
distinguished political officer, and an East India Director.
VOL. I.
C
34
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
1
Tuesday.-Hindostanee lectures. Got a new moonshee; Hilal-
ood-deen.
"Wednesday.-Latin lectures.
66
Thursday, 22nd.-This day twelvemonth, my brother left the
fleet at St. Helen's; and came up to London, the last time I saw
him. Nor have I heard from him.. God forbid he should have
met with any accident.
"Thursday, 4th of June.-Was at the levee. The Lord behaved
to me with marked attention, and gave me a general invitation to
Barrackpore. Such civility from Lord Wellesley is no common
thing.
66
Wednesday, 17th.-Heard from my brother in China. This
day week, moved into the Buildings.
Thursday, 18th.-Wrote to my father requesting to return.
On his answer depends my happiness in life."
This was written in the middle of June. The exhaust-
ing climate of Calcutta had now for some months been
doing its sure work upon the young stranger; and he felt, as
hundreds before and after him have felt-worn, weary, and
dispirited; needing some great exertion to shake off the
depressing influences which were surrounding him, and
yet utterly incapable of making it. He had been applying
himself somewhat too closely to his studies; the mind had
been on the stretch, and the body had been inactive. He
had neglected to take that regular exercise which, in
moderation, contributes so much to the health of the
resident in hot climates. He was not addicted to field
sports; he did not excel in athletic exercises of any kind.
He said that he was "out of his element" amid such
scenes; and, now that the time for the more strenuous
activities was past, he had not, like most of his cotempo-
raries, the unfailing resource of the saddle to fall back upon
-seasonable in all months, from January to December.
The brisk Arab and the open plain were nothing to him,
for he did not delight in equestrian recreations. Foul
vapours gathered about him; and there was nothing to
disperse them. In these fiery months there is a general
YEARNINGS AFTER HOME.
35
stagnation of the social atmosphere. A few languid dinner-
parties feebly indicate that the spirit of hospitality is not
dead, but sleepeth. Even the natives of the country
shrink from the fierce glare, the scorching winds, and the
intolerable dust of the summer solstice. How, then, when
the sun is up, can English gentlemen pass about from
house to house? In dreary isolation, in feverish imprison-
ment, they exist, through the long days, if they can; every
one has enough to do in looking after his own individual
life; he has little of any kind to bestow upon his neigh-
bours. Doubtless, therefore, Charles Metcalfe, at this
time, found himself lonely and dispirited-languid and
exhausted-with all sorts of sickly fancies preying upon
his mind. He was dissatisfied with the Present; he was
hopeless of the future; and, worse than all, he was
regretful of the Past. "Sorrow's crown of sorrow was
pressing heavily upon him; for he clung to the memory
of "happier things."
19
Life seemed to him to be without an object. It is a
great thing, doubtless, to "study the native languages."
It is very right that this should be the unvarying formula
of advice to all embryo Indian statesmen; but, however
advantageous the results may be, this study of the native
languages is a dreary occupation in itself. A young man
in his teens may be forgiven if his spirit is not stirred by
it to any very lofty pitch of enthusiasm—if he does not
appreciate the privilege of gathering under the guidance of
a moonshee the unlovely knowledge of the Eastern world,
with a thermometer standing at 90º in the shade. I do
not, therefore, seek to disguise the fact, that before Charles
Metcalfe had been a year in India, he was eager to go
home again. Let us read his own account of the matter.
"At the latter end of June," he wrote in his journal
some months. afterwards, "there was an examination,
which placed me fifth on the list of Hindostanee scholars,
C 2
36
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
and last of the first class. This brought praise upon me,
as I had arrived in the country after all those who were
examined with me, to the number of thirty. Lord
Wellesley told me he considered my progress greater than
that of any other. His attentions to me have been, on
every occasion, marked and flattering. I spent a week
of the July vacation at Umooar, or Ooreapara, on a hog-
hunting party. I was out of my element. I afterwards
wrote my essay on the College; it was one of the ten best
sent in to the Lord. The next term passed over my head
without any attention to my studies-my mind being too
much occupied with the thought of my melancholy
situation. I wrote repeated and urgent letters to my
father on the subject of return, and know not how my
fate is to be decided. I cannot exist here; the idea that
my father may refuse, renders me thoroughly miserable.
I had projected a trip up the river, for the vacation, with
Hamilton, and we were on the point of setting off when
a disorder broke out upon me, which stopped us, and now
confines me to Calcutta, and almost to the house. I find
from it how much inferior the most excruciating bodily
torment is to mental agony-the result of reflection and
too much sensibility. I cannot exist in absence from my
family. I have been exceedingly unwell throughout the
rains. Ill-health is a very inferior consideration with me.
I am, however, willing to believe that the sufferings I
at present labour under will be shortly removed, and
that it hath pleased Almighty Providence to ordain me
this time of penance that I may learn Humility, Patience,
and Obedience to his Divine will. How awful is the
thunder of the Lord, which, growling o'er our heads,
proclaims his power-how mighty is his vengeance-
how dreadful his wrath! Who shall oppose it? Man,
remember the fall of our Great Ancestor. He sinned, and
mark his punishment."-[October 5th, 1801.]
YOUNG AMBITION.
37
There would be enough in the mere fact of the physical
ailments, to which reference is here made, to account for
all this depression of spirit. The hot weather had
exhausted young Metcalfe's strength, and the rainy season
had utterly prostrated him. But the sufferings which he
endured are not wholly to be attributed, directly or indi-
rectly, to these causes. He was a youth of very quick
affections. The pulsations of that warm human heart were
ever keeping him in a state of unrest. From the solitude
of his chamber in the City of Palaces, his thoughts went
back with reverential love to his old home in Portland-
place. And there was one fair form, which, filling all his
boyish imagination with visions of delight, was ever
flitting between him and his books, making dim to his
dazzled sight the Oriental characters which lay before him.
His whole heart untravelled turned towards England; and
he was twelve thousand miles away.
Nor was it only his boyish love that made India dis-
tasteful to him. His boyish ambition had already been
fired. A mysterious power within him had suggested that
he was destined to be great. The day-dreams of the Eton
cloisters were dreamt over again. He thought that he saw
the end clearly before him; but so little did he understand
the adaptation of means to that end, that he believed his
success in life depended upon his immediate return to
England. Under the influence of a strange intermixture
of prescience and blindness, he implored his father to
obtain for him, through the influence of Lord Grenville,
an appointment in a public office at home,* for he believed.
that such an appointment, however insignificant, would be
a stepping-stone to ultimate greatness.
* It is said that the Duke of Wellington, in early life, petitioned
his friends to procure for him some small civil appointment, that
he might retire from the military service, in which he saw little
chance of rising.
38
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
He was a mere boy at this time-he had not completed
his seventeenth year. But he had begun to think of the
day when his biographer would trace, with deepest interest,
his puerile aspirations through the records of his common-
place book.
"No man," wrote young Charles Metcalfe, in
the autumn of 1801, 66
can be forced into greatness without
ambition. But will every man who has ambition be great?
No one possesses more ambition than I do; and am I
destined to be great? If I quit this country, I may be;
and it is one of the reasons for my desiring it so ardently.
I cannot help thinking, should I hereafter be great, of the
fervour with which my biographer will seize upon these
slight memorandums, and record them to an eager public
as a proof of my indulging in youth, and in distant climes,
the idea of becoming a great character on the theatre of the
world. Ambition takes its rise from vanity, and in pro-
portion as a man is ambitious, he is vain. I am, therefore,
one of the vainest creatures upon earth—and I believe I
There is, however, a vast distinction between vanity
and presumption. The latter will show itself when the
other cannot be perceived. I am free from the latter, for I
have always the appearance of modesty. This modesty is
not assumed; it proceeds from bashfulness, and however
superior I may internally fancy myself, I have never the
boldness to communicate my thoughts before any number
of persons. Even if a third person is present, I have a
padlock on my mouth. But whence arises vanity? A
vain person would answer himself, 'From knowledge,
abilities,' &c. I, indeed, am inclined to believe that all
men of ability so possess vanity (distinct from presumption),
viz., they have a consciousness of their own powers, which
is an innate vanity. It does not, however, follow, that all
men who have vanity should possess ability. Ambition
arises from a consciousness of our own powers, or vanity ;
and this again from ability. The most ambitious are the
am.
YOUNG AMBITION.
39
most vain; but the most vain are not always the most
able. I believe egotism arises from vanity; otherwise I
should not have devoted two pages to an examination of
my own character. If we were to search our hearts, we
should find them very faulty. ""*
Thus reasoned the clever boy, not unmindful of the pos-
sibility of all this finding its way into print half a century
afterwards, from the hands of a "fervent biographer." It
seems to have been his ambition at this time to take part
in the strife of English politics, and to make his way to
eminence through the House of Commons. He could not
believe that Hindostanee and Persian would help him on
the road to fame. "Language," he wrote, "is the most
disgusting; history the most delightful of studies; law is
the most perplexing; politics the most noble of professions.
To be an independent member of the British House of
Commons is the highest honour next to being Prime
Minister of Great Britain. Pitt is the first man in Europe;:
still greater by his resignation." And still thinking of the
career of English statesmanship which might lie before
him, the young civilian pushed aside his Persian diction--
aries and grammars, to write eager letters to his father,
dwelling upon the misery of his condition and the hope-
lessness of his prospects, and praying for emancipation
from the thraldom which was destroying all the happiness
of his life.
How these letters were received at home will presently
be told. In the meanwhile, what he called a slight
* MS. "Common-place Book,” 1801.
† It is not unworthy of remark, that young Metcalfe had been
studying Rochefoucault and Rousseau. The entries in his common-
place book are either Maxims or Confessions, or a mixture of
both. At this early period of life cleverness is always imitative.
The impress of some favourite author may generally be discerned
upon the writings of the young. The imitation is not the less
striking for its unconsciousness.
40
THE FIRST YEAR IN INDIA.
ப
reprieve came from another quarter. All through the
months of October and November, he had been a prey to
anxiety and dejection, but the remedy was close at hand.
What young Metcalfe needed at this time to disperse the
vapours which were clouding his happiness, was simply a
life of action. He was weary of the stagnation of student-
life; and, perhaps, he was beginning to understand that
the "misery" which, as he said, was pressing so heavily
upon him, was in part at least the result of physical causes,
and that movement might alleviate, if it could not wholly
cure the disease. So it happened, that when it became
known that the Government purposed to despatch an
embassy to the Arab States, he solicited Lord Wellesley,
who was not unwilling to sanction the young writer's pre-
mature escape from college, to appoint him an attaché to
the mission. The request was readily granted, and Mr.
Charles Metcalfe was gazetted as Assistant to the Embassy
to the Arab States.
"I was ap-
But he never joined the appointment.
pointed," he wrote in his journal, a short time afterwards,
"Assistant to the Embassy to the Arab States, on the 3rd
of December. I afterwards (having the option, for which
I feel sincere gratitude to Lord Wellesley) had my appoint-
ment changed; and on the 29th of December I was appointed
Assistant to the Resident with Dowlut Rao Scindiah."
Colonel Collins, an old friend of young Metcalfe's father,
was then Resident at Scindiah's court. The appointment
was, therefore, full of favourable promise; and not the
least of its advantages was that, in order to join it, the
young civilian was compelled to undertake an extensive
land journey, at a season of the year when travelling in
India is a long delight. So Charles Metcalfe, emancipated
from the trammels of college, packed up his goods and chat-
tels, and set out for the upper provinces.
And so ended Charles Metcalfe's first year in India.
APPOINTMENT TO THE PUBLIC SERVICE.
41
The experienced Anglo-Indian reader will see in it, per-
adventure, the reflection of his own trial-year. When
throughout the hot months and the rainy season of this
year 1801, the young exile felt an irresistible desire to
return to his old home, with all its charming associations
of love and liberty, his longings were only those of a large
proportion of the young exiles who, in loneliness of heart
and captivity of person, struggle feebly through this first
dreary season of probation. By the old, forgetful of their
own experiences, this despondency, attributable as it is in
part to physical and in part to moral causes, may be
regarded as boyish weakness. But it is weakness better
than any strength. Charles Metcalfe had a very warm
human heart; and I do not think the reader will admire
him less for being forced to love him more.
F
42
CHAPTER III.
[1802.]
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
Departure from Calcutta-Meeting with Lord Wellesley's Camp—
Pageantry at Lucknow-Progress of the March-Arrival at
Agra-Letters to Mr. Sherer-Life at the Residency-
Colonel Collins-Home Correspondence-Return to Calcutta.
CHARLES METCALFE had now made his election. In the
civil service of the East India Company, there were several
departments. The purely commercial line of business was
fast becoming extinct. Though retaining the name of
merchants and factors, the civilians had ceased to be traders
on their own account, and now traded but little for their
honourable masters. A large majority of them were
employed in the collection of the revenue and in the
administration of justice. The "political," or diplomatic,
department of the public service, was not then closed.
against them, although its highest offices were held by
military men-by the Kirkpatricks, the Closes, the Col-
linses, and the Scotts. It was to this branch of the service
that young Metcalfe now directed his regards. It was the
only one that could fire the ambition of the boy who had
dreamt in the Eton cloisters of prescribing terms and
concluding treaties. So he made his choice, and, having
made it, he resolutely determined to cling to it. It was
only, he judged, by adhering to one line, that there was
any prospect of attaining distinction.*
* It was, I believe, at the suggestion of his godfather, Mr.
Jacob Rider, that Colonel Collins recommended young Metcalfe
to the situation of an attaché to the Residency at the Scindiah's
f
LEAVING CALCUTTA.
43
In the middle of the month of January, 1802, Charles
Metcalfe quitted Calcutta, travelling in a palanquin, to join
his appointment. He had a long journey before him; for
Court. In the course of the preceding August he had written an
affectionate letter to his godson, in which he said :-"In spite of
your present dislike to the country, I have been planning stations
for you, in one of which I hope in due time to see your appoint-
ment. Amongst others, it has occurred to me that Colonel
Collins, who is under great obligations to your father, should
endeavour to get you appointed his assistant. It would be fixing
you in one of the most respectable lines in the service, and your
father, I am sure, would be very much pleased with it. It does
not at all follow that military men are always to hold diplomatic
appointments, and I should hope, old as I am, to see you Governor-
General's agent to Scindiah. If you are for a rapid fortune, for a
scramble, and to run off with what you can get, you should get
appointed assistant to a collector. These principles, I trust, you
are not come out with, and I should be sorry to hear of your
getting into that line, or as assistant to either of the judges of
Adawlut. Much better will it be for you to get into either of the
offices below, under the Secretary-General, the Secretary in the
Public Department, the Persian translator's office, or in the Secret
Political and Foreign Departments. From any of these offices
you will be qualified to hold any appointment in the Mofussil;
but I say to you as I would to my own son-keep as long out of
the judicial line, and the line of collections, as you can-
altogether, I hope, or till that some great reform takes place in
those lines. Recollect, my good fellow, that I write to you in
perfect confidence, and not for general communication. There's
scarcely a man in either of the lines I allude to that will agree
with me in opinion. The diplomatic line is what I would recom-
mend your turning your mind to.
"Your dislike to the country can't be greater than mine was
for the first twelvemonth; it will wear off I am convinced, but
perhaps not so soon in a college. However, when you reflect
what satisfaction it will give your father and mother to hear of
your getting a medal, I am sure you will study hard to deserve
one, and then I will attack Collins, for I hope to see you fixed
either with him at Lucknow, or at Poonah. I should be most
happy to see you, but I would not on any account have you think
of leaving College under any pretence whatever."
וי
44
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
F
his destination was beyond the limits of the Company's
dominions, in the heart of those provinces lying between
the Jumna and the Nerbudda, which had been at this
time little explored by British residents in the East. The
Mahrattas were then dominant in that fine country. The
hereditary enmity of Scindiah and Holkar was rending and
distracting it. It was what the natives called gurdee-ka-
wukht-a time of trouble.
At Oujein Scindiah held his court. British interests
were represented there by Colonel Collins-an officer of
the Company's army, who in more than one political
situation had done good service to the State; but whose
private amiability was not equal to his diplomatic address.
He had been the friend and associate of the elder Metcalfe,
to whom he was much beholden; but still it was not
without some misgivings that the young writer now found
himself on his way to join the family of a man who was
not reputedly of a temper calculated to win the confidence
and affection of youth. These doubts, however, did not
much or long disturb him. He started under happy
auspices, which became still happier as he proceeded
northwards. Lord Wellesley was then on his way to the
Ceded Provinces of Oude, progressing with the true pomp
of the Sultan; and at Cawnpore young Metcalfe came up
with the viceregal cortége, and was invited by the Governor-
General to join it.
"I left Calcutta," thus journalized the young writer,
on the 14th of January, and arrived at Benares on the
19th, where I was very kindly entertained by Mr. Neave,
and saw my godfather, Jacob Rider. I quitted Benares
on the 21st, stopped some hours with Colonel Kyd at
Allahabad, and arrived at Cawnpore on the 24th. Here
I found all my friends and relations, and was very happy.
But, alas! happiness cannot last long. I quitted Cawnpore
on the 30th (my birthday) with Lord Wellesley, whose
:
拿
​4
.
PAGEANTRY AT LUCKNOW.
45
permission to accompany him was very graciously given;
and after very agreeable marches (considered the whole
time as one of his family) arrived at Lucknow on the 5th
of February, 1802. Our time was most agreeably passed
in a variety of magnificent shows. The fireworks ex-
ceeded any I ever saw. The elephant fights did not equal
my expectation. I returned on the 14th of February to
Cawnpore."
From this station, where he resided at the house of Mr.
Richardson,* a member of the civil service, he wrote to
one of his college friends-John Walter Sherer, then a
young man of good promise, which his after-career of
usefulness fulfilled the following enthusiastic account of
the pageantry at Lucknow. In the suite of Lord Wellesley
he had begun to think that the bright Oriental tinting of
the “Arabian Nights" had nothing fabulous about it.
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"Cawnpore, Feb. 17, 1802.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-I have lately returned from Lucknow,
whither I accompanied the Marquis. I consider myself fortunate
in having had such an opportunity; for such a one will never
most probably occur again. We left Cawnpore on the 30th of
January, and, after four days' very pleasant march, encamped
within three miles of Lucknow. The Nabob's tents were pitched
between us and the town, which he had not entered since his
return from Cawnpore. His Lordship's escort consisted of his
Majesty's 76th, and 18th Regiment of Native Infantry, with the
3rd Regiment of Native Cavalry, and two troops of the 27th
Light Dragoons, exclusive of his own body-guard. With camp
followers, &c., we must have formed an encampment of above
20,000 men. Two of the Nabob's sons came to Lord Wellesley's
tent to conduct him, and shortly after he commenced his march
he was met by the Nabob, the Resident, and all the English and
native respectable inhabitants of Lucknow. His Lordship and
the Nabob mounted the same elephant (the whole party were
provided with this conveyance), and commenced the procession
* Mr. Richardson was the husband of one of Metcalfe's aunts.
t
}
:
!
:
46
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
F
with every possible parade of magnificence. I do not think a
finer spectacle could have ever before been seen. Every display
of Asiatic and European magnificence was to be seen in our
procession. We had a large body of European soldiery (the
finest sight we know of in England), at the same time everything
of Asiatic splendour which the mind can fancy. The innumerable
concourse of elephants (the grandeur of which animal seems to
have appointed it particularly for a procession of this nature),
decorated with costly trappings, was no small part of my admi-
ration. The
The very dresses formed a spectacle of magnificence, and
the two nations seemed to vie with each other in their splendour.
The Calcutta cavalry, I can assure you, was not the least elegant.
His Lordship, in the true style of Eastern pomp, distributed his
rupees with a liberal hand. The streets had been fresh painted,
and those of the merchants were lined with the most beautiful
silks of various patterns. The tops of the houses (with which
we were brought to a level by our elephants) were covered with
musicians and dancing-girls; the streets under our feet crowded
with millions anxious to see so grand a procession. Everything
recalled to my memory the Arabian Nights,' for every description
of any such procession which I ever met with in history, even the
celebrated Triumph of Aurelian (I think it was the Emperor),
when he led Zenobia and Tiridates* captives, of which Gibbon
gives an account, was completely beggared by it. I am aware
that any attempt of mine to give an idea of what I saw will be
very vain. We were received at the Nabob's at breakfast under
a salute. There were some inconveniences, as there always will
be in a thing of this kind,—such as the noise of the music, the
cries of the scramblers, the crush of elephants, which was some-
times truly alarming.
6
"The Nabob and the Lord grew so attached to each other, that
the Nabob declared that he could not exist unless he always dined
and breakfasted in company with the Lord. We were, therefore,
constantly annoyed with ceremony. The fireworks and illumi-
nations which he exhibited to us were the most splendid I could
ever have conceived an idea of. I was rather disappointed in the
elephant fight: this animal does not seem to possess valour
equivalent to his size or strength; yet to have seen it is certainly
a matter of curiosity. The Nabob's horses are remarkably fine.
His pleasures are all in the English way; he is fond of horses,
* This should have been written Tetricus.
JOURNAL CONTINUED.
47
dogs, hunting, &c., &c. His breakfasts, dinners, houses, are
completely English. It struck me very forcibly as worthy of
remark, that a Mussulman prince should sit after dinner merely
for the purpose of handing about the bottle, though of course he
did not drink. He has a French cook and a military band of
English instruments. I at length grew quite tired of the variety
of ceremonies, and, after gratifying my curiosity in seeing what-
ever was to be seen, I paid my last respects to his Lordship on
Sunday. He has not quitted Lucknow. He was very attentive
to me and kind. Remember me to all friends. Direct for the
present to 'T. Richardson, Esq., Cawnpore.'
"Yours very sincerely,
"C. T: METCALFE.”
"After enjoying the society of my friends for another
fortnight," continued the young journalist, writing at
Mynpooree on the 7th of March, "I left it on the 26th.
Arrived on the 27th at Futtehghur, which I quitted on the
5th of this month, after having experienced a great deal
of kindness from Mrs. Collins, and of attention and polite-
ness from General Stuart. The change of scene which I
have for the last two months experienced has, in some
measure, diverted my mind from that constant brooding
over my misery to which I have for too long a period
given way. But no variety, no pleasures, can prevent me
from frequently recurring to the probability of my happi-
ness being sacrificed to worldly ideas of prudence. Alas!
how little is happiness consulted in general. But I must
not indulge in these reflections.”*
* MS. Journal, March 7th, 1802. On the previous day he had
written: :-" March 6th.-I made a forced march from Mahomed-
abad to Bever, and thence to Bhogong, where I ordered the
tents to be pitched.
Towards the evening I walked
towards some distant ruins, which I found to be the burying-
place for the followers of Mahomed. As I passed over their
interred remains, I could not check my reflections upon the fallen
state of this race of beings, who but half a century back were
everywhere supreme." He had abandoned the palanquin, and
was now riding on an elephant.
48
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
((
At this time young Metcalfe kept two journals; one a
diary of his travels, the other what he called a common-
place book," or record of his thoughts; the objective and
the subjective being scrupulously separated from each
other. In the latter he wrote as follows, on that same 7th
of September, in his tent at Mynpooree:
“SUNDAY.—I have just been reading divine service. What a
strong impression does it always leave upon the mind, and how
well calculated are the prayers to inspire one with a true spirit of
religion. The Sabbath is (to the shame of mankind be it said)
but very seldom attended to; in India, it is particularly neglected;
so that even the day when it returns is not known, nor marked
by any single act of devotion. It appears to me necessary to
religion to bring it to one's serious attentionat fixed periods.
For the want of this, the English in India have less virtue in
them than elsewhere, and cannot impress the natives with a good
idea of our religion."
On the following day the young traveller left Mynpooree,
and on the 10th he crossed the confines of the Company's
territories. The narrative of his travels cannot be carried
on better than in his own words:
"March 9th.-From Ghurriwal to Shekoabad. A battalion of
sepoys was encamped at the latter place. I saw nothing, however,
of any of the officers. It is a strange circumstance that, so far
from all white faces, and not having seen one, since quitting
Futtehghur, I should not have greedily seized upon this oppor-
tunity of obtaining society. I did not, however, for reasons
peculiar, I believe, to my own disposition. It seems equally
strange that no one here should have thought me worthy of
notice.
"March 10th.-From Shekoabad to Ferozabad. I this morning
quitted the Company's territories. Ferozabad belongs to Scindiah,
and is part of General Perron's Jaghire. The aumil, or governor
of the place, came to pay his respects. He is a civil, shrewd,
sensible man. He had heard the news of the peace, and inquired
if a monarchy had been restored in France. Our conversation
was chiefly political; and he observed, turning to my moonshee,
who was in the tent, that the English were the only nation who
could defeat the French, and that this was owing to their navy.
He made many other clever observations; among others, he said
ARRIVAL AT AGRA.
49
hat the design of the French in invading Egypt was clearly to
forward their plans upon India; and concluded by observing that
h did not think it would be a lasting peace. I never met with a
native of India who appeared to have such rational ideas of
European politics. He was a native of Lahore, and his ancestors
were Oosbeck Tartars.
“March 11th.—From Ferozabad to Eatimadpoor. On the road I
frequently passed ruins of palaces and mausoleums."
The next stage brought the young traveller to Agra, then
a city garrisoned by Mahratta troops, under a Dutch com-
mander. To the English in India it was little known
except by report, and Charles Metcalfe, when he explored
the wonders of the Taj-Mahal, trod where few of his
countrymen had trodden, and sat down to describe in
letters and journals what had seldom at that time been
described by an English pen. Half a century has passed
away, and the Taj has become the standing lion of the
English traveller and the stock-subject of the English
journalist. But custom cannot stale its infinite variety;
and every new writer has something new to say about it.
To young Metcalfe it appeared as the realization of the
legendary and traditional, with all the charm of freshness
about it. He said that it was very beautiful, and "beyond
description;" but that it wanted grandeur, and suggested
no solemn thoughts. The entries in his journal are brief:
"March 12th.--From Eatimadpoor to Agra. The eye was
everywhere struck with the view of heaps of ruins, lamenting in
forcible language the oppressive ravages of time. A considerable
time elapsed before I could get my baggage over the river-the
elephants swam. Whilst my tents were preparing, I took up my
quarters in the Taj-Mahal. This is said by many-amongst
others by the artist Zoffany-to be the finest building in the
world. To attempt to describe it would be presumption, for it is
far above description. Shah Jehan is buried here with his wife;
this building was originally intended for her, and it was his
design to have built a fellow to it on the opposite side of the
river for himself. The ground for the purpose was enclosed with
a wall, which still remains, though in a very ruinous condition.
The centre building of this wonderful edifice is composed entirely
50
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
!
!
of white marble, inlined with different coloured marbles, co-
nelians, agates, and other curious stones, in the form of flowes,
ribbons, &c., &c., which are executed with wonderful nicety and
real taste. I went to the summit of the minaret. They are more
elevated than those of Lucknow, and present a very fine vier of
the fort and town.
"13th.-I breakfasted by invitation with the Dutch commaider,
Colonel J. Hessing. I found with him his son, who commanded in
the engagement at Oujein, where his battalions were defeated; a
Mr. Marshall, an Englishman; and two others, whose names I
have not learnt. The breakfast consisted of kedgeree (rice and
eggs), fish, game, fowls, curry and rice, stews, oranges, pears,
pomegranates, eggs, bread and butter, cakes of all kinds, pan-
cakes, and a number of other dishes, which have escaped my
recollection-among others, I had forgotten to enumerate cheese.
The Dutchman was as polite as a Dutchman could be, and very
well-meaning I am certain. I walked over some of the buildings.
They are in general of marble, beautifully inlaid, and admirably
´executed. The roofs of many have been silver. These, however,
have fallen a prey to the destroying hands of the Mahrattas, who
have even stripped the rooms of the leaves of gold which covered
the flowers in many places. Some of the rooms are lined with
small mirrors. I was conducted by Mr. Marshall and another
gentleman, who showed me the place where Shah Jehan was
confined while his sons were contending for his empire. It is a
small octagon room where the ruler of all India spent this wretched
portion of his life, not in the command of a single slave. The
walls were white, but in many places the plaster had dropped,
and disclosed a coloured wall, with gold and silver ornaments. It
is said that the Emperor had it whitewashed that he might not be
troubled with the sight of such pernicious metals."
rr
On the following day he "breakfasted and dined with
the Dutchman, and examined the Taj-Mahal with more
attention." It was a happy day, for his affectionate heart
was gladdened by the receipt of a letter from his friend
Sherer, which he sat down at once to answer. "I cannot
better," he wrote, "express the joy I feel at receiving yours
of the 1st, than by answering it immediately. It has not
been in my hands ten minutes. It finds me an inmate
of the far-famed Taj-Mahal at Agra." "It is above
THE TAJ-MAHAL.
51
description," he added; "but I may endeavour to give you
an idea of its materials." And then he went on to speak
of the wonderful mosaic, of the precious stones inlaid, of
the elegant devices-but confessed that there was some-
thing unsatisfactory in it all. "If," he wrote-and the
passage is worth more than whole pages of such descrip-
tion-"if you are not already tired of the subject, I will
tell you the impression that all this beauty and elegance
left upon my mind. Although I have by no means done
it justice, yet you will be surprised when I tell you it left
no impression upon my mind; I was not inspired with any
of those sentiments of awe, delight, or reverence with which
I have viewed much less magnificent buildings, particu-
larly the colleges of the universities, or with which I have
heard the echo of my own footsteps even in the cloisters of
my much-loved Eton." Then he fondly reverted to the
day-dreams of his boyhood;* and contrasted them with his
actual state. "How crushed," he exclaimed, “are all my
hopes, my honours, and my fancied glories! But you will
say I am wandering, and in looking over the last page
find that I am.”
On the 15th of March, Charles Metcalfe turned his back
upon Agra, and proceeded upon his journey to Scindiah's
Court. On the evening of that day, halting at Mundakor,
he wrote again to his friend Sherer. After having dis-
missed one moonshee because he was stupid, and another
because he was insolent, the young student had found a
third, who was neither; and, as he was as ready to appre-
ciate good qualities as he was to resent bad ones in his
native instructors, he had come to the resolution, after
leaving college, to reward the services of the man to whom
he believed himself so much indebted for the proficiency
which, during his year's residence in Calcutta, he had
acquired in the knowledge of the native languages. What
1. * The passage omitted is given by anticipation at page 8.
:
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
52
shape the young writer's gratitude assumed may be gathered
from the following letter, which deserves record as a
characteristic manifestation of the kindliness and generosity
of the writer:*
.*
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
66
Camp of the Anglo-Mahratta Allied Forces,
Head-quarters, Mindakor, March 15, 1802.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-My letter of yesterday should have
sufficed you for the present had I not forgotten in it to mention
a subject which I particularly wished to write to you upon. It
relates to our common friend Hilal-ood-deen. He is the only
native of India for whom I entertain any particular esteem, which
his merits loudly demand. It is no fault of his that I am not at this
moment a tolerable proficient in some one or other of the Oriental
languages. I am ashamed to say he was thrown away upon me.
He has now to deal with a better subject, Jenkins,† who will do
him the justice he deserves. The good old man must have thought
it very extraordinary that I should have left Calcutta without
giving him any memorial of my regard: the reasons why I did so
have been explained in a letter to Hamilton. I have been con-
sidering of the means by which I can do him some permanent
service; and I think that a monthly allowance will be the most
so. Tell him, therefore, that he is to consider himself entitled
to twenty rupees per month from January last inclusive. If I
return to England, I must make amends for the loss of this
allowance by a sum of some small value, but if I remain in
India, it will continue to Hilal's death, unless I am carried off
before him. It is a slight recompense, and by no means comes
up to my wishes; but as I have not the slightest idea of my
own salary, and as, exclusive of camp equipage and travelling
* On the following day he wrote in his common-place book:
"Hilal-ood-deen.-I have determined to settle twenty rupees per
month upon this man, who so well deserves all that I can do for
him. This added to his other salaries will render him extremely
comfortable.-[Futtehpore Camp, March 16th, 1802.]”
Nearly a year afterwards he wrote opposite to this passage :—
"I was dissuaded from this as being beyond my means. gave
200 rupees."-[Feb. 19th, 1803.]
†The late Sir Richard Jenkins, G.C.B.
LETTER TO SHERER.
53
expenses, I am obliged, for the sake of appearance, to maintain
a much larger establishment than I ever should have done in
Calcutta, the sum which I have set apart for Hilal-ood-deen is
as considerable as my ability, consistent with convenience, will
admit of; this, however, I shall not feel in the least burden-
some, and only regret that it cannot be larger. As it is, it may
serve to add to his comforts. I will shortly contrive some means
for his being regularly supplied; yet you must be aware that
I must have some trifling increase before I can effect this. Give
him, however, to understand that this allowance is to commence
from the 1st of January, 1802, and to continue until some circum-
stances as above mentioned shall interfere to prevent it. I, how-
ever, by no means consider this trifling recompense as acquitting
me from further obligation; on the contrary, Hilal-ood-deen will
ever have a strong claim to any services I may be able to render
him or his family, and in thus disposing of any benefits, in addi-
tion to gratifying my own sentiments of gratitude, I shall have the
satisfaction of serving a man of solid merit and intrinsic worth. . .
I have never experienced any comfort in India until of late,
since I have been travelling quite alone. I do nothing but read
English, Latin, and French, and I have procured another small
but good selection of books. I rise early, read constantly, eat
heartily, and sleep soundly-four blessings I never before enjoyed
in India. I never allow myself to think of England, and I feel
the good effects of my resolution, though my views with respect
to it are the same as ever. I have no room to tell you all my
plans. Persuade Hamilton to write; I have not had a word from
him in answer to either of my letters. Remember me to him and
Wood. Lord W. did not see the second and third essays.
Depend upon it I feel more gratified by his approbation than
I should by the prize itself. Buchanan* appears to have been
officiating priest on the occasion, and I cannot admit that his
judgment was by any means good; remember, I speak of the
first lot I know nothing of the others, not having seen them,
'Yours very sincerely,
"C. T. METCALFE.
"N.B. I have entirely deserted Oriental literature for the
present, and shall see the arrivals of yesterday in a short time
* The Rev. Claudius Buchanan, Vice-Provost of the College. I
find a letter from him to Metcalfe, written at this time, in which
54
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
F
+
turning up their noses-en passant [blood must have blood; I'll
give you Gil for Gil*] who are the hopes of the rising gene-
ration ?"
On the 17th of March, Metcalfe left Futtehpore, and on his
way to Radowul his "baggage was attacked by the banditti
of the country, who were repulsed." Many of his marches,
'at this time, were performed by moonlight. The increasing
richness and beauty of the country through which he passed
excited pleasurable emotions in the mind of the young
traveller; and day after day, as he encamped "under
the elegantly-spreading banyan-tree," or "in a
"in a most
elegant grove of banyan-trees, every one of which is in
itself a grove," he recorded his favourable impressions of the
abundant fertility and the romantic picturesqueness of the
country of the Mahrattas. Here and there he came up with
battalions of Perron's troops, and received complimentary
presents, and visits, not merely of compliment, from their
officers.† At other places he was warned of the contiguity
of Holkar's marauding bands; and "obliged to keep a
he says: "Some gentlemen were praising your essay lately, when
an old civilian observed, he did not see it was anything remark-
able. 'Pray can you do as well, John ?' On which John said
that he thought he could, if he had time.”
* The reference is to some colloquialisms of Dr. Gilchrist.
† Under date March 22nd, he writes :-" Pilowdit to Koshulghur.-
At the latter I found encamped four more battalions of Perron's
roops. One of the officers came to visit me-anxious to hear of his
father, Colonel
I obtained some information from him
relative to the Mahratta service. It appears that promotion depends
on General Perron, who is naturally disposed to favour his own
countrymen. So far, however, as the rank of captain, every officer
obtains a step annually-i. e. in four years a man must be a
captain. The rule extends no higher. The uniform of the sepoys
is the same as the Company's; so are the accoutrements, with the
exception that they carry a sword as well as a bayonet and
musket. The band, which was in full tune, as they marched by
my little camp, played nothing but marches-perfectly
European style."
the
PROGRESS OF THE MARCH.
55
sharp look out." But these things did not much dis-
turb his tranquillity, or break in upon his meditations.
Even in the near neighbourhood of the banditti his habit
of moralising was not to be repressed, and we find him,
with Holkar's troops within a few miles of him, opening
his common-place book, and recording his opinion on the
formation of character and the disposition of children.*
At Kotah, it became apparent to him, for the first time,
that he was a person of some consequence, and he was
compelled to act a dignified official part. The Dewan,
or minister of Zalim Singh, came to pay him a visit of
ceremony, which it was his duty on the following day to
return. Through streets lined with wondering inabitants,
as if to view some strange spectacle," the young diplo-
matist went forth, more full of wonder than all the rest.
He could not help reflecting on the little notice that would
have been taken of him on entering any country town in
England; and perhaps in his young ambition he may
have begun to think that Indian official life has its com-
pensations after all. The incident is thus detailed in his
journal :
66
April 2nd, Kotah.-In the afternoon [the Dewan] came to pay
the complimentary visit. I had spread a white cloth over the
satringee in the tent. I received him and his relations and friends
before the tent, and after having embraced them led them in. I
seated myself with them according to the Hindostanee custom,
and after the ceremony of distributing Pan and Attr, ordered the
presents to be brought, consisting of a gold watch, a brace of
pistols, penknife, scissors, and Hindavi manuscript curiously
minute. To my great annoyance, he accepted the whole, which
I had never intended, and which is not a very general practice.
April 3rd. The necessity of returning the visit detained me
here this day. The streets were lined with inhabitants as if to
view some strange spectacle. I could not help reflecting with
what indifference I should be suffered to pass into a town in
* A portion of the essay is given in Chapter I.
56
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
England, and yet how much happier I should be. I was received
with the same ceremony which I had practised. The presents
consisted of four shawls, three pieces of muslin, one of silk, and
one of orange-coloured cloth."
After a slight detention, caused by the accidental death
of one of his followers, and the kindly desire of the young
diplomatist to allow time for the friends of the deceased to
"perform their last duties" to him, and a subsequent halt
in expectation of receiving letters from Colonel Collins,
Charles Metcalfe pushed on, through a bleak, barren
country, differing greatly from the fertile regions between
Agra and Kotah, to Oujein.* And on the 16th of April
*The following descriptive passages from the young writer's
journal, are worth giving :-
66
April 6th-Waited till after breakfast for letters from Colonel
Collins. Receiving none, marched with thirty-eight men from the
Rajah, and my havildar's guard, to Humihuttea, distant eight coss
through the most savage, bleak, dreary desert I ever had any idea of
-one vast rocky plain or plain rock, for there was scarcely an inch
of earth, and wherever flowers grew, they were without a single leaf;
every tree that appeared had its branches entirely bare. In the
midst of this wild stands Juypoora, like Palmyra or Tadmor in the
Desert-a spot which appears to great advantage, for between Rota
and it, a distance of ten miles, there was not an inhabitant nor a
hut, nor a single drop of water. The wind blowing, as if through a
furnace, was too high to admit of my using any chatteh (umbrella),
so that I was exposed on my elephant to the burning rays of the
sun, the reflection from the rock, and the scorching influence of
the wind; all these circumstances rendered me unwell during the
day and night.
66
March 9th.-Jalsepatam-five coss. The road was tolerably
good, the land as wild as before. This country differs very much
from the beautifully fertile and well-cultivated lands between
Agra and Kotah. Here, whenever a tree has sprung up, the soil
appears to confess its inability to support it, and has left it, seem-
ingly, to wither. Whether this be owing to the seasons, or the
barren soil, I know not; but the branches of every tree are com-
pletely bare. This country may very properly be called 'India
Petræa,' for it is one continual rock."
ARRIVAL AT OUJEIN.
57
he wrote the words "Labor Ultimus" in his journal.
"After a long march," he recorded elsewhere, "rendered
pleasanter by my resolution and recreation than I expected
to find it, I arrived at Oujein." There he became a member
of Colonel Collins's family, and entered upon the duties of
his appointment.
But he had leisure still to discourse of love and friend-
ship, and there was no growth of new attachment at
Oujein to displace the old. The truth being told, it must
appear that Charles Metcalfe, at this time, was driven to
seek solace in reminiscences of the past. Disappointed,
vexed, sometimes perhaps irritated, he peopled his lonely
tent with the images of his absent friends, and as he
pored over the letters of some beloved correspondents, or
looked eagerly for the coming of the post, thought that he
was again in London or Calcutta. The entries in his
common-place book show what was the warmth of his
young affections:
"ATTACHMENTS.-Attachment to a female is generally inse-
parable from desire; yet when this is not the case, how much
more tender and pure it is! The effect Miss D's virtue,
sense, and beauty had, and still have, upon my mind, can never,
I think, be effaced. Yet was my attachment pure and warm,
but unaccompanied with any desire. I longed for her heart.
The love of a boy of fifteen is a laughable subject; and
is considered too childish to be lasting. Two years of absence
have only served to strengthen the most disinterested attach-
ment to her, and her sensible letters have heightened my admira-
tion. She is far removed from any thoughts of obtaining her
hand, and good sense and reason prohibit my aspiring to it. Her
happiness is my first wish in preference to my own; and who-
ever the happy man to whose arms she is consigned, may he prove
worthy of the inestimable blessing.”—[Camp near Oujein, April
25th, 1802.]
"NEGLECT OF FRIENDS.-How painful is the neglect of friends,
or the appearance of it! Although it is more than probable that
my correspondence has not been slighted, and that the friend of
:
:
:
:
58
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
my heart has actually written to me,* yet the doubt and anxiety
occasioned in my mind by the non-arrival of his letters are really
tormenting. With what eagerness do I wait for the coming of
the post, and when my hopes are daily disappointed, with what
impatience do I look forward to the next morning, and the possi-
bility of their being realized. I may say with Rousseau, I was
born for friendship; but, alas! how few are-how few feel it in
its sincerity-how often is it abused-how very few look upon
it as more than a temporary intimacy, which after separation
is no longer to be maintained."-[Camp near Oujein, April 25th.]
·
"My
The official connection of Charles Metcalfe at this time
with Scindiah's Court was brief and unsatisfactory.
situation was very disagreeable," he wrote in his journal,
before he had been more than a few weeks attached to the
Residency; and he very soon formed the resolution of
seeking more congenial employment elsewhere. But,
painful and embarrassing as was his position, he was
becoming more reconciled to Indian life.
The great
panacea of action had been applied, with unfailing efficacy,
to the mental ailments of the eager youth; and though his
home-sickness had not been wholly subdued, it had con-
siderably abated. He no longer felt that he was stagnating.
The great world was opening out before him.
So it may be believed that when, in the summer of
1802, Charles Metcalfe received, from his parents, answers
to the letters which he had written from Calcutta in the
preceding year, imploring permission to return to England,
and found that those answers gave no encouragement to
the project of abandoning the profession which he had
entered, the denial inflicted upon him less pain than he
* I believe that the friend here alluded to was Mr. Terrick
Hamilton, then a student in the college, and afterwards a not
undistinguished member of the Madras Civil service-one of the
few of Charles Metcalfe's old friends and associates now living.
The missing letters were afterwards received. The friend had not
been neglectful
LETTERS FROM HOME.
59
had anticipated. He had begun to take new views of
life, and of life's duties. Perhaps it had become apparent to
him that distinction might be achieved in the East as rapidly
as in the West. All his friends in India, old and young, had
dissuaded him from the project of returning to England,
and now the letters of his parents brought conviction to
his mind that he could not take the rash step without
plunging them in deepest grief. Most kindly, but still
most firmly, did Major Metcalfe reply to the solicita-
tions of his son. How wise his counsel was need not be
told:
FROM MAJOR METCALFE TO CHARLES METCALFE.
"Feb. 24, 1802.
“ MY DEAR CHARLES,-Your letter of the 30th of June reached
me this day, and has, of course, caused much uneasiness to your
mother and me. The two letters you allude to have not yet been
received. On a retrospect of my own feelings with regard to my
children, I can with great truth declare, that their care, comfort,
and establishment in life has been the great object of my endea-
vours. If I had considered my own inclination, I should never
have suffered your brother or you to leave this country. In the
vale of life, the company of two sons, of whose abilities and
acquirements any father might be proud, would have been a
solace that a selfish mind would readily embrace; but, looking
forward to the period when I must pay the debt of Nature, it
became an indisputable duty to give up personal enjoyment for
their future welfare, and to consider how to place them in the
most advantageous situations. Judge then, my dear Charles,
what I experienced at finding you so dissatisfied with your station
in the Civil Service, after so short a trial. Let me ask you in
what line of life I could have placed you that could hold out any
prospect of a direct support, much less of a future independence?
The army and navy you always objected to; and with respect to
your present idea of a clerkship in the Secretary of State's office,
if I could have obtained such an appointment, the situation is
neither so pleasant nor so profitable as a clerk in a merchant's
counting-house-a place which you would soon discover to be too
degrading for any son of your father's. That the prospect in
+
60
FIRST OFTICIAL EXPERIENCES.
Bengal always appears unpromising on first entering into the
service, is a fact I have innumerable instances to prove; and
many men now in England with large fortunes, and several in
Bengal in good circumstances, held the same language as you now
do. I remember well my own feelings when I was an ensign, and
had been in the country about three months. I one morning (in
a fit of the bile) waited on the commanding officer with an inten-
tion to resign the service, and return to England. Fortunately
for me, the conversation at breakfast took a pleasant turn, in
which I bore an active part, and a hearty fit of laughter got the
better of my blue devils. I returned to my quarters with a deter-
mination to persevere; and by that prudent resolution have
reached the situation which I now hold. Let my example not be
thought unworthy of being followed by my sons; and I shall look
with anxiety for your next letter being written in better spirits
than the one now before me.
"God bless you, my dear Charles; let me hear from you by
every opportunity.
"Your most affectionate father,
"THOMAS T. METCALFE."
From his mother the young writer received letters
couched in more emphatic language than this. Mrs.
Metcalfe was a woman of strong sense and of plain dis-
course. She did not deal in half-truths, and was not
given to reservations. She knew that the prosperity of
her son's career depended upon his continuance in India,
and she was resolute not to encourage a humour which,
in her conviction, was fraught with ruin. So she went
straight to the point, and told her son that he ought to
be ashamed of his instability; that he did not know his
own mind; that he talked about distinguishing himself in
England, but that he really thought more of indulging
a boyish fancy; that he had been reading too much and
had got the vapours; and that it would be good for him
dissipate" a little. A little more tenderness would
not have spoilt the letters, but there was wonderful sagacity
in them. They touched the whole matter as with a
to "
·
LETTERS FROM HOME.
61
needle's point-and Charles Metcalfe must have felt their
prickings.*
Fearful as they were lest, under the influence of the
despondency which beset him during his first year of
probation, their son might be tempted to abandon all his
fair prospects of success, and precipitately to return to
England, it was with no common satisfaction that the
elder Metcalfe learnt that Charles had been appointed an
assistant to their "old friend Jack Collins," and was on his
way to Scindiah's Court. And how much this satisfaction
was enhanced by the assurances they received from all
•
•
* A few extracts from these letters may be given in a note:-
"If you have a grain of ambition, you are in the field for it, and
the ball is at your foot. What is it you want? With friends,
money, attention, credit, good sense, abilities, and a prospect
before you which hundreds, I may say thousands, in that country
have not, you want, I fear, my dear Charles, a contented mind.
You study too much. You should dissipate a little. On
account of your health, you should relax. Ride on horseback.
When intense thinking is joined with the want of exercise, the
consequences must be bad."—[March 14th, 1802.]
•
•
"Your letters by the Georgiana have given your father and myself
little satisfaction. We did not expect this, and are, therefore, the
more chagrined. Instead of your parents being the objects of your
wish to relinquish so important a situation, if you examine your
heart, you will find it is Miss D-
Your father has not
the means or interest to get even the paltry appointment of a clerk
in Lord Grenville's office; and if he had, there you might stay,
whatever were your abilities. .... If you are ambitious, the
field is open before you where you are; and in no place will you
stand so good a chance. . . . You will laugh at my sending you
out a box of pills by Miss S ; but I think you are bilious, and
they will be of great service."-[April 8th, 1802.]
•
"I do not know what to say to alleviate your seemingly discon-
tented mind. I feel most severely your letters, and think it
a great misfortune that you should have taken so great a dislike
to a situation which seems best calculated to bring forth your
abilities. It shows a want of energy, a want of manliness, to be so
cast down."-[November 24th, 1802.]
1
62
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES. +
quarters that their son was treading worthily the appointed
path, and was already considered a youth of uncommon
promise, may be gathered from Major Metcalfe's subsequent
letters:
FROM MAJOR METCALFE TO CHARLES METCALFE.
"India House, July 28, 1802.
“MY DEAR CHARLES,—I received your short epistle informing
me of your appointment to the Arabian embassy; and while I
was writing to you by the way of Constantinople received an
account from Mr. Balfour of your destination being changed to
the assistantship to my old friend Jack Collins-the situation of
all others which accords most with my wishes, and I hope this
letter will find you happily situated with the man who of all
others in India is most interested in the welfare of my son. You
are now in the high road to diplomatic fame, and as the country
languages are to be acquired in greater perfection where you are
stationed than in Calcutta, and your attention will be called
officially to the general politics of India, my expectations are
sanguine you will soon be considered well qualified for the
situation Government has placed you in, and which must of
course lead to something better in time.
"Tell Collins I saw his boys lately; they are going on extremely
well, and as I intend giving the eldest my best nomination when
he is of the proper age, you will have to take as much care of him
as I am convinced his father will take of you.
"THOMAS T. METCALFE.”
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
66
August 30, 1802.
“MY DEAR CHARLES,-In a few days after I sent off my last
letter, Colonel Monson, to our great surprise, made his appearance,
and gave us the most satisfactory account of your progress to
Agra, with several particulars respecting health, &c., that made
your mother and me completely happy, feeling as we naturally do
more interested in the welfare of you and your brother, who are
removed to so great a distance, than for the children immediately
under our eye. Our whole mind is constantly employed in
thinking of your prospects in life; and as nothing can be more
flattering than the commencement of your public line, I am
sanguine in my expectations that you will continue to reflect
LETTERS FROM HOME.
63
honour upon your father. Indeed, my dear boy, I feel the most
heartfelt pleasure at the accounts I receive from all quarters about
you, and only regret that you have not been a little more commu-
nicative about yourself, but look forward in expectation that
when you are settled in your diplomatic employment you will
make amends by frequent accounts of yourself and my friend the
Resident. The Marquis (Wellesley) has desired to have a suc-
cessor appointed, and in his letter of the 1st of April, mentions
an intention of embarking for England in December, 1802, or
January, 1803. I am of opinion that we shall not appoint a new
Governor-General till he arrives, and think Lord Castlereagh is
likely to be the man-in which case, I think I shall be enabled to
make a favourable impression both for Collins and you, as I am
upon good terms with Lord C.
"Tell Collins his charming boys are returned to school. With
love to him, and every blessing a father can bestow,
"I remain, my dear fellow,
"Your most affectionate parent,
"THOMAS T. METCALFE."
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
[Without date.]
"MY DEAR CHARLES,-The accounts I have received from
various quarters of your character and general conduct is so
flattering, that I assure your mother with confidence you will
turn out a distinguished man when an opportunity offers of
bringing your talents forward; and your parents want nothing to
complete their happiness but information from yourself, that you
are satisfied with your present situation. The share of good
sense you are evidently master of, will, I trust, reconcile you to
the line of life you are placed in, and convince you of the impos-
sibility of a compliance with your former request. I think you
did right in selling your books, as your library was by far too
large to travel about with; and when you get a settled situation,
I will supply you with as many as you may write for.
"Tell my friend Collins I saw his boys yesterday. They are
all we can wish.
"The Marquis's conduct to you has made a deep impression on
my mind. I shall feel more devoted to him than to any other
man who was ever in high station. His last letter, dated in
April, intimates an intention of leaving India in December or
January, and desires the Directors to appoint a successor. But
64
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
i
when he receives a request from the Court as well as from Mr.
Addington to remain another year, I think there is no doubt of
his continuing. The change in the office of President of the
Board of Commissioners is an advantage to the Public and
Company. Lord Castlereagh is the most promising young man
in England. He comes nearer to Mr. Pitt than any other person
in public life. I stand well with him and the Minister-an object
of no other consequence than as it may furnish the opportunity
of promoting the interests of my two sons. Give my unfeigned
love to Collins. Let us hear from you frequently, to give happi-
ness to
"THOMAS T. METCALFE.”
But long before these last letters had reached Charles
Metcalfe, he had turned his back upon Scindiah's Court,
and bidden adieu to his father's "old friend Jack Collins.'
A trial of a few weeks satisfied him that he could not
serve under the Resident; so he made up his mind to
resign his appointment. What the immediate cause of the
rupture may have been I know not. In all probability it
resulted from general incompatibility and an aggregation
of minute circumstances not easily to be described. Some-
thing, however, may be gathered from the following
characteristic passage of a letter to his friend Sherer, dated
"Camp near Abzunpoor, June 20, 1802."
"I have suffered one precious year of my life to pass away with-
out any adequate improvement. In the year 1801 I really
acquired nothing, unless a smattering of an Oriental jargon be
termed an acquisition. I suffered a very large library to be use-
less whence I might have extracted that which would have been
of much more service to me than running about to tiffins and
noisy parties, where instruction, and even amusement could never
be procured."*
* In this letter the young writer alludes to his want of personal
comeliness, saying,-"Let mankind say what they will, a pretty
face is an excellent introduction, and before now I have had to
regret the bad effects of an ugly phiz-particularly with the ladies.
Never for a moment hesitate, under the idea of my being foolishly
offended, to tell me what you think. Believe me, I am the last
man who would at all take ill even your censure."
LETTER TO SHERER.
65
"I am always happy to be of your opinion, which in the present
case carries conviction along with it, and I have much satisfaction
in telling you that I have acted according to it, for although I
regret the want of public employment, which is to me the most
agreeable of all employment, yet I have endeavoured to gain
what knowledge I could, and improve my ideas. My short stay
at Scindiah's Court has prevented my knowledge being very
complete, but in a short time one may observe something. There
is great justice in your reproach, which, whether meant or not, I
have applied to myself, respecting my injunctions of caution
to you. I could, I know very well, have trusted to your judgment,
which, for the future, I shall do. As to Collins, I scarcely know
what to say.
I say that from my soul what I believe to
be true, yet I am aware that it is possible that I may see things
with a jaundiced eye, for his conduct towards me has been such
that I have not words to express my contempt of it.
Any general description of Collins will convey no idea of it; it is
only from hearing particular anecdotes that you would be able to
judge of his extraordinary character. To say the best of him, he
is a man whom one ought immediately to quit."
•
That Jack Collins and Charles Metcalfe had their differ-
ences, and could not agree to differ amicably and philo-
sophically, is clear. The story is a very old one; within
every man's experience; intelligible; without mystery.
Colonel Collins was cold, imperious, and overbearing. He
was known by the name of "King Collins;" and he had
little toleration for those who did not recognise his
sovereignty. He looked upon Charles Metcalfe as a
vassal and as a boy. He stood upon his position, and he
stood upon his age. He exacted a deference which the
youth was slow to concede; he claimed a superiority
which was not willingly acknowledged. The boy thought
the man arrogant and domineering. The man thought
the boy forward and presumptuous. It is probable that
both were right. It is almost a condition of early talent
to be vain and self-sufficient. It does not much matter.
The vanity and self-sufficiency are soon rubbed off. But
VOL. I.
D
•
66
FIRST OFFICIAL EXPERIENCES.
in the meanwhile it is hardly to be expected that age and
experience should benignantly regard the manifestation
of these qualities only as a sign of what is called in the
above letter a "consciousness of power." Still, a little
more toleration in such cases is to be desired; and it
would have been well if the elder man had smiled at
the self-sufficiency of his young friend, and borne with
it for the sake of his finer qualities. Charles Metcalfe
was, doubtless, fond of arguing, and King Collins did not.
like being argued with by a boy of seventeen.* This in
a few plain words seems to have been the cause of their
rupture. They parted with at least outward civility; and •
became sufficiently good friends-at a distance.†
* It was, doubtless, after some similar collision with an elder,
that, a few months afterwards, Charles Metcalfe wrote in his
common-place book,—“ Argue. We are often reproached for what
we are taught to do. To differ in opinion from men of greater age
and experience is looked upon, in a young man, as a great pre-
sumption. Yet are boys at school and college taught and compelled
to criticise the best and most celebrated authors that the world has
known, and to argue on all subjects even in favour of an untenable
proposition."-[February 18th, 1803.]
† Several letters from Col. Collins, written shortly after Charles
Metcalfe's departure, are preserved by the latter. They are written
probably with as much warmth as the man was capable of feeling.
They sometimes acknowledge the receipt of a "friendly letter".
from Metcalfe, and generally express a hope-often an assurance,
that the young man will succeed in the line of his profession. In
one letter he says: "I had little doubt but that Mr. Barlow would
recommend your fixing in Calcutta, and on more mature reflec-
tion, I believe that his judgment is perfectly correct. Since he
seems so well disposed towards you, I am certain you will not fail
to cultivate his esteem and regard—not merely because his friend-
ship may be useful in forwarding your interest, but principally on
account of the high character he bears, as well for integrity as
ability. Do you know, I by no means despair of drinking a
bumper with your father, at some distant period, however, to the
health of Charles Metcalfe, member of the Supreme Government
*
RUPTURE WITH COLONEL COLLINS.
67
in Bengal. Jesting apart, you have talents to justify the most
sanguine hopes of your friends; and as you have come to the
resolution of continuing in the service, I have no doubt of your
application. Indeed, the former would be of no use without the
latter.
Pray let me hear from you sometimes. Be assured
that I shall ever feel warmly interested in your success in life,
and, consequently, must be desirous of knowing how you get
on. Remember, also, I am your banker, as well as your sincere
friend.-J. COLLINS."-[September 24th, 1802.]
•
İ
D 2
68
CHAPTER IV.
[1802-1804.]
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
Return to Calcutta-Appointment to the Chief Secretary's Office—
His Studies-Extracts from his Common-place Book-Visit
of Theophilus Metcalfe-Appointment to the Governor-
General's Office-Early Official Papers-Rupture with
Scindiah-Appointment to the Staff of the Commander-in-
Chief.
On the 10th of September, 1802, Charles Metcalfe, having
dropped down the river in a boat lent to him by Captain
Collins, arrived, a second time, at Calcutta ; and on the
4th of October he was appointed an assistant in the office
of the Chief Secretary to Government.
It seems to have been his desire, at this time, to obtain
employment at the Presidency, under the eye of the
Governor-General, and to fit himself in the Secretary's
office for advancement in the diplomatic line, to which
he had determined to adhere. Lord Wellesley had looked
favourably upon the young writer, and was obviously
well inclined to serve him. Mr. Barlow, who was then
second in influence and importance only to the Governor-
General, recommended him to remain at the Presidency.
He had friends, too, whom he dearly loved at Calcutta;
so that all his inclinations were gratified by the arrange-
ment that had been made. His trip to the camp of the
Mahratta had not been without its uses. He had returned
with enlarged experiences to the viceregal city. He had
1
+
READING AND WRITING.
69
traversed a large, extent of country. He had acquired.
a more extended knowledge of the people of India than
he could have gained in many years of Calcutta life,
And though he had rendered no great service to the state,
as assistant to the Resident at Scindiah's Court, he brought
back some local information which subsequently was
turned to profitable account, and he had begun to interest
himself in the tangled politics of northern and western
India.
Little by little he had learnt to reconcile himself to
Indian life, and, still not without some fond regrets, he
now looked his profession steadfastly in the face, and
applied himself sedulously to the duties of his office.
Much of his leisure time he devoted to his books. And
he was no careless reader. He sat with a note-book
before him, and as he pored over the pages of Gibbon,
of Russell, or of the Abbé Raynal, he jotted down such
landmarks of history as would be most useful for after
reference, and kept his memory fresh as he proceeded.
His old habit of philosophising, at which some of his
friends laughed irreverently, was as strong as ever, and
his common-place book was often opened. To many of
the entries a peculiar value belongs, for they are snatches
of self-portraiture or incidental reflections of the character
of the youthful statesman. They contain, indeed, his inner
history, and are a little autobiography in themselves.
EXTRACTS FROM THE
COMMON-PLACE BOOK OF CHARLES
METCALFE.
[Etate 17-18.]
“HUMAN INTELLECT.-It has often occurred to my mind, as
a doubt which I have never been able to solve, how far active
talents and a sedentary disposition are compatible. By active
talents I do not mean that activity of the body which delights in
the sports of the field and corporeal exercise, but that activity of
the mind, that superior ability, which is formed for the rule of
t
70
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
empires, is at all times ready for action, perceives instantly, and
decides without hesitation. Were I to decide hypothetically, I
should say that active talents were never accompanied by close
application. There is a degree of drudgery, quiet, and, I had
almost said, inertness required in close application to a particular
study which I think incompatible with a mind such as I have
in view. Instead of sedentary disposition, I ought to have said
confined attention, to a science or a pursuit, for it is certain that
there is no activity so great as that of the mind engaged in the
pursuit of knowledge. But I am of opinion that active talents
cannot be bent to a particular branch of study, and that they will
universally fly off from particular to universal knowledge. Many
men of quick but quiescent parts have rendered themselves
famous in some one art or science, whilst others of more active
talents, having made universal knowledge the object of their
pursuits, have not been driven beyond the circle of their acquaint-
ance, for human intellect is confined within such narrow bonds
that it can never possess more than a very moderate knowledge
of general subjects. And it is one of the innumerable proofs of
the vast extent of Divine Wisdom that the human mind should
take such various turns, and proceed by such different ways,
to the acquisition of knowledge, improvement of science, refine-
ment of the world, and to the accomplishment of the views of the
Omnipotent Deity. For I take it to be an indisputable fact, that
there are no two minds, and never were two minds, which are not
essentially different."-[Calcutta, October 29th, 1802.]
“CHRISTIANITY.—I cannot help thinking that too strict an in-
quiry into the truth of the Christian religion ought to be discou-
raged in very young persons. It is an inquiry which requires
vast fortitude of mind, and which we ought to commence with
perfect faith. Youth is very easily led astray by plausible argu-
ments, and the system of natural religion is too pleasing not to
engage a young imagination. It is thus that M, who has
brought these reflections to my mind, at first set off as an enthu-
siastic admirer of Christianity, and carried his attention to its
principles and duties to a great excess, but has now (most pro-
bably from the sophistical argument of some persuasive genius)
entirely given up his faith in our blessed religion, and devotes
himself to natural religion and universal philanthropy. A mind,
however, so easily and suddenly converted may, without much
difficulty, be brought back to a just belief of the doctrines of our
Heavenly Saviour."-[November 19th, 1802.]
EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMON-PLACE BOOK.
71
FRIEND.-It is less difficult to conciliate an enemy than to pre-
serve a friend. There are no enmities so strong that the parties
are not desirous of a reconciliation. I have seen no friendship
which has not been interrupted by many petty jealousies, which
always produce temporary contentions, too frequently lasting
separations, and which are the more acute as the attachment is
more ardent. I must eradicate from my mind that propensity to
form romantic attachments which my youth and inexperience
have encouraged. Never again will I nourish the seeds of a rising
friendship; never will I love the man who has not obtained by
long intercourse my respect and esteem; and so aid me ye powers
of prudence and good sense in my resolves! I am too well con-
vinced that there are very few hearts capable of the friendship
which I feel, and would wish others to feel; and, young as I am,
I am taught by painful experience that the sacred name of friend-
ship is too often violated; that equal and mutual attachments are
seldom, and I doubt if ever, to be found, and that an ardent
attachment unreturned shackles the independence of the mind,
and cannot fail to be attended with vexation and unhappiness. I
am determined to resign the man whose apparent indifference has
cost me so many sighs, and hope that in a short period I may be
able to turn back to this page and smile at the reluctance with
which I evidently part from him, and which is still more painful
than it is evident."-[December 18th, 1802.]
"SELF-LOVE is a most consoling companion. Let every man
search his own heart. I have a very good opinion of myself, and,
as far as I remember, always had the same. Self-love is the
guide of all men's actions. One man feels a pleasure in feeding
his own desires, another in feeding his neighbour's; but the prin-
ciple is the same. Self-love is always at the bottom. The one is
bent on present happiness, the other on future. I can tell which
is the wiser, but I cannot which is the better man. We appear all
to be instruments in the hands of an Almighty, All-seeing Being,
and is one more blameable than another? Can we go in the right
way without the assistance of Providence? And shall he, who
for want of that assistance goes wrong, be punished? Do we suffer
for the sins of others? For what were we created? When, and
how, shall we be destroyed? The inquiry is endless. Guide me,
O Lord, in the right way."
"TO MYSELF.-Mind-little Mind-thou art envious—not so as
to give me much trouble, but sufficient to convince me that thou
art in want of reform; so set about it instantly, and learn to feel
72
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
as much happiness at the good fortune of others as thou wouldst
for thine own."—[February 19th, 1803.]
"Nothing is more irksome than in submission to the rules of
society, or to the natural inclination which the mind has not to
offend, to feign a liking to one whose qualifications do not render
him an object of our esteem, or to appear gratified with the society
of him who could not be too far from us. Such a man is R—
-[April 22nd, 1803.]
"MIND AND COUNTENANCE.-The features of the countenance
are formed after those of the mind.” *—[April 25th, 1803.]
But whilst Charles Metcalfe was thus from time to time
recording in his common-place book the history of his
inner world of thought and feeling, in the outer world of
incident and action there were circumstances developing
themselves which tended in no small measure to shape the
after-career of the man. These were partly of a domestic,
and partly of an official character. In the month of
January, his elder brother, Theophilus, came round from
China to Calcutta, and on the 4th of April, Charles Metcalfe
was appointed an assistant in the office of the Governor-
General.
·
His brother's visit was quite unexpected. The dawk of
the 8th of January brought him a letter from Theophilus,
not dated from the Factory at Canton, but from the "Ship
Betsy, below Ingerlee," on the Hooghly river. "You
certainly will be astonished, my dearest Charles," wrote
the elder brother, "to receive a letter from me dated from
this place; but the cause is, ill-health having compelled
me to take a trip to sea, I took the opportunity of spend-
ing a few months with you, my dear fellow, and, thank
God, have arrived safe, and perfectly recovered." The
announcement filled Charles Metcalfe with delight.
66 Му
God," he exclaimed to his friend Sherer, on the evening
before Theophilus' arrival, " he is the finest fellow in the
My
* Opposite to this he had subsequently written, under date
August 9th, 1803-"Why, then, are mine so ugly ?”
THEOPHILUS METCALFE.
73
world! "*
Not many hours afterwards the two brothers
were shaking hands, after three years' separation-yet
little more than boys in age, but in experience and posi-
tion men. They were still as unlike as ever; but years and
absence had taught each brother to appreciate the qualities of
the other, and they met as the most affectionate of friends.
It is not to be doubted that this fraternal visit was very
beneficial to Charles Metcalfe. His brother was a fine,
manly youth-by no means inclined to meet the troubles
of life half-way, but in the cheerfulness of his disposition
and the strength of his endurance, sufficiently case-hardened
against them. He had gone out to China much against
his will, but had soon reconciled himself to his position,
and had earnestly persuaded his more desponding brother
to do the same.† But when he found that Charles con-
* Sherer to Metcalfe, January 17, 1806.
† On the 5th of November, 1801, dating from Canton, Theophilus
Metcalfe wrote:-" The receiving a letter from you afforded me
much pleasure, but I am sorry to find that India has not turned
out so pleasant as you expected. But, my dear brother, it does
not seem to be the profession you dislike, or the mode of making
the money (which is my dislike to the country), but a regret at
leaving England. Consider, Charles, it is not in the nature of
things for us to be always with our family. Therefore, as you
like your profession, and say 20,000l. would not suffice for you,
what place can you sooner realise that sum in than India? You
will perhaps say, that I am much altered. It is not so. My
remaining here is only from the same motive which induced me
to come out-that of satisfying a parent.
No more
of this; I have two requests to make: that you will not go home
unless you are ill; but if you find the climate will not agree with
you, return home immediately, and I promise you that, when it is
in my power, your situation in England shall be made pleasant.
If you cannot stay in this country, go home and make my dear
friend Anne my sister. I have another request to make, that
you will place confidence in me, let me know your debts, your
movements, everything-
'Take courage, man, and me your sorrows tell,
And safely think nane kens 'em but yoursel.''
""
74
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
!
(6
tinued firm in his eagerness to return to England, with a
generosity and self-devotion which did him the highest
honour, he seconded his brother's solicitations, and pro-
mised his father, that if he would permit Charles to settle
at home, he himself would engage not to swerve from the
line of his profession, but make a fortune for himself in
China.* Such conduct had greatly endeared him to his
brother, and had raised him in the estimation of his
parents. But the elder Metcalfe had made up his mind
on the subject; and whilst Theophilus was crossing the
Bay of Bengal, he was writing to Charles that the gene-
rous conduct of his eldest son had not induced him to
swerve from his old resolutions. "The last letter from
your brother," he wrote, was of the most pleasing
nature. He feels perfectly satisfied with his situation, and
with a degree of affectionate liberality, which does him
great honour, desires me to let you come to England, and
allow him to shift for himself. You, my dear boy, know
my sentiments on this head. I should feel wanting in the
duty as a father to the true interests of his son, were I to
indulge my own desires to have my family with me by
complying with the request of either of my sons to aban-
don the line of service I have had the good fortune to
place them in; and my confidence in your good sense
is such that I flatter myself you will, ere this arrives,
be convinced my determination is founded in your
prosperity—the only object I could possibly have in
view."
Before this letter was received, Charles Metcalfe and his
* He, however, discouraged the idea of "Lord Grenville's
office," and suggested to Charles to turn banker.
"Believe me," he said, "you will not find yourself happy in Lord
Grenville's office; the situation I would recommend, if you are
determined to leave India, and which in my letter to my father I
shall point out to him, as I believe, if he could succeed in placing
you in it, he would consent, is the banking line."
THEOPHILUS METCALFE.
75
brother had many a time talked over the subject-matter
of it together; and it is not to be doubted that the former
profited largely by the sensible advice, and perhaps still
more by the cheerful demeanour of the young Chinaman,
and the affectionate intercourse which was maintained
between them. Theophilus Metcalfe was determined to
enjoy himself. He had scented a party at Government
House even from the Sand-Heads, and had written up to
his brother that he should "require a friseur " imme-
diately upon his arrival. He now stimulated the social
activity of his more studious and quiescent brother, and
even brought him somewhat reluctantly into a cricket-
match, which the Etonians of Calcutta had adventured
against the whole Presidency.* These things did the
young statesman no harm. And, apart from all these
secondary influences, there was an abiding consolation in
the presence of his brother, which seemed to bring
home nearer to him, and greatly diminished the sense
of isolation which had before pressed so heavily on his
heart.
Even when Theophilus Metcalfe turned his back on
Calcutta, and set out to visit his aunt Richardson, at
Cawnpore, whither he vainly endeavoured to persuade
Charles to accompany him, there still remained with the
latter a feeling that he was not alone. Seldom did a day
pass on which the young civilian did not receive a letter
from his brother reporting the progress he had made upon
* In a little manuscript volume, which he kept at this time,
and which he called an "Account of Reading," Charles Metcalfe
wrote under date of January, 1803.—“ Continued Arabic. My
studies and reading much interrupted this month by the arrival
of my brother from China, which rendered me, on his account,
more inclined to pleasures of every sort."-The month's reading
only included "Browne's Travels in Africa,” “Lucani Pharsalia,"
"Carmen in Pisonem," and "Volney's Travels in Egypt and
Syria."
76
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDEŃCY.
!
his travels. All this had an unfailing tendency to encour-
age and to strengthen him at a time when other influences
were at work in the same favourable direction-when his
official position was such as increasingly to flatter his
boyish vanity and stimulate his boyish ambition. He was,
I have said, appointed in April, 1803, an assistant in the
office of the Governor-General. Lord Wellesley had, some
time before, conceived the idea of planting in Government
House an office under his own immediate superintendence.
He was not guilty of the folly of attempting to mystify
the secretaries to Government-of embarrassing his own
movements by keeping them in ignorance of his designs.
The Government secretaries, indeed, were a part of the
machinery of his own office. But he believed that in
matters of great political importance, involving the neces-
sity of secresy, the subordinate agency of supreme
direction could best be carried on by educated gentlemen,
the covenanted servants of the Company, immediately
responsible to himself. In prosecution of this design, it
was his wont to select from among the young civilians at
the Presidency those who had given the fairest promise of
intelligence and zeal, and to make them his confidential
assistants. And it is an eminent proof of the sagacity of
this great statesman that he seldom made a selection that
was not more than justified by the after-career of the man
on whom he had fixed his regards. Nor was it the least
pleasing of his retrospects forty years afterwards to recall
the persons of the young men whom during the first years
of the century, he had assembled in Government House
-the persons of John Adam, of Bayley, of Jenkins, and
of Metcalfe, and to think of the distinction that in the
interval had been attained by his pupils.
In that grand viceregal school the clever boys of the
civil service ripened rapidly into statesmen. They saw
there how empires were governed. The imposing spectacle
LORD WELLESLEY.
77
fired their young ambition, and each in turn grew eager
and resolute to make for himself a place in history. Of
all men living, perhaps Lord Wellesley was the one around
whose character and conduct the largest amount of youth-
ful admiration was likely to gather. There was a vastness
in all his conceptions which irresistibly appealed to the
imaginations of his disciples. Their faith in him was
unbounded. The promptitude and decision with which he
acted dispelled all doubt and disarmed all scepticism.
Embodied in the person of Lord Wellesley, statesmanship
was in the eyes of his pupils a splendid reality. They
saw in him a great man with great things to accomplish.
As he walked up and down the spacious central hall of
the newly-erected Government House, now dictating the
terms of a letter to be despatched to one political func-
tionary, now to another, keeping many pens employed at
once, but never confusing the argument or language proper
to each, there was a moral grandeur about him seen
through which the scant proportions of the little viceroy
grew into something almost sublime. There could not be
a finer forcing-house for young ambition. Charles Metcalfe
grew apace in it.
He soon began to feel that he was acquiring something
that would cling to him all his life-that the training to
which he was subjected was well calculated to fit him to
tread the path that leads direct to fame. What had once
appeared to him petty and objectless, was now expanding
into bulk and significance. The day-dreams of the Eton
cloisters might be realized after all on the scenes where he
once believed hard fate had condemned him to waste his
existence. The future seemed very different to him now
that Government House had become his college, and he
had for a moonshee the Governor-General himself. The
example of his father, too, was at this time conspicuously
before him. Major Metcalfe, who had gone out to India
·
78
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
!
with none of those advantages which had environed his
son, had been sent to Parliament by the people, and created
a baronet by the King.* The glad tidings of this latter
event reached Charles Metcalfe early in May; and some
days afterwards he wrote in his common-place book these
memorable words:
“MY FATHER.-Early in the month I learnt that his Majesty
had conferred the dignity of baronet upon my father. I rejoiced
at it, because I was certain that this honour was not sought for
by any of those mean arts which generally soil modern titles. I
rejoiced at it because I was certain that it was not purchased by
the loss of independence. My good father is a strong instance of
what may be done by ability and integrity. He is an example
which I shall ever have before my eyes, and if I steadily pursue
his footsteps I have little doubt that I shall raise the second branch
of the family to the same honours."—[May 16th, 1803.]
From this time Charles Metcalfe looked steadily forward.
There were no more vain retrospects; no more idle regrets.
The vestigia retrorsum were not to be taken. He had
formed the resolution of not leaving the country until the
governor-generalship of India was in his hands. And that
such would be the end of his career was not a mere passing
thought an impulsive hope-but an abiding and sustain-
ing conviction.†
* Writing of the dignity that had been conferred upon him to
his son, the elder Metcalfe said: "The dignity of Baronet which
his Majesty has lately conferred upon me, was done in the most
handsome way, and our reception at St. James's, when your
mother was presented on coming to the title, was flattering in the
highest degree. At my time of life the adding Sir to my name is:
of little importance, but to your mother, your sisters, and the
whole family, I think the object desirable."
† He did not scruple to say in early youth, that he would be
Governor-General of India. And this not lightly and jestingly;
but with all sincerity of meaning and gravity of manner.
Among others to whom he mentioned this conviction, was that
excellent man, the late Dr. Marshman, who often spoke of the
prophecy in after years, when Charles Metcalfe had reached the
gaol towards which he had long been steadily advancing.
A
EXCITEMENT OF THE TIMES.
79
All through the year 1803 and the earlier part of 1804,
Charles Metcalfe continued to graduate in Indian politics,
under the directorship of Lord Wellesley. It was a season
of unusual excitement. At no period, perhaps, of our con-
nection with the East, has the aspect of affairs beyond the
frontier presented such a knot of difficulties for the disen-
tanglement of British statesmanship. I shall come pre-
sently to speak more in detail of our own relations with
the Mahratta States. At present it is enough to say, that
the complication of affairs, threatening, as it did, to involve
the British power in the greatest war in which it had ever
been engaged in India, threw a large amount of work into
the Governor-General's office, and taxed all the energies of
his assistants. Lake and Wellesley were in the field, wait-
ing the opportunity to strike. It was certain that no
statesmanship, that no diplomacy, could avert the inevit-
able collision. Whatever may have been the wishes of the
Governor-General, I am afraid that it cannot be said that
the boys in his office were very desirous to arrest the war.
They were deeply interested in the progress of events, and
their sympathies were not with the peace-makers. So it
happened that, when intelligence reached Calcutta that the
anticipated rupture had actually taken place, and that
Colonel Collins had quitted Scindiah's court, Metcalfe and
his associates were thrown into a state of excitement in
which there was no great intermixture of pain. It was,
indeed, a memorable day. There are men still living who,
after the lapse of half a century, remember all the circum-
stances of that evening as vividly as though they had
occurred in the present reign. For some days, the
"glorious little man," as his disciples affectionately called
Lord Wellesley, had been pacing one of the halls of
Government House, girding himself up for the approaching
crisis; and now he was prepared to meet it. Aided by
Edmonstone, the Political Secretary, whose knowledge was
80
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
as ready as it was extensive, he now dictated instructions
to Colonel Collins, now to General Lake, now to Arthur
Wellesley, now to John Malcolm, and now to Close and
Kirkpatrick, the Residents at the courts of the Peishwah
and the Nizam. All day long these weighty despatches
grew beneath the hands of the young scribes. The brief
twilight of the Indian evening passed and left the work only
half done, But still, by the bright lamp-light, the young
writers resolutely plied their pens, as hour after hour the
Governor-General continued to dictate the despatches, upon
which the fate of principalities depended. Words of encou-
ragement, little needed, came freely from him, as he directed
this great work. And still, as Adam, Bayley, Jenkins,
Metcalfe, Cole, Monckton, and others, wrote and wrote these
weighty despatches, upon which the events of the great
war were to turn, he told them ever and anon that their
work would soon be done, and that there was a table
spread for them in the banquet-room, at which they might
presently drink success to the campaign. Though it was
now the exhausting month of August, and rest and food
were denied to them throughout many long hours, there
was not one of them who flagged at his desk. Sustained
by their youthful enthusiasm, they continued at their work
till past midnight; then weary, hungry, and athirst, they
were conducted to the table which had been spread sump-
tuously for their entertainment. It was a festival not soon
to be forgotten. A special message from Lord Wellesley
instructed them to give full vent to their hilarity-to use
his cellar as though it were their own, and not to think
that they were bound to be quiet because they were in
Government House. So they drank success to the cam-
paign in good earnest; toasted the glorious Wellesley and
his glorious brother; toasted General Lake and Colonel
Stevenson; toasted the British soldier and Jack Sepoy; and
finally toasted one another. And the Governor-General
1
T
LORD WELLESLEY AND HIS PUPILS.
81
did not complain that next day his office was not very
efficient.
Incidents of this nature were surely calculated to bind
such warm-hearted, earnest youths as Charles Metcalfe by
the strongest feelings of personal attachment and fidelity to
Lord Wellesley. They not only worked for him, they
worked with him. And the endearment thus engendered
was reciprocal. No statesman ever took a livelier interest
in the intellectual development of the disciples who sat at
his feet. He watched their progress with affectionate con-
cern: he encouraged and stimulated them by judicious
praise. He was at once their master and their friend; and
there was not one of them who did not identify himself
with his policy, and was not eager to contribute to its
success.
And that even these clever boys could contribute some-
thing to the successful issue of Lord Wellesley's magnificent
designs, abundant proof was frequently given. Eager for
an opportunity of rendering some service to the State, in a
higher capacity than that of a mere scribe, Charles Metcalfe
was not long in finding one. His visit to Colonel Collins,
I have said, was not barren of profitable results. He had
traversed a great part of the Mahratta country, and he had
been no inattentive observer of its local peculiarities. The
information which he had acquired on the spot was most
useful in the conjuncture which had now arisen; and the
young statesman knew well how to turn it to profitable
account. When, at the close of 1803, by a succession of
victories unparalleled in the annals of Indian conquest,
Lake and Wellesley had broken the power of the Mah-
rattas and brought Scindiah to their feet, a second treaty
was dictated to the prostrate chief, by which he undertook
to receive a subsidiary force into his dominions. The
disposition of this force, dependent necessarily on local
circumstances, was likely to become an important subject
:
82
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
|
of consideration; and as Charles Metcalfe had something
to say upon it, he resolved to draw up a memorandum, to
be submitted to Lord Wellesley, recommending Kotah as
the fittest place for the location of the subsidiary force, if it
were to be planted in one central cantonment, or for a part
of it, if it were to be broken up into several detachments.
This may not have been his first state-paper, but it is the
earliest that I have been able to find.*
This memorandum greatly pleased Lord Wellesley; he
saw its importance, and was glad to acknowledge it.
Taking up a pencil, as was his wont, he wrote on the
margin of the document: This paper is highly creditable to
Mr. Metcalfe's character and talents. It may become very
useful. A copy of it should be sent to the Commander-in-
Chief, and another to Major Malcolm.-W." This was
Charles Metcalfe's first great success. It fixed him in his
resolution to persevere, and dwarfed the proportions of
Lord Grenville's office. The boy of nineteen was drawing
a salary of a thousand a year,† and writing state-papers
for the information of the highest military and diplomatic
authorities in the country.
But, although he was now turning his attention towards
the strenuous realities of life, studying the Government
records, and dwelling rather upon the circumstantial than
upon the abstract, he still found time to moralize in his
common-place book, and to read a large number of printed
volumes, English, French, Latin, and Italian.
Nor were
the Oriental languages wholly neglected. He applied
* The original, in Charles Metcalfe's handwriting, was pre-
served by the late Mr. Edmonstone, to whose representative, Mr.
Neil Edmonstone, I am indebted for a mass of valuable historical
materials.
† Eight hundred rupees a month-from the 3rd January, 1804.
-[Letter of Mr. Edmonstone to Mr. Metcalfe, March 17, 1804.]
In February, after enumerating the books he had read, he
wrote:-"These, with a slight occasional attention to French
EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMON-PLACE BOOK.
83
himself to the study of Persian and Arabic, and seems to
have mastered them sufficiently for all practical official
purposes. From the entries in his common-place book at
this time, I make the following selections: they are
contained in the last private journal that he ever kept:
EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMON-PLACE BOOK OF CHARLES
METCALFE..
"SELF-SUFFICIENCY.-I often, in moments of reflection, take
myself to task for my self-sufficiency in fancying a superiority of
knowledge and sense over the generality of mankind, and examine
upon what claim this fancied superiority' is founded. I have read
and observed more, and have devoted more of my time to reflection,
than, I may almost say, any man of my own age. Does not this
give a claim to superiority? One would think so; and yet I am
much staggered when I see men acquiring fame and consequence
whom I do not conceive entitled to either. I know no right that I
possess to fancy any superiority, and yet my mind will fancy it.
It is, however, an opinion which, I believe, can only inspire good
and Arabic, form the sum total of my February reading.”—In
March he wrote:-" In the latter part of this month I paid some
attention to Persian."-In April, "Continued studies in Persian,
and a general perusal of records. The improvement of this
month, if not so various, is equally solid with that of the last, or
perhaps, more so." In May, he "read a great variety of interest-
ing records." Studied Persian, and reported that his improve-
ment had been "progressive and satisfactory."-In June, he
"continued studies in Persian, and had a great deal of office
business. On the whole, improvement inadequate.” In July, he
recorded “A considerable degree of office duty—improvement
very decent, but might have been better."-August," Commenced
with a very hard press of public business."-[In this month he
read a vast number of plays, chiefly comedies and farces-many
of them Fielding's.] And in September there was an increase
of official business." With the cold weather came a diminution
of his literary industry, and the entries in his "Account of
Reading" were few.
66
84
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
and honourable actions. I believe that every man has some
vanity, derived from a fancied superiority in person, manners,
accomplishments, talents, or mind; and I do not know that mine
is the most unworthy. That vanity only is disgusting which is
proclaimed; and here I hope that I shall never be so weak as to
fall. One circumstance which may render this advisable is, that
I am constantly reminded of this fancied superiority by the avowed
opinions of others, and we are so willing to believe what others
say in our favour, that I would without scruple resign my case to
a just judge, and ask with confidence-Have I sinned beyond the
hope of grace?'—[July, 1803.]
"GOOD FELLOW.-A character I have taken much pains to gain,
which is that of a good fellow, is a very contemptible one in the
enjoyment of it. The term itself is not at all appropriate to the
character, and the character is the most insignificant possible.
It is bestowed without distinction upon the sensible, the generous,
and the really good, as well as upon fools and ignorant and unprin-
cipled men. What are the qualifications which are requisite to
obtain this name it would not be easy to define, since it is so
indiscriminately bestowed. Generally speaking, they seem to
consist in a resignation of one's words and actions to the whims
and follies of the society, in which we move; in a total departure
from the dictates of good sense and right reason, and too fre-
quently from those of religion and morality. The greatest merit
which some men possess, the highest ambition which some men
cherish, is to be a good fellow-a character too prostituted to be
valuable. If I am never entitled to greater praise, or excited by
a nobler ambition, may my ambition be eternally smothered, and
the tongue of praise be hushed for ever.”—[August 5th, 1803.]
"BEAUTY.-Men may talk as they will about the little necessity
for beauty in a man; but beauty is a real advantage. A hand-
some, interesting countenance is a man's best recommendation at
first acquaintance; and although I by no means mean to say that
internal worth will not be admired, when known, even under an
ugly external, yet we are much more ready to receive to our
arms the man whose pleasing countenance we are willing to
believe to be the index of his mind. Are there not countenances
which at first sight seize, as it were, upon our hearts, and estab-
lish an interest in the welfare of their possessors? The influence
does not end with the first introduction; if tolerably good quali-
ties are visible in a handsome man, his beauty will never fail to
heighten and adorn them, and as it is his best friend in obtaining
EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMON-PLACE BOOK.
85
the countenance of society, it will be his steady supporter in
securing its admiration. Instances without number occur to me
of the truth of these observations, and in no place can they be
more strongly marked than in the society of Calcutta. An ill-
looking man, whatever may be his good qualities, is never so
much the object of our praise as a handsome one. Beauty, how-
ever, has its disadvantages. It secures so good a reception
everywhere, that a man possessed of it is persuaded that he has
nothing left to acquire. The ugly man, finding his face against
him, is obliged to lay his claim to being agreeable on the solid
foundations of good sense, knowledge, and virtue. But if this
emulation is not excited, the consequences are dreadful. A pretty
fool may pass through the world pretty well, but an ugly fool is a
most unfortunate wretch. Who would not discover that the writer
of this is an ugly fellow ?
"With the female sex the beauty of a man is everything.
I believe there are very few indeed who consider worth as essential
in a lover, and as few would regard it in the choice of a husband
did not selfishness lead them to do so.
"A man may mar the effects of his beauty by affectation, but
particularly by effeminacy; for the men will despise him, and the
nearer he approaches to the female sex the women will too.”—[ Cal-
cutta, August 9th, 1803.]
"FORTUNE.-Men who rise in the world are much more indebted
to their good fortune than to their merit or ability; and he is the
most clever who is best able to profit by good fortune when it
comes to him.
"Among the favours of fortune may be considered a good face or
figure, which, if a man knows how to take advantage of them, are
not the least of her favours."
From this date there is no further entry until the spring
of the following year, when he thus recorded the fact of
his brother's marriage, and closed his journal-books for
ever. "My eldest brother, Theophilus John, was yester-
day married to a charming young woman, Miss Hannah
Russell.* His age is twenty. He will be twenty-one on
* Niece of Sir Henry Russell, one of the Judges of the Supreme
Court of Calcutta.
1
86
TRAINING AT THE PRESIDENCY.
the 19th of September next. May they enjoy every happi-
ness which good hearts ought to enjoy"-[March 2nd,
1804.]
Soon after this, the two brothers parted, with full hearts.
Their meeting in Bengal had endeared them greatly to
each other, and the affection thus engendered was never
subsequently diminished. They differed greatly in cha-
racter, but both were of a loving nature and a generous
disposition; and although in childhood opposite qualities
breed conflicts and divisions, in manhood they blend with
and adapt themselves to each other, and there is more love
where there is more diversity.*
Not long after the departure of his brother, Charles
Metcalfe also quitted Calcutta. A life of active excite-
ment was before him.
The grand army of General Lake
was in the field. The campaign against Holkar had com-
menced. Metcalfe was well versed in Mahratta politics;
he was acquainted with the views of the Governor-General;
and he was conversant with the native languages. Lord
* "As schoolfellows," wrote the elder brother two years after-
wards to Sherer, "we were continually squabbling, and I believe
from the different turn of mind, which you must have observed,
our parents thought it would be the case through life. Thank
God, those who saw us in Bengal must convince themselves of the
contrary, and I may safely say, that there never were two
brothers more sincerely attached; and, indeed, had I been totally
devoid of brotherly love, his kindness and attention to my dear
girl would have gained him my warmest affection." This Sherer
communicated, in one of his letters, to Charles Metcalfe, who
wrote in reply :-" The passage which you transcribed is, as you
rightly judge, peculiarly gratifying to me. The difference in our
habits, which was acquired in our childhood, will probably stick
to us, and it is possible that we may have different opinions on
controversial points, as you may remember we used to have, but
in fraternal affection and friendship Theophilus and I will ever
have, I am sure, the same mind and spirit." The letter in which
this passage occurs is given entire in Chapter VI.
1
CHANGE OF PROSPECTS.
87
Wellesley believed that in the camp of the Commander-in-
Chief the young civilian would render good service to the
State. So he placed him at the disposal of General Lake
as a political assistant, and despatched him to join the head-
quarters of the army.
88
CHAPTER V.
[1804-1805.]
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
Conclusion of the war with Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar—
Jeswunt Rao Holkar-Recommencement of hostilities
Charles Metcalfe joins the army-The Battle of Deeg-
Letters to Sherer and others-Prospects and intentions-
Adherence to the Political Line.
UNDER the conduct of Lake and Wellesley, the war with
Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar had been brought to a
glorious close, and followed by an honourable peace. But
the rest which ensued was but of brief duration. There
was another chief still willing to try the temper of those
formidable battalions which, on the bloody plains of Assaye
and Laswarrie, had routed the Mahratta horsemen, and
captured the French cannon, and who had fought their
way, through the breaches they had made, into the
strongest fortresses in Central India. Holkar now ap-
peared on the field. "After the conclusion of the late
glorious war with Scindiah and Boonsla," wrote Charles
Metcalfe, in an unfinished memorandum, "by a peace
which secured great advantages to the British interests,
and afforded a fair prospect of future tranquillity and
security, Jeswunt Rao Holkar began to operate against us.
The power of this chief, who had taken no active part in
the contest against us, although undoubtedly a principal
•
POWER OF HOLKAR.
89
member of the hostile confederary, was increased by the
events of the war. In its commencement Scindiah, in
order to secure his co-operation, ceded to Holkar all the
territories which had been conquered from him in their
former disputes. Holkar, whilst Scindia and Boonsla
were carrying on hostilities, took advantage of the favour-
able opportunity to take possession of his ceded countries,
and the British Government did not consider him as an
enemy. At the conclusion of the war, the chiefs and
troops who had served the confederates, having no hopes
of pay from either the Rajah of Berar or Dowlut Rao
Scindiah, joined the army of Holkar. Jeswunt Rao had
nothing to fear from his former opponent, Scindiah, nor
from any power in India but the British Government, and
that Government did not wish to attack him. Perhaps,
therefore, Holkar was never so powerful as at that time.*
Just at the conclusion of the war, he had advanced with
his cavalry and menaced the territory of the Rajah of
Jypore, who had previously entered into a defensive
alliance with the British Government. The Commander-
in-Chief was obliged to keep the field, to watch the move-
ments of Holkar, and ascertain his intentions. After
some vain attempts to negotiate, war became inevitable."+
The language of Holkar was insolent and defiant. He
threatened to overrun the country, and to destroy his
enemies by lakhs. So our British chiefs again prepared
themselves for action, and, without a fear of the result,
launched boldly into a second campaign.
* "It could not be expected, after the glorious events of the
former war, that Holkar would singly engage in a contest with
the British power. The thing was considered almost impossible.
Holkar was despised, and his power underrated.”—C. M.
† The memorandum from which this is taken is unfinished;
but I am glad to use Metcalfe's words when I can.
90
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
•
Some partial successes at the outset raised the hopes
and increased the presumption of Jeswunt Rao Holkar.
Nor was this elation confined to himself. The Mahratta
chiefs, who had been so crushed and mutilated during
the last war, now began to think that there was a prospect
of recovering what they had lost. Their restless ambition
would not suffer them to subside into inaction. History,
properly written, is but a bundle of biographies. It is in
the characters of individual men that we see the sources of
great events which affect the destinies of nations. That
Dowlut Rao, left to his own unaided councils, would have
sought to try the issue of another conflict with the British
Government, or would have desired to league himself with
Holkar, would seem to be at least uncertain. But he
was wrought upon by one who, after the old fashion of
Oriental courts, had gained an infamous ascendancy over
him by administering to his pleasures-a man of vile
character, of degraded personal habits, and of unscrupu
lous malignity, who hated the English, and was continually
inciting his master to compass their overthrow. This
man, Sergiy Rao Gautka by name, had energy and
ability sufficient to enable him to carry out his designs.
Obtaining an influence over Scindiah sufficient to enable
him to thwart the more moderate and judicious counsels
of the Maharajah's other advisers, he persuaded him that,
by entering into an alliance with the Nizam, the Rajah
of Berar, and his old enemy Holkar, he could effect the
entire overthrow of the British power in Central India.
In pursuance of this design, agents were employed at the
courts of Hyderabad and Nagpore, and were despatched
to all the principal chiefs of Malwa, inviting them to enter
into the great combination which was to achieve such
mighty results.
But in the meanwhile, eager to repair the disasters
STARTING FOR CAMP.
91
which had beset the commencement of the campaign, Lake
had taken the field against Holkar, and was soon again
asserting the supremacy of British arms. It was on the
3rd of September, 1804, that the head-quarters of the
army left Cawnpore to unite with other detachments at
Agra, which had been fixed as the place of general
rendezvous. Charles Metcalfe, who had left Calcutta on
the 23rd of August, was then on his way to join the camp
of the Commander-in-Chief.
He started in good spirits, and under happy auspices.
Such a deputation was as honourable to his character and
his talents as it was indicative of the discernment of Lord
Wellesley, who may have been mistaken sometimes in
his measures, but who seldom mistook his men. The
young writer was to retain his situation in the office
of the Governor-General. But it had already lost much
of its attractiveness in his eyes: for some of the best and
most cherished of his associates had already been selected
for detached employment, and he was beginning to think
that the office was being rendered a little too “ open."
It could not always be stocked with Bayleys, Jenkinses,
and Metcalfes; and the very mutations of which the
young writer complained were a necessity inherent in
the constitution of such a training-school for public
servants. Personally attached as he was to Charles
Metcalfe, Lord Wellesley parted from him with regret;
but the Governor-General rejoiced to see him fairly
launched upon a journey towards the theatre of those
great events which were changing the destinies of Hin-
dostan, for he knew that the talents of the young diplo-
matist would there find free scope for action, and that the
national interests would profit by their exercise. So
Charles Metcalfe started for the camp of the Commander-
in-Chief, and the strongest possible recommendations pre-
ceded him. How greatly Lord Wellesley appreciated him,
1
92
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
at this time, may be gathered from the following letter
written by his Military Secretary:
แ
CAPTAIN ARMSTRONG TO CHARLES METCALFE.
"Barrackpore, August 24th, 1804.
“DEAR METCALFE,-Lord Wellesley having heard this morning
of your departure by dawk, directed me to write a letter to Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Lake, and to send it by express, lest you should
arrive without an introduction.
"I have great satisfaction in informing you that, in following
his Excellency's instructions, I never saw so strong and handsome
a letter in my life, both as to your public and private character,
and his Lordship's personal regards for you. I can only say, I
would not wish a better letter for Arthur Cole.
"I have wrote to Colonel Lake from myself, requesting his
attention to you as my particular friend; and I have no doubt
you will find every attention and kindness.
"I intended to have sent you my letter to deliver, but Arthur
Cole wrote me that you wished me to write to Colonel Lake
direct.
"I wish you a pleasant campaign, and every success you can
wish for.
"Believe me,
"Yours very sincerely,
“J. ARMSTRONG.”
Resorting to the most expeditious mode of travelling
which the country afforded, Charles Metcalfe left Calcutta,
journeying in a palanquin, and proceeded for some distance
without any interruption. But before he reached Cawn-
pore, at some point of the road which I cannot precisely
indicate, he was set upon by robbers. He was asleep
in his palanquin when he fell among these thieves, and,
according to custom, was abandoned by his bearers. One
of his assailants had a club in his hand, which young
Metcalfe seized; another then struck at him with a tulwar,
or sword, cut off the ends of two of his fingers, and
wounded him on the head and on the breast. Single-
handed, it was impossible to save his property, but his
ATTACKED BY ROBBERS.
93
life he might save; so, finding resistance useless, he
staggered away from his assailants, and following a path
through the jungle, he soon found himself on the bank
of a broad river, or stream. There, faint from loss of
blood, he sank down; and, as he lay on the ground,
thoughts of home came thick upon him. It flashed upon
his mind that his parents were not improbably at that
very time at Abingdon Races, talking with some friends
about their absent son, and little thinking of the danger
and the suffering to which he was at that moment exposed.
These thoughts made a deep impression on his mind; but
he presently roused himself to action, and tottered back
as best he could to the spot where his palanquin was
lying; but found that the robbers had not yet made off
with their spoil. After a little while, however, they went,
having despoiled the traveller of all the baggage which he
carried with him*-never any great amount on a dawk-
journey-and effected their escape. Metcalfe was then
carried on to Cawnpore, where, under the care of his
aunt, Mrs. Richardson, he soon recovered from his wounds,
and proceeded onwards to the camp of the Commander-in-
Chief.'†
* There were two small articles of inestimable value to him-
one, a seal given to him by his father; and another, a toothpick
case, containing locks of all his family's hair. It is said that he
was wounded battling for these treasures.
+ This event occurred about the first week of September. I
have been able to discover no account of it from the pen of
Metcalfe himself. The details which I have given are derived
principally from family tradition. His godfather, Jacob Rider-
ever affectionate and generous-wrote to him on the 18th from
Nerozapore: "Badly as you are wounded, yet after the first
report we had of you, I congratulate you on the narrow and great
escape you have had, and that you have fortunately fallen so
early after the disaster into the friendly care of your good aunt.
As you will have everything to furnish yourself with before you
can proceed on your mission, draw upon me at sight for four or
94
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
".
Holkar
Lake was then on the banks of the Jumna.
was hanging on his rear; and, in the full indulgence of
the predatory habits of his tribe, was carrying off our
baggage, cutting off stragglers, and always avoiding a
general action, inflicting upon our troops that desultory
annoyance, in their capacity for which they were almost.
without a rival. In the course of October, Charles Met-
calfe arrived at head-quarters, and was met with all out-
ward marks of courtesy and kindness. But the welcome
which he received was mere cold formality. The truth
is, that he was not wanted. In spite of the excellent
credentials which he carried-credentials which bore wit-
ness no less to his personal than to his official qualities—
he was regarded with some mistrust. His position, indeed,
was not a promising one. He was a civilian in the midst
of a community of soldiers. He came fresh from the
office of the Governor-General, and it is not improbable
that men who knew little of the real character either of
the one or of the other, were inclined to look upon him
as a spy. There always has been a certain jealousy of
political officers in a military camp, even when those
"politicals" have been soldiers. Their presence is regarded
as a tacit reflection on the short-comings of the general
five thousand rupees, if it will be any immediate accommodation
to you." Vague reports of this disaster reached England, and
greatly disquieted Charles Metcalfe's parents. The intelligence
first reached Mrs. Metcalfe, in the middle of the following March,
at a ball; and was repeated to her next day at the Royal Insti-
tution. Afterwards Mrs. Plowden, her first informant, sent her
an extract from a letter from Mrs. Dashwood, saying: "I was
sorry to hear Mr. C. Metcalfe was attacked by robbers travelling
up the country, and had lost a joint of one of his fingers, and
received a cut on the head; but is now (Sept. 21) quite well, and
going on his journey. He was obliged to spend some days with
his aunt Richardson. He is a very fine, sensible young man."
This was all the information that the family received for some
weeks-Charles Metcalfe's own letters not having arrived.
A CIVILIAN AMONG SOLDIERS.
95
and his staff. But, superadded to these impediments to
the entente cordiale, there were in the present instance to
be contended with those class prejudices which, more or
less, exist at all times between the civil and the military
professions. It was young Metcalfe's business to assist.
the Commander-in-Chief in his negotiations with the native
chiefs, to carry on the necessary correspondence with the
civil officers in our own newly-acquired districts, to collect
information relative to the movements of the enemy, and
to conduct other miscellaneous business comprised under
the general head of " political affairs." Such a functionary
at the head-quarters of Lake's army was not unlikely to
be called a clerk, and sneered at as a non-combatant. But
Charles Metcalfe, though he wore neither the King's nor
the Company's uniform, had as much of the true spirit.
of the soldier in him as any officer in camp.
And this he waited only for an opportunity to prove.
I believe it had reached his ears that something had been
said about civilians participating in the pleasant excite-
ment of the march and the socialities of head-quarters, but
not sharing the active dangers of the campaign. Whether
this was said or not, he was determined to show that,
civilian as he was, he shrunk from none of those perils to
which his military comrades were exposed.
And an
opportunity was not long wanting to him. The fortress.
of Deeg, distant some forty-five miles from Agra, was
garrisoned by the allied troops of our enemies Holkar and
the Rajah of Bhurtpore. In the month of December,
General Lake, who had determined upon the reduction of
the place, encamped within sight of it, and awaited the
arrival of his battering-train from Agra. On the 13th,
having been joined by his guns, he took up his position
before the fortress, and commenced an attack upon the
outworks. On the 17th, the breaching battery was ready
for action; but such was the strength of the walls, that
96
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
it was not until the 23rd, that the breach was reported
practicable, and dispositions made for the assault on the
following day.
The storming party was told. off, and Metcalfe volun-
teered to accompany it. He was one of the first who
entered the breach. There are soldiers now living who
remember that memorable Christmas-eve, and delight to
speak of the gallantry of the young civilian. The "clerk "
fairly won his spurs, and shared with the most distin-
guished of his comrades the honour no less than the
dangers of one of the most brilliant achievements of the
war. In the Commander-in-Chief's despatch, the name
of Metcalfe was honourably mentioned. "Before I con-
clude this despatch," wrote Lord Lake, "I cannot help
mentioning the spirited conduct of Mr. Metcalfe, a civil
servant, who volunteered his services with the storming
party, and, as I am informed, was one of the first in the
breach."* Afterwards, the fine old soldier called him his
"little stormer."
·
The chivalrous impulses of a youth of nineteen are not
to be inquired into with too much nicety, or reasoned
about with too much wisdom. Doubtless, it may be said
that Charles Metcalfe was not despatched to Lord Lake's
camp to help the Commander-in-Chief to carry fortified
towns by assault. This is an objection one scarcely need
* It is worthy of remark, however, that the historian of the
Mahratta war, Captain Thorn, is significantly silent regarding
both the fact of Metcalfe's presence with the storming party, and
the Commander-in-Chief's mention of it in his despatch; although
throughout the entire narrative he has scrupulously recorded the
names of all the military officers who were officially noticed by
their chief.
† And this was said both in India and in England. Very
different opinions were expressed on the subject. Writing to her
son, in a letter expressive of mingled pride and anxiety, now
commending his gallantry, now reproaching him for his temerity,
}
METCALFE AT DEEG.
97
care to answer. And yet it may be answered with all
gravity, and with due regard for the strictest rules of
official propriety. It was of no small moment that the
young civilian, representing as he did the Governor-
General in the camp of the Commander-in-Chief, should
be held in high estimation by the men with whom he was
thus officially associated. It became him, by all honourable
means, to increase his influence at head-quarters. And
there were no surer means of doing this, than by showing
his comrades that he was willing to share their dangers-
even the dangers of the forlorn hope-and to emulate
their worth on their own field of professional enterprise.
Nothing is so intelligible-nothing is so generally appre-
ciated as personal gallantry. There is no position in
life in which a man does not increase the prestige of
his authority by demonstrating his possession of such
a quality. There could be no more sneers at the clerk
Mrs. Metcalfe said: "Every one views it in a different light.
Some give you a great deal of credit. Others think that you
were wrong, not being of the profession; and one military man,
in particular, met me the other day, and said: 'I hope you will
scold your boy-scold him from me.' It was a man who has
been at the head of the army in India." (Probably Sir Alured
Clark, who had met Charles Metcalfe in Calcutta.) "There
is one thing strikes me," adds Mrs. Metcalfe, with her wonted
penetration-"you must have had some good and strong reasons
to have gone out of your line. I hope it will not happen again;
and that, should you have the military ardour upon you, Lord
Lake will not permit you to throw yourself in the way of danger.
One would think you imagined that your prospect in life was
desperate, instead of its being one of the finest. Your outset has
been beyond the most ardent expectations. Your abilities, being
of a very uncommon kind, and your conduct regulated by a fine
judgment (except in the storming business-forgive me, but a
mother can never reconcile that to herself), must ensure you, if
please God you live, further success, and that of the most distin-
guished nature."
VOL. I.
E
98
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
!
and the non-combatant, after young Metcalfe's appear-
ance in his shooting-jacket on the crest of the breach at
Deeg.
Whatever may have been thought of this exploit by
others, by Charles Metcalfe's young friends and associates
in the Governor-General's office it was contemplated with
enthusiasm and delight. There was a little group of
young civilians at the Presidency, including some of the
most promising members of the service, who a short time
before Metcalfe's departure had erected themselves into
a sort of club or association, which, in honour of Admiral
Lord Howe, was called a society of "Howe Boys." These
Howe Boys were in the right frame to appreciate gallantry
of any kind, and most of all in one of their own associates.
So, when the news of Metcalfe's conduct at Deeg, followed
speedily by Lord Lake's despatch, reached Calcutta, the
Howe Boys held a meeting, the result of which is set forth
in the following amusing letter:
"l
TO CHARLES THEOPHILUS METCALFE, ESQ., HOWE BOY.
"Howe Boys Office, January, 18, 1805,
[Official-No. I]
"SIR,-By the despatches of his Excellency the Commander-in-
Chief we have been made acquainted with the glorious success of
the British arms in the assault of the outworks of Deeg, and in the
subsequent capture of that important fortress.
"2. His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief having been pleased
to testify his high approbation of your conduct on this occasion,
we consider it to be an act of indispensable justice to record
our decided and deliberate judgment that the ardent spirit of
zeal, energy, valour, and resolution manifested by you in the
unsolicited offer of your personal services, and in the actual
assault of the outworks of the fortress of Deeg, have been seldom
equalled, and never excelled, by any of the youths in Lord Howe's
Establishment.
"3. Your fortitude in refusing to submit to the imperious
LL
LORD HOWE'S BOYS."
99
dictates of a haughty ambassador,* your invincible resolution
and consummate ability in opposing, the establishment of a
vicious and immoral institution, † and your ardent patriotism
and honourable ambition in voluntarily exposing yourself to the
dangers, hardships, and privations of an active campaign, had
commanded our approbation, and had enabled us to anticipate
with a considerable degree of confidence the continued advance-
ment of your character and the unrestrained augmentation of
your renown.
"4. We have no hesitation in declaring that your conduct has
fully answered the high expectations which we had formed of it,
that you have acted in strict conformity to those sentiments
and principles of public virtue which ought to regulate the con-
duct of all the individuals in our society, and that you have
deserved well of your country and of the members of Lord Howe's
Establishment.
5. Under these circumstances we have unanimously deter-
mined to testify our sense of your conduct by presenting you
with a silver pen as a mark of our applause, esteem, and appro-
bation.
;
"We are your affectionate friends,
(Signed)
"J. ADAM.
"A. H. COLE.
"C. D'OYLY.
"CHARLES PATTENSON.
"C. LUSHINGTON.
"JOHN WAUCHOPE.
"WM. HENRY TRANT.
JOHN FORBES.
“W. BUTTERWORTH BAYLEY.”‡
King Collins." Alluding to Metcalfe's breach with Colonel
Collins, narrated in the previous chapter.
† The reference here is to a controversy which a little time
before had agitated the Civil Service, relative to the basis upon
which the proposed Pension Fund for the relief of the widows and
orphans of its members was to be established. Of one section of
the service John Adam and Charles Metcalfe were the leaders,
and conjointly the mouthpiece; the principal manifestoes were
issued in their name.
With the exception of Mr. Adam, who had by this time
become Deputy Secretary in the Political Department, the gentle-
►
E 2
100
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
From Deeg the Grand Army marched upon Bhurtpore-
the most formidable stronghold of Central India. It was a
maiden fortress, and had always been deemed impregnable.
The Bhurtpore Rajah was a Jaut chief, who had at one
time professed friendship for the English, but whom the
first successes of Holkar had induced to throw off the
mask and to unite himself with the Mahratta chieftain.
Deeg was one of his strongholds. The decided part which
he had taken had compelled Lake to reduce that fortress,
the garrison of which was partly composed of Bhurtpore
troops, and partly of Holkar's fugitives; and now the
British commander determined to attack the Rajah in his
capital. Indeed, since the battles which had been fought
at Deeg* and Furruckabad, and in which both the infantry
men signing this letter were all assistants in the Governor-
General's office. Mr. Adam rose to the highest offices of the
State. After a long and distinguished career in the Secretariat
he became a member of the Supreme Council, and was Governor-
General during the interregnum between the Hastings and
Amherst Governments, and died on his way home. Mr. (the
Honourable A. H.) Cole was a Madras civilian, and for many
years resident at Mysore. Mr. (afterwards Sir Charles) D'Oyly
and Mr. Pattenson served chiefly in the revenue and commercial
lines. Mr. Lushington was for twenty years in the Secretariat,
and was Chief Secretary in 1825. Mr. Wauchope was a distin-
guished magisterial and judicial officer; and for some time
Governor-General's agent in Bundlekund. Mr. Trant served
chiefly in the financial department. On his return to England
he was sent to Parliament by the electors of Dover. Mr. Forbes
quitted the Civil Service very early, and went home in the same
vessel with Lord Wellesley. And Mr. Bayley, after holding the
the highest offices under Government, and sitting as Governor-
General of India on the departure of Lord Amherst, returned to
England to enter the Court of Directors, was twice elected
Chairman of that body, and is still one of its most distinguished
members.
* On the 13th of November. This battle was fought before
Deeg by General Fraser and Colonel Monson. The siege did not
take place till some weeks afterwards.
:
}
BHURTPORE.
101
and cavalry of Holkar had been signally defeated, the
Bhurtpore Rajah had become our most formidable antago-
nist. On the first day of the new year, the army moved
from Deeg, and, on the following, took up their position
before the walls of the formidable Jaut fortress. Lake, who
had under-estimated its strength, flung himself upon it with
a precipitancy that could only result in failure. Four times
the British troops were led to the attack, and four times
they were repulsed. The enemy defended their works
with remarkable vigour, and neglected no possible means
of harassing their assailants and increasing the difficulties
of the siege.
Nor were the enemies within the walls the only ones
with whom we had then to contend. Holkar was reassem-
bling the scattered remnants of his broken force, and
Ameer Khan, a soldier of fortune, originally attached to
the service of that chief, was at the head of a large body of
marauding troops. This man, a Rohilla by birth, of a
bold and enterprising character, and of abilities beyond the
level of his countrymen, finding that little was to be gained
by the alliance with Holkar and the Rajah of Bhurtpore,
and having little sympathy with men of an opposite creed,
determined to operate on his own account, and to invite the
followers of the Prophet to flock to his standard in the
Doab and Rohilkund. He had been in the near neigh-
bourhood of Bhurtpore, looking after our convoys, intent
upon plunder; but now that he had formed more ambitious
designs, he determined at once to cross the Jumna, to
attack the Company's newly-acquired territories, and to
excite the people to aid in our expulsion. Occupied as was
Lake's army with the exhausting siege of Bhurtpore, and
unable to detach any large bodies of troops for service on
the other side of the river, the danger of this threatened
incursion was not to be lightly regarded. But what the
British commander could do, he did-and he did it
-
#
102
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
promptly. He despatched a brigade, consisting principally
of light dragoons, under General Smith, in pursuit of
Ameer Khan; and out rode the British horsemen, on a
February morning, from Lake's camp, determined, in
camp-language, to "give a good account" of the Rohilla.
With this force rode Charles Metcalfe, as Smith's poli-
tical aide. It was his duty to conduct all the diplomatic
business of the campaign. Of this, the collection and the
diffusion of accurate information relative to the movements
of the enemy, and of our detachments in different parts of
the country, was no insignificant part. He was at once
the secretary and Persian translator of General Smith, and
the representative of the Governor-General in the districts
which Smith's force was sent to defend. He said after-
wards, that his position at this time was a pleasant one.
It was a pleasant, because it was a responsible one. In
his own department, at least, he was supreme; and his
young ambition delighted in the thought of being thrown
upon his own resources.
All the correspondence of the expedition not strictly
relating to matters of military detail passed through his
hands. Veteran officers, who had seen good service in the
field before the young civilian was born, addressed him
respectfully, and sent him reports of their movements.
Members of his own profession who had served under
Cornwallis, recognised the importance of his position, and,
clearly discerning the merits of the man, were eager to
maintain a frequent correspondence with him. Nor were
the communications of which he was the organ confined to
his own people, or to his own language. He wrote Persian
letters to the chiefs, and issued proclamations to the inha-
bitants of the country through which he passed-not in his
own name, but what was of more importance-in his own
ideas and his own words. There was much in all this to
satisfy the ambition-or, as he, in his self-searching can-
MOVEMENTS OF SMITH'S FORCE.
103
dour, would have said—to gratify the vanity of the young
diplomatist. He was fast becoming a personage of some
political importance—taking, indeed, a place in history-
and that, too, before he was of age. India, he began to
think, was, after all, the place for eager aspirants of his
talents and his temper. There was nothing like this in
Lord Grenville's office.
It was a
It was believed by the most experienced civil officers in
Rohilkund that Ameer Khan was so strongly planted, that
General Smith's cavalry would not be able to dislodge him
without strong reinforcements of infantry from Lord Lake's
camp. The civilians, however, were mistaken. Smith
crossed the Jumna, pushed across the Doab with uncom-
mon rapidity, and soon appeared in Rohilkund.
harassing, but an exciting service. Men took little account
of distance or fatigue, and their horses seemed to be
sustained by the spirit and impelled by the enthusiasm of
their riders. The fine bracing climate of Upper India, and
the noble scenery which opened out before them, as they
neared the great mountain-range of the Himalayah, invigo-
rated and refreshed our English officers, as they pursued
the Rohilla freebooter across his own fair province, and
tried to tempt him to a general action. Many long night-
marches across difficult tracts of country deprived the
trooper of his accustomed rest; but he went on without a
murmur. He was on the track of the enemy, who were
plundering and devastating along their whole line of march;
and as he passed the smoking remains of villages, and
crossed the fields laid waste by Ameer Khan's reckless
Pindarrees, he pricked on with renewed impulses of zeal,
eager to stop their desolating career.
At last the long-
wished-for opportunity arrived. Smith found himself near
Afzulghur, face to face with Ameer Khan's army. There
was a short but sturdy conflict, with the anticipated result.
The British cavalry did terrible execution among the Patan
104
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
levies of the Rohilla chief, whilst our horse-artillery guns
played with terrible effect upon his cavalry. Beaten at all
points, there was nothing left for him but a precipitate
flight. Making a forced march, he re-crossed the Ganges,
and as he went, the wreck of his army melted away. He
had nothing to look upon, as the result of his temerity, but
a disastrous and ignominious failure.
Having effected the expulsion of Ameer Khan from
Rohilkund and the Doab, General Smith returned with his
detachment to head-quarters, and joined Lord Lake's army
before Bhurtpore on the 23rd of March. Two days before
this, the Rohilla chief, abandoned by all his troops, save a
small body of predatory horsemen, had re-crossed the
Jumna, and arrived at Futtehpore Sikree. His power of
independent action was entirely gone, and he was willing
to take service under some more fortunate and influential
leader.
In the meanwhile, Holkar, with the characteristic elas-
ticity of his tribe, had sufficiently recovered from his late.
reverses to muster a strong body of horse, and to threaten
Lake's camp at Bhurtpore. Upon this, the English
general, placing himself at the head of his cavalry, and
taking with him a detachment of infantry, moved from his
position to beat up the Mahratta quarters. But Holkar,
prepared for flight, evaded the meditated attack, and retired
to some distance from Bhurtpore, where Lake, thinking
that the enemy would be less on the alert the further he
was removed from our camp, again endeavoured to sur-
prise him.
The attempt was not wholly unsuccessful.
Holkar, having gained information of our approach, had
sent off his baggage, and was prepared to march on the
following morning; when Lake, on the night of the 2nd of
April, determined not to wait for the dawn, but, guided by
the enemy's watch-fires, moved at once on the Mahratta
camp.
..
ས ། སྱཱ
LETTER TO SHERER.
105
Aware of the advance of the British troops, and little
desiring to meet them in fair fight, Holkar again attempted
to escape; but our cavalry were close upon him, and the
pursuit was a most effective one. Some brilliant charges
made by the pursuers told with terrible effect on the flying
Mahrattas, who, utterly broken, and unable to rally, dis-
persed themselves in disordered masses about the country.
After a rapid march of some fifty miles, Lake reappeared
on his old ground, and prepared to commence anew
operations against Bhurtpore, if the enemy were not
inclined to make overtures of peace.
On these occasions Charles Metcalfe accompanied the
Commander-in-Chief, and it was of them that he wrote in
the following letter to his friend Sherer. The stirring life
in camp, and the active business of the public service, had
left him little time for private correspondence, and when at
last he took up his pen to address some of his old asso-
ciates at the Presidency, he could only write by snatches
in the midst of the incessant interruption of the camp:
return.
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"Camp near Bhurtpore, April 6, 1805.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-Welcome back to Bengal; and accept
the congratulations of your old friend Metcalfe upon your safe
You will not, I think, have been surprised to find
me absent from Calcutta. You know me to possess a love of
change, and a silly desire to deviate from the beaten track.
I am
much pleased with the determination which sent me again abroad,
and have derived much satisfaction from the new scenes which
have opened upon me.
"Within the last few days we have twice surprised Holkar's
camp. Yesterday was the last time. [Written on the 3rd.] They
thought themselves perhaps secure, as they were twelve or four-
teen miles distant. We got upon them at daylight, and gave a
close and galloping chase for many miles. We were mounted
twelve hours, and went above forty miles. These dours must have
a fine effect, and will sicken our enemy very much. I go on all
these expeditions. Without their occasional occurrence, camp
106
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
.
would be dull. I do not know how soon I may return to Calcutta.
I am anxious to see you again, and talk over our respective
adventures.
"The arrival of your letter within the last few minutes gives
me great joy [April 6th], but with that joy a great deal of shame
and contrition is mixed. You expected-and you had a right to
expect, and I should have been hurt if you had not expected-
that I should have been one of the first to congratulate you on
your return, and that 'long ere I read yours you would receive a
letter from me, greeting you on the occasion.' The guilty wretch
trembles before your judgment-seat; but I cannot suffer you to
condemn me without an explanation. The fact then really is
that office-work has left no leisure to write. When I say no
leisure to write, I mean to write to you as I would wish to write
with my mind abstracted from all other things, and occupied
solely with friendship. A hasty note I might have snatched a
moment to pen; but I wished to converse with you at length.
This letter was commenced on the 26th of last month, and has, as
you will perceive, been several times interrupted. Even this
page was commenced four hours back; and although I had
determined to-day to set business at defiance, I could not prevent
the invasion of visitors. When I consider the long period which
must pass before this reaches you, I dread that I may suffer in
your opinion in that time, and regret that I did not send all docu-
ments to the devil, and finish my letter to you before.
'I expect much from you when we meet; when that may be I
am not sufficiently long-sighted to decide. If you recollect any
particulars of my brother's house, situation, habits, &c., you will
give me great pleasure in communicating them to one to whom the
most trivial anecdotes will be interesting. I am rejoiced to find
that Theophilus still continues to be satisfied with his situation;
but rather surprised that his ambition is satisfied within the limits
of the Factory of Canton.
"My situation with General Smith was a very pleasant one;
here I am more subordinate. I confess to you that I should not
be sorry (many of my objects being fulfilled) to return to Calcutta;
and your arrival has added another inducement. From a former
part of this letter you will perceive that I anticipated some
remarks from you upon the new Cabinet. Those which you have
made are such as I expected, and I perceive that the same ideas
have passed through your mind which have been in mine upo
that subject. You will readily imagine that the association
LETTER TO SHERER.
107
of the new party did not diminish the weight of the motives
which induced me to quit the cabinet for the field. The situation
was deprived of its credit when it became so open.
My
only views are, to return to office when I am satisfied that it will
be right in me to quit the army. I am not at all tired of it, but I
think that I may be losing some advantages attending upon the
Governor-General's office, which at a future period I may not
regain. I should grieve if anything occurred which should fix me
in this part of the world; I see no prospect of such an event, but
should lament it exceedingly. A short time ought to decide what
will be done with us. I do not admire a doubtful state of things.
It is my intention, I hope that I may fulfil it, that you should
frequently hear from
Your sincere and affectionate friend,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
A few days after this letter was written, a treaty of
peace was concluded with the Rajah of Bhurtpore, and, on
the 21st of April, Lord Lake broke up his camp, and
marched down to the Chumbul, where, having crossed
the river, he formed a junction with the Bundlekund force
under Colonel Martindale, and, with the object mainly of
holding Scindiah in check, halted there during the greater
part of the month of May. A subsidiary treaty having
been concluded with the Rana of Gohud, Lord Lake,
warned by the painful obtrusiveness of the hot winds,
made preparations for the march of his army to canton-
ments at Agra, Futtehpore, and Muttra; and re-crossed
the Chumbul at the end of the month. On the 30th they
were at Dholpore, and from this place Metcalfe wrote again
to his friend Sherer:
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"MY DEAR SHERER.-
66
Camp, Dholpore, May 30, 1805.
I have lately had some most
delightful letters from my father, which will, I am sure, heighten
your opinion of him when I have an opportunity of showing
them to you. I shall not fail to storm your quarters, and make a
108
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
lodgment within your walls, or, to speak in a more civil way, I
shall avail myself of your kind invitation, and pay my respects in
Post-office-street immediately on my arrival in Calcutta. In
short, my friend, I heartily thank you, and hope speedily to be
with you. Your advice, which will always be most acceptable,
agrees, I rejoice to find, with my own resolves. You will have
seen from my letter to Bayley, that on other grounds than those
mentioned by you I had determined to go to Calcutta. I am
still ignorant when I shall quit the army; I hope soon. I had
intended to have loitered on the road, and, as I have always
hitherto travelled up and down in haste, to have taken a leisurely
view of all the stations on the river. What you say will hasten
my voyage, for I would wish to see Lord Wellesley as much as
can before he goes.
"As far as my present thoughts go, I can sincerely tell you that
I have not the wish to obtain any situation; for, to tell you the
truth, India does not contain a situation, which would come within
the bounds of my just claims, that would give me any pleasure.
I understand the presidency secretaryships are reduced to a
despicable degree by our very noble and approved good masters.
I will postpone a dish of politics until we meet. I shrink from
them as from a serpent, for I have seen things in them which
sicken me. I am amazed at the state of your finances, which are
almost as bad as mine. Cole is not yet with us. The expectation
of his arrival has been the only cause which has prevented an
endeavour to get away from the army before this. This is short,
but shall be followed soon.
"Your very sincere friend,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
It will be gathered from this letter that Charles Metcalfe
had determined at this time to leave the army, and to
return to Calcutta. It had been made known to him, by
his correspondents at the Presidency, that Lord Wellesley
was about to return to England, and he was eager, on
many accounts, to see the statesman, to whom he owed so
much, before his final departure. But soon after the
despatch of this letter an incident occurred, which caused
him, after much consideration, to forego the intention he
had formed. He had gone on to Muttra, with one divi-
LETTER TO SHERER.
109
sion of the army, for the purpose of spending a few days
with his friend Arthur Cole; and there he met Colonel
John Malcolm.
“I recognise in all your letters," wrote Malcolm to
Metcalfe, fifteen years afterwards, when both were in
high place," the same unaltered Charles Metcalfe with
whom I used to pace the tent at Muttra and build castles;
our expenditure on which was subject neither to the laws.
of estimate nor the rules of audit." Malcolm came with a
high reputation-a reputation made in that very line of
the service to which Metcalfe had determined to adhere,
and the attentions of the experienced diplomatist flattered
his vanity and stimulated his ambition. They had a
common bond of fellowship in their attachment to Lord
Wellesley; and Malcolm, as they talked over their future
plans, and discussed the affairs of the empire with eager
interest, was charmed with the enthusiasm and frankness
of his young friend, and clearly recognised in him, one
who some day would do good service to the state.. What
impression these meetings made on the mind of the young
civilian may best be told in Metcalfe's own words, as con-
tained in the following most interesting letters:
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
(6
Camp, Muttra, June 10, 1805.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-A thousand thank for yours of the 24th.
I shall, in the first instance, waive any discussion of the important
contents of that letter, and shall make you acquainted with the
inconsistency of my own conduct. You have, doubtless, expected
that my departure from the army has taken place before this time,
and you will be surprised to learn that it is now most probable that
I shall make another campaign, if a campaign is necessary, or
assist in any political arrangements which may happen in this
part of India. I shall proceed regularly to state the causes which
have produced this change in my intentions.
"From my last letter you will have believed me to be decided in
my plan of returning to Calcutta, and I never was more decided
110
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
in my life. Colonel Malcom and Cole joined us on the day when
the army separated for their different destinations-to Agra,
Futtehpore, and Muttra. I should have, undoubtedly, accom-
panied the Agra division as the nearest road to Calcutta, but the
desire of having Cole's society for a few days brought me on to
Muttra. On the day after his arrival in camp, Colonel Malcolm,
to my surprise (for I could scarcely call myself acquainted with
him), entered, in a full, friendly, and flattering manner, into the
question of my intention, which Cole had mentioned to him. With
full confidence he laid open to me the various plans which were in
contemplation, gave me admission to all his papers, and, by
appearing to interest himself in my welfare, prepared me to listen
to him with great attention. He expatiated on the great field of
political employment now open in Hindostan, the necessity of
many appointments and missions, the superiority, as he seems to
think, of my claims, and the great risk, if not certain injury, of
my quitting the scene of action. By holding out the offer of dis-
tinction, he gained the important outwork of Desire, and the
citadel of Resolve was in danger of falling. It did not immediately
yield, however; and, notwithstanding all he said, I clung fondly to
my rooted and long-indulged intention of returning to Calcutta,
and of paying my last respects to Lord Wellesley. There was,
however, sufficient in what Malcolm said to induce me to reflect
seriously on the step I should take.
"I did not converse again with Malcolm for five days, and in
that period the subject was ever in my mind, and I never expe-
rienced such irresolution on any occasion in which I had the
power of self-decision. Exclusive of the reasons suggested by
Malcolm for my remaining, others occurred to me which he could
not mention. I have long, as you know, looked upon the political
as my line of service; and although I have seen what people call
native courts, and have passed over many countries, I have had
the misfortune of being under men whose talents, knowledge, and
character, or rather want of these, I could not admire; who gave
no encouragement to my desire to learn, who, on the contrary,
rather made me sick of my pursuit of knowledge. I have felt
myself degraded by my situation, and, instead of studying
acquaintance with the natives, I have shrunk from notice as much
as possible. My knowledge, therefore, is only that which I
acquired in the Governor-General's office, and which, though
highly useful, does not in itself qualify a man to be a political
agent. The opportunity of acting under a man with Malcolm's
METCALFE AND MALCOLM.
111
talents and reputation, established knowledge, inquisitive genius,
and communicative disposition, promises advantages of the most
solid and certain nature, and of real importance. I could not,
however, give up my desire to visit Calcutta, and my second con-
versation with Malcolm ended in our agreeing that I should run
down to Calcutta and return quickly. On the same evening,
however, he strongly advised me not to go, and the next day we
had a long conversation, which ended in my being very uncertain
what to do. I think, however, clearly that I shall stay, but I
never did anything with more reluctance. I long to see our.
glorious Wellesley before he quits us. Malcolm tells me that I
cannot better show my gratitude to Lord Wellesley than by
assisting in scenes in which he will always have great interest.
“Farewell! I shall write to you to-morrow again, for I have
much to say. Cole desires to be particularly remembered;
I believe that few respect you more than he does. Show this to
Bayley, with my love, to account for my conduct. Remember me
to Fagan, and Adam, and Trant.
“Your sincere friend,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Camp Muttra, June 11th, 1805.
“MY DEAR SHERER,-I wrote to you yesterday and said that
I would write again to-day-I forgot to tell you that one reason
conspiring with the rest to induce me to remain is this-Mercer
will go to Calcutta, and Malcolm, who will manage all political
concerns at head-quarters, has expressed a wish that I should
remain on his account, expecting to derive more assistance from
me than I fear he will. This subject fills my mind, and it is with
very great difficulty that I can reconcile myself to the overthrow
of my plans-plans which I have so long ruminated over with
anticipated delight. I rest my chief consolation on Malcolm's
character, and the useful knowledge that I shall obtain whilst with
him. It is my intention to cultivate his intimacy zealously-
his advances to me have been very flattering-I foresee one thing;
he is a likely man to give my mind a turn towards literary
pursuits, which have scarcely ever entered my imagination-nay,
he already has; he himself is an enthusiast.
"I do not know what opinion to give upon Lord Cornwallis's
appointment; I cannot help thinking that he will not come out.
If the supercession of Lord Wellesley is occasioned by an alarm
+

112
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
existing in consequence of Monson's retreat before Holkar, the
conduct of the directors and ministers has been equally unjust and
contemptible. It is unjust that confidence should be removed from
a Governor-General whose whole conduct has been accompanied
by the applause and confidence of his country, because a check is
experienced for a time in one part of the immense empire under
his charge. It is unjust to imagine that he is not equal to meet
thé approaching difficulty. It is contemptible to have been
alarmed seriously at the retreat of a detachment of five battalions
before all Holkar's force. I do not foresee any change of measures
or system under Cornwallis. I am convinced that any change
will be unwise. To recede I think is ruin.
"This is not a new observation. Conciliatory measures are, I
think, impossible; they have already been pursued too long. It is
with regret that I have perceived the last six months of Lord
Wellesley's administration marked by an indecision and weakness
(caused, I imagine, by his dread of people at home) unworthy of
the rest of his wise and dignified government. He has, however,
been kept ignorant of the real state of things, and his agents have
not done their duty. I do not believe it possible to persuade the
Mahrattas yet that we have moderation. They know no such
thing themselves, and why should they attribute that quality to
us, if we hold the language of submission when they hold that of
insolence? Shall we, Sherer, sue for peace, when a Mahratta, in
violation of all treaty, insults our Government, and in every act
and word hurls at us a thundering menace of war? Peace is, I
think, impossible, unless we prepare most vigorously for war.
We should breathe the spirit of an insulted and mighty power; I
should not be surprised if the dread of our determined attack
were sufficient to scatter all our enemies. When they are reduced
and humble, when we have crushed their insolent pride, then I
would display moderation. But I do not see the prospect of per-
manent tranquillity whilst our controlling influence is spread over
every part of India. We had this in our power once, I think
twice, but lost it for want of information in one quarter, and want
of foresight in another.
"It would require a long discussion to explain my meaning.
We may command all India in a few months more. We need
never interfere in the internal government of any state, but we
ought to regulate the external relations of all. I have made many
bold assertions without much troubling you with arguments.
You know my way. I shall respect the opinions of the men
MOONSHEE HUFEEZOODEEN.
113
the opposite to my own; what I have put down are, at present,
decidedly my real ones. You know me too well to be surprised at
the self-satisfied impudence with which I have settled this trifling
subject.
"I want Hufeezoodeen here very much. I wish that you
would send him up. He will require some handsome inducement
to quit his situation in the College. I empower you to grant him
anything between his college salary (60 rupees) and 100 rupees
per mensem, and to grant him some allowance for his journey
up to me, either in the way of a monthly travelling allowance,
or present; I wish him to set off immediately. You know my
prospects as well as I do, and can make known to him what will
be his.
"There are appointments for natives in our line of 100 and
200 rupees per mensem. Of course if he follows my fortune it will
be incumbent on me to provide for him, and it is not improbable
that he may, at some time not far distant, obtain a situation
under Government, which will secure to him a handsome provision
in the event of my death, &c.* Let him come to Agra, and there
wait upon Wemyss or Mr. Munro, where he will have introductions.
ready for him.
"I am, dear Sherer,
"Your affectionate and sincere friend,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
THE SAME TO THE SAME.
Muttra, August 6, 1805.
"MY DEAR SHERER,—It is long since I received your friendly
letter of the 28th of June. I shall be very glad of Hufeezooden,
for I think that he is a respectable man. I am not certain that he
is a man of business, and I am not anxious that he should be, for
I should like to form him for my own habits. I thank you truly
for the trouble you have taken about his voyage to me. I shall,
I think, increase his allowances when he arrives. Your letters
are the only encouragements that I receive to pursue the life
which I have laid down for myself. Your sentiments and expres-
* Hufeezoodeen joined Metcalfe, and was for many years
attached to him as head moonshee. He followed his master to
Delhi and Hyderabad, and made a considerable fortune. Some
allusions to him will be found in subsequent chapters of this
Memoir.
114
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
sions would make me proud of it; Bayley, Hamilton, and Cole
think it unhappy.
"I am at a loss to know what is hereafter to become of me; I
sometimes long for quiet and a select few of my friends; but if I
were in the enjoyment of those things, I think it not improbable
that I should long again for bustle and motion. I see that all
secretaries are swept from the face of the earth; this, in all pro-
bability, will affect my prospects. One part of your letter parti-
cularly strikes me, and I am not prepared to give a serious
opinion on the subject. You speak of our inability to maintain
our supremacy when we have acquired it. It is a prodigious
question. I do not know that I could acquiesce in your way of
thinking. At present I have no idea that deserves the name of a
thought. Inconsiderately speaking, I should say that we are
better able to maintain our supremacy over the whole than we
should have been, in a few years, to preserve a portion of our
dominions. And I look upon the events which have accelerated
the establishment of our government over almost all India as
necessary and unavoidable consequences of the events which
preceded them. I should be happy to see your sentiments on the
whole subject. In 1803, there certainly were powers in India
which were very formidable; now I think undoubtedly there
are none.
:
"I cannot reflect without indignation upon the conduct which
has been adopted to Lord Wellesley. It appears a surprising
instance of determined malice or desperate ignorance when a
patriot, who has rendered the services that Lord Wellesley has
done to his country, is superseded in his government, and is
exposed to the most active measures to disgrace him. Disgraced
he cannot be, I think, and the darts which his enemies fling at
him will return upon their own heads. Now, if a proper spirit
exists in the settlement, now is the moment for an address. Lord
Wellesley's departure from this country should surely be accom-
panied with every possible mark of respect, gratitude, and
attachment. I see no harm that is likely to arise from Lord
Cornwallis's government. On the contrary, I look at it with
confidence. His internal government will be excellent I have no
doubt. I am anxious about his politics. The tame conduct
which when he was here before would have been wise, might now
be very otherwise. With regard to his appointment personally I
am quite indifferent. No man could have come to India upon
whom I have fewer claims, and from whom I expect less.
1
LETTER TO MAJOR MERRICK SHAWE.
115
"I continue to like Malcolm much. As a person who is to be
my immediate superior, I do not fancy a better.
I am more worked, and more incessantly and more variously
worked, than I ever was. I literally have no time to myself.
My private correspondence is entirely suspended, and my answer
to you has been thus long delayed. I find it more than is pleasant,
for I have no relief. A day of labour makes society in the evening
delightful. There is no such thing here. The Commander-in-
Chief's table is full of restraint, and never has society. So, to
confess the truth, I am much bored. Some snug dinners with you,
Bayley, Fagan, and one or two others, would be delightful. I wish
you financiers would find some money for us soldiers. How we
apples swim!
"Your affectionate friend,
"C. T. METCALFE.
"Kindest remembrances to Bayley, Fagan, Adam, Trant. Tell
Plowden I will write to him soon to explain that I am toughly
worked."
So the intended visit to Calcutta was abandoned, and
Charles Metcalfe, now resolute not to sacrifice his fair
prospects of advancement in the political line of the public
service, despatched a letter to the Presidency in his place.
Doubtless, this was the wiser course. The letter addressed
to Lord Wellesley's private secretary, fully expressed the
gratitude and admiration of the young civilian, who owed
so much to the departing Governor-General:-
+
CHARLES METCALFE TO MAJOR MERRICK SHAWE.
“Muttra, June 20, 1805.
"DEAR SHAWE,—The intelligence of Lord Wellesley's intention
to quit India has caused universal regret, and it would be very
surprising if I were not afflicted by it.
"I should be very sorry that his lordship should quit this
country without receiving the humble assurance of my eternal
thankfulness and gratitude; but the various acts of his goodness
towards me have long filled my heart with sentiments which it
would be vain for me to attempt to express.
"In common with every man who loves his country, and par-
ticularly with those who have watched the course of affairs, I
must lament Lord Wellesley's resignation of the government at
116
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
this moment, as a most grievous public misfortune, and however
improbable it may be that his lordship would be induced to
remain under the confederacy of ignorance, ingratitude, and
malice which has been formed against him by the majority of the
Court of Directors, yet whilst there is a possibility of such a
change in his lordship's resolution, I cannot, and will not relin-
quish the hope of it.
"In speaking of the directors as I have done, I of course
separate my father from those men with whom he happens in
station to be associated. His opinions are widely different
from theirs, and there is not in the United Kingdom, nor in
India, nor in the world, a man who has a greater admiration
of Lord Wellesley's talents and virtues, or a higher sense of
the vast advantages which our nation has derived from his
administration.
"You well know that I must lament Lord Wellesley's departure,
from private and personal considerations. I have been so long
used to look up to his lordship's approbation as the highest reward
which I could receive, that in his departure I shall lose one great
incitement to exertion; I trust that I shall always do my duty to
my country, and prefer the public interests to any other. If I do
not, I must lose sight of everything that I have learned in the
Governor-General's office. Yet, if ever I perform any services
which may deserve to be approved, I shall regret that Lord
Wellesley is not here to approve them, for his approbation would
be more precious to me than that of any other Governor-General
ever can be. His lordship's favour first distinguished me, brought
me out of the beaten track of the service, and placed me in
situations from which prospects of future eminence and success
opened upon me. If ever these prospects are realised, I shall owe
their fulfilment to Lord Wellesley, and I shall carry with me
through life the firm conviction of an endless obligation.
"You may remember when I quitted Calcutta that I particu-
larly requested Lord Wellesley's permission to return to his
family and office at the end of the campaign; the hope of doing
so has ever been uppermost in my mind. When I received the
melancholy news that his lordship was preparing to quit India, I
was more than ever anxious to proceed to Calcutta, in order that
I might have the honour of paying my respects to him before his
departure.
"When I was on the point of requesting Lord Lake's permission
to quit head-quarters, my intentions were checked by Colonel
FAREWELL TO LORD WELLESLEY.
117
Malcolm's expressing a wish that I should remain here, as he has
the goodness to suppose that I might be useful.
"He tells me that I cannot better show my gratitude to Lord
Wellesley than by assisting in scenes in which he will ever feel an
interest. If I could, indeed, flatter myself that I could be useful,
or that the motives of my stay should meet with his lordship's
approbation, I should less feel the disappointment of not being
able to pay my best respects in person. The expression, however,
of a wish for me to remain, on the part of an officer in Colonel
Malcolm's situation, I consider to be a public call. Under an
officer with Colonel Malcolm's great knowledge and abilities, I
expect to acquire information and experience which may hereafter
enable me to perform useful public services.
"I have no favour to ask from his lordship; the cup of his kind-
ness has been already filled beyond my deserts.
66
My last request is, that his lordship will believe me to be
bound to him by the most sincere gratitude and attachments. It
would be presumptuous in me to pretend to offer my humble
services to his lordship, yet I should be favoured if he would
consider me as his devoted servant, ever anxious to receive, and
eager to obey his commands.
"All India will anxiously watch the future course of his lord-
ship's public life, and I hope that he will continue to guard the fate
of India. I hope that his lordship will long enjoy every happiness
that he can wish, that he will soon overthrow all his enemies, and
see the accomplishment of all his designs.
"I trust that I shall be excused if I have taken any improper
liberty in writing this letter. I am, and can never cease to be,
actuated by the greatest reverence for Lord W.'s character, and
the most respectful attachment to his person.
Wishing you, dear Shawe, a pleasant voyage, and a happy life,
"I remain yours sincerely,
"T. C. METCALFE.”
This letter, which was very gratifying to Lord Wellesley,
produced the following reply, under the hand of his private
secretary :-
MAJOR MERRICK SHAWE TO CHARLES METCALFE.
"Calcutta, July 10, 1805.
"DEAR METCALFE,-In this season of hurry and packing up
you will not expect from me so long a letter in reply to yours of
1
118
LIFE IN LAKE'S CAMP.
F
the 20th of June as the subject of your letter merits. It will be
sufficient to inform you that Lord Wellesley was extremely
gratified by its contents. His lordship has received it as a warm
and unequivocal testimony of your attachment to him. The
sentiments which the present state of affairs has excited in your
mind do credit to your judgment and to your feelings, and as
Lord Wellesley entertains a most favourable opinion of both,
your expressions were highly satisfactory to him. Lord Wellesley
is disposed to form the most favourable expectations of your
future success from his opinion of your public zeal and talents,
and I hope he is too good a judge to be disappointed. I beg leave
to add my sincere good wishes, and the expressions of my hopes
that his expectations may be fulfilled.
"Lord Wellesley would have been very glad to see you pre-
vious to his departure, but he entirely approves your resolution
to remain at your present post at this crisis.
"I trust that the state of affairs at Hindostan is rapidly
advancing towards an advantageous and permanent settlement,
and if your father could bite his brethren in Leadenhall-street, all
would be well with respect to the future safety of this country.
"Believe me to be, ever yours sincerely,
"MERRICK SHAWE.
"Pray remember me to Cole, who will always do credit to
Lord Howe's Boys."
On the 20th of August, 1805, Lord Wellesley took his
final departure from Calcutta, and in the beginning of
January, 1806, he set foot again on English soil. Soon
after his arrival he expressed a wish to see Sir Theophilus
Metcalfe, who called upon him, and received from the lips
of the retired Governor-General an account of the talents
and disposition of his son, which might have gladdened any
father's heart. It was the fortune of Lord Wellesley, as it
was the fortune of another great Indian statesman, to be
assailed and reviled, under the shelter of parliamentary
privilege, by men who could not understand his measures
or appreciate his character. Among the foremost of his
defenders in the House of Commons was Sir Theophilus
Metcalfe, who had done battle for him, too, in the Court of
DEPARTURE OF LORD WELLESLEY.
119
Directors, and being in the minority at the India House,
had thereby sacrificed his chances of succeeding to the
Chair. It was an honest and a manly defence, based upon
sincere convictions, the result of much knowledge and
experience, and it was not persevered in with less heartiness
for the reflection that, whilst defending the character of an
able statesman, he was serving the friend of his favourite
son.
"
Н
1
.
120
CHAPTER VI.
[1805-1806.]
THE "GREAT GAME” ENDED.
Arrival of Lord Cornwallis-His Policy-Necessities of an
Exhausted Treasury-Charles Metcalfe's Views of the New
System-Letters to Mr. Sherer-State of our Relations with
Scindiah and Holkar-Advance to the Banks of the Hyphasis
-Treaty with Holkar-Return of the Army-Metcalfe
appointed to the Delhi Residency.
ON the 30th of July, 1805, Lord Cornwallis took upon
himself a second time the office of Governor-General of
India. He went out to extricate the country from political
entanglements and financial embarrassments which had
disquieted and alarmed the Home Government, and not
without solid reason for their anxiety. The British power
in the East had been for some time subjected to all the
exhausting influences of a state of chronic warfare. No
sooner had one campaign been brought to a close than we
were continually finding ourselves at the outset of another.
And whilst we were putting down our new enemies, our old
ones, in spite of the most solemn engagements, were
bracing themselves up to renew the contest. It seemed,
indeed, without any hyperbole, to be a great national illus-
tration of the old story of Hercules and the Hydra.
The East India Company were at this time essentially
a merchant-company. They were restrained by act of
Parliament from wars and conquests, and from treaties
with native princes likely to entangle us in wars and con-
ARRIVAL OF LORD CORNWALLIS.
121
quests. They desired, both upon principle and upon
policy, to abstain from the extension of their empire; for
they believed that there was only weakness in such exten-
sion, and that by seeking new fields of political enterprise
we should neglect the good government of the old, and
utterly sacrifice the trade. It was not strange, therefore,
that they should have viewed with the liveliest apprehen-
sion the recent great conquests in Upper India; the
treaties and the acquisions that had attended them. We
were rapidly becoming masters of the whole continent of
India, in spite of the principles, and in spite of the policy,
of the Company; and the Court of Directors, viewing the
progress of these great events from a distance, could only
see in this universal dominion the forerunner of universal
prostration and decay. The gigantic military enterprises
which we had undertaken had not only exhausted the
treasury, they were also forestalling the revenues of the
country. The Government of British India, indeed, was
fast approaching a state of bankruptcy; and in the eyes of
a commercial company this was the most alarming contin-
gency of all.
His
It is not to be doubted that our position in India at this
time was beset with difficulties and dangers of no ordinary
kind. It is not to be doubted that those difficulties and
dangers were only to be removed by the establishment of
peace.
But they who attributed to Lord Wellesley a
disinclination to peace, were ignorant and unjust.
steadiest friends and warmest admirers were shaking their
heads and saying amongst themselves that the "glorious
little man was losing heart-that he had become far too
prone to compromises and concessions-that he was over-
looking insults and offences which ought to be resented,
and rewarding as friends or welcoming as associates men
who deserved only the chastisement due to the most
unscrupulous of our enemies. And, doubtless, they rightly
""
122
ENDED.
THE ።
19
GREAT GAME estimated the deserts of the Mahratta chieftains. But
wisdom wears one garb on the banks of the Jumna;
another on the banks of the Hooghly; and another, it may
be added, on the banks of the Thames. Neither the
players of the "great game" in Lord Lake's camp, nor
the merchant-statesmen in Leadenhall-street, whilst they
set up theories of their own, both wise after their kind,
took account of those practical impediments to war or
peace with which the Governor-General had to contend.
They did not reflect that peace at one time might be as
difficult as war at another. They did not reflect—to use
an expression the emphasis of which atones for its want
of elegance that it might happen that, in making war or
in making peace, Lord Wellesley "could not help him-
self." He was forced into war by circumstances not to be
controlled or resisted; and by circumstances equally
uncontrollable and irresistible, he was compelled to make
every effort, compromises and concessions included, to
restore the country to peace.
In 1803 the conduct of Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar
rendered war inevitable; in 1804 the excesses of Holkar
again compelled us to take the field; but in 1805, though
we had still wrongs to redress, and insults to chastise, the
exhausted state of the Company's treasury, and the host of
evils which these wars had entailed upon the country,
rendered it necessary that, even at some loss of national
dignity, peace should be speedily restored. And when
Lord Cornwallis arrived in India, the paramount object of
Lord Wellesley's desires, the chief subject of his thoughts,
and the main occasion of his labours, was the speedy
re-establishment of peace, and the restoration of the finan-
cial prosperity of the empire.
That Cornwallis, armed with specific instructions from
home, having no parental interest in the condition of affairs
that had arisen in Central India, and regarding the men to
WELLESLEY AND CORNWALLIS.
123
whom the conduct of our military and political affairs had
been entrusted as mere abstractions, may have set about the
work before him in a more resolute and uncompromising
manner than if he had himself been concerned in the
measures, and associated with the personal agency to
which this state of things was in no small degree to be
attributed, is hardly to be doubted. But the policy which
he intended to pursue differed but little in its essential
features from that which Wellesley himself would, at this
time, have adopted. The two statesmen were for some
days both resident in Calcutta. During that interval, Sir
George Barlow, who was the link between them, drew up
an elaborate paper on our relations with the States of the
North-West, in which past events were recited, and pro-
spective measures were mapped out, for the guidance of
Lord Cornwallis. It was intended to embody the views of
Lord Wellesley, as modified by the circumstances in which
Government were then placed, and it was submitted to him
for approval. A single sentence, not affecting the general
tenor of the document, was inserted by the retiring
Governor-General, who then declared that it fairly repre-
sented his opinions. There was, indeed, but little antago-
nism between the sentiments of the two statesmen. Both
recognised a necessity against which it was impossible to
contend; but it fell to Cornwallis to commence the execu-
tion of those measures which, under other circumstances,
neither might have willingly initiated, but which in the
conjuncture that had then arisen, seemed equally inevitable
to both.
It need hardly be said, that in Lord Lake's camp these
measures were grievously unpopular. Every military and
political officer on the banks of the Jumna cried out loudly
against them. And Charles Metcalfe, earnest among the
earnest in his disapprobation of the new system, or no-
system which was now to be enforced, could hardly bring
124
THE GREAT GAME ENDED.
himself to believe that the Governor-General was not some-
what of a bigot, wedded indissolubly to his own theories,
and utterly regardless of the opinions of all the experienced
practical men in the country. Before Lord Cornwallis
had been more than a month in India, the young diplo-
matist entered into a critical examination of the venerable
nobleman's conduct. The letters which he wrote at this
time forcibly express not only his own views of North-
Western politics, but those of the party to which he
belonged; I may give at least one specimen of them;-
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"Camp, Muttra, August 31st, 1805.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-Your silence has lasted very long. I
have been particularly anxious to know your sentiments upon the
change which the arrival of Lord Cornwallis has produced. It is
very probable that I look upon things in a wrong light, but I
confess my opinion is, that as far as I am able to see, all the acts
of Lord Cornwallis since his arrival have been deficient in
wisdom; and I believe that it may prove to be a great misfortune
that his Majesty's ministers or the Imperial Directors should have
selected for the government of this country a man of experience
and knowledge.
Had the genius of our country led the
choice to a man of judgment, who had not before been in India,
he would certainly have applied for information to those persons
who might be supposed the most capable of giving it, and, what-
ever might have been his decision, after he had collected his
knowledge, it would, we may suppose, have been the result of
unprejudiced deliberation.
"Lord Cornwallis's manner and substance of speech are pre-
cisely the same now as they were on the first day of his arrival.
There is some immovable notion in his head. Has Lord Corn-
wallis sought information from any man who was likely to give
it? If he has not you will, I think, agree with me that he has
been wanting in his duty, and that such self-sufficient importance
may be injurious to the public interests. I should suppose that
the persons whose opinions upon the political state of India
would be useful for the consideration of a governor-general would
be Lord Wellesley, Lord Lake, Sir G. Barlow, Lumsden, Edmon-
stone, Colonel Close, Colonel Malcolm, Mr. Webbe (if he had
CRITICISMS ON CORNWALLIS.
125
lived) Colonel Gerard, and Mercer (these two have had opportu-
nities of acquiring great local knowledge, and have in person seen
what the nature of our situation in Hindostan is, and what is the
extent of difficulty and danger in pursuing one course, and may
form a judgment of the probable effects of another). If these are
not the persons whose opinions are to be estimated, the political
management of India must have been wretchedly conducted for
the last seven years. But Lord Cornwallis knows better than
all these. Surely Lord C. might suppose that a great change
having taken place since he was in the Government before, his
knowledge of the present state of affairs might be improved by
communications with others. 'No,' he says, 'I know best, and
what I say must be right.'
"All our communications are, of course, most confidential, and
I will mention one of Lord C.'s remarks, which shows his own
character. He says, 'There is a general frenzy for conquest and
victory even in those heads which I had believed to be the
soundest.' Setting aside that this sweeping observation is false
and unfounded, as the records of the Government will prove, let
us observe the nature of it. He agrees that the wisdom or
necessity of a particular course of policy, which he is pleased
deliberately to term a frenzy, is strongly impressed upon those
heads which he had believed to be the soundest. Respect for the
judgment of those men would have led common characters to
examine into the causes of such a prevailing conviction, and
would have induced them to suspect that such an universal effect
might have some good cause which it would be right to search
for. But this man has a head so very sound, that the only
thought that arises in his mind is that there is not a sound head
in India. He proves either that he is no judge of heads, or that
he disagrees with the soundest heads. I believe there is no soul
who does not heartily wish for peace, but it would surely be
unwise to purchase a temporary peace by concessions.
་
"I believe that affairs would be immediately settled with
Scindiah if the armies were advanced; and I believe that Holkar
could not survive long. They have had frequent disputes lately.
A settlement with Holkar does not appear practicable until he is
quite reduced; unless it is intended to grant him such concessions
as shall establish him into a mighty power; and if this is done it
will not be long before we repent of it. At one period he was
very nearly extinguished. His junction with Scindiah has revived
126
99
THE
ENDED.
GREAT GAME his power in a small degree; but he is very much reduced. It
will be melancholy to see the work of our brave armies undone,
and left to be done over again. I hope for the best from Lord C.'s
administration; but I am, I confess, without confidence. It is
surely unwise to fetter the hands of the Commander-in-Chief, and
to stop all operations until his own arrival. We shall have
Holkar near us in a few days. I wish you would send us money.
Yours affectionately,
"C. T. METCALFE,”
In the last words of this letter there was mighty signifi-
cance "I wish you would send us money." Unhappily,
there was no money to send. This was the only circum-
stance that weakened the force of Charles Metcalfe's
arguments. But it was a practical answer of such cogency
and comprehensiveness, that it rendered all else superfluous.
Sherer, who was then in the Finance department of the
Administration, must have smiled sorrowfully at the utter-
ance of such a wish in such a crisis.
Three weeks after the despatch of the above letter, the
young diplomatist wrote in somewhat better spirits of the
prospects before him. "The army," he said, " is ordered
to assemble. We want money only. Holkar talks of visiting
Delhi again. His motions have neither been active nor
menacing as yet. There is, I think, no prospect of Scindiah
presuming actually to contend with us, if we are disposed
to forgive him all his past sins; but I make no doubt that
he will regulate his conduct in the way that will be suited
best in his opinion to induce us to purchase his good-will
by concessions; and I am sorry to say that the political
conduct of our Government for the last year is likely to
encourage a hope in him that an appearance of an intention
to aid Holkar may succeed." And, doubtless, there was
much truth in this. The recent bearing of Lord Wellesley
towards Scindiah had been conciliatory in the extreme.
Eager to avoid an open rupture, he had overlooked some
HOLKAR IN THE PUNJAUB.
127
grievous insults and offences, had accepted unsatisfactory
explanations of indefensible acts, and by such concessions
had plainly indicated to the restless chief that we were
eager, almost at any cost, to restrain him from flinging
himself into the arms of Holkar. When Lord Cornwallis
arrived in India, he wrote to the Home Government, that
he had found the Company at war with Holkar, and
scarcely at peace with Scindiah. This, indeed, was the
true condition of affairs. The latter chief was oscillating
between the state of a treacherous, presumptuous ally, and
an open, defiant enemy. And, in the meanwhile, Holkar,
who had lost none of his old energy or his old elasticity,
was recovering from the effects of his late discomfiture.
He had, indeed, nothing more to lose. He was reduced to
the state of a mere soldier of fortune; and carried, as he
said, all his possessions on the saddle of his horse. But
that dominion of the saddle was still formidable. It was
in the very nature of things that Upper India should be
swarming with desperate adventurers-the scattered frag-
ments of all the armies we had beaten in the field—eager
to reunite again under some common standard. So it was
not long before Holkar, attended by Ameer Khan as his
lieutenant, had raised a considerable army, and collected a
large number of guns. With these he marched towards
the Sutlej. He had opened a correspondence with the
Sikh chiefs, and he believed that they would unite them-
selves with him. It was a combination which promised
great results; and already the turbulent Mahratta saw
himself at the head of an immense body of predatory
horse, streaming from the country of the five rivers, plun-
dering the fairest regions of Northern India, and carrying
everything before him in his desolating career.
But these visions were destined soon to yield to the
pressure of waking realities of a far more sombre com-
plexion. Holkar had men with arms and horses; and he
128
ENDED.
THE ((
""
t
GREAT GAME had an imposing train of artillery:* but he had no money
to subsist them. He was even poorer than we were our-
selves; and we were in a melancholy state of pecuniary
destitution. Wherever he went, his poverty compelled him
to make enemies for himself, by demanding money or plun-
dering the country. In the Cis-Sutlej Sikh states he exerted
himself especially to obtain the assistance of the Rajah of
Puttealah, from whom he demanded two lakhs of rupees;
but by this time Lake had set his divisions in motion.
General Dowdeswell, with a force of all arms, was ordered
forward to Saharunpore, from which advanced position he
could defend the Doab, and open communications with the
Sikh chiefs. With Dowdeswell's division went Charles
Metcalfe, as Political Agent. The service was the same as
that which he had rendered in the spring of the year with
the division of General Smith, that had gone in pursuit of
Ameer Khan into Rohilcund; and the position, which was
one of independence and responsibility, was peculiarly
pleasing to him.†
There was fine weather, a fine country, an exciting
adventure, and plenty of work. Young Metcalfe was in good
health and good spirits. It was his business now to con-
duct, in the General's name, an important correspondence
with the Sikh chiefs; to detach them from an alliance with
* It was that, indeed, and nothing more. I believe that it was
a mere imposition, for most of the guns were unserviceable.
† Sir Theophilus Metcalfe called this "nursing King's officers ;"
and in his letters to his son rather made light of the employment.
But it was, and has been ever since, the most important duty that
can be entrusted to a young man of ability acquainted with the
languages, the habits, and the political condition of the people in
whose country our armies are moving. These "nurses" have
since come to be called “politicals." Half a century ago, when
Charles Metcalfe "nursed" Generals Smith and Dowdeswell, the
employment was a new one. He was, indeed, almost the first of
the race.
LETTER TO SAHIB SINGH.
129
Holkar, if they had formed one; and to deter them if they
had not. Of these the Rajah of Puteealah was the most
important. The letter which Metcalfe addressed to him,
with the Rajah's answer, may be given in translation, as an
illustration of the work in which the young diplomatist was
engaged, and a not unamusing specimen of the diplomatic
correspondence of the East:—
1
TO RAJAH SAHIB SINGH OF PUTEEALAH.
"I have heard of your many good qualities, and have become
anxious for your acquaintance. The reports of your enemies state
that you have joined the cause of Holkar, and have consequently
placed yourself in the situation of an enemy to the British Govern-
ment. I cannot believe that you would act in a manner so adverse
to your true interests.
"The power of the British Government is known to the whole
world. It is terrible to its enemies, and a sure protection to its
friends. Holkar is a fugitive, and has fled from Hindostan to the
country of the Sikhs, from dread of the British troops. Wherever
he goes he brings destruction on those who assist him. Whilst he
remains in your country, he destroys your crops and plunders the
inhabitants. It is not consistent with your famed wisdom to
associate yourself with such a man. Convinced that the reports
which I have heard are false, I write to you, in a friendly manner,
to inform you that I am advancing with a large army of infantry,
cavalry, and artillery, and that I shall in three or four days arrive
at the banks of the Jumna. If you act openly against the enemy,
you may depend upon assistance from the British Government.
The Government regards the Sikh chiefs as friends, and has no
intention of interfering in their concerns. Its sole object is to
defeat the hostile designs of Holkar. Whoever joins the desperate
fortunes of that freebooter must expect to draw upon himself the
vengeance of the British Government; and whoever acts against
him will be rewarded with great kindness. Attack the enemy,
and your interests will undoubtedly be promoted. If you have
any communications to make, I shall be happy to receive a confi-
dential person from you. Make me happy by the transmission of
friendly letters, with accounts of your welfare."
VOL. I.
F
*
130
THE GREAT GAME" ENDED.
!
і
FROM RAJAH SAHIB SINGH TO MAJOR-GENERAL DOWDESWELL.
["Despatched at night, immediately on the receipt of your letter.]
[After compliments]-"I have had the honour of receiving
your friendly letter. . . . . I have derived great happiness, confi-
dence, and satisfaction from the perusal of it. The case is, that
since the bright sun of British rule has enlightened the countries
of Hindostan, I have sincerely and faithfully fulfilled the duties of
submission and attachment to the Government, and have pre-
served the relations of friendship and good-will with its officers,
with whom I have always held, and now hold, a friendly corre-
spondence.
"In no instance has our friendship been interrupted. God is
my witness! From the time when my heart first received the
impression of attachments to the Government, the impression has
always increased, and is not to be erased.
"When Holkar, suddenly flying with fear from the victorious
armies of the British Government, brought his ill-boding train
into the country, and sought my assistance and alliance, pre-
serving in its purity my faith and friendship to the British
Government, I paid no attention to him whatever. When the
plundering oppressor fixed his camp of wretchedness between
Puttealah and Syfabad, it was suggested to me that my enemies
would perhaps join him and procure success to their designs, and
I was persuaded that the necessity of the time made it advisable
to keep up an outward intercourse with him. From necessity I
submitted to one or two conferences. Still, however, notwith-
standing my apparent good-will, the rascal did not refrain from
plundering and destroying my country, which he has made a
desert. I at one time hoped by his means to punish my enemies,
but this, also, was not brought about. The wretch, whose pro-
fession and livelihood is plunder, has marched to plunder towards
the Sutlej. I have no asylum but in the British Government, to
which I shall ever look up. From it I shall always, I know, derive
protection and prosperity. I feel great confidence from your near
approach. May it be propitious. I have answered your kind
letter in haste. I shall immediately despatch a person in my
confidence."
The sincerity of all this may be doubted. Had Holkar's
prospect of success appeared, in the eyes of the Sikh chiefs,
PURSUIT OF HOLKAR.
131
to have sufficient encouragement in it, it is not improbable
that they would have united themselves with that desperate
freebooter, and taken part in the proposed incursion. But the
Mahratta appeared before them as a fugitive and a mendicant.
The British troops were pressing forward in pursuit of him.
On both banks of the Sutlej the Sikhs regarded our
advance with lively apprehensions, and were eager to see
the battalions, both of Holkar and the Feringhees, on their
way back to Central India. Both armies, before the close
of the year, were encamped in the Punjaub. On the
9th of December, the British army was posted on the
banks of the Hyphasis, opposite to the Rajpoor Ghaut, and
were gladdened by the sight of the noble scenery which
opened out bewitchingly before them.* Holkar had
marched to Umritsur, and taken up his position there, in
the heart of the Sikh country, relying upon assistance that
was never afforded to him. The promptitude of Lake's
advance had cut off from the fugitive Mahratta all hopes
of such coadjutancy. Thus, feeble and alone, he saw that
resistance was useless. There was nothing, indeed, left for
him but to obtain the friendly offices of the Sikhs to bring
about an amicable arrangement with the dominant state
which he had so injured and insulted. It was whilst affairs
* See Thorn's "History of the Mahratta War." "In the
extreme distance from north to east arose the snowy ridge of old
Imaus.
The fleecy softness of its faint and irregular
outline appeared to great advantage, in resting upon immense
masses of nearer elevations, whose rocky eminences in chaotic
confusion were most beautifully contrasted with pine-clad hills,
still closer to the view, and these again relieved to the eye by the
prospect of a fine undulating country of hill and dale, covered
with luxurious vegetation, and enlivened by numerous villages,
temples, and ruins, to the extent of thirty miles, bounded by the
noble river which, flowing in majestic grandeur immediately
before us, brought to our recollection that we were standing as it
were on classic ground."
:
!
!
F 2
132
GREAT GAME" ENDED.
THE LL
were in this condition, the army still halting upon the
banks of the classic river, that Charles Metcalfe wrote to his
friend Sherer a letter in which he thus spoke of his posi-
tion with the army:-
"I sent off yesterday a letter to our friend Bayley, to which, in
order to avoid repetition, I refer you for an account of myself and
my movements since I last wrote. From it you will perceive that
I am exceedingly happy in my present situation, and wish nothing
more than to remain in it. I see much novelty and variety, and
my spirits are kept alive by the change. I was with General
Dowdeswell's division of the army when I received yours of the
22nd October. I have taken my leave of the subject of Lord
Cornwallis. Whatever may be my opinion of his designs, let it
rest. I do not wish to assail his respected and respectable memory.
Mention to me any new works of note that have
appeared lately. I rejoice at Tucker's appointment on public
grounds.* I hope that it does not interfere with your private
prospects. I go on here as well as I wish. I have not been much
troubled with business lately. What I do is under Malcolm, with
whom I have always been on very good terms. I have not, how-
ever, any particular intimacy with him; and prefer to consider
myself as distinct from his establishment. Cole has been ill, and
is not yet strong. Few have withstood the late sickly season; I
have, and I thank God for, the enjoyment of uninterrupted health
and increasing strength."
On the day after this was written (December 19, 1805),
an agent from the Lahore Government appeared in our
camp charged with the office of mediator between Holkar
and the British Government. On the following day arrived
an emissary from Holkar himself to negotiate the terms of
a treaty of Peace. There was no difficulty now in arrang-
ing a settlement of affairs. The Indian Government, under
* The appointment to the Accountant-Generalship of Henry
St. George Tucker, whom, as the ablest financier in India, Sir G.
Barlow had induced to leave the house of business with which he
had connected himself, in order that, in the great crisis that had
arisen, he might assume the direction of our pecuniary affairs.
TREATIES WITH SCINDIAH AND HOLKAR.
133
peremptory instructions from home, and utterly unable in
the embarrassed state of their finances to prosecute another
great war, were compelled to pacificate upon terms which,
under other circumstances, they might have regarded as
derogatory to the character of a great nation. Concessions
were made to 'Holkar which the Commander-in-Chief, and
all his staff on the banks of the Hyphasis, declared to be
disgraceful; but which the Governor-General* at Allaha-
bad and the Accountant-General at Calcutta believed to be
necessitated by the pressing exigencies of the times. At
the same time, Scindiah, whose agent had been for some
while in our camp, reaped his share of the benefits arising
from the conciliatory spirit of the British Government. A
treaty of peace was concluded with that Prince, by which
most of the advantages conceded by the old treaty of Surjee
Angenjaum, made by Arthur Wellesley, were secured to
him, in addition to a pension of four lakhs of rupees; and
he on his part undertook to grant an indemnification for
the losses sustained by the British Resident, and engaged
thenceforth to exclude the unprincipled Minister, Ghautka,
who had been the real mover of all the outrages against
the British Government, for ever from his councils. This
treaty, the terms of which were subsequently rendered
still more favourable to Scindiah, was ratified under a
royal salute on Christmas-day. What Charles Metcalfe
thought upon the subject will presently be seen.
In the mean while, Holkar's agent had returned to his
master to take counsel with him relative to the terms
offered by the British, and not until the beginning of the
new year did he present himself again in our camp. Then
it appeared that Holkar was inclined to presume upon the
pacific spirit of his adversaries, and to obtain better terms,
* Sir George Barlow, who, on the death of Lord Cornwallis
early in October, had succeeded as provisional Governor-General
to the chief seat in the Administration.
2
•
i
!
134
ENDED.
THE 66
""
GREAT GAME if he could. But Lord Lake was not to be frightened or
to be cajoled into further concessions. He declared that if
the treaty were not signed within three days, he would at
once cross the river, and move upon Holkar's camp. This
threat had the desired effect. And on the 7th of January
a treaty which restored large possessions to the man who,
a little time before, had declared that he could carry his
all on his saddle, was ratified with all due ceremony in the
presence of several of the Sikh chiefs..
On the following day, attended by an escort of two
battalions of sepoys, Charles Metcalfe, under instructions
from Lord Lake, set out for the Mahratta camp. The
visit of friendship was intended to give assurance to
Holkar's people, who, weary of a war from which they
derived but little, either in the shape of plunder or the
shape of pay, could hardly bring themselves to believe
that the peace they desired was at hand. He was received
in full Durbar, with every mark of satisfaction and respect.
There was but one gloomy face-one moody spirit in the
conclave. Ameer Khan had reluctantly attended the
meeting, and was now little inclined to do honour to the
representative of the British Government. The scene in
Holkar's Durbar-tent was an interesting one; but I need
not describe it, for on his way back with the army, which
broke ground immediately afterwards on its return to the
provinces, Charles Metcalfe related the circumstances of
the interview in a letter to his friend Sherer: *
"MY DEAR SHERER,-
Camp, Sirhind, January 26, 1806.
The peace with Holkar and
our march from the Punjaub are already known to you. Bayley
or Jenkins will have told you that I have been in Holkar's camp.
My visit to him was occasioned by his request that some gentle-
man might be sent to him, as a mark of friendship and confidence
from the British Government. It was, indeed, necessary to give
* See also Appendix A, for Metcalfe's official report.
MISSION TO HOLKAR'S CAMP.
135
satisfaction to his people, who would not give credit to his procla-
mation of a peace. They considered it as a trick such as he had
often before practised to raise their fallen hopes; and, conse-
quently, the arrival of the mission which confirmed the fact was
hailed with every demonstration of unbounded joy and rapture.
"The conduct of Holkar and his chiefs was equally expressive
of the highest delight; and made my mission a very pleasing and
happy business. My task was easy, being in its nature only to
convey assurances of friendship. One subject only of discussion
occurred, and that was attended with no difficulty. It was my
duty to urge his immediate departure from the Punjaub on his
return to Malwa. I got from him a promise to move on the 13th,
which he maintained, to my surprise. Ek-chushm-oo-doula's†
appearance is very grave, his countenance expressive, his manners
and conversation easy. He had not at all the appearance of the
savage that we knew him to be. The same countenance, however,
which was strongly expressive of joy when I saw him, would look
very black under the influence of rage, or any dark passions. A
little lap-dog was on his musnud—a strange playfellow for Holkar.
The jewels on his neck were invaluably rich. With these excep-
tions, there was nothing extraordinary in his Durbar, which was
just as might have been expected under the circumstances of his
situation. All his chiefs were present. Ameer Khan is black-
guard in his looks, and affected on the occasion of my reception
to be particularly fierce, by rubbing his coat over with gunpowder,
and assuming in every way the air of a common soldier. But for
his proximity to Holkar, he would have passed for one; indeed, I
did not know that he was Ameer Khan. I consider his behaviour to
have been affectation. He had the impudence to ask from me my
name, which must have been known to him; and his conduct was
so evidently designed to bring himself into notice, that I felt a
gratification in disappointing the unknown impudent; and answer-
ing plainly to his question, I turned from him and continued a
good-humoured conversation with Holkar and Bhao Bhaskur. I
was better pleased that I did so when I learned his name, for he
had on a late occasion behaved with egregious impertinence.
"I have been very much gratified with this accidental mission
because, though of no importance, it is a little distinction. Lord
Lake has made use of it to say more in my favour than I have
ever deserved in a despatch to the Governor-General.
* A nickname for Holkar, signifying One-Eyed.
1
136
ic
THE GREAT GAME" ENDED.
"I hope that I shall be with you in a very few months. What
say you to my proposed trip to England, as mentioned to Butter-
worth? Let me have the benefit of your advice on that subject.
I shall be better pleased when you write more; but am now,
ever,
"Your very affectionate friend,
and
"C. T. METCALFE."
The army was now on its way back to the British
Provinces. It was a season of comparative leisure, which
Charles Metcalfe turned to advantage by devoting more
time to his private correspondence. The following letters
have a double interest; for while they treat of public affairs,
they afford also some glimpses of the personal character of
the young writer :
:-
FROM CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
66
Paneeput, February 12, 1806.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-I had the pleasure, a few days ago, of
receiving your kind letter of the 17th ult. I am greatly indebted
to you for its contents. It brought the latest intelligence of my
brother that I have yet received; my last letters are dated in the
early part of November. He continues, I am rejoiced to see, in
every way happy and content.
I have been a very bad
correspondent to my brother, and he complains against me in his
last. He knows, however, that my idleness is not caused by want
of affection. The passage which you transcribed* is, as you
rightly judged, peculiarly gratifying to me. The difference in
our habits which was acquired in our childhood, will probably
stick to us, and it is possible that we may have different opinions
on controversial points, as you may remember we used to have,
but in fraternal affection and friendship Theophilus and I will
ever have, I am sure, the same mind and spirit.
"We are moving on to Dihlee.† Four battalions, with a body
of 1200 horse (Skinners' Corps), will be left here (Paneeput) under
Colonel Burn. Another battalion is at Kurnal. We shall reach
Dihlee in five days. That rascal, our friend Holkar, has been
playing tricks; and by way of a specimen of what may be
* See ante, page note.
† Metcalfe always spelt Delhi in this manner.
ប
=
DISPERSION OF THE ARMY.
137
expected, has already violated the treaty in a few articles. From
our pacific, mild, moderate, amiable character, Holkar may play
as many tricks as he pleases, and we shall have the generous
magnanimity of overlooking them. I am getting tired of Politics,
and am not disposed to trouble you much more with them, or Sir
George Barlow. We can discuss subjects fully tête-à-tête. You
will, I dare say, be able to show me his merits in revenual,
judicial, and financial administration since he has ascended the
throne. I have been so situated as to see him only in one point of
view, and he has not, in the light in which I have seen him,
appeared to advantage. It may be the fault of my optics. But I
cannot with temper see his incorrigible wantonness in wasting and
throwing away our strength and influence. He has not actually
yet done the mischief; and I wish that our guardian genius would
convert his hard heart.
"Lord Lake has acted in a dignified and noble manner. He
declares his sentiments in opposition to those of the Governor-
General, and he urges every argument and fact which he hopes
will induce him to alter his plans. Having done this, he is deter-
mined not to embarrass or counteract the views of the Govern-
ment; and feeling that he cannot be a fit instrument for the
execution of measures which he entirely disapproves, finding also
that Sir G. B. does not know how to exercise his supreme
authority without deviating from the respect due to Lord Lake's
rank, situation, character, and services, his lordship is resolved to
resign all political powers, and to confine his attention to military
arrangements. His despatches are marked equally by proper
respect and manly firmness. They show that he is attentive to
what is due to Sir G. B., and to what is due to himself.
"Of myself I know nothing more than that I am well and
happy.
"Your affectionate friend,
"C. T. METCALFE."
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
66
Camp, Dihlee, March 14, 1806.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-I received yours of the 16th ult. a few
days ago. I am extremely concerned that any expression in my
letter should have conveyed the insinuation which you very justly
reprobate. Such never existed in my mind; if it had, it would
have caused to me very severe unhappiness. Believe me, Sherer,
the confidence that I have in your friendship, and in the firmness
138
ENDED.
66
THE GREAT GAME ""
:
and continuance of it, as long as I may be not quite unworthy, is
a consoling pleasure to me in our separation. I look forward to
finding you at our meeting the same kind, unaltered friend that
you used to be. Without this reliance I should be very wretched,
for I consider the regard of respected friends as an inestimable
blessing, and any diminution of it would be an insufferable
affliction. Do not, therefore, think that I could ever mean to
insinuate that distance of time or place could affect your senti-
ments. We are anxious about what we prize, and my anxiety to
hear from you perhaps made me complain more than I had any
right to do. Indeed, when I consider the incessant business which
you go through, I ought to be grateful for every line that you
bestow on me, but have no right to complain. It would be uncon-
scionable, indeed, to expect that you should not in your leisure
hours seek refreshment from harassing fatigues in those pursuits
to which your mind is bent. Forgive my impatience.
•
"You speak of the variety and opportunity of improvement
which occur in my situation. I feel the value of them, and look
back over the whole time that I have spent in this manner with
very great satisfaction. I have, however, I am sorry to confess,
thrown away my opportunities of improvement. I have acquired
habits of idleness and indifference. I am almost afraid I love
wandering for its own sake, rather than for the knowledge which
it might enable one to acquire. Works and ruins which would
have made me mad with solitude formerly, operate with much
diminished effect now. I know not whether it is that the repe-
tition of novelty blunts the edge of curiosity, or that human art
cannot produce much variety, but from some cause my curiosity.
is not so sharp and lively as it was. There is, however, something.
in this place to which the mind cannot be indifferent. The ruins
of grandeur that extend for miles on every side, fill it with serious
reflections. The palaces crumbling into dust, every one of which
could tell many tales of royal virtue or tyrannical crime, of despe-
rate ambition or depraved indolence, that have caused the accom-
plishment of the most important events, and yet have never
reached the ear of history; the myriads of vast mausoleums,
every one of which was intended to convey to futurity the
deathless fame of its cold inhabitant, and all of which are passed
by unknown and unnoticed, eclipsed by the grandeur of one or
two which attract the traveller. These things cannot be looked
at with indifference. The view at present before me from my tent
contains the history of ages. We are about a mile from what we
i
THE RUINS OF DELHI.
139
now call Dihlee. I have before me the magnificent tomb of
Humaioon; the ruined fort where Shah Alum was deprived of
sight; a ruined palace where another poor king was thrown out of
a window (the very window is staring at me), and many other
buildings of which my ignorance knows nothing, but which,
doubtless, have had their share of blood and murder. I should
like much to go over the history of India whilst here, but there is
not a book in this army. The Commander-in-Chief does not
patronise literature in his troops. 'D. your writing, mind
your fighting,' is his maxim-a maxim, too, the latter part of
which he has taught by example as well as precept. If I were a
.. I could write something at this place, in an elegiac
strain about-
poet
'The pomp of heraldry, the pride of power,' &c., &c.
The ground on which we are encamped was occupied by Holkar's
army, when it besieged Dihlee. The defence was one of the
greatest and most important actions that has been performed, but
the man whose exertions caused the success of it, has met his
reward from this encouraging Government in an unrecompensed
dismissal from his office.* Speaking of Holkar, he has in true
character made a point of breaking all the articles of the treaty
that he has not had it in his power to fulfil. He is at present
engaged in plundering the Sikhs. Be it said to his credit, that he
plunders most those who befriended him. We are detained here
until he chooses to march towards his own country. This is a
happy state of Peace.
"Cole and the sporting ones of this quarter are on a hog-
hunting party. All the riding that I have had has not given
me a grain more of enterprize on horseback than I used to have,
so I enter no more into those dashing amusements than formerly.
What proceeds perhaps from timidity is put down to the score of
gravity, and as there is not a soul here whose pursuits are like
mine, my want of vivacity is generally pitied."
The war was now at an end. The Grand Army was to
be broken up. Charles Metcalfe's occupation as the nurse
of Queen's officers was gone; and he soon ceased to
disquiet himself about the inglorious peace on which he
had so earnestly descanted. In the years 1805-1806,
* Colonel Ochterlony, who had been removed from the office of
Resident at Delhi to make room for Mr. Seton.
140
GREAT GAME" ENDED.
THE 66
political controversy rose to a higher pitch of excitement
than it had ever risen before, or than it has ever risen
since in Indian official circles. Men spoke and wrote in
those days eagerly and emphatically, according to the light
that was in them; and it is not for us, after the lapse of
half a century, to condemn them for that one-sidedness
which is apparent in all their arguments. The Lake party
were right at Muttra and Delhi. The Barlow party were
right at Calcutta. The views of both parties were tinged
by local and incidental circumstances. If Barlow had
commanded the army, he would, probably, have been as
eager for the prosecution of the war as Lake, if he had been
at the head of the Administration, and immediately
responsible to the Home Government, would have been for
its cessation. And I do not doubt that Charles Metcalfe, if
he had been Accountant-General, would have written just
such letters as flowed from the pen of Henry St. George
Tucker.*
* The correspondence between Mr. Tucker and Sir G. Barlow
in the years 1805 and 1806, recently published in the Memoirs of
the former, very fairly reflects the views of the Peace party.
From that correspondence, and from the letters of Metcalfe and
Malcolm, a just conception may be derived of the antagonistic
arguments of the soldiers and the financiers.
141
1
CHAPTER VII.
[1806-1808.]
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
Charles Metcalfe's Prospects-His Visit to Calcutta-Appointed
Assistant to the Resident at Delhi-Administration of the
Delhi Territory-The People and the Court-Character of
Mr. Seton-Charles Metcalfe's Duties-Letters to Mr. Sherer
-Pecuniary Circumstances-Better Prospects.
It has been stated that Charles Metcalfe, when he joined
the camp of the Commander-in-Chief, still retained his
situation as an assistant in the office of the Governor-
General. But among other retrenchments which were
effected by the new administration was the abolition of the
"Office." This, although it entailed upon him a consider-
able loss of salary, Metcalfe scarcely regretted. Without
Lord Wellesley and his old associates, who were now
scattered over the country, the "office" would have been
nothing to him. What his prospects were at this time it
was hard to say. The orders of Government were, that he
should remain with Lord Lake until his services were no
longer required, and that then he should "return to the
Presidency, in order that when opportunity should offer he
might be employed in some other branch of the public
service." 11 *
There was nothing very hopeful in this. He had
resolutely determined, as long as it was possible, to adhere
to the political line; but in that department of the public
* Mr. Edmonstone to Mr. Metcalfe, May 29, 1806.
142
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
service great retrenchments were being made, and Metcalfe
believed that Sir George Barlow was not likely to extend
towards him any very great amount of favour.* He was
in no hurry, therefore, to return to the Presidency to wait
for a new appointment. Indeed, he seriously contemplated
at this time a visit to England, and wrote both to his
friends at Calcutta and his family in England, to consult
with them on the expediency of the step. He received,
however, little encouragement from either quarter. Be-
fore, indeed, the answers from his home-letters had
arrived, he had made up his mind to continue at his
post.
From the following letter, written from Cawnpore at the
end of May, may be gathered more distinctly what were
his feelings and intentions at this time:
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-
66
Cawnpore, May 29, 1806.
I shall quit this place for
Calcutta about the middle of June, and suppose that I shall reach
it about the first week of August. I have settled to join Mal-
* Barlow, however, it must be said, had recognised the great
ability and the fine character of young Metcalfe from the very
commencement of his career, and predicted for him a rapid rise in
the service. "I have great pleasure in acquainting you," he
wrote to Colonel Collins, "that young Metcalfe possesses very
pleasing manners, and that he appears to unite quick parts with a
very solid understanding. If I am not mistaken he will eminently
distinguish himself among his cotemporaries." When it was
ascertained that the King's Government had refused to appoint
Sir George Barlow permanently to the Governor-Generalship, in
spite of the earnest support of the Court of Directors, a report
obtained in Calcutta that the whole Court had voted for Sir
George, with the exception of three members, and that Sir
Theophilus Metcalfe was one of the three. But the statement
was entirely erroneous—Sir Theophilus was one of Barlow's most
strenuous supporters.
น
LETTER TO SHERER.
143
colm's party on the voyage down. Without waiting for an
invitation, I shall inform you that I intend to make your house
my home, but I shall hope to hear from you on that point, as it
may be possible you are so situated with regard to room or some-
thing else, as to make my invasion an inconvenience to you. As I
have nothing now to do here, I wish as soon as posible to be at the
Presidency, in order that my destination may be decided, and that
I may again be employed.
"I am determined, if the Governor-General will allow me, to
adhere to the line in which I have made my outset, even if I
should be obliged to submit to a temporary loss or degradation,
and the scene on which I wish to be employed is that which I
have just quitted. I think that it will be the busiest; I therefore
give it a preference. On the whole, prospects are not so flattering
as they once were to me, but every dog has his day, and le bon
temps viendra, I trust. I do not mean to make immoderate haste,
nor to put myself to any inconvenience in my journey to Calcutta.
I shall proceed leisurely. Under more encouraging circumstances,
I think that I should have been there before this time, for I feel
every wish to be again engaged on public service. By-the-by, I
was long ago ordered down, and am perhaps guilty of disobedience
by staying so long.
My letters from England are very pleasing. My father says.
that he is proud of my conduct. You know, my dear Sherer, what
pride a son must feel at such praise from an honoured father. One
sentence of his approbation is an ample reward for any exertion,
and more than consolation under every disappointment. God bless
you, dear Sherer.
"Your sincere friend,
"C. T. METCALFE."
In fulfilment of the intention here expressed, Charles
Metcalfe started on his river-voyage to Calcutta in the
course of June, and about the third week of the following
month he found himself again at the Presidency. He was
now only in his twenty-second year; but he had passed
nearly six of these in the public service, and was already
a ripe diplomatist. By all who knew him-by his private
friends and official associates, he was held in such estima-
tion that not one of them hesitated to predict his speedy
144
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
attainment of the highest honours of his profession. There
was much in all this to solace him under what he believed
to be a lull in the prosperity of his career; but nothing
cheered him so much as his father's letters, which breathed
the warmest affection, and expressed the exultant pride with
which Sir Theophilus contemplated the honourable pro-
gress of his favourite son.
But there was little occasion for despondency of any
kind. Charles Metcalfe had not long to sojourn at the
Presidency, waiting for the dawn of official re-employment.
On the 15th of August, he received a letter from the
Secretary of Government, announcing that the Governor-
General in Council had been pleased to appoint him "First
Assistant to the Resident at Delhi."
This was not a very brilliant appointment. Time was
when he would have regarded it with some contempt―
but the political service was not then what it once had
been in the palmy days of the "glorious little man
" who
had set Charles Metcalfe on the high road which leads to
fame and fortune. He had come now to look more soberly
at these things, and so long as he was not removed to the
revenue or judicial departments, he was content with his
situation. Indeed, Delhi was of all others the place in
which, under these altered circumstances, he had recently
desired to be posted.
Mr. Seton was then resident at Delhi. A little time
before he had been the Governor-General's agent in Rohil-
cund; but Sir George Barlow entertained so high an
opinion of his zeal and ability, that he removed Colonel
Ochterlony from the Delhi Residency to place the civilian
there in his stead. To Seton, who was a man of peculiar
delicacy and generosity of feeling, the circumstances under
which he had been ordered to proceed to Delhi would have
been extremely painful, if such an explanation of these
circumstances had not been offered to Ochterlony as to
1
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
145
convince him that he had not forfeited the high opinion of
Government.* But Seton was a man whose whole soul
was in the public service, and who, once appointed, was
eager to join his appointment, and to devote himself day and
night to its duties. Of Metcalfe he knew little, but that
little had kindled within him a fervour of admiration for
the young attaché, and one of his first wishes on being
nominated to the Delhi Residency was to associate with
himself, in the performance of his new duties, one whom
he emphatically described as "a young man of most
uncommon abilities and acquirements." "Although my
personal knowledge of Mr. Metcalfe," he wrote to Colonel
Malcolm, “is but slight, it is sufficient to convince me of
the truth of what you say respecting him. We met but
once. But it was SUCH an ONCE!' So interesting, a
meeting! I already knew a great deal of his character
•
*See letter of Mr. Seton to Colonel Malcolm, Bareilly, March 12,
1806.—“It must give the sincerest gratification to every honest
heart to learn that the explanation of the grounds of the present
arrangements have been such as to convince Colonel Ochterlony
that he stands as high as ever in the estimation of Government.
But surely Government will not content itself with merely sooth-
ing the wounded feelings of a public officer of his great and
acknowledged merits; nor can I bring myself to think that it is
not in contemplation to make a handsome provision for him,
although it was not, perhaps, announced or recorded at the same
time with the arrangements, inasmuch as it was a public
measure."-[MS. Correspondence.] The supercession of Colonel
Ochterlony had not been decreed without manifest reluctance.
"The ground of hesitation I have with regard to this arrange-
ment,” wrote the Governor-General, " is the service rendered by
Colonel Ochterlony in the defence of Delhi. Is this consideration
such as should prevent me removing him? and will it justify my
making the sacrifice of the public interests, which I know I
should make, if I were to relinquish the arrangement? I con-
sider Mr. Seton's appointment to Delhi to be of the most essential
importance in a variety of points of view."-[MS. Notes of Sir
G. Barlow.
.
146
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
•
C
from having seen many of his private letters, and from
having been in the habit of familiar intercourse with many
of his friends. As a young man of most uncommon
abilities and requirements, not to have known him would
have argued myself unknown.' When, therefore, we met,
I could not meet him as a stranger. Ever since, I have.
been one of his many enthusiastic admirers. In the
arrangments to be formed for conducting the public
business at Delhi, the claims of such a candidate cannot
be overlooked. I recollect, however, hearing one of his
friends and correspondents observe, that he would not like
to be stationed at Delhi, and that Calcutta was the station
he preferred."* Such (every allowance being made for
* MS. Correspondence. The observation in the last sentence
must be supposed to have reference to the days when Lord·
Wellesley was Governor-General. Metcalfe himself subsequently
applied for the appointment. Some passages of another letter
from Mr. Seton may be introduced here in illustration of this and
other points. The communication quoted in the text had been
sent to Metcalfe, who wrote to thank Seton for the kindness it
expressed. On this the latter wrote :-"Think not, my dear sir,
that I mean frivolously to compliment or poorly to flatter, when
I assure you that our meeting at Kangur made an impression
upon my mind-upon my heart, which no time can weaken. The
unspeakable interest, which the circumstance of my being then
introduced to your personal acquaintance gave to my visit to
camp, makes me consider it as one of the leading epochs of my
life; and ever since that memorable period, I have longed for the
means of being brought into nearer connection with you, and of
being indulged with an opportunity of cultivating your friend-
ship. In this avowal, which is dictated by the heart, you have,
my dear sir, a vertical reply to one part of your letter. I shall
only add, that if Government comply with your application, and
render you my associate in the political branch of the business
attached to the Residency at Delhi, I shall feel as if eased at once
of one-half of my care. That it will be complied with I cannot
for a moment doubt." The meeting alluded to in these letters
was in General Smith's camp, when his force was in pursuit of
Ameer Khan, in Rohilcund.
ARCHIBALD SETON.
147
Seton's habitually over-courteous style of language) being
the opinion of the young assistant entertained by his
official superior, there was little chance of Metcalfe's con-
nection with the Court of the Mogul terminating as did his
first diplomatic experience at the Court of the Mahratta.
Perhaps no two men were ever more unlike each other
than Archibald Seton and Jack Collins. Each, as the
young Assistant soon discovered, lacked what the other
had in excess.
Starting to join his appointment without much loss of
time, Metcalfe proceeded by dawk to Delhi, and reached
the imperial city on the 23rd of October. The journey
was not a pleasant one; but his reception was of the
kindest and most flattering description; and he soon began
to find, that if in his new official position he had anything
to contend against, it was the excessive delicacy and
humility of the Resident, who shrank from employing the
services of his Assistant in the manner contemplated by
Government in such an appointment. What Charles
Metcalfe thought of this, may best be described in his own
words:
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"Dihlee, October 25th, 1806.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-I arrived here on the 23rd, after a very
troublesome and uncomfortable journey. From Mynpooree to
this place I encountered several difficulties. I scarcely anywhere
found a sufficient number of bearers, and what there were were
old and tottering wretches. I met with a remarkable instance of
respect in an officer of the Udalut, a Darogah, or, as the people in
this part of the world call him, Udalut-walla. I passed the
whole night in the street of the town of Koorja, because this
gentleman had chosen to seize the bearers that had been stationed
for me, and had carried them on his own pleasure to a village
some miles distant. For the last thirty or forty miles, by mistake
no bearers had been stationed, because by an erroneous calcula-
148
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
tion I was not expected so soon. I therefore abandoned my
palkee, &c., and after a long walk, and when I could walk no
longer, a long ride upon a sowar's horse, which I had the good
luck to obtain, I at last reached the object of my labours.
•
"All is well that ends well, and now I am as comfortable as I
could wish. Seton is most kind. I foresee that I shall have
some difficulty in persuading him to break through a bad habit
which he has acquired of doing every part of business, even the
minutest, with his own hands. I commenced my attack yester-
day, and mentioned to him several duties which he daily
performs, and which in my conception ought to devolve upon the
Assistant. But he says that he is shocked at the idea of degrading
my &c., &c., &c., to such mean occupations, and that the assist-
ance which he expects to derive from me is in the aid of my
&c., &c., &c., on the great questions of politics. This is very fine
and complimentary, and of course not displeasing, but, as I
observed to him, how can that be degrading to an Assistant
which is daily performed by the Resident? and what is the use of
an assistant, if he does not relieve the superior from some part of
the drudgery and detail of official duties? He was at last brought
to say that we would relieve each other. Such is his delicacy, or
the inveteracy of his habit, that I foresee some difficulty; but I
shall persist, and do not despair of accomplishing the object.
And if once he can be brought to throw off the unnecessary
trouble that he takes upon himself, he will, I am sure, be much
happier, for at present he worries himself with detail, and the
clearest head in the world must be confused by the mixed and
multifarious nature of the minute duties to which he gives his
attention. He seldom comes either to breakfast or dinner. He
rises before the day, and labours until the middle of the night.
He does not move out, he takes no exercise, and apparently no
food. The real duties of his situation do not require such toil,
and I must persuade him to relinquish a part to me.
"The collections are ridiculously trifling, and the districts in
a sad and irremediable state of confusion. Orders have been
issued for a settlement. Spedding has not commenced on it. It
is a funny duty for me to perform, who am entirely ignorant
of such matters; but I must undertake it, and as I am completely
under Seton's orders, I am not so terrified as I should otherwise
be.
I shall probably, but not positively, go into the Mofussil to
make the settlement, and it is possible that I may take the field
PRIVILEGES OF THE MOGUL.
149
against my refractory subjects, of which there are more than
there are tractable. God forbid that this business should end in
leading me into the revenue line. I must endeavour to prevent
that.
"I am, ever' yours affectionately,
"C. T. METCALFE."
settled at Delhi-the
The Emperor, Shah
Charles Metcalfe was now fairly
imperial city of the Great Mogul.
Allum, old, blind, and infirm, still held there the mockery
of a court. The victories of the British army on the banks
of the Jumna had rescued him from the thraldom of the
Mahrattas to impose upon him another yoke. In our
hands he was as helpless, but less miserable. He was at
the mercy of men who respected his fallen fortunes, and
desired that he should enjoy as much of the luxury and
the pomp of royalty as could be purchased for a certain
sum of money, to be appropriated to him out of the
revenues of our new possessions. How this was best to be
done—which, indeed, was best un-done-was a question
which for some time perplexed the Calcutta council. Upon
the first establishment of our supremacy in the Delhi
territories, it was determined that a maintenance for the
royal family should be provided by means of certain
assignments of land, and an annual stipend payable to the
Shah. These territories were not to be brought under the
operation of the rules and regulations of the Company
which were to be introduced into other parts of the ceded
and conquered provinces; and it was, therefore, arranged
that the fiscal administration of the districts which had
been set aside for the maintenance of the royal household
should be entirely in the hands of officers appointed by
the Shah himself, with the sanction of the British Govern-
ment. The principal officers for the collection of the
customs and duties of the city of Delhi and the management
of the police, were also to be appointed by the Shah, in con-
currence with the British Resident. But this functionary was
1
150
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
"not to interfere with the executive duties of any of those
officers; nor with the municipal or revenue arrangements of
the city or territory, except by his advice and recommenda-
tion."*
There was, indeed, to be a sort of imperium in
imperio. A remnant of regal power was to be delegated to
the Mogul, that his money might pass into his hands rather
in the shape of revenue than in the shape of pension, and
that he might still flatter himself with the thought of pos-
sessing some officers and some subjects of his own.
In sanctioning this arrangement, the British Government
thought more of the feelings of the Shah than of the
prosperity of the people of Delhi. The evils of the system
were apparent; and Ochterlony soon pointed them out. "I
lose no time," he emphatically wrote to Government, on the
30th of November, 1804, "in earnestly requesting, from a
knowledge of the disposition and temper of his Majesty and
his probable successor, that the provision intended for his
Majesty should be a fixed stipend, payable in ready money
from his treasury. Any lands assigned for this purpose
would, I am fully persuaded, be unproductive of the real
value, nor could the controlling power intended to be vested
in the Resident prevent much oppression in the Pergunnahs,
and exorbitant taxation in the city."† This was one
side the people's side-of the question; but looking only
at the King's side, it appeared that the new arrangement,
though it might flatter the vanity of the Shah, was calcu-
lated to inflict upon him a solid injury, by placing it in his
power to waste his substance upon favourites and parasites.
"Any assignment of lands," wrote Ochterlony, in the same
letter, "though it might, and, I have no doubt, would,
flatter his pride, would only open a path to grants which
* Memorandum by Mr. Edmonstone (April 27, 1805)—“ On the
Subject of an Arrangement for the Maintenance of his Majesty
Shah Allum and the Royal Household."-[MS. Records.]
+ MS. Records.
COLLECTION OF THE MCGUL'S REVENUE.
151
would in a short time deprive him of nearly the whole of
his country; nor would any influence of the Resident be
able to control his bounty, which has been, during his life,
weak, ill-placed, and indiscriminate."* And in a sub-
sequent letter, pointing out more in detail the evil conse-
quences of placing the collection of the town-customs in
his hands, especially in time of scarcity, the Resident
wrote: "To give the Shah all that is realised, exclusive of
the pay of establishments, would be an easy and a sacred
duty in the Customs as in the Pergunnahs; but to invest
him with a control, is to give him a power to injure
himself, to which the avarice and self-interest of numberless
dependents would undoubtedly lead."+
Nor were these the only evils inherent in such a system.
It was only too probable, as, indeed, experience had already
shown, that in the assigned districts the revenue-payers
might sometimes contumaciously withhold the sums claimed
by the officers of the Shah. In this case coercion would
become necessary. The taxes could only be collected under
the constraint of a military force. A choice of difficulties
then presented itself. Either this constraint must have
been exercised by the miserable rabble which the King or
his officers would be compelled to retain; or the Company's
troops must have been employed for the purpose. In the
one case, there was no reliance to be placed on the support
of men who might at any time have sided with the recusants
or been defeated by them; and in the other, the British
Government would have been placed in an anomalous and
embarrassing position, for they would have exercised mili-
tary control where they had no civil power; would have
* MS. Records. "His (the King's) probable successor,” added
Ochterlony, "is imbecility personified, and under the guidance of
a woman of low extraction, originally a servant of the household,
weak, proud, and in the highest degree avaricious and rapacious.”
† MS. Records
4
152
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
been compelled to enforce measures for which they were
not responsible; and to counteract evils which they were
not suffered to prevent.
On a review of these important suggestions, the Supreme
Government, after much consideration, moved by the
recommendations of the Resident, resolved on a notable
compromise. They were desirous to spare the feelings of
the Shah; but, at the same time, not to invest him with
powers which might be exercised to the injury both of the
people and of himself. So they gave him a nominal
authority over the assigned districts; but arranged that,
at the request of his Majesty, the Company's servants
should undertake their administration in his name. *
The
authority of the Shah was to be a harmless fiction. The
actual administration was to be vested in the Resident;
but there was to be a great parade of the name of Shah
Allum; and the British officers, whilst dandling the
miserable puppet, were to appear to be the humblest of
his slaves.
" All
But all this was to be merely an experiment.
circumstances considered," wrote Sir George Barlow, then
senior member of the Supreme Council, "and particularly
the attention necessary to be paid to the feelings of his
Majesty, would appear to render the system of manage-
ment here proposed the most advisable, at least for the
present. But it might be intimated to his Majesty, that if
the system should not prove to be well calculated for the
name;
*"The lands might be considered as Khalsa lands, placed by
his Majesty under the charge of a British authority, and the
collections might be made and all other acts done in his Majesty's
and as the Resident further suggests, inferior officers
might be appointed by his Majesty to attend the Collector's
office, for the purpose of satisfying his Majesty's mind that no
part of the collections is embezzled by the executive officers of
the British Government.”—[Mr. Edmonstone's Memorandum.
MS. Records.]
.
FAILURE OF THE SYSTEM.
153
improvement of the country, for the realisation of the
revenue, and the maintenance of tranquillity, such alte-
rations in the system will be hereafter suggested for his
Majesty's approbation as shall appear advisable. It will
ultimately, I imagine, be found to be necessary for the
attainment of the several objects above stated, to extend
the British Laws (Regulations).to the assigned territories."*
And, under the orders of Lord Wellesley, instructions were
sent to the Resident in conformity with Barlow's sugges-
tions, based as they were on Edmonstone's abstract of
Ochterlony's recommendations. And this was the system
of management in force when Charles Metcalfe joined his
appointment.
But that the system did not work well was soon appa-
rent. Even upon the vestige of authority that remained
to him the Shah was inclined to presume; and the excess
of delicacy and generosity with which a man of Mr. Seton's
temper was sure to treat the poor puppet, tended to increase
this natural presumption. That this, however kindly the
intention, was in effect but cruel kindness, Metcalfe believed;
but he did not come hastily to the conclusion that his official
superior was at fault. He had been nearly a year at Delhi,
during which he had seen many proofs of the evil working
of the system, when he wrote the following letter to his
friend Sherer:
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
"June 16, 1807.
“MY DEAR SHERER,-I have had so little of any satisfactory
matter to communicate, that it has not been incumbent on me to
transmit to you an account of my affairs; nay, more, that I am
* MS. Notes of Sir George Barlow, on the margin of Edmon-
stone's Memorandum. The paper is endorsed by Lord Wellesley
with the words, " Draft of Instructions to the Resident at Delhi,
to be sent in conformity to this Memorandum, including Sir
George Barlow's remarks, in which I concur.—W.”
154
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
on the whole doing so badly, that it is almost a duty to be silent.
Now, having laid a heavy charge on your back, and prevented, as
I conclude, by invincible arguments, any retort on your part, I
proceed to tell you that I am, with respect to health, as well as
usual, and that, I thank God, is very well; in spirits, too, pretty
well; and though the place is very dull, and I myself am no great
enlivener of society, never fail to be merry on a favourable oppor-
tunity. I am tired of business, and long to have less to do, the
nearest to nothing the better; for I see that I could spend my
time much more satisfactorily and advantageously to myself in
my own way, than by attending to the politics, police, revenue,
and justice of this quarter; and now comes the dreadful tale.
My finances are quite ruined, exhausted beyond hope of any
reasonable repair. You know that I am very prudent; prudence
is a prominent feature in my character; yet, ever since I came to
this imperial station, I have gradually been losing the ground
which I had gained in the world, and at length I find myself con-
siderably lower than the neutral situation of having nothing; and
without some unlooked-for and surprising declaration of the Fates
in my power, I see nothing but debt, debt, debt, debt after debt,
before me.
The last stroke that has involved me in utter despair, has
been the necessity of building. I have been up to my neck for
some time in bricks and mortar, mud and dirt, and I am threatened,
in consequence, with being over head and ears in debt. After all,
I am only building a small bungalow fit for a bachelor. Notwith-
standing, all things conjoining, the expense is considerable. Seton
would have had me, very kindly, to live with him; but I declined
it for a thousand reasons. The one that I used to him, which
was a principal one, was, that I could never enjoy a moment's
privacy at the Residency; which is as true as that you could not
enjoy privacy seated in a chair in the middle of the Cossitollah.
Every part of one is no less thronged with natives than the
other.
"I do not exactly conform to the policy of Seton's mode of
managing the Royal Family. It is by a submission of manner
and conduct, carried on in my opinion far beyond the respect and
attention which can be either prescribed by forms, or dictated by
a humane consideration for the fallen fortunes of a once illustrious
family. It destroys entirely the dignity which ought to be
attached to him who represents the British Government, and
who, in reality, is to govern at Dihlee; and it raises (I have
THE KING AND THE RESIDENT.
155
perceived the effect disclosing itself with gradual rapidity) ideas
of imperial power and sway which ought to be put to sleep for
ever. As it is evident that we do not mean to restore imperial.
power to the King, we ought not to pursue a conduct calculated
to make him aspire to it. Let us treat him with the respect due
to his rank and situation; let us make him comfortable in respect
to circumstances, and give him all the means, as far as possible,
of being happy; but unless we mean to establish his power, let
us not encourage him to dream of it. Let us meet his first
attempts to display imperial authority with immediate check;
and let him see the mark beyond which our respect and obedience
to the shadow of a King will not proceed.
"Seton, however, seems to think (which if it is, as I think, an
error, is a kindly one), that we cannot study too much to soothe.
the feelings of a family so situated; that the most obsequious
attentions do not at all hurt the Resident's dignity; and that by
yielding to the King the exercise of power in small points, we
shall be able to oppose him with a better grace on great and
important occasions. To what length the idea of small points
may be carried is uncertain. One man will think one thing, and
another another. A great deal is left to discretion; and it has
often happened, that what Seton has assented to as a mere trifle,
has struck me of such importance as to require opposition. Two
authorities exist in the town, which circumstance gives rise to
much trouble and confusion. A riot lately took place in the
town, threatening to be very serious, which arose, I am convinced,
entirely from that circumstance, which would never have taken
place if the people had not expected that the King would (as he
did) protect them; which had, in fact, its origin in the palace, and
which, if traced to its primary cause, proceeded, I believe, from
the effect of Seton's too delicate and submissive conduct. Ideas
of the exercise of sovereignty ought, I think, to be checked in the
bud; it may be attended with difficulty to destroy them when
they have been suffered to grow for some time; at least, greater
difficulty than there is in suppressing them altogether.
"Enough. This letter begins to smell of the shop.. Of mighty
importance to be sure are the politics of Delhi! What progress
that infernal villain Buonaparte has made; I long to hear more of
affairs in Europe. We have had a long interval of darkness since
the last accounts. No letters either from home. I have just
heard of the sudden death of Colonel Collins. There is always
something more shocking in a sudden death than in a forewarned
156
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
'
demise. I felt a stronger spirit of resentment against him than I
have ever felt towards any other man. He has reached that goal
at which all enmities subside; mine are at an end. I sincerely
forgive him for the wrong he did to me; and I trust that God
will forgive me if I ever wronged him.
"Remember me to all friends, and believe me,
"Ever your sincerely attached,
C. T. METCALFE.”
.*
The "riot” of which Metcalfe speaks in the above letter
was this. The Mussulmans of Delhi had risen up in
rebellion because a Hindoo banker of influence had carried
an idol through the city, and had been suspected of an
intention to impart undue pomp to the proceeding. A cry
was raised that the interests of Islam were in danger.
The banker's house was attacked. There were tumul-
tuous gatherings in the streets. Seton was absent, in
attendance on the princes, who were performing certain
ceremonies in honour of the late King's memory ;* so the
responsibility of quelling the disturbance devolved upon
Metcalfe. He did it promptly and well—with energy and
with judgment. He went first to the officer in command
of the troops, and desired him to get his men under arms,
and prepare to march into the city. Then he went to the
palace, and called upon the King to exert his authority to
suppress the tumult. The answer of the King was un-
satisfactory; so Metcalfe proceeded at once to the lines,
called for the immediate aid of the military authority, and
returned with the battalion to the scene of disorder. The
presence of the troops damped the energies of the rioters;
the crowds dispersed, and there was almost a bloodless
victory. Had the King done his duty in the emergency,
not a shot need have been fired.†
* Shah Allum had died in December, 1806.
† Metcalfe's conduct in this matter elicited the praises of the
Supreme Government. The Chief Secretary wrote :-"You will
be pleased to communicate to your First Assistant, Mr. Metcalfe,
PECUNIARY CIRCUMSTANCES.
157
"Great
Leaving for a while this poor shadow of a
Mogul," with his pension of 200,000l. a year, let us dwell
for a moment on the former part of this letter, and bestow
a thought upon the "pecuniary circumstances" of the
Assistant to the Resident at Shah Allum's Court. If
biography were to take note of things, and to expatiate
upon them in proportion to the amount of thought devoted
to them by the subject of the "Life" or "Memoir,” a very
large space in all these lives and memoirs would be devoted
to the "pecuniary circumstances" of the man whose cha-
racter and career are in course of illustration. The greatest
among us will think about money and be disquieted by the
want of it. To be in debt is with young civilians almost a
condition of existence. Some never get out again. Now
Charles Metcalfe never had been extravagant; but he had
been in debt before this, had extricated himself from it,
and now he was "in difficulties" again. The fact is, that,
pecuniarily speaking, his fortunes had not lately been on
the ascendant. When attached to the Governor-General's
Office, in 1804, he had drawn a salary of 800 rupees a
month. An additional (deputation) allowance of 12 rupees.
a day had been subsequently granted to him, when he was
serving in Lord Lake's camp; and as the order for this
grant was not passed till many months after he had joined
the army, and then took retrospective effect, the accumu-
lations enabled Metcalfe to pay off all his old debts. But on
the 15th of December, 1805, the Governor-General's
Office having been abandoned, the salary which he had
drawn as an assistant in it ceased, and in its place he was
allowed a salary of 400 rupees a month, with the
the Governor-General in Council's high approbation of the firm-
ness, judgment, and promptitude of action manifested by Mr.
Metcalfe on that critical occasion. To the exertion of those
qualities the Governor-General in Council primarily ascribes the
speedy suppression of the disturbance."
·
1
158
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
i
same deputation allowance as before.
He was now,
in 1807, drawing 750 rupees a month as Assistant to the
Delhi Resident-being nearly 5007. a year less than he had
received three years before.* This might have sufficed
him-but the necessity of building a house at Delhi caused
an increase of immediate expenditure, which he could not
meet; so the curse of debt sat again upon him. He had a
liberal and a wealthy father, who at this time was so proud
of his son's success in life, and of the repeated eulogies that
were passed upon him, that he would have done anything
for him, and often said so; but on this very account Charles
Metcalfe was slow to ask-he would rather have suffered
all the miseries of debt for years than have presumed on
the kindly emotions which he had raised in his parent's
breast. He determined therefore to extricate himself; and
before long the means were placed at his disposal. Some
new arrangements for the civil administration of the Delhi
territory caused an increase of his official duties, and with
it came an increase of his salary, the accumulations of
which he left to form themselves into a sinking fund for the
reduction of his debts.f And never after this reduction
did he feel the burden again.
But there was much in Metcalfe's estimation to detract
from the advantages of this increased salary. The new
duties imposed upon him were connected with the fiscal
administration of the Delhi territory; and he had a great
and increasing dislike of revenue business. Even when
the Commission, appointed in 1807 to report upon the civil
administration of the ceded and conquered provinces, was
in course of construction, and Mr. Tucker, the working
member of the itinerant Board was anxious to see Charles
* These facts and figures are taken from the original official
letters preserved by Lord Metcalfe. It is needless to make
separate references to each.
† Letter to Sherer, post, page 236.
་
THE COMMISSION OF 1807.
159
Metcalfe attached to it as secretary, he was unwilling to
accept such a situation lest it should lead him away per-
manently from the political line to which he was resolute
to adhere. On other accounts, the appointment had many
attractions—and when he found that his friends Sherer and
Bayley were attached to the Commission-the former as
secretary, the latter as interpreter, he often longed to be
one of the party. In the following letter to the former his
opinions and feelings are clearly expressed :—
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
“July 10, 1807.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-I am rejoiced to see your appointment
and Butterworth's to the Commission, as I indulge the hope of
seeing you here, though not immediately. It of course has taken
place with your entire consent, and both you and Bayley, I
imagine, retain your respective situations in Calcutta. It will be
a delightful trip for you; you will see a great deal which you
must greatly wish to see. You will obtain a most extensive know-
ledge of a most important branch of our affairs, and your situation
being only temporary, it will not interfere with your plan of
always keeping your head-quarters in Calcutta, nor with your
views of promotion in that most successful field of action. Con-
sidering these circumstances, I look upon your appointment as a
most pleasant and fortunate event, and congratulate you upon it
accordingly. The same to Bayley, to whom I shall shortly address
my sentiments on his conduct, although he has behaved so shock-
ingly lately as almost to be unworthy of my notice. My love to
him notwithstanding. I already anticipate some delightful days
with you two in my bungalow at Delhi. You have a most
respectable deputy and agreeable companion in Fortescue, to whom
I beg you to remember me kindly. My remembrance also to the
Commissioners in proper terms and degrees. By-the-by, Tucker
will, doubtless, have mentioned to you what I read in a letter from
him to Richardson, that at first, with the assent of Cox, he had
proposed to Sir G. Barlow, through Lumsden, my appointment as
Secretary to the Commission. Of course at that time he could not
have expected that the Secretary's office would be put on so
respectable a footing. He could have had no idea that the
F
LIPD.
160
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
Government would spare you, Bayley, and Fortescue, otherwise
he would never, it is clear, have thought of me. I will tell you
the effect that this had on my mind when Richardson sent me
Tucker's letter. I must observe that Tucker wrote just after
Lumsden left him to carry the proposition to the Governor, and
therefore could give no hint of the result. I was, of course,
flattered by the circumstance, and obliged to Tucker, but I wished
that he had not made the proposal, and I did not like the thought
of getting so deep into the revenue line, and so far from the
political. I did not know what I should do if any reference were
made to me, as on the one hand to give up my hold on a favourite
line, and on the other to reject so respectable a situation likely to
be attended with considerable advantages would be either way
difficult. My hope was that Government, without any reference
to me, would make its own arrangement excluding me, and so
relieve me from the responsibility of guiding my own destiny.
The sight of your appointment was the first and is the only intel-
ligence which I have yet received, and besides the pleasure of
seeing your appointment to a post which I thought would be
pleasing to you, I felt on my own account great relief. Although
I am much obliged to Tucker for thinking of me, I am glad on
many accounts that the present capital arrangement has taken
place. If I could take the tour which you are about to make in
company with you and Bayley, what happiness I should feel!
But alas, alas! I must rest contented with the hope of seeing you
here. With respect to the object of your commission, it is my
private opinion-but I am not, you know, a mighty wise man in
these matters (nor indeed in any other)—that the ceded and con-
quered provinces are not ready for a permanent settlement. But
you come, I suppose, with discretionary powers, and I trust with
full and efficient control.
"If the Commission wishes to try its hand at unsettled
countries, it will have a glorious opportunity in those which have
lately been under my management (perhaps it would be more
properly called mismanagement). All my efforts to call the
attention of Government, or even the proper and active attention
of the Resident, to the subject have been vain. I thank God,
Spedding will be here in two or three days, and I shall be relieved
from the charge. Then there will remain the confounded Udalut
in which, from circumstances peculiar to Delhi, there is work for
ten judges without there being one. If these duties continue, it
will be a farce to call myself in the political line, whilst I am con-
DISLIKE OF CIVIL BUSINESS.
161.
tinually fagging from morning to night in the judicial and
revenue. I shall, on Fraser's arrival, astonish Seton, by request-
ing permission to confine myself to my own line; and perhaps
shock him by this proof of my insensibility to the prayers of a
numerous people petitioning for justice; for Seton, in theory, is an
enthusiast for the administration of justice.
We have
เ
been and are, and I believe, ever shall be, on the best of terms.
We have had our different opinions on public matters, and argued
them, and finally adhered each to his own, without any interruption
of harmony or diminution of confidence, and considering our rela-
tive situations the merit of this rests entirely with him. More of
him another time. For myself, I never, I assure you, can lose
sight of the object to which you guide my thoughts; I mean
Adam's office. I despair, indeed, of ever gaining it, but I do not
the less desire it. It is the only situation in India that I think of.
I would make any exertions to obtain it if I expected success.
But I fear, I fear, I fear that I have no chance. I wish that you
could make out an obvious connection between it and the trifling
affair which lately happened here. I sincerely thank you for your
kind expressions relative to the business here. It was a trifle,
and you have heard all relating to it that is worth mentioning. I
have much left unsaid, but will resume at another time; it is now
very late. Believe me ever, my dear Sherer, not forgetting the
glorious defeat of the Corsican wretch,
“Yours most affectionately,
"C. T. METCALFE."
In this letter we see with sufficient distinctness that
Charles Metcalfe could not easily reconcile himself to the
performance of the uncongenial duties of the revenue and
judicial departments; but in the following, his dislike of
these services breaks out with more manifest impatience;
for he had been disquieted by an unexpected call to act as
Collector of Saharunpore. There was a scarcity of civilians
at that time in the ceded and conquered provinces; and
there were geographical reasons, if none other, why Met-
calfe should be taken from Delhi to officiate for Mr.
Guthrie, during his leave of absence from the station; so
he received a missive from one of the Government secre-
taries, ordering him to act as Collector of Saharunpore
VOL. I.
G
.162
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
.
"for one month "-an "insignificant duty," of which he
could not refrain from expressing his disgust:—
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
“Meerut, August 27, 1807.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-I have just now received your letter
from the Ganges, between Mirzapore and Allahabad. I rejoice
to find that you are so much pleased with your trip. It appears
to me to be a great relief to the sameness of your official duties,
and altogether an event which must be attended with incalculable
advantages. I am not surprised that your mind wanders occa-
sionally from regulations, reports, and plans, to seek refreshment
in the elysium of interesting literature. I should be very much
astonished to hear the contrary of you, though it might do very
well for M. In saying what you did to Tucker concerning
my views, you acted like a true friend. If the offer of such an
honourable post had ever reached me, I might have hesitated
before I declined it. An ambition to be so distinguished would,
doubless, have tingled in my breast; but my reason tells me, that
in order to secure any success in the political line, or any other,
the only wise way is to adhere to that line most tenaciously;
and as my choice is fixed, I mean to pursue what appears to be
the best way to attain my object. With these sentimerts, you
will be able to conceive that my disgust and annoyance is not
small in being sent on the insignificant duty of acting as Collector
in the absence of Guthrie from his station.*
* Metcalfe wrote to his friend John Adam, who was then in
the Secretariat, emphatically setting forth the inconvenience of
detaching him from his regular duties to act temporarily out of
the line of his profession; and it may be gathered from the
following extract from Adam's reply that he obtained something
of an assurance that he would not be sent on deputation again :—
"I am sorry," wrote Mr. Adam, on September 17, 1807, "that I
am not able to give you a positive promise that you will never
at any future time be employed on deputation; but I think it
extremely improbable that you will, after what I have said to
Edmonstone on the subject, and the manner in which he has
spoken to Dowdeswell. D. excused himself on the subject of
your being sent to Saharunpore on the ground of there being no
other fit person whom they could employ on that duty within a
[
TREATMENT OF THE MOGUL.
163
"This is a dreadful blow to all my plans, because it may be
repeated whenever the convenience of sending me from Delhi to
act for any collector in the vicinity may suggest itself to the wise
head of an unaccommodating secretary. What would I not give.
if I must act out of my line, to change my present situation to be
made your deputy! I should like very much to know what
answer my friend Sir George gave, when I was proposed as secre-
tary. If you should ever hear from Tucker, let me know. I dare
say it was, that I was too young and inexperienced.
"I hope that I shall be able to spend some time with you and
Bayley, but I shall not be so much my own master as you expect.
I shall, most likely, have a troublesome year of it. I expect to
be out the greater part of the season with a considerable military
force, to reduce a barren unproductive country to subordination.
It will be a most unpleasant duty; but Seton's heart is set upon
it, and I do not know how I can get rid of it. Unfortunately, our
districts are not put under your commission-if they were, I
should expect some good in them. Our Customs at Delhi parti-
cularly require your interference; which, from the absurdity of
keeping up all the old Sayers, and refraining from introducing a
a new system, are in a most abominable state. A representation
that I made on the subject, in order to get rid of the worst part of
them, went no further than Seton's desk.
"I am much of your way of thinking with regard to his
Majesty of Delhi. If I do not go all lengths with you in destroy-
ing every part of the shadow of his royalty, I am, at all events,
for letting him see very clearly that he is a mere shadow; and if
very great distance, and he assured him that it should not occur
again. Edmonstone himself is fully impressed with the im-
propriety as well as the unfairness of sending you to perform
duties so foreign to your own profession and to your inclination.
It so happened, too, that one day at Barrackpore Lord
Minto was asking me about your situation (which he introduced
by saying that Seton had been writing of you in terms of high
praise), and I took the opportunity of telling him your objections
to the temporary employment you were upon, and your wish to
devote yourself altogether to the political line. He made some
observation about the superiority of the political line, and that
your deputation would not last long; but whether the impression
will remain, I cannot tell. I should hope, however, there is no
danger of your being again made a collector.”
G 2
164
THE DELHI ASSISTANTSHIP.
this could not be done completely without destroying even the
empty name which I would wish for the present to leave to him,
I would destroy even that. Thinking as you do, you will be
vexed, as I am, to find that the tone, language, and behaviour of
the Court, together with all the outward marks, and in some
respects, the real operative influence of royalty, have become in
an increasing ratio much more ridiculous and preposterous since
the accession of the illustrious Ukbar than they were before. It
has often made me wonder, and at the same time almost made me
mad, to see a most worthy, excellent man blind to such gross
absurdity, and a dupe to wild and romantic feelings.
"As we near, I hope that our correspondence may become
more frequent. This hint is not necessary to Bayley; he at all
times writes so frequently! My love to him. Remember me to
Fortescue.
"Believe me ever, your sincere friend,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
All through the cold weather of 1807-1808, Charles
Metcalfe, actively employed in the performance of his
official duties, had little time for private correspondence.
Nor would there have been much to gather from it that
would advance the progress of the narrative, if he had
found leisure to keep up a constant interchange of senti-
ment with his friends. But the summer of the latter year
came to him pregnant with great events. His ambition
was now about to be signally gratified. Lord Minto was
at this time Governor-General of India. From all quarters
he had heard the praises of Charles Metcalfe, and though
personally unacquainted with him, he had such confidence
in his zeal and ability, that he rejoiced when the progress
of events enabled him to give the Delhi Assistant an oppor-
tunity of distinguishing himself on an independent field of
action. Metcalfe was now about to be employed on an im-
portant political mission, demanding for the due execution of
its duties the highest diplomatic powers. In what state the
summons found him may be gathered from a letter which
he wrote in July to his friend Sherer. He had then
METCALFE'S PROSPECTS.
165
either not received the official notification of his appoint-
ment, or it was a state secret-but soon afterwards, he was
on his way to the Punjaub:
CHARLES METCALFE TO J. W. SHERER.
66
Delhi, July 3rd, 1808.
"MY DEAR SHERER,-As it is long since I have written to you,
I will give you some account of myself. As by the blessing of
God I have a good constitution, and have never experienced any of
those misfortunes which wound the heart or warrant any tendency
to melancholy, I enjoy as usual good health and good spirits.
My accounts from my family are in all essential points of a most
pleasing nature. My father and mother continue perfectly
healthy. My sisters are growing up all that their parents wish
them to be; and Master Tom is said to be a quick, merry boy,
with a slight inclination to idleness.
"From China I have no late intelligence. The only bad piece
of news that I have received from England is, that my father has
lost his seat in Parliament. I am sure that he must feel the want
of it, and I confess that I felt much annoyed by the intelligence.
There is some consolation, however, in thinking that, at my
father's time of life, rest and retirement, if not required, ought at
least to be beneficial.
"You are of course acquainted with the arrangement which
has lately taken place here, attaching permanently to the situation
of First Assistant the duties of the ci-devant Superintendent of
Revenues. I am far from being pleased either with the arrange-
ment or the mode in which it has been ordered; but there is no
use in grumbling about it. To the charge of the business now
settled upon me they have affixed the commission which the
Superintendent used to draw, in order, I suppose, to soften the
bitterness of the trial. I mean to make this a sinking fund for
the reduction of my debts, which, owing to the expenses of my
bungalow, has risen to a considerable amount. My political
character will henceforth be little more than nominal, for I must
necessarily give up my time and attention to revenue matters.
In two or three days I shall take the field, and I do not expect to
take up my residence again at Delhi before the next hot winds..
"Your faithful friend,
"C. T. METCALFE,"
166
CHAPTER VIII.
[1808-1809.]
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
Apprehension of an Invasion-Measures of Defence-Metcalfe
appointed Envoy to Lahore-Meeting with Runjeet Singh—
Conduct of the Rajah-Delays and Excuses-Metcalfe's
Diplomatic Address-His Firmness and Decision-Advance
of the British Troops-Progress of Negotiation-The Pro-
posed Treaty-Collision with the Akalis-The Treaty con-
cluded.
That
WHEN, in the Spring of 1808, from the Council Chamber
of Calcutta, Lord Minto and his colleagues looked out
upon those vast tracts of country which lie beyond the
Sutlej and the Indus, and saw already the shadow of a
gigantic enemy advancing from the West, it was no idle.
terror that haunted the imaginations of our British states-
men. The pacification of Tilsit had leagued against us
the unscrupulous ambition of the great French usurper
and the territorial cupidity of the Russian autocrat.
among the mighty schemes which they then discussed for
the partition of the world between them, the invasion of
India was not one of the least cherished, or the least
substantial, now stands recorded as an historical fact.
We know now that it was nothing more than a design;
but it was not less the duty of our Indian rulers in 1808,
to provide against a contingency which then seemed
neither improbable nor remote.
The occasion was one
which, if it did not warrant a demonstration of military
power, at all events invited a display of diplomatic address.
1
1
RUNJEET SINGH.
167
It was sound policy, in such a conjecture, to secure the
good offices of the princes and chiefs who were dominant
in the countries which were supposed to lie on the great
high-road of the invader. If the rulers of Afghanistan and
the Punjaub could be induced to enter into friendly
alliances with the British Government for the resistance of
invasion from the North, it seemed to Lord Minto and his
colleagues that more than half of the danger which
threatened our position would be at once removed.
Already was French intrigue making its way at the
Persian Court. That was the sure commencement of the
great game that was about to be played-the safest and the
wisest commencement. It was a great thing, therefore, to
re-establish our ascendency at Teheran; and a great thing
to achieve the diplomatic occupation of the countries
between Persia and India before our enemies could appear
upon the scene. To accomplish the former object John
Malcolm was despatched to the Court of the Shah-i-shah;
and to secure the latter, Mountstuart Elphinstone and
Charles Metcalfe were ordered to proceed-the former to
Cabul, and the latter to Lahore.
The prince to whose court Metcalfe was ordered to pro-
ceed was Runjeet Sing. Since, in pursuit of Holkar,
Lake's battalions had encamped in the country of the five
rivers, the rise of that chieftain had been rapid. He had
gone on without halting, on his career of conquest. A
man of unbounded energy and unfailing courage—with
great natural sagacity and no inconvenient amount of con-
scientiousness either to control his energies or to direct
his abilities—he had been recently absorbing all the small
principalities beyond the Sutlej, and consolidating them
into a great empire. Even the petty Sikh states on our
side of the Sutlej were not beyond the scope of his ambi-
tion. He was eager to bring them also under the common
yoke; and as he approached the confines of British

168
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
dominion, was already beginning to excite the jealousy
and mistrust of his Christian neighbours. In 1805 he
was known to us merely as one of the chiefs of the
Punjaub; in 1808 he was the Maha-rajah (or great king)
Runjeet Singh.
Of the Sikhs we were long content to know little. In
the first years of the century our British functionaries
spoke of them as "miscreants," as a lawless and degraded
people, either indulging their predatory habits abroad, or
sunk in deep sensuality at home. Neither their territorial
arrangements nor their military resources were matters of
vital concern to us at this time; and if we took any
account of the national character of the followers of
Govind, it was in pursuit rather of ethnographical know-
ledge than in furtherance of any political ends. But the
great war with the Mahrattas, and the conquests which it
had forced upon us, brought us into proximity with these
strange new people; and it then became apparent to us
that we could no longer regard the Sikh states as a group
of petty principalities, exercising no influence whether for
good or for evil upon the security of our position, or the
pacific character of our rule. It seemed, indeed, necessary
to do something; but what that something was to be it
was difficult to decide. In the disunion of the Sikhs there
were elements both of safety and of danger to the British
—of safety, because a power so utterly wanting in union
and organization could never be formidable in itself; of
danger, because the very causes which prevented the Sikhs
from becoming formidable enemies rendered it impossible
that they should become serviceable friends. There was,
indeed, in these states, on both sides of the Sutlej, nothing
of unity or stability out of which a barrier against external
invasion could be erected. It was apparent that we could
enter with them into no engagements that could bind them
to oppose the advance of an European army. To protect
DISUNION OF THE SIKHS.
169
themselves against spoliation it was but too likely that
they would league themselves with the invaders, and swell
the tide of devastation and destruction. It was difficult to
deal with such a combination of circumstances as now
presented itself, and yet to adhere strictly to those princi-
ples of non-interference which the British Legislature had
established, and to which the Indian Government of the
day declared its fixed determination to adhere.*
The advantages of giving something like a tangible form
and substance to the scattered elements of the Sikh power
on the banks of the Sutlej had been urged upon the
supreme Government by Colonel Ochterlony whilst still
Resident at Delhi. It was proposed by him, that the
British Government should distribute the country between
the Sutlej and the Jumna among four principal Sikh chiefs,
the precise limits of the territory of each being assigned
by us, and that we should enter into specific engagements
with these chiefs. Or, if it were considered that such
engagements were not likely to be observed, it was sug-
gested that resort might be had to a more decided exercise
of our paramount power-that the whole body of Sikh
chiefs might be reduced to the condition of tributaries, and
* See, for the views of the Supreme Government in 1805-1806,
minute drawn up by Mr. Lumsden for the Governor-General:
"The Sikh chieftains in the actual condition of their respective
tenures could not by any arrangement be rendered efficient allies
and auxiliaries against an invading enemy. It would be im-
practicable to unite them in a common interest and a common
cause. In the event of invasion they would probably add by
their junction to the number of the invaders, and increase their
means of devastation.
We could not safely or prudently
depend in any degree upon the sentiments of gratitude or the
obligations of public faith and honour to govern the proceedings
of such a tribe. The ruling chieftains would probably provide
for their security from immediate plunder or destruction by
conciliating and assisting, and perhaps by joining the enemy."-
[MS. Records.]
•
170
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
compelled to pay for the maintenance of a British force
to "watch their conduct," or, in other words, to hold them
in absolute subjection. But this was not a course of
policy likely to find favour in the eyes of Lord Cornwallis,
Sir George Barlow, or Lord Minto. "The Resident was
informed that the arguments which would justify such
an exercise of our power would equally justify the annex-
ation of the whole of the Sikh territory to the British
dominions, and that the extension of our territorial posses-
sions, or of our political control for purposes of expediency,
or even of comparative security, unsupported by motives
of indisputable justice and indispensable necessity, had
never constituted an object of the policy of this Govern-
ment."*
A strictly defensive system was to be maintained
-not that defensiveness which is nine parts aggression,
but rigid non-interference, which turns its back upon its
neighbours until it receives a blow from behind.
Sikh chiefs were to be left to themselves. But they were
to be chastised if they offended us. Predatory incursions
across our borders were to be visited in the first place by
the expulsion of the offenders at the point of the bayonet,
and in the second place by the partition of their lands
among those chiefs who aided us in the suppression of the
lawless excesses of their neighbours. And it was believed
that we should best maintain the integrity of our frontier
by showing that we were as unwilling to practise as we
were able to resist aggression.
The
In this state, affairs remained until the year 1808, when
the two circumstances to which I have referred at the
commencement of the chapter induced Lord Minto to
depart from the policy to which his predecessors had so
religiously adhered the increased apprehension of Euro-
pean invasion and the progressive consolidation of the
empire of Runjeet Singh. A Sikh alliance had now
* Minute of Mr. Lumsden, ut supra.-[MS. Records.]
1
APPOINTMENT OF CHARLES METCALFE.
171
become more expedient and more practicable. We wanted
an ally, and we had found one. Left to themselves, the
Sikh chiefs on the further side of the Sutlej had, one by one,
been compelled to own the supremacy of Runjeet, whilst
those on our side of the river, awed by the threats of the
Lahore chief, were trembling for the safety of their pos-
sessions. Of the influence and the ability of this chieftain
the British Government had no doubt. His integrity and
good faith they may have questioned, for he was a Sikh.
But they believed that they might work upon his hopes
and upon his fears, and by demonstrating to him that his
own interests would be largely promoted by an alliance
with the British, induce him to enter into an engagement
for the protection of the frontier of Hindostan.
In the winter season of 1807-8 a favourable opportunity
of establishing amicable relations with the Lahore chief
seemed to have presented itself. Runjeet Singh, who had
written a friendly letter to Lord Minto, contemplated a
visit to Hurdwar; and it was resolved that a British
officer should be despatched to meet him there. The
functionary selected for this duty was Charles Metcalfe.*
* Metcalfe had applied for the Deputy-Secretaryship in the
Political Department, on the translation of John Adam. Lord
Minto had previously made other arrangements with respect to
this office, but he directed his Private Secretary, in reply to
Metcalfe's application, to express his lordship's high sense of his
character and abilities, and the desired intention of the Governor-
General to take an early opportunity of promoting so excellent a
public servant.
"The esteem," wrote Mr. Elliot, "which his lordship has
conceived for your character and talents, is founded as well on
what has already fallen under his own observation as on the
report of those whose judgment has been formed on a longer
acquaintance. It will, therefore, give him great satisfaction to
evince these sentiments by such marks of confidence and favour
as he may find suitable opportunities of showing you."-[Mr.
Elliot to Mr. Metcalfe, October 25, 1807.]
1
172
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
.
But the vacillating chief never fulfilled his intention; and
when subsequently he declared that he contemplated a
visit to Thanesur, it was felt that so little reliance was to
be placed on his movements that it would be expedient to
shape our own measures without reference to the uncertain
procedure of the impulsive Sikh. So it was determined
that a mission should be sent across the Sutlej, under the
conduct of Charles Metcalfe; and on the 20th of June,
1808, the Supreme Government, under the hand of Mr.
Edmonstone, formally announced his appointment, and the
instructions by which the young ambassador was to be
guided.
The duties of the mission were to be entrusted entirely
to Metcalfe himself. He was to move without secretaries,
assistants, or attachés. A military escort was to be pro-
vided; and a proper establishment of moonshees, writers
and servants, was to be furnished. But the work of diplo-
macy was to be left entirely to his unaided counsels. He
was to carry with him, however, the Oriental diplomatist's
best auxiliary, a costly supply of presents; and, in order
that his communications with the Government might be
frequent and uninterrupted, he was instructed to establish
a letter-post between Delhi and Umritsur. His personal
salary was to be 2,000 rupees a month, and all the
expenses of the mission were to be charged to the state.*
Such were the outer circumstances of the mission to
Lahore. The letter which determined them carried also
the instructions of the Supreme Government relative to the
course of policy to be pursued by the British represen-
tative at the Sikh Court. It was such a letter as Metcalfe
had never received before-such a letter as a young man
of three-and-twenty has seldom, if ever, received from the
government of a great empire. The object of the mission
* Mr. Edmonstone to Mr. Metcalfe, June 20, 1808.—[MS.
Records.]
METCALFE'S INSTRUCTIONS.
•
173
was of the most momentous character. It was simply to
counteract the towering ambition of the gigantic despots of
France and Russia. Of the great scheme of diplomacy by
which Persia, Afghanistan, and the Punjaub were to
be erected into friendly barriers against Russo-Gallic
invasion, Metcalfe was to be the pioneer. He was to
prepare the way for Elphinstone, and make things ready
for the reception of Malcolm. He was to conduct a series
of the most delicate operations alone and unaided in a
strange country, and to negotiate a treaty of friendship
with a prince of an uncertain and capricious temper, of
selfish and unscrupulous ambition, unrestrained by any
principles of Christian rectitude, or any courtesies of
civilized life. But the very difficulties which beset such
a position, and the responsibilities with which it was
surrounded, only, in the eyes of Charles Metcalfe, enhanced
its attractiveness. He had been panting for a great oppor-
tunity and now the great opportunity was come. They
who have caught glimpses of the early character of the
man in the recorded pages of his common-place book, and
seen what were his aspirations, will readily conceive what
were the pulsings of his warm heart, and the tinglings of
his young blood, when he sat down to read the instruc-
tions of the Supreme Government, and to draw up for
his [future guidance the following memoranda, containing
an abstract of the Chief Secretary's letter and his own
interpretation of its contents:
MEMORANDA FROM INSTRUCTIONS.
"General and conciliatory answers to be returned to any
questions from the Cis-Sutlejean chiefs respecting the object of
my mission. Arguments to be used to satisfy them that the
improvement of the relations of amity between the British
Government and the Rajah of Lahore involves no arrangement
prejudicial to other chiefs. Applications for protection against
Runjeet Singh to be referred to the Resident of Dihlee, but
174
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
1
endeavours to be made to convince the chiefs that Government
takes an interest in their welfare, and that the objects of my
mission are entirely consistent with those friendly sentiments.
"Main object of the mission:-Counteraction of the designs of
the French. The time of stating my ultimate purpose to be regu-
lated by circumstances. Expedient first to make myself acquainted
with the character and disposition of Runjeet Singh and his
ministers, and to endeavour to create an interest with them by
conciliating their confidence and good-will. Proper to ascertain
the Rajah's disposition respecting my residence at his court. If he
should be desirous of my continuance, to select my own time for
opening the negotiation. In the meantime, to represent the object
to be the improvement of the amicable relations so long subsisting
between the states, and confirmed by the intercourse between
Lord Lake and the Rajah, and by the treaty then concluded.
Reference to be made to Runjeet Singh's friendly letter to the
Governor-General, and the Governor-General's reply. To observe
that the demonstration of attachment contained in that letter had
augmented the solicitude of Government to cultivate the con-
nection between the two states, and that I had been sent accord-
ingly for the express purpose of cementing the bonds of friendship.
That I had been despatched to Hurdwar with the same view; and
that the failure of that opportunity of showing our friendship had
suggested the still more distinguished mark of regard by a direct
mission to his court.
"Cases in which it would be advisable to enter immediately on
the proper object of my mission.-1st. If any French agent should
have arrived at, or might be expected in, Lahore, or the adjacent
countries. 2nd. If the designs of the French, and the state of
affairs in Persia should have attracted the Rajah's notice. 3rd.
Receipt of authentic intelligence of the actual advance of a French
army towards Persia.
"General principle upon which to conduct the negotiation :-
Opposition to the French to be urged as the only way of securing
the Rajah's territories and independence from the insatiable
ambition and unlimited encroachment and violence of the ruler of
France. To persuade him that he will not be able to resist the
enemy without a British force. To secure the Rajah's consent to
the march of a British army through the Punjaub, and the
exertion of his authority in furnishing supplies, with permission
to establish depôts of provisions and military stores. To express
the full confidence of the British Government in its power. To
i.
METCALFE'S INSTRUCTIONS.
175
explain the facility of cutting off the supplies of the enemy, and
withholding from them the produce of the country.
"To avoid a declaration of non-interference in case of the
renewal of his attacks upon the Cis-Sutlejean states, and to
manage that delicate question as well as I can. To show a
disposition to accede to engagements of a strictly defensive nature
if proposed; but to refer the question for the decision of Govern-
ment, except in an evident emergency.
"To facilitate the Mission to Cabul and establish a preliminary
intercourse with the Court, and to establish a channel of intelli-
gence and communication to the westward. Not to announce the
intended mission to Cabul until after its departure from Dihlee,
but to be prepared to remove from Runjeet Singh's mind any
jealousy or apprehension. No objection to disclosing the object
of the Cabul mission after having disclosed my own, otherwise to
attribute it to motives which cannot injure him.
"To collect and communicate every information regarding the
political state of the country, also respecting those points which
it is expedient to ascertain with reference to the march and supply
of troops. To ascertain the routes through which it is practicable
for an army to march from Persia to the Indus. To communicate
information respecting the geography of the countries to the west-
ward of that river.
"To discover the real disposition of Runjeet Singh towards the
British Government, and to regulate my negotiations accordingly.
To inquire respecting his resources, troops, government, dominion,
relations with other states, &c., &c. To discourage Mehtab Kour
and her mother quoad their plot. To do away the effect of Captain
Matthews's proceedings. To inquire into the reported intrigue
with Holkar and Amnut Rao."
To one of Metcalfe's aspiring temper, not the least of
the attractions of this new employment was derived from
the considerations of the great extent of country over
which he was to be permitted, under certain contingencies,
to spread the network of his diplomacy. He already saw
himself despatching emissaries to the Courts of Cabul and
Teheran, and baffling the gigantic intrigues of Napoleon
and Alexander throughout the whole expanse of Central
Asia. But his enthusiasm was always tempered with
sound good sense, and when, in the following paragraphs,
-
176
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
he committed to writing, more for his own guidance than
for any other purpose, his views of the course which it
was expedient to pursue with reference to a correspondence
with those distant Courts, there was nothing discernible in
the paper but the workings of a plain, practical mind:
"It appears from the minute of the Governor-General and the
instructions which I have received, that the mission to Lahore
will considerably precede that to Cabul, and his lordship has
expressed an expectation that I may have the means of facilitating
the latter mission, and of establishing a preliminary intercourse
with the Court of Cabul. It is proper, therefore, for me to con-
sider how I can best carry these instructions into execution.
"The uncertainty existing respecting the time at which Mr.
Elphinstone will proceed on his mission, gives rise to some doubt
regarding the proper plan for me to pursue. If any great delay
were in contemplation, I should think it right for me in the first
instance to endeavour to open a correspondence with the Minister
of the King of Cabul of a general friendly nature, and to refrain
from any communication of the intentions of Government to send
an Envoy to Cabul until I had ascertained the disposition of the
Court, and found a proper opportunity. In this case, I should
think it right to despatch a native agent to Cabul, with a letter to
the Wuzeer, requesting permission for him to attend the Court on
my part, for the purpose of sending me account of the welfare of
his Majesty, and of establishing a medium of friendly communi-
cation. This is all that I should think it advisable to do at first;
and I should expect that opportunities would occur of proceeding
further in the course of the correspondence which would probably
follow this introduction. I should not, if I were to act according
to my own judgment, charge the native with any directions to
sound the Ministers respecting the disposition of the King; nor
should I make him acquainted with the views of Government,
because I would not on any account put it into his power to
commit the dignity of Government.
"In the case stated, it is supposed that there may be that
interval between my arrival at Lahore and Mr. Elphinstone's
departure from Dihlee, which would admit of a general friendly
correspondence with the Court of Cabul previous to announcing
the intention of Government to send an Envoy. But if Mr.
Elphinstone is to proceed on his mission at an earlier period than
has been supposed, the line of conduct above mentioned would
CENTRAL-ASIAN POLICY.
177
not answer; and in that case it would, I think, be advisable, and
most suitable to the character of the British Government, to
announce its intentions in a dignified and open manner, by sending
a native as the bearer of a letter directly to the Court. It is
searcely possible that the King of Cabul would wantonly insult
the British Government by any improper reply to this notice;
and the expediency of making this direct advance is considerably
strengthened by the probability that a report of the intended
mission may reach Cabul before the desired intercourse can be
opened by the Court. It is, however, probable, that the measures
already adopted by Mr. Seton will lead to a correspondence,
which may afford opportunities of announcing the mission in a
manner different from that above suggested.
"It may be a question whether it would be most advisable to
conduct the preliminary intercourse with Cabul through the
Resident at Dihlee, or through Mr. Elphinstone, or through the
Envoy at Lahore; at present I am instructed to turn my attention
to the object as well as to the necessity of opening a communi-
cation with Teheran immediately after my arrival at Lahore; and
it is, consequently, necessary that I should be accompanied by
natives qualified to be employed in these important matters,
either according to such particular instructions as I may here-
after receive, or according to the best of my judgment, formed
upon the general orders which I have already received. This
consideration induced me to request from Mr. Seton the assistance
of Fyzut-oolla at Lahore; and with the same view, I propose to
carry along with me Syud Jafier Khan, who was formerly
employed by Colonel Scott on a mission to Nadaun. One or the
other of these, whichever may appear to be best qualified, I
propose to send without delay, if all things remain as they are, to
Cabul, charged with a letter from myself to the Minister; and
the other I intend to employ in opening the communication with
Persia. It is not my intention to confine my endeavours to obtain
intelligence of the state of the Court and country of Cabul to the
mission of a native to Cabul with a letter. We ought, besides, to
have secret news-writers, not only with the Court, but in Cabul,
Cashmeer, Peshawur, Candahar, Moultan, Herat, and as far as
possible in the interior of Persia."
Little time was lost in making the necessary preparations
for the departure of the mission. In the first week of
August, Charles Metcalfe turned his back upon Delhi.
178
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
The weather was unpropitious. It was the height of the
monsoon. The heavy rains and the bad roads for a while
impeded the progress of the mission. After passing Kur-
naul, the weather began to improve; but the travellers
invariably found themselves either in a quagmire or a pool.
"The country," he wrote, "is so full of water, and the
roads are so deep with mud, and the soil so soft, that it is
difficult for cattle of every description to move. We have
been under the necessity of taking a circuitous route, the
direct road not being passable; and we have not been able
to make marches of a greater distance than about ten miles
daily." On the 22nd of August the mission reached
Puttealah, one of the chief places in the cis-Sutlej states,
and here the serious business of diplomacy commenced.
The Rajah of Puttealah received the British Envoy
with profuse demonstrations of compliment and congra-
tulation; and at a public interview, unexpectedly produced
the keys of the fort, and requested Metcalfe to restore
them to him as a gift from the British Government. He
threw himself, he said, entirely on our protection-all that
he had was at the mercy of the British-his government
and his existence would cease without our support. But
Metcalfe read at once the true meaning of this proposal,
and answered that he was not authorized by his Govern-
ment to perform any such ceremony, but that the British
were the friends of the Rajah, and ever desired his pro-
sperity: and that the keys could not be in better hands.
On the 1st of September the mission crossed the Sutlej.†
* Soon afterwards, the chief told him that he had heard it was
the intention of Runjeet Singh to cross the Sutlej and to seizę
Fureed-kote, which was in the Puttealah dominions—an intention
which was subsequently fulfilled. It was suggested, too, to
Metcalfe, that it would be expedient for him to write to Runjeet
to say that the British Government desired him to remain at
Lahore to receive the mission.
† Before the mission had reached the banks of the river,
FIRST INTERVIEW WITH RUNJEET.
179
At Puttealah they had been met by an agent despatched by
Runjeet Singh with a letter of welcome and congratulation;
but as they advanced into the Punjaub, it became at every
stage more and more obvious that that erratic prince had
little intention of remaining at home, either at Lahore or
Umritsur, to receive the British embassy in a becoming
manner. It was reported, indeed, that he had crossed the
river with the intention of making a descent upon the Put-
tealah territory; but this Metcalfe was slow to believe, and
the Sikh agent who remained in his camp either was, or
pretended to be, ignorant of the movements of his master.
All doubts, however, were soon set at rest by the receipt of
a letter from Runjeet himself, announcing his intention to
receive the British mission at Kussoor. Troops, it
appeared, were assembling there from all quarters; but
Metcalfe believed that the chief cause of the assemblage
was a desire on the part of the Sikh chief to make a for-
midable display of his military resources in the presence of
the British envoy.
Metcalfe pushed on to Kussoor, which lay upon his road
to Umritsur;* and upon the 10th of September he halted
within a few miles of the Sikh camp, that the ceremonials
of the reception might be arranged. On the following day,
Runjeet's prime minister† and his chief military officer,
with a retinue of two thousand men, came out to conduct
Metcalfe had despatched a confidential agent to Cabul with
instructions to communicate all that was passing in Afghanistan,
and to keep open the communications with Persia, to which
country Malcolm was about to proceed at the head of a great
embassy.
* He seems to have had some misgivings at this time regarding
the external appearance of the mission at the Sikh Court-the
clothing of his escort being in a most discreditable condition. He
reported the circumstance to Government.
†The Dewan Mokun Chund.
His adopted brother, Futteh Singh.
1
180
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
the mission to the ground that had been marked out for
their encampment, at a distance of less than a mile from
the Rajah's tents.
"On the 12th," wrote Metcalfe to the Chief Secretary,
"I paid my first visit to Runjeet Singh, accompanied by
the officers attached to the escort. The Rajah met us on
the outside of a large enclosure, and having embraced all
the gentlemen of the mission, conducted us within, where
tents had been prepared for our reception.* As a compli-
ment to us, the Rajah, from his own choice, used chairs at
this meeting, partly collected from our camp and partly
from his own, upon which he and the principal Sirdars
present and the gentlemen of the British mission were
seated. This interview was prolonged by the Rajah beyond
the usual time of visits of ceremony; but nothing of con-
sequence passed at it. The Rajah did not enter much into
conversation, and made only two observations worthy of
remark. One was an expression of regret for the lamented
death of Lord Viscount Lake, of whom he observed that it
would be difficult to find his equal, for that he was as much
distinguished by his gentleness, mildness, humanity, and
affability, as by his greatness as a military character. The
other observation was in reply to one of his courtiers, who
was remarking that the British Government was celebrated
* Metcalfe was of opinion that Runjeet ought to have come
out to meet the mission, but this Runjeet declined. His repre-
sentations, however, were not without some effect.
"It appeared to me," he wrote, "that the rank and dignity of
the Government, which I have the honour to represent, required
that the Rajah should come out from his camp to meet the
mission, and I had it intimated to him that such was my ex-
pectations. He did not come into my wishes in that respect;
but the references which I had occasion to make respecting the
ceremonials, had a good effect, inasmuch as they produced a
great change in them, for at the first the reception was proposed
to be in a style far inferior to that which has been observed.".
[Metcalfe to Edmonstonc, September 13, 1808.]
RECEPTION OF RUNJEET.
181
for good faith; upon which Runjeet Singh said that he
knew well that the word of the British Government
included everything." Presents were interchanged, and in
the evening a salute was fired in Runjeet's camp in honour
of the day, which he intimated to Metcalfe was regarded by
him as a day of rejoicing.
In spite, however, of these declarations of friendship, the
reception given to the British mission had nothing of cor-
diality in it. Runjeet was plainly jealous and suspicious of
the British Government. His better reason clouded by the
false insinuations and the mischievous advice of councils of
chiefs, who, from motives of self-interest, desired to embroil
Runjeet with the Company's Government, he forbade all
communication between the two camps, and for some time
was unwilling to return the visit of the British Envoy. It
was obviously his wish to enhance his own importance in
the eyes of the assembled chiefs and the large body of
troops encamped at Kussoor, by appearing to hold the
British mission of little account. "In brief," wrote Met-
calfe, “it would appear that I am regarded as a dangerous
enemy to be guarded against, rather than as an envoy from
a friendly state charged with the most amicable duties.”
But the decided conduct of the young envoy soon induced
Runjeet at least to pay the British Mission the compliment
of a visit. On the 16th, Metcalfe received the Sikh with
all honours. A suite of tents had been erected for the
occasion, and a musnud in the oriental fashion prepared
for the Rajah's occupancy. But Runjeet, preferring the
European style, seated himself on a chair, and still
eschewing business, entered into familiar conversation with
the British officer, principally on military subjects.* After
* "He spoke with great respect of the British troops, and
observed of the Mahratta army which he had seen in this country
that it contained great numbers, but that it wanted union and
command. He related the following anecdote, which happened
when Jeswunt Rao Holkar was in the neighbourhood of Umritsur.
182
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
the interview, he expressed a wish to see the manœuvres of
the detachment of Company's troops composing the escort,
and mounted on an elephant, watched the exercise of the
sepoys with interest and seeming pleasure. He took his
final leave, to all appearance, much gratified; and such
had been the cordiality of his manner, that Metcalfe
believed a favourable change had taken place in the
feelings of the Sikh, and that the business of the mission
would soon proceed without interruption. Great, there-
fore, were Metcalfe's astonishment and disappointment
when, on the following day, he received a letter from
Runjeet Singh, which he characterised in his official com-
munications to Government as "an extraordinary instance
of suspicion, hastiness, and disrespect." The letter, in its
Eastern phraseology, contained the meaning here embodied
in an English dress :—
Translation of a Note from Rajah Runjeet Singh to Mr. Metcalfe,
delivered by Misr Prebdial, Hukeem Uzeezoodeen, and Mecan
Imaum-oo-deen, on the evening of the 17th of September, 1808.
"I never before, at any time, under any emergency, or in any
place, have made so long a halt as I have now, solely in conse-
quence of the friendship between this Government and the
Honourable Company, which by the blessing of God has been
increasing and improving from the time in which his Excellency
Lord Lake came into this country to the present happy hour.
My camp has remained in this place so long, in the expectation of
A report was brought to Holkar that Lord Lake had crossed the
Beeas in pursuit of him. Holkar immediately mounted his horse.
The alarm spread through his army, and the whole fled to a
considerable distance, leaving all their tents standing. It was
pleasing to observe that this had made an impression on Runjeet
Singh, and that he had no objection to mention it. He put
questions concerning our favourite mode of fighting, the distance
at which we erected our batteries in besieging, the distance at
which our artillerymen could hit a target in practice, with others
of a similar nature and tendency. He complained of the difficulty
of introducing discipline among the people of the Punjaub.”-
[Metcalfe to Edmonstone, September 17, 1808.]
!
CORRESPONDENCE WITH RUNJEET.
183
your arrival. Thanksgivings to the Throne of the Almighty, this
wish of my heart, that is, your arrival, and the pleasure of seeing
you, has been obtained in a proper manner.
Although it is difficult to feel satiety from the interviews of
friends whose hearts are united, and although the times of meeting,
however many, seem too few, yet affairs of state must be attended
to. Consequently, I am about to march immediately for the settle-
ment of certain districts. In my nation it is considered very
auspicious to march on the first day of the moon; and my march
is appointed for that day. Therefore be pleased to make the
friendly communications on the part of the Right Honourable the
Governor-General, with which, from his lordship's letter I under-
stand you to be charged, in order that I may act accordingly. My
anxiety cannot admit of longer expectation."
Outwardly courteous and complimentary as was this
effusion, its uncourteous and uncomplimentary meaning
peeped out from every sentence of it. "This extraordinary
document," wrote Metcalfe, (6
gave me notice in a plain
manner that I was expected to take my leave in three or
four days. It was calculated to repel, whilst it professed
to call for communications, and in, I suppose, an unprece-
dented manner, evinced a design to shut the door against
all intercourse, and to put an end to the proceedings of the
mission, without even ascertaining in the slightest degree
the object to which they might be directed." But Metcalfe
believed that the obnoxious letter was hardly to be con-
sidered as the act and deed of Runjeet himself. It was, he
knew, the result of suspicions instilled into him by others ;
and he did not yet despair of bringing the chief, by good
diplomacy—by conduct at once firm and conciliatory, into
a more reasonable frame of mind. So he sent back the
following letter in reply:-
Translation of a Note from Mr. Metcalfe to Rajah Runjeet Singh,
transmitted on the night of the 17th of September, in reply to that
received from the Rajah on the evening of same day.
60
'By the blessing of God the relations of friendship have been
firmly established between you and the British Government, from
184
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
the time when his Excellency General Lord Lake was in this
country, and have been daily improved, particularly since the
period when you wrote a very friendly letter to the Right Honour-
able Lord Minto, the Governor-General, congratulating his
lordship on his arrival in India. In consequence, when you
formed the intention of visiting Hurdwar, in order to bathe in the
Holy Ganges, his lordship deputed me for the purpose of receiving
you with every respect, and attending you during your stay in
that quarter. It happened that your intentions were postponed.
The Right Honourable the Governor-General, wishing to display
a signal mark of his friendship and regard, has now commanded
me to repair to your Court, to express the satisfaction with which
his lordship views the existing harmony and concord between the
two states, and with a view to establish and improve the ties of
intimacy and union. To-morrow I hope to have the honour of
waiting upon you whenever you are at leisure, when I will make
the communications with which I am entrusted by the Right
Honourable the Governor-General, and present a letter which I
have from his lordship to your address."
This letter was not without its anticipated effect. Met-
calfe was right when he believed that Runjeet had been
led astray by the instillation of some falsehood with which
the men by whom he was surrounded had poisoned his
understanding. He had been told that Metcalfe was on
his way to Caubul; and that the British mission had not
been despatched primarily and exclusively to his court,
but merely instructed to pay him a passing visit. But this
lie was soon exploded; and Runjeet again began to regard
the mission with complacency. An answer was promptly
returned to Metcalfe's letter; and it contained an eager
invitation to the meeting proposed by the British envoy :—
Translation of a Note from Rajah Runjeet Singh to Mr. Metcalfe,
received from Meean Imaum-ood-deen, on the 18th of September.
[After compliments.] "In an auspicious and happy moment
your friendly letter, most agreeable to my inclinations, every
letter of which refreshed my eye, reached me, and gave splendour
to the unity and concord (subsisting between us). That which is
written by your friendly pen respecting what has happened from
the illustrious arrival of Lord Lake in this country up to your
}
DISCUSSIO
DISCUSSIONS AT THE SİKH DURBAR.
185
arrival, in order to confirm and improve the relations of intimate
sincere friendship, which by the blessing of God have been so
firmly established, and so manifestly displayed as to be known to
all, collectively and individually; and the intimation which you
give of your intention to visit me, and make me happy by the
communications entrusted to you by the Right Honourable the
Governor-General have given me thousand-fold pleasure and joy.
"My desire to see you cannot be postponed from this day till
to-morrow, and my inclination is impatient of delay, but in conse-
quence of the season, and state of my constitution, I have this day
taken medicine. To-morrow, therefore, at three o'clock in the
afternoon, bring pleasure to your friend's house. Hukeem
Uzeezoodeen will arrive with you at that hour and conduct you."
Mollified by this outwardly friendly invitation, Metcalfe,
on the 19th of September, visited Runjeet Singh, and,
in the presence of the principal Sikh councillors, opened
the discussion by accusing the Rajah of encouraging
unjust and unworthy suspicions. This was denied.
Evasive explanations of the offensive letter were given;
and after a conversation conducted on both sides with
the utmost good humour, it was determined that the
propositions of the British Government should be received,
as soon as the Sikhs had held a council of state to
་
determine upon their plan of operations. But this was
manifestly reversing the order of things. So, when
subsequently a deputation waited on Metcalfe, to explain
that the Sikhs could not determine upon the course
they were to pursue until they were informed of the
nature of the propositions to be made to them, the British
envoy acknowledged the cogency of the assertion, and
declared that he was willing on the following day to deliver
the important message with which he was charged by his
employers. It appeared to Metcalfe, indeed, that it was no
longer desirable to keep Runjeet in ignorance of the real
objects of his mission; for the mind of the restless Sikh
might be diverted by thoughts of the anti-Gallican alliance
186
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
from other objects on which it was not expedient that he
should dwell.
So on the afternoon of the 22nd of September, Metcalfe
went unattended to Runjeet's residence, and there found
the Sikh ruler surrounded by his principal councillors of
state. I give the history of the meeting in the young
envoy's own words:—
"I opened the conference," he wrote, "by stating that the
friendship which had happily existed between the Rajah and the
British Government had induced the Right Honourable the
Governor-General to depute me to communicate some important
intelligence, in which the Maha-rajah's interests were materially
concerned. I then mentioned that his lordship had received
authentic advices that the French, who were endeavouring to
establish themselves in Persia, had formed the design of invading
these countries, and of seizing Cabul and the Punjaub-that his
lordship's first care was to give warning to the states which this
intelligence concerned-that feeling the interests of the British
Government and those of the Rajah to be the same, his lordship
had commissioned me to negotiate with the Rajah, arrangements
for the extirpation of the common enemy, and had appointed
another gentleman to be envoy to Cabul for similar purposes
with respect to that country, who would, in a short time, with
the Rajah's permission, pass through this country on his way to
the place of his destination. I added, that these measures had
been adopted by the Government in the purest spirit of friend-
ship, and that it was evident that the interests of all the states in
this quarter required that they should unite their powers in
defence of their dominions, and for the destruction of the enemy's
armies.
"At the conclusion of this introduction the Rajah and all pre-
sent following him, made an exclamation of admiration at the
friendly conduct of the Right Honourable the Governor-General
in making this communication, and expressed without hesitation
a ready concurrence in his lordship's plans. The Rajah asked,
how far the British army would advance to meet the French, and
what force would be sent? I replied, that these questions would
depend upon subsequent arrangements; but that it was our prac-
tice to seek our enemy, and that no doubt the Government would
send an army beyond Cabul. With respect to the amount of the
ITS OBJECT UNFOLDED.
187
force, I observed, that would necessarily depend upon circum-
stances, but that such a force would of course be sent as would be
amply sufficient to destroy the foe. He asked if troops were
ready to advance, and when the French might be expected? I
said that the moment at which the enemy might be expected
could not at present be ascertained-that it might be sooner or
later-but that there was no doubt of the design, and that it
behoved wise governments to be prepared to counteract it; and
that our troops always are, and always would be, ready to
advance.
"After expressing in animated terms his desire to co-operate
with the British arms, his sense of the friendly motives which
had led to the communications from the Right Honourable the
Governor-General, his approbation of the plan of attacking the
enemy before they could reach Cabul, and his satisfaction at the
prospect of a close alliance with the British Government, which
had long, he said, been the wish of his heart, now spoke in a
whisper to Misr Prebdial (one of his councillors), who, in conse-
quence, carried aside all the persons present except the Rajah,
Kurreem Singh, Imaum-ood-deen, and myself. Whilst the gen-
tlemen apart were deliberating in a whisper, the Rajah continued
to converse with me, sometimes on subjects connected with the
objects of my previous communication, and sometimes on general
topics. He started the idea that the King of Cabul might throw
himself in the arms of the French, and asked what would be done
in that case? I said, in that case we must attack the King of
Cabul as well as the French; but that it was improbable that he
would be so blind to his own interests; for that the French inva-
riably subjected and oppressed those who joined them; plundered
and laid waste their country, and overthrew the Government.
In the course of this conversation I endeavoured, in conformity
to the instructions of the supreme Government, to alarm the
Rajah for the safety of his territories, and at the same time to give
him confidence in our protection.
"The Rajah asked if all was right with Holkar? I said, "Yes?'
and that since the peace with him made in this country, he had
continued on the most friendly terms with the British Govern-
ment. But,' replied the Rajah, ‘he is a determined rascal (pucka
hurumzadah), and no trust can be reposed in him.' I answered,
that when we were at war with him, we used to call him a great
rascal; but as we were now at peace, we always spoke of him
with the respect due to a friendly chief. The Rajah mentioned,
188
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
that when in this country, Holkar prohibited his troops from
plundering as long as Lord Lake's army was near to him, but let
them loose on the country as soon as his lordship had commenced
his return to the British dominions.
"When the deliberations of the whispering council were con-
cluded, the result was conveyed by Misr Prebdial to the Rajah's
ears, and the Rajah delivered some order to him in the same
manner; after which Misr Prebdial addressed me in a long speech,
the substance of which was, that the Rajah concurred in every-
thing that I had communicated, and particularly desired to have
the closest connection with the British Government; but that the
business not being of slight consideration, but of the highest
importance, it was necessary to proceed with deliberation—
accordingly, that the question would be fully discussed by the
Rajah with those present, and that the result of their deliberations
on that and other subjects should be communicated to me on the
following morning. The Rajah said the same; and having
enjoined profound secresy to all present, put an end to the con-
ference."
The morrow came, and with the morrow a new light
dawned upon the subject. To the Sikh councillors it did
not appear, upon consideration of the whole matter, that
they had much to apprehend from the rumoured incursion
of the French. The danger was at most something remote
and conjectural. They hardly could bring themselves to
believe that the counteraction of foreign influence in the
countries of Central Asia was the real object of the mission
to Runjeet's court. And if it were, they argued among
themselves, the alliance which the British Government
sought was mainly for its own advantage. Why then
should not the treaty at the same time embrace objects
more nearly and palpably advantageous to the Sikhs them-
selves? It was Runjeet Singh's earnest desire, at this
time, to obtain from the British Government a recognition
of his sovereignty over all the Sikh states on both sides of
the Sutlej; and it was now intimated to Metcalfe that the
Rajah suggested the expediency of including this and other
provisions in the contemplated treaty. To all of this
RUNJEET'S SUSPICIONS.
189
Metcalfe listened patiently; but he firmly replied, that
he had no authority to give any such guarantee on the
part of the Government which he represented that the
alliance against the French was the first point to be
arranged, and that the rest would be left for future consi-
deration. But this was not a view of the case in which
the Sikh councillors were inclined to concur. The inter-
view, therefore, was not a satisfactory one; and nothing
was settled except-the last resource of inconclusiveness-
that the views of Runjeet Singh should be reduced to
writing, and considered by the British envoy.
I cannot follow in detail all the consultations—many of
them mere profitless repetitions of inconclusive discussions
-which day by day Metcalfe reported to the Supreme
Government. The difficulties with which the young diplo-
matist contended were many and great. He soon perceived
that in Runjeet Singh he had to deal with a man inordi-
nately ambitious himself, and out of measure suspicious of
the ambitious designs of others. Untainted by any objects
of aggression as was this mission to Lahore, it must be
admitted that Runjeet's suspicions were not wholly without
foundation. He had seen, within the space of a few years,
the fairest provinces of Hindostan subjected to the yoke
of the conquering Feringhee. If he had extended his
dominions, our extension of territory had been far greater;
and there was sufficient, at least in the antecedents of
British conquest, to make him fearful of his independence,
when he saw our battalions already approaching the banks
of the Sutlej, and our diplomatists, the sure forerunners of
our armies, beginning to spread themselves over all the
countries of Central Asia. It is not strange, therefore, that
one, by nature suspicious in the extreme, and wrought upon
by evil councillors and treacherous adherents, should have
regarded the advance of the British mission with distrust.
From the very first his suspicions had broken out into acts
190
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
of open discourtesy. He had forbidden, as I have before
said, all intercourse between the two camps. Supplies had
been refused to the mission.
afraid to cash Metcalfe's bills.
The native bankers were
Runjeet's spies were con-
The camp had been pitched
tinually in the British camp.
on ground selected by Runjeet in the bed of a dry river, on
whose banks the Sikh sentries were incessantly posted.
Our messengers had been intercepted; our letters had been
opened; and Metcalfe had excused himself to Government
for submitting to many indignities which he pretended not
to observe. He had certain great ends to accomplish, and
he would not be arrested or turned aside by any obstruc-
tions but those of the greatest national import and
significance.
But that which most embarrassed Metcalfe, at this time,
was the unscrupulous course of territorial aggrandizement,
which Runjeet was determined on pursuing in the face of
the British mission. It was obviously his intention to turn
to account what he hoped would be considered the implied
sanction of the British Government to his conquests on the
southern bank of the Sutlej. The suddenness of his move-
ments baffled all diplomacy, and prevented all remonstrance.
Thus, on the 25th of September, just as the negotiations
appeared to be in a favourable state, Runjeet suddenly,
without intimation to the British Envoy, and without con-
sulting his Ministers, broke up his camp at Kussoor, and
prepared to cross the Sutlej.* The primary object of the
* Reporting this to Government, Metcalfe wrote: "I was
disposed to augur well from the spirit of this conference; and
great was my surprise on rising this morning to find that the
Rajah's army was moving. Uzeezooden at the instant came to
me and said that he had been sent by the Rajah to inform me
that he was about to march to the river Beeas, and to request
that I would march too. I answered that I could not march to-
day; but that I would follow the Rajah as soon as I could. I
expressed my surprise at the Rajah's moving so suddenly, and
T
DESIGNS OF RUNJEET SINGH.
191
movement was the capture of the fortress and surrounding
territory of Fureed-kote a tract of country in the domain
of the Rajah of Putteealah, one of the chief of the group of
his Cis-Sutlej States; but it was openly boasted in camp
that the expedition was designed to accomplish the subju-
gation of the whole of the country lying between the Sutlej
and the Jumna. And there were those who said that, this
accomplished, some hostile movements against the British
would certainly ensue.†
Following the Sikh camp at a convenient interval of
time, Metcalfe, on the 28th of September, again met
Runjeet Singh. The interview was held on an island in
the river. The confidential servants of the Rajah were
present; and the manner of Runjeet himself was courteous
and conciliatory. But there seemed to be a hopeless gulf
between the two negotiating parties, which it was impos-
sible to bridge over. Metcalfe still asserted that he came
for nothing but a defensive alliance against the French.
"If the French invade your territory," he said, "you will
profit greatly by the alliance. If they do not, you will
without giving me any previous intimation, and I desired to know
what were the Rajah's intentions, where he was going, and
whether he would cross the river or not. Uzeezoodeen could
give me no satisfactory information. I therefore desired him to
bring me an answer on these points from his master, saying, that
until I should obtain the information required, I could, not say
whether it would be proper for me to accompany the Rajah or
not.”—[Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone, Camp Kussoor, September
25, 1808.]
* Fureed-kote was, however, at this time in the possession of
rebels, who paid no revenue to the Puttealah Rajah.
† Metcalfe reported, among other things, that there was
story on foot to the effect that the Rajah of Bhurtpore had
applied to Runjeet for aid against the hostile designs of the
British, that his application had been backed by Holkar, and
that Runjeet Singh had agreed to co-operate for the defence of
Bhurtpore."
192
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
not suffer by it." Reduced to this simple formula, the case
was a convincing one; and Runjeet at first seemed to be
staggered by it. But he clamoured for the sanction of the
British Government to the extension of his sovereignty over
all the Sikh territories; and was eager also to introduce
into the treaty a clause, pledging us not to interfere for the
prevention of any hostilities that he might be pleased to
carry on in the direction of Caubul. Such was the unva-
rying tenor of his discourse; and every new meeting only
served to convince Metcalfe of the difficulty of persuading
the Rajah to abandon a design which lay so very near to
his heart.*
In the meanwhile, Metcalfe's letters, despatched with
unfailing punctuality, and admirably lucid in all their
details, were exciting much grave reflection in the Council
Chamber of Calcutta. The seeming determination of
Runjeet to extend his conquests on the southern bank of
the Sutlej, excited in Lord Minto a very strong desire to
arrest by force of arms the progress of the ambitious Sikh.
The first minute which he wrote upon the subject, hinted
* Summing up the whole state of the case after the lapse of
another month, Metcalfe wrote to the Supreme Government: “It
appears to me that he wishes merely to have a treaty of perpetual
friendship with the British Government to be maintained here-
after with his heirs and successors; that he is indifferent to the
proposed alliance against the designs of the French, as the
danger is not near nor perceptible to him-that to that alliance
generally, however, he has no objection, although he wishes to
make his agreement to it the means of obtaining concessions from
the British Government; but at the same time he does not view
without uneasiness the progress of the measures in contemplation,
and the probability of the introduction of British agents in his
territories, the disclosure of the actual state of his country, army,
and resources, and other imagined consequences of opening the
means of communication between the British Government and
the disaffected chiefs whom he oppresses."-[October 20, 1808.
Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone. MS. Records.]
VIEWS OF LORD MINTO.
193.
at the expediency of instructing Metcalfe to intimate to
Runjeet Singh, that if, pending negotiations, any advance
were made towards our frontier, or if any interruption
were at any time given to the Caubul mission, it would be
considered as a declaration of war. But he was a states-
man of a calm and dispassionate nature, and he recorded
at the same time, that these were only his first hasty
reflections, and that he would, "in the course of the day,
collect more deliberately such thoughts on the general
question as might appear worthy to be communicated" to
his colleagues, and to the Envoy in Runjeet's camp. And
the result of these subsequent deliberations, aided by a
memorandum drawn up by Mr. Edmonstone, was, that
Metcalfe was instructed not to follow any course that would
precipitate his abrupt departure from Runjeet's camp, but
to protract his negotiations, and to avoid, if possible, such
a rupture as would incite Runjeet to assume an attitude of
open hostility. These instructions Metcalfe had antici-
pated. The course laid down for him was that which his
own judgment suggested, and already he had entered
upon it.
Having thus resolved to gain time and to amuse Runjeet,
whilst they were maturing their plan of 'ultimate operations,
and waiting to see what might be written down in the ever-
fertile chapter of accidents, our statesmen at Calcutta
began to take larger views of the whole question, and to
consider whether it would be expedient to yield to the
solicitations of the Rajah, or to maintain the independence
of the Sikh chiefs on our side of the Sutlej. Lord Minto
at once determined that the question was one which he was
justified in' deciding upon grounds of immediate policy,
rather than upon any abstract principles; and after weigh-
ing the consequences of the adoption of either course-
each being beset with its own peculiar difficulties-he
resolved that the interests of the British Government
VOL. I.
H
194
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
demanded that the aggressiveness of Runjeet Singh should
be stemmed, and that the lesser chiefs between the Sutlej and
the Jumna should be supported. But this object was not
to be gained by mere passive resistance. "A consequence
of our refusing our assent to Runjeet's proposal,” wrote
Lord Minto, "must be the necessity of our affording open
and immediate protection to the Sikhs, and employing a
military force for that purpose. For to declare that we do
not consent to the proposed conquests, and at the same
time to look on whilst they are achieved, is a contradiction
calculated alike to alienate the Sikhs and to provoke the
enmity of Runjeet Singh. That we should advance," he
added, "a body of troops to the Sutlej, and take post on
that river in concert and connection with the principal
Sikh chiefs, I should not think in itself a disadvantage,
but in our present circumstances the reverse. The
Governor-General did not conceal from himself that this
measure might precipitate an open collision with Runjeet,
but he was prepared to abide the result.
??
In the meanwhile, Runjeet Singh, having taken pos-
session of Fureed-kote, was dragging the British mission
hither and thither, still evidently desirous that its presence
should seem to sanction his aggressive proceedings, until
Metcalfe demanded that the Rajah should name some fitting
place where the mission might remain encamped until
Runjeet had completed his operations, and was in a position
again to give himself uninterruptedly to the pending
negotiations. After much further discussion leading to no
result, and some wild propositions at which Metcalfe only
laughed,† it was agreed that the British mission should
* MS. Memoranda of Lord Minto.
† Amongst others was a proposition to the effect that Metcalfe
should return to Calcutta, taking with him one of the Sikh chiefs
as Runjeet's wakeel (or agent), and finish the negotiations at the
Presidency. This Metcalfe treated as a "humorous proposal.”
Another scheme put forth by the Sikhs was that two treaties
RUNJEET'S PASSION FOR GUNS.
195
halt at Gongrona, a place between the Sutlej and the
Jumna, about twenty miles south-east from Loodhianah,
until Runjeet had done his work. The Sikh army was
now moving upon Umballah, and thus bringing itself into
dangerous proximity to our own frontier-station of Kurnal.*
A lull in the more strenuous activities of the mission
enabled Charles Metcalfe not only to take a comprehensive
survey of past transactions, to clear up in his letters to
Government any uncertainties or obscurities which his
previous communications might have presented, and to
draw up elaborate reports on the character of Runjeet
Singh and the resources of his country,† but also to devote
should be drawn up-one according to Runjeet's wishes, one
according to our own--and that the latter should be held in pawn
until redeemed by the ratification of the former! It was with
reference to one of these conferences (on the 24th of October) that
Metcalfe wrote that the confusion produced by the eagerness of
eight Sikh councillors to declare their opinions was almost sub-
lime. "I beg you," he said, "to conceive an assemblage of nine
persons, in which eight are endeavouring by all manner of means
to obtain a particular point from one-the ministers being all
eager to display before their master their zeal in the cause, their
skill and acuteness; and the picture will completely represent the
conference, which was preceded by a present of a horse from the
Rajah's stable. There was little argument on either side. The
subject had been repeatedly discussed, and nothing new remained
to be said."
* At one of the conferences between Metcalfe and the Sikh
Ministers, the latter had been asked whether he considered that
Kurnal belonged to the British Government.
† There is an amusing passage in one of these reports relative
to Runjeet's appreciation of artillery, and the means by which he
contrived to scrape his ordnance together. "The Rajah's attach-
ment to guns," wrote Metcalfe to Government, "and his opinion
of their weight, are both so great, that he will never miss an
opportunity of obtaining a gun. If he learns that there is a gun
in any fort, he cannot rest until he has taken the fort to get at the
gun, or until the gun has been given up to him to save the fort.
He immediately dismounts the gun from the wall and drags it
H 2
196
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
some time to his private correspondence. In the middle.
of November he had received the distressing intelligence
of the death of his aunt Richardson, to whom he was
deeply attached. Some letters written by him at this time
to his afflicted uncle, and to his "dear and now, alas! only
aunt," Mrs. Monson,* express the strength of his grief.
He was eager at first to know, whether his "dear, dear
aunt in her illness ever thought of him? With her mind,"
he added, "occupied by thoughts of her children and her
beloved sisters, I cannot expect that she did." But all
thoughts of his own sorrows passed away as he dwelt on
the sufferings of the husband and sister, and prayed that
they might be comforted and sustained by Him, who alone
has power to wipe away all tears from our eyes.
"May
the Ruler of all things," he wrote to his uncle, "give you
patience and fortitude to support you under the heavy
pressure. And now, Lord, what is my hope, truly my
hope is even in thee. In the midst of life we are in death.
Of whom may we seek succour but of thee, O Lord?
Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord, for they rest
from their labours.'"+
Whilst Metcalfe, thus halting at Gongrona, was dividing
his thoughts between his public business and his private
sorrows, Runjeet was extending his dominion over the
more helpless of the Cis-Sutlej chiefs. Many of them,
unequal to resistance, acknowledged that they were his
after him, as an addition to his field train. He boasted to me
once, that he had made the Rajah of Puttealah give him a fine
gun, which the Rajah wished to rescue for 20,000 rupees."
* Mrs. Richardson and the Hon. Mrs. Monson, then widow of
Colonel Monson, of whom Charles Metcalfe said, "he was always
an affectionate uncle and kind friend to me," were sisters of Lady
Metcalfe.
† November 1808, Camp Gongrona.—In this letter Metcalfe says:
"If my mission should soon end, which is possible, I shall
endeavour to join you at Banda to share your sadness.”
RUNJEET'S AGGRESSIONS.
197
subjects, that they held their possessions only by virtue of
his grant, and contributed their guns to the Rajah's collec-
tion; whilst others obtained temporary immunity for
themselves by aiding him in these acts of spoliation.*
But he still had time to think of the British mission, wrote
courteous letters to Metcalfe, "evinced a desire to be
friendly and conciliatory;"† and was sincerely desirous to
protect the mission against any inconvenience that might
result from the turbulent character of the people surround-
ing their camp. Before the end of November, the restless
* "Including," wrote Metcalfe to Government, "those chiefs
who have attended him in this expedition, his sovereignty has been
completely acknowledged by all the Sikh chiefs with two ex-
ceptions"--the Rajahs of Puttealah and Thanesur.
t
† "Being informed that Gongrona was not a pleasant situation,
he wrote to me," said Metcalfe, "in the most civil manner, to
request that I would move to another place, which was ascer-
tained to be better; but finding Gongrona sufficiently agreeable,
I did not think it necessary to move."
"It happened," wrote Metcalfe, "that in taking the air one
evening I was fired upon from a village by mistake. This trivial
circumstance was reported to the Rajah and magnified. In conse-
quence, he gave orders to the commanders of his infantry and
guns, on detaching them from Shuhabad on their return to the
Punjaub, to attend me, and wrote to me to desire that I would
cause them to plunder and destroy any village that had behaved in
a disrespectful manner. After thanking him for his kindness, I
requested him to forgive a fault which had proceeded from in-
advertency and the divided state of the country." This humane
interference, however, had not at first the desired result. In a
subsequent letter Metcalfe wrote: "The Rajah's infantry and
guns have been at this place for some days. As they were sent
by the Rajah for the avowed purpose of destroying certain villages
which had been represented to him as having behaved in a
disrespectful manner to me, I endeavoured to prevent their
advance, but did not succeed, as Kureem Singh, the possessor of
the tents of Gongrona, had a strong interest in persuading them
to come on. On their arrival I had some difficulty in preventing
their attacking the villages. The commanders informed me that
198
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
chief had sent back his infantry and his guns to Gongrona,
and purposed, after a friendly interview with the Rajah of
Puttealah, to make his way to Umritsur and Lahore, and
there to rest himself in the lap of pleasure after the
fatigues of war and the anxieties of public business.
It was at this time that Metcalfe learnt the results of
the deliberations which had been held in Calcutta at the
close of the preceding month. The Chief Secretary com-
municated to him that Lord Minto had determined to resist
Runjeet's efforts to subjugate the Cis-Sutlej States, and
that henceforth these petty principalities were to be under
British protection. The letter which announced this im-
portant intelligence was followed by a communication to
the same effect to Runjeet himself, sent through the Delhi
Resident, couched in the ordinary language of diplomatic
flattery, but sufficiently unmistakeable in its import and
decided in its tone. The ambitious Sikh was now called
upon to arrest his career of conquest in the country
between the Sutlej and the Jumna, and to surrender the
places which he had recently wrested from the petty chiefs.
But Metcalfe, still anxious to achieve the objects of his
mission without violence, and believing that Runjeet was
already on his way back to the capital, determined to delay
the communication of the Governor-General's resolution,
in the hope that the Rajah's withdrawal from the scene of
his recent conquests might appear rather a spontaneous act
upon his part than one forced upon him by the implied
they had positive orders to plunder the villages, and put to death
the inhabitants. I saw their instructions under the seal of
Runjeet Singh, giving orders for their guidance, and even laying
down the plan of attack, and giving intelligence of the force that
they might expect to be opposed to them. Fortunately, the Rajah
had written other instructions, desiring them to obey my orders,
which have enabled me by positive commands and written in-
junctions to restrain them until the result of my reference to the
Bajah may be known."
RESOLUTIONS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.
199
The uncertainty
menaces of the British Government.*
and the impulsiveness which marked Runjeet's conduct,
rendered Metcalfe, however, sceptical of the real intentions
of the Rajah; and doubting whether he would return
immediately to his capital, he wrote to him that he desired
an interview at Eesroo, which lay on the road to Umritsur.
The request was readily granted, but before the appointed
time Runjeet had once more changed his resolution. He
was tired of business. He was eager again to enjoy the
delights of the wine-cup and the zenana. He had
exchanged turbans as a token of amity with the Rajah of
Puttealah; and he had now little else to do. So he wrote
to Metcalfe proposing a meeting on the Sutlej. But before
the British Envoy had reached the banks of the river,
Runjeet had again changed his mind, and was moving in
hot haste on the wings of love to Umritsur. His confi-
dential physician-minister, Uzeezoodeen, was left behind to
invite Metcalfe to follow him; and on the 10th of December
the British mission arrived at the holy city.
The delay had not been without its uses. The instruc-
tions despatched to Metcalfe by the Supreme Government
* Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone, November 27, 1808.—“ When
I received your instructions of the 31st of October, I had every
reason to expect the instant return of Runjeet Singh to Lahore
from his own communications to me, as well as from general
opinion and actual appearances. His infantry and guns, which
generally form his advanced guard, were encamped in this place,
which is within a forced march from the Sutlej; and the Rajah
himself was lightly equipped with the seeming and avowed intention
of advancing. Under these circumstances, it appeared to me that
if the Rajah should immediately re-cross the Sutlej with his army,
and remove his troops from all positions menacing to the safety
and independence of the chiefs whom it is the intention of Govern-
ment to protect, one of the most important objects of my instruc-
tions would be obtained without any immediate interruption of
amicable negotiation, and time would be gained for the execution
of the arrangements destined for the defence of this country.”
{
200
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
at the end of October, and the letter to Runjeet Singh sent
through the Delhi Resident, had been of a more peremptory
and decided character than Lord Minto upon further con-
sideration considered it expedient to confirm. The letter
to the Rajah had now been modified into a communication
less menacing in tone, and containing a less undisguised
exposition of the intentions of the British Government.
And when Mr. Edmonstone forwarded a copy of it to
Metcalfe, he wrote a private letter, briefly explaining to
him, in the following sentences, Lord Minto's wishes
regarding the future conduct of his negotiations :—
"You will see that it is wished you should remain; and I will
state in very few words what is intended. Government is
satisfied that Runjeet Singh will never be the cordial friend of
the British Government; an engagement with him for co-opera-
tion would be mere waste paper. His character, conduct, and
views are such as to render it for our interest that his government
were subverted. But we shall do nothing to promote that object.
It would hardly be justifiable to do so; at the same time, it is
desirable not to be embarrassed with engagements which might
compel us to assist him against internal rebellion. Our object
must be at present to remain as free as possible without breaking
with Runjeet. It is not, therefore, desirable to accelerate the
negotiation. The longer it is kept in suspense the better; and
on the plea of awaiting the result of your report to Government
that he has withdrawn his army, disclaimed any interruption to
the Cabul mission, and treated you as an accredited minister of a
great state ought to be treated, you can properly and plausibly
suspend the conclusion of engagements. Though I apprehend
from your despatch No. 29, just received, that you may have
gone too far under your former instructions to admit of this
course. Troops will be sent to the frontier as was at first
announced in the letter to Runjeet; but it is now thought best to
suspend any notification to him of this arrangement, so you are
to know nothing of these matters."
On the evening of his arrival at Umritsur, Metcalfe,
taking with him the Governor-General's letter, visited
CONDUCT OF RUNJEET SINGH.
201
Runjeet Singh. But the Rajah was in no mood for
business. He was in the midst of a riotous career of self-
indulgence. Instead of attending to the affairs of state
which had called the British Envoy to his presence, he
sent for his dancing-girls; and soon afterwards, the wonted
strong drinks were introduced. In vain did Metcalfe call
the attention of the Rajah to the business on which he
had come; in vain did he speak of the Governor-General's
letter of which he was the bearer. Runjeet was willing to
receive the letter, but he was not prepared to read it.
"The evening was devoted to mirth and pleasure." The
Rajah was in a genial humour-full of cordiality towards
his English visitor; familiar in manner, friendly in speech.
Metcalfe, with right diplomatic address, entered into the
spirit of the scene, within the limits of becoming hilarity;
and when he took his departure, it was obvious to him
that the Rajah and his friends were "incapacitated for
business."*
But Runjeet Singh, drinking and revelling with the
unopened letter of the Governor-General beside him, was
as a man singing and dancing upon a loaded mine.
Whether he had any suspicion of its actual contents, and
was disinclined to mar the pleasurable excitement of the life
to which he had now temporarily abandoned himself, content
to live in the rapture of the present moment, and to lull
all corroding anxieties to rest, can be only matter of con-
jecture. But the morrow passed away, and still Metcalfe
heard nothing of the effects of the letter. So he wrote the
Rajah a note under his own hand-a note giving no
uncertain sound, but clearly and decisively stating the
stage to which the discussion had now been brought, the
various offences which had been committed by the Rajah,
and the dangers which stared him in the face; and con-
* Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone, December 11, 1808.
202
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
cluding with the following specific declaration of the views
of the British Government;-
"I am directed by the Right Hon. the Governor-General to
protest against the invasion of the country between the Sutlej and
the Jumna, in the name of the British Government; and further,
to declare that the British Government cannot acknowledge any
right in the Maha-rajah to any territories that he may have taken
possession of situated between the Sutlej and the Jumna since the
first reference of this question to the British Government.
Moreover, the Governor-General feels himself authorised to
expect, and entertains no doubt, that the Maha-rajah will restore
all the places that he has taken possession of since that period to
the former possessors, and will confine his army to the right bank
of the Sutlej, since he can have no object in maintaining it on the
left bank, except to overawe and subjugate the chiefs situated
between that river and the Jumna, who are now declared to be
under the protection of the British Government.
"In expressing these sentiments, I am directed to inform the
Maha-rajah that the British Government is desirous of maintain-
ing the most amicable relations with his Government, and wishes
that the friendship subsisting between the two states may daily
improve and increase. The British Government desires no country
for itself. It has enough, and its only ambition is to improve
the territories which it possesses, and to promote the happiness of
its subjects. It wishes to live in amity with all mankind. It
cannot consent to the subjugation of chiefs who are closely
connected with it, and have claims upon it for protection. At the
same time, it entertains the most friendly designs towards the
Maha-rajah, with whom, notwithstanding the just causes of com-
plaint which the Maha-rajah's conduct has afforded, it is anxious
to cultivate the relations of intimate and cordial friendship.
"I trust that the Maha-rajah will duly appreciate the friendly
sentiments of the Right Hon. the Governor-General, and meet
them with reciprocal cordiality and confidence, so as to give an
assurance that for the future the rights and privileges of the repre-
sentative of the British Government shall be respected according
to the established usage between states, and that the intercourse
between the two Governments shall be carried on in the spirit of
mutual confidence and friendship."
Of this unmistakeable communication Metcalfe's con-
RUNJEET'S PERPLEXITIES.
203
fidential moonshee was the bearer. It was soon apparent
that the contents of the Governor-General's letter were
utterly unknown to the Rajah, who, on perusing the
Envoy's note, seemed to stagger under it, as though under
the influence of a "sudden shock." But it was a shock
of a salutary nature. It seemed to sober him. He spoke
of the communication more humbly and more reasonably
than, judging by his foregone behaviour, there was any
ground to expect. He appeared sensible of the impro-
priety of his conduct towards the mission, and believed,
or pretended to believe, that the determination of the
British Government had been forced upon it by his want
of courtesy towards its representative, rather than by his
bearing towards the petty states. And he indulged the
hope that a more favourable reply to his demands would
speedily be despatched to his court.
The following day was fixed upon for an interview with
the British Envoy, but it brought, after the old fashion,
only excuses for delay. The Rajah had determined to
proceed at once to Lahore, and he invited Metcalfe to
accompany him. It was evidently Runjeet's object to
gain time. Other thoughts were distracting his mind.
There were dangers and difficulties bristling at his
own door.
He had hoped for a little while in the
arms of his favourite mistress to forget all of royalty
except its sensual delights. But that which was to have
been to him only a source of refreshment and repose,
became the exciting cause of unexpected trouble and
alarm. His favourite was a Mussulmanee dancing-girl.
It may have been in the plenitude of her Mahomedan
zeal-or it may have been in the mere wantonness of
power-that either by force or persuasion, she had recently
converted a Hindoo to the faith of Islam, or at least sub-
jected him to its external ritualities. The act, from what-
ever feeling it may have resulted, threw Umritsur into
204
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
1.
:
a ferment of excitement. The shops of the holy city were
closed. The priests of the great temple issued their mani-
festoes, and forbade the people, under a ban of excommuni-
cation, to open them and return to their wonted business.
The houses of the Mussulmanee dancing-girls-in expia-
tion of the offences of one of their tribe-were plundered
by the outraged Hindoos. There was a great strife
between the temporal and the spiritual power; and the
former was worsted in the encounter. So Runjeet was
fain to withdraw himself from the scene of turmoil, and to
make his escape to Lahore.*
was
And thither Metcalfe speedily followed him. But the
change of scene did not induce a change of conduct.
Runjeet still maintained a cautious silence, and "found
fresh excuses for delaying his answer to the demands that
had been made upon him" by the British Government.
At length, on the 17th of December, just as the Envoy.
was writing a letter, peremptorily calling upon the Rajah
to declare his intentions without longer delay, a message
of invitation came from the Sikh, and Metcalfe proceeded
to his presence. But even then the old reserve
upon him. Runjeet appeared careworn and thoughtful,
and little inclined to address himself to affairs of state.
His troubles had followed him from Umritsur to Lahore.
The Hindoos were thronging round the walls of his palace,
and sitting dhurna at his gates.† He was ready, therefore,
with more excuses, and eager for more delay. He told
Metcalfe that "his attention had been much engaged by
the disturbances at Umritsur and Lahore; that he had
had to dismiss his chiefs and followers to their homes; that
several of those with whom he was in the habit of con-
sulting were absent, and that, to say the truth, after four
* Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone, December 14, 1808.
† To sit "dhurna" is to sit in fasting and prayer at a man's
door-an expressive kind of practical curse.
RUNJEET'S PERPLEXITIES.
205
months' campaigning he felt an inclination for some
rest."*
And all that Metcalfe, pressing him sorely, could
extract from him was the old promise that he would see him,
and make "a full communication on the following day."
But with the new day, after the old fashion, came new
excuses. Runjeet's ministers had tried to reconcile Met-
calfe to the eccentricities of their chief; but the English
gentleman had answered with becoming firmness that,
although the eccentricities were sufficiently apparent, he
could not admit that they furnished any justification for
is conduct. In vain they pleaded that Runjeet had never
been habituated to control-that flushed with continual
success he had ever regarded himself, and himself alone,
as the arbiter of his conduct-that he was a man of a head-
strong and ungovernable nature, and that some allowances
ought to be made for him. Metcalfe was not to be driven
from the position he had taken up. The business in hand,
he said, was an affair between two states, and no conside-
rations of personal character should be admitted in justifi-
cation of conduct which violated the rights and lowered
the dignity of the Government which he represented.†
* Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone, December 18, 1808.
†The passage in Metcalfe's correspondence descriptive of this
scene merits quotation. "I asked," he wrote to the Chief Secretary,
"what explanation I should offer to my Government for the delay
which had taken place on the part of the Rajah. Imaum-ood-deen
begged me to bear in mind that the Rajah, from the earliest age,
had been without control; that his disposition had, in consequence,
become ungovernable; that he had throughout life acted according
to his pleasure; that God had prospered all his undertakings;
that he had acquired a habit of acting without reference to the
inclination of others; and that allowances ought to be made for
these considerations. I observed, that the Rajah's eccentricities
were evident enough, and that I had been often amused by them;
that they would, indeed, be very entertaining if they did not
interfere so much with important business; but that I could not
state them to my Government to account for the Rajah's conduct,
206
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
1
And he desired the Sikh Minister to inform his master
that he was surprised at the repeated excuses he had
received, and impatient of further delay. But in spite of
this, on the following morning, Runjeet's confidential
advisers again appeared before Metcalfe as the bearers of
further excuses, and to request one more day's delay.
Everything, they announced, was in train for the con-
clusion of the business, and now, at last, procrastination
was at an end.* There was, indeed, no longer a pretext
for evasion; and so, on the morning of the 20th of
December, the long-delayed conference appeared to be on
the point of accomplishment. But instead of meeting the
Rajah himself, Metcalfe met only a large assembly of his
councillors. There was a long and animated, but an
unsatisfactory debate. The young English statesman had
a host of antagonists, but he was more than a match for
them all. He told the Sikh chiefs that the plan which the
British Government purposed to pursue was conceived in
a friendly spirit, and to be prosecuted in a friendly manner;
but that the determination which had been announced was
fixed and irrevocable, and that it were well that this
should be understood by their master.†
as any consideration for them would be inadmissible. The British
Government, I remarked, could only judge of the Rajah by his
acts, and if these were improper, could not think of justifying
them by any reference to his education. I pressed upon the atten-
tion of Imaum-ood-deen that it was necessary for the Maha-rajah
to reflect that every matter pending was between Government and
Government; and that it was indispensable that he should lay
aside the notion that he might act according to his own pleasure
without regard to the rights and dignity of the British Government.
* One of the excuses advanced by Runjeet was founded on the
absence of a councillor-Mith Singh-in whom he professed great
faith. This man had been summoned to Lahore, and was now in
attendance on the Rajah.
† "I was pressed," wrote Metcalfe, "to say distinctly whether
the demands of the British Government were meant to be made
!
THE CRISIS. APPROACHING.
207
The object of this preliminary conference was plainly
to sound Metcalfe. But the councillors retired carrying
with them nothing that was likely to soothe the appre-
hensions of their chief. And when, at last, on the fol-
lowing day, the British Envoy met Runjeet himself, all
that the wily Sikh could do was to repeat oft-refuted
arguments, and to put unprofitable questions. The Rajah
asked why we called upon him to withdraw from the left
bank of the Sutlej-why we demanded that he should
restore the places he had already captured? And Met-
ealfe answered plainly and firmly, with undeniable logic,
that the British Government intended to take those prin-
cipalities under its protection-and how could they be
protected when the Rajah threatened them with his
armies, or had absolutely brought them under his rule?
But still a decisive answer was not to be elicited. In
general terms the Envoy was told that an arrangement
would be made honourable to both nations; but Metcalfe
saw plainly that no arrangement was likely to be made
without an appeal to arms.
"
amicably or not. I replied that that question was answered by so
many circumstances that I wondered it could be put. Why, I
asked, was I here? Why had the Governor-General addressed a
friendly letter to the Rajah? Why had I given in a long explana-
tory note? Why had the Maha-rajah expressed his satisfaction at
the contents of these communications, and observed that friendly
remonstrances could not be produced without regard? Of course, I
said, the demands that I had presented were made with friendly
intentions. In order to prevent the construction that might be
assumed that my consent would be obtained to a protracted dis-
cussion of the respective rights of the British Government and the
Rajah of Lahore to political supremacy in the country between the
Jumna and the Sutlej, and to convince all present that it would be
in vain to agitate that question, I declared decidedly that with
respect to the demands that I had made, I must persist in them,
and could not relax in any degree: that the orders of my Govern-
ment were final, and that I would not exercise any discretion."
208
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
A crisis, indeed, was now fast approaching. It has
been seen that the British Government had announced to
Metcalfe its intention of moving forward a body of troops
to take post upon the Sutlej. This announcement had not
yet been made to Runjeet; but the time for a full reve-
lation of our intentions seemed now to have arrived. It
was doubtful, indeed, whether rumours of the threatened
movement had not already reached the Sikh ruler, for he
was collecting troops, seemingly in anticipation of a
coming struggle. It appeared expedient, therefore, to
Metcalfe to warn the military authorities of the proba-
bility of resistance being offered to the demands of the
British Government. So he wrote a letter to the Com-
mander-in-Chief, setting forth, distinctly and emphatically,
the grounds on which he based his belief in the likelihood
of a speedy collision. Having despatched this letter, his
next care was to intimate distinctly and decisively to
Runjeet Singh that the British Government purposed,
without further delay, to advance a military force to the
banks of the Sutlej. The game was now nearly played
out. On the 22nd of December the British Envoy and
the Sikh Rajah were again face to face. The communi-
cation was made. Runjeet told his attendant chiefs to
consider of the matter; and, under the influence of self-
control such as he rarely exercised, fell into friendly
conversation with the English gentleman. Several ques-
tions were asked concerning the British detachment—what
would be its strength ?-where it would be posted-
whether at Loodhianah, or what other place? To all of
this Metcalfe answered, that the details of the movement
were matters of future consideration. A hint from the
consulting chiefs here drew the Rajah aside. A brief
conversation between them ensued. The Runjeet, having
ordered Uzeezoodeen to state his opinions to the British
Envoy, left the room, mounted his horse, and with what
AN EQUESTRIAN ANODYNE.
209
appeared to Metcalfe "surprising levity," began prancing
about the court-yard of his residence.* There was good
reason afterwards to think that this was less an indication
of levity than of the strong feeling which was working
within him.
Whilst Runjeet was caracolling about the court-yard,
Uzeezoodeen delivered his master's message. It was not a
conciliatory one; and it was not given in a conciliatory
manner. The Rajah, he said, had flattered himself that
the intercourse between the two states would be conducive
to his welfare; but instead of this, in reply to a friendly
application, he had received a message of so extraordinary
a nature, that he did not know what to make of it. What
was the use, it was asked, of a small post on the Sutlej ?-
surely such a demonstration would not deter the French from
*Metcalfe's words are: "On a hint from the party aside, the
Rajah withdrew to join them; and after a consultation, sent them
to me with a message, and proceeded himself with surprising levity
to mount his horse and prance about the court-yard of his resi-
dence." I am the more particular in giving the exact words of the
writer, inasmuch as that this story has been variously narrated,
and has obtained, perhaps, a wider currency than any other
incident in Metcalfe's life. The current version of the story is this,
which I find in a leading article of the Times newspaper, written
in December, 1839: "When these terms were propounded to him,
Runjeet, after a short and futile attempt to overbear the British
Ambassador, rushed out of an apartment, an elevated summer-
room, in which the conference had taken place, and in an incredibly
short space of time, Sir Charles Metcalfe saw him on horseback, at
the head of his immediate suite, galloping in the most furious
manner over the plain below. When he had thus digested his
spleen, he returned, and after telling the Envoy that he always
took this extraordinary anodyne under extreme vexation, expressed
his determination to submit implicitly to the requirements of the
British Government." This story is so much more striking and
picturesque than that which I have given in the text, that I have
been really sorry to substitute the homelier version which I have
found in Metcalfe's own handwriting, written on the day after the
incident occurred.-[See also Appendix.]
་
210
.THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
advancing. To this Metcalfe replied, that all idea of deter-
ring the French was out of the question—that he had made
certain distinct propositions to the Rajah, and that he called
for an answer equally distinct. The decided tone in which
he spoke was not without its effect on the Sikh councillors
Runjeet had by this time dismounted and seated himself in
another chamber, where Uzeezoodeen and his associates
waited upon him with Metcalfe's message. What passed
there can only be conjectured. The consultation was a long
one; and when the Ministers returned, their bearing was
strangely altered. They spoke now with an affable manner,
and in a softened tone. They said that the plan of advancing
a British detachment to the banks of the Sutlej would not be
opposed by the Rajah, if it were done in concert with him,
and in a friendly manner.
The answer was, that if the
requisitions of the British Government, from which the
Envoy would on no account recede, were complied with,
everything would be done in a friendly manner. Again
the councillors sought the Rajah; and again, after a
protracted consultation, they returned to the room where
Metcalfe was quietly awaiting them. The answer they
brought back was more satisfactory than he could have
anticipated even in his most sanguine moments.
Rajah, they said, was confident of our friendly intentions,
and agreed to all our proposals. "And so," wrote Met-
calfe, "the demands that I had presented, respecting
which I had not been able for a fortnight to procure
the least answer, were now treated as if they were mere
trifles with which there was not the smallest difficulty
in complying."
The
But these were mere idle words-vague generalities
meaning nothing. On the same evening a deputation
waited on Metcalfe to inform him that the proposal to
advance troops to the Sutlej was so extraordinary, that the
Rajah could not give any definite answer to the requisitions
METCALFE'S RESOLUTION.
211
of the British Government until he had consulted with his
chiefs; that he therefore purposed to proceed on the fol→
lowing day to Umritsur; and that he requested the British
Envoy to follow him there. At this, Metcalfe, wontedly so
calm in his outward demeanour, fired up with becoming
indignation. He thought, with the prophet of old, that he
"did well to be angry." He denounced the conduct of
the Rajah as mere trickery to gain time-trickery often
repeated and now well understood. He declared that such
conduct was disrespectful in the extreme to the British
Government; that if the Rajah determined to march, in
the midst of the negotiation, he could not control him;
but that against such a proceeding he earnestly and
indignantly protested.
•
The remonstrance was not without its effect. The
precipitate movement to Umritsur was abandoned; and
the negotiations were resumed. But there was still the old
system of chicanery at work-still the old excuses and the
old delays. Foiled in his attempts either to overbear or
over-reach Metcalfe in oral discussion, Runjeet now resorted
to epistolary communication. First of all he attempted a
compromise; but the young English statesman was resolute
to submit to no half-measures. He called for the fulfil-
ment of the requisitions of the British Government without
stint or reservation; and his unshaken firmness ere long
achieved the desired victory. Little by little, Runjeet, not
without fresh displays of procrastination and evasion,
yielded to the demands of the British Envoy. He saw
that the announcement of the intended advance of a
British detachment was not an empty menace. Metcalfe,
it has been seen, was in communication with the Com-
mander-in-Chief, whose head-quarters were in Saharun-
pore; and under instructions from his Excellency, a
detachment had been ordered for service on the banks of
the Sutlej. This detachment was placed under the com-
212
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
:
mand of the fittest man in the army that could have been
nominated for the performance of such a duty. It was
placed under the command of Colonel David Ochterlony.
Early in January it was ordered to advance.
The first service to be performed by this force was the
expulsion of the Sikh troops from Umballah, where a con-
siderable body had been for some time posted. But the
Rajah promised to withdraw his men to his own side of the
river, and desired Metcalfe to consider it as done. But
performance in this case, as in others, lagged far behind
promise; and Metcalfe, weary of all this falsehood and
fraud, came to the determination that the time had come
for his departure from Runjeet's court, if the state of the
military preparations on the frontier seemed to warrant so
decided a step. But it was now the policy of both parties
to temporise. Runjeet was collecting troops, and eager to
gain time. General Hewitt was making his dispositions,
and eager also to gain time. Metcalfe was recommended
to temporise; and by delay the war was averted. Awed
by the resolute bearing of his antagonists, the Sikh
began slowly and reluctantly to fulfil the conditions.
demanded by the British Government. On the 6th of
January, one of Runjeet's chiefs was despatched to Um-
ballah, to recall the troops posted there, and to make
restitution of the place to its rightful owner.
In consequence of this, negotiations were resumed at
Umritsur, to which place the court and the mission quietly
proceeded in the middle of January. Presuming on what
he had done in the way of concession, Runjeet demanded
that now a treaty of general amity should be concluded.
But Metcalfe pointed out that other conditions were yet to
be fulfilled; that if Umballah were restored, Kheir and
Fureed-kote were not; and he demanded the concession of
all the territory acquired since the arrival of the mission.
It would take long to tell how Runjeet promised and broke
THE MOHURRUM.
213
his promises; and how from day to day the restitution of
these places was delayed; how the Sikh continued to
demand a treaty, and how the British envoy called for the
fulfilment of the conditions necessary to the attainment of
what he sought. The month of January passed away; and
the month of February passed away. Military prepara-
tions on both sides were advancing; but still Metcalfe
remained at Runjeet's court-still the negotiations appeared
every morning to be approaching a favourable issue, and
still every evening it was clear that these appearances had
been most delusive.*
It was whilst affairs were in this state that an incident
occurred which awakened Runjeet to a sense of the danger
which he would incur by a collision with the British
troops. At the end of February the annual festival of the
Mohurrum was celebrated by the Mahomedan sepoys of
Metcalfe's escort. It is the custom of the followers of the
Prophet to spend upon this great occasion considerable
sums of money on the construction and decoration of
gigantic cars, called tazeeahs, which are paraded about for
several days in a noisy, obtrusive manner, to the great
delight of all true Mahomedans, who pride themselves upon
* Among other complaints that Runjeet made, was one to the
effect that Metcalfe treated him like a jageerdar (or pensioner).
“He (Runjeet) observed (to Hafoozoodeen) on my note, that when
he made any proposal, I replied that I had no authority; but when
I brought forward my own proposals, I issued my commands to
him as authoritatively as if he were only a jageerdar."—" Consi-
dering," wrote Metcalfe, "the efforts which I have always made to
conciliate the Rajah-considering the patience and forbearance
which I have exercised from first to last in my communications
with him-considering that I have been barely acquitted by my
own government of the fault of carrying moderation to a disgraceful
length-and considering, moreover, that the late proceedings at this
Court have put my patience to a severer trial than it had ever
before undergone, I did not expect this charge from the Rajah.”-
[Mr. Metcalfe to Mr. Edmonstone, January 4, 1809.]
214
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
the grandeur of the ceremony, and are little disposed to be
stinted in their demonstrations. Now the Mussulman
sepoys of Metcalfe's escort, according to the custom of their
sect, made a tazeeah at the appointed time, and paraded it
about, with the usual ceremonies, in the neighhourhood of
the mission camp. For three or four days this went on
without interruption; and then Metcalfe was informed that
the display of the tazeeah gave dire offence to the priests
of the great temple of Umritsur. Had he known this
before, he would have prohibited the celebration of the
festival, however unpopular the prohibition might have
been to all the Mahomedans in his camp. As it was-
as the ceremonies were now nearly over-he contented
himself with giving orders that they should be performed for
the future in the most noiseless and unobtrusive manner,
and that the tazeeah should not be any more paraded about
in public. All this was done in concert with Runjeet
Singh, who condemned the bigotry of the priests; and it
was hoped that no evil consequences would arise from this
periodical display of Mahomedan zeal. "I did every-
thing that could be done,” said Metcalfe, reporting the cir-
cumstances to Government, "to prevent any offence being
taken, except destroying the tazeeah itself. That could
not be done without exciting great indignation among the
Mahomedans; and I had a right to expect that within the
precincts of the British camp my attendants would be
protected by the Government in the free exercise of their
religion."
Still further to prevent the possibility of a collision, it
was agreed between Metcalfe and Runjeet that the former
should restrain the sepoys from going into the town, and
that the latter should prevent the people from entering the
mission camp. The English gentleman performed his part
of the compact; the Sikh ruler did not. On the morning
of the 25th of February a party of religious fanatics—
COLLISION WITH THE AKALIS.
215
half-soldiers, half-devotees-known as Akalis, marched out
of the town, with drums beating and colours flying, fol-
lowed by a surging rabble, intent upon the plunder of the
British mission. As they neared our camp, the escort,
headed by Captain Popham, was drawn up in front of it,
whilst Metcalfe sent out some persons to parley with the
excited Sikhs. Still, however, they continued to advance
in the same menacing attitude, and presently opened a
brisk fire on the British camp. It took immediate effect.
Our men were dropping in the ranks. There was now no
time to be lost. Popham proposed that he should advance
upon his assailants; and with Metcalfe's sanction he attacked
them. The movement was a spirited and a successful one.
The Sikhs were seen flying in confusion, and seeking shelter
under the walls of the town.
The disturbance was immediately known to Runjeet, who
rode out to the British camp, and exerted himself to quell
the tumult. But all his endeavours could not quiet the
fanatics. A party of Akalis again assembled and marched
out of the town, threatening another attack on the mission.
During the rest of the day, and all through the night, they
continued in force upon the plain; so Runjeet sent out a
body of his own troops to protect the British camp from
further outrage. On the following day it was removed
to a greater distance from the town, where it remained
unplundered and unmolested, whilst the ceremonies of the
Mohurrum were prosecuted to the end in the quiet manner
originally intended.
The blood that was shed upon this occasion was not shed
in vain. Runjeet, who had before seen our sepoys in the
exercise of mimic war, now saw them in the stern realities
of action. He learnt, for the first time, what was their
temper-what was their steadiness, what their discipline in
actual warfare. This little handful of British soldiers had
routed a vastly superior body of Sikhs; and Runjeet began
1
216
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
to ask himself how, if the people of Hindostan, drilled in
the English fashion, could do such things, the English
themselves must fight; and how it would fare with him if
he were to meet many thousands of them on the banks of
the Sutlej, supported by their far-reaching guns.
So, although this disturbance of course afforded a pre-
text for some further evasions and delays, Runjeet, beset
by obstinate doubts and painful self-questionings, soon
came to the conclusion that a war with the Feringhees
was an event not much to be desired. But still it was
not in the nature of the man to proceed to the performance
of his past promises in a plain, straightforward manner.
The old shifts, however, could not serve him much longer.
Our military preparations were advancing; and already
our attitude was an imposing one. Ochterlony had taken
post on the Sutlej, and had issued a proclamation, declar-
ing all the Sikh states upon the left bank of the river to
be under British protection.* A strong body of troops,
under General St. Leger, was ready to move forward to
his support. Nor was it only his confidence in these
military preparations which, at this time, impelled Met-
calfe to assume a bolder tone in all his negotiations. The
great object for which he had been despatched to Lahore
had now ceased to exist. The whirligig of Time had
rendered an anti-Gallican alliance with the rulers of the
Punjaub a matter of small concern to the British-Indian
Government. It little mattered now whether Runjeet
* The proclamation bears date February 9, 1809.
† These altered circumstances were duly announced to Runjeet.
Writing, subsequently, a letter of recapitulation, Metcalfe said:
"Immediately after I had the honour of receiving your despatch of
the 23rd of January, I informed Runjeet Singh, at a conference
which I had with him, that I had been instructed to intimate to
him that authentic intelligence had been received of the French
having suffered repeated defeats in Europe from his Majesty's
armies and those of his allies; and of their being in embarrassments,
DECIDED MEASURES.
217
were our enemy or our friend. From the path of the
British Envoy this change in the state of our European
politics cleared away a jungle of difficulties and perplexi-
ties. He had now only to support the dignity of the great
nation which he represented; and he was not slow to
recommend the most decided measures, even to the extreme
one of the invasion of the Punjaub. It was with no small
delight that he flung behind him the thought of all further
compromises and concessions, and prepared to give the
signal for the immediate commencement of war.
But awed by the proximity of an event which must
have overwhelmed him in disaster and disgrace, and for
ever checked his career of ambition, Runjeet was now
fulfilling slowly and reluctantly the behests of the British
Government. In the early part of March, Kheir was
restored to its legitimate owners; and now the restitution
of Fureed-kote alone remained. A series of incidents of
the most trivial character delayed the accomplishment of
this; but it was plain to Metcalfe that the Rajah really
designed to fulfil his promise, though he was thwarted by
the trickery or the contumacy of those who, perhaps,
desired to embroil him in a war with the British. In
January he had talked vauntingly of discussing the resti-
tution of Fureed-kote with his chiefs, at the head of his
army on the banks of the Sutlej. But he was now, in
March, again abandoning himself to pleasure, and rather
suffering by his remissness, than really designing or desiring,
the delays which obstructed the fulfilment of his promise.
which would render impracticable the prosecution of those hostile
projects against this country, against which it was the object of my
mission to provide—that, consequently, there was no necessity for
the conclusion of the treaty which I had formerly proposed, or for
any specific engagements between the two states, who were already
bound by the relations of amity and friendship." The announce-
ment had not much effect upon Runjeet. Metcalfe was obliged to
acknowledge that "the Rajah did not express the disappointment
which he had expected."
218
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
From this pleasant forgetfulnesss Metcalfe roused him
by a missive, which flashed the sunlight into his sleeping
face. "The Maha-rajah," he wrote to him on the 26th
of March, "is revelling in delight in the Shalimar gardens,
unmindful of the duties of friendship. What friendship
requires is not done; nor is it doing. I entertained a
great desire and hope that the relations of friendship might
be firmly established through my mediation. I have
nothing now remaining in my power but to require leave
to depart. I, therefore, in the name of the British Govern-
ment, require my dismissal, and trust that the Maha-rajah
will furnish me with a proper escort to conduct me to the
British armies, and prevent any aggression on the part of
the Maha-rajah's army on the way."
To this Runjeet replied that the delights of the garden
of friendship far exceeded the delights of a garden of roses
—that the demand of the British Envoy for an escort
would certainly excite great surprise-and that what he
desired should immediately be done. And steps were
certainly taken to do it. But just at that point of consum-
mation, new difficulties supervened. A dispute arose
about the grain in the fort; and the party sent to hand
over the place to its old legitimate owners, retired without
accomplishing their object. But Runjeet saw that any
further obstructions would work grievously to his detri-
ment. Metcalfe had written to General St. Leger desiring
him to expel the occupants of Fureed-kote, and hinted to
the Rajah that there was yet time to prevent this display
of force. Throughout the whole of these protracted
negotiations, no such potential argument had been used,
though Runjeet now protested against it. "I must
observe," he wrote with a hypocritical naïveté which is
very diverting, "that when matters are settled in an
amicable and friendly way, to talk of armies and such
things is neither necessary nor pleasing to my friendly
SUBMISSION OF RUNJEET.
219
disposition." But the "talk of armies" effected at once
what might, by dallying in the "garden of friendship,"
have been long delayed; and on the 5th of April, Metcalfe
wrote to the Chief Secretary, "I have the honour to
inform you, that Fureed-kote was finally surrendered to
the right owners on the 2nd instant."
So now, after long delays and repeated evasions—after a
systematic display of the most pitiful tortuosity, which
now excited the anger and now the contempt of Metcalfe,
and rendered necessary the exercise not only of consum-
mate ability and address, but of the highest patience and
forbearance-all that the British Government demanded
was done by the Sikh ruler. And then came the question
of the treaty. Whilst on the banks of the Sutlej time
was being wasted in the manufacture of difficulties about
the surrender of Fureed-kote, on the banks of the Hooghly
Lord Minto and his councillors were discussing the expe-
diency of concluding engagements of general amity with
Runjeet Singh. At first it seemed advisable to them, now
that the danger of European invasion had passed away,
not to encumber the Government with any treaties which
might embarrass their future proceedings. But they sub-
sequently considered, that in the event of all our requisi-
tions being complied with by the Sikh chief, it might be
in some sort an act of justice to him to grant the treaty
which Metcalfe had led him to expect, and which he urged
the Supreme Government to allow;* whilst at the same
* This intention was first announced to Metcalfe in a private
letter from Mr. Edmonstone, dated March 14, 1809: "Your letter
of the 15th of February was received on the 11th, and it was yes-
terday resolved to grant a treaty to Runjeet Singh, of general
amity, containing, however, some conditions respecting his troops
on this side the Sutlej. I had occasion to draw up a memorandum
on the subject, and to state in substance the same arguments which
I found so ably stated in your letter, No. 69, which did not arrive
till to-day.
220
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
&
16
time no great harm could result from it if it were unen-
cumbered with inconvenient details. In accordance with
these more mature considerations, instructions were sent
on the 13th of March to the British Envoy, giving him
authority to conclude a treaty with the Rajah, and forward-
ing to him the following draft:-
"Draft of a Treaty between the British Government and the Rajah
of Lahore.
"Whereas certain differences which had arisen between the
British Government and the Rajah of Lahore have been happily
and amicably adjusted, and both parties being anxious to main-
tain the relations of perfect amity and concord, the following
articles of treaty, which shall be binding on the heirs and suc-
cessors of the two parties, have been concluded, by the agency of
C. T. Metcalfe, Esq., on the part of the British Government, and
of [
], on the part of Rajah Runjeet Singh.*
"Art. 1. Perpetual friendship shall subsist between the British
Government and the State of Lahore; the latter shall be con-
sidered, with respect to the former, to be on the footing of the
most favoured powers, and the British Government will have no
concern with the territories and subjects of the Rajah to the north-
ward of the river Sutlej.†
"Art. 2. The Rajah will never maintain in the territory which
he occupies [occupied by him and his dependents] on the left
* In the preamble of the ratified treaty it runs: "By Rajah
Runjeet Singh on his own part, and by the agency of Charles
Theophilus Metcalfe, Esquire, on the part of the British Govern-
ment."
In the original draft of the treaty in Mr. Edmonstone's hand-
writing, there is this addition to the first article; "And on the
other hand the Rajah renounces all claims to sovereignty over the
Sikh chiefs to the southward of that river, and all right of inter-
ference in their concerns." But this passage was subsequently
erased; it was of too general a character; for the Rajah, as the
next article intimates, still held certain tracts of territory, acquired
before the arrival of the mission, on the left or southern bank of
the Sutlej.
The words in brackets were inserted by Metcalfe in the place
of those printed in italics.
CONCLUSION OF THE TREATY.
221
bank of the river Sutlej more troops than are necessary for the
internal duties of that territory, nor commit or suffer any encroach-
ments on the possessions or rights of the chiefs in its vicinity.
"Art. 3. In the event of a violation of any of the preceding
articles, or of a departure from the rules of friendship [on the
part of either state],* this treaty shall be considered to be null and
void.
"Art. 4. This treaty, consisting of four articles, having been
settled and concluded at [
], on the [
] day of
[
],† Mr. C. T. Metcalfe has delivered to the Rajah
of Lahore a copy of the same in English and Persian, under his
seal and signature, and the Rajah has delivered another copy of
the same under his seal and signature, and Mr. C. T. Metcalfe
engages to procure, within the space of two months, a copy of the
same duly ratified by the Right Honourable the Governor-General
in Council, on the receipt of which by the Rajah the present treaty
shall be deemed complete and binding on both parties, and the
copy of it now delivered to the Rajah shall be returned.
"N. B. EDMONSTONE,
"Chief Secretary."
On the receipt of this draft, all his demands having by
this time having been complied with, Metcalfe informed
the Rajah that he was prepared to conclude a treaty of
general amity with him. Runjeet received the announce-
ment with undisguised delight. The treaty, he said, would
silence and shame those who had been endeavouring to
persuade him that the British Government entertained
hostile designs against the Sikh territories. There was no
room now for any further chicanery. Runjeet had nothing
to gain by delay; so, on the 25th of April, 1809, this
treaty was concluded at Umritsur; the blanks in the
descriptive title being filled up with the name of Runjeet
Singh himself.
* These words were inserted by Metcalfe at the request of the
suspicious Rajah. It is remarkable that Cunningham, in his history
of the Sikhs, gives the treaty, as ratified, without Metcalfe's in-
sertions, which Government approved and adopted.
† At Umritsur, on the 25th of February.
222
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
:
*
The business of the mission was now fully accom-
plished; so Metcalfe prepared to return to the British
provinces. "I have this day," he wrote on the 2nd of
May, made my first march from Umritsur towards the
British territories, having finally taken leave of Runjeet
Singh. The departure of the mission took place with
every essential mark of attention and respect on the part
of the Rajah. He visited me on the 28th ultimo, and
received an entertainment at my tents preparatory to our
separation. I visited him on the 30th, accompanied by
the gentlemen attached to the mission, and took leave
publicly with the usual ceremonies. Both these meetings
were convivial and pleasant; and the Rajah's behaviour
was particularly friendly and agreeable. At his particular
request I remained yesterday at Umritsur, and saw him
once more in a private interview, at which his conversation
* It may be mentioned here that Government had originally
intended that the advanced detachment should be withdrawn from
the banks of the Sutlej. But on the earnest representations both
of Metcalfe and Ochterlony the occupation of Loodhianah was
continued, and from that time it became a frontier post. It may
be doubted, however, whether this would have happened but for
an accidental circumstance which caused Government to delay the
withdrawal of the troops. Writing to Metcalfe privately on the
28th of May, Mr. Edmonstone says: "We have heard of the defeat
of the King of Cabul's army in Cashmere, and anticipated Mr.
Elphinstone's awkward situation. You will learn from Mr. Seton
what has been done at Peshawur, and what has been ordered.
This is an unfortunate turn of affairs, but the advantages of the
mission will not have been entirely lost. I have written officially
to head-quarters about leaving the detachment at Loodhianah
until Elphinstone shall have passed, as its presence may possibly
countenance his journey through the Punjaub; although I should
think the Commander-in-Chief would not remove the post until
he heard of the ratification of the treaty, notwithstanding the inti-
mation contained in my last letter that the conclusion of the treaty
would afford a favourable opportunity for the removal of the
detachment."-[MS. Correspondence.]
RESULTS OF THE MISSION.
223
was principally composed of expressions of anxiety for the
permanent maintenance of friendship between the two
states."
At this time Runjeet Singh was in the very flush and
vigour of life. He lived for thirty years afterwards; but
the treaty which he and Metcalfe signed at Umritsur was
never violated during his supremacy in the Punjaub either
by the English or the Sikhs. For a little while doubts
and misgivings on either side may have overshadowed the
relations subsisting between them 1; but confidence was
soon established, and Runjeet learned to respect the nation
which could send forth such representatives as the youthful
Envoy, who had measured himself with him so bravely
and so adroitly during the six months spent at his court.
It is hard to say in how great a degree the long peace,
which was maintained between two warlike and extending
states in provocatory proximity to each other, is to be
attributed to the firmness and address so conspicuous in
the dealings of young Metcalfe with the wily and unscru-
pulous ruler of the Sikhs. But it would be impossible to
read this account of the first mission to Lahore, imper-
fectly as it sets forth all its incidents,* without appre-
ciating the difficulties with which he had to contend, and
* The contents of this chapter are derived from a vast mass of
correspondence, which might have filled some volumes, principally
Metcalfe's narrative letters, by no means diffusely written—and
although this chapter has extended to a length which is dispro-
portionate to the space of time over which the history extends, I
have been compelled to exclude much which would have illustrated
both the difficulties of Metcalfe's position, the address with which
he encountered them, and the strange character and conduct of the
man who, perhaps of all the princes and chiefs of India, made the
name most familiar to English ears. It was during these six
memorable months that Metcalfe's reputation was made. This
was, indeed, the turning-point of his career. He went afterwards
straight on to fame and fortune. And the biographer can hardly,
therefore, lay too great a stress on such a passage of his life.
224
THE MISSION TO LAHORE.
the consummate ability with which he overcame them.
He had numbered at this time but twenty-three years.
Yet the dreams of the Eton cloisters were already realised.
He had "prescribed terms;" he had "concluded a peace."*
What would he have accomplished at this stage of his
career if he had returned to England, and entered “Lord
Grenville's office?"
It need hardly be added, that Metcalfe's conduct at
Lahore was approved and applauded by his employers.
He was sustained and encouraged throughout by the
praises of the Supreme Government, conveyed to him
in the letters of the Chief Secretary; and he said that
he was abundantly rewarded. In private and public
letters alike, his zeal and ability were warmly com-
mended. One sample of each will suffice. Writing
privately to Metcalfe on the 27th of December, Mr.
Edmonstone said, "I can add nothing material to the
expressions already conveyed to you in an official form
of the favourable sentiments which Government entertains
of your general conduct in a situation perhaps as delicate,
difficult, and responsible as any public agent was ever
placed in. I can assure you that Government is perfectly
satisfied of the difficulties and embarrassments which
encompassed you, and admits that the course of conduct
which you pursued was countenanced by the spirit of
your instructions
Upon the whole, your mind may
enjoy all the satisfaction—a satisfaction which you, indeed,
must amply merit, that can arise from the conviction that
Government entertains the highest opinion of your zeal,
ability, judgment, and exertions." And when the work
was done and the treaty was exchanged, these commenda-
tions took official shape, and, taking a retrospect of all the
past circumstances of the mission, the same high functionary
thus finally announced to the departing Envoy the admira-
* See ante, page 8.
4
APPLAUSE OF THE GOVERNMENT.
225
tion with which the Supreme Government contemplated
his entire conduct: "During the course of your arduous
ministry at the Court of Lahore, the Governor-General in
Council has repeatedly had occasion to record his testi-
mony of your zeal, ability, and address in the execution of
the duties committed to your charge. His Lordship in
Council, however, deems it an obligation of justice, at the
close of your mission, generally to declare the high sense
which he entertains of the distinguished merit of your
services and exertions in a situation of more than ordinary
importance, difficulty and responsibility, to convey to you
the assurance of his high approbation, and to signify to
you that the general tenor of your conduct in the arduous
negotiations in which you have been engaged has established
a peculiar claim to public applause, respect, and esteem."
VOL. I.
I
蟹
​..
226
ķ
CHAPTER IX.
[1809-1811]
TRANSITION YEARS.
Approbation of Lord Minto-Metcalfe's Visit to the Presidency—
Meeting with his Brother-Appointment to the Deputy-
Secretaryship-Voyage to Madras-Return to Calcutta.
Appointment to the Residency at Scindiah's Court-Letters.
from Lord Minto-Translation to the Delhi Residency-The
Foundation of Charles Metcalfe's Fortune.
THE admiration which Charles Metcalfe's conduct at the
Sikh Court had excited in the breast of the Governor-
General was not now to be suffered to expend itself in a
few stereotyped phrases of official commendation. It was
not a mere formal demonstration; it was a living reality,
and was likely to become an abiding one. Lord Minto
desired to know the man who had done such great things
for his government. He was interested in the personal
character of the young statesman, and was eager to com-
municate with him face to face. So it happened that
Metcalfe had scarcely reached his old home at Delhi, when
a private letter from the chief secretary came with the
intimation that the Governor-General desired to see him
at the Presidency. "I am authorised to inform you,”
wrote Mr. Edmonstone, "that you are perfectly at liberty
to proceed to Calcutta. The Governor-General, indeed, is
desirous of being personally acquainted with you, and of
having an opportunity of conversing with you on the
JOURNEY TO CALCUTTA.
I
227
affairs in which you have been so long and arduously
engaged. But it would be proper that you should apply
officially for leave to come to the Presidency. You need
not, however, await the answer. This intimation you
may consider as sufficient authority. Favour me with
a line of application on your receipt of this, and set off
as soon as it may suit your convenience."* Little time
was lost after the receipt of this letter; Metcalfe was
soon upon his way to Calcutta.
to Calcutta. There were others whom
he desired to see there beside the noble lord at the head
of the Government. Theophilus Metcalfe, with his wife
and little daughter, had come round from China to Calcutta
in the early part of the year, for the benefit of Mrs.
Metcalfe's health, and Charles was eager now to embrace
his brother and sister and make the acquaintance of his
little niece. Public and private considerations, therefore,
both urged him to make all speed to the Presidency. He
had reached Delhi on his return from the Punjaub on the
6th of June. The 8th of July found him in Calcutta.
But before the journey had been accomplished Lord
Minto had ceased to disturb himself about the countries
lying between the banks of the Sutlej and the base of the
Hindoo-Koosh. Dangers more pressing and more palpable
than any that had been looked for in the direction of
Central Asia, were now threatening the British-Indian
Government from the southern part of the Indian penin-
sula. The coast army was in a state of feverish excite-
ment
almost, indeed, upon the borders of absolute
rebellion. It was not a revolt of the soldiers, but of the
officers of the Madras army. The abolition of certain
privileges by which the higher grades of the service
had been long suffered to enrich themselves, had caused
great dissatisfaction, which subsequent circumstances had
* MS. Correspondence, Calcutta, May 28, 1809.
誉
​+
I 2
228
TRANSITION YEARS.
i
aggravated, until the civil and military authorities were
in a state of open and violent antagonism. The
The power of
the Governor, Sir George Barlow, was set at naught;
seditious meetings were held: inflammatory resolutions
were passed; and the entire Government of the Presi-
dency, under the convulsions that had arisen, seemed to
be hovering upon the extreme verge of dissolution.
In this state of affairs it appeared to Lord Minto that
his presence upon the scene of these disturbances was
necessary to their extinction. So he determined at once.
to proceed to Madras. But he did not forget Charles
Metcalfe, whom he had invited to visit him in Calcutta.
It occurred to the Governor-General that he could not,
upon this painful expedition to the coast, take with him any
one more likely to be of service to him than the sometime
Envoy to Lahore. So, on the 15th of July, the Chief
Secretary wrote to Metcalfe that the Governor-General in
Council had been "pleased to appoint him Deputy-
Secretary to the Right Honourable the Governor-General
during his lordship's absence from the Presidency."*
After a brief sojourn in Calcutta, rendered interesting
to him by the presence of Theophilus and his family,
Charles Metcalfe, accompanying Mr. Edmonstone, left the
Presidency on the 5th of August, to proceed down the
river to join his ship. On the 9th, the Governor-General
embarked. The voyage from Calcutta to Madras occupies
a week or a month, according to the season. In the month
of August, when a vessel bound for the southern coast
meets the south-west monsoon in the Bay of Bengal,
the passage is seldom made under the latter period of
time. So it was not until the 11th of September that,
after a tedious, zig-zag voyage, rendered comfortless by
* His salary was fixed at 2,000 rupees a month-the same
amount that he had drawn on the Lahore Mission.
RESIDENCE AT MADRAS.
229
continual rain and baffling winds, Lord Minto was enabled
to announce his arrival at Madras.
Of this visit to the Southern Presidency the records are
but scanty. The ministerial capacity in which Charles
Metcalfe acted at this time afforded no opportunities for
independent action, and the incidents of the Madras dis-
turbances of 1809 scarcely belong to the career of the
Bengal civilian.
His residence on the coast was not
distasteful to him. "You know Madras well," he wrote
to his aunt, Mrs. Monson, on the 13th of November.
"In some respects I like it better than Calcutta." He
appears to have spent some time in Mr. Cassamaijor's
house,* and to have greatly enjoyed the society of a family
that has never been wanting in amiable and attractive
members. At the close of the year he visited Mysore;†
and at the commencement of 1810, having returned to
Madras, he received the afflicting intelligence of the death
of his sister-in-law, to whom he was sincerely attached.
"Poor Theophilus," he wrote on the 10th of February
from the Ameerbaugh, where he was residing with the
Governor-General, "has lost his darling wife, who was
really one of the most sensible, the most amiable, the
most virtuous of women. I received accounts of this
afflicting event about a month ago. Theophilus goes
home with his sweet little daughter, and will be with
you almost as soon as this letter." There was no more
* Mr. Cassamaijor was at this time a member of the Madras
Council.
† He went there, I believe, to visit his old friend Arthur Cole.
I have before me a letter from Lord Minto to Metcalfe, dated
"Madras, December 14, 1809," and endorsed, "Answered from
Mysore, December, 1809." In this letter the Governor-General
says: "I hope you have by this time afforded another proof of
your diplomatic powers by making my peace with Mr. Cole, and
that he will not have proved implacable in the hands of one who
gained the tender affections of Runjeet Singh."
230
TRANSITION YEARS.
observable, as there was no more beautiful trait in Charles
Metcalfe's character, from very early boyhood to the close
of his career, than the depth of his sympathies—
"He could afford to suffer
With those whom he saw suffer."
And when he wrote strongly of the afflictions of others, it
was because he felt them strongly himself.
On the 12th of May, Lord Minto held a farewell levee
at the Ameerbaugh, and afterwards crossed the surf, with
his suite, on his way to the Modeste frigate, which was to
convey him to Calcutta.*
The monsoon was now all in
his favour, and after a pleasant passage of a week's
duration, he ascended the steps of the Chandpaul Ghat,
the chief landing-place of Calcutta, and was welcomed
back by the members of council and the chief officers
of the staff. A very few days after this, Charles Metcalfe
left Calcutta by dawk, on his way to Banda, whence he
was to take the shortest route to Scindiah's camp. He had
been appointed to act as Resident at the Court of Dowlut
Rao Scindiah, in the place of Mr. Græme Mercer, who had
signified his wish to be relieved from the duties of his
office, in order that he might proceed to England by the
first ship of the ensuing season.
It was with no great elation of spirit that Metcalfe
travelled northward to join his appointment. And there
was nothing in the environments of the Residency to give
him pleasure after his arrival. It is true that he had not
now, as ten years before, to pitch his camp upon a
plain, sickly with the foul odour of decaying corpses.
The court had recently been removed from Oujein to
Gwalior; and the times were as pacific as they are ever
* It would appear, however, from a memorandum in a private
account-book which I have chanced upon since this was written,
that Metcalfe left Madras on the 8th, and reached Calcutta on the
15th of May."
}
RESIDENCE AT SCINDIAH'S COURT.
231
wont to be in native states, where domestic anarchy is
so often the succedaneum for foreign war. Whether it
were that there was nothing in the state of public affairs
to evoke his energies, or whether there were any personal
circumstances which rendered his situation disagreeable
to him, I do not distinctly know; but he spoke of it with
evident distaste in his letters to his family, and all his
after references to it were in the same strain.*
But this second residence at Scindiah's court was not
destined to be of long continuance. At the commence-
ment of the following year (1811) an opportunity, of
which Lord Minto was eager to avail himself, occurred
for the translation of Charles Metcalfe to the Delhi Resi-
dency. A Governor was to be found for Prince of Wales'
Island, and the appointment was offered to Mr. Seton. In
anticipation of his acceptance of it, the Governor-General
wrote the following letter, in a style of pleasant familiarity
more complimentary to the recipient than if it had been
couched in language of the most laboured panegyric:
LORD MINTO TO MR METCALFE.
"Calcutta, February 20, 1811.
“MY DEAR SIR,-You may possibly have already heard, although
it is yet in the Secret Department, that an offer has been made to
Mr. Seton of the government of Prince of Wales' Island; and
although it might be thought that he would consider his present
situation the most eligible of the two, I have some reasons for sup-
posing that he will be inclined to accept the proposal. In that
event, I shall with (or without) your consent, name you to the
Residency of Delhi. I know your martial genius and your love
* Of the eight or nine months which Metcalfe spent at Scindiah's
Court in 1810-11, the records are remarkably scanty in comparison
with those which illustrate all the antecedent and all the subse-
quent epochs of his life. The deficiency is, however, of but slight
importance; for he was then merely in a transition-state, and
nothing occurred which had any noticeable influence either upon
his character or his career.
232
TRANSITION YEARS.
of camps; but besides that inclination must yield to duty, this
change will appear to fall in not inopportunely with some infor-
mation and some sentiments conveyed in your letter to me of the
3rd instant. If you ask my reasons for so extraordinary a choice,
I can only say that, notwithstanding your entire ignorance of
everything connected with the business of Delhi-a city which, I
believe, you never saw; and with Cis and Trans-Sutlejean affairs,
of which you can have only read; and notwithstanding your equal
deficiency in all other more general qualifications, I cannot find a
better name in the list of the Company's servants; and hope,
therefore, for your indulgence on the occasion.
"I fancy that you must have given me a sly bite, for I am going
campaigning myself, and expect to embark about the 3rd or 4th of
March for Java, touching at Madras, where I hope to get on board
the Modeste. It is so difficult to anticipate the important, but
delicate points likely to arise in the prosecution of this enterprise,
and it would be so impossible to decide them satisfactorily without
information, which cannot be obtained at a distance, that I am
satisfied I should acquit myself imperfectly of this duty, if I did
not approach, or rather convey myself to the very scene of action.
My absence cannot be shorter than six months, and may be some-
what more.
"Believe me ever, my dear sir,
"Most sincerely and affectionately yours,
"MINTO."
After the lapse of a few days, in the interval of which
Mr. Seton's answer had been received, Lord Minto wrote
again to Charles Metcalfe on the subject of the Delhi
Residency, in a graver and more business-like style:
LORD MINTO TO CHARLES METCALFE.
Calcutta, February 26, 1811.
"MY DEAR SIR,-I have received Mr. Seton's answer. He
accepts the government of Prince of Wales' Island with the proviso
that the appointment is to be considered temporary, and that he
shall be at liberty to return to Delhi when the particular emer-
gency which now invites him to the eastward shall have passed
away. That emergency is the proposed conquest of the Dutch
settlements in Java. But I conceive the services of Mr. Seton at
Prince of Wales' Island will continue to be very important some
time after the object has been accomplished at Java; for, con-
OFFER OF THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
233
sidering the great distance of Calcutta, I confess I should wish,
that whoever is charged with the administration of our new terri-
tories, should have the benefit of communicating intermediately
with Mr. Seton, and obtaining such advice as his on the many
novel and delicate affairs likely to arise in the first period of our
connection with a new and extensive country. I should, therefore,
conjecture, that he may be absent from Delhi at least one year. I
dwell upon these circumstances, as you will perceive that they
affect your situation, and that your appointment to Delhi cannot
be depended upon as so permanent as I understood it was likely to
be at the date of my last letter. I trust, however, that you will
feel no disinclination to accept it under the circumstances which I
have described. I am anxious that the temporary nature of the
arrangement should be known to the parties alone who are con-
cerned-I mean to Mr. Seton, and the few whose new appointments
must be understood by themselves to be temporary. I propose
that, in the event of Mr. Seton's return to Delhi, you should resume
your present mission; that your successor (Richard Strachey)
should return to the Foreign Settlements, and so on; with the
condition, however, that if anything more eligible than your
present office should open during the interval, it shall be reserved
for you, if no particular obstacle should stand in the way.
"As I propose to sail on the 7th of March, if possible, and your
answer to this letter cannot be received at Calcutta so soon, I shall
leave your appointment at Delhi behind me, to be published when
your acceptance arrives. It will be absolute, as you collect from
this letter, in form; and nothing conditional or provisional will
appear upon the face of it. If Mr. Seton should return, it will be
time enough to explain the particulars which attended your
appointment.
"I have now to thank you, my dear sir, for your friendly felici-
tations on the reduction of the French Islands; and being assured,
as I am, of their sincerity, I hope you will believe that your kind
concern in these events and in any influence they may have upon
my credit is, next to the public benefit, one of the greatest and
most sensible pleasures I experience on the occasion.
"Believe me ever, my dear sir,
'Sincerely and affectionately yours,
"MINTO."
The offer was accepted. But the acceptance had been
already assumed; and before Metcalfe's answer was received,
234
TRANSITION YEARS.
he had been formerly appointed to act as Resident at Delhi.
And now the Chief Secretary congratulated him on the
distinction, and intimated his belief that the new incumbent
would soon be permanently appointed to the honourable
post.
So Charles Metcalfe proceeded to Delhi,* and Mr.
Strachey, who had accompanied Elphinstone's mission in
the capacity of secretary, was appointed Resident at
Scindiah's court.
It was during the period embraced in this brief chapter,
that Charles Metcalfe laid the foundation of the fortune
which he subsequently amassed. Whilst at Madras, not
being overwhelmed with business, he determined to begin
keeping accounts of his pecuniary transactions, with unde-
viating regularity-and he determined, moreover, to save
money. With such "good intentions" as these, the hell
of financial embarrassment is too frequently paved. All
*The grounds of Metcalfe's selection for this important post
were stated officially by Lord Minto in a minute, which he recorded
under date February 25, 1811, and in which, after speaking of
Mr. Seton's eminent services, he says:
"I should be unwilling to withdraw Mr. Seton from the duties
of the Residency at Delhi which he has discharged with such
distinguished ability and success, and with such eminent advantage
to the public, if I were not convinced that the gentleman whom I
propose to be his successor possesses qualifications which bear a
strong affinity to those of Mr. Seton, and that under his super-
intendence our important interests in that quarter will continue to
be conducted with undiminished success.
"The gentleman whom I propose for the situation is Mr. Met-
calfe. His long personal experience and agency in the political
concerns of that quarter, especially in the affairs of Lahore, and
in the actual duties of the Residency, combined with his approved
talents, judgment, and discretion, his conciliatory manners and
firmness of character, qualify him in a peculiar degree to be the
successor to Mr. Seton; and I am persuaded that the charge of
the extensive and important affairs of that Residency could not be
transferred to more able and efficient hands."
THE FOUNDATION OF A FORTUNE.
235
men at some period of their lives make these wise resolu-
tions; but few have constancy to keep them. From this
time, however, Charles Metcalfe kept, I believe, without
intermission, a minute account of his receipts and disburse-
ments. He was the most liberal and most generous of men
—but he died in possession of a fortune which would have
creditably sustained the peerage he had won.
At the beginning of 1810, when he had just completed
his twenty-fifth year, he wrote on one of the first pages of
a new account-book-"I commence this account with a
determination to lay by, henceforth for ever, a sum equal
to 1007. per mensem, to lay the foundation of a fortune. I
have 2,000 rupees per mensem. I find by calculation, that
my expenses are at present 1,200 rupees per mensem,* and
I mean to save 8001007.”
The system which he
adopted was a very simple and intelligible one; and it is
curious to trace its working. "It is my intention," he
wrote, “at the end of every month to enter a report on the
result displayed by the accounts of that month, in order
that I may see how far the plan I have laid down for
myself succeeds. Now, therefore, I proceed to the financial
report for the month of February. The amount expended
in this month is as follows.
But before I note it
down, I will lay down an outline of my plan for the
examination of the result of each month. I take first the
amount of my salary, which is at present 2,000 rupees.
From this I deduct the amount of all expenses that I am
aware of having incurred. From the balance then left. I
deduct 1007., or 800 rupees, to form a fund which is to
4
* To account for this expenditure, which is by no means incon-
siderable when it is remembered that Charles Metcalfe was a
single man, and a member, I presume, of Lord Minto's family at
the time, I should mention what he himself has recorded, that he
had left "an establishment of servants at Calcutta and another at:
Delhi." He had been unwilling that his dependents should suffer
by his absence, and still retained many of them in his pay.
236
TRANSITION YEARS.
make my fortune, and which I will term the 'accumu-
lating fund.' The amount which remains after these
deductions is to form a fund for contingent expenses, which
I will call the 'contingent fund.' If the contingent fund
increases, and is more than equal to meet all the demands
that may come upon it, then I may consider my finances to
be in a very prosperous state; and when it is safe to do so,
I may apply the surplus of the contingent fund as an
increase to the accumulating fund. On the other hand, if
the contingent fund should be unequal to meet the demands
upon it, then I must of necessity draw upon the accumu-
lating fund, and my scheme will have failed."
For the first two or three months the result was satis-
factory. He regularly set aside the stipulated 1007. for the
accumulating fund, and at the end of March he found that
he had 289 sicca rupees, or something more than 1007. in
the contingent fund. So he wrote in his account-book,
under date April 1-"The account for March presents a
favourable prospect of the practicability of the scheme
which I have laid down for myself." It was so encouraging,
indeed, that a few days afterwards he sent off 200 rupees
for the purchase of tickets in the Calcutta Lottery.* Those
were days when most men entertained hopes of growing
rich per saltum through the agency of these Presidency
lotteries, and some had so much faith in them that they
dispensed altogether with the slower process of hoarding
money. It was on account of this purchase that Metcalfe
was now obliged to record that the April results were not
as favourable as those of March. "The account for April,"
he wrote, "though not so favourable as that of March,
still shows a progressive increase both in the accumulating
* “ April 12.-Wrote to Calcutta for two tickets in the lottery
to be drawn in July. The damage will be 200 rupees." I do not
observe in the July memoranda any entrance under the head of
lottery on the receipt side of the account.
།
THE FOUNDATION OF A FORTUNE.
237
and contingent funds. But heavy expenses are coming on
in May, the prospect of which is alarming." In this month
of May he passed from Madras to Calcutta, and he had
extraordinary expenses to meet at both places. The
system had not been sufficiently long in operation—the
contingent fund was not sufficiently large-to bear such a
drain upon it. So at the end of the month, having found
that nothing had been added to the accumulating fund,
and that there was a deficiency of 106 rupees on the con-
tingent fund, he wrote in his memorandum-book—“" The
plan with which I set out at the beginning of the year has
thus been shown to have failed, and a deficit has arisen to
the amount above stated."
In thus declaring the failure of his scheme he was a little
too candid. The result was not to be fairly estimated after
an experiment of only a few months. One extraordinary
item, entered in this month of May, was sufficient to cover
the entire deficit. It is an item at which he had no need
to blush, although it disturbed, for a time, his financial
projects, and impelled him to record that he had failed-
"Subscription for the benefit of Dr. Reid's family, 1,000
rupees." In those days it was no uncommon thing for some
well-known and highly-esteemed member of society, carried
off suddenly by one of the diseases of the country, to leave
a wife and family behind him in a state of utter destitu-
tion. Nor was it an uncommon thing for the friends and
acquaintances of the deceased-and many who were neither
friends nor acquaintances—to raise a subscription for the
benefit of his family sufficient to send them to England, and
to keep them from want for all the rest of their days. It
was to one of these subscriptions that Charles Metcalfe had
now subscribed 1,000 rupees. If he had not subscribed
it he could have added the monthly 100l. to his accumu-
lating fund, and retained a small balance in the contingent
one.
238
TRANSITION YEARS.
J
But the failure if it were one-was soon redeemed..
He had scarcely recorded it when he discovered that he
was richer than he had supposed. He received his account-
current from his agents, and it appeared from the state of
it that he could make good the deficit of which he had
spoken, and set his system at work again. At the com-
mencement of the mercantile year there was a balance in
his favour, which, after deducting the amounts belonging to
his accumulating fund, and the payments he had since
made on the contingent account, still left him for present
purposes more than 15,000 rupees. “This last remainder,”
he wrote, “I shall at present throw into the contingent
fund, but when my accounts (with the Government) come
to be settled, I expect that it will be all absorbed." There
was money owing to him on the other side, and as all that
he wanted was a little floating capital, his system was soon
again in successful operation. Month after month he added
1007. to his accumulating fund; and at the end of the year,
with 1,2007. to his credit on this account, he had a balance
of 2,000 rupees in the contingent fund to commence the
year without misgivings.* From this time he went on
steadily, adding to his savings-sometimes spending more
than the amount of his salary, but never more than his
income. Money brought high interest in those days, and
the accumulating fund soon became productive.
I need not pursue any further the history of Charles
Metcalfe's accumulations. I purposed only to show how he
set about the work; and the little which I have exhibited
of his system is not without both interest and instruction.
*It had at one time reached 5,000 rupees. But his salary at
Scindiah's Court was less by 500 rupees a month than it had been
at Lahore and Madras. In the December account, too, there were
some extraordinary disbursements. Among others, "Paid at
Madras-remainder of subscription to a masquerade given in
January last, 1,500 rupees."
CHARLES METCALFE'S GENEROSITY.
239
There is one remark, however, which ought to be made in
this place, for it is necessary to the right understanding of
the fine character which I am attempting to illustrate.
Even at this early period of his career, when his accumu-
lations were but scanty, he was a ready lender to men less
fortunate or less prudent than himself. There are many
still living—and many have passed away-who have tasted
largely of Charles Metcalfe's open-handed kindliness; and
some who owe all their success in life to his seasonable
intervention in their behalf. As he grew older, he did not
grow more worldly-wise. But it was an abiding source of
consolation to him, that although now and then his gene-
rosity may have been misplaced, it fell for the most part
on good soil, and fructified in gratitude, if not in reforma-
tion.*
* In the entries of the year 1810 there is the sum of 2,711
rupees (about 3007.) lent to Lieutenant C—. The name, with
characteristic delicacy, is only thus initialised in the account-book.
At the end of the year Metcalfe wrote: "Cash lent or advanced is
hereafter to be put down as an inefficient balance, and not as a
disbursement. The money lent, therefore, as per August and
November, 1810, accounts, to Lieutenant C- is now to be
brought into an inefficient fund." As years advanced, the ineffi-
cient fund amounted to some thousands of pounds.
,
.
240
CHAPTER X.
[1811-1814.]
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.'
Duties of the Resident-Metcalfe's Opinions of his Position-
Letters to Mrs. Monson-Appointed Permanently to the
Residency-Drawbacks and Annoyances-The Royal Family
of Delhi-Removal of Metcalfe's Assistants-Letter from
Lord Minto-Expenses of the Residency-Censures of the
Court of Directors-Metcalfe's Defence-Administration of
the Delhi Territory.
So Charles Metcalfe, now at the age of twenty-six, found
himself the incumbent of an appointment coveted by the
oldest officers of both services-an appointment which, in
respect of its importance, its responsibility, and its distinc-
tion, was not exceeded by any other in India below the
seats at the Council-boards of Government. The duties
of the Delhi Resident were onerous and complex. The
residents at other courts were simply diplomatists. They
were bound to confine themselves to the political duties of
their situation, and to refrain from all interference with
the internal administration of the country in which they
resided. But the Delhi Resident was at once a diplomatist
and an administrator. It was his duty not only to super-
intend the affairs of the pensioned Mogul and his family,
but to manage the political relations of the British Govern-
ment with a wide expanse of country studded with petty
principalities, ignorant alike of their duties and their
interests, and often in their ignorance vexatious in the
DUTIES OF THE RESIDENT.
241
extreme. It was his duty, too, to superintend the internal
government of all the Delhi territory-to preside over the
machinery of the revenue collection and the administration
of justice, and to promote by all possible means the
development of the resources of the country and the
industry and happiness of the people. He addressed
himself to his work with a brave resolution. He might,
perhaps, have taken deeper interest in it, if he had been
more certain of his tenure of office-if he had believed
that he would remain to see the results of his activity-
but he could not have laboured more zealously or more
diligently in his vocation. The return of Mr. Seton to
Delhi was always probable; sometimes it seemed almost
certain. And there was something dispiriting in this.
For the longer Charles Metcalfe sojourned at the imperial
city, the more attached he grew to the place and to the
people, whilst the residency at Scindiah's Court, to which
he would have returned, had no attractions for him. But
whatever might be the event, his professional success was
now an established fact; and only death could interpose
itself between him and the great goal of fame and fortune.
(C
He had social duties to perform as well as those of
diplomacy and administration. The Resident was a great
man-he had a court of his own, and a large monthly
allowance from Government to support it in a state of
becoming splendour. He kept open house. He had what
was called a Family "-all the officers attached to the
Residency, with their wives and children, were members
of it. In the Resident's house all passing travellers of rank
found ready entertainment. Hospitality here put on its
best apparel. The new Delhi Resident was just the man
to carry himself bravely as the representative of the British
nation at an Eastern court. His liberality was of the
best kind. It was Charles Metcalfe's nature to give freely;
he was bountiful without ostentation, and no man ever left
242
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
!
his house without carrying with him a grateful recollection
of the kindliness and the geniality of his host, and cherishing
it as one of those pleasant memories which he would not
willingly let die.
But it may be doubted whether Charles Metcalfe was
happy at this time. He was naturally of a cheerful dispo-
sition, and he had too much mental occupation to dwell
long or frequently upon the necessary drawbacks of his
situation. But there were times when he thought that
for even his brilliant position he had paid somewhat too
dearly; and when he took up his pen to discourse with
some member of his distant family, the old clouds which
had gathered over him during the first years of his Indian
residence began to overshadow him again, and he spoke
doubtfully of the apparent advantages of his present, and
the promises of his future life. In the following letter to
his aunt he dwells feelingly upon the darker side of even
the most successful Indian career. His cousin, William
Monson,* had been intended for the Indian Civil Service,
but he was an only child, and his mother, with a wise
discretion which it will be seen Charles Metcalfe highly
commended, subsequently determined to detain him at
home:
CHARLES METCALFE TO THE HON. MRS. MONSON.
"Delhit Residency, September 10, 1811.
“MY DEAREST AUNT,-I have had the pleasure of receiving your
letter of January 7. So far am I from condemning you for
resigning William's intended appointment to this country, that I
decidedly think you have done that which is best calculated to
promote his happiness and your own, by keeping him at home.
* The present Lord Monson, to whom I am indebted for these
letters and much other valuable assistance rendered to me in the
course of my preparation of this Memoir.
་
† I have substituted the more familiar orthography for Metcalfe's
unvarying “Dihlee.”
LETTER TO MRS. MONSON.
243
My father, I conclude, will blame you; for he thinks nothing
equal to an appointment to this country.. I confess that my ideas:
are different. Why should you make yourself and William
miserable by parting never perhaps to meet again? Why doom
him to transportation from everything dear to him? What is
there in India to recompense for such sufferings? Fortunes, as
you justly observe, are not made rapidly. Take my situation. I
have been more than eleven years from England; and it will be
certainly more than eleven years before I can return. In these
twenty-two or twenty-four years the best part of my life will have
passed away that part in which all my feelings will have been
most alive to the different sensations of happiness and misery
arising out of different circumstances. I left my father and mother
just as I became acquainted with them as a man. I have not once
had their cheering smile to encourage my labours in my profession..
When I return, should they both be alive-which I pray to God.
that they may be-I shall, indeed, have the happiness of attending
on their declining years; but, alas! how much cause shall I have
to lament that I was doomed by my fate not to see them from the
days of boyhood to those of their extreme old age?. But suppose.
that they should not be alive, and when one considers that my
father must live to be eighty to allow me to see him again, it is
enough to make one tremble, though I still hope. Suppose, I say,.
that they should not be alive, what will then be my situation?
The thought is too horrible to dwell upon. See my sisters. I
left them children, I shall find them old women-married, perhaps,.
into families which will not care one farthing about me, and whose
habits it will not suit me to associate with. Take the worst, and
what a melancholy situation I may be in when I return to
England! Where will be my connections, my friendships, and
even my acquaintance? Unknown in society, and even shunned
as being an Indian, I certainly will never push my way into the
society of fine lords and ladies, who may turn up their noses and
think me highly honoured by being in their presence.
+
"Neither will I ever fall back and take up my post in the ranks.
of Indian society. I recollect what it was, and know what it is.
and that society will not suit me. I shall not be able to afford to
spend all my income on dinners and balls, houses, coaches, and
servants. Money was made for better uses, and, by God's grace,
I hope to apply mine to some of them. A dull, solitary life, is the
one that I shall, most likely, taking all chances, be obliged to
pursue. And what shall I have gained by making so many
244
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
sacrifices? Money-and not more, perhaps, than I might have
gained (I allow not probably) by a profession in England. And
it must be remembered, that I have been uncommonly fortunate
in my present profession. So you see, my dear aunt, I think you
perfectly right. Do not suppose from the above, that I am unhappy
or discontented. I have long since reconciled myself to my fate,
and am contented and as happy as one far from his friends can be.
I do not allow unpleasant thoughts to enter my mind, and if I do
not enjoy what is beyond my reach-the inexpressible pleasure of
family society-I at least am always cheerful, and never unhappy.
My father did what he thought best for me; and it is satisfactory
to me to reflect, that my career in India, except as to fortune, must
have answered his expectations. It has been successful beyond
any merits, that I am aware of, in myself. I hold now, as Resident
at Delhi, a situation which I consider without exception in every
respect the highest in the country beneath the members of Govern-
ment;
and I do not wish to quit this situation until I quit India.
"I hope to lay by at the rate of 3,000l. per annum, which in
twelve or fifteen years ought to be enough to enable me to live at
home in the plain manner in which I mean to live as an old
bachelor; for, you must know, that I have no thought of ever
marrying, as I shall never have money enough for it, unless I
consent, which I will not do, to spend the whole of it on what is
termed living. In that case, I should be poor in the midst of
thousands. Then only can I consider myself rich when I have
the command of money to gratify such inclinations as may
arise.
"I
"I am ever, my dear aunt,
"Your attached nephew,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.
"Delhi Residency, November 16, 1811.
“MY DEAR AUNT,-From circumstances which are likely to last
as long as I remain at Delhi, I am now so overloaded with business
that I never can get rid of it before nine o'clock at night. This
will account to you for my not writing oftener. I am obliged to
let my family dine without me in order to write this; but the
pleasure of communicating with you is not to be lost.
R
Ꭱ
has some idea of going to England, but I do not conceive
that it will be fulfilled. An old Indian takes a long time to deter-
mine to quit his emoluments, and put his foot on board a ship for
LETTERS TO MRS. MONSON.
245
England. Many is the Indian who dies of staying 'one year
longer' in the country, like the gentleman on whose tombstone is
inscribed,
'Here lies Mr. Wandermere,
Who was to have gone home next year.'
I hope that this will be neither R's case nor mine.
"I am likely to return to Scindiah's camp, for Mr. Seton
threatens to return to Delhi. He is now Governor of Prince of
Wales' Island; but he accepted that appointment on condition,
that if he should not like to keep it, he might return to Delhi. In
his last letter to me, he announces his intention of availing himself
of that condition; and I shall be obliged to turn out for him, to
my great regret. I shall be no loser in a pecuniary way; but I
consider the Residency at Delhi infinitely superior to that in
Scindiah's camp.
"I expect, or rather hope, that Theophilus will marry before
he quits England. He is calculated for marriage, and requires it,
I think. For my part, I shall never marry. My principal reason
for thinking that I positively shall never marry, is the difficulty of
two dispositions uniting so exactly as to produce that universal
harmony which is requisite to form the perfect happiness that is
indispensable to make the married state desirable. But little do I
know what is to befall me.
•
"Ever most affectionately yours,
"C. T. METCALFE."
A few more passages from letters written to the same
much-respected correspondent during the first years of his
residence at Delhi-passages illustrative of the feelings with
which he regarded his position in India may be given in
this place. They show how little he had ceased to yearn
after home-how little time had impaired the strength of
his domestic affections:
To-morrow will be Christmas-day, when all
friends meet at home. I have a party of fifty to dine with me,
among whom I cannot reckon one real friend. What a blank it is
to live in such a society! I have lately been overwhelmed with
visitors-Sir George and Lady Nugent,* Colonel and Lady Char-
* Sir George Nugent was the new Commander-in-Chief.
246
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
lotte Murray, and twenty others of the same party, have been my
guests for eight or ten days. They are gone. I found them all
very pleasant. But I often wish that I had some cottage to retire
to, where I might live in obscurity and uninterrupted solitude for
a time. I feel myself out of my element in attempting to support
the appearance which attaches to the situation I hold."-[Delhi,
December 24, 1812.]
CC.
more.
*
T
Tom is arrived.
•
Poor fellow! He
has a long time before him; but, perhaps, not longer than I have.
It is not improbable that I may remain eighteen or twenty years
I cannot say that approve of the plan of
sending children out to India for all their lives. There is no other
service in which a man does not see his friends sometimes. Here
it is perpetual banishment. There was a good reason for sending
sons to India when fortunes were made rapidly, and they returned
home. But if a man is to slave all his life, he had better do so, in
my opinion, in his own country, where he may enjoy the society of
his friends, which I call enjoying life.
Do not suppose
;
that I am discontented, and make myself unhappy. It is my fate,
and I am reconciled to it. The time may come, if ever I am able
to set myself down at home with a comfortable fortune, when I
shall confess that my destiny was a favourable one, and shall be
able to look back to past annoyances with composure. But can
anything be a recompense to me in this world for not seeing my
dear and honoured father, from the days of my boyhood to the day
of his death—and, perhaps, the same with regard to my mother?
I think not-decidedly not. At present, notwithstanding my
uncommon good fortune, I am not convinced that it is conducive
to a man's happiness to send him to seek his fortune in India."
[Delhi, March 6, 1813.]
I cannot describe to you how much I am worked.
And if I could, there would be no pleasure either to you or me in
the detail. I will, therefore, pass over that for awhile, and endea-
vour to forget my plagues. Tom arrived here on the 18th.† I am
very much pleased with him, and think him a superior young man.
* His younger brother, Thomas Theophilus Metcalfe, who had
come out to India in the Company's Civil Service.
†The younger Metcalfe, by the spontaneous kindness of Lord
Minto, had been appointed an Assistant to the Delhi Resident.
.
LETTERS TO MRS. MONSON.
247
I will answer for his doing well. He distinguished himself very
much in College, and got out by his own exertions in less than four
months. Here he and I are together; and here we shall remain
for many and many a long year, consoling each other as well as
we can for the absence of all other friends.
I shall see
you, I hope, in eighteen years !"-[Delhi, November 2, 1813.]
It is very kind in you to wish me home; and I
assure you that I wish myself at home most ardently. Neverthe-
less, as the sacrifices which a man must make who comes to India
have been made for the most part already, I do not mean to return
to England to struggle with poverty, or to be forced to draw tight
my purse-strings. The sacrifice that I have made I consider great.
The recompense that I propose to myself is to have a competency,
not merely for my own expenses, but to enable me to assist others
without reluctance or restraint. My own expenses may, I think,
be trifling. I believe that I should have more pleasure in spending
only 500l. per annum, than I should have in squandering 5,000l. in
the same way. But to put extreme economy out of the question,
allow 1,500l. or 2,000l. for my own expenses. You know better
than I do what a single man ought to live upon creditably, with-
out attempting to vie with people of large fortunes. Tell me what
you think requisite for the support of a bachelor in a decent, com-
fortable manner. Add to that what would be requisite to procure
a seat in Parliament. Add to that a sum to enable me to make
presents freely to my friends, and to assist the distressed, and to
contribute to public charities. Let me know the sum total, and I
will make my arrangements accordingly.
I am become
very unsociable and morose, and feel myself getting more so every
day. I lead a vexatious and joyless life; and it is only the hope
of home at last that keeps me alive and merry. That thought
cheers me; though writing to any of you always makes me sad.”
-[Shalimar, Delhi, March 20, 1814.]
·
From passages such as these, glimpses may be caught
of the inner life of the Delhi Resident. Stripped of his
externals, the burra sahib, or great lord of the imperial
city, was but a solitary exile, continually disquieted by
thoughts of home. But he lived with the harness on his
back, and incessant occupation preserved him from
despondency or depression. He had now become Resident
248
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
indeed. The anticipations of his return to Scindiah's
court, which he had expressed in one of his letters to his
aunt, were not to be realised. At the commencement of
September, 1812, Mr. Seton entered the Hooghly river,
on his return from Prince of Wales' Island, full of the
thought of revisiting Delhi. But a letter from Lord Minto,
announcing that he had been appointed provisionally a
member of Council, met him at Diamond Harbour. Two
vacancies were about to occur at the council-board. Mr.
Lumsden and Mr. Colebrooke had both nearly served for
the appointed five years of office. To the first of these
vacancies that ripe statesman, Mr. Edmonstone, who had
long been little less than the Supreme Government itself,
stood nominated by the Court of Directors. For the
second, the choice lay between Mr. Tucker and Mr. Seton;
but after some discussion at the India House, the latter
had been eventually appointed; and the intelligence had
arrived just in time to greet him as he entered the river on
his return to Bengal.
Scarcely had Seton landed, when he wrote to his old
assistant to apprise him of what was a matter to him of
such vital importance. But he had been anticipated by
some of the denizens of Government-house, who, a week
before, had despatched the glad tidings to the Acting-
Resident. The intelligence, which was in some measure
unexpected, filled both Seton and Metcalfe with joy. To
the former, moreover, it was an inexpressible relief. "In
addition to considerations of a domestic character," he
wrote to his old assistant, "I trust I have a due sense of
others of a less selfish kind, which render the situation
gratifying in the extreme; and you, my dear Metcalfe,
will, I am persuaded, give me credit for the delight with
which I indulge the reflection that the arrangement will
necessarily fix you at Delhi. I really cannot express to
you how awkward and distressed I felt every time that the
.
of
THE PERMANENT APPOINTMENT.
249
idea came across me that I could not return to Delhi
without being the means of your quitting that station. In
vain did I try to reconcile my mind to it by turning to
the 'flattering unction' of its being necessary, in conse-
quence of the state of my domestic concerns. All would
not do. I still felt the awkwardness arising from the
embarrassing reflection that I must either sacrifice the
pressing claims of my family, or interfere with the views
my friend—and of such a friend! The present arrange-
ment has, among many other desirable points, the advan-
tage of tranquillizing this painful struggle." The May
fleet which arrived in October brought out the official
announcement of Seton's appointment; so the old Delhi
Resident remained in Calcutta; Metcalfe was confirmed
in the appointment which he had now held on a pre-
carious tenure for a year and a half; and Richard Strachey
succeeded in the same manner to the Residency at Scin-
diah's court.
And thus was removed one of the great drawbacks of
Charles Metcalfe's position at Delhi during the earlier
period of his incumbency; but there were still, as he said
in his letters to his aunt, many vexations and annoyances.
Among the troubles of the residency, not the least were
those which arose out of the folly of the Mogul, and the
wickedness of his family and dependents. The generous
respect for the fallen fortunes of the imperial house, which
had moved the British Government to leave to the pageant
king independent jurisdiction within the walls of the
palace, had long been bearing bitter fruit. There were
things done within the precincts of that vast privileged
asylum, and duly reported to the Resident, in violation of
all laws human and divine. The crimes which were thus
committed, sometimes behind the sanctity of the purdah,
greatly disquieted Metcalfe, for it was difficult either to
2,50
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
·
prevent their commission, or to deal with them when they
were committed. One day it was reported to him by the
officer in command of the palace guard, whose duty it was
to take cognisance of all that passed within the limits of
the imperial residence, that two of the young princes had
been playing the parts of common robbers-oiling their
naked persons, then rushing with drawn swords among the
startled inmates of the zenana, and forcibly carrying off
their property. Another time it was announced to him
that one of these princes had murdered a woman in the
palace, either by beating her to death or by compelling
her to swallow opium. Again tidings came to him that
one of the ladies of the Emperor's establishment had
murdered a female infant. Then it was reported to the
Resident that the imperial quarters had been rendered a
general receptacle for stolen goods and sequestered pro-
perty. Then a knotty question arose as to whether the
slave-trade, having been prohibited in the city of Delhi,
should be allowed to survive in the palace. Then it
appeared that the Emperor himself, after sundry intrigues
at Calcutta, was intriguing with the Newab-Wuzeer of
Oude, through the agency of his favourite son, the Prince
Jehanguire, who, on the pretext of attending a marriage
festival, had gone to Lucknow, from Allahabad, where he
was a state prisoner, to beseech the Newab to intercede
with the British Government for the augmentation of his
father's stipend.
Since Charles Metcalfe had made his first obeisance at
the court of the Mogul, the old blind Emperor, Shah:
Allum, had been gathered to his fathers: and now Akbar
Shah, his son, reigned in his stead. The infirmities of the
deceased monarch had not been without their uses. His
wants had been comparatively few, and he had grown
penurious at the close of his career. When he died it
·
THE IMPERIAL PENSIONERS.
251
appeared that he had hoarded up some lakhs of rupees;
so his successor found himself with a supply of unappro-
priated cash in his treasury which he might call undi-
videdly his own. But the new king, being neither blind
nor penurious, complained that the stipend allowed by the
British Government was insufficient for the wants of such
a family as he was bound to maintain. The inmates of
the imperial palace constituted a considerable population
in themselves. There were members of the royal family
belonging to several generations, including even the con-
nections of Shah Allum's predecessor; and liberal as were
the allowances granted by the British Government, they
barely sufficed to support, in comfort and respectability, a
royal family of such inordinate dimensions. The condition,
indeed, of these wretched people moved the generous sym-
pathies of Lord Minto. Something of a promise had been
made to the Mogul, that when the financial condition of
the British Government would admit of greater liberality,
an addition would be made to the imperial stipend. So, in
the summer of 1809, the Governor-General was induced to
review the whole question, and in an elaborate minute,
partly written by Mr. Edmonstone, partly by himself,
declared his intention of augmenting the allowances of the
Shah, and indicated the most advantageous method of
doing it.
The increased amount was still below that
which the Mogul had declared to be necessary for the
support of his household; but the savings of Shah Allum
for some time made good the deficiency, and kept the royal
pensioner quiet. No sooner, however, was this reserve-
fund exhausted, than he began to bestir himself to obtain
a further augmentation of what he called his "tribute,"
and to this end instructed his favourite son, in whose
behalf he had long desired to set aside the rights of the
heir-apparent, to obtain the ear of the Newab-Wuzeer of
Oude, and to induce him to further his claims. The letter of
252
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
the Shah* fell into the hands of Colonel Baillie, the Resident
at Lucknow, who recommended that thenceforth the prince
should be "subjected to those salutary retraints, under the
influence and authority of the Resident, which would seem
indispensable to the future guidance of his conduct, and
cannot be easily applied under any other authority."†
Indeed, it was necessary to exercise no little salutary
restraint over the movements of the Shah and his favourite
son. The idea which the former had encouraged of setting
aside the rightful succession in favour of the latter had
been temporarily resisted by the British Government;
but it was doubtful whether it had been wholly
abandoned. A little time before the detection of these
Lucknow intrigues-that is, in the spring of 1811, soon
after Metcalfe's assumption of office-the Mogul had been
partly the agent, partly the victim, of another intrigue
at Calcutta. This business was known in the official
language of the times as the Mission of Prawn Kishen.
The secret history of this mission is diverting in the
extreme. Two wily natives-the one a Hindoo, the other
a Mussulman, headed by a Moollah, or Mahomedan priest
-persuaded the Shah that they could do great things for
him at Calcutta, especially in respect of the succession
of Prince Jehanguire, through the agency of the Chief-
Justice, Sir Henry Russell, from whom a letter, addressed
* The exordium of the King's letter sets forth the state of the
case as given in the text:
"My beloved son, the light of my eyes and delight of my soul,
may the Almighty increase your years! After prayers for the
prolongation of your life, be it known to you that in consequence
of the great increase of necessary expenditure, the money which
was left in the treasury at the demise of his late Majesty has all
been removed and expended. The tribute allowed by the English
is totally inadequate to defray my expenses, and there seems no
prospect of an increase, nor of the satisfactory adjustment of any
other matter depending," &c. &c.
† Col. Baillie to Mr. Edmonstone, March 3, 1813.-[MS.Records.]
· master.
IMPERIAL INTRIGUES.
253
to his Majesty, was produced. The weakness of the King
caught at the imposture. The cunning knaves were sent
as wakeels* to Calcutta, whilst the expounder of the Koran
remained behind in the imperial city to consummate the
fraud. They did their work with considerable address,
and for some time, by means of a series of amusing fabri-
cations, contrived to live upon the credulity of their
There was no falsehood-there was no forgery—
which these sharpers hesitated to utter or commit. They
wrote astonishing accounts of their reception by "Lord
Russell," and despatched letters to the King in the name
of that high functionary. They declared that they had
waited on him immediately on their arrival at Calcutta;
that on receiving an account of his Majesty's situation he
had "wrung his hands with grief;" and, on reading the
King's letter he had bitten his lips, and assured the Envoy
that he had caused the Governor-General to write a letter
to the Nizam (Metcalfe), saying, "I have sent you that
you should honour his Majesty, not that you should
distress him. If, another time, I hear of your offending
his Majesty, you may expect to be punished.
Be
tranquil, for the business of the heir-apparentcy, and of
the removal of the Nizam, shall soon be effected, and the
other matters. also, will be easily accomplished." Having
thus assured the King that all his representations had
been favourably received, they told him, in a subsequent
letter,† that they were "off for London" with the Governor-
* A wakeel is an agent, or attorney. In this work the word,
which will probably be of frequent occurrence, generally signifies a
diplomatic agent.
†The letter in which this is stated is highly amusing. They
had told the King before that Mr. Elphinstone had been sent a
prisoner to England, and now they related the circumstances of
his acquittal:
"His lordship (Lord Russell) has ordered us both to accompany
Mr. Seton and his Excellency the Governor-General to London—
254
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
General and the old Delhi Resident, and requested his
Majesty to pay their wages to a friend, whom they named,
in their absence. Lord Minto and Mr. Seton were just at
that time embarking for the Eastern Archipelago; and
the knaves taking advantage of a circumstance, the outline
of which might obtain notoriety even at Delhi, assured the
King that they were going to England, and that his humble
servants were going with them. The lying Moollah
protested that the story was correct, that the imperial
wakeels had sailed with the Governor-General, and that
all his Majesty's wishes would be speedily fulfilled.
In due course the fraud was discovered. The letters
from Calcutta, in which such great things had been
promised, were placed in Metcalfe's hands. The Shah
expressed unbounded contrition, but it was doubtful
whether he did not grieve over the failure of his mission
rather than over his own misconduct in attempting to
carry on an underhand intrigue; and Metcalfe, therefore,
took the opportunity of counselling his Majesty to "relin-
quish that torment of his life, the worrying desire to effect
impracticable changes." He was not without a hope at
so, God willing, off we go to London, by the way of Bombay.
We hope in your Majesty's gracious kindness to allow Gora Chund
to join us in this quarter, for from the smallness of our wages we
can with difficulty make our subsistence if asunder. We trust in
your Majesty's bounty for increase of our wages. It has been our
bad fortune, and the cause of disappointment, that such has not
taken place as yet to the present day. We leave Kevel Ram with
the aforesaid gentleman (Lord Russell); Mr. Elphinstone having
been accused of partiality to the French was obliged to go to
London. There before the King he said, 'I am in no fault, but
have been accused through spite because when in Delhi I reviled
Mr. Seton on account of his disrespect to the royal family. I am
in no fault.' He was accordingly acquitted. We set off with
Seton and the Newab Governor on the 18th of March. We beg
that our wages be paid to the Moulavee from month to month,
who of course will get it conveyed to us."-[MS. Records.]
IMPERIAL INTRIGUES.
255
the time that the advice which he offered would have due
effect upon the Shah, and dissuade him from launching into
any further profitless intrigues. But baffled in the direction:
of Calcutta, he soon began to consider whether he might
not push his diplomacy with better success at Lucknow.
There was, indeed, an under-current of intrigue continually
flowing out of the palace; and, although it could hardly at
any time become dangerous in its effects, it was likely to
become inconvenient, and was, therefore, to be restrained.
Preposterous visions of a great future revival were indulged
by these decayed princes. The more the generous sym-
pathy of the British Government sought to cover their
actual humiliation with outward marks of courtesy and
respect, the more they dreamt of recovering the sub-
stantialities of their by-gone greatnesss. "The King,"
wrote Lord Minto, in the minute to which I have alluded,
"bent on his unattainable purpose, but destitute of power
to attempt it openly, and too feeble even to avow it, stoops
every little artifice, engages in every petty intrigue, and
is drawn into all the oblique and disingenuous courses
which the ladies of his palace, or councillors equally
feminine, can suggest and recommend to him. An opening
is furnished for such practices by the liberal courtesy
with which the exterior observances due to the real
sovereignty of his ancestors are, most properly, extended
to his nominal title; and under cover of the formal
homage, which a tenderness for his personal feelings alone
prompts us to render him, he seeks to advance a silent
and gradual claim to the substantial attributes of great-
to
ness.
11*
•
That these wild imaginations would be fostered by the
excessive kindness and consideration of Mr. Seton, Mat-
calfe had always predicted. And now he found that the
noble failing of his friend had greatly increased his own
* Minute of Lord Minto, June 6, 1809.-[MS. Records.]
༣
256
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
difficulties-that the evils he had foreseen had actually
come to pass. It was now his duty, therefore—a duty
forced upon him no less by his own rooted convictions
than by the recorded instructions of the Supreme Govern-
ment—to do all that could be done without any indelicate
and vexatious interference in the domestic affairs of the
royal household, to baffle all these petty intrigues, and
disperse all these idle aspirations. It was his policy,
whilst exercising firm control in all matters of essential
importance, to abstain from meddling with petty details
connected with the interior arrangements of the palace.
But nothing was more difficult than this. He could not
turn a deaf ear to the reports of robbery and murder
which came to him from that great sty of pollution; and
yet he could not deal with offences so committed as he
would with crimes, more immediately under his juris-
diction, committed in the open city. Even the truth
struggled out but dimly from the murky recesses of the
palace. Sometimes little things were magnified and mys-
tified into gigantic shadows, which dissolved at the touch
of judicial inquiry. At others, it was not to be doubted
that terrible realities were altogether obscured and lost
among the swarming labyrinths of that great building.
All these things greatly disquieted Metcalfe; for the evil
was a tremendous one and so difficult to reach.
There were other vexations and annoyances to disquiet
him at this time. Among these was one which incon-
veniently affected the efficiency of his administration.
The "Assistants," upon whose co-adjutancy Metcalfe
chiefly relied at this time for the due administration of
the revenue of the Delhi territory, were Mr. William
Fraser and Mr. Gardner. But it happened, as it often
happens in such cases, that their efficiency in this par-
ticular office became the signal for their removal to
another; and Metcalfe was suddenly deprived of their
•
METCALFE AND HIS ASSISTANTS.
•
257
aid. This "spoliation of the Delhi Residency," as Mr.
Seton subsequently called it, was done with the best inten-
tions by Lord Minto, who, appreciating their services, was
anxious to reward them, and so removed them to the
Judicial Department.* But the Resident complained, and
not without reason, of being thus stripped of his auxiliaries;
and Seton, to whom the letter of complaint was addressed,
gave it to Lord Minto one evening at the tea-table.
"More complaints, my lord, and legitimate ones too," he
said, "from my excellent friend Metcalfe.” "Knowing
them to be such," replied Lord Minto, "I am almost
afraid to read them, more especially as I have not yet
been able to write to him the explanatory letter which
I have so long had in contemplation." "He, however,"
continued Seton, reporting these circumstances to his
friend, "did read the letter, and with great interest—
I might almost say distress and embarrassment—distress
on your account and embarrassment on his own. Yet,
though really annoyed at reflecting on the havoc made
at the Residency, he could not help laughing aloud at
your humorous picture of your distress, concluding with
'kings, vakeels, Sikhs, Patans, and old women."" And,
writing again soon afterwards with reference to the same
subject, the member of council said, "If I did not know
you to be greatly above all vanity, I might perhaps offer
you some consolation by repeating what Lord Minto said
upon the occasion with reference to your being in yourself
a host (his words were Ipse agmen), and consequently
* This, after a lapse of forty years, still remains one of the
gravest defects of the Indian Civil Service system. Men are
removed, for the sake of promotion, from one department to
another, just at the very time when the experience gained in the
old office is likely to be turned to profitable account.
†This letter was afterwards written. The elaborate character
of the explanation, and the kindly spirit which pervaded it, made
up for the tardiness of its appearance.
VOL. I.
K
258
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
admirably qualified to do with less aid than most men-
to enlighten even when 'shorn of your beams.'"
But that which most disquieted Charles Metcalfe during
the earlier years of his residency at Delhi was a circum-
stance connected, not with the diplomatic, not with the
administrative, but with the social side of his multiform
office. It was his duty, as has been already hinted, to keep
up a certain state at Delhi, as the representative of the
British Government at the court of the Mogul. To a public
functionary in such a situation the entertainment of a
certain, or rather uncertain number of persons every week
was a business rather than a pleasure. He had to feast
scores of people, of whom he knew little, and for whom he
cared nothing; and to live in crowds, where he would fain
have been alone. His house was a sort of huge cara-
vansary, from which no one was turned away, but every
one carried off something. For purposes of current
hospitality, a liberal monthly allowance was granted by
Government,* and Metcalfe was not a man to grudge its
expenditure to the last sixpence. But it happened that
when he joined the Delhi Residency, it was in a poor state
of equipment. It was sadly wanting in all the necessary
appointments of plate and furniture. Hospitality was
impracticable with such means, and the external dignity of
the Government could not be becomingly maintained. It
was Metcalfe's duty, therefore, as he conceived, to make
·
*The gross allowances attached to the office had been dimi-
nished on the departure of Mr. Seton, who had drawn a con-
solidated allowance of 8,052 rupees a month-being 2,859 rupees
salary, with 5,193 rupees Resident's charges. By a resolution of
the Governor-General in Council, February 27, 1811, it was
declared that this measure had been adopted on grounds princi-
pally of a personal nature with respect to Mr. Seton, and decreed
that the allowances of the Delhi Residency should be placed on
their former footing. For further information on this subject, see
the close of Chapter XII.
1
EXPENSES OF THE RESIDENCY.
259
certain purchases of public property at the public expense.
Of these purchases, the Supreme Government tacitly
approved, and the disbursements were formally admitted.
But when the accounts went home to the Court of Directors,
that body disapproved of the expenditure, and severely
rebuked Metcalfe. "The conduct of the Delhi Resident,"
they wrote to the Governor-General in Council, "in
incurring charges of so enormous a magnitude as those
referred to in the papers before us, without having received,
or even applied for, the previous sanction of Government,
is in every view unjustifiable. The charges are reported
by the civil auditor to be unprecedented in amount,
and we are surprised to find these irregularities in the
Resident's proceedings passed over without any mark of
displeasure or reprehension." And having commented
upon the several items of the charge, they proceeded to say
-"We consider the whole disbursements to have been
incurred under circumstances so directly in opposition to
the regulations of which Mr. Metcalfe could not have been
ignorant, and in a spirit of such profuse extravagance,
that we cannot possibly sanction any part of them without
holding out to our servants in general an example of the
most dangerous tendency, as it amounts to no less than an
assumed right to disburse the property of the Company at
the discretion of the individuals divested of all wholesome
control. We shall accordingly consider the whole of this
disbursement as having been made unwarrantably, and
under the personal responsibility of the Resident, and so
accordingly direct that he be peremptorily required to pay
into your treasury the whole amount of the said sum of
48,119rs. 6a. 5p., and that the property purchased thus
irregularly be considered as belonging to the Resident,
and not as constituting any part of the Company's dead-
stock.”*
* General letter to Bengal, Sept. 30, 1814.-[MS. Records.]
K 2
260
1
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
This was, doubtless, a severe rebuke. But as in India
they throw up before their doors and windows well-watered
screens of fragrant grass, through which the fiery winds
of the hot season pass cooled and tempered, so the Governor-
General was careful that the scorching blast of the Court's
economical indignation should reach Metcalfe only through
one of these tatties, softened and moderated, and rendered
endurable by cooling qualifications of his own. "Although
the Governor-General," wrote the Political Secretary, John
Adam, in an official communication to the Delhi Resident,
"has deemed it proper, as an act of obedience to the
positive instructions of the Court, to communicate their
order to you, yet as his lordship sees grounds for believing
that the Honourable Court will take a more favourable
view of the question on reconsideration, I am desired to
inform you that the orders will not be enforced until the
further directions of the Honourable Court may be received
in reply to the proposed reference."* And at the same
time John Adam wrote privately to Metcalfe, telling him
that the Government intended to resist "the encroaching
spirit of the Court of Directors," of which he was "destined
to be the victim."†
But, in spite of the protection thrown over him by the
Supreme Government, the censures of the Court of Directors
wounded Metcalfe to the quick. It is the fate of most men,
some time or other in the course of their lives, to be
suspected and accused of those very offences which they
are least capable of committing. In spite of the mollifying
influences of the Secretary's official letter, the rebuke of the
court was severely felt. "I have the disgrace and mortifi-
cation," wrote Metcalfe to Mr. Adam, "to acknowledge the
* Secretary to Government to Resident at Delhi, July 15, 1815.
-[MS. Records.]
† John Adam to Charles Metcalfe, July 19, 1815.-[MS.
Correspondence.]
METCALFE'S DEFENCE.
261
receipt of your despatch, conveying to me the censure of the
Honourable the Court of Directors, expressed in the most
unqualified terms. It is the severe censure," he added,
after thanking the Governor-General for his unsolicited
kindness, "contained in the orders of the Court, which I
feel most acutely, far more so than the pecuniary injury
which it is proposed to inflict. My life and everything
that I have are at the disposal of the Honourable Company;
but my character I wish to carry unsullied to the grave.
11*
*It is right that I should give the substance of the defence,
though the letter is too long for quotation in its integrity:
"When I arrived as Resident at Delhi," he wrote, "there was
not a single article of public property at the Residency in the way
of furniture for the house or equipment for the table. I could not
make up the deficiency by any brought with me, because the
equipment of the Residency which I had quitted was public pro-
perty, and remained for the use of my successor, though much of it
had been paid for out of my monthly allowances. That some furni-
ture for the Residency house and some equipment for the Residency
table were necessary, will, I hope, be admitted. It is obvious
that a house is useless without furniture, and that a table cannot
be kept without equipment. I take it for granted, therefore, that
some furniture and some equipment were unquestionably indis-
pensable." Assuming this, he said, two questions arose, one as to
the responsibility-the other as to amount. Both had been sub-
mitted to the Supreme Government. It was competent for them
to pass a decision; and if they had decided in either case against
Metcalfe, he would cheerfully have abided by the decision. He
argued that as the Residencies at Scindiah's Court, Nagpore,
Poonah, Hyderabad, and Mysore possessed property charged to
the public account, he was justified in assuming that the Delhi
Residency might be brought into the same category, and
admitted to the same privileges. But he declared that at the
same time he had purchased the property on his own responsi-
bility, and left it to the Government to determine whether it
should be a public or a private charge. As Government had
decided that it was the former, he reasoned conclusively that the
censure, if any, should not be cast upon him, but upon the
Government which had admitted the charge.
262
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
He then entered into an elaborate and triumphant defence
of his conduct, and concluded by saying-" Knowing that
I have always served the Company with devoted zeal and
indefatigable labour; knowing that I am ready every day
to lay down my life in their service; knowing that in the
case which has brought down such heavy disapprobation
on me, I was far from deserving censure, it is with a
feeling stronger than grief that I find myself selected for
public disgrace. In whatever spirit my conduct may be
judged-whatever return my services may receive, I shall
continue, as long as I serve the Company, to serve with
unabated zeal and entire devotion. Unfounded censure
cannot depress me, neither shall it diminish my faithful
exertions. Highly as I prize the approbation of the
Honourable the Court of Directors, if I have the misfor-
tune not to obtain it, the approbation of my own conscience
will support me; and I shall not sink under censure,
however severe, when I feel that it is not merited, and see
that it arises from error." It was indeed, as he said, the
censure that stung him. The intended punishment was
nothing. He was willing to abide by any arrangement for
the disposal of the Residency property.* It was not in the
* In a subsequent letter he submitted to the Government the
following three modes of settling the question:
"First-Let the orders of the Honourable Court be literally
fulfilled. Let me pay into the treasury all the extra expenses
passed by Government during my Residency on account of platę,
furniture, and equipment, and let all the property purchased by
me of these descriptions belong to me. Secondly-Let my allow-
ances be put on a footing with those of my predecessor retrospec-
tively to the day of my appointment, and let me repay to the
Honourable Company all the extra expense incurred by me in the
equipment of the Residency. Let the equipment of the Residency
be my own property as in the time of my predecessors. Third-
Let the expenses of the Residency under my predecessor, extra as
well as established, be added together for the whole period of his
incumbency. Let the same operation take place with regard to
METCALFE'S LIBERALITY.
263
nature of the man to haggle with Government on a question
of rupees. His whole life was a denial of the injurious
supposition hinted in the Court's letter. In after years,
when the increase of his fortune enabled him to manifest
an increased liberality in all his dealings, he was continually
taking upon himself charges which ought more properly to
have been borne by the State-continually expending his
private fortune upon public objects. It is not improbable
that the circumstance here narrated gave a new and
sustained impulse to his natural liberality; that, mindful of
past vexations, he may have determined at any sacrifice to
avoid the possibility of their recurrence, and so have fallen
into an extreme of liberality which, noble as it is in itself,
is not altogether, in respect of its operation upon others,
free from certain inconveniences and objections.
But annoyances and vexations, such as have been briefly
touched upon in this chapter, are inseparable from high
station, whether in the East or in the West; and there
were, on the other side, great compensations. Of these
the chief was the knowledge that, under his administration,
the industrial resources of the Delhi territory were being
plenteously developed, and the prosperity of the people
greatly increased. At the period of which I am now
speaking the years 1814-15-it was less, perhaps, from
the contemplation of what had been done than from the
thought of what might be done, under his auspices, on
such a field of beneficent action, that he derived solace
under the depressing influences of all public and private
the expenses of the Residency under me for a period of similar
extent. Let me pay the difference if it be against me, and let the
equipment of the Residency be my property as it was my pre-
decessors'. I am heartily willing,” he added, “to abide by any of
these arrangements. If I suffer, I shall suffer by my own pro-
position."
264
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
i
vexations. He saw, indeed, many great defects in the
system under which the affairs of our newly-acquired
provinces were administered, and he was eager to introduce
reforms which he knew would contribute to the happiness
of our subjects. When, therefore, he reported that under
the excellent management of Fraser and Gardner-for he
was not one who sought to monopolise to himself the
credit which rightfully belonged in part to his coadjutors
-the revenues of the Delhi territory had greatly increased,
and that new breadths of land were being brought under
cultivation, he did not disguise from himself, or seek to
disguise from Government, the fact that the landed settle-
ment of the Delhi territory was on an unsatisfactory
footing, and that justice demanded its entire revision.
From a comprehensive report before me, written in 1815,
I purpose to make some extracts, illustrative of Charles
Metcalfe's views at this time of some important questions
of domestic government. We have hitherto seen him
principally as a diplomatist. Before passing on to other
busy scenes of political strife and military action, let us
regard him, for a little while, as an administrator, and
see how liberal and large-minded were his views at a time
when liberality and large-mindedness, in matters of Indian
administration, were rarer qualities than they are in the
present more enlightened times.
In this report, after mention had been made of the pro-
gressively increasing revenues of the Delhi territory-
revenues which had risen between the years 1807-8
and 1813-1814 from four lakhs to fifteen lakhs of rupees,
and it had been shown that the increase had been mainly
an increase in the landed revenue, allusion was made to the
Abkarree, or spirit tax, and it was shown that the last year
of the statement exhibited a considerable decline. This was
accounted for by the fact that the men who farmed this
:
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION.
265
part of the revenue had, in the preceding year, bidden too
high for the privilege. And if it were not so, humanely
argued Metcalfe, there would be nothing to regret :
"A diminution of this branch of revenue is not much to be
regretted. There is no danger of a permanent or serious loss as
long as people drink spirituous liquors; and any decrease of
revenue proceeding from a diminution of consumption would be a
cause of joy rather than of regret."
It was, however, to the larger subject of the landed
revenue that this report mainly referred. But before the
writer passed on to the consideration of it in all its length
and breadth, he paused to speak of the advantages of
Canal irrigation, and to urge the completion of the Delhi
Canal:
"I cannot refrain," he says, "from taking advantage of this
opportunity to bring again to the notice of the Governor-General
the subject of the Delhi Canal. This subject has engaged the
attention of Government for many years; and all the information
relating to it that can be furnished from this place has already
been submitted.
It is supposed that the produce of the
canal would, in a very short time, repay the expense of bringing it
into order; and it is certain that the restoration of this beneficial
work would be productive of a great increase of revenue to
Government, and a great increase of comfort, wealth, and health
to the inhabitants of the territory and city of Delhi."
Then he entered on the great domain of land-revenue,
and after discussing the much-vexed question of right in
the soil, he thus proceeded to advocate the claims of the
village zumeendars:
"Admitting that the Government has the property of the soil,
the question is, as the Government cannot occupy the land, and as
the land requires resident proprietors, who are the people that,
next to the Government, may be supposed to have the best right?
It is here that the paramount claim of the village zumeendars
may be justly, and it is to be hoped, indisputably contended for.
What men can have greater rights than those whose ancestors have
occupied the same lands and habitations from time immemorial;
266
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
who live on the soil entirely, and cultivate it at their own expense
and by their own labour; who receive it by hereditary succession
or by purchase; who leave it to their children, or, if reduced by
necessity, sell it or mortgage it; or if they choose, transfer it
by gift during their lives? These rights are exercised by the
zumeendars, and have been exercised for centuries. If they be
not sufficient to constitute undoubted property, they are surely
sufficient to confer a paramount claim.
Notwithstand-
ing the numerous revolutions which have taken place in this part
of India, the rights of the village zumeendars have generally been
held sacred, more sacred, it seems to me, than any other property;
and though numerous sorts of oppressions have been devised, it
does not appear that any oppressor, generally speaking, has pre-
sumed to interfere with these rights. It is probable that expediency
has operated to secure them, as much, at least, as justice; but be
the cause what it may, it appears to me that the most clear and
most distinct rights held in this part of India are those of the
village zumeendars.”*
Having thus contended that our engagements ought to
be made with this class of proprietors, he proceeded to
* An interesting illustration of the importance attached to these
rights, even by the owners of principalities, which is given in this
report, may not inexpediently be cited in this place:
"To show the value," wrote Metcalfe, "set on those rights, and
the respectable estimation in which they are held, I may mention
that Koom Raj Singh, great uncle of the Rajah of Bulumgurh,
and sole manager of all the Bulumgurh lands, pointed out to me
once, as I was riding with him, a single small village in the
territory under his management, of which he boasted, with evident
exultation, that he was the zumeendar, having purchased the
zumeendaree from the original zumeendars. What made it of
consequence to him to purchase this petty zumeendaree of a single
village? or why did he exult at this acquired right? Why, he
knew that the Raj of Bulumgurh would descend to a distinct
branch of the family, his regency would in due time expire, the
family might be degraded from its high rank in some future revo-
lution, its territories might be seized, its raj might be lost; but he
flattered himself, confidently, that under any circumstances this
zumeendaree, purchased with his own money, would descend as a
perpetual right to his family, untouched and undisturbed by any
1
1
REVENUE SETTLEMENTS.
267
explain the nature of the settlement which it would be
desirable to make. The evil consequences of short settle-
ments had already manifested themselves, and Metcalfe
was eager to persuade the Government to grant long ones
in their stead. "Settlements," he wrote, "should be
made for periods of ten, twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, or a
hundred years the longer, perhaps, the better. At all
events, the periods should be sufficiently long to admit
of considerable profit being made by the cultivators from
their own labour and enterprise." "This," he added, “is the
very essence of the system." Its advantages lie
Its advantages lie upon the
surface. "In exchange for this insecurity, it is in the
power of Government to confer security. Instead of wealth
lawlessly acquired by opposition to the Government, and
hastily spent to avoid plunder, we may confer the power
of acquiring solid, legitimate, and lasting wealth, which
shall be cherished, applauded, and upheld by the Govern-
ment; which shall be a source of consequence in the
eyes of the people, and of flattering distinction on the part
of the rulers. Then, instead of dissatisfied and disaffected
landholders truly complaining that we have injured them
by diminishing their consequence and their profits, we
may expect to have landholders bound to us by the
strongest ties of self-interest, and acknowledging, from
irresistible conviction, the incomparable benefits of our
rule."
He then proceeded to explain in what manner under
these settlements, the revenue was to be collected. "Every
village is inhabited, wholly or partially, by zumeendars,
future Governor or Government. It must seem strange to the
inhabitants of India, who so much respect the zumeendaree rights,
that the British Government, which professes to consult justice in
all its actions, should apparently undervalue rights which have
been respected by the most despotic and the most lawless govern-
ments."
268
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
!
!
or possessory proprietors of the land. These are the
persons with whom the settlement ought to be made; but
as the number of them is generally too great for the
transaction of business, a certain number of mokuddums,
or head men, being in general the men of the greatest
property and influence in the village, act on the part of
the village, agree to terms, sign engagements, and transact
negotiations. The village is bound by their acts. The
mokuddums having concluded the settlement with the
officers of Government, are charged with the duty of
collecting the revenue in the village."
On the good effects of such a system as this, Metcalfe
descanted with no common earnestness. He wrote as one
whose whole soul was in the cause. He showed how wealth
would be accumulated-how security would engender pro-
vidence-how a spirit of independence would be acquired
-how commerce and education would be promoted—how
the people would be elevated in the social scale, and rise
to a height of moral and intellectual grandeur never
attained by them before. It was nothing, he argued, that
by so raising them, we might teach them in time to
emancipate themselves from our yoke. In spite of all
such considerations as this, our duty, he said, was clear:
•
•
"There may be those who would argue that it is injudicious to
establish a system which, by exciting a free and independent
character, may possibly lead, at a future period, to dangerous
consequences.
But supposing the remote possibility of
these evil consequences, that would not be a sufficient reason for
withholding any advantage from our subjects. Similar objections
have been made against our attempting to promote the education
of our native subjects; but how unworthy it would be of a liberal
Government to give weight to such objections. The world is
governed by an irresistible Power, which giveth and taketh away
dominion; and vain would be the impotent prudence of men
against the operations of its Almighty influence. All that rulers
can do is to merit dominion by promoting the happiness of those
under them. If we perform our duty in this respect, the gratitude
E
LIBERAL PRINCIPLES.
269
of India and the admiration of the world will accompany our name
throughout all ages, whatever may be the revolutions of Futurity;
but if we withhold blessings from our subjects from a selfish
apprehension of possible danger at a remote period, we shall merit
that reverse which time has possibly in store for us, and shall fall
with the mingled hatred and contempt-the hisses and execrations
of mankind.”
If this had been written yesterday, there would have
been nothing noticeable in it; but forty years ago such
language was not often to be found in the despatches
of our Indian functionaries. Charles Metcalfe, indeed, was
much in advance of his contemporaries. There were few of
his brethren, I fear, at this time, in whose breasts such
liberal utterances as these would have awakened sympa-
thetic echoes. The system of land-revenue which he then
desired to introduce into the Delhi territory became sub-
stantially, after a lapse of many years, the system which
regulated the entire settlement of the North-Western
Provinces. The long obscured rights of the village
zumeendars were acknowledged; and there is room to
hope that many of the predictions of the young Delhi
Resident may yet be realized, under the salutary influence
of the system which he advocated with so much warmth.
One more illustration of Charles Metcalfe's early libe-
rality may be derived from the same source. At this
time there were few evils, real or supposed, which the
members of the Indian Civil Service generally regarded
with so much dread and abhorrence as the free admis-
sion of European settlers into the interior of the country.
Their exclusiveness revolted at the thought of such an
intrusion; and they could see nothing but oppression of
the people and danger to the state in such an innovation.
But Metcalfe, even at this early period, was guilty of the
heresy not only of desiring, but officially recommending
that independent Europeans should be invited to bring
270
THE DELHI RESIDENCY.
their capital, their enterprise, and skill, freely into the
British territories.
“I am aware,” he wrote, "that nothing that I can say
on this subject would have any weight. I am also sensible
that in expressing such opinions, I may be deemed guilty
of presumption; but on an occasion like the present, I con-
ceive myself bound to recommend whatever promises to be
beneficial, with reference to the subject of this report;
and, therefore, I recommend the free admission of British
subjects to settle in India under laws and regulations
suited to the state of the country, and unlimited liberty to
acquire property by lawful means, as the surest mode
of adding to the resources and increasing the strength
of our Asiatic Empire."
It was no small thing, even with the aid of able and
indefatigable assistants, to carry on the civil administration
of the extensive districts under the superintendence of the
Delhi Resident. But Metcalfe was not one to shrink from
any amount of labour. To his civil duties he devoted
himself with an assiduity which alarmed many of his
friends. Among others, Ochterlony, who maintained a
close and affectionate correspondence with him, wrote to
Metcalfe, in the autumn of 1813, saying: "You will not
be long Resident of Delhi, if you pursue your present
course; and I cannot but think that a fair representation
of
your multifarious and miscellaneous duties would exempt
you from all but the intrigues of the Palace and the
general political duties, which I do most sincerely believe
to be quite sufficient for any one mind that was ever
created."
271
CHAPTER XI.
[1813-1818.]
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
Metcalfe's Political Duties-Conduct of the Bhurtpore Rajah-
Macherry and Jyepore-Indications of general Inquietude-
Lord Moira's Tour in the Upper Provinces-The Nepaul War
-Metcalfe's Opinions-Meeting with the Governor-General-
Offer of a Secretaryship-Letters on the Subject to Mr.
Jenkins-The Secretaryship declined-Death of Metcalfe's
Parents.
To the "general political duties" of which Ochterlony
spoke-duties which greatly occupied the thoughts and
employed the energies of the Delhi Resident-it is now
time to advert. On the frontier of his territory were a
number of native principalities, our relations with which
were under his superintendence; and, although he inter-
fered with them no more than was essential for our
security, it was necessary to keep upon all of them a
watchful
eye, and
upon some a restraining hand. It was
not likely that the rulers of these states, who were as
regardless of what was due to others as they were ignorant
of what was really beneficial to themselves, should have
continually possessed themselves in peace, and consistently
reciprocated the good faith and the good feeling which was
shown towards them by the paramount power. Mistrust-
ful of the good intentions of the British Government, and
unscrupulous in their dealings with one another, it was
frequently Metcalfe's duty at this time to turn his thoughts
1
272
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
from the great work of domestic improvement to the less
gratifying duty of controlling the erratic propensities of
some neighbouring chief.
At the Delhi Residency, as the head-quarters of diplo-
macy in Upper India, there was always a cluster of
"wakeels," or agents representing the interests of various
princes and chiefs in the states contiguous. to our own.
Some of these were the agents of petty sovereigns-others
of predatory chiefs-whose empire was yet to be acquired.
But all had business to transact with the Resident—all
had questions to put and demands to make. And the less
recognised the position of the master, the more prepos-
terous, in all probability, were the proposals of his
servant. It was no uncommon thing for one of these
" wakeels to ask Metcalfe's permission for his master to
attack some neighbouring state on his own account, or to
be employed in the same work of aggression on the part
of the British Government. And when these overtures
were civilly declined, the agent would sometimes naïvely
beseech the Resident to tell him whom he might attack.
""
But there were more difficult questions than these
demanding solution. Among the earliest of our allies,
who excited the watchfulness of Metcalfe during his resi-
dence at Delhi, was our old enemy of Bhurtpore. After
a lapse of eight years, during which the conduct of the
British Government towards him had been uniformly
friendly and considerate, he now, in 1813, became suspi-
cious of our designs, and peremptorily signified his inten-
tion no longer to suffer a British wakeel to reside at his
court. He had committed many excesses on our frontier;
he had destroyed our villages; he had murdered our
people; he had carried off our property. But instead of
chastising him for these offences, we had sent an accre-
dited agent to his court, to be the channel of our represen-
tations to the Rajah, and thus, it was hoped, to keep him
CONDUCT OF BHURTPORE.
in check. But what was the result?
273
"The petty chief,”
as Metcalfe wrote, "after using ineffectually his endeavours
to prevent the approach of this friendly agent to his capital,
tries by ill treatment to compel his employers to recall
him; does not permit him to take up his residence at his
court, nor to exercise his functions, nor even to enter the
walls of the capital without special permission, and a
special guard, but keeps him and his people outside of the
town, encamped on the plain, in a state of restraint, and,
moreover, persists in this unfriendly course of proceeding,
though invited to a more amicable behaviour in the most
conciliatory language; and though warned that a conti-
nuance of such insulting conduct must inevitably give
offence to the British Government."
The minute from which these extracts were taken is a
long and elaborate one; full of characteristic energy and
determination, clearly and forcibly expressed. It should
never be forgotten by the reader, whose experiences are
those only of European life, that the minutes of the Indian,
statesman, in the history of his career, take the place of
the orations which, under free governments in the western
world, are delivered to senatorial assemblies. The Indian
statesman is not stirred by the excitement of popular
applause; his utterances do not reach the ears of hundreds
of auditors, and are only in rare instances subsequently
reflected by the press, and dwelt upon by thousands of
readers. He writes, in the solitude of his own chamber,
under many depressing influences, knowing that what he
writes is to count its readers by units; but writing never-
theless with his whole heart in his work, earnestly and
enthusiastically, and often with a power of expression
which in oral discourse would charm a popular assembly.
There may be dull writers in India, as there are dull
speakers in England; but there are many exceptions, whom
it would be easy to enumerate; and the name of Charles
274
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
!
Metcalfe in such an enumeration would be one of the fore-
most in the list.
In his minute on Bhurtpore the writer dwelt earnestly
on the great forbearance which, throughout many years,
had been shown towards the offending state, and he con-
trasted the course which we had adopted, in this instance,
with that which had been followed towards a neighbouring
principality-the Rajpoot state of Jyepore. Partly in
illustration of Metcalfe's style-partly because I shall come
presently to speak of our dealings with Jyepore-the follow-
ing passage is given. In such brief, pregnant, antithetical
sentences Metcalfe always rejoiced:
"It is curious," he wrote, "in adverting to the events of past
days, to observe how our policy has operated in favour of Bhurt-
pore. We formed alliances about the same period with the states
of Bhurtpore and Jyepore. Both states on the same occasion were
false to their alliances, but in different degrees. Bhurtpore joined
and fought with our enemy Holkar. Jyepore only hesitated to
fulfil its engagement with us. The one which committed the most
⚫venial fault has suffered; the other, which sinned against us more
heinously, has been befriended. With Jyepore we kept on terms
during the war with Holkar, and made use of its troops against him;
but after the war we abandoned it to its fate, and the country has
since been overrun by the armies of Holkar and other freebooters.
Bhurtpore we had to fight as the ally of Holkar, and we have ever
since protected it against all enemies. Jyepore has been sinking
every day since we dissolved the alliance with that state, and is now
nearly annihilated. Bhurtpore has been growing in wealth, power,
and consequence under our protection. Jyepore is now at our feet,
begging for protection and alliance. Bhurtpore refuses to admit
our agent to reside at his court."
That there was a clear casus belli was never doubted.
Metcalfe recommended that the British Government should
dissolve its alliance with the Bhurtpore Rajah, and send
an overwhelming force against his stronghold. He did
not counsel the slow process of a regular siege. For some
time past we had been unfortunate in our regular sieges.
.
BHURTPORE.
275
The experiences of the Mahratta war indicated that they
were not seldom unsuccessful. Instead, therefore, of
attempting to breach Bhurtpore, he recommended that we
should carry it by escalade. Well acquainted as he was
with the peculiar construction of the place, and cognisant
with the circumstances, both of attack and defence, which
had resulted in our former inglorious failure, he pointed
out, with great precision and distinctness, the causes of our
past disasters, and indicated the best means of avoiding
them. He was convinced that Bhurtpore would fall
beneath a coup de main. He believed that we wanted
nothing more than the stout heart and the cold steel. He
lived to see the English ensign waving over Bhurtpore; but
the stronghold was carried by another process.
He waited more than ten years to see the realization of
his hopes. The Government of India were not at this
time prepared to undertake a war against Bhurtpore. The
Java expedition had diminished our available resources in
respect both of money and of men. So our resentment
was expressed only by the dismissal of the Bhurtpore
agent from Delhi, whilst another and a higher representa-
tive of the offended Rajah was permitted to remain at the
court of Calcutta. The intention of Government was
officially announced to Metcalfe, whilst Mr. Seton, who, it
will be remembered, had taken his seat in the Supreme
Council, wrote privately to his old assistant to say they
were deterred from making war, under so great provo-
cation, not by any want of will, but by a lamentable want
of means.
*
* "How sadly you have been annoyed by that weak, ungrateful
man, the Rajah of Bhurtpore. We may say with truth, 'If we
could, we would!' He has given us repeated cause of offence; and
did the state of our army and our finances (now very low) admit of
our meeting the probable consequences of an open rupture, we
would of course hold very plain language. But as that is now out
of the question, we must avoid showing our teeth-that is, we
276
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
1
1
In the meanwhile, the Jyepore state seemed to be at its
last gasp. Unprotected by the paramount power, and
helpless in itself, it lay at the mercy of all its unscrupulous
neighbours, and all the predatory chiefs who were con-
tinually looking out for some undefended quarter against
which to direct their attacks. That great Rohilla free-
booter, Ameer Khan, whose acquaintance Metcalfe had
made during the war with Holkar, and whose subsequent
career had been one of unbridled excess, was pursuing his
course of spoliation wherever the weakness of others
tempted him to let loose his banditti; and, another soldier
of fortune, Shah Khan, was emulating the Rohilla in deeds
of unscrupulous daring. The notorious weakness of Jye-
pore had long excited the cupidity of the former chief who
in 1811 ravaged the country and reduced the unhappy
prince to a state of feebleness and prostration which
bordered closely upon dissolution. But there were other
trials still in store for him. Scarcely had Ameer Khan
quitted the Jyepore territory, when the Rajah of Macherry,*
must, whilst we evince to him that we are dissatisfied with his
conduct, take care not to appear too angry-because if we did, we
might lead him to suppose that we would fain go to war with him
at once, if we could, and that conclusion would give rise to another,
viz., that we are too weak to have recourse to the ultima ratio
regum. On this ground it is that we must, whilst manifesting our
displeasure, preserve our tranquillity; and to borrow an expression
from the Agreeable Surprise, take care not to give him room to
suppose his serene highness (the Governor-General) is in a passion.'
This will explain to you our motive for not doing more than insist
upon the Rajah's withdrawing his wakeel from Delhi. Since he
will not agree to receive an accredited agent from you, it is but
fair that you should dismiss his agent from yours. There were,
however, powerful objections to our going still further by dis-
missing his wakeel, who had hitherto been stationed at Calcutta-
or declaring the alliance dissolved.”—[Seton to Metcalfe, June 21,
1813.]
* Macherry is a state bordering upon Bhurtpore.
•
LETTER TO THE RAO RAJAH.
277
known as the Rao Rajah, entered it with an invading
army, and in the year 1812 took possession of the two
forts of Doobbee and Sikrawa with the territories adjacent
to them. This was an outrage which, although Jyepore
was not under the protection of the British, was to be
remonstrated against and resisted; and Metcalfe accord-
ingly, through the Rajah's wakeels, called upon him to
make restitution. In spite, however, of the Delhi Resi-
dent's repeated requests, the usurper remained obdurate.
All through the year of his acquisition, and all through
the following year, he remained in possession of the tracts
of country he had snatched from his neighbour.*
It was
time, therefore, that decided steps should be taken to
obtain restitution, so Metcalfe counselled a display of
military force; and in the meanwhile addressed to the
Rajah the following spirited letter of warning and remon-
strance :
MR. METCALFE TO THE RAO RAJAH.
"From your want of attention to my repeated requisitions for
the restoration of Doobbee and Sikrawa to their lawful owner, the
Rajah of Jyepore, I am led to conclude that it is not your intention
to restore those places.
"If you have no regard for justice; if you think it right in the
sight of God to seize the property of another without cause of
* "He had," says Colonel Sutherland, "so long remained in
security, that he had forgotten the danger of involving himself
with his neighbours, and thought the British Government would
not arm against him in support of the interests of Jyepore. He
was, too, supposed to have collected a treasure of nearly half a
million sterling. It became a question whether in this state of
affairs we should withdraw from the terms of our alliance with the
Rao Rajah, and allow Jyepore to avenge its own wrongs, bringing
on Ulwar (Macherry) all the evils of an invasion from the forces of
that state, those of Ameer Khan, Shah Khan, and other leaders of
predatory bands, or whether we should ourselves assemble an army
to punish the Rao Rajah."
278
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
offence; if you see no difference between the friendship and enmity
of the British Government; if you see no good in its friendship and
no danger in its enmity; if you prefer the retaining of Doobbee
and Sikrawa to the continuance of the friendship of the British
Government, and think that you can retain those places in spite of
the British Government; if you prefer war with the British
Government to the restoration of those places; if you feel yourself
strong, and fancy the British Government weak; if you think that
success will attend you in war, then all I can say will be
unavailing. What will be, will be.
"But if you believe that the British Government does possess
any power; if you are aware that its anger is to be feared;
if you
know that it adheres to a determination once formed,-then I
conjure you to pay attention to your true interests. Do not, I
implore you, suffer designing men to mislead you. They are
plotting your ruin, and will rejoice at your destruction.
"Do not imagine from the moderation which has been shown
that this point can ever be conceded to you. That is impossible.
The British Government has a sincere regard for you, and there-
fore has not yet proceeded to forcible measures, in the hope that
you may be persuaded by advice and remonstrance to do what is
necessary in justice to the Rajah of Jyepore. But if you do not
restore Doobbee and Sikrawa, sooner or later measures of another
nature will be necessary, and then repentance will be vain.
"Never, never, never, will the British Government cease to
demand the restoration of Doobbee and Sikrawa to the Rajah of
Jyepore; and if to accomplish that purpose war be unavoidable,
however much it will regret the necessity of hostilities, still it will
not fail to do its utmost to compel you to perform that indispensable
act of justice.
"Take your choice. Choose between the friendship and the anger
of the British Government, and tell me plainly what you are
determined to do.
"I perform the duty of a friend in giving you warning. If you
should be ruined by not following my advice, you will not have to
blame me. I have given you notice. Remember what I say.”
Such remonstrances, such warnings as these, were
thrown away upon the Rajah. Earnestly, therefore,
Metcalfe recommended Government to authorize the
employment of a military force to compel the recusant
chief to make an unconditional surrender of the places he
SUBMISSION OF THE RAO RAJAH.
279
had conquered, and to pay the expenses of assembling our
troops. Lord Moira had by this time entered upon the
government of India. The tone in which Metcalfe wrote
on the subject to his friend John Adam, then Political
Secretary, pleased the new Governor-General, to whom the
Delhi letters were confidentially submitted, and impressed
him with a high opinion of the moral and intellectual
qualities of the Resident.* The authority which Met-
calfe sought was granted to him. A military force was
assembled; a demonstration was made. The British
troops advanced within a march of the capital; and then
the Rajah yielded to our demands. The places which he
had usurped were restored to their legitimate owners; and
he was compelled to open his treasury to repay us for the
expenses we had incurred in bringing him thus tardily to
reason.
Viewed by themselves, these were but small matters,
* "I could not refuse myself the satisfaction of communicating
your letters confidentially to Lord Moira, who entered fully and
cordially into the spirit and tendency of your reasoning, and is
disposed to go the full length of all your views in the event of the
early submission of the Rao Rajah not disarming us. He considers
your letter to contain a very able view of the affairs to which it
refers, and not less just than able. It is his opinion that the mere
submission of a power, which has forced you into an expensive and
hazardous appeal to arms, even though accompanied by the cession
of the objects in dispute, to be insufficient for the interests of a
state (I use his own words)-that there should be infliction to
deter others from imposing upon us a similar embarrassing neces-
sity, and other observations to the same effect. If we actually engage
in war, then I have very little doubt that he will be disposed to
make the Rajah smart for his conduct. The instructions of the
1st authorize you to reduce him to unconditional submission in the
case supposed. To-day I shall send you an answer to your last
despatch, conveying authority to enforce payment of the expense
of assembling the troops, even if he should surrender before the
sword is drawn.”—[John Adam to Charles Metcalfe, November 15,
1813.]
280
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
scarcely deserving of the space which I have bestowed
upon them, in such a memoir as this. But they were
parts of a great aggregate of evil-examples of the con-
fused and embarrassing state of our relations with the
numerous petty states of Central India, resulting from
those great peace measures of 1806, which Metcalfe at the
time criticised with so much severity and censured with so
much warmth. It appeared to him now that we were
beginning to reap the difficulties and perplexities we had
sown; and that a general adjustment of our relations with
these states was imperatively demanded for the security of
our position and the establishment of a permanent peace.
We were now, indeed, on the threshold of great events. It
was plainly foreseen that some vast political changes were
at hand; and there was not a statesman of high repute
between the banks of the Jumna and the western coast
who was not eager for the settlement of which I have
spoken, even though it should be preceded by a great and
burdensome war. The crisis, indeed, was close upon us.
Compromises and concessions could not much longer retard
its approach.
The most peaceful rulers who ever governed our Indian
Empire have left to their successors a sad heritage of
political convulsion, military strife, and financial embar-
rassment. The greatest wars which have taxed the wisdom
of our Indian statesmen and the energies of our Indian
armies have been undertaken by the successors of Lord
Teignmouth, Lord Minto, and Lord William Bentinck. It
seems as though in the Eastern world the moderation of
our rulers could bear only the bitter fruit of war and
conquest-that forbearance in one year were but the
antecedent of compulsory violence and aggression in
another—that the most steadfast resolution to go so far
and no farther, formed, in all honesty and all wisdom, by
the least ambitious of our statesmen, could only pave the
THE NEPAUL WAR.
281
way to new victories and new additions of territory to an
empire already "overgrown."
When in the autumn of 1813 Lord Minto sailed from
India, the country, as he believed, was lapped in universal
repose. But scarcely had Lord Moira seated himself in
the vacant chair, when it seemed to him that war was
inevitable. Mutterings of distant hostility reached him
from many quarters, and stirred the heart of the old soldier
as with the sound of a trumpet. He did not long remain
inactive at the Presidency. His associates in the Supreme
Government dissented from the views of the Governor-
General, and strife between them was speedily engendered.
In the autumn of 1814 Lord Moira turned his back upon
the Presidency; and then the war became a war of
minutes. Into the merits of this controversy I am not
called upon to enter. It is sufficient to state the fact, that
the greater part of the long administration, on which this
narrative has now entered, was disturbed by continual
hostilities with neighbouring states. The first of these
was a war with Nepaul. The depredations committed by
the Goorkhas on our borders-the continual insecurity of
our frontier which the conduct of these hardy mountaineers
entailed upon us-called for a display of military force.
Preparations were made for the coercion of our offending
neighbours; and the commencement of the ensuing cold
season—the cold season of 1814-15-saw our armies again
in motion.
The events of the Goorkha war are not connected with
the biography of Charles Metcalfe by any other link than
that of the correspondence which he carried on with many
of the chief actors in it-with Ochterlony, with Jasper
Nicolls, with the young Engineer Lawtie, with his old
assistant Gardner, now employed in a political capacity on
the Nepaul frontier, and with others, who contributed more
or less to the ultimate success of our operations. The
282
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
correspondence was not a cheering one. For some time it
treated mainly of misfortune. The war opened with a
disastrous failure at Kalunga, where the gallant Gillespie,
attempting to carry a strong fortress without breaching,
was shot through the heart at the head of his men. Och-
terlony, aided, as in his generous candour the veteran ever
delighted to acknowledge, by the brave-hearted, quick-
witted subaltern Lawtie, achieved some partial successes;
but he did not think that he was strong enough to follow
them up; he had never been able to perceive the wisdom
of the war, and had little taste for the service on which he
was employed.* Marley and Wood failed miserably.
Nicolls did better things, and laid the foundation of an
honourable fame. But, looking at the whole, the outset of
the war was calamitous and discreditable; and Metcalfe,
disappointed by repeated tidings of failure and disaster,
began to think that the beginning of the end had arrived,
and that our Indian Empire would soon be shaken to the
base. It was his opinion that a grand cardinal error had
been committed in not effecting the settlement of Central
India before entering upon this Goorkha campaign. It was
his opinion, also, that we were too prone to under-rate the
strength and despise the resources of our enemies; that
our failures generally resulted from over-confidence; that
we were far too prone to fling ourselves, without ordinary
caution, upon the strongholds of our enemies; and that
* On his first appointment to command a division of the army
in the field, Ochterlony wrote to Metcalfe: "A new sort of service,
my dear friend! I have not the least objection to a proper vindi-
cation of the national honour, and, if necessary, an attack on the
heart of their empire, Catamandoo, or some of the members in this
quarter;
but to set off with the idea of overthrowing a long-
established Government, and for such an unprofitable purpose,
appears to me the most Quixotic and the most impolitic measure
we have ever attempted-setting aside all physical difficulties.”-
[August 25, 1814. M.S. Correspondence.]
LORD MOIRA.
283
inasmuch as our tenure of India was dependent upon
the assertion of our military superiority in the field, and
that as on several recent occasions this superiority had
been assumed rather than demonstrated, our very position
in India was threatened by the recurrence of such failures.
There were remedies for this he believed at our command,
and it was our duty to resort to them. What they were
he was eager to indicate—and, in a paper which he for-
warded to Lord Moira, in November, 1814, he emphatically
set them forth. He was a civilian; but he was no novice
in the art of war; he had lived much in the camp; he
had seen much of military operations; he had observed
our failures, as he had our successes, and traced both to
their source. It was no presumption in him, therefore, to
write on military questions, as affected by local circum-
stances in Upper India, even for the guidance of so ripe a
soldier as the man then at the head of affairs.
At this time, holding the offices both of Governor-
General and Commander-in-Chief, Lord Moira, attended
by a numerous suite, was progressing through the upper
provinces of Hindostan. Among other arrangements,
was one, which was to bring the Delhi Resident, accom-
panied by the "wakeels" of the different native courts
within his diplomatic circle, to the vice-regal camp at
Moradabad. But early in November there was a con-
juncture of circumstances which rendered Metcalfe's
detention at the imperial city a very probable state-
necessity, so he despatched to his friend John Adam,
Political Secretary, his paper on the conduct of the war,
to be submitted to the Governor-General. "I transmit,"
he wrote, "the accompanying, for submission to Lord
Moira, with some trepidation; because I am not sure that
his Lordship will approve of my intruding my thoughts
on his notice, on a subject not perhaps within the bounds
of my official duty; nevertheless, I transmit it under a
1
284
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
conviction, probably erroneous, but working powerfully
in my mind, that the subject demands early consideration
in the point of view in which I have stated it—in which
point of view it may not for some time be seen unless
brought to notice. His Lordship may deem my opinions
absurd, and my conduct in thrusting those opinions upon
him presumptuous, but he will, I trust, bestow an indulgent
consideration on the motive by which I am actuated; and
pardon a presumption which proceeds solely from anxiety
for the public welfare."
In the paper thus submitted to the Governor-General,
Metcalfe, after alluding to the recent disaster at Kalunga,
proceeded to declare his opinion that we held India only
by the sword, that the overawing weapon was being
blunted in our hands, and that our tenure of the country
was precarious. He had begun already to broach those
theories which, emphatically propounded at a later period,
were said to be little in accordance with the general sound
sense and equable temper of the man, but which are now
regarded as signs only of his unexampled prescience :-
"Every successive failure of this description is more disastrous,
on account of its influence on the stability of our power than on
account either of the lamentable fall of brave men, or the tem-
porary derangement of the plans of Government, much as both of
these effects are to be deplored.
"The present opportunity is taken for attempting to bring this
subject to notice, in the hope that the recollection of the circum-
stances of our recent disaster may procure some attention to
opinions, which cannot derive any weight from their owner, which
would probably be disregarded in a time of peace, and might
appear ridiculous in a career of uninterrupted victory. These
opinions were first excited by personal observations in the
field, and have been strengthened by attention to subsequent
events...
"Whatever delusions may prevail in England respecting the
security to be derived from the affections of our Indian subjects,
and a character for moderation and forbearance with foreign native
OUR POSITION IN INDIA.
285
states, it will probably be admitted in India, that our power
depends solely on our military superiority. Yet there is reason to
apprehend that our comparative superiority is in some measure
diminished in consequence of a general increase of discipline,
experience, skill, and confidence, on the part of the military of
India."
Having laid down these general propositions, he pro-
ceeded to declare that there was, as there still is, in our
armies, a dangerous tendency to under-rate the strength of
our enemies. Metcalfe had seen something of this in the
Mahratta war. He was familiar with the language of the
camp. He knew that it was the fashion to speak slightingly
of both the courage and the prowess of our enemies. He
knew that men who accepted with caution these disparaging
estimates were called "croakers;" that it was considered,
indeed, something almost ignominious to question our
ability to crush all opposition at a blow. And, knowing
this, he felt at the outset of what promised to be a long and
harassing campaign that there was nothing more to be
guarded against than this over-weening confidence in our
gallantry, our resources, and our fortune :-
"It is desirable, in the first instance, that the favourable reports
received beforehand relative to the weakness of an enemy's for-
tresses and the inefficiency of his troops should be listened to with
caution. Men of sanguine dispositions give favourable reports, and
anticipate unqualified victories, without reflecting on the possibi-
lity of difficulties and the chances of failure, because it is in their
nature to do so. Other men, not sanguine, are generally very loth
to express an unfavourable opinion. There is always the chance
of success. Encouraging intelligence is always the more agree-
able; and men do not like to subject themselves to the reproach of
being alarmists. We are apt to despise our opponents, till from
defeat we acquire an opposite sensation. Before we come to the
contest, their powers of resistance are ridiculed. Their forts are
said to be contemptible, and their arms are described to be useless.
Yet we find on the trial, that with these useless weapons in their
contemptible forts they can deal about death among their assailants,
and stand to their defences, notwithstanding the skill and bravery
286
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
of our army. If we were not misled beforehand by a flattering
persuasion of the facility of conquest, we should take greater pains
to secure it."
These pregnant truths are truths equally to be regarded
now, after the lapse of forty years of conquest, not
unchequered by repeated disaster. It were well that a
warning voice, again and again proclaiming them, should
be lifted up at the outset of every new campaign.
After speaking in detail of past disasters, of some of
which, as our great miscarriage at Bhurtpore, he had
personal cognizance, he proceeded to express a very strong
conviction that we had failed in all our sieges to turn
our ordnance to the best account-that if we were to
bring into the field powerful mortar-batteries, with good
stores of shells, and try the effect of a brisk and long-
continued vertical fire upon the besieged places, they would,
if not evacuated by the enemy, be easily carried by
assault :-
"We have on our side,” he said, "the science of Europe, and we
ought to bring it into play. Economy in this department is
ruinous. We ought to be lavish of the contents of our arsenals,
and saving of the lives of our men. We ought to make defence
impracticable and hopeless. We ought to overpower resistance by
the vastness of our means. There is a branch of equipment in
sieges which might be made of more use than it is at present to
the great annoyance of the enemy, and frequently to its total
expulsion. A great number of mortars and an abundant supply of
shells should be attached to every besieging army. There are
many situations in which, from the natural difficulties of the
position, an assault cannot take place without considerable hazard
of failure. In such cases, an incessant shower of shells, day and
night, might make the place too warm for the garrison, and
obviate the necessity of a storm. There are other occasions in
which it may be desirable to avoid the delay of all the operations
of a siege. And on such occasions bombarding day and night
might accomplish the object in a short time. There are some
situations for which the mode of operation is peculiarly suitable-
for instance, the small hill forts of the Goorkhas appear to be of
this description; and had Kalunga been bombarded day and night
USES OF ORDNANCE.
287
for as many days as we were before it prior to our attempt to storm
it, it is probable that we should not now have to lament our
disastrous failure at that place, and the loss of our gallant general
and his brave companions in death."
These practical considerations Metcalfe supported by
adducing several instances of the success of shelling derived
from the recent annals of Indian warfare.
On some
occasions he admitted that it might be expedient "for the
speedy accomplishment of a great object to risk a hazardous
assault." The capture of Alighur by a coup de main at the
very commencement of the Mahratta war, had tended, in
no small measure, to secure the success of all our subse-
quent operations. Metcalfe had been of opinion only a
little while before this paper was written, that if we again
undertook to besiege Bhurtpore, it would be expedient to
attempt to carry it by a coup de main. But these were
exceptional cases; and the writer continued to dwell upon
the expediency of following the more cautious mode of
operation. One thing, at all events, was certain. If war
were to be made, it was expedient to make it with full
consideration, and with sufficient means. We were at this
time on the threshold of some momentous enterprises. The
Indian army did not seem, as then constituted, to be com-
petent to the successful performance of the great work that
lay before it. So Metcalfe did not hesitate to denounce
the thrifty policy of the Home Government, and to call for
an augmentation of the army.
does
"The writer of these remarks," he said, in conclusion,
not shrink from briefly stating his opinion, that an increase of our
army is highly expedient, and, perhaps, absolutely necessary for
our existence in India; and that we ought to govern our policy by
different considerations from those which regulate the orders of
the Government at home. Our power on India rests upon our
military superiority. It has no foundation in the affections of our
subjects. It cannot derive support from the good will or good
faith of our neighbours. It can only be upheld by our military
288
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
prowess, and that policy is best suited to our situation in India
which tends in the greatest degree to increase our military power
by all means consistent with justice."
Looking at our recent disasters at Kalunga with the eye
of a true soldier-the eye of one who had once been what
old Sir Theophilus used to call the " nurse of King's
officers ”—Metcalfe, in this paper, hit the blot to a nicety,
and suggested the true remedy. His recommendations
were justified by the result. After another failure, rendered
memorable by something even more lamentable than the
death of the gallant Gillespie, the effect of a bombardment
was tried. Never was anything more completely successful.
Our mortars and howitzers did terrible execution among
the defiant garrison of Kalunga. In a little while the air
was tainted by the decaying bodies of heaps of men
destroyed by our murderous shells, and all resistance was
at an end. Out of the six hundred defenders of the
place only seventy escaped. The fortress was speedily
demolished; and soon passing travellers related that not
one stone was left upon another.
The general opinions officially expressed in the con-
cluding passages of the memorandum had found utterance
a few days before in a private letter to Metcalfe's old
friend Richard Jenkins, then Resident at Nagpore, whom
he had not seen for many years, but whom he still
affectionately remembered. Jenkins, who, now become a
mature statesman, shared with Elphinstone and Metcalfe
the honours of the highest diplomatic triumvirate in the
country, had drawn up an elaborate paper on our alliances
with the states in the direction of the Berar country and
the Nerbudda territories; and a copy of it had been sent
to the Delhi Resident, who read it with delight, and
returned it with the following letter to the writer—a letter
in which Metcalfe thus expounded his general views of the
extent to which it behoved the British Government to
THE NON-INTERFERENCE SYSTEM.
289
adhere to, or depart from, their system of non-inter-
ference :-
"We require, by-the-by, an increase of revenue to enable us to
maintain an increase of the army, rendered necessary to all ap-
pearance by the extension of our connections, as well as the great
extent of our frontier. I do not know, however, that an increase
of the army is in contemplation, or that the necessity is admitted
by those who are to judge; I only speak my own sentiments on
this point. It is curious to observe how frequently we are com-
pelled by policy to deviate from our fixed principles. I remember
the time when the advancement of our influence on the Sutlej was
reprobated even by Lord Wellesley as too great an extension of
our views. Subsequently proposals to that effect were repeatedly
rejected, until my mission to Lahore, which produced at least the
benefit of an arrangement that has been attended with the best
effects; though, when I went on that mission, it was not in con-
templation to protect the chiefs between the Sutlej and the Jumna,
other plans being in contemplation for the conciliation of Runjeet
Singh, whom at that time it was impossible to conciliate. Our
subsequent interference in favour of Nagpore against Meer Khan
was another deviation from our system, and a very wise one. I
only regret that we did not take advantage of the opportunity to
make the Rajah purchase our permanent protection on our own
terms. Various arrangements since have shown other deviations
from our system; and it only remains to renounce a system from
which we are always compelled to deviate. Our power in India is
so strangely constituted that, unless we take advantage of all fair
opportunities to increase our strength, we may meet some day
with unexpected reverses, and have our power shaken to its centre,
if not overturned. It is doubtful, I think, how long we shall
preserve our wonderful empire in India; but the best chance of
preserving it must arise from our making ourselves strong by all
just means; not from an absurd system which would affect to look
on with indifference at the increasing strength of others, and to
trust for our existence to the unattainable character of unambitious
amiable innocence and forbearance. Are you acquainted with the
plans of Government regarding Nepaul? If not, I can send you
some information regarding them."
Such opinions as are here expressed were not distasteful
at head-quarters. The paper which Metcalfe forwarded to
VOL. I.
Ꮮ
290
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
.*
Lord Moira was favourably received ;* and it was soon
responded to by an invitation to the writer to visit the
Governor-General's camp.
"As the immediate urgency,"
wrote John Adam, on the 21st of November, "for your
remaining at Delhi has diminished, Lord Moira has desired
me to say that he will be happy if you can meet him at
Moradabad, where he expects to arrive in ten days from
this date.
His lordship is of opinion that as you are
yourself to come to Moradabad, it will be more conve-
nient to bring your host of native visitors to that station,
or near it, than to postpone them till his arrival at
Kurnaul, as proposed in Swinton's letter to you." This
business of the reception was, indeed, an important one.
The near approach of the vice-regal camp had thrown not
only the royal family of Delhi, but the whole circle of
native diplomatists, into a state of excitement; and arrange-
ments were now to be made both for the reception of his
Majesty's delegates and the crowd of lesser wakeels, and
for a deputation of British functionaries to the imperial
court.f
* On the first receipt of the paper, John Adam had written to
Metcalfe that there was little doubt of his lordship's approbation.
"The indispensable measure," he said, "of augmenting the
military force is, I fear, not to be expected. With respect to the
mode of conducting operations against fortified places, his lord-
ship's judgment had long since adopted a conclusion corresponding
to yours; and the utmost care has been taken not only to furnish
the forces destined to act against the Nepaulese with an ample
equipment of mortars, howitzers, and shells, but to enjoin in the
most positive manner the use of them to the utmost. The neglect
of this order at Kalunga it is too late to discuss, and must ever be
lamented."-[John Adam to Charles Metcalfe, November 20, 1814.
M.S. Correspondence.]
† Some grave questions of no very easy solution, arising out of
the windy dignity of the poor puppet of Delhi, had suggested
themselves to the authorities at head-quarters. It was not
improbable that the Mogul, considering rather what he, or his:
THE VICE-REGAL CAMP.
291
"I am going immediately to meet his lordship at Morad-
abad," wrote Metcalfe to Jenkins on the 24th of November.
By the end of the month he was in the vice-regal camp.
The ceremonies, of which he was then master, were soon
over, and more serious business was in hand.
There were many important questions to be put to the
Delhi Resident-much information to be sought which
only he could satisfactorily afford: what effect our recent
disasters had upon the people of the Delhi territory and
the adjacent country, and on the minds of the dependent
chiefs and independent princes of Hindostan-what would
be their influence on the mind of Runjeet Singh-what
steps should be taken to counteract such influence-what
course of conduct ought to be pursued towards Bhurtpore
—whether, and under what circumstances, the Governor-
General should have a personal interview with the King of
ancestors, had been, than what he was, would refuse to pay to the
Governor-General such compliments as the Governor-General was
willing to pay to him. This especially in the matter of nuzzurs
or presents of homage the interchange of which Lord Moira
considered desirable to avoid even with the King-but he intimated
that he would not object to it, if required,
(c or to any other
indispensable forms, under a conviction that they cannot be
misconstrued into demonstrations of homage on his own part."
"His lordship," added Mr. Adam, "will also expect that if his
deputation present nuzzurs to the King, his Majesty's deputation
will present nuzzurs to the Governor-General, and in all respects
perform the same or corresponding ceremonies." The appre-
hensions here glanced at were justified by the result. Metcalfe
could not persuade the unhappy King that, if he were to meet the
Governor-General at all, it was incumbent upon him to meet his
lordship as an equal. The Shah still required that some acknow-
ledgment of his superiority should be shown; so the Governor-
General declined the interview. "Have the goodness, therefore,"
wrote the Chief Secretary to Metcalfe, after the former had left
the camp of the Governor-General, "with your accustomed
diplomatic ability, to reconcile the King to the impracticability of
a meeting."
•
L 2
292
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
Delhi-whether the power of granting native titles should
be left in the hands of the imperial puppet, or assumed by
the British Government--whether an agent from Shah
Soojah, the fugitive King of Caubul, should be received in
the vice-regal camp, and, lastly, what was the general
political and military condition of the upper provinces of
India with reference to the defence of our frontier and the
expediency of consolidating our power in the interior of
India? For the solution of all these questions, the Governor-
General and his ministers looked eagerly to Metcalfe's
arrival in camp. *
At Lord Moira's head-quarters were many able men.
Civilians of high repute and soldiers of large experience
and sound judgment clustered around him. It happened
that the chief of these were Charles Metcalfe's friends-
Charles Ricketts, John Adam, and George Swinton, the
chief ministerial functionaries, and George Fagan, the
Adjutant-General, all knew and esteemed Metcalfe—nay,
they loved him; and now they eagerly welcomed among
them one whose public character and personal qualities
were equally valued by them. They had all spoken of
him to Lord Moira in language of becoming admiration.
To the Governor-General, indeed, who had often heard,
and on perusing the despatches of the Delhi Resident had
echoed his praises, Metcalfe was presented as no stranger.
He was received at once into the councils of the vice-regal
camp. Such an accession of strength in such a juncture
was welcome in the extreme.
For the juncture was one which, in the eyes of Lord
Moira and his staff, demanded the exercise of all the talent
that could be pressed into their service. The Goorkhas,
who were defying us from their hill-forts; the Pindarrees,
who were ravaging our frontiers; the Mahratta princes,
* "Memorandum of points for discussion with Mr. Metcalfe,"
drawn up by Mr. John Adam.-[MS. Records.]
THE SUPREME COUNCIL.
233
who, sheltered by the name of ally, were looking eagerly
for a favourable opportunity to assail us were not the
only enemies whose skill and courage at this time dis-
quieted the Governor-General. There was a contest raging
between the head-quarters' camp and the council-chamber
of Calcutta; and the Pindarrees of Leadenhall-street, with
their restrictions and retrenchments, were assailing the rear
of the Governor-General. Mr. Edmonstone was then
Vice-President of the Council. Mr. Seton and Mr. Dow-
deswell were his associates in the Government. The
current business of the administration was in the hands of
those three gentlemen; and though the power of war-
making and peace-making belonged to the Governor-
General, the councillors had still the means of conducting
an opposition which, however futile for the time, might,
backed by the Court of Directors and the Board of Control,
eventually be successful, and was, at all events, embarrass-
ing and annoying.
Edmonstone was a host in himself. He had immense
experience, a sound head, a ready pen, and a reputation
second to none in India. It was with deep sorrow that he
arrayed himself against the Governor-General; but what
he believed to be his duty he was not one to shrink from
doing, and he recorded his opinions with the calm confi-
dence of one never doubting the goodness of his cause, but
deploring the necessity of asserting it. Lord Moira
respected his opponent; as did all the ministerial officers
in his camp-but he was not on that account less anxious
to refute him. He saw the necessity of having able men
at his elbow to expound his opinions and to give effect to
his projects; and he soon saw that Metcalfe was one who
would enter with his whole soul into the views of the
Governor-General, making light of those very difficulties
which were being continually paraded before him by his
antagonists of the Calcutta Council. The longer Metcalfe
294
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
4
remained in the camp of the Governor-General, the more
plainly it appeared that his policy was identical with that
which Lord Moira was inclined to favour. Indeed, the
boldness and decision with which Metcalfe declared his
opinions, seemed to fix and rivet those of the Governor-
General and disperse all doubts and misgivings. It was
pleasing to the old soldier to be thus supported by one of
India's younger statesmen; and all the ministerial officers
by whom he was surrounded delighted in the thought that
they had obtained the assistance of so thorough-going and
efficient an ally.
Invited to declare his opinions freely, Metcalfe not only
delivered them, without reservation, in oral discourse, but
fully expounded them in elaborate minutes.
In one
written in December, 1814, in the Governor-General's
camp, he laid down a detailed plan for the settlement of
Central India, prefaced by a series of general propositions,
declaring that everything must give place to the necessity
of maintaining an overwhelming military establishment.*
But it was apparent to him that now that we had once
embarked in the Nepaul war, nothing else could be done
until we extricated ourselves from it with honour. The
dangers it had entailed upon us, he said, were great;
for England could not fail with impunity, and we were
now surrounded with enemies all eager to take advantage
of our discomfiture:† "There is Runjeet Singh," he wrote
* More detailed mention of this paper will be found in the
following chapter.
† That Metcalfe, at this time, was not inclined to under-rate the
extent of our failures, or the danger which they brought upon us,
may be gathered from some passages in a letter written to Mr.
Jenkins about this time (Jan. 15, 1815). In this letter the writer
says: We have met with an enemy who shows decidedly greater
bravery and greater steadiness than our troops possess; and it is
impossible to say what may be the end of such a reverse of the
order of things. In some instances our troops, European and
METCALFE ON THE NEPAUL WAR.
295
in a paper given to Lord Moira, in January, 1815, "look-
ing eagerly on from the north-west. There is Meer Khan
within a few marches of the Delhi and Agra frontiers.
There are Scindiah and the Rajah of Nagpore settling
whether they shall attack us or not; and thus virtually
menacing our frontier from Agra down to Cuttack. There
are the Pindarrees ready to pour themselves into every
defenceless country. Had the operations of our campaign
against the Goorkhas been decidedly successful, the war
would have increased our reputation and power; and so
far from encouraging any hostile designs of other powers,
would have deterred all enemies from such designs. But
when our numerous enemies see us entangled and embar-
rassed in an unsuccessful war, it is hardly to be expected
that they will refrain from taking advantage of such a
favourable opportunity, unless they be overawed by suit-
able arrangements and proportionate exertions on our
part."
Under such circumstances Metcalfe argued that it was
desirable to conclude peace with Nepaul as soon as a blow
could be struck at the Goorkha power-such a blow as
would relieve us of all apprehensions of their again inviting
a contest with the British. This, he said, could only be
done by commencing operations upon a much larger scale
native, have been repulsed by inferior numbers with sticks and
stones. In others, our troops have been charged by the enemy
sword in hand, and driven for miles like a flock of sheep. In a
late instance of complete rout, we lost more muskets by a great
number than there were killed, wounded, and missing. In short
I, who have always thought our power in India precarious,
cannot help thinking that our downfall has already commenced.
Our power rested solely on our military superiority. With
respect to one enemy, that is gone. In this war, dreadful to
say, we have had numbers on our side, and skill and bravery on
the side of our enemy. We have had the inhabitants of the
country disposed to favour us, and yet overawed, notwithstanding
our presence and partial success, by the character of our enemy."
296
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
than had been previously instituted. "Let every effort,"
he said, "be made to open the next campaign with an
overwhelming force. And, finally, let every opportunity
be embraced for concluding an honourable peace, since it
is only by a ruinous expense and unprecedented exertions
that entire success is to be expected in a continuance of the
war." No better recommendation than this could have
been offered. But how was it to be carried into effect?
Metcalfe declared that the crisis was a great one; and that
it was incumbent on the Government to make extraordi-
nary exertions to bring an overwhelming force into the
field. "Reinforcements of Europeans and natives," he
said, "should be brought to as great an amount as can be
obtained from the other Presidencies. European regiments
should be called from our other colonies, even from Eng-
land. Every exertion," he continued, "that would be
made in times of imminent peril ought to be made now to
ward off a peril which appears to be not improbable."
"We never had," said Metcalfe, แ an enemy to contend
with in India so formidable as our present enemy. None
other ever displayed so much bravery in action or so much
system, skill, and conduct, so much prudent caution, and
so much well-timed confidence. None other ever possessed
a country so easily defended and so difficult to the invader,
and so detrimental to the peculiar advantages which we
should otherwise have over our enemy. All these consi-
derations demand serious attention. Let us resolve to
evince to this bold enemy that we have the means of
crushing him. If we cannot secure an opportunity of
defeating his assembled army in the field, let us show him
that we can collect a force against which opposition would
be fruitless. Let us show him that our resources are not
confined to local means; and that if a small army be not
sufficient to revenge our wrongs, the British nation can
send us an overpowering one."
METCALFE'S MINUTES.
(6
297
The truth of these propositions was acknowledged, and
the suggestions put forth were approved" by the
Governor-General. Indeed, what in this paper was so
emphatically propounded, had already been submitted,
in another shape, to Lord Moira, and had elicited his
approbation. Many were the papers which, at this and a
little later period, Metcalfe drew up for the guidance of the
Governor-General,* and very much that he then wrote
* A catalogue of these papers is given in the following extract
from a letter written to Mr. Jenkins in May, 1816:
Many thanks," wrote Metcalfe, "for your permission to see
your letter on the political state of India. I shall apply to Close
for it. Elphinstone told me it was admirable. I would with the
greatest pleasure send you mine, though I fear the very reverse
of admirable; and it requires a little detail to explain why I cannot.
I happened to be the first in the field in writing on this subject.
After the first failure at Kalunga, I thought the opportunity a
good one for procuring attention to opinions strongly impressed on
my mind, which I knew would be unpopular, and I volunteered a
paper to Lord Moira on the causes of our numerous failures of late
years, beginning with that of Bhurtpore, and on the necessity of
adopting measures to ensure success. This was answered by a call
to head-quarters. Immediately after my arrival there, I gave in a
paper on the measures to be pursued in consequence of the state of
affairs at that period. This was soon followed by another, con-
taining a view of the political state of India, or, as Adam called it,
De Rebus Omnibus, and recommending the settlement of Central
India, the suppression of all predatory powers, the protection of all
weak powers, the acquisition of as much territory and revenue as
the chances of just war might throw into our hands, and, in short,
the establishment of our supreme influence over the whole country
within the Sutlej and Indus. This was followed by another paper
on the progress of the Goorkha war-next by one on an alliance
with Jyepore-then one on our military policy and establishments
-then another on the settlement of Central India-with several
intermediate ones which I do not accurately recollect. The whole
would form a large volume-but they were all written in such
haste, that of the greater part I have no record, the drafts having
been sent from my hand to the principal private secretary, and
never returned, and of the few foul drafts which remain in my
298
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
was embodied in substance, and sometimes in his very
words, in the minutes of the head of the Government. He
spent about a month-including the Christmas and New
Year of 1814-15-in the camp of the Governor-General,
making himself all this time very useful and very agree-
able, and leaving a blank behind him when he went. His
separation, however, from his friends of the Governor-
General's Staff was not of a very long continuance. The
pride of the poor Mogul, who insisted upon the acknow-
ledgment of his superiority over the British Viceroy, pre-
vented, as has been seen, Lord Moira's visit to Delhi; but
a deputation, consisting of the principal officers of his
public and private staff, was to proceed, soon after Met-
calfe's departure, to the court of the pageant-king; and,
at the same time, Lady Loudoun,* with a considerable
retinue, was to visit the imperial city. When, therefore,
Metcalfe returned to Delhi, it was his pleasing duty to
make preparations for the reception of his friends, and
to reciprocate the hospitalities he had received.
How, for some little time after this, Metcalfe was com-
pelled to play the part of master of the ceremonies-to
introduce the British deputation to the Mogul Emperor-
to attend Lady Loudoun-to manage the meeting of the
Countess with the Begum Sumroo, and to superintend the
introduction of her Highness to the Governor-General,
possession I have taken no care, not thinking them worth the
perusal of any one except the person for whose information they
were written, and on whose want of information I presumed to
give value to the matter, notwithstanding the faults of the com-
position. If, however, I can ever put my hand on any, I will send
them with all their faults on their heads. Success to your
negotiation. Wish the same to mine, for I am about to commence
one with Jyepore. Sooner or later, if not very soon, we must
undertake the subjugation of all India."
* The lady of the Governor-General-a countess in her own
right.
THE SECRETARIAT.
299
need not be told in detail. Before the month of January
had worn to a close, Metcalfe was again in the Governor-
General's camp, and again in council with his ministers.
Throughout a considerable part of February he remained
at head-quarters, and the longer he remained the more
strongly was Lord Moira impressed with the conviction
that in the great battle which he was about to fight for
the settlement of Central India, both with his colleagues
in the local Government and with the Home authorities,
it would be expedient to have at his elbow a man who
so well understood the whole subject, and who was prepared
with such an array of arguments in defence of the policy
which was favoured at head-quarters.
But how was this to be accomplished consistently with
existing arrangements? How was Metcalfe to be removed
from Delhi to a seat worthy of his acceptance in the
Secretariat? There were changes in that winter of 1814-15
evolving themselves, which seemed to afford facilities for
such an arrangement as might bring the Delhi Resident
to the vice-regal court. Mr. Tucker, who had filled long
and worthily the office of Financial Secretary, had been
promoted to the Chief Secretaryship, and soon afterwards
announced his intention of proceeding upon leave to sea,
and subsequently, as the event proved, to England. This
movement caused a vacancy in the Secretariat which it
was necessary to fill. Mr. Dowdeswell, who had been
Chief Secretary, had succeeded to the Supreme Council;
Mr. Charles Ricketts was now Chief and Private Secretary;
Mr. Butterworth Bayley was Judicial Secretary; Mr. Adam
was Political Secretary; Mr. Swinton was Persian Secre-
tary. But the Financial Secretaryship, which Mr. Tucker
had held before his promotion, was still vacant. It was
proposed, therefore, to Metcalfe, that he should, in the
first instance, enter upon this office, with the reversion
of the Private Secretaryship on the expected retirement
300.
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
of Mr. Ricketts. The proposal was a perplexing one.
one. All
through the spring and summer of 1815 this great per-
sonal question continued from time to time to distract his
mind. He clung with peculiar fondness to the Delhi
Residency; he knew that he was useful there; but it was
probable that a larger sphere of usefulness might be opened
out to him by his transfer to the Secretariat-and the
Secretariat was ever regarded as the high road to the
Supreme Council. What his doubts and distractions were
in this perplexity, may be gathered from the following
letters to Mr. Jenkins, on whom the Governor-General
intended to bestow the Delhi Residency if Metcalfe should
vacate it:
CHARLES METCALFE TO RICHARD JENKINS.
[Without date-received on the 16th of June, 1815.]
"MY DEAR JENKINS,-
[Confidential.]—I was in
attendance on Lord Moira during a considerable part of
December, January, and February. He expressed a desire to
have me at the Presidency. As the only visible mode of
effecting this purpose, he offered me the succession to the
Financial Secretaryship, about to be vacated, it was supposed,
by Tucker's resignation. The flattering manner in which the
proposal was made, deprived me of the resolution requisite firmly
to reject, and I almost pledged myself to accept it. I have, how-
ever, many doubts as to the propriety of the change, and am
inclined to retract. These doubts I have expressed in the proper
quarter, and I think it probable that the arrangement will not take
place. I will not detain you with a detail of the pros and cons
which divide my mind on the question, but proceed to inform you
that it was in contemplation, when I was at head-quarters, to
make you the Resident at Delhi. I do not know how you would
like this; and if you would not like it, you must be prepared to
object to it in the event of its being proposed to you. If you wish
for any information respecting this Residency to determine your
choice, send me your questions, and I will give you full and
faithful intelligence. My removal, however, is very uncertain, and
will probably not take place, for I am more attached to Delhi in
consequence of the apprehension of quitting it, than I ever was
LETTER TO MR. JENKINS.
301
before. What would you think of my impudence if I were to set
up for a Financial Secretary? I should be glad to have your
opinion. I do not like to quit the line in which I have served all
my life, for one in which I must be incompetent. I am afraid,
too, of being detained longer in the country by the proposed
change. But I promised not to trouble you with this detail.
God bless you.
“Yours affectionately,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
cr
THE SAME TO THE SAME.
August 26, 1816.
"MY DEAR JENKINS,-I have determined to remain at Delhi, and
am glad that I have. Lord Moira has on every occasion been most
kind to me, and I shall ever be grateful to him. It was proposed
to me to take the Financial and Revenue Secretaryship now, with
the assurance of the Private Secretaryship in addition on Ricketts's
resignation, which the latter pledged himself to give in in
December, 1816. Had the latter situation been vacant now, and
offered to me together with the other, I could not have refused
them. But it is as well as it is. I have discovered that I am more
attached to Delhi and the inhabitants of the territory under me
than I formerly supposed myself to be. I found, when my removal
was probable, that I should quit with great reluctance scenes to
which I had become attached by habit, and a people for whose
welfare I had several plans unaccomplished. I am well pleased to
find myself secured in my own habits, and at liberty to devote
myself to the interest of my subjects. I declined the Financial
Secretaryship on the ground that it would retard my return to
England; and the promise of the Private Secretaryship, from
disinclination to bind down Lord Moira and Ricketts. It is now
understood that there is no obligation on Lord Moira's part to
renew any similar proposal at a future period, nor on mine to
accept it, if renewed. The same reasons which induced me to
rejoice now at my staying at Delhi, make me wish that I may not
hereafter receive any temptation to quit it. One great advantage
which I feel at Delhi is, that I shall always there be independent
of a seat in Council; that is, that I shall not care a straw if I do not
obtain one. Had I accepted a secretaryship in Calcutta, I must
have turned my views to Council, and should, in all probability,
have been disappointed. I took leave of Lord Moira on the 21st
at Futtehghur, and am now on my way to Delhi. I have written
302
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
this short report of my proceedings for your early information.
The necessity of any reply to your questions concerning Delhi is
obviated by my continuance at that place. I will not, therefore,
trouble you with the details which otherwise I should have sent
you, unless you require them with a view to any future contin-
gency. Accept my cordial thanks for the friendly and affectionate
contents of your last letter. I shall write to you again soon.
I have some communications to make respecting the politics of
head-quarters. The Goorkha war is still pending; at least,
peace is not concluded, nor can we agree on the preliminaries
as yet.
"Believe me ever yours most affectionately,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
But the idea of attaching Metcalfe permanently to the
Secretariat was not abandoned at head-quarters, even after
the Governor-General had retired to Calcutta.* As the
year wore on to a close, the pressure of public business
still suggested the expediency of securing the services of
one so well acquainted with all departments, and so pecu-
liarly qualified to assist the councils of Government in
those great political affairs connected with the settlement
•
* An effort had been made to persuade Metcalfe to return with
the Governor-General's camp to Calcutta. "The 15th of August,"
wrote the Private Secretary to him, "is still the time fixed for his
lordship's departure, and allowing a day or two for delay, I reckon
upon the 20th as the day. This, I trust, will square with your
plans, and on many accounts we hope that you will be able to take
a run with us to Calcutta.
Your presence there would be
useful-indeed, the only ready means, perhaps, of enabling you
finally to determine about accepting a secretaryship or remaining
at Delhi." There were other inducements, too, to tempt him to
the Presidency, for Theophilus Metcalfe had come round to Cal-
cutta about some important business connected with the factory
and the tea-trade-but the Delhi Resident resisted them all. He
proceeded soon after the receipt of Ricketts's letter to the camp of
the Governor-General at Futtehghur, and after declining the offer
of an appointment in the Secretariat, took leave of Lord Moira (as
indicated in the above letter to Mr. Jenkins) and returned to
Delhi.
LETTER FROM MR. RICKETTS.
303
of Central India which were fast beginning to absorb every
other consideration. It was difficult to make the neces-
sary arrangement. Mr. Ricketts, on whom it seemed
mainly to depend, was well inclined to make considerable
sacrifices for its accomplishment, but Lord Moira demurred
to the plan which his Private Secretary proposed. What
the arrangement was, and the powerful considerations
which induced him to make it, may be gathered from the
following passage in one of Mr. Ricketts's private letters
to Metcalfe :
"At this juncture a second campaign against the Goorkhas was
probable the proposed concession to them was resisted by Lord
Moira-the affair of Trimbackjee was in a most critical state-the
disturbance at Hyderabad was not quelled the Mahratta con-
federacy was in agitation-the Pindarrees were in motion-Ameer
Khan was overwhelming the Rajpoot states-troops were required
to overawe Scindiah-Baillie was tottering at Lucknow-Raffles
was to be removed from Java-many financial discussions were on
the tapis both as relating to the war expenses and to resources for
the future, which required a final adjustment between the territorial
and commercial accounts, subjects on which all good folks differed
—that the orders of the Court of Directors respecting a reduction
of the army remained yet to be considered-that the reports of his
lordship, in the military, revenue, and judicial departments, were
to be completed, and might excite much discussion-that a necessity
was imposed upon his lordship of entering into a full review of
our political situation and relations, in which the attack made by
his colleagues was to be rebutted, their mistaken notions were to
be exposed, and the measures to be produced for our security were
to be explained-that most questions of any importance in each
department of the Government had been left open for his lordship's
decision-that feuds betweeen the bishop (who is a high priest)
and the kirk remained to be adjusted, and that, in short, so many
difficulties and embarrassments presented themselves on every side,
that I despaired of his lordship getting over the whole with any
kind of satisfaction to himself without the aid of you, my friend!--
Adam was a host certainly in himself; but he was already over-
whelmed with business; Bayley could only attend to pending
judicial questions; no aid from Trant in finance was to be expected;
304
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
and I knew that, however well disposed, my talents were very
limited, and wholly unequal to the duties with which I was
threatened. My plans, consequently, for inducing you to come to
Calcutta were as follows:-Mr. Thomson talked of going home in
January, and I proposed, therefore, that you should be appointed
Territorial Secretary, and that you should divide with me the
allowance of Private Secretary on Mr. T.'s departure. This was
approved by his lordship; but Mr. T. changed his mind. I then
requested that I might be allowed to resign my situation of P. P.*
Secretary in your favour. To this, however, his lordship would
not assent; and, lastly, I was induced from various causes to beg
his lordship to accept my resignation of the situation, now that I
had accomplished with your assistance all the reports and papers
which he was so anxious to have ready for transmission to the
secret committee by fhe William Pitt. Lord Moira, I conceived,
would not refuse compliance with my wishes, and I moreover
conceived that he would then feel at liberty to place you in a post
which you were so eminently well qualified to fill. His lordship,
however, requested me to withdraw my application. This has
been done for the present; you consequently are not coming to
Calcutta, nor am I, which at one time was not improbable, going
to Java."+
The time, indeed, was fast
But the failure of Mr. Ricketts's honourable efforts was
not much to be deplored.
approaching when it would be in the power of Charles
Metcalfe to render more essential services to the State in
Upper India than at the Presidency. The settlement of
Central India was about to be commenced, and in this
great work the Delhi Resident was to take no unimportant
part.
The consideration of this great subject, and the narra-
tion of the personal incidents connected with it in the
career of Charles Metcalfe, must be reserved for another
chapter. But before passing on to these grave political
affairs, the writer must pause to touch upon some points
of less historical, but, perhaps, not less biographical
* Principal Private Secretary.
† Calcutta, December 19, 1815.
COMMISSIONS.
305
importance. It is curious, in running through the
immense wilderness of correspondence which Metcalfe
carefully preserved, to see how many and great, at this
time, in addition to the claims of public duty, were the
demands of private friendship upon his time and atten-
tion. The commissions which were entrusted to him
were numerons and varied; and he found time to execute
them all. It was not only that the kindliness of his heart,
his eagerness to give pleasure might always be relied
upon; but that there were requests made to him which
only he, perhaps, could satisfactorily fulfil-which only
he had a power commensurate with the will to accomplish.
Thus Mountstuart Elphinstone wrote to him from Poonah,
asking him to exert himself to obtain for his friend Mr.
Erskine a complete copy of Baber's autobiography, and
an authentic portrait of the Emperor.* Malcolm applied
* "Mr. Erskine, at Bombay," wrote Elphinstone," is employed
in translating the commentaries of the Emperor Baber, from a
Persian translation of that work, which is certainly the most
curious and interesting I ever met with in an Asiatic language.
There are, however, several gaps in the translation he has got, and
a complete copy in Turkish, which I brought from Peshawur, was
lost in consequence of poor Leyden's death, so that Mr. Erskine's
translation must remain incomplete, unless you can get us a
complete copy of the translation at Delhi. The august repre-
sentative of the house of Timour must assuredly possess the com-
mentaries of the most illustrious of his ancestors, and the founder of
his empire. But if his Majesty should not be able to put his hand
on the work, some of the literati at Delhi will probably be able to
produce it." A copy of the work was found; but, unhappily, it had
the same deficiencies as that in Mr. Erskine's possession. Elphin-
stone, therefore, requested Metcalfe to obtain for him a Turkish
copy from Peshawur. An authentic portrait of Baber was also
required, and Metcalfe, his characteristic good-nature stimulated
by his literary zeal, immediately instituted the necessary inquiries,
and found what was sought. Mr. Erskine's charming translation
of Baber's Commentaries is well known to English readers-to
some through the book itself, to others through Jeffrey's review of
306
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
to him to obtain information relative to the career of the
great Bengal banker, Omichund, after the destroying
fraud that had been practised upon him by Lord Clive.
Ochterlony* wrote to him to prepare a monument, and
to write an inscription to the memory of that poor young
Lawtie, of the Engineers, killed by his brave exertions in
the Nepaul war, to which so much of our first suc-
cesses were nobly attributed by his chief. Nicolls †
commissioned him to procure an ornamental sabre, to be
publicly presented to a native officer who had distin-
guished himself in the same war. Edmonstone, in conse-
quence of a reference from England, besought him to
obtain information relative to the matrimonial connections
formed between the Mogul princes and the daughters of
the Rajpoot Rajahs. Sir William Rumbold besought
it, published among his collected Essays. A posthumous work,
embracing an elaborate history of some of the princes of the house
of Timour—a work of great ability and research-appeared whilst
the first edition of this work was passing through the press.
* “In every letter," wrote Ochterlony, “written to you, I have
intended to make a very particular request, which I have ever
neglected or forgotten before the conclusion. It is that you will
get a slab of marble, and on it cut an inscription of your own
composition for the tomb of our lamented Lawtie, at Ruttunghur.
Few will read it; but I do not wish an European visitor to pass
without knowing that the spot contains the remains of one so
deservedly valued and lamented."
†The late Sir Jasper Nicolls, who wrote: "My object in
troubling you now is to beg that you will purchase and transmit to
me, viâ Moradabad, a sabre not exceeding in value 400 rupees,
which I have obtained Lord Moira's consent to give to a jemadar
of the 4th N.L, who conducted himself with great intrepidity on
the 25th ultimo. The blade, if possible, should be good, but it
ought to be ornamental also; it should please the eye long after the
éclat of the action has worn off. I shall present it on the theatre
of his valour, and in public."
Metcalfe's answer to this application is worth more than the
space that it will take: "I had the pleasure of receiving your
COMMISSIONS.
307
him to despatch a wet-nurse to Cawnpore. John Adam
commissioned him to buy for Lady Hood some of the
finest garnets to be found in Delhi. Mr. Richardson
wrote to him "at the girls' desire" for "three Solimanee
necklaces, bracelets, &c., and also three lapis-lazuli
necklaces, bracelets, &c., and any other little trinkets, or
Hindostanee ornaments, or costume that you think they
would like." Added to applications of this varied and
interesting character was
was a never-failing succession of
requests for pecuniary assistance, for the most part from
military officers, to whom he made advances, with or
without any kind of security, often knowing that the
loan would prove, as he intended it to be, a gift to the
petitioner.
letter of the 9th a few minutes before a visit from the Joudpore
Wakeel, a most respectable and well-informed old man, and I
availed myself of the opportunity to apply to him for a solution of
the question referred to you from England. He says that it was
first proposed to the Rajpoot Rajahs to form a connection with the
imperial family by taking in marriage imperial princesses; but that
this proposal was rejected, as such a communication would have
polluted the blood of the Rajahs' families, and would have been
utter abomination for ever; that they were glad to effect their
escape from so alarming a danger by sacrificing their own
daughters, who were considered as dead from the time of their
connection with the emperors; that after the ice had been once
broken by the formation of a connection of this kind, it came to
be considered a custom, and ceased to be objectionable; that a
connection with the emperors was. thought desirable for political
purposes, and that the rivalship of the Rajahs of Jyepore and
Joudpore made both occasionally press forward with their
daughters, each being jealous when such a connection was formed
by the other. Nevertheless that the daughters were considered as
dead and gone, though their posthumous influence was an object of
desire to their fathers. This is the mode in which the Joudpore
wakeel attempts to solve the question. I shall make further
inquiries, and have the happiness of making you acquainted with
the result."-[May 25, 1814.]
308
THE POLITICS OF UPPER INDIA.
But there were letters, very different from any of these,
received during the years of his residence at Delhi-letters
which inflicted upon him an acuteness of pain which may,
in some measure, perhaps, be duly estimated by those
who have dwelt upon the passages relating to his parents
in the letters which he addressed to his aunt. In the
course of the year 1814 he received intelligence of the
death of his father. And two years afterwards the sad
tidings of his mother's death also reached him.* This is
almost a condition of Indian exile. It is a grievous trial
which few escape-to lay up fame and fortune and to see
those with whom we would share their blessings pass
away from our reach. How deeply Metcalfe felt these
heavy blows may be gathered from his letters to his
friends. "The loss of my mother," he wrote to Richard
Jenkins, in May, 1816, "has made all my prospects
dismal and I cannot now look even to a return to
England with any pleasure. The purest happiness that
I have enjoyed in life is buried in the grave with both my
parents; and I have really, at present, no object to live
for. The thought of returning to my parents was my
stimulus in everything. This affliction has also affected
my correspondence of all kinds. But enough of this. You
will, I am sure, excuse me, and believe that nothing can
alter my attachment or the delight and pride I feel in the
possession of your friendship." Indeed, it seemed, as one
:
* Intelligence of Lady Metcalfe's death was received in India in
March, 1816. Both events were unexpected-especially the latter.
Lady Metcalfe died on the 9th of September, 1815, at the house of
some friends in Dorsetshire, to whom she was paying a visit. She had
just been talking to her son-in-law, Lord Ashbrook, about returning
home, when she suddenly expired, "without uttering a word or a
sigh." Mr. George Saunders communicated the melancholy intelli-
gence to Captain Fergusson, at Delhi, whom he requested to
prepare Metcalfe for the receipt of the sad tidings.
VISIT FROM THEOPHILUS METCALFE.
309
by one the links which bound him to England were
broken, the firmness with which he clung to his Indian
attachments increased. From this time he fell back for
support upon the associations of exile, and solaced himself
with the friendships within his reach.
It was with little regret, therefore, that about this time
he received an intimation that the Court of Directors,
among other retrenchments, had reduced the expenses of
the Delhi Residency,* by curtailing the Resident's allow-
ances. "The cuttings here," he wrote to Mr. Jenkins,
are 2,000 rupees a month from the public allowance.
This I have allowed to take effect, as I considered opposi-
tion vain. Reductions were also ordered in the number
of assistants and the office establishment. These I have
opposed, as they do not affect me personally. The reduc-
tion of my allowances will keep me in India all my life,
as I do not see how I can reduce my expenses." But, as
though he could not altogether abandon the thought of
some day returning to his native land, he added, “I shall,
therefore, be the more inclined to accept any situation,
should any such be offered, which, by enabling me to live
like a retired individual on some small means, may present
a hope of some day returning to England.”
At the close of the year 1815 Charles Metcalfe received
another visit from his brother Theophilus, who had come
round to Calcutta upon business connected with the
financial affairs of the Canton Factory. The visit was a
solace to both brothers. "I look forward,” wrote the
elder brother from Benares, "to a delightful month with
* The expenses of all the Residencies had been reduced; but
whilst other retrenchments were ordered to take immediate effect,
the case of the Delhi Residency had been treated as an exceptional
one, and Metcalfe had been ordered, as a preliminary measure, to
report upon the expenses of his office before any reductions were
carried out
310
VISIT FROM THEOPHILUS METCALFE.
{
you, such as I have not passed for some time; and, alas!
have but little prospect of seeing a relative for years to
come." They met then at Delhi for the last time. Theo-
philus Metcalfe did not live to see the completion of those
twelve years.
•
311
CHAPTER XII.
[1815-1818.]
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
Peace with the Goorkhas-Relations with the States of Central
India-Scindiah, Holkar, and the Rajah of Berar-The Pin
darrees-Ameer Khan and the Patans-The Rajpoot States-
Metcalfe's Plans for the Settlement of Central India-Adopted
by Lord Hastings-Opposition of the Home Authorities—
Change of Policy-Correspondence of Metcalfe with Lord
Moira―The Governor-General takes the Field-Suppression
of the Pindarrees - Metcalfe's Treaties with the Rajpoot
Princes.
"HURRAH! peace with the Goorkhas!" wrote Secretary
Ricketts from Calcutta to Metcalfe, at Delhi, on the 9th of
December, 1815. The intelligence was most welcome.
A great object had now been accomplished. But there
was a greater before us to which the pacification of Nepaul
had in some measure cleared the way. One obstacle at
least to the settlement of Central India had been removed.
It had been always Metcalfe's opinion that our operations
against the Goorkhas should have been postponed until
arrangements had been effected for the establishment of
permanent tranquillity throughout all the Central Indian
States; but the war having been commenced, he argued
that we should conclude it, by a manifestation of over-
whelming strength, with the utmost practicable despatch ;
and then, having in the meanwhile increased, by every
possible means, our military resources, enter with confi-
312
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
dence upon the arrangements which the unsettled condition
of Central India so imperatively demanded.
Whatever may have been the policy-or the necessity-
in 1806, of the sudden winding-up of our political rela-
tions in the interior of Hindostan, it is not to be doubted
that the precipitate adjustment of affairs, rendered neces-
sary by the embarrassed state of our finances, caused a
vast heritage of stirring work to descend to a future
Government. It is very true that no statesman is justified
in saddling posterity with political convulsions and pecu-
niary distresses. But it is equally true that no statesman
‚is justified in inflicting a positive injury upon his own
generation, with the hope of averting a conjectural evil
from a future one. But the truest statesmanship is that
which seizes upon the exact point at which conjectural
evils are about to become positive ones, when they have
passed altogether beyond the stage of possible prevention,
and to delay their extinction is only to nurture their
growth. Now, in 1815-16, we had certainly reached an
epoch of our career at which any continued reliance upon
the efficacy of those principles of non-interference, which
had so long regulated our political conduct in the East,
would have been suicidal in the extreme. Disorder and
confusion were paramount over the whole length and
breadth of Central India. The entire country was rent by
internal strife. The strong were preying upon the weak.
The supremacy of Might was alone recognised. There was
altogether a state of lawlessness and disorganization such
as it is difficult for those, who square their notions by the
rule and plummet of European civilization, adequately to
conceive.
•
To describe, with satisfactory detail, the chaotic state of
things that had arisen during the ten years which had
elapsed since Charles Metcalfe, on the banks of the Beeas,
met Holkar and Ameer Khan in the camp of the former,
4
THE NATIVE STATES.
313
would demand an amount of space that cannot consistently
be afforded to it in such a memoir as this. It was a
condition of things that no wise or benevolent statesman
could long suffer to exist. Immense bands of Pindarrees
were overrunning and ravaging the lands. Certain Patan
chiefs, little better than Pindarrees, with large bodies of
retainers, were overawing the peaceful states of Rajpootana.
And our nominal allies, the substantive Mahratta states,
were in a condition of scarcely disguised hostility towards
us. Not only did the security of our Indian empire, but
the larger interests of common humanity, demand that an
effort should be made by the paramount power to restore
tranquillity to the distracted country. The duty of the
British Government in this conjuncture stood out clearly
before Metcalfe's eyes. It was with no misgiving—with
no hesitation that he fully declared his opinions to the
Governor-General; and propounded a scheme for the
settlement of Central India, which Lord Moira was not
slow to adopt. The length of the document in which his
views were submitted forbids its entire insertion; but its
importance demands that I should set forth some of its
more pregnant passages.
And the better to follow his arguments, and to under-
stand all the bearings of the great question, it should first
be seen in what manner he classified the different states of
Central India :—
"That part of India which is not occupied by the British
Government and its allies, is divided among powers who may be
classed under the following different descriptions:-
"1. Substantive states, ardently desiring our overthrow, and ambi-
tious to aggrandise themselves; who for the gratification of either
propensity, would not scruple to have recourse to any measures,
and who have armies in their service capable of being converted at
a moment's warning into instruments of destruction to our pro-
vinces. Against these powers we must always be on our guard;
314
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
and the frontiers exposed to them can never be considered to be in
safety unless defended by our armies. We may be assured that
these powers only want an encouraging opportunity to strike a
blow at our existence.
"2. Military powers not substantive states, but more dangerous,
perhaps, than these states; being less tangible and having less to
lose, living by plunder and devastation-the enemies of all regular
governments, more especially hostile in spirit to us, and capable of
overrunning and ruining our provinces if we gave them the oppor-
tunity, by neglecting our defence. Against these, therefore, we
must be equally guarded as against the states of the first class.
"3. Petty states, who are subject to the continual plunder and
oppression of the two former classes, who in consequence look up
to us for protection, and are therefore well-disposed towards us.
From these we have nothing to apprehend. These it is our interest
to uphold and protect.
"To the first class belong Scindiah, Holkar, and the Rajah of
Nagpore (Berar).
"Of these three, Scindiah is now the most powerful, and the one
most employed in aggrandising himself.
"The power of Holkar, if considered as unconnected with
that of Meer Khan, is very much reduced. That of Nagpore
seems to be, too, on the decline. But all three are hostile
towards us, and in heart confederated against us; and never
will be otherwise until they be forced by the oppression of each
other, or of other powers, to throw themselves into our arms for
protection.
"The second class of powers consists of the Pindarrees, Meer
Khan, Mahomed Shah Khan, and generally all predatory leaders.
Of these the Pindarrees are the most mischievous. Meer Khan
and Mahomed Shah Khan may be considered in a double
character, as servants of Holkar and as independent chieftains.
These powers, and all others that exist by upsetting peaceful
states and disturbing the general tranquillity, must be considered.
as enemies, since they either act as such, or force us to take the
same defensive precautions against them as if they were in declared
hostility.
"In the third class may be included Jyepore, Joudpore, Oudi-
pore, Bekaneer, Jessulmere, Kotah, Boondee, Kerowlee, and the
other petty states on the frontier of Guzerat, and, generally, all
states who are subject to the oppression of the military and pre-
datory powers.”
SUPPRESSION OF THE PINDARREES.
315
Having thus shown with what we had to deal, he
proceeded in a few pithy sentences to declare how it was
desirable to deal with them:
"With regard to all the great military states and all the preda-
tory powers, it is clearly our interest to annihilate them or to
reduce them to a state of weakness, subjection, and dependence.
This observation refers to all the powers of the first and second
classes above described. And with regard to the weak and harm-
less and well-disposed petty states, though it is not so indis-
pensably necessary for our vital interests that we should support
them, yet it is a just and proper object of wise and liberal
policy."
It was Metcalfe's opinion at this time that the annihi-
lation of all the substantive states of Central India would
be advantageous to the British Government, and he was
not without a belief that circumstances would arise to
justify such a measure. But he was not yet prepared to
recommend it. They had been guilty of no overt acts of
hostility; and we had no pretext for drawing the sword
against them. But the forcible suppression of the Pin-
darrees was, on the other hand, a measure that called for
immediate execution. Forbearance and moderation in
such a case would only have been sinful and cruel. The
reduction of these lawless bands was, indeed, the first
object of our policy. Nothing could be done until it was
accomplished:-
"The first object," said Metcalfe, "to which our attention ought
to be directed, is the reduction of the power of the Pindarrees.
Not only does this predatory power at all times menace the tran-
quillity of our territories, and force us to adopt extensive measures
of precautionary defence, but has actually invaded our dominions
and ravaged our richest provinces, and perpetually threatens a
repetition of this outrage and devastation. It is impossible to
distinguish between the different bodies of these freebooters. The
whole of them are the enemies of all states, and they have all been
engaged in ravaging either our own provinces or those of our allies.
As long as this power exists, we cannot undertake any political or
military operations without the apprehension of having our pro-
316
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
vinces laid waste by bands of plunderers. And from the increase
of the power of these freebooters which has actually taken place in
the last few years, we may judge to what an incalculable extent
the evil may proceed if it be allowed to continue to exist. We
ought to recollect that the Pindarree is now what the Mahratta
power was in the decline of the Mogul empire of India. Let us
take warning, and save the British empire from the downfall which
its predecessor sustained, chiefly from the hands of the predecessors
of the Pindarrees."
Speaking then of the difficulty of striking a vigorous
blow at a power so meteoric and intangible, Metcalfe then
proceeded to say :-
"As the destruction of the power of the Pindarrees is the first
object of our policy, so is it also, perhaps, the most difficult to be
accomplished. The seat of their power is in their camps. It is less
tangible than the power of any established state, which must fall
with the loss of its dominions. The Pindarrees may be dispersed,
and they will gather again. They may be defeated over and over
again, without loss of reputation or power, since neither the one
nor the other depends on victory in the field. They must be
pursued wherever they take refuge; they must be dispersed wher-
ever they assemble. We must not pause until they be annihilated
as a power. Even the Pindarree power is in some degree tan-
gible. The Pindarrees have lands and forts, where they keep
their families; and the loss of their possessions and the capture
of their families would tend greatly, no doubt, to destroy their
power."
After speaking of the offensive and defensive prepa-
rations which it would be necessary to make for the sup-
pression of these predatory bands, and dwelling upon the
advantages to be derived from the success of our measures,
Metcalfe proceeded to speculate on the probability of
deriving assistance from other substantive states of Central
India :-
advisable to persuade
Scindiah, Holkar, and
proper time to join a
"Every endeavour," he said, "will be
other powers to take part in the contest.
the Rajah of Berar, may be invited at the
confederacy for the destruction of the Pindarrees. If they accede,
and join with cordiality, the object may be gained with greater
TREATMENT OF THE MAHRATTA STATES.
317
facility; and the circumstance of acting in union with the British
Government for one common interest might lay the foundation of
a general confederacy of the established states of India with the
British Government as the acknowledged head. But this is an
arrangement, perhaps, more to be desired than expected."
If this confederacy were not arranged, it was argued
that the British Governinent could at least demand the
neutrality of the States, with the right of a free passage
through their territories; and if this were refused, they
could only be treated as open enemies :
"If Scindiah, Holkar, and the Rajah of Berar," continued
Metcalfe, "neither co-operate nor remain neutral-in other words,
if all or any of these powers oppose or obstruct our operations
against the Pindarrees, we have no choice but to consider all
powers so opposing us as our enemies, and to attack them
accordingly. The war, in this case, would require greater
exertions, but would also be attended with better prospects of
solid advantage. The territories of Scindiah, Holkar, or the
Rajah of Berar, would afford a recompense for the expenses of the
war, and an increase of resources for the payment of additional
force."
Having again repeated that the absolute extermination
of the Pindarrees by a series of vigorous offensive measures
was the first step towards the settlement of Central India,
Metcalfe proceeded to consider what should be our bearing
towards the military states, as a question distinct from that
of their movements for or against the Pindarrees :—
"Let us now examine what should be our policy towards
Scindiah, Holkar, and the Rajah of Berar, without any reference
to the Pindarrees. As long as these powers adhere to the spirit of
the treaties which we have with them respectively, and act towards
us in a friendly and inoffensive manner, we have no right, it is
needless to mention, to deviate from the spirit of existing engage-
ments, however desirable a deviation may occasionally be. We
must act towards them with friendship and a liberal regard for
their rights and pretensions. But we ought never to forget, that
as long as these, or any of these, powers are military, ambitious,
and unprincipled, it is our interest to overthrow them, or bring
318
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
!
F
!
them under our influence; and every opportunity should be taken
to pursue a policy tending to one of these results when it can be
done consistently with good faith and justice. In the event of a
war with all or any of these powers, it is our interest to secure the
greatest possible acquisition of territory, in order that we may
maintain the greatest possible amount of force."
In these suggestions, Metcalfe contended that there was
no spirit of aggrandisement; the only object being to
secure the safety of our possessions and the general tran-
quillity of the country :—
"In these proposals there is no ambition or wish for aggran-
disement beyond what is necessary or desirable for our safety and
strength. If the British Government were secure in their present
predicament, it might confine its attention to its own internal
prosperity, without involving itself in the dissensions and dis-
tractions of other states. But we must tranquillize the centre of
India, in order to acquire strength in our external boundaries
sufficient for the security of our Indian empire."
Having considered the course of policy to be pursued
towards the substantive states of India and the Pindarree
freebooters, Metcalfe adverted to those powers which
occupied intermediate ground between them-which par-
took of some of the substantive attributes of the one, and
were distinguished also by the predatory habits of the
other :-
"The military powers of Ameer Khan and Mahomed Shah
Khan remain to be spoken of. The existence of such powers is
incompatible with the preservation of the tranquillity of India, and
they must be destroyed by dispersion or attack before that great
object can be secured. Such armies might be dispersed by making
a provision for the chiefs and afterwards disbanding their troops;
but unless measures be taken at the same time to prevent the rise
of other powers of the same description, new armies will rise up
under new leaders, and we shall have the expense of supporting
the old chiefs, without doing away the evil. But the destruction
of the Pindarrees and the other arrangements proposed, will neces-
sarily effect the reduction of the remaining predatory powers."
Having thus considered the policy to be pursued towards
hostile states, he glanced at the condition of those friendly
POSITION OF THE PETTY STATES.
319
principalities which it was desirable to take under our
protection.
"These," he said, "should be systematically taken under pro-
tection whenever they seek it, and whenever our engagements
with other powers leave us at liberty to grant it, and other con-
siderations of an urgent nature do not interfere to prevent such an
arrangement. By taking the petty states under our protection, we
prevent the aggrandisement of the great military powers, and the
growth of the predatory powers which feed on the weaker states.
We at the same time secure the political attachment and
dependence of established governments, and the extension and
confirmation of our own power and supremacy.
These
states should be made to purchase our protection; and whenever
the circumstances of the party will admit of it, a tribute should be
demanded sufficient to pay for some increase of our military esta-
blishment, an object which should never be lost sight of in any of
our political arrangements in the present state of India."
It was true that our engagements with Scindiah and
Holkar prevented us from forming alliances with some of
these petty states,* but it was recommended that we should
take advantage of any rupture that might free us from
these engagements; and such a contingency seemed not
very remote.
Special mention was then made of Jyepore:
"The state of Jyepore has long sought our protection, and we
are not restrained by any engagements with other powers from
affording it. An alliance, however, with Jyepore would neces-
sarily annoy Scindiah and Holkar, and would deprive Meer Khan,
Mahomed Shah Khan, and other freebooters, of their chief
resource. The state of Jyepore could afford to pay a considerable
tribute, especially when tranquillity and protection shall have
restored the prosperity of the country. An alliance with Jyepore
has been objected to as an insulated measure, under the belief of
its inefficiency. Although an alliance with Jyepore be effected
singly--and a general alliance with the Rajpoot states is imprac-
ticable consistently with good faith-nevertheless the alliance
should not be considered an insulated measure, but one of a
* Joudpore, Oudipore, Kotah, &c.
320
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
system which can only be accomplished by degrees. We must not
expect that a number of states will come forward to seek our
alliance exactly at the moment most convenient to our views. If
we do not afford our protection when it is solicited, we must
expect that it may be rejected when we proffer it. If we refuse
now to conclude an alliance with Jyepore, it may happen that
Jyepore will be reluctant to conclude one at the precise period
when we deem it advantageous for ourselves.* If we adopt the
system of protecting the weak states, we must put it in practice
gradually, by taking under our protection such of them as are
aware of the benefit of it, and we must make some temporary
sacrifice for the sake of the advancement of the system."
The result of these alliances, Metcalfe argued, would
be great, for they would place us, either by the generation
of an immediate crisis, or by sowing the seeds of slow decay
among the Mahratta states, in possession of the whole
expanse of Central India:
"The formation, as suggested, of these alliances would confine
the military and predatory powers of India within parrow limits.
They must then either devour each other or waste away, or attack
us. In the latter event we ought to have made ourselves strong
enough to conquer them all, and annex the whole of these terri-
tories to the British dominions. In that case, by one great exertion,
the tranquillity of India might be established on a permanent
footing, and our supremacy would be complete. In either of the
other cases the same end will eventually be gained in a more pro-
gressive manner."
Such was the plan for the settlement of Central India
which Metcalfe presented to the Governor-General. But
how was so comprehensive a scheme of policy to be
carried out? It was anticipated that our measures for
the suppression of the Pindarrees would very probably
embroil us with all the Mahratta states; but, so far from
shrinking back alarmed at the contemplation of such a
contingency, Metcalfe regarded it as an element of extreme
* In how remarkable a manner these anticipations were verified
by the result will presently appear.
MEANS OF EFFECTING IT.
321
hopefulness in the great scheme which opened out before
him. He felt, indeed, that it was absolutely necessary for
the permanent tranquillisation of Central India, not only
that the Pindarrees should be rooted out, but that the
substantive states should be curtailed of their power, and
reduced to a condition of subjection that would prevent
them from ever again exciting our fears. The war with
the Pindarrees might be followed by a war with the
Mahrattas. It was incumbent upon us, said Metcalfe, to
be provided for this. But how were we to undertake the
prosecution of a scheme of policy demanding a display of
such immense resources? To this it was replied, that
everything must give way to one paramount consideration
-that the maintenance of an efficient military establish-
ment must be the first care of the Government, and that to
accomplish this we must increase our revenue by every
possible means:
"The following," said Metcalfe, "would appear to be the system
which we ought to adopt for the security and confirmation of our
dominion in India :-
"1st. To make it the main object of all the acts of our Govern-
ment to have the most efficient army that we can possibly maintain,
not merely for internal control or the defence of our frontier, but
also for those services in the field which our army is perpetually
called on to perform on emergencies when we have not time to
increase it in sufficient strength.
“2nd. If our resources should, at any time, be unequal to the
maintenance of an ample force, not to cripple our strength by
attempts to reduce our force within the limits of fixed resources at
the imminent peril of our dominion; but to endeavour to raise our
resources to meet the demands on us for force.*
* Elsewhere the writer says: "If an increase in the existing
branches of revenue in our own dominions prove sufficient for the
maintenance of such armies as we require, so much the better. If
not, we ought to draw forth new resources; and if these be
impracticable within our own dominions, we must look to increase
of territory by conquest over our enemies in the interior of India.
VOL. I.
M
322
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
برا
:
"3rd. To enlarge our territories in the interior of India on
every occasion of war as much as possible consistently with justice
and policy, moderation to our enemies, and due attention to our
allies.
"4th. To apply the net revenues of conquered countries to the
maintenance of additional force, and the acquisition of additional
force to the achievement of new conquests, on just occasions-thus
growing in size and increasing in strength as we proceed, until we
can with safety determine to confine ourselves within fixed limits,
and abjure all further conquests.
"5th. To enter on no wars from views of aggrandisement
without just cause; to respect with the most liberal attention
the rights, interests, feelings, and prejudices of all powers; and to
cultivate with those who are willing the most sincere and cordial
friendship."
These propositions Charles Metcalfe supported in a
manner which, doubtless, would have thrown his old
friend and correspondent, Sherer, the financier, into a
state of considerable alarm-especially if it had been
imparted to him with what favour the Delhi Resident's
arguments were received in the tent of the Governor-
General. But it must ever be considered that we were
on the eve of a great crisis, which in the estimation of
some of the ablest statesmen in India, demanded a departure
from ordinary rules of procedure. Let us settle the country
first, cried Metcalfe; and then practise economy:
"The error," he said, "seems to belong to the Government at
home, which has been resolved to make everything bend to a desire
to keep down the expenses-as if our expenses could be regulated
at our pleasure; as if we could control events so as to render them
subservient exclusively to economical and commercial views! The
most effectual remedy would be-and a most necessary one it is-
to reverse the system of Government, and to make views of
economy and retrenchment secondary to those of safety and
There is no doubt that opportunities will arise for effecting such
conquests, for with the utmost moderation and justice upon our
part, misunderstandings and wars in the course of time will be
occasionally unavoidable.”
FINANCIAL CONSIDERATIONS.
323
If
power. Let us first adopt measures for the security and strength
of our dominion, and afterwards look to a surplus of revenue.
retrenchments be necessary, let them be made anywhere rather
than in that branch of our expenditure which is necessary for our
existence. Let us cherish our military establishments above all
others, for on them our power entirely depends."
The answer of the financier, doubtless, was, that it is
impossible to cherish our military establishments without
money-that money has been emphatically called the
sinews of war—and that without money, though we may
talk of war, we cannot make it. To this, however,
Metcalfe replied:
"It is in vain to say that our commercial and financial arrange-
ments do not admit of an increase of force-commerce and finance
will soon be destroyed if we have not at all times an army suffi-
cient for the exigencies of our situation. If it were a question
whether our military establishments, or any other, should be
sacrificed, there could be no doubt that any other establishment
must be sacrificed, because our military establishment is the most
necessary for our existence. But it is to be.hoped that this will
never be a question. Let us preserve all our establishments, and
make them contribute to the support of each other; but it is neces-
sary to guard with peculiar care the efficiency of our armies. Let
us not adopt the absurd notion that commerce and finance can
thrive by the neglect and reduction of the vital sources of our
strength and existence. As well might we expect to give vigour
to the limbs by chopping at the heart.”
To this the financier would reply, that if military
establishments be necessary for the protection of revenue,
it is equally true that revenue is necessary to the support
of military establishments, or in a word, that armies are of
no use if we cannot pay them-nay, that unpaid armies
are worse than useless, for they may become dangerous
enemies. Our own guns have been shotted ere now in
anticipation of the rising of our unpaid sepoys. Metcalfe,
however, anticipated the objection:
"It may be said, that we must, of necessity, confine our expenses
within our resources. Nothing can be more true than this-that
?
M 2
324
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
our power cannot last long, if our expenses exceed our resources.
So far all are doubtless agreed. The difference between the
system prescribed by the Government at home and that which it
is here proposed to recommend, is this:-the former-not avowedly
or wilfully, it is hoped, but, nevertheless, actually in its operations,
attempts to restrain our military expenses within fixed limits,
without regard to our safety. The latter would attend to our
safety as the first consideration, and endeavour to make our
resources meet our necessary expenditure. The inevitable conse-
quence of the former, if persevered in, must be ruin; we may form
better hopes of the latter."
Having said this, the writer proceeded to state his
opinion that if our revenue be not sufficient for the pay-
ment of our troops, we must augment it :
"If," he said, "the present state of our resources be inadequate
to the provision of force sufficient for our safety, we must seek to
raise them by extraordinary means. It is true that resources are
not always procurable at will, but we must not acknowledge that
we cannot raise sufficient resources from our immense empire,
unless we be prepared also to admit that we cannot keep the
country. When additional resources become necessary, they must
be raised, and means must be had recourse to which in ordinary
times might be deemed objectionable. There ought to be, and
surely must be, ways and means of raising additional revenue from
the vast territories under our dominions. A native Government,
equally strong in other respects, would extract much more from
the extensive empire which we possess without injuring the
prosperity of the country. For instance, a duty on the transport
of grain would be levied by a native Government, and would
probably be exceedingly productive. The proposal will no doubt
be objected to. It is not agreeable to European prejudices; but a
duty on traffic in grain-the principal trade of most parts of the
country-is a source of revenue under every native Government,
, and, whether a good or bad source of revenue, it is the only one
which promises to be abundantly productive. It is not intended
here to enter into any discussion on the expediency or otherwise of
such a duty. All that is meant to contend for is, that instead of
indulging in the vain hope of promoting our prosperity by the
reduction of our establishments, we ought to search for additional
sources of revenue."
VIEWS OF THE HOME AUTHORITIES.
325
He then proceeded to argue, that in proportion as it was
difficult to derive increased revenues from our existing
territories, "the necessity of an increase of territory
becomes more apparent :
99
"Any acquisition of territory in the centre of India would
contract the extent of frontier to be defended, or approximate the
connections between the forces of Bengal and those of the other
Presidencies, or give a surplus of revenue available for the pay-
ment of a military force, without the chance of involving us in
any embarrassments beyond those to which we are already
exposed. So far, therefore, from contemplating an increase of
territory as an evil to be avoided, we ought to desire it, wherever
it can be justly obtained, as the source of safety and power."
But on whatsoever side of the controversy between the
soldiers and the financiers reason and justice might array
themselves, it is certain that for some time the home
authorities, as represented no less by the King's ministers
than by the Court of Directors, took the financial view of
the great question, and determined that war and diplomacy
should remain in abeyance. The Secret Committee sent
out positive instructions against interference. with existing
arrangements, and directed that "the system which was
consolidated at the close of the last Mahratta war should
be maintained with as little change as could be avoided.”
And soon afterwards, a great man having succeeded to
the India Board,* the same mysterious authority wrote
again, in 1816, "We are unwilling to incur the risk of
a general war for the uncertain purpose of exterminating
the Pindarrees. Extended political and military combi-
nations we cannot at the present time sanction or approve.
Any attempt," it was added, "at this moment to establish
a new system of policy, tending to a wider diffusion of our
power, must necessarily interfere with those economical
* George Canning. See documents quoted in Professor Wilson's
continuation of Mill's "History of India."
1
326
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
relations which it is more than ever incumbent on us to
recommend as indispensable to the maintenance of our
present ascendency."
The Governor-General was ripe for action; but the
decided tone of the home authorities necessarily compelled
him to pause before he put into execution the great
measures on which he had determined when Metcalfe was
in his camp. The opposition which he had encountered
from the members of Council had in some measure given
way under a pressure of circumstances, if not under a
pressure of arguments. He had returned to Calcutta in
the autumn of 1815, carrying with him in his portfolio an
elaborate minute on the settlement of Central India, to be
laid before the Council immediately on his arrival. This
minute was drawn up by Mr. Ricketts, principally from
memoranda furnished by Metcalfe. Some parts of it,
indeed, were written in Metcalfe's own words; all parts
contained his arguments.* But it was little likely that
the bold schemes of the Up-country Council would find
* See letter of Mr. Ricketts to Mr. Metcalfe. "By this dawk I
have forwarded to you the outline of a proposed minute to be laid
before the Council by his lordship on his arrival in Calcutta. It
has been seen by Lord Moira, by Adam, and by Fagan; and will
meet your approbation generally, as the sentiments and plan are
your own-nay, the wording yours in many parts, as taken from
the admirable notes with which you furnished his lordship. Still,
the whole will require correction, and which I beg of you to under-
take without any scruples." And again, in another letter, “You
know the value which Lord Moira attaches to your suggestions-
you know also the importance to Lord Moira of defending with
sound arguments a point of this nature, which, though of vital
consequence to the interests of the Indian Government, will be
opposed, I fear, by the Council and by the Court of Directors. As
a friend of his lordship, you will feel every anxiety to aid in so
good a cause, and I cannot prove my friendship better than by
entrusting the labouring oar in the struggle to your able manage-
ment.”—Camp, Futteghur, July and August, 1815.—MS. Corres-
pondence.]
".
ADOPTION OF METCALFE'S POLICY.
327
ready acceptance at Calcutta. In the "Chapter of Acci-
dents," however, there was much written down in their
favour. The audacity of the Pindarrees was increasing
under the fostering influence of continued impunity, and
it was clear that we could not much longer abstain from
taking decided measures for the suppression of these reck-
less marauders, without danger to ourselves, and cruelty
to our subjects. Ameer Khan and his Patan levies were
making further encroachments on the weak Rajpoot States,
and there were indications of a spirit of increased hostility
discernible at Scindiah's Court. In this conjuncture, Lord
Moira's associates at the Council Board began somewhat to
relax in that rigid maintenance of the principles of non-
interference which had distinguished their recent pro-
ceedings; and a reluctant assent to the proposed move-
ment for the suppression of the Pindarrees was wrung
from the Home Government. Somewhat enlarging the
scheme sanctioned in Leadenhall-street, Lord Moira now
determined to take the field with an overwhelming army for
the extirpation of these destructive marauders. It was
determined that, at the commencement of the cold season
of 1817, war to the knife should be declared againt these
people, as common enemies of mankind. No neutrality
on the part of the Mahratta States was to be permitted.
They were to be called upon to co-operate with us against
the Pindarrees; and perhaps the expectation entertained
that some previous reluctance, or some subsequent infi-
delity, would embroil us with the substantive states in
such a manner as to enable us to make certain new dis-
tribution of their territory, was not, in some quarters,
much unlike a hope.
It was hard to say, when we should once have taken
the field and commenced operations, who would not come
within the scope of the chastisement we were preparing
for the Pindarrees. There were symptoms in many quarters
328
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
•
of that restlessness, born of suspicion, which is soon
developed into open hostility at a native court. In the
meanwhile, preparations on a large scale were being made
for the coming campaign; and our statesmen were busying
themselves with the tangled skein of politics which the.
aspect of affairs in Central India presented to them. First
to clear away one difficulty, then another; to simplify
their diplomacy as much as they could, was the great
primal object of their endeavours. One great point was to
detach Ameer Khan from the confederacy of predatory
chiefs. On this subject Lord Moira wrote to the Delhi
Resident early in May :
LORD MOIRA TO MR. METCALFE.
“Barrackpore, May 5, 1817.
"MY DEAR SIR,-Bustle in any one quarter of this country is
so likely to excite the speculations and spur the activity of indi-
viduals in other parts, that the state of things at Poonah may
influence districts nearer to you. Hence it may be wise, if it can
be done without affectation, to waken a little the hopes of Ameer
Khan. An appearance of wishing to know precisely the territory
to which he looks, with obscure hints that there may be soon a
course of measures favourable to his views, might be likely to keep
him right. Endeavours, I am persuaded, are earnestly exerted to
secure his aid in a grand co-operation of predatory powers; and
his declining to enrol himself in such a combination would operate
much to keep the others quiet. The coming to a point would be
easily evaded by you on the plea that I was shortly expected in
the Upper Country. That visit I shall undoubtedly make, though
I shall not think it necessary to be at Cawnpore till near the
opening of the cool season.
"Adieu, my dear sir.
"I have the honour to be, sincerely,.
"Your faithful, humble servant,
"MOIRA."
To this question of the detachment of Ameer Khan
from the great predatory confederacy, Metcalfe directed his
thoughts. In a review of the state of affairs, forwarded,
SCINDIAH AND THE RAJPOOT STATES.
329.
soon after the receipt of this letter, to the Governor-
General, he thus expressed his opinion of the course to be
pursued towards Ameer Khan :
"To Meer Khan we might offer a guarantee in perpetuity, for
himself and his heirs, of the territories which he at present holds
from Holkar, yielding from nine to twelve lakhs per annum.
"Some provision is necessary to induce and enable him to quit
his present course of life, and it is proper that it should consist of
the same territories which have hitherto supported him as a pest
to the peaceable part of India.
"We might require of him to disband his predatory army, to
dispose of his artillery to us at a fair valuation, and to reside
quietly and inoffensively on the territories assigned to him under
the protection of the British Government, with only such a force
as might be necessary for the collection of his revenues.
"Meer Khan would, perhaps, require from us a large sum of
money, under the pretence of having to pay up his troops before
discharging them; but we shall require all our money for other
purposes.
"He would also, probably, ask for a grant of territory in our
dominions; but it is to be hoped that we need not make such a
sacrifice in his favour.
"Should he not accept the terms we offer him, he must abide by
the consequences of our determination to put down all predatory
powers, without having any provision secured to him."
On the great chart of diplomacy now to be unfolded,
the conduct of negotiations with Holkar, with Ameer
Khan, and with the Rajpoot states, was assigned to Met-
calfe. Our bearing towards these principalities had been
much encumbered by our treaty with Scindiah. But in
the autumn of 1817, as the Governor-General was pro-
ceeding towards the scene of his intended operations, he
came to the resolution, which had for some time been
taking root in his mind, to ignore these embarrassing
obligations, and to enter into treaties for the protection
of Oudipore and the other forbidden states. On this
subject the Governor-General-Lord Moira no longer,
for he had been created, for his services, Marquis of
330
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
Hastings-wrote from Cawnpore, at the beginning of
October:
LORD HASTINGS TO MR. METCALFE.
"Cawnpore, October 5, 1817.
“MY DEAR SIR,-You will have formal instructions sent to you
on the point; but you cannot too soon learn my sentiments
respecting Oudipore. It has been notified to Scindiah that from
late occurrences I consider the treaties existing between us as
virtually dissolved-that I am ready to renew our relations, with
the confirmation of all his former advantages; but that I must
claim and exercise the right of entering into engagements with any
states whose position may afford me a security against the re-
establishment of the power of the Pindarrees, when they shall be
once dispersed. That there might be no ambiguity, I have specified
the Rajpoot states. Now, the desirable effect would be to have
Jyepore, Oudipore, and Joudpore concur in one general arrange-
ment to be taken under British protection. The same subsidiary
fine would then do for all three, and the full expenses of it would
be easily met by these states. The attempt to bring them into
this agreement should be made before such a shock is given to the
predatory associations, as may make the Rajpoots feel tolerably
secure against future molestation.
"Scindiah has assented to the progress of the British troops
from Boorhanpore to the Nerbudda, and is full of professions of his
good disposition; but we do not trust him too far. The troops
here, both European and native, are in high health, though there
is dreadful sickness down the river. At Chaprah, the burials have
been threescore to fourscore in a day. The Bhurtpore Rajah has
spontaneously sent 400 horse. I have the honour, my dear sir,
to remain, with great regard,
"Your faithful and obedient servant,
"HASTINGS."
Metcalfe now saw clearly his work before him; and in
a little while he was in the very midst of its performance.
It was attended with no such stormy proceedings as beset
the paths of Elphinstone, Jenkins, and Close at their
respective Mahratta courts. His negotiations with Ameer
Khan were brought to a favourable issue. On the 9th
of November, the agent of the Rohilla chief signed at
TREATY WITH AMEER KHAN.
331
Delhi, on behalf of his master, a treaty, by which he
stipulated to disband his Patan levies, and to restore all
the territories which he had wrested from the Rajpoots.
On the part of the British Government, it was stipulated
that a sum of money should be paid to him, to enable him
to disburse the arrears of pay due to his followers, and
that the lands which he had held under Holkar, as the
price of his military support, should thenceforth be secured
to him under British guarantee. *
But to conclude a treaty with a native chief is one
thing; to render it binding upon him is another. Great
doubts were entertained whether Ameer Khan would be
true to his engagements. And a question of very difficult
solution arose after the signing of the treaty-a question
whether it were more expedient to disband Ameer Khan's
levies, or to keep them together under his command until
the end of the war. On Ochterlony, who commanded a
division of the grand army posted in the Delhi territory,
and who had diplomatic powers in the Rajpootana country,
devolved the duty of giving effect to the arrangements
involved in the treaty with Ameer Khan. Conceiving
a higher opinion of the sincerity of that chief than Met-
calfe had ever entertained, he was anxious to keep the
Patan levies together, and was not without a hope that
* Colonel Sutherland, one of Metcalfe's warmest admirers, in
his "Sketch of the Native States of India," calls this treaty one of
"rather doubtful character;" but does not enter upon any more
minute criticism. Sir David Ochterlony, writing to Metcalfe, put
the transaction in its true light, when he said, "Excepting the
convenience of the measure, I am not convinced of the propriety
of detaching this chief from his nominal master, and giving him a
large portion of country not our own, before we have had the
least communication with his principal on his past conduct, the
grounds of our displeasure, or our wishes or determinations
respecting his future conduct." That future conduct, however,
soon quieted our scruples, and imparted to the treaty with Ameer
Khan a sort of ex post facto justice.
332
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
יי
they might be advantageously employed against our
enemies.* Metcalfe believed him to be the dupe of the
Rohilla; but Lord Hastings trusted in the sincerity of
Ameer Khan,† and was anxious to encourage it by hopes of
future reward. What he might have done, had the war
progressed differently, it is hard to say; but he soon saw
that it was his true policy to assume friendship, if he did
not feel it, and at least to comport himself as a faithful ally.
Whilst thus detaching Ameer Khan from the great
confederacy, it was Metcalfe's business, at the same time,
to spread over the different Rajpoot principalities the net-
work of diplomacy which had long been designed for
them. As soon as it had been finally determined to take
the field for the suppression of the Pindarrees, Metcalfe
had addressed a circular letter to all the chiefs of Rajpoo-
tana, inviting them to send agents to Delhi for the purpose
of concluding such engagements with the British Govern-
ment as would ensure for them, throughout the coming
struggle, the protection of the paramount power. The
requisition was promptly obeyed. The first who sent his
representative to Metcalfe's Durbar was Zalim Singh, of
Kotah. Zalim Singh had been the first chief with whom,
when a boy on his way to Scindiah's Camp, he had inter-
* "If I had two lakhs of rupees," wrote the General, "of my
own, I should not hesitate to give it to Meer Khan, so completely
has he assured me of his sincerity."
"If he will depend on me," wrote Lord Hastings to Ochter-
lony, "the narrow condition of the treaty shall not be the measure
of his reward."
‡ "The conditions were simply, that any tribute demandable
under a fixed agreement with a Mahratta or Patan chief should be
paid directly to the British treasury, leaving us to account for it to
the party to whom it might be due; and that our protection should
be afforded on the usual condition of abstaining from the contraction
of any new relations with other powers, and submitting to our
arbitration of external disputes.”—[Prinsep's History, vol. ii.]
!
THE RAJPOOT STATES.
333
changed diplomatic amenities; and Kotah had been the
subject of the first state-paper which he had drawn up for
the use of Government.† Then the princes of Joudpore
and Oudipore, long-suffering victims of Mahratta and
Patan oppression, sent in their adhesion to the great
scheme of alliance. Next, Boondee, Bekaneer, Jessulmere,
and other lesser states, sent their agents to the British
Durbar, to conclude engagements with the paramount
power. And, lastly, came Jyepore, which ought to have
been first to allow itself to be saved by our intervention.
It happened that, when the time came, this state did not
wish to be saved, and talked largely about saving itself.
Our negotiations with Ameer Khan had somewhat embar-
rassed our proceedings towards the Rajpoot states; and
now Jyepore was obviously endeavouring to take advantage
of our complicated relations, and, as Ochterlony said, to
play us off against Ameer Khan. There were curious
alternations of presumption and alarm discernible in the
conduct of the Jyeporeans; and it was hard to say whether
the wavering policy they pursued was dictated by appre-
hensions of our designs, or a studied effort to overreach us.
The example of the other states was, however, followed at
last, and on the 2nd of April the long-talked-of treaty
with Jyepore was formally signed.
Two great objects had thus been gained by our diplo-
macy. We had rendered Ameer Khan harmless, and we
had brought the Rajpoot States under our protection. In
the mean while, equal success was waiting on our arms.
The Pindarrees were scattered and destroyed. Holkar,
who had joined the enemy, was disastrously beaten in a
* See ante, pages 55, 56.
† Ante, page 82.; Zalim Singh was not the nominal, but the
virtual ruler of Kotah.
Metcalfe, it has been shown, had always been of opinion that
Holkar's strong disinclination to place himself under the protection
334
THE SETTLEMENT OF CENTRAL INDIA.
:
pitched battle. The Peishwah was a prisoner in our
camp. The Rajah of Berar was a miserable fugitive.
Scindiah was hanging upon our skirts, a reluctant ally;
feeble as a friend, but, at least, harmless as an enemy.
The condition of things which Metcalfe had so long desired
had now arrived. We had suppressed the Pindarree
power; we had obtained the right to make new treaties
with the substantive states, to enforce a new distribution
of territory, to consolidate our own empire, and to secure
the permanent tranquillity of Central India. The death-
blow, indeed, was now given to the Mahrattas. The
Poonah territories were bodily absorbed into our own
dominions. Berar, after the amputation of a considerable
limb, was placed, during the minority of a new ruler
nominated by us, under the administration of the British
Resident. Holkar, convinced of his true interests, alike
by our power and our moderation, was brought, after
certain cessions of territory and tribute, including the
Jagheers we had transferred to Ameer Khan, under British
protection; whilst the latter chief became a peaceful
administrator and a firm ally to the end of his life.
Central India was really settled by these great military
and diplomatic operations, and peace and security estab-
lished where before had been incessant strife and continual
alarm.
But the period of Metcalfe's residence at Delhi was
now drawing to a close. The question of the secretaryship,
which had agitated him a few years before, was now to be
revived. On the 9th of October, 1818, John Adam wrote,
at the request of Lord Hastings, saying, that as Mr.
Ricketts had determined to proceed to England in the
of the British, was not to be overcome so long as there was a hope
of his obtaining, by other means, a more independent position.
The confederacy now established against us seemed to encourage
these hopes, so he threw himself into the arms of the enemy.
SUCCESSION TO THE RESIDENCY.
335
following January, the Private Secretaryship would then
be vacant, and that as the Political Secretaryship would then
also be vacant,* the Governor-General hoped that Metcalfe
would be induced to accept the conjoint offices. The
flattering offer was not refused. Not, however, without
some misgivings, did Metcalfe, on the 23rd of October,
reply that he was at the service of the Governor-General,
and that he would at once make his arrangements to deliver
over the charge of the Delhi Residency to his successor.
But who was to be his successor? The solution of the
question greatly perplexed the Calcutta Council. After
much consideration, it was determined to entrust the
military and political duties to Sir David Ochterlony, and
to place the civil administration of the district in the hands
of a Commissioner or a Board. † "It is not to be ex-
pected," wrote John Adam, "of Ochterlony, or of any
* By the elevation of Mr. Adam to a seat in council. In another
letter that gentleman wrote: "I am working hard to impose upon
you nothing that I can do myself. I sincerely hope that you will
like your new employment. I do, from long habit, in spite of the
toil and occasional vexation that belong to all employments. I
am sure you will find yourself happy in Calcutta, where so many
will rejoice to see you established. I cannot tell you the comfort I
feel at the department passing into such hands.”
† The details of the arrangement consequent on Metcalfe's
transfer to Calcutta are sketched out in the following passage of a
letter from John Adam, dated November 16, 1818:-"You will
receive by this post authority to make over charge of the Resi-
dency to Ochterlony, whom Lord Hastings has resolved to appoint
to succeed you. He is to command the third division, and to
manage the affairs of Jyepore and Ameer Khan, Kerowly, Kishe-
nagur, and generally of the Eastern Rajpoot states; and to take
charge of Joudpore, Oudipore, Kotah, and Boondee. The extension
of political and military duty thus to be assigned to Ochterlony,
will make it necessary to relieve him entirely, or nearly so, from
the administration of the territory of Delhi. The outline of the
plan proposed is to appoint a civil officer, with high powers,
judicial and revenue, distinct from the political authority.”
336
THE SETTLEMENT IN CENTRAL INDIA.
other man, that he should go through the Herculean
labours that you have sustained." "The political and
military duties," he added in another letter, "will be
abundant occupation for any one man; and the internal
administration has now become so large a concern, as to
make it very expedient to place it on the proposed footing
on your being withdrawn."
It is hard to say whether the arrangement for the suc-
cession were more pleasing to Ochterlony or to Metcalfe.
Throughout long years-years which had brought fame
and honour to the old soldier-he had smarted under a
sense of the injury that had been inflicted upon him, in
1805, by his removal from the Delhi Residency. And
when the rumours first reached him, that he was to succeed
Metcalfe, he could not bring himself to believe in their
truth. "I cannot help thinking," he wrote, “that Sir
George Barlow's infliction is to pursue me through life."
He had long been eager to recover his lost position. He
cared not where the situation might be—what the emolu-
ments of office, as long as he were styled "Resident"
again.* When, therefore, Metcalfe, eager to convey the
* How strong this feeling was, may be gathered from the fol-
lowing touching passage, in a letter written to Metcalfe, in January,
1818:-"In twelve days," wrote Ochterlony, "I shall complete my
sixtieth year; and in that long period have never but once had
just ground to complain of ill-fortune or ill-usage; but that once,
though it has led me to unexpected fame and honour, has, for
nearly twelve years, preyed upon my spirits; and all I have since
gained appears no recompense for a removal which stamped me
with those who knew me best, and loved me most, as ignorant and
incompetent, and with the world in general, venal and culpable.
A feeling which I cannot describe, but which is quite distinct from
the love of ease and the advantages of a Residency, makes me
wish for that situation. I would not care where; the name alone
seems as if it would wash out a stain-but if that is denied, I shall
be happier at Kurnal than anywhere-for there, or near it, are, or
will be at no distant date, I trust, assembled all those whom I love
OCHTERLONY'S SUCCESSION.
-
337
glad tidings to his friend, was the first to communicate to
him that his appointment to the Delhi Residency had
really been determined by the Governor-General, the
delighted veteran, who at threescore was as eager and
enthusiastic as a boy, wrote back that his correspondent
was not to " expect much sense or connection in a letter
written in a tumult of joy and exultation." He was eager,
in carrying out all the subordinate arrangements attendant
on the change, to be guided by the wishes and suggestions
of his friend. "To whose recommendations," he asked,
แ can I more earnestly wish to attend than to those of the
child of my affection? If I do not speak of other motives,
it is not because I am insensible that others exist; but
because I flatter myself that none can be more accept-
able to you than the forcible one implied in a parental
love."
" *
The time for Metcalfe's departure had now come.
He
was deeply attached to Delhi, and he could not quit the
place or its society without many a throb of regret. He
was much beloved by the people of all races. His benevo-
lence, his hospitality, his pure unselfishness, his strict inte-
grity, had endeared him alike to natives and to Europeans.
As the day of his departure approached, the latter held
a public meeting and voted him a farewell address.† It
was the first of a long line of similar testimonials of
public admiration, which were now to pursue him, from
different parts of the world, almost to the very day of his
death.
He went, regretting and regretted-but he knew that as
with paternal affection; and there, like a patriarch, I wish to live
in the greatest enjoyment this life can bestow-the society of
those I love, and who, I believe, return it with sincere and fond
affection."
* Sir D. Ochterlony to Mr. Metcalfe, November 24, 1818.—MS.
† The address, and Metcalfe's reply to it, will be found in the
Appendix.
338
THE SETTLEMENT IN CENTRAL INDIA.
!
Resident at Delhi he had not been an unprofitable servant.
Twelve years afterwards, referring to this period of his
career, he thus summed up the benefits which, under his
administration of the Delhi territory, had been conferred
upon the people:*
"It may be as well to mention a few facts, as characteristic of
the spirit in which the former administration at Delhi was con-
ducted, and the discretionary power of the superior authority
exercised. Capital punishment was generally and almost wholly
abstained from, and I believe without any bad effect. Corporal
punishment was discouraged, and finally abolished. Swords and
other implements of intestine warfare, to which the people were
prone, were turned into ploughshares; not figuratively alone, but
literally also, villages being made to give up their arms, which
were returned to them in the shape of implements of agriculture.
Suttees were prohibited. The rights of Government were better
maintained than in other provinces, by not being subjected to the
irreversible decisions of its judicial servants, when there were no
certain laws for their guidance and control.
"The rights of the people were better preserved, by the main-
tenance of the village constitutions, and by avoiding those per-
nicious sales of lands for arrears of revenue, which in other pro-
vinces have tended so much to destroy the hereditary rights of
the mass of the agricultural community. In consequence there
has been no necessity in the Delhi territory for those extraordinary
remedies which have been deemed expedient elsewhere, both
to recover the rights of Government, and to restore those of the
people.
"When it comes to be decided whether the Delhi territory has
on the whole been better or worse governed than the provinces
* Although in Chapter X. I have' treated at some length of
Metcalfe's civil administration, I had intended to say more in this
place about what some years afterwards was described as the
"Delhi System," and which was severely criticised by a very able
member of the Bengal Civil Service, but the length to which
this chapter has already extended, and some doubt as to whether
the discussion would be interesting to the general reader, have
warned me to desist. Some passages, however, from Metcalfe's
defence of the system are given in the Appendix.
:
DEPARTURE FROM DELHI.
339
under the regulations, the question, it is to be hoped, will be deter-
mined by impartial judges, free from prejudice and passion."
How deeply Metcalfe's departure from Delhi was felt
by the inhabitants may be gathered from the following
extracts from letters written to him by Sir David Ochter-
lony :-
"If you had known how much and how generally your departure
would have been mourned, you never could have left Delhi; but
your humility never gave you a just idea of your value, and I
shall have much to do, much to change in my habits and temper,
and much to perform, before I shall be able to reconcile the palace,
the city, or the European society, to the great loss they have
sustained. I appreciate their feelings justly, and if there is in it a
spark of envy or jealousy, I hope it will only produce a flame of
emulation to imitate your virtues.
">
"I enclose a Razee Nameh. Were you to receive one from all
whose inclination would prompt it, I should have transmissions
from the whole city. You have no idea of the attachment they
felt for you. It cannot be doubted when expressed to me, for they
do not usually deal in those articles to a present incumbent when
speaking of a predecessor."
A few months afterwards, his old assistant, Mr. Wilder,
wrote to him from Ajmere, saying-
"Several people from Delhi have come here since you went away;
and it would really do your heart good to hear them speak of the
impression of love and respect you have left behind. I never
thought before that the natives possessed such feelings; but I do
believe that the sorrow they express for your departure is sincere,
and that it will never be effaced."
340
CHAPTER XIII.
[1819-1820.]
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
Constitution of the Supreme Government-The Secretariat-Duties
of the Political Secretary-The Private Secretary-Metcalfe
and Lord Hastings-Irksomeness of the Situation-Corres-
pondence with Sir John Malcolm-Contemplated Removal to
Central India-Correspondence with Mr. Henry Russell-The
Hyderabad Residency.
So Charles Metcalfe again revisited Calcutta, and entered
upon the duties of the Private Secretaryship. After an
interval of a few days, the higher office of Political Secre-
tary was vacated by the elevation of the old incumbent to
a seat in council, and the some-time Resident at Delhi
launched manfully into the ministerial duties of Govern-
ment-a worthy successor of Edmonstone and Adam.*
The colleagues of Lord Hastings in the administration
were at this time Mr. James Stuart and Mr. John Adam.
""
Sir John Malcolm, who had the highest possible opinion of
Adam, wrote to Metcalfe, December 30, 1818:—“I am glad, both
on your own account and that of the public, that you are gone to
Calcutta. I think you in every way an adequate successor to John
Adam. I could say more to no man. And not long afterwards
Mr. Edmonstone wrote to him:-"Highly as your abilities and
services at Delhi were to be appreciated, still I confess that I am
happy to learn that my department-the department in which I
laboured for so many years, and to which I must chiefly attribute
my success in India-had devolved upon one so peculiarly capable
of fulfilling the duties as yourself."
1
I
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
341
Metcalfe's old friend and comrade, Butterworth Bayley,
was Chief Secretary; Mr. Holt Mackenzie had charge of
the revenue and judicial business; and Mr. Swinton was
Persian Secretary. So far, therefore, as personal associa-
tions could render his position at this time a pleasant one,
he had everything to make it so in the characters of the
men with whom he was brought into official intercourse.
No one who has observed the frequency with which the
names of Edmonstone and Adam have occurred in the
preceding chapters of this memoir, can be altogether
ignorant of the duties of a political secretary. With the
extension of our Indian empire these duties had necessarily
increased. The office is one which has been held in suc-
cession by the most eminent men who have adorned the
service of the company. It demands the possession of
extensive local knowledge and experience, and profound
political sagacity. Although ostensibly only an executive
officer, the secretary is the adviser of the Governor-
General, and, in most instances, the rough-hewer of his
measures. The amount of his actual power is necessarily
determined by the personal character and qualifications of
the Governor-General. But the immense extent and
diversity of the business to be discharged by the Govern-
ment being well considered, it is obvious that no statesman
at the head of it, whatever may be his genius, his know-
ledge, and his activity, can shape or even originate all the
measures for which he is responsible. A weak man will
become, perhaps, the tool of his secretaries, and leave the
Government of the country entirely in their hands; but
such weakness is strength in comparison with that of the
Governor-General who thinks that he can govern India
without the aid of his secretaries. Great men, like Corn-
wallis and Wellesley, steer a middle course. They govern
India for themselves, but not by themselves. They use
their secretaries; they are not used by them. They know
342
THE SECRETARYSHİP.
the full value of their Barlows and Edmonstones; but they
do not surrender themselves to be tools in their hands.
Lord Wellesley was a man of consummate ability, of
brave resolution, and of infinite self-reliance; but it is not
too much to say, that he would have been shorn of half
his strength if Mr. Edmonstone had not been continually
at his elbow.
Of the influence of the political secretary in the
councils of the state, Metcalfe had seen enough of the
ministerial arrangements of three successive Governments
to acquire a very clear perception. But he was not one to
usurp power not legitimately his own, or to dogmatise
where it was his duty to suggest. He had the highest
possible respect for constituted authority; and he did his
duty without exceeding it.* Moreover, the circumstances
of the Indian Government of 1819-20 were not of a nature
to place any large amount of power in the hands of a
political secretary, even if he had been inclined to exercise
it. Metcalfe had, in fact, been more powerful when only a
volunteer in the camp of the Governor-General. He then
really shaped the great measures which were now com-
pleted, or which only required a few final strokes from the
artificer's hand to render them complete.
That with regard to these final measures for the settle-
ment of Central India he sometimes differed from the
highest authorities, and had opinions of his own apart
from those which he was called upon to enunciate as the
organ of Government, may be gathered from the following
* Some years afterwards, when he had himself become a
member of the Supreme Council, Metcalfe complained of this
usurpation of the secretaries, said that they often gave their
opinions very arrogantly and dogmatically in Council, and that
they not seldom caballed with the Governor-General against the
members of Council, and contrived to get all the patronage into
their own hands.-See some further remarks on Metcalfe's respect
for constituted authority in Chapter XV.
:
+
LETTER TO MR. JENKINS.
843
letter to Mr. Jenkins. It is an important commentary on
the events described in the last chapter, and illustrates the
general views of the writer on the great question of inter-
ference with the native states :-
CHARLES METCALFE TO RICHARD JENKINS.
Calcutta, July 5, 1820.
"MY DEAR JENKINS,-Both at Delhi and here I have for many
years been complaining that public business does not leave me any
time for private correspondence; and from giving way to this
feeling, I have lost the interchange of ideas with several valuable
friends; I may say with yourself, for our communications have
been rare; and certainly with Elphinstone, a most delightful corres-
pondent, with whom I have now little or no intercourse of that
kind. I often think that the fault is more my own than that of my
business, though at Delhi the work in my time was certainly
overwhelming; and here I cannot say that I find leisure for what
I wish. Be the cause real or fancied, I have for a long time been
anxious in vain to give you my own sentiments distinct from
those of Government, given through the channel of their secretary
on part of your late letters, in which I think my own sentiments
came nearer than those of Government to yours. I must, how-
ever, go some way back. I have always regretted that, after the con-
quest of the Nagpore country, we elevated any new rajah to the
Musnud. As soon as I heard of the breaking out of the Peishwah
and Appa Sahib, I wrote to Adam, urging him with my feeble
voice that we should take the territories of both, and unite them
to the British dominions. Malcolm and others seemed to take up
and advocate a scheme of setting up a Mahomedan interest in
opposition to the Hindoos, or more especially the Mahrattas. It
appeared to me that the time was past for our trusting to any
balance of power for our support; that the setting up of Mahomedan
powers was in itself objectionable, and that our true policy was to
secure as much country as possible for ourselves; and to announce
ourselves avowedly as the master of all the powers of India. I
abhor making wars, and meddling with other states for the sake
of our aggrandisement-but war thrust upon us, or unavoidably
entered into, should, if practicable, be turned to profit by the
acquisition of new resources to pay additional forces to defend
what we have, and extend our possessions in future unavoidable
wars. With these sentiments, I rejoiced at Lord Hastings' decision
344
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
regarding the Peishwah's territories, and regretted that which he
came to respecting the Nagpore country. I cannot concur in
Malcolm's apprehensions of extending our direct rule too rapidly.
The sooner the better if done justly. Next to making the Nagpore
country our own, the system at present in force there seems to me
to be best; and I wish that it were permanently established.
Next to permanence, if that cannot be, I would have the longest
possible period; and its continuance even for three years, as pro-
posed by you, is better than its immediate transfer. When I say,
'proposed by you,' I mean, proposed in despair of obtaining more.
I most entirely agree with you in the sentiment, that we should
not set bounds to our interference if we interfere at all; and that if
we do interfere, it ought to be with good effect. If possible, I would
leave all native states to their own government, without inter-
ference. But we are always dragged in somehow, and then it is
difficult to say what should be done. The worst plan of all, I
think, is to keep in a minister against the will of the prince, and
to support the man without regard to his measures. Yet this is
the mode we have generally slidden into; and as it has been
adopted by wiser heads than mine, it is probably right, or unavoid-
able. I would prefer leaving the minister to the choice of the
prince, and interfering only as to measures; insisting on the
exclusion of the man if his measures were incorrigibly bad, but
still leaving the choice of a successor to the Prince. I am not sure
how this scheme would answer. I do not think that it has ever
been attempted. But I would certainly give it a trial if I were at
a Court where interference were necessary, and I were not fettered
by previous engagements to a particular minister.
"I think you will say, 'Ohe! jam satis est'--so I will conclude
with a line or two respecting my own present plans.*
"Yours most sincerely and affectionately,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
There was little at this time in the posture of political
affairs to evoke Metcalfe's energies-little that demanded an
application of the skill of the master-workman. But there
was much to be done. For the most part it was detail
work of no great importance-the routine business of the
political secretary's office-with nothing bracing or inspi-
* The conclusion of this letter will be found at p. 355.
1
1
·
SOCIALITIES.
345
riting in it. His days were given up to official drudgery,
and his evenings to society. "Mornings and days," he
wrote to a friend at this time, "I have been at work, and
as hard as possible; and every night and all night, at least
to a late hour, I have been at all sorts of gay parties. I
have been raking terribly, and know not when it will stop;
for to confess the truth, I find I rather like it. But I hope
the hot weather will check it, for though I do not dislike
it, I cannot approve what is so contrary to all my notions
of what is wholesome for body and mind."
There were, however, occasional diversities of social
enjoyment, rising above the ordinary level of Calcutta
gaiety, which Charles Metcalfe regarded with more genuine
appreciation. There were now and then banquets given
by himself or his friends, redolent of pleasant reminiscences
of ancient days, when he built up airy castles in the cloisters
of Eton, or laid the foundations of more substantial ones in
Lord Wellesley's office. Charles Lushington brought
together at his table a goodly assemblage of the old
"Howe boys," when the sayings and doings of their old
lord and master were pleasantly discussed; and Metcalfe
himself gave an Eton dinner whereto all the Etonians at
the Presidency were bidden. And well remembered in
after days was the joyous festival at which Floreat Etona
was drunk with all the honours; and Metcalfe's honoured
friend and correspondent, Dr. Goodall, was toasted in a
manner which showed how the good old man was still
* Doubtless, however, there were some compensations in the
midst of all this thankless routine work. It must have been, for
example, with no common satisfaction that, as the organ of the
Supreme Government, he wrote a public letter to his friend
Mountstuart Elphinstone, congratulating him on his elevation to
the Government of Bombay. The autograph draft of this letter is
almost the only document drawn up by Metcalfe during his tenure
of office as Political Secretary, which he preserved among his
private papers.
846
THE SECRETARYSHIP,
*
respected and beloved. Into such festivities as these,
Metcalfe entered with becoming geniality, and was sure to
be the life of the party,
I have spoken of the airy castles of Metcalfe's early
days. He was always a castle-builder. And now the
Political Secretary differed not at all from the eager school-
boy in the Eton cloisters, or the "little stormer" in Lord
Lake's camp. His position at the Presidency had brought
him again into familiar correspondence with his old friend
and teacher, John Malcolm, who now wrote to him from
Mhow: "I recognise in all your letters the unaltered
Charles Metcalfe with whom I used to pace the tent at
Muttra and build castles; our expenditure on which was
neither subject to the laws of estimate nor the rules of
audit." Miles, counted by the hundreds, now lay between
them; but they could still build castles together. There
was one magnificent edifice which at this time they were
intent upon constructing—but it took fifteen years to con-
vert the airy fiction into a substantial fact.
With such dreams of a brilliant future Metcalfe was
wont to solace himself amidst the discontents of a dreary
present. Before he had been a year in Calcutta, he had
grown weary of the place and of the office. There were
many reasons for this; but none which it is very easy to
explain. His services were greatly appreciated by Lord
Hastings. There were seldom any differences between
them on points of vital importance. Both in principle and
in practice they seemed to agree. The Governor-General
was continually commending the executive aptitude of his
Secretary; and when he had altered any of Metcalfe's
drafts, always apologised or explained in such a manner as
to give a complimentary turn to such assertions of supe-
riority. His undeviating kindness was, indeed, thankfully
acknowledged. Metcalfe was not only Political Secretary,
he was Private Secretary at the same time; and, therefore,
LORD HASTINGS' HOUSEHOLD.
347
though he did not reside in Government House, he was
one of the " family." It does not appear that in this
capacity any derogatory duties were entailed upon him—
that in any sense he was converted into a lacquey. Six
years before, Lord Moira had arrived in India with very
magnificent ideas of vice-regal state, and had drawn up a
schedule of the various duties of the household, by which
the Private Secretary was degraded into a sort of chamber-
lain, or maître d'hôtel. But he had arrived with a “Private
Secretary" in his train, appointed under rather peculiar
circumstances, who was, perhaps, not ill-suited to the kind
of work that had been assigned to him; and a "Principal
Private Secretary" was appointed as the Governor-General's
confidential assistant in matters of a more public nature.
But before Metcalfe's assumption of office, the Governor-
General's ideas of vice-regal proprieties had toned down,
and the Household Secretary had returned to England.
There was now but one Private Secretary, and his functions
were mainly of a public character. The duties as a
member of the family were few; and if he were occa-
sionally requested to invite some distinguished stranger to
take up his quarters in Government House; or if he were
instructed to issue orders about court mourning; or if some
delegated members of society solicited him to request the
honour of the Governor-General's and Lady Hastings'
attendance at a bachelors' ball, or other public entertain-
ment, these were small matters of business which no man
of sense would conceive himself to be humiliated by
executing. Lord Hastings was an old courtier; and Met-
calfe had every reason to be satisfied with the personal
courtesy and urbanity of his lordship. But for all this, he
was not contented with his position. The husk may have
been pleasant to look upon; but there was something
rotten in the kernel.
What it was does not very plainly appear. Perhaps the
348
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
causes of Metcalfe's discontent may be found partly in the
environments of his position, and partly in his own per-
sonal character. As a ministerial officer, he may have
been sometimes compelled outwardly to participate in
arrangements of which he could not inwardly approve. A
high-minded, conscientious man may see too much for his
peace of mind of the occult machinery of Government-of
the working of all its secret springs, and hidden wheels,
and mysterious contrivances. Metcalfe was too near to
Government House; or, perhaps, he was not near enough.
He had a natural taste for kingship. It pleased him best
to be his own master. He had, for many years, been
habituated to independent command. At Delhi he had
been lord paramount-without a rival. At Calcutta he
was one of many-a minister among ministers. It is not
strange, therefore, that he should have found his new
situation irksome to him. None of his friends, when they
heard of his disappointment, expressed any surprise.
Three of the ablest and most distinguished men in India-
Malcolm, Elphinstone, and Jenkins-wrote to him that it
was just what they expected.
•
It was whilst in this frame of mind-eager to escape
from what seemed to him both the grave of his indepen-
dence and the grave of his fame-unwilling to drowse, by
imperceptible degrees, into a member of Council, and to
close his career whilst yet in the heyday of his intellectual
vigour, that the letters of John Malcolm came opportunely
to give a new direction to his ambition, and to stimulate
his energies by again exciting his hopes. The almost
superhuman activity of that great soldier-statesman had
found in Central India free scope for exercise; but on this
great field of labour he seems to have expended himself in
unrequited service. Believing that he was neglected by his
employers, he had determined to return to England, either
to regain the position which he was said to have lost, or to
LETTER FROM SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
lay down the wand of office for ever.
349
He desired to see a
worthy successor enthroned in his place, and he felt in his
inmost heart that there was none so worthy as Metcalfe.
His old pupil had written to him that the Secretaryship
had become distasteful to him; and now Malcolm wrote
with all that genuine earnestness which was so refreshing
an ingredient in his character, urging the dissatisfied
minister to come to Central India, and not to quit it until
the territories committed to his charge had grown into an
independent Government:
"I have this moment," he wrote on the 19th of February, 1820,
"received your letter of the 30th ultimo. I can enter fully into
your feelings, and can only wish, if it is determined to place this
situation upon a proper scale (which I deem quite indispensable
for the general peace of the country), that you should be my
successor. It is a station worthy of your talents and ambition.
Talk over the work that has been done and is to be done with
Caulfield, who understands the whole scheme; and you will be
convinced that there would be more than embarrassment-that
there would be danger, in depriving this province of one head to
whom all looked, and who was competent to act for Government
in cases of emergency. I can have no idea that the nature and
extent of my political duties are fully understood. They comprise
not merely general control, but in many cases minute interference
with every large state and petty chief from Serorissi east to
Dungerpore west-from the Satporah Hills to the Mahindra Pass
north and south. They include the keeping of the peace, by
orders, requests, arbitrations and decisions among the numerous
Nabobs, Rajahs, Rogues, and Ryots of this extensive space, who
are united in no sentiment but one-a common respect and
deference for the representative of the British Government. On
him their continuance at peace with each other depends. When I
reflect on the elements of which this mass is composed, I can
hardly trust the charm by which they are kept in concord; but
weaken that, and you have years of confusion.
Had I
been near you, the King of Delhi should have been dissuaded from
becoming an executive officer and resigning power to jostle for
influence. But you acted from high motives, and should not be
dissatisfied with yourself. Delhi has had you long enough. It is
bad that men of your stamp should in any way stagnate or become
•
350
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
L
)
too local.
If they offer it (the Central-Indian appoint-
ment) on proper terms, accept it; come up in November, and let
us be one month together. I may leave you a Governor-General's
Agent or Commissioner; but depend upon it that ere long you
would be a Lieutenant-Governor. These are changes which will
force themselves; and I shall give Adam my sentiments confi-
dentially on this point."
To a man of Charles Metcalfe's temperament there was
something very spirit-stirring in such an appeal as this.
And it did not come singly to stimulate his ambition.
A
few days after the receipt of this letter from Malcolm,
another came from Mr. Marjoribanks, who had political
charge of the districts bordering on the Nerbudda River,
urging him to obtain permission of the Government for the
immediate resignation of his charge. It was Malcolm's
theory that more good was likely to result from the com-
bination than from the division of offices of political
control; inasmuch as that the latter necessarily induced
the enforcement of different systems of policy, and the
prosecution of different modes of procedure. He argued,
and with much show of reason on his side, that this seem-
ing want of unity in our councils did much to weaken our
influence with the chiefs and people of India; and declared
that on that account one man might often do what many
would fail to accomplish. Taking this view of the case, he
contended that it would be advantageous in the extreme to
consolidate all the different residencies and agencies in
Central and Upper India into one great political charge,
eventually to be placed under an officer with the title of
Lieutenant-Governor. And he saw in Metcalfe a man well
qualified to assume charge of such an office.
In the junc-
This great idea fired Metcalfe's ambition.
tion of the two extensive tracts of territory over which
Malcolm and Marjoribanks had held political control, he
saw the commencement of this consolidation, which was to
lead to such great results. So he determined at once to
THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF CENTRAL INDIA. 351
take counsel with John Adam on this momentous subject.
Adam entered at once into the idea; admitted the advan-
tages of the plan;, and on the following day, having in the
meanwhile received from Malcolm himself a sketch of his
great project, he wrote to Metcalfe, saying:
"A part of the enclosed is so much to the purpose of our con-
versation yesterday, that I must ask you to read it. Further
reflection confirms my conviction of the advantage of the plan we
talked of yesterday, and this letter of Malcolm's would serve
as a ground for making the proposition to Lord Hastings at the
proper time. I am satisfied that it ought to be done, independently
of Marjoribanks' final decision, though if his charge could be com-
bined with the other, it would be more worthy of your powers,
and more advantageous to the public interests. I cannot wonder
at your preferring such a situation to your present one, even if the
latter had better answered your expectations."
To have found in John Adam a cordial auxiliary was a
great point gained. The opinion of such a man fortified
Metcalfe in his resolution to address Lord Hastings on the
subject. But when he sat down to write a letter to the
Governor-General-a letter which was, in effect, a solicita-
tion to be relieved from the privileged situation of his
lordship's confidential adviser-he felt the difficulty and
delicacy of the task. The object, however, was a great
one; and the thought of it sustained him to the end. At
the foot of John Adam's letter he had written roughly in
pencil-"The union of Malcolm's charge and Marjoribanks'
would be grand indeed; and make me King of the East and
the West!" And now this kingship in prospect carried him
through all the delicate distresses of the following letter:*
MR. METCALFE TO LORD HASTINGS.
"MY LORD,-I am not sure that your lordship will think me in
my right senses in what I am about to submit; but I am, never-
* I have transcribed the letter from a rough pencil draft in
Metcalfe's handwriting, a little confused as respects the collocation
of the paragraphs, It is without date in the original, but it was
written at the beginning of April, 1820.
1
352
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
theless tempted to proceed, by a well-founded assurance that it
will meet with indulgent consideration.
"The apparent determination of Mr. Marjoribanks not to be
induced by any consideration to retain his situation, and the
intention of Sir John Malcolm to return to England at the end of
the year, seem to leave unoccupied an important field of public
service.
"The union of the duties of these situations would obviate in a
great degree the objection, on the score of expense, that might
otherwise exist against the permanent continuance of Sir John
Malcolm's political office, which is stated by him to be desirable.
"That union would, at the same time, hold forth the prospect
of a noble station, combining high political and adminstrative
functions.
"And the view which I take of the importance of such an office,
if it were instituted, makes me ambitious to fill it, if such an
arrangement should meet with your lordship's approbation.
"Your lordship will at one glance determine whether or not this
general notion is likely to have your sanction. If it be, I can here-
after trouble your lordship with details, which it would be a waste
of time to intrude upon you at present.
"Your lordship will, perhaps, be surprised that, after relin-
quishing such a situation as the residency of Delhi for the office.
which I have now the honour to hold, I should think of quitting
the latter for any other situation whatever.
"When I reflect on the respectability, emoluments, luxury,
comforts, and presumed prospects of my present situation—on the
honour of holding a place so near your lordship's person, combined
with the enjoyment of continual intercourse with your lordship,
and on the happiness conferred by your invariable kindness, I
cannot satisfy myself that I act wisely in seeking to be deprived of
so many advantages in order to undertake arduous duties of fearful
responsibility.
CC It is very possible, I think, that if your lordship should indulge
my wishes, I may hereafter repent of them; but at present I am
under the influence of the following considerations:-
"After a sufficient experience, I feel that the duties of the Secre-
tary's office are not so congenial to me as those which I have
heretofore performed. I see reasons to doubt my qualifications for
this line of service. I think that many persons might be found
who would fill the office more efficiently; and I fancy that I could
serve your lordship better in a situation such as I have described,
nearly resembling that which I formerly held.
LETTER TO LORD HASTINGS.
353
"If the Residency at Delhi on its former footing were vacant,
the strong local attachments which I have at that place would
induce me to entreat your lordship to restore to me my former
office. But that ground is occupied; and neither would your lord-
ship agree to my return were I to make the proposition; nor would
I wish it, or willingly consent to it, at the expense of my friend Sir
David Ochterlony.
"The situation which I have suggested would have duties similar
in nature to those of the Residency of Delhi-nearly as extensive,
if not more so; and, perhaps, from the circumstances of the present
moment, more important.
"It may appear that the duties at which I aim are too extensive,
and that those of Sir John Malcolm's office alone would be ample
for any one man to undertake. In anticipation of this possible
objection, I beg leave to remark, that if Sir John Malcolm's
situation alone were to be provided for, perhaps a more economical
arrangement than that herein proposed might be devised by trans-
ferring his duties to the Resident at Indore, and fixing a subordi-
nate agent at Holkar's court; that the discharge of the territorial
duties of Mr. Marjoribanks' office is to me a fascinating part of
the plan which I have suggested; and that, admitting the principle
that my duties should be those of general control and manage-
ment, and that I should not be loaded with detail, I should not
think the united charge of the two offices beyond the power of an
ordinary man, with the able aid which already exists in all parts
of that field.
"If your lordship should doubt the expediency of retaining Sir
John Malcolm's political office, or should wish to confer it on any
other person, or should desire still to persuade Mr. Marjoribanks
to resume his station on the Nerbudda, or should have any other
arrangement in contemplation for that territory, I hope that your
lordship will not allow my wishes to interfere with your intentions.
As above observed, I am too proud of my present situation to seek
any arrangement accompanied by the uncomfortable consciousness
of having intruded myself on your lordship's indulgence.
"I beg your lordship not to consider what I have submitted as a
formal application, but rather as a representation of what is floating
in my mind, communicated with unreserved confidence, inspired
by your lordship's kindness. Distrusting my own judgment, I
have communicated on the subject with Mr. Adam, who seems to
think the scheme very feasible and recommendable.
"If my notion should meet generally with your lordship's appro-
VOL. I.
N
354
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
bation, it would not necessarily press for immediate decision. As
far as my own wishes and convenience would be concerned, I
should prefer the postponement of the arrangement to the proper
time for relieving Sir John Malcolm-I presume about November,
when I could proceed by dawk to the Saugor and Nerbudda terri-
tories, and onward to Mhow. The duties of the Saugor and
Nerbudda territories might intermediately be carried on by Mr.
Molony and Mr. Maddock, in correspondence with Government;
and, in this interval, all the arrangements for the future manage-
ment of those districts respectively under my general control might
be matured and established. But with regard to the time of my
departure, as well as upon every other point, I should, of course,
be ready to obey with alacrity your lordship's commands.
"Your lordship will perceive that I have considered only myself
in this proposition; but I trust that you will not misapprehend
my motives for doing so. Had I the vanity to suppose that your
lordship would have any preference either for retaining me here,
or employing me elsewhere, I should consider myself bound by
every duty to suppress my own inclinations, and think only of
your lordship's pleasure; but believing that your lordship will not
have any bias on the subject, except what may arise on the one
hand from your disposition to do an act of kindness, or on the
other from doubts of the public utility of forming such a situation,
and of my competency to fill it, I have thought myself at liberty
to submit my ideas with reference to myself alone.
"My simple proposition has led me to trouble your lordship
with a tedious explanation; and yet I must conclude, still under
the fear that I have not adequately explained my feelings-espe-
cially those of respectful attachment and gratitude which your
lordship's undeviating kindness has inspired, and which must ever
bind me to your lordship-lest I should encroach too much on
your lordship's time.
"I have the honour to be,
"Your lordship's obedient servant,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
On the 5th of April, Lord Hastings, writing to Metcalfe,
primarily on another topic, said: "We will discuss the
subject of your private letter when we meet. But I would
not delay saying, that I did not startle at it." The project,
indeed, was favourably received by the Governor-General,
1
CHANGE OF PLANS.
355
and before the end of the month Metcalfe wrote to his
friend Richard Jenkins, saying it was designed that the
scheme should take effect; and asking what was the best
way of getting to Mhow in November or December?* But,
little more than two months afterwards, he wrote again to
the same correspondent, saying: "I have given up the idea
of succeeding Malcolm and erecting my standard on the
Nerbudda, in order to go to another field, not so extensive,
but more compact and more comfortable, and offering a
prospect of greater leisure. It is a bad sign, I fear, that
for these reasons I think it preferable. I look upon it as a
sort of retirement for the rest of my service in India.
have seen enough of the Secretaryship to know that the
respectability and satisfaction of those stations depend upon
circumstances beyond one's own control; and though,
under some circumstances, I should prefer my present
situation to any other, I shall quit it without any desire of
ever returning to it, and without much wish of ever having
a seat in Council-were it not for the name of the thing
I might say without any wish. This state of feeling I have
gained by coming to Calcutta; and it is fortunate that it is
so, for I have no chance whatever of a seat in Council at
any time."+
I
* "I have disclosed," wrote Metcalfe, "the scheme I communi-
cated to you to Lord Hastings, and it is at present designed that it
shall take effect. If so, the Nerbudda territories will come under me
—a bad substitute, I fear, for you; but we shall act, I trust, on the
same principles. What will be the best way of getting speedily
to Mhow in November or December? Though I am not to see
you so soon as I hoped, we shall meet, I trust, at Nagpore before
the end of the year. At least I shall embrace the first opportunity
of renewing old days with you. What time would it take to get
to Nagpore and thence to Mhow?"-[Charles Metcalfe to Richard
Jenkins, April 28th, 1820.]
† MS. Correspondence, July 5, 1820.-He had written, a few
days before, to the same effect, to Malcolm, who wrote in reply:
"The only part of your letter of the 29th ultimo that I did not
1
N 2
356
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
The other field-more compact-more comfortable—
offering prospect of greater leisure was the field of
Hyderabad in the Deccan. The Residency was then
occupied by Mr. Henry Russell. In the month of April
that gentleman had written to Metcalfe that he purposed
to remain at Hyderabad until the commencement of the
following year, and that he earnestly hoped his corre-
spondent would be his successor. The two gentlemen were
on terms of intimate friendship and familiarity. They
were connected, indeed, by marriage. Mr. Russell was a
first cousin of Theophilus Metcalfe's wife. The thought
of handing over his office to such a man as Charles Met-
calfe afforded him, both upon public and on private
grounds, the liveliest satisfaction; and even when such a
transfer seemed to be remote, he spoke in glowing terms
of the situation. "I always thought," he said, "that you
would regret the change from Delhi to Calcutta. It can
hardly be long before you are placed in Council; but if
this should not be the case, and you should continue
desirous of returning to your own line, I should be
delighted to deliver this Residency into your hands. You
will find an excellent house completely furnished; a
beautiful country; one of the finest climates in India, and,
when the business which now presses has been disposed
like, was that the plan of your succeeding me was given up. If it
has been abandoned in consequence of an arrangement that is
better for you, I shall rejoice on your account, but not for Malwa,
because for all that good work of which I think I have laid the
foundation you were precisely the successor I wished, and the
man under whom my tucavees, potails, zemindars, thakoors,
newabs, rajahs, and maharajahs would have flourished; but I shall
hope the station will yet tempt you, and depend upon my word it
will become great in your hands, and work its way, in spite of all
routine-mongers, to that consequence it must have before its duties
can be efficiently and satisfactorily performed."-[John Malcolm to
Charles Metcalfe, July 22, 1822.]
ATTRACTIONS OF HYDERABAD.
357
of, abundance of leisure to follow your personal pursuits.
My original intention was to go home at the end of this
year, having made a sort of promise to my father to be
with him by the time he is seventy, which he will be in
August twelvemonth. These measures of reform will
detain me; but by the end of next year matters will be
so completely set agoing in their new train, that I shall
certainly go then."
But at this time the great Central-Indian project held
possession of Metcalfe's mind. In reply to Henry Russell's
letter, he communicated an outline of the plan. Still the
Hyderabad Resident did not despair of inducing Metcalfe
to become his successor. He had an insuperable array of
arguments to adduce in favour of the appointment in the
Deccan. He was able, too, to announce that his refor-
matory measures had been so far initiated, that he might
with confidence quit his office at the end of the current
year. But there was one condition necessary to this. It
was essential that he should be able to rely on the succes-
sion of one sure to enter into his views and advance his
plans of reform. The letter was an enticing and a con-
vincing one. On more accounts than one, it calls for
insertion:-
MR. HENRY RUSSELL TO MR. CHARLES METCALFE.
Hyderabad, May 26, 1820.
66
“MY DEAR METCALFE,―The project mentioned in your letter
of the 10th inst. has made an alteration in my views; or rather it
has done away the alteration I had before made in them, and
restored them to what they originally were. Until lately, my
plan always was to go home at the end of this year; and nothing
could have induced me to think of staying longer but the wish of
not only carrying the reform of the Nizam's affairs, into complete
effect, but also of placing it on so firm a footing as to prevent a
clumsy successor from injuring the work, or a hostile or illiberal
one from depriving me, after I am gone, of that share of credit to
which I may be justly entitled. Now everything that experience
358
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
and local knowledge enable me to do better than another person
will have been done by the end of this year. The foundation has
already been substantially laid. The Minister knows as distinctly
as I do what is to be done, and by what means it must be accom-
plished. The reduction of establishments has been arranged, and
is in progress; our interference and the objects and effects of it
are known and felt throughout the country; and by the end of the
revenue year, in September, all the Talookdars will have been
chosen and appointed, and the necessary new engagements framed
and executed between them and the Government. In short, the
whale of the new system has been discussed and matured, and put
in action. In the course of the year, therefore, my first wish will
have been accomplished; and the second will be effectually secured,
if, at the end of it, I can deliver the Residency into such hands as
yours. In point of magnitude, your situation in Malwa will
certainly be superior to this Residency; but you may do as much
real good, and acquire as much real importance, here as you could
do there. The office now proposed for you will be made great by
adding many things together; at Hyderabad it will be compact
and considerable in itself, and will afford, for several years to
come, an ample field for the exertions of a man of talents and
benevolence. As to personal convenience, there can be no com-
parison. In Malwa you will have no time to yourself, and you
will either be wandering about the country, which is always
irksome when it is perpetual, or you will have to build and furnish
a house, at the expense of certainly not less than a lakh of rupees,
out of your private fortune. At Hyderabad, after the first six
months, when you have looked thoroughly into everything, you
will find, compared with what you have been accustomed to, little
to give you trouble: at least half your time will be at your own
disposal; and you will step at once, without care or expense, into
a house completely furnished, and provided with every accommo-
dation. Upon the point of honour, surely you need give yourself
no concern. Colonel Wm. Kirkpatrick was appointed from your
present office to the Residency at Poona; and even if there were
no precedent of that kind, you might be content to measure with
Sancho's rule-wherever you sit will be the head of the table.
You say yourself that you think you should prefer Hyderabad to
Malwa, if you had your choice of the two at the same time. My
principal fear, therefore, is lest you should suppose that, by coming
into this arrangement now, you would be consulting your own
inclinations in the smallest degree at my expense. But a man
LETTER FROM HENRY RUSSELL.
359
may be trusted to judge for his own happiness. Be assured that
there is quite as much of selfishness in my proposal as you could
possibly desire. No galley-slave ever laid down his oar with
greater joy than I shall feel at laying down this Residency, when-
ever I can do so with justice to myself, and with a conviction that
I leave the public interests in the hands of an able and upright
successor. As it was, it was a sacrifice, and a great one too, for
me to resolve on staying so long; and I know that if you succeed
Malcolm this year, you will be engaging in plans and measures
which will effectually prevent your coming to Hyderabad hereafter.
If, therefore, you can be prevailed upon to think the arrangement
agreeable to yourself, and do not foresee any serious obstacle in
the way of its accomplishment, you can at once intimate to Lord
Hastings my wish to retire, and propose to him to nominate you my
successor. As I should like to leave Hyderabad in November, so
as to be ready to embark at Madras or Bombay, by the first ships
that sail after Christmas, it is desirable that no time should be
lost in doing whatever you may be resolved upon. My end would
of course be defeated unless you were to secure the appointment
for yourself at the same time that you announce my intention of
vacating it. Indeed, I would not resign after all, if I found that
any other person was intended for my place.
"Believe me ever, my dear Metcalfe,
"Most sincerely yours,
"H. RUSSELL."
!
This letter had the desired effect. The great Central-
Indian kingship had begun by this time to appear before
Metcalfe as something vague and illusory. The charm-
ings of John Malcolm were already losing their power over
his mind. Perhaps Lord Hastings had begun to relax in
the adhesion which he had given in to the scheme of
consolidating the Malwa and Nerbudda agencies. There
may have been other circumstances tending to shake his
faith in the advantages or the practicability of the plan
which had once so strongly laid hold of his mind. Or
Henry Russell's letter may have done the work, without
aid from any other quarter. Metcalfe, it has been seen,
declared that the promise of greater leisure was irresistibly
attractive. He said it was 66 a bad sign" that such con-
1
360
THE SECRETARYSHIP.
siderations should have had so much weight with him.
But in this he was mistaken.* Good or bad, he accepted
Russell's offer; and the Hyderabad Resident wrote eagerly
to him, on the 4th of July: "I am delighted to find by
your letter that my arguments have prevailed with you.
You will have made me the happiest man out of India; and
I shall be disappointed if, at Hyderabad, you are not one
of the happiest men in it. I shall now quit my station
without a wish ungratified. It is very desirable that I
should deliver the Residency immediately into your hands.
If anything should unfortunately occur to
prevent your coming here, the very object of my retiring
would be defeated; and much as I should lament the
necessity, I should nevertheless feel myself compelled to
remain until I had consolidated the reform, even at the
sacrifice of all the projects of happiness which your con-
currence in my proposal has enabled me to entertain.”
*
The Hyderabad Resident, however, was not to be dis-
appointed. Metcalfe had made up his mind to proceed to
the court of the Nizam; and the proposed arrangement
was at once sanctioned by Government. As the cold
season approached, the Political Secretary began to make
his arrangements for the transfer of his office to Mr.
Swinton, who was to succeed him; and by the beginning
of November everything was in readiness for Metcalfe's
* The great want of our European functionaries in India is want
of leisure. The great impediment to their cfficiency is, that they
have too much to do. Many first-rate men, with the power and
with the inclination to initiate and to carry out great schemes of
amelioration, which would confer incalculable benefit on the people,
are necessitated to expend themselves in the detail-work of mere
routine. Metcalfe was often painfully conscious of this. What
an Indian functionary calls leisure, is exemption from a stringent
necessity to perform a certain amount of work within a certain
space of time, and to expend all the available hours of the day in
the current duties of his office. Metcalfe's desired leisure was
leisure to do good-not leisure to play at billiards, or to hunt hogs.
ACCEPTANCE OF THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
361
departure. He had many friends in Calcutta, who deeply
lamented his going; and now that he was about to leave
them, they desired to evince their sense of his worth, both
as an officer of the Government and a member of society,
by giving him a public entertainment; but the notoriety
of such a proceeding had no attraction for him, and he
desired that the manifestation of the kind feelings of his
friends should assume a more private character. A dinner,
however, was given to him by a large party of his friends,
and it was at least sufficiently public to form a topic of
commendatory discourse in the public journals of the day.
He parted from Lord Hastings with expressions of
earnest good-will on either side. "And now, my dear sir,
for yourself," wrote the Governor-General to him, after
touching on matters of public concern, "let me assure you
that I have been duly sensible of your kind and cordial
attachment; and that it is with earnest prayers for your
welfare that I wish you all possible prosperity and comfort.
We shall not meet again in India, and the chances for it in
Europe must, considering my age, be small; but I shall
rejoice in hearing from you, and you will believe that. I
remain yours faithfully, HASTINGS."
?
T
362
CHAPTER XIV.
[1820-1821.]
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
Hyderabad-Its Government—The Administration of Meer Allum
-His Death-Elevation of Mooneer-ool-Moolk-Chundoo-Lall
-Captain Sydenham and Mr. Russell-Intrigues of the
Minister-Misgovernment of the Country-The Nizam's Con-
tingent-The House of William Palmer and Co.-Loans to the
Nizam-State of the Country-Projected Reforms-Metcalfe's
Appointment to the Residency-His Inauguration-Remedial
Measures-Improvement of the Country.
HYDERABAD is the chief city of that tract of country
known as the Deccan, which half-way down the great
Indian peninsula stretches almost from the eastern to the
western coast-from the borders of Candeish to the banks
of the Kistnah. This country was of old time held under
the Mogul emperors by a Soubahdar, or Viceroy, known as
the Nizam.* After the decay of the empire, this fine prin-
cipality would doubtless in due course have fallen to the
Mahrattas, but for the support it derived from its close con-
nection with the British Government. The Hyderabad state
was one of our oldest, and outwardly at least, our most
faithful allies. The extent and position of its territories
rendered it a matter of vital importance that we should
maintain the integrity of the country, and secure the inde-
pendence of the government. Hyderabad was, indeed, a
necessary barrier against foreign invasion at a time when
* The Nizam is properly the manager, or administrator of the
state; but the nomenclature is scarcely known among the people of
the Deccan.
MINISTERIAL INTRIGUES.
363
the unscrupulous aggressiveness of the Mahrattas suggested
the necessity of zealously preserving every means of
external defence.
·
In spite of the mutations of time, at the period of
which I am now writing, the fiction of dependence on the
Mogul sovereign was still maintained. The ruler of the
Deccan was still the Nizam, though his titular master was
a pensioner at Delhi. On the death of an Oriental poten-
tate there is generally a scramble for the vacant throne.
In 1803, Sekundur Shah, supported by the British Govern-
ment, had succeeded against all competitors in seating
himself upon the musnud of Hyderabad. But he was a
man of slender intellect and little principle; and, like all
the tribe of Eastern princes, capricious in the extreme.
Much as he was indebted to the British Government, he
felt neither gratitude towards, nor confidence in, his sup-
porters. He was jealous of our influence-restless under
our supervision and easily wrought upon as he was by
evil advisers, he might, perhaps, have been roused into
overt opposition, if he had possessed energy sufficient for
so manly a demonstration. But instead of this, he aban-
doned himself to the delights of the zenana, and con-
tented himself with petty intrigues against the Government
which had made him the ruler of a great principality, and
had power to reduce him to as poor a pageant as the
"Great Mogul," who was wearing out his life in vain
repinings and vainer intrigues in the imperial city.
That in such a frame of mind the Nizam should have
found creatures to minister to his pleasures and to foment
his discontents, is so much a matter of course that it need
hardly be stated. Foremost among these parasites and
evil counsellors was one Mohiput Ram, a Hindoo noble,
who exerted himself, and with considerable success, to
counteract the good influence of the responsible Minister,
364
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
་
.
and eventually to supplant him in the direction of affairs.
This Minister was Meer Allum, an old servant of the
state, who had been employed to negotiate the treaties with
the British Government-who in the war with Tippoo
Sultan had commanded with great credit the auxiliary
troops of the Nizam—who knew, therefore, and respected
the power of his Christian allies. In 1804 he had been
appointed, at our suggestion, to take charge of the admini-
stration of Hyderabad. But the evil influence of Mohiput
Ram soon reduced the authority of the Minister to a name;
and when, in 1806, Captain Sydenham took charge of the
Residency, he found that the wily Hindoo was on the very
point of effecting the deposition of the Minister, and setting
himself up in his place.
But there was one thing yet to be done; and Mohiput
Ram did not despair of doing it. This one thing was the
propitiation of the new Resident. It was felt that unless
the good offices of the representative of the British Govern-
ment could be secured, all his schemes would fall to the
ground, just at the very point of accomplishment. So he
made his dispositions to secure the favour of the Resident,
with a promptitude and an energy worthy of a better
cause. Before Captain Sydenham had reached Hyderabad
-when he was yet, indeed, some thirty miles from the
capital-a confidential agent of Mohiput Ram stopped his
palanquin in the middle of the night, and, with a compli-
mentary message from his master, presented the English
gentleman with a dress of honour, and a tray of costly
jewels. It need not be said that these presents were
rejected. But soon after Sydenham's arrival at Hyderabad,
Mohiput Ram attempted to open a private correspondence
with the Resident, declared his devotion to the interests of
the British Government, and thinking perhaps that he had
not bidden high enough on the former occasion, attempted
RISE OF CHUNDOO-LALL.
365
to "stimulate his proposal by the offer of four lakhs of
rupees.
11*
At this time Mohiput Ram exercised unbounded influ-
ence over the mind of the Nizam. This it was the policy
of Sydenham to counteract. "Without exercising any
direct or offensive interference," he said, "I thought I was
justified in trying what effect the fair undisguised support
of the Minister would produce on the state of parties at
this court; and the consequences of such a procedure
exceeded my most sanguine expectations. The influence
of Mohiput Ram was checked; the Minister was roused
to an exertion of his talents; and the Nizam became
gradually disposed to more liberal sentiments." The
Minister, now reconciled to his master, recovered his health
and his spirits, which had before languished; and public
business, which had fallen greatly into arrears, was now
energetically discharged. But much of it was done by
Meer Allum's financial assistant—a man of unquestionable
* Captain Sydenham to Mr. Edmonstone, September 8, 1806.—
[MS. Correspondence.] I have narrated this anecdote less for the
purpose of illustrating the anterior history of the Hyderabad
administration, than of showing the kind of temptations to which
the Resident at a native court was always exposed. Nor were
the Residents the only men in authority who were thus beset. I
have heard a story somewhat similar to the one in the text, illus-
trative of the honourable career of Mr. N. B. Edmonstone. It is
related that when he was Chief Secretary, a wealthy native
endeavoured, as Captain Sydenham says, to "stimulate a pro-
posal" he had made to Government, by offering Mr. Edmonstone
30,000 rupees (or 3,000l.), and was, of course, indignantly dis-
missed. For some time after this the native was greatly depressed
in spirit, and was continually reproaching himself. 'Fool that I
was," he repeated, "to offer a gentleman of his rank 30,000
rupees. I should have offered him three lakhs (30,000l.), and then
I should have got it." He could not understand that the one offer
would have shared the same fate as the other.
† Captain Sydenham to Mr. Edmonstone, September 8, 1806.—
[MS. Correspondence.].
366
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
vigour of understanding and activity of habits-a Hindoo,
named Chundoo-Lall, who superintended the internal ad-
ministration, and more especially the revenue business of
the principality, with an indefatigable perseverance which
called forth the warm commendations of the Resident.
was
The time, indeed, was fast approaching when this man
was to take a more conspicuous part in the administration
of the country. Meer Allum, now far advanced in years,
little able to sustain the pressure of public business,
and it is probable that, but for the assistance of Chundoo-
Lall, he would have been incompetent to the discharge of
his duties. For some time, indeed, the chief business of
the administration had been performed by the latter, when,
at the close of 1808, Meer Allum was seized with mortal
sickness and died. The question of succession was a most
important one, in all respects, to the British Government.
The Nizam, weak and incapable, even below, in intellectual
acquirements, the average of Oriental princes, required the
guardianship of a sagacious and experienced statesman, and
it was necessary for the interests of the British Government
that the guardian selected should be friendly towards our
alliance, and eager by good offices and wise conduct to
cement it. It would be out of place to narrate the long-
protracted negotiations which then ensued between the
British Resident and the Nizam. Each had his favourite
candidate; and the appointment was not finally adjusted
without the lapse of half a year of discussion and intrigue.
At last, a compromise was effected. The nominee of the
Nizam, by name Mooneer-ool-Moolk, was appointed to the
office of Prime Minister, but it was arranged that the actual
administration should remain in the hands of the deputy,
Chundoo-Lall, whose good feeling towards the British
Government the Resident never doubted. The two men
had previously entertained but little friendship towards
each other; but they fell amicably into the proposed
霉
​THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.
367
arrangement, embraced over it as brothers, and from that
time were completely reconciled.*
On the 14th of June, 1809, Captain Sydenham reported
that he had at length brought his negotiations to a close.
"I am satisfied," he said, writing privately to the Chief
Secretary," that the arrangement which has been concluded
is, on the whole, the most eligible that could have been
adopted. There can be little doubt that Mooneer-ool-
Moolk is well assured of the necessity of cultivating and
improving the good opinion and confidence of the British
Government, and the stipulations under which he will be
admitted to the office, will secure the continuance of that
system which first established, and will continue to main-
tain, the predominant influence of the British Government
in this part of India."† But sanguine as were the expecta-
tions thus expressed, Sydenham was compelled ere long to
acknowledge that the ostensible Minister, jealous of British
influence, endeavoured secretly to counteract it; and that
the country was miserably misgoverned. Less than a year
after the establishment of the new Ministry he wrote his
farewell despatch to Government. About to vacate the
Residency, he declared that he had little hope of any
salutary impression being made on Mooneer-ool-Moolk, and
that he considered the disorders of the Nizam's Government
to be "too deeply rooted, and too widely extended, to admit
of any remedy short of placing the administration of the
country under the control of the Resident."
On the departure of Captain Sydenham, in the summer
of 1810, the responsible business of the Residency devolved
temporarily on Mr. Charles Russell, whose brother, Mr.
Henry Russell, a civilian, had been appointed to the office.
* Private Correspondence of Captain Sydenham and Mr. Edmon-
stone, MS.
† Captain Sydenham to Mr. Edmonstone. [MS. Corre-
spondence.]
368
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
On the arrival of the new Resident, new intrigues were set
on foot. Mooneer-ool-Moolk hoped to find Mr. Russell
more tractable than his predecessor. But the civilian set
his face no less resolutely than the soldier against all
attempts on the part of the nominal Minister to usurp an
authority which did not belong to him; and he so far suc-
ceeded, that the details of internal administration were
carried on by Chundoo-Lall with little interruption from
his titular chief. But the influence of the latter over the
indolent and imbecile Nizam was often exerted for evil;
and his intrigues, if not dangerous, were inconvenient and
embarrassing to the Resident. For this there seemed to be
no remedy but the removal of the Minister; and that
remedy might be worse than the disease.
"The only
measure," wrote Mr. Edmonstone privately to Mr. Henry
Russell, "that could be adopted is obviously the expulsion
of Mooneer-ool-Moolk from office, and for this extreme
proceeding Government is not prepared." "Never, to be
sure," he added, "was there such a Government since the
world began, and what can be done to remedy its present
state would baffle any politician but a French one, who
would no doubt propose to take the said Government under
the protecting care and superintendence of its ally."* The
fact is, that there was nothing to be done. Mr. Russell
was of opinion that the removal of Mooneer-ool-Moolk
would only open the door for the entrance of worse evils.
There were weighty reasons against the elevation of
Chundoo-Lall to the ostensible head of the administration,
and it was nearly certain that if any man of rank and
influence were to take the place of the old Minister, he
would soon be in a state of violent antagonism with the
deputy. "And if," said Mr. Russell," Chundoo-Lall is to
have an opponent in his colleague, he cannot have a better
* Mr. Edmonstone to Mr. Russell, April 12, 1812.—[MS, Cor-
respondence.]
1
MR. HENRY RUSSELL.
369
one than Mooneer-ool-Moolk, who is both a coward and a
fool."
11*
An abler man than Mr. Henry Russell has seldom gone
out to India. He seems to have seen clearly, from the
first, the wrongs under which the unhappy country was
groaning. He declared, in one of his earliest despatches to
Government, that it was" in so lamentable a condition that
it could not long continue to endure the extortions which
were practised upon it by the avarice and rapacity of its
governors."† He was, indeed, continually describing, in
language so vigorous and eloquent that it is a pleasure to
read his despatches, the diseases which were eating into
the State and making the whole one mass of corruption.
But it may be doubted whether his talents were of the kind
best suited to the work that lay before him. He said, years
afterwards, that he did not make the disorders which had
so long been destroying the Hyderabad State, but found
them there ready-made-a heritage from his predecessor.
He found them; and it is but right to say that he desired
and endeavoured to remove them.
It was the natural tendency of such a state of things to
grow from bad to worse-to find in the lowest deep a lower
deep of misery; a confusion worse confounded. "I was for
seven years,” said one most competent to speak on such a
subject, and sure to offer impartial testimony," a witness
of the afflictions in which the reign of Chundoo-Lall in the
Hyderabad Provinces involved this unhappy country."
The whole system of administration was rotten to the very
core-it was a great congeries of diseases. Nothing
seemed to flourish there except corruption. Every man
was bent on enriching himself at the expense of his
neighbour. No one cared for the people, no one cared for
* Mr. Russell to Mr. Edmonstone, May 6, 1812.
† Mr. Russell to Government, May 21, 1811.
‡ The late Colonel John Sutherland.
370
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
the State. Everything had its price in Hyderabad. If a
man wanted a place, he counted out his money to buy it.
If a man wanted justice, he bade for it, as for any other
marketable commodity. Every public officer in every
department of the State was accessible to a bribe. But
there were worse things even than these. The revenue was
farmed out to greedy contractors, who made immense
profits by underletting the lands to smaller farmers, who
sent their tax-gatherers into the country to wring the last
farthing from the cultivators, until their oppressions could
no longer be endured; and then the wretched people were
dragooned into submission, and the required payments
extorted from them at the bayonet's point or the sabre's
edge.
Such mighty wrong-doing as this bore abundantly
the accustomed fruit. A peaceful and industrial population
was converted into rebels and bandits. Neither life nor
property was secure. On the high road, and in open
day, it was safe to travel only under the protection of a
military escort. There was nothing left, indeed, but the
name of government. All the rest was lawlessness and
confusion.
66
But this was not Mr. Russell's fault. "I protest,” he
wrote some years afterwards to the Court of Directors,
against being held in the most remote degree responsible
for the disorders of a Government with which not only I
was not empowered to interfere, but with which I was
prohibited from interfering. It was a fundamental rule
of our policy, repeatedly insisted upon in the orders both
of your Honourable Court and of your Governments in
India, to abstain from all interference in the internal con-
cerns of our native allies. I was employed at Hyderabad
from first to last for upwards of twenty years, and I affirm
that during the whole of that time no influence or inter-
ference was exercised by the Resident in the domestic
affairs of the Nizam's government. In questions of foreign
THE NIZAM'S CONTINGENT.
371
policy, in measures affecting the safety of the Govern-
ment, and generally in matters in which our own interests,
or the common interests of the alliance were involved, we
always did and always must exercise that influence which
essentially belongs to the relative condition of a protected
and protecting State. But in the management of his
country, the collection and distribution of his revenues,
the control of his local officers, and the command, pay-
ment, and employment of his whole army, with the
exception of that part to which English officers were
attached, no influence whatever was exercised by the
Resident; and the Nizam's government was as much an
independent state as if the alliance with us had not
existed.”*
But the exception here indicated was one of grave
importance. Whilst Henry Russell occupied the Resi-
dency, that "part of the army to which English officers
were attached" was growing, under his fostering hands,
into formidable dimensions. The history of the Nizam's
force is one which it would take long to narrate. At the
close of the last century it was disciplined by French
officers; but the war with Tippoo cemented a close friend-
ship between the English and the Nizam; and as English
interests became paramount at Hyderabad, our ally was
induced to disband his French battalions, and to organise
a new force in its place. Little by little the connection of
Englishmen with the Nizam's army increased during the
early years of the present century. It was permitted-
perhaps it may be said that it was encouraged—whilst
Kirkpatrick and Sydenham represented British interests
at the court of the Nizam. Among the first who took
service under the Hyderabad state was Mr. William
*Letter to the Court of Directors relative to Hyderabad affairs,
by Henry Russell, late Resident at Hyderbad. London, 1824.
372
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
Palmer, a gentleman not of pure European blood,* but of
good courage and excellent abilities, who rendered con-
siderable service to the state by supplying, when at a
distance from Hyderabad, information to the British
Resident relative to the outlying districts and the neigh-
bouring native states, and who was sometimes employed
to negotiate with the rebellious subjects of the Nizam.
But the army, in spite of the few European officers who were
connected with it, was at this time lamentably inefficient;
and on one memorable occasion, in 1808, suffered itself to
be disgracefully defeated by a rebel force under Mohiput
Ram. † Mr. Palmer was informed, on credible authority,
* He was son of General Palmer, and brother of John Palmer,
the well-known Calcutta merchant.
† Some idea of what the Nizam's army was at this time may be
gathered from the following passage of a letter from Captain
Sydenham to Mr. Edmonstone, written in February, 1808 :—
"Mohiput Ram continued to negotiate with every appearance of
sincerity till the 11th of February, when he suddenly changed his
tone, threatened the life of Mr. Palmer, marched out his troops from
Shahpoor, and joined Mahomed Rezza Khan. Mr. Palmer
obtained with great difficulty permission to leave Shahpoor. On
the morning of the 12th, Mohiput Ram and Mahomed Rezza
engaged the Nizam's troops under Nizamut Jung and Mr. Gordon.
The Nizam's cavalry behaved with the most shameful cowardice,
and fled at the commencement of the action. The infantry, under
Mr. Gordon, showed great resolution and spirit, drove the enemy
back, took their guns, and would have gained the day, if they had
been supported by the cavalry. But being deserted by the cavalry,
they were soon surrounded. A general panic seized them. All
the exertions of Mr. Gordon and Mr. Palmer were insufficient to
rally them; and they were completely destroyed by superior
numbers of horse and foot. Mr. Palmer luckily escaped, but Mr.
Gordon was wounded and taken prisoner. From the concurring
testimony of many accounts, I am afraid that Mr. Gordon was
cruelly butchered. Mr. Bertie Burgh and a Mr. Bellair were
killed. Mr. Pearson was wounded and taken. His subsequent
fate is uncertain. The other Mr. Burgh escaped. Of 1,300
infantry that entered the action, not more than 300 have been
THE NIZAM'S CONTINGENT.
373
after this affair, that "there was not a jemadar of horse
but was disaffected to our interests.” * It may have
been treachery rather than cowardice, which made the
cavalry fly like sheep before the battalions of Mohiput
Ram.
One thing, however, was certain. The few European
officers who were attached to the Nizam's army in 1808
seemed to be only there to be butchered. It was advisable,
indeed, that over the Hyderabad levies there should be
efficient European control; or that they should be left to
their native officers. When Mr. Russell joined the Resi-
dency, this subject in no small measure occupied his
thoughts. Perhaps he thought too much of it. Perhaps
he made the Nizam's Contingent too much of a plaything.
At all events, whilst Henry Russell occupied the Residency,
the Contingent became, in all essential respects, a British
force, paid in some manner or other, directly or indirectly,
from the treasury of the Nizam. This matter of the pay-
ment of the troops was one which led to very grave
results. It did not always happen that there was money
in the treasury to pay them. On one occasion, in 1812,
the unpaid troops mutinied, tied their commanding officer
to a gun, and threatened to blow him away if their arrears
were not discharged.† Money was sent from the Resi-
dency, and for a time the mutiny was quelled. But it
was obvious to Mr. Russell that something must be done,
both to keep the Contingent in an efficient state, and to
able to effect their retreat, and many of them were wounded. The
Nizam's cavalry, after this shameful retreat, gradually collected at
a place about thirty miles from Shahpoor, and are slowly returning
to Hyderabad."-[MS. Correspondence.]
* Mr. Palmer to Captain Sydenham, March 18, 1808.-[MS.
Correspondence.]
† "Calcutta Review," vol. xi., article "Nizam's Contingent," in
which ample details connected with the history of this force will be
found.
374
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
E..
secure its loyalty. "Nobody, I presume," he said after-
wards, "will dispute that if the troops were to be main-
tained at all, it was necessary to provide for their being
regularly paid."
But how was this provision to be made? The arrange-
ments which Mr. Russell had instituted to secure the
efficiency of the Nizam's Contingent had greatly increased
the costliness of the force. Such an army, disciplined and
commanded by English officers, could only be main-
tained at a cost altogether incommensurate with the means
of discharging it. The Hyderabad State, distressed
and embarrassed, ever forestalling its revenues, was not
in a condition to secure regularity of payment to such a
force. It is not to be doubted that the reorganization of
the Contingent had greatly increased the burdens of an
already overburdened state. The English commandant of
the Russell Brigade, so baptized in honour of the Resident,
received from the Nizam 5,000l. a year as his own salary;
and other officers were paid in proportion. * Employment
in the Nizam's service was generally coveted by the officers
both of the King's and the Company's army. The Resi-
dent was importuned with applications for these com-
fortable staff appointments, and large sums passed annually
into the pockets of our own people. That the efficiency
of the Contingent was greatly increased, that it became,
indeed, an admirable body of disciplined troops of all
arms, is not to be doubted. But it is equally unques-
tionable that it increased the burdens of the state in a
manner for which any advantages accruing from the
enhanced efficiency of the Contingent could never suffi-
ciently compensate.
* The writer of the paper on the Nizam's Contingent says, that
as job followed job, and other superfluous offices were made, it
became a proverbial expression current in Hyderabad, that, "Poor
Nizzy pays for all!
PAYMENT OF THE TROOPS.
375
From such a Government as that of the Nizam a
Government of shifts and expedients, whose system of
finance was little more than the great system of hand-to-
mouth, the regular payment of the troops was clearly not
to be expected. But in such a matter as this the inter-
position of the Resident was justified, if not demanded.
So Mr. Russell made an arrangement for the payment of
the troops, of which it is necessary to speak somewhat in
detail. Mr. William Palmer, of whom mention has been
made, had quitted the military service of the Nizam to
enter into commercial transactions, and had established a
house of business at Hyderabad known as the firm of
William Palmer and Co. This firm, by a series of success-
ful operations with which I am not particularly acquainted,
had become the possessors or the depositories of a large
amount of capital, and were in a position to make con-
siderable advances of money to the Nizam. As they had
the power, so they had the inclination, to enter into large
transactions with the embarrassed Government of Hydera-
bad. All legal impediments were removed by the sanction
of the Governor-General-a sanction granted without
inquiry into the particulars of the proposed transaction-
and it was arranged that the house of business should
undertake to advance a certain sum of money-first, for
the payment of one portion of the troops, then of another,
and that certain assignments of revenue should be made
by the state for the security of the lenders.
were to the extent of 20,000l. a month.
were of the annual value of 300,000l.
payable by the Nizam was 25 per cent.
ments were made under the sanction of the Resident.
There was no express guarantee for the protection of
William Palmer and Co., but it was understood, both by
the lenders and the borrowers, that the Resident endorsed
the transaction.
The advances
The assignments
The interest
These arrange-
•
376
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
મ
The troops were now punctually paid; but the finan-
cial embarrassments of the Nizam were increased by
the arrangement, and the people were plunged into a
lower deep of suffering than any that had overwhelmed
them before. The disorders of the Nizam's Government
had, indeed, become intolerable; and Mr. Russell was
eager to apply a remedy to the evils which stared him so
reproachfully in the face. It was plain to him that the
connection of the Nizam with the British Government had
been one of the chief sources of the decrepitude of
Hyderabad. But, he argued with a force of truth not to
be withstood, "if we owe the foundation of our empire in
this country to the weakness in which we found the native
princes, we ought not to complain of the evil which that
weakness necessarily produces. If we have reaped the
benefit we must submit to witness the inconveniences
which are its inseparable attendants." "And," he added,
if it be true that a part of the mischief has arisen from the
predominance of our power, it is for that reason the more
incumbent on us that we should endeavour to employ the
remedy."* But what was the remedy to be? The Nizam
We
"I
was to be left to the uncontrolled administration of his own
provinces; how then could we ameliorate that which we
were not to be permitted to touch? There was to be, if
such were possible, intervention without interference. We
were to shape the administrative measures of the Nizam
without appearing to have anything to do with them.
were to be everything and nothing at the same time.
suggested," says Mr. Russell, "as the leading features of a
plan of reform, that whatever control our Government
might resolve to exercise, should be applied through the
medium of advice and influence, and not by direct exertion
of authority; that we should enlarge the sphere rather than
increase the degree of our interference; exerting the same
* Mr. Russell to Government, November 24, 1819.
MEASURES OF REFORM.
377
influence in correcting the abuses of the internal adminis-
tration that we already applied to objects immediately
connected with our own interests; that we should improve
and direct the implements of the country, and not intro-
duce agents or regulations of our own.”
Instructions* to this effect were drafted by Metcalfe, as
Political Secretary, emphatically sanctioned by Lord
Hastings, and forwarded to Mr. Russell. They met with
the entire concurrence of the Resident. "The instructions
about reform," he wrote privately to Metcalfe, "are every-
thing I could desire. If I had drafted them myself, I could
not have made them more entirely consonant to my own
views and wishes. The result, I trust, will answer the
expectations of Government. I have had a great deal of
discussion with Chundoo-Lall, whom I believe to be as
willing as he is able to discharge his part of the duty. A
manifest change has already taken place in the tone and
character of the internal administration. Complaints are
received and grievances are redressed, and justice is expe-
ditiously and gratuitously administered by a new tribunal
erected by Chundoo-Lall for the purpose. Reduction
of expenses and remission of revenue are the next great
objects, and at these we are hard at work." There was
no doubt of Mr. Russell's sincerity. His letters abundantly
show that these reforms lay very near to his heart.
Throughout the greater part of the year 1820, he was
sedulously employed in giving them effect. But the reign
of the Resident was now nearly at an end. He could only
* These instructions, in a few words, were "To authorise him
to interfere with his advice and influence for the benefit of the
Nizam's Government, to improve its revenues, reduce its expenses,
and ameliorate its system of administration. Chundoo-Lall to be
supported."-[MS. Memorandum by Charles Metcalfe.]
* Henry Russell to Charles, Metcalfe, March 21, 1820.—[MS.
Correspondence.]
378
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
1
initiate the reforms which were so necessary to the
prosperity of the country. But with this he was content.
He had such strong faith in his successor, that he knew
the good work would be carried on vigorously and success-
fully after his departure.
Such, hurriedly traced in dim outline, was the condition
of things in Hyderabad when, in the second week of
November, accompanied by Lieut. Hugh Barnett, who was
appointed Second Assistant to the Resident, Mr. Richard
Wells, of the civil service, who was Third Assistant, and
Captain Mackenzie, who was appointed to the Nizam's
cavalry, Charles Metcalfe embarked on board the Hattrass,
which was to convey him to Masulipatam, on his way to
Hyderabad.* He was not sorry to quit the seat of
Government; but there was a new and untried world
before him at Hyderabad; and as he was departing, intel-
ligence reached him which caused some temporary regret
that he had made his election to proceed to the court of
the Nizam. Mr. Monckton, who was at that time Resident
at Lucknow, had announced his intention of proceeding to
England, and Sir David Ochterlony had declared his will-
ingness to be transferred to that court, in order that Met-
calfe might return to his old post at Delhi. To the latter,
who had many pleasant recollections of the years he had
spent in the imperial city, and had often regretted his
departure from it, this arrangement, as far as his personal
feelings were concerned, would have been very gratifying
-but he had now gone too far to recede; the course of his
duty lay in the direction of Hyderabad-so he went straight
on, sending back no vain regrets, but fixing all his thoughts
upon the future.
* He had another very amusing travelling companion, too, in
the shape of "Spence's Anecdotes," then newly arrived in Cal-
cutta, which a friend had sent him to beguile the tedium of the
voyage.
ARRIVAL AT HYDERABAD.
1
379
On the 10th of November, Metcalfe and his friends
embarked from Calcutta, and coasting down the Bay of
Bengal, anchored, on the 16th, in Masulipatam Roads.
The state of the weather did not suffer him to land before
the 18th; and on the following day he proceeded by dawk
to Hyderabad. There he found Mr. Russell awaiting him.
He found, too, that the place was in an unusual state of
social excitement. The race-week was commencing, and
there were dinners, and balls, and suppers-race-ordinaries
and lotteries, in which he was expected to take a part.
But he was eager to commence business; and how it was
commenced may be gathered from the notes which he made
at the time:
MEMORANDA FOR JOURNAL.
[1820-1821.]
"Saturday, the 25th, having been fixed upon for my presentation
to the Nizam, the Ministers Mooneer-ool-Moolk and Rajah
Chundoo-Lall came to the Residency in the morning, about ten
o'clock, according to custom, to pay their compliments to me, and
invite me to wait on the Nizam. They remained some time at the
Residency, and during their stay produced a note from the Nizam,
of which the following is a near translation :
"Mooneer-ool-Moolk Bahadoor and Maharajah Chundoo-Lall
will go to-morrow to Sahib Jung Bahadoor's (Mr. Russell's) resi-
dence. Let the pending negotiation regarding taking and giving
between the above-mentioned Bahadoors be settled, in order that
there may not be any injury after the departure of that gentleman.
This matter is at the responsibility of the talookdars and Abbas
Allu Khan.'
"If I were to explain this note myself, I should conceive it to
allude to the pending unsettled negotiation regarding the Partition
treaty, and to be dictated by an apprehension that a new Resident
might come forward with new demands, or might urge those
already discussed and declined. It was, however, urged by the
Ministers as having a more general meaning, and as proceeding
from a fear lest matters formerly settled should be ripped open for
fresh discussion. Friendly assurances were given, without hesita-
tion, on this point; but it was pointedly impressed on them that
these assurances had no reference to the pending treaty, which,
380
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
being avowedly unsettled, was fully open to discussion and nego-
tiation. The Ministers took leave of us, and went to the palace
with their suite. They had been numerously and respectably
attended. Not long after, Mr. Russell and myself, attended by the
gentlemen of the Residency, and others who wished to see the
Nizam, proceeded to the palace; where, after being met in the
usual manner by the Ministers, we were received by the Nizam.
He was, it is said, unusually affable and talkative-though he did
not certainly talk much. To what this might be attributed-I
mean his uncommon affability-I cannot pretend to say. After
remaining with him about a quarter of an hour, we received our
leave, and came away. The gentlemen who were introduced, pre-
sented nuzzurs; which struck me as an unusual practice, never
having heard of such at any native court except the king's. The
style of the durbar, and the dresses of the court, were plain; the
palace itself not grand."
"On Sunday, the 26th, went to church. Afterwards returned
the visit of the commanding officer, Colonel Boles, who, with the
staff, had called on me on the 23rd. Was received in the canton-
ments with salutes, and had a guard of the company of the 30th N.I.
drawn up for me at the commanding officer's. I had heard much
of the overdoing of these matters at Hyderabad ; and was therefore
prepared for all the honours I received. The sermon at church
was about Aurungzeb, Lord Chesterfield, and Mr. Fox, to the text
of Vanity of vanities, all is vanity.'
"On the 26th November paid my first visit to the minister,
Mooneer-ool-Moolk, and dined with him. He has a splendid
house, fitted up at great cost, and with some taste. He gave us
an excellent dinner, and conducted his entertainment in very good
style. I am not in favour of dining with people who cannot or
will not dine with us; and only went on this occasion because I did
not choose to make difficulties regarding what had been customary
under my predecessors; especially as I had not received charge
of the Residency, and was in a manner under the guidance of Mr.
Russell, who accompanied me, as did also all the gentlemen of the
Residency, including his party and mine.
(6
Rajah Chundoo-Lall joined us after dinner, and we got home
about half-past ten, having been entertained with a nautch.
Mooneer-ool-Moolk's manners are good. Two of his sons are fine
boys. Chundoo-Lall's manners are also good.
"This morning, the 28th, after breakfast, the officers of the
cantonments of Sekunderabad and Bolaurum came to the Resi-
INTERVIEW WITH THE NIZAM.
381
dency to be introduced to me. A fine body of officers. I find
that our society is likely to consist of 130 or 140 persons, including
ladies.
"On the evening after our visit to the principal, but nominal,
minister, Mooneer-ool-Moolk, we paid a similar one to the deputy,
but real, minister, Chundoo-Lall. The house and the entertain-
ment were not less splendid than on the preceding occasion; indeed,
the profusion of costly ornamental furniture exceeded everything I
had ever before seen. In addition to a dinner, nautch, and brilliant
illumination, equal to those at Mooneer-ool-Moolk's, we had at
Chundoo-Lull's a display of fireworks and gaslights.
"On the 30th, Russell explained to me the several forms of
accounts relating to the Residency; and on the 1st of December,
delivered over charge of the office.
"13th December.-Sent Mr. Sotheby to Rajah Chundoo-Lall to
propose the gift of sixteen lakhs of rupees, for the purposes desired
by the Governor-General.* Mr. Sotheby reported, on his return,
* This requires explanation. As one of the consequences of the
great events touched upon in Chapter XII., and the partition of
territory which they had involved, a new treaty with the Nizam
had become necessary. This treaty, the terms of which had been
chiefly arranged by Mr. Russell, was still unconcluded when
Metcalfe proceeded to Hyderabad. The opportunity was con-
sidered by the statesmen of Calcutta a good one for the extraction
of a bonus of money from the Nizam; and it was suggested, there
fooe, that an article should be introduced into the treaty, pledging
his highness to manifest his sense of all our kindness to him by a
gratuity of sixteen lakhs of rupees (160,000l.) for the improvement
of the city of Calcutta. Who was the originator of this suggestion
I do not know; but Metcalfe went to Hyderabad, carrying with
him, in Lord Hastings' handwriting, the following draft of the pro-
posed article:---
"His highness the Nizam, contemplating the great benefits
which he has reaped from the late military operations, in the
security of his dominions, and in the advantages accruing to his
revenue, is anxious to manifest his sense of such a boon by a
gratuitous contribution. In this view his highness desires that he
may be allowed to furnish sixteen lakhs of rupees (payable at the
rate of four lakhs yearly till the amount be completed) for public
purposes connected with the city of Calcutta or its vicinity within
the twenty-four pergunnahs; on the condition that the sum shall
382
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
- 1
Mr.
that the rajah agreed to the proposal. It remains to be seen
whether the consent of the Nizam will be obtained or not.
Sotheby also put in train the settlement of the little difficulties
which have arisen out of the abolition of exemption of duties on
articles proceeding to the markets of our cantonments, &c."
CL
Subsequently to the 13th, I again sent Mr. Sotheby to Rajah
Chundoo-Lall on the subject of the sixteen lakhs. The Rajah did
not start any difficulty on the subject, but proposed that I should
report the matter to Calcutta as settled, and engaged on his part
to procure the consent of the Nizam, after the arrival of the ratifi-
cation from Government. To this I objected, and sent Mr.
Sotheby again to explain that the Nizam's consent must be
obtained before I could report the matter as settled. It should
have been mentioned that at the second interview of Mr. Sotheby,
the agreement about the sixteen lakhs was added, in the terms
prescribed by Lord Hastings, as an eleventh article to the ten
before settled by Mr. Russell.
"On the day after Mr. Sotheby's third mission, the Rajah
reported to me that the Nizam had cheerfully assented to the
arrangement, and expressed his gratification that the matter was
so settled. I sent a report on the subject to Calcutta, which will
be found on the records.*
•
be applied in such portions and for such objects as the Governor-
General in Council may direct.”
Well might it be said that "Nizzy pays for all," when he was
called upon to contribute 160,000l. towards the tanks and aqueducts
and lamp-posts of Calcutta.
* In another memorandum of an intended interview with the
Minister, Metcalfe says:
66 MEM. The sixteen lakhs.-To tell the
Minister that I have reported to Government upon this subject;
and that I am sure the Governor-General will be much gratified
by the handsome conduct of the Nizam's Government; but that I
have also some reason to think that the donation will be declined,
which I shall be glad of, for the financial interests of the State."
And he was right. The donation was declined. On this very
13th of December, Lord Hastings was writing to Metcalfe that the
Home Government would not give their sanction to such a dubious
measure. "We have received," wrote the Governor-General,
"from the Secret Committee a positive injunction not to urge the
Nizam to a contribution of sixteen lakhs of rupees. Therefore
STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
383
"Some days after this a horrible outrage was committed by
some Arabs in the service of Shums-ool-Omra. An Arab had
been killed in a drunken fray. The Arabs, the next day, went in
a body to the house of a Dukhanee chief, of whose party they
supposed the killer to be, to demand that he should be delivered
up to them. It appears that the chief offered to send him to the
Minister, if he could be pointed out; but, from the outrageous
conduct of the Arabs, the discussion ended in the death of the
chief and some others. The Minister reported the circumstances
to me, announcing his intention to punish the guilty. In reply, I
urged him to persevere in this intention, for the credit of the
Nizam's Government and the protection of the people. The matter
ended in two Arabs being shot by their own brethren, after a sort
of trial by jury, and twenty-five being banished. Some people say
that the men executed were not the real offenders, but mere slaves,
executed by the Arabs to appease public opinion. The more
general account is, that they were the principal actors in the out-
rage-one having been the murderer of the Dukhanee chief, and
the other the person who instigated the Arabs to remain at the
house when they were willing to come away peaceably. The result
is not quite satisfactory. The Government should have carried on
the investigation, and inflicted the punishment. As it is, the
business has been slurred over, having been left to the Arabs,
many of whom were the offenders."
"On Christmas-day gave a dinner, ball, and supper, to the
society of Hyderabad, Sekunderabad, and Bolaurum."
Of the general state of the Nizam's country, Metcalfe
soon began to derive from passing events some painful
experience. Letters came in from officers of the Nizam's
Contingent employed in the provinces exhibiting the un-
settled state of the country, and the lawless condition of
the people:
you must drop that object entirely, and cancel any procedure that
may have taken place respecting it. The Court's instruction
proceeds on the erroneous intimations previously transmitted to
some of its members from Calcutta. It all turns upon the incon-
sistency of exacting from the resources of the State such a sum
when we represent its finances to be embarrassed in such a degree
as to require the aid of a British house of agency,”—[MS. Cor-
respondence.]
!
384
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
"A letter received from Lieutenant Sutherland," he wrote in his
journal, "dated 24th December, 1820, reporting an attack made
by him on a party of plunderers, headed by a person named
Solinga, which had taken possession of the village of Soolyali, in
the Talooka of Moory, and Pergunnah of Odgeer. Solinga, it
appears, is a known character, who has for some time been in
rebellion against the local authorities. Lieutenant Sutherland
having decoyed a considerable number of this party into the plain,
before the fort, which is only sixty yards square, charged and cut
them to pieces. A number of matchlock men who came out to
their assistance, were also charged and sabred by Lieutenant
Sutherland's detachment, consisting of 170 horse, which had only
four men and six horses wounded in the affair. Solinga has
evacuated Soolyali, and fortified himself in Gozegaon.
"Another letter from Lieutenant Sutherland before Gozegaon,
requesting a reinforcement of the companies of infantry from
Hyderabad, which has been despatched. Information received of
the cholera having attacked the detachment which was sent as a
reinforcement to Lieutenant Sutherland.”
Every day brought the new Resident some fresh proof of
the deeply-seated disorders of the Nizam's country, and the
necessity of immediate interference in the concerns of a
territory so rent and distracted by internal convulsion.
But it was necessary that, in the first instance, Metcalfe
should obtain the confidence of the Nizam and his Ministers,
and obtain from the latter, or rather from Chundoo-Lall, a
true state of the financial condition of the country. The
following memoranda for his journal give a brief account of
his interviews with these authorities, and a slight sketch of
the measures which he purposed to recommend for the
reform of existing abuses:
"Memoranda for Communications to Rajah Chundoo-Lall.
"To require a statement of revenue and expenditure, from
which to judge of their relative extent and the financial prospects
of the Government.
"To require a statement of Khalsa lands, revenues, and
management, whether under farmers or collectors, or any other
class of managers.
"To require a statement of lands in Jagheer, Jaidad, &c.
PROPOSED MEASURES.
385
"To require a statement of Jagheerdars of troops supported by
Jaidad, and of personal Jagheers to commanders.
"To require a statement of pensioners, with the revenues or
claims on account of which pensions have been granted.
"To explain that information on all these points is required as
a necessary foundation for improvement.
“The statements of these things, which no doubt already exist,
will be preferable to others which it may take trouble to prepare.
"To inquire about the late outrage of the Arabs, and the
measures pursued for redress.
"To urge the Minister to discontinue on his own part, and to
procure the discontinuance on the part of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, of
all clandestine allowances to servants, &c., at the Residency. The
same with regard to fruits, dinners, &c., &c., sent to the Resi-
dency, which come in such quantities as to give them the appear-
ance of regular supplies instead of being merely complimentary.
"To desire the Minister not to give ear to any natives who may
pretend to have influence with me, either directly or circuitously,
and to inform him that I shall never employ natives in any com-
munication with the Nizam's Government. That ordinary matters
will be discussed as at present, by Notes; and all of importance
either personally or through one of my assistants.
"Districts towards the Wurda-at present depopulated-the
people gone to the Nagpore country. Propose to authorize Lieut.
Clark to give them a general guarantee for the enjoyment of their
rights free from oppression or extortion; the farmer or manager
subsequently to make such particular engagements with them,
not violating their general guarantee, as may be expedient."
"On the 17th January I had a private audience of the Nizam,
at which no third person was present. My object was to give him
confidence as to the views of our Government, and my personal
disposition. The manner in which he received and replied to my
communications was gratifying; and he seemed to derive pleasure
from the meeting. On the whole, I was much satisfied with the
result of my visit; though a paltry trick was played in a point
of etiquette, unobserved by me at the time, which it was after-
wards necessary to notice and rectify.
"On Friday, the 26th, Rajah Chundoo-Lall paid me a visit on
business, and remained with me several hours, conversing on the
state of the country, and the measures proper to be pursued, on
which he spoke very plausibly and sensibly, and promised to give.
cordial assistance in the work of regeneration and reform. He
VOL. I.
0
386
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
brought me accounts, which I had called for, of the receipts and
charges of the Government; from which, if they can be relied on,
it appears that there is a present annual deficit of about ten lakhs.
If the deficit do not exceed this amount, I shall not despair of
bringing the finances of the Government into proper order in the
course of time, either by ameliorations of the revenue, or by
reductions of the expenditure, or the joint operation of both. I
was much pleased with the disposition shown by the minister at
this conference.
"This visit arose out of my declining to go to the Minister on
the old footing. It was customary with my predecessor to visit
the Minister on business, though the Minister never came to him.
This course appearing to me to be derogatory, I have hitherto sent
one of my assistants on business to the Minister, instead of going
myself. This alone, without any proposition on my part, has been
sufficient to bring the matter into a better course; and I shall
now, without scruple, visit the Minister on business as he will also
come to me.
"I applied to the Minister for accounts of the income and
expenditure of the Government. These, after requesting delay
for time to prepare them, he brought to me in detail. From these
I observe that the annual expenditure exceeds the income, after
allowing for the advantages gained by his Highness's share of the
conquests of the late war, in the amount of about ten lakhs.
"The measures which appear to me to be most essential in the
first instance, and which I shall endeavour to carry into effect
with the concurrence of the Nizam's Government, are-1st. The
reduction of the expenditure of the Government within its income.
2nd. A general settlement of the land-revenue for a term of five
years on the principle of a village settlement, including arrange-
ments with the heads of villages for the introduction of a system
of police. 3rd. The superintendence of respectable European
officers of the Nizam's service, for the purpose of preventing
oppression and breach of faith in the districts in the vicinity of
their respective posts."
Having thus made up his mind that the evils under
which the country had long been groaning could be
removed only by the exercise of efficient European super-
intendence over the native functionaries employed in the
executive duties of the internal administration, Metcalfe at
LABOURS OF THE RESIDENT.
387
once obtained the sanction of the Nizam's Government to
the measures he proposed, and lost no time in setting them
on foot.
He soon found, indeed, that the leisure which Mr.
Russell had promised him, and which at one time he had
promised himself, was a mere delusion. "I find my time
as much occupied here," he wrote to James Baillie Fraser,*
as at Calcutta or Delhi, though leisure was one of the
principal objects for which I came. I am now convinced
that want of leisure is a constitutional disease which will
stick by me to the grave, and that it does not proceed from
excess of business alone." It did not, indeed, proceed so
much from excess of business, as from the conscientiousness
with which he discharged it. Twenty years afterwards it
was said, in another quarter of the globe, that he "worked
like a slave ;" and one of the shrewdest observers † who
ever watched his proceedings, said of him, "How he finds
the time is a problem: I know only that he is never in a
hurry."
He soon began to make preparations for a tour of per-
sonal inspection through the outlying districts. He was not
one to satisfy himself with the reports of others—to study
the condition of the country at ease in the Residency-house.
So, having handed over to his Chief Assistant the duties of
the capital and the court, and left instructions for his
* The well-known author of "Travels in Khorassan," the
"Kuzzilbash," &c., &c. He was brother of William Fraser,
Metcalfe's old assistant.
† Mr. Gibbon Wakefield.
‡ These were very brief, but very distinct. It were worth while
to insert them:
"MEM.-In the event of the unexpected demise of the Nizam,
his eldest son, Nasir-ool-dowlah, to succeed him. This intention
is not to be divulged unless it be necessary to carry it into effect.
"In the event of the death of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, the nomi-
nation of a successor to his office should be prevented altogether,
or at least postponed to my return.
"In the event of the death of Chundoo-Lall, his duties should
4
!
o 2
388
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
14
}
guidance in the event of the unexpected demise either of
the Nizam or one of his Ministers, the Resident commenced
his progress. What was the result of his first visitation
may be set forth in his own language. It is clearly
described in the following private letter:
MR. CHARLES METCALFE TO MR. GEORGE SWINTON.
("
Camp, Dewalwarra, June 14, 1821.
"MY DEAR SWINTON,-The more I see of the Nizam's country,
the more I am convinced that, without our interposition, it must
have gone to utter ruin, and that the measures which have been
lately adopted were indispensably necessary for its continued
existence as an inhabited territory. As it is, the deterioration has
been excessive, and the richest and most easily cultivated soil in
the world has been nearly depopulated, chiefly by the oppressions
of the Government. It will require tender nursing. The settle-
ments are advancing. The moderate revenue, which it has been
found necessary to receive in many instances, has greatly disap-
pointed the Government, which, not convinced by the depopulation
of villages in consequence of ruinous extortion, would have per-
sisted in the same unprincipled course until the rest were depopu-
lated also. The loss of revenue, if confidence be established by
the settlement, will be but temporary. In some of the settlements
on which the assessments for the first year are the lowest, they
are doubled and trebled, and in some instances quadrupled and
quintrupled in the period, generally five years, for which the
settlements are concluded. Such are the productive powers of
the soil, that I have no doubt of the propriety of the increase
where it occurs to that extent, the assessments for the first year
having been made uncommonly low from local circumstances
affecting the particular cases. After the conclusion of the settle-
ment, one measure more, and I think only one, will be necessary,
and to that I conceive our interference ought to be limited.
must preserve a check on the native officers of the Government,
to provide that they do not violate the settlement; otherwise they
certainly will, in which case it would be better that it had never
been concluded, as it would then, by giving false confidence,
We
be made over to Mooneer-ool-Moolk for the time; and the ap-
pointment of a successor to Chundoo-Lall should be postponed till
my return."
PROPOSED REFORMS.
389
furnish the means of additional extortion, and would effectually
destroy the very foundation of our probable success, which is the
reliance put on our faith and guarantee. I therefore propose,
with the assent of the Nizam's Government, to employ the
assistants of the Residency and some of the best qualified of the
Nizam's officers in different divisions of the Nizam's territory, for
the purposes of checking oppression and violation of faith on the
part of the officers of Government, securing adherence to settle-
ments, taking cognisance of crimes, and looking after the police,
especially on the frontiers, on which point I receive continual
complaints from the neighbouring Governments. These officers
should take no part in the collection of the revenues, nor in the
general administration of the country. Neither should the farms
of the Nizam's Government be invaded. The officers should not
have any peculiar official designation, founded on their duties, lest
it should be considered as a partial introduction of our rule; and
if at any time, from good schooling or rare goodness, there should
be reasonable ground of hope that a district could be managed
safely without such a check, I should think it a duty to withdraw
the officer from that district, though I have no expectation, I
confess, that such is likely to be the case. In order to save expense
to the Nizam's Government, the number of divisions should be
small-six or seven in all. This would make each of them very
extensive, but not, I hope, too much so for the performance of the
duty. They ought to be continually in motion (the officers, I
mean), and the Resident ought to be frequently in motion also, to
observe the state of the several divisions. I hope that this
measure will be approved, for on it all my hopes of successful
reform in the Nizam's country are built. Without it they will fall
to the ground. It appears to me to be the only way of preserving
the Nizam's Government in all its parts entire, with the addition
of the check of European integrity, which can at any time be
removed without damaging any other part of the edifice, if at any
time it can be dispensed with. If the Nizam's officers were
allowed to go on without some such check, it would soon end, I
think, in our being compelled to take the country entirely into our
own hands. As most of the officers so employed would be already,
in the receipt of pay in the Nizam's service, the Nizam's Govern-
ment would only have to make such an addition as might be
thought suitable to the increased importance and labour of their
duties. The allowances of the superintendents in the Nagpore
territory, or of the assistants in the Delhi territory, might be
390
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
taken as a model, and, after calculating what the gentlemen so
employed already receive, either as officers in the Nizam's service,
or assistants to the Resident, or agent at Aurungabad (for the
latter, I think, is pointed out by his local situation as one of them,
if he would like the duties), the difference might be made up from
the Nizam's Government, which would be the cheapest way for
him in which the business could be done.
"I mentioned, I think, in an official despatch that ninety
villages had been re-peopled in one district. Since then the number
has increased to 300, and this must now be within the mark, for
it is a period of two months since I received the report. Two
days ago I received intelligence of the settlement of forty-five
waste and deserted villages in another district, which will be
re-peopled on the assurance of this settlement. Some of the
original cultivators have returned from so great a distance as
Bombay, and the rest are returning from the several countries to
which they had emigrated. I mention this as the result of confi-
dence in European character and interference. Were these to be
entirely withdrawn, the country would either revert to its former
state of galloping consumption, or its progress to dissolution
would be accelerated even more rapidly by the violence of reaction.
I have troubled you with a long letter, but the fate of millions
hangs on the result.
"Yours most sincerely,
"C. T. METCALFE.
"I shall be at Ellichpoor to-morrow, and at Aurungabad in the
beginning of July.”
This first excursion in the Hyderabad country greatly
strengthened Metcalfe's previous convictions that only by
the active intervention of British authority could he hope
to mitigate such deeply-seated disorders as he saw every-
where around him. "The country," he wrote officially to
Government, "through which I have passed in my tour
commenced in April, has everywhere exhibited the most
striking features of decay and depopulation; and com-
pletely evinced the necessity of the interposition of the
influence of our Government for the prevention of utter
ruin." Under this conviction he set bravely to work; and
PROGRESS OF REFORM.
391
before the close of the year was able thus to report the
first success of his measures :—
"I am now on my return to Hyderabad, after witnessing the
accomplishment almost to completion of the primary objects which
called me to the northern parts of the Nizam's dominions. The
settlement and limitation of the land revenue for terms of years
have been effected for the most part in the districts north of the
Godavery, and throughout a considerable portion of the western
frontier southward of that river. The gentlemen employed in this
undertaking in different divisions of the territory-namely, my
assistant, Mr. R. Wells, and Major Seyer and Captain J. Suther-
land of the Nizam's service, performed the duties assigned to
them with the greatest zeal, ability, and judgment.
The
measure carried into effect by these gentlemen throughout a con-
siderable extent of the Nizam's dominions, promises the most
favourable result. It has been received by the cultivator with
manifest satisfaction, clouded only by a dread that the systematic
bad faith of the Nizam's Government may render nugatory the
benefits of the arrangement. It has had the ostensible support
and co-operation of the Government, without which it could not
have succeeded."
But it was apparent to Metcalfe that this support was
only ostensible. The sufferings of the many had been so
profitable to the few-the rapacity of the Minister and his
underlings had so long been glutted that this wholesome
restraint upon their greed was irksome to them, and they
secretly endeavoured to baffle measures which outwardly
they were compelled to support. All this Metcalfe saw
plainly; but it only stimulated his energies and roused
him to greater vigilance. The success of these great
ameliorative efforts, perseveringly and consistently persisted
in by the Resident, is a great fact not to be questioned.
"No sooner had Government," writes one who saw the
effect of these measures with his own eyes, *"commenced
the good work of inquiring into the rights of the people,
thought of redressing their grievances, and fixed the extent
* The late Colonel (then Captain) J. Sutherland.
392
THE HYDERABAD RESIDENCY.
1
of their own demands on them, than the country was
restored to comparative tranquillity. Men began to feel
secure of reaping a return proportioned to their exertions,
and industry took the place of rapine and sloth." In fact,
the work of regeneration had commenced. There was hope
still for Hyderabad.
The system under the operation of which Metcalfe
looked for these good results has been sufficiently explained
in his letter to Mr. Swinton. It was a system of pure native
agency under European superintendence. The superinten-
dents did not interfere in the executive details, but exercised
a presiding influence over the general administration both of
revenue and justice. Under this system, those village settle-
ments which Metcalfe had found so beneficial to the people
in the Delhi territories, were introduced, and with excellent
results. That during the period of Metcalfe's residence
in the Deccan the inhabitants of the Hyderabad pro-
vinces were rescued from much oppression-that the rights
of the agriculturists were more clearly defined-that extor-
tion was checked-and justice rendered something better
than a mockery is not to be denied. He did not labour
in vain. His best reward was in the increased happiness
of the people—but the commendations of the Government,
ever so dear to him, were not withheld.* It was said
afterwards, when there was an object in the distortion of
the truth, that Metcalfe had been guilty of improper inter-
ference in the internal affairs of the Nizam's Government.
Bnt the system was not his system. He found it in
*Lord Hastings wrote to him in April, 1821: "Let me take
the opportunity, my dear sir, of saying to you how gratifying the
prospects are which you hold forth respecting the improvements
in cultivation and comfort of the Nizam's territories. I feel keenly
the duty of rendering our influence so beneficial, and I thank you
sincerely for the generous energy with which you prosecute the
purpose.”—[MS. Correspondence.]
PROGRESS OF REFORM.
393
operation. He only gave it greater and more beneficial
effect.
But there were those whose interest it was to misrepre-
sent, if they could not nullify his measures. And he had
need of all his resolution. It was with a clear insight into
the difficulties which beset Metcalfe's ameliorative progress
that his old friend and master, Sir John Malcolm, wrote to
him at this time the following high-toned words of encou-
ragement:-
"Every step you take to ameliorate the condition of the country
will be misrepresented by fellows, who have objects as incom-
patible with public virtue and good government, as darkness is
with light. That these men should be allowed to speak or write,
upon subjects such as you discuss and manage, is deplorable.
But the fact is so; and though the circumstances in which you are
placed require all your firmness, recollect at the same time they call
for all your caution and prudence, and, above all, for great temper
and patience. These qualities I should never ask you to exercise
in any extraordinary degree for selfish views. Were your personal
interests alone at stake, I know you might give way to the spirit
of an offended gentleman and a high public officer. But you have
a more momentous duty to perform. You have to fight the good
fight, and to stand with the resolute but calm feelings such a cause
must inspire against all species of attacks that artful and sordid
men can make, or that weak and prejudiced men can support.
I am quite confident in your ultimate triumph, though
I expect that you will have great vexation and annoyance.'
**
These were prophetic utterances-the vexation and
annoyance were close at hand, and the ultimate triumph
was not far behind.
* MS. Correspondence.
394
CHAPTER XV.
[1820-1825.]
"THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
Finances of the Nizam-Residency Expenses-William Palmer
and Co.-The Sixty-lakh Loan-Influence of the House-Sir
William Rumbold-Metcalfe's Friendship for the Partners-
Proposed Financial Arrangement-Correspondence with Lord
Hastings-Intrigues of the House-The Governor-General and
Mr. Adam-Further Revelations - Reconciliation with the
Governor-General-Discussions in England.
WHILST, under Metcalfe's instructions and superintendence,
the subordinate officers upon whom he relied were pushing
forward, with good success, these ameliorative measures,
the Resident himself was diligently inquiring into the
financial circumstances of the Nizam, and tracing the
causes of that chronic state of embarrassment which had
so grievous an effect on the prosperity of the country. It
had been his first care, on entering upon his new duties,
to see that the Residency itself was entirely free from the
reproach of increasing the unprofitable expenditure of the
Nizam; and at one of his first interviews with Chundoo-
Lall he had, as I have shown, "urged the Minister to
discontinue on his own part, and to procure the discon-
tinuance on the part of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, of all clandes-
tine allowances to servants, &c., at the Residency; the
same with regard to fruits, dinners, &c., &c., sent to the
Residency, which came in such quantities as to give them
the appearance of regular supplies, instead of being merely
complimentary." And he especially "desired the Minister
!
THE HYDERABAD LOANS.
11*
395
not to give ear to any natives who might pretend to have
influence with him; and informed him (Chundoo-Lall)
that he should never employ natives in any communica-
tions with the Nizam's Government-that ordinary matters
would be discussed by notes-and all of importance,
either personally or through one of his assistants."
He
saw clearly the importance of putting a check at once upon
every description of back-stairs influence, and preventing
the Nizam or his Ministers from being fleeced by the
fathomless cunning of the native underlings of the Resi-
dency. He was averse, too, to any of those convenient
arrangements which, by transferring the expenses of
certain parts of our own establishment to the treasury of
the Nizam, lightened our own burdens at the cost of our
ally; and wherever he scented a job he was resolute to
suppress it.
+
But of all the sources of the financial embarrassments
of the Nizam, that which in Metcalfe's eyes seemed to call
most obtrusively for the consideration and intervention of
the British Resident, was the connection of the Hyder-
abad Government with the great mercantile house of
William Palmer and Co. It seemed to him that the State
was lying prostrate and helpless at the feet of the English
money-lenders. In the preceding chapter mention has
been made of the manner in which the Hyderabad Govern-
ment first became the debtors of the house, and of the
extent of their obligations. Since those loans had been
contracted, a new arrangement had been entered into
between the two parties, with the avowed object of a
gradual liquidation of the liabilities of the Nizam. A
readjustment of the business, however, had become ex-
pedient upon other grounds. In spite of the immense
payments of interest, the claims of William Palmer and
Co. on the Hyderabad Government were increasing ;
* Memoranda for Journal by C. T. Metcalfe, ante page 385.
396
(( THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
t
and the members of the house were not without a hope
that, by placing the transaction altogether on a new
footing, seemingly more advantageous to the Nizam, a
guarantee might be obtained from the British-Indian
Government for the repayment of the entire advance. In
the course of the year 1820 the loan was negotiated.
The amount advanced was sixty lakhs of rupees, or
600,000l., to be paid within six years. For this accom-
modation the Nizam's Government were to pay interest
at the rate of 18 per cent., seemingly a reduction of 7 per
cent. on the old advances. But the reduction was no more
than a sham. In consideration of the nominal advance the
borrowers were to pay a bonus of eight lakhs of rupees.
The whole business of the loan Metcalfe subsequently
described as "a fiction." There was nothing of reality
about it.
Of the terms of this loan the partners of the house were
naturally anxious to keep the Government in ignorance.
Metcalfe was at this time Political Secretary; and not
only did all the official correspondence with Government
relative to the sixty-lakh loan pass through his hands, but
a considerable burden of private correspondence regarding
it was also entailed upon him. One of the members of
the house, of whom more particular mention will presently
be made, wrote privately to Metcalfe in July, asking him
to exert his influence to silence inquiry. "I find," he
said, "that there is a discussion in Council about our
loan, and that the rate of interest is required. What can
the Government care whether the arrangement be more or
less beneficial to us, provided it bestows upon the Nizam's
Government the great advantages that have been held
out? If our loan has the effect of liberating the Minister
from all his debts in five or six years, and that in the
mean time the revenue is actually increased, surely-those
who suggest the means of so desirable an arrangement
THE SIXTY-LAKH LOAN.
397
ought to be allowed some advantage. But for us this
could never have been settled; and if we made millions
by it, the result were the same. No one need object to
us."*
This reasoning did not satisfy Metcalfe. Nor was he
pleased with the motive given for the secresy-the hope
of keeping matters quiet at home. There was truth,
however, in the assertion, that "what is very low interest
at Hyderabad would sound very high at home." The
reader must not measure the exorbitancy of William
Palmer's demands according to the Bank of England's
rates of discount, even in the midst of an European war,
or a great financial crisis attending an unprecedented drain
of bullion. In obedience to the requirements of Govern-
ment, the rate of interest demanded by the house was
declared. "But the grant of the bonus "—to use Met-
calfe's words—" on the pretended loan was concealed from
the British Government in the same spirit of fraudulent
deception that characterised the whole transaction. The
sanction given by the British Government to this fictitious
loan was represented and understood by many to be a
guarantee; and the number of European officers who
entrusted their property to the house was increased. The
house received money at 12 per cent., and lent to the
Nizam's Government and to individuals at 25. Their
business was almost confined to this traffic, and to the
supply of costly articles to the Ministers and others at the
Nizam's court, all other branches of their concern being
comparatively insignificant. The accumulation of wealth
in their books, from the immense interest which they
charged, seemed to be boundless, and the actual influx of
cash, from the remittances of constituents on the one
hand, and the payments of the Nizam's Government on the
other, was such as to supply the most wasteful expendi-
* MS. Correspondence.
398
แ THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
་
ture on the part of the members of the firm, and was
nevertheless overflowing.""
It is no uncommon thing for capitalists to pay one rate
of interest on money received, and to charge another on
money advanced. There is not a banking or agency house
in England or India that does not carry on its business
upon this intelligible principle. It was not of this, there-
fore, that Metcalfe complained. Needy Governments, like
needy individuals, must pay for money when they want it.
But the new Resident saw with painful distinctness that
there were other than commercial considerations involved
in these transactions. The question had, indeed, become a
political question. The house of William Palmer and Co.
had, in fact, usurped the government of Hyderabad. They
were fast becoming all-powerful in the state. "Of the
power which the house acquired in the Nizam's territories,"
wrote Metcalfe, some years afterwards, "partly by the
actual influence of the partners over the Minister, and
partly by their reputed influence with the British Govern-
ment, no conception can be formed by those who did not wit-
ness its operation. The house was armed with the double
authority of the British and Mogul Governments; nothing
could withstand it. Its power was at its climax when the
new Resident appeared on the scene, and its members were
making rapid strides towards the entire possession of the
revenues of the country."†
How this extraordinary influence was acquired may be
briefly stated. It was not merely the influence of a sturdy
creditor over a struggling debtor-it was an influence
derived from extraneous sources; the growth of an accident.
One of the partners of the house was Sir William Rum-
bold. This gentleman had married a ward of the Governor-
General, and had accompanied his lordship to India with
* Minute of Sir Charles Metcalfe, ut supra.
† Minute, ut supra.
İNFLUENCE OF PALMER'S HOUSE.
399
the not very rare or unintelligible design of making as
much money as he could. He had passed the age at which
the foot can be placed on the lowest step of the ladder of
official promotion, and so, with the aid of his friend, he had
endeavoured to make for himself a shorter cut to fortune.
Metcalfe said of him, that he went out "to make a large
and rapid fortune in the style of the old time, by other
means than his own personal labour." "He soon found
that the British territories did not yield a harvest of the
kind which he sought. He therefore visited the courts
where British influence was then most predominant, and
wealth supposed to flow most freely, in search of it. He
included Delhi, Lucknow, Mysore, and Hyderabad, in his
extensive progress.
Delhi was a barren waste for his
purposes. Mysore did not offer any enticing prospect.
The choice lay between Lucknow and Hyderabad. There
was a scheme for his settling at Lucknow; but either that
failed, or the temptations of Hyderabad were more power-
ful; and this was the place on which he finally pounced.
He was just the man for the concern; and
the concern was just the thing for him. He joined it; and
brought with him the influence to be derived from the
reputed support of the Governor-General.”*
It was not possible, indeed, that it should be otherwise.
The natives of India, who understand the nature of back-
stairs influence as well as any people in the world, could
not believe that one, whom they regarded as the son-
in-law of the Governor-General, was not a person of pro-
digious influence and importance, competent to employ the
great engine of British authority as he would in the affairs
of Hyderabad. The house, indeed, had become so identified
in men's minds with the British Government, that even in
remote districts, where the cabals of the capital were but
little known, it was said that the revenue which they paid
* Minute, ut supra.
400
"THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
on account of the lands assigned to William Palmer and
Co. was paid into the British treasury. Gradually, indeed,
there had grown up in the Deccan a power greater than
the Nizam-greater than the British Resident-greater than
the Governor-General of India. It was the belief of the
Minister that so long as he had the house on his side, the
support of the Resident was of comparatively slight import-
ance. To secure this, large sums of money in the shape
of annual allowances were paid to members of the firm, or
their near relatives. Even the sons of Mr. William Palmer,
boys at school in England, grew, under this mighty system
of corruption, into stipendiaries of the Nizam. If the
stipends were not paid, they were carried to account in the
books of the firm at an interest of 25 per cent.; and thus
increased the ever-increasing embarrassments of the Nizam,
and rendered difficult the regeneration of the country.
•
The new Resident saw all this, and other things of which
I have not yet spoken; and the contemplation of such
extortion caused him acutest pain. If he had known in
Calcutta all that he subsequently learnt in Hyderabad, no
temptations of fame or fortune-of ease or dignity—would
have enticed him into that hornet's nest. He was a man
of profound sensibility, of a most affectionate nature, very
constant in his friendships; one whose chief happiness was
derived from his contemplation of the happiness of others.
If the principal members of the Hyderabad house had been
utter strangers to him, he would still have arrayed himself
against them with extreme reluctance; it would still have
caused him much personal suffering to incur their resent-
ment by restricting their gains. But it happened that the
men, whose career of self-aggrandisement it now become
his duty to check, were bound to him by those very
personal ties which, with a man of Charles Metcalfe's
gentle, loving nature, are only to be resisted by painful
efforts of self-negation. Mr. William Palmer was the
THE PARTNERS OF THE HOUSE.
401.
brother or one of Metcalfe's oldest friends. An unbroken
intimacy of twenty years' duration had greatly endeared
John Palmer to him, and he had gone to Hyderabad pre-
pared to love William Palmer for his brother's sake, and
had found all his prepossessions strengthened and con-
firmed by the amiable character of the man himself. To
Sir William Rumbold he was bound by a personal friend-
ship of many years. He had first made the acquaintance
of this gentleman at Delhi, when, as the bearer of letters
of introduction from John Adam and others, Sir William
had presented himself to the Resident, and been the
recipient of his unfailing hospitality. It happened, either
on this first or another visit to Delhi-I do not know—
that Rumbold had fallen sick, and had been nursed by
Metcalfe at his pleasant residence in the Shalimar gardens.
as tenderly as though they had been brothers. A year
before the new Resident's departure for Hyderabad they
had renewed their personal intercourse in Calcutta, and
Rumbold had returned to his family to speak gratefully
and delightedly of Metcalfe's charming "cordiality of
manner-the same as it used to be at Delhi." And when
the tidings of his appointment to Hyderabad reached that
place, there were no warmer congratulations than those
which Metcalfe received from the Rumbolds; unless they
were those which came from another partner-his old
friend Dr. Lambe.
It need not be said, therefore, that the new Resident
went to Hyderabad with no personal prejudices against the
principal members of the great banking house. All his
prepossessions were in their favour; and it grieved him to
the soul now to find himself compelled to do battle against
men with whom he would fain have lived in habits of
unclouded friendship. "I rejoice," he wrote to John
Palmer, "that your health has been perfectly recruited by
your late trip. Mine is very good, and I am as happy as
402
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.”
แ
any man can reasonably expect to be; I should be perfectly
so, were it not for one thing: but you are the last person
whom I ought to trouble on this subject, for unconsciously
you helped to create the mischief which I deplore. Habits,
however, of old confidence will prevail-I allude to the
plunder of the Nizam by William Palmer and Co., in league
with an unprincipled Minister. I do not object to merchants
making good bargains for themselves. But when the
resources of the State are sacrificed by a profligate servant,
without any regard to the interests of his master, as the
purchase of the support of the Governor-General through the
influence of an individual, it is bribery in the most horrible
degree, and the misery of it will be long felt by this suffering
country. Had I known what I now see before I quitted
Calcutta, nothing should have induced me to come here.
Being here, I must do my duty, and make myself as
cheerful as I can be in a very disagreeable predicament."
11*
That Mr. Secretary Metcalfe must have had some
knowledge, even in Calcutta, of the ill effects of the close
connection between the house of William Palmer and Co.
and the Nizam's Government, is not to be doubted. But
until he himself appeared on the scene, he had no just
conception of the extent of that evil influence. He knew
that in some quarters there was a strong feeling against
the house; but he declared that he could not fathom the
cause of it. But now that he stood face to face with the
gigantic evil and plainly discerned the shape thereof, “ the
vague sort of apprehension," of which he had before spoken,
loomed before him as a palpable reality to be steadfastly
encountered. He had not been many weeks settled in the
Residency before the conviction forced itself on his mind,
that the safety of the Nizam and the dignity of his own
* Charles Metcalfe to John Palmer, January 29, 1822. MS.-
This letter was written in reply to one asking the Resident to
procure the appointment of a friend to the Nizam's artillery.
PROPOSED PAYMENT OF THE LOAN.
403
Government could be maintained only by rescuing the
former from the gripe of the English money-lenders.
To accomplish this great object, Metcalfe now proposed,
in the spring of 1821, to open, in Calcutta, a six-per-cent.
loan guaranteed by the British Government, and from the
proceeds of this loan to pay off all the Nizam's obligations
to Palmer's house, and other creditors. The proposal
was made to Government in an official letter; but before
he forwarded it to Calcutta, the Resident, with charac-
teristic manliness, communicated his intentions to the
members of the firm. It need not be said how unwelcome
was the announcement-the announcement of a project
for suddenly blocking up that short road to gigantic
wealth which had recently been opened out before them.
But now that the great danger threatened them, they
encountered it with consummate address. Having first
of all secured, under the worst of circumstances, a miti-
gation of the evil, they made a grand effort to ward it off
altogether. They represented to Metcalfe that as the
sudden liquidation of the loan to the Nizam would inflict
a very serious injury on the firm, a certain compensation
for the losses they would sustain ought in fairness to be
made to them. With an amount of good-nature for which
he subsequently reproached himself, he consented, there-
fore, to introduce into the arrangement a clause conferring
on the house an additional gratuity of six lakhs of rupees.
Having accomplished this object—something easy to fall
back upon they made their great coup in advance.
Metcalfe had consented to delay the despatch of his pro-
posal to Government whilst he discussed it with the
members of the firm. "They employed the interval,"
said Metcalfe, "in communicating with Calcutta to pre-
*
* Making, with the eight-lakh bonus, fourteen lakhs, or 140,0007.
(besides interest at eighteen per cent.) to be divided among the
partners, as the profits of the sixty-lakh loan.
404
(6 THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
C
vent its success, and succeeded in their object." In other
words, Sir William Rumbold wrote an urgent appeal to
Lord Hastings; and when Metcalfe subsequently despatched
his official letter to Calcutta, it never elicited an answer.
But upon the receipt of Sir William's letter, Lord
Hastings wrote privately to Metcalfe, reproaching him
for not having made some preliminary reference to the
Governor-General. "You assume," he said, "that Govern-
ment will guarantee such a loan. Many points must be
settled before I can agree to such a step. Not long ago
the expediency of raising a large sum here for the Com-
pany at four per cent., in order to pay off a portion
of the six per cent. debt, was strongly pressed upon
me. I rejected the proposition absolutely, because I
thought it a cruel procedure to force upon the bond-
holders the receipt of their capital when they had no
means of employing it."* But if large bonuses and
gratuities had been offered to the bondholders, the cruelty
would have been less obvious. The House of William
Palmer and Co. never contended that the Nizam was not
entitled to pay his debts whenever he pleased. On this
point Metcalfe replied clearly and emphatically-thus
stating the effects on the general prosperity of the Hyder-
abad country to be anticipated from the liquidation of
the debts of the Nizam:
* Lord Hastings to Mr. Metcalfe, April 21, 1821.—[MS. Cor-
respondence.]—The proposed loan, however, met with the approval
of Mr. John Adam and of Sherer, then Accountant-General. "I
am much pleased," wrote the former, "with your plan of a loan
for the Nizam, and it meets with Sherer's entire approbation. I
fear it is not so well relished elsewhere, and will occasion some
debate. Tindall has struck out a plan for buying the Peish-cash
out at a given number of years' purchase, which seems a good
scheme, and will, perhaps, be followed up."-[Calcutta, May 23,
1821. MS.] See also Minute of Mr. Adam, May 12, 1821,
published in the Hyderabad Papers.
PROPOSED PAYMENT OF THE LOAN.
405
(
"A serious apprehension that the Government will not be able
to keep its engagements with W. Palmer and Co., is one of the
motives of my anxiety for the reduction of the interest. The
Nizam's Government has for a long time struggled on, under
pecuniary difficulties, by the aid of extortion, limited only by the
want of substance to supply its demands. This has necessarily
led to a gradual deterioration of revenue, which was rapidly
hastening towards a crisis. The measures now in progress, not
only, I trust, will have the effect of checking further decrease-
they have also a natural and, I confidently believe, a sure tendency
towards improvement and augmentation, and eventually to an
incalculable extent. But their first effect will not be to increase
the Nizam's revenue. The reform must commence by the Nizam's
Government lowering its demand to the amount which the country
in its present depopulated state can yield, without entire exhaus-
tion; and I much fear that it may not have the means of fulfilling
its engagements to Messrs. W. Palmer and Co., in which case the
accumulation of their demand, at its very high rate of interest,
will become an insupportable burden to the State.
"Had there been any contract between the Nizam's Govern-
ment and Messrs. W. Palmer and Co., binding the former, for a
certain time, to abandon the right of paying its debts according
to its power to do so, all the principles which I profess would have
precluded me from proposing any arrangement for its liquidation
without their entire concurrence; but though Messrs. W. Palmer
and Co. would have maintained that ground, if they could, their
honourable regard for veracity induced them to acknowledge
repeatedly to me that the Nizam, from his own funds, might justly
pay off the whole debt in a day, without their having any right to
complain; and all that they could allege against payment in the
mode suggested by me was, that they were secured by the Nizam's
avarice against payment from his private treasury, and did not
expect it from any other quarter.”*
But the authority of the Governor-General was insu-
perable, if his arguments were not; and Metcalfe's pro-
posals were silently rejected. So far, Sir William Rumbold
had gained his point; but he had other complaints soon
to prefer. The Resident was not a very ductile resident.
He was not to be made either a tool or a plaything in
* MS. Correspondence.
406
(6 THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
the hands of the members of the house. So Lord Hastings
was assailed with representations to the effect that the
frost of Charles Metcalfe's disfavour was nipping the
prosperity of William Palmer and Co. Upon this the
Governor-General sat down and wrote the following letter
to the Resident:
LORD HASTINGS TO MR. METCALFE.
"Calcutta, August 27, 1821.
“MY DEAR SIR,—A letter from Sir William Rumbold, which I
have received this day, mentions the heavy losses to which the
house of W. Palmer and Co. has been subjected through the
opinion prevalent in the country of your being hostile to that firm,
as well as from a belief current at Hyderabad of your being
disposed to work at the removal of Rajah Chundoo-Lall. Any
ill-will on your part towards the house of W. Palmer and Co.
must necessarily be an idle imagination. And I am sure you will
feel no less pain than I do that the appearances whence the Shroffs
inferred it have had as much effect as could have flowed from the
real existence of an adverse sentiment. I will confess to you that,
when you knew how much contest had taken place in Council
respecting the mode of relieving the Nizam's affairs, your submit-
ting officially a proposition on that subject without any previous
communication with me, seemed a procedure in which I was unac-
countably neglected. It was obvious that, should any particular
conceptions of policy or duty forbid my adopting your plan, the
inevitable consequence would be the renewal of a vexatious con-
troversy, originally brought forward from the view of conveying
fallacious impressions to the Court. Such conceptions were much
more than possible; they were highly probable. They, in fact,
existed. I considered the guarantee, which was the basis of your
project, as irreconcilable to just expedience to the recorded
opinion of the Court in a parallel case—and to law; positions
which, nevertheless, did not prevent the peevish discussion that
was to be anticipated. This, however, is not the important part
of the matter. The rumour respecting Rajah Chundoo-Lall,
coupled with the depreciatory language which you have used of
that Minister, alarms me. I must thence not let a day slip in
observing to you that I am personally pledged to the support of
that individual. He would not engage in those measures of reform
which we pressed upon him, without a special assurance that he
LETTER FROM LORD HASTINGS.
407
should be upheld by the British Government. That promise was
notified to him from the Governor-General in Council; and the
Rajah, in a becoming reliance upon it, manfully performed his
part. Thus bound to protect him, it is incumbent on me to profess
that any step tending to render our plighted faith delusive must
not only be disavowed, but decisively overruled by this Govern-
ment.
"I have the honor, my dear Sir, to be, with great esteem,
"Your very obedient and humble servant,
"HASTINGS."
Metcalfe, at this time prosecuting an official tour through
the outlying districts, was residing at Aurungabad. There,
a little while before the receipt of this letter, he had met,
by concerted arrangement, his old friend, Sir John Malcolm,
who was then on his road from Central India to Bombay.
"I go more than a hundred miles out of my road, and
would go three, for three hours' conversation with you,"
wrote Malcolm. They had not met since, fifteen years
before, they had paced together the tent at Muttra, but
many letters of mutual support had passed between them;
and high and noble, when they met at Aurungabad, was
their discourse of the corruption which was eating into
the Government of the Nizam, and of the great but
dangerous work which lay before the Resident, in the
battle which he was beginning to wage against the sinister
influences by which he was beset. They differed upon
some points--but they were points only of secondary
importance. From Malcolm, Charles Metcalfe received the
most invigorating support and encouragement. The elder
man admired and applauded. "You have to fight," he
said, "the good fight, and to stand with the resolute but
calm feelings such a cause must inspire against all species
of attacks that artful and sordid men can make, or that
weak and prejudiced men can support."*
But he was an
* Ante, page 393.-See also "Life and Correspondence of Sir John
Malcolm," in which is a more detailed account of this meeting.
408
66 THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.”
older diplomatist, and he counselled greater caution than
Metcalfe was disposed to infuse into his plan of operations.
The meeting did good to both. It was no small delight to
Metcalfe to converse freely with one who could thoroughly
appreciate the manliness of his conduct and glory in his
courage. And Malcolm went on his way rejoicing in the
thought that he left so much public virtue behind him.
It was soon after this meeting that Metcalfe received the
above letter from Lord Hastings. Without a misgiving,
he sent back a reply, manly in its tone, vigorous in its
diction-altogether worthy of the man. I cannot persuade
myself to abridge it:*
MR. METCALFE TO LORD HASTINGS.
"Aurungabad, September, 1821.
"MY LORD, I have had the honour of receiving your lord-
ship's letter of the 27th ult., written in consequence of one ad-
dressed to you by Sir William Rumbold. I beg leave to assure
your lordship, that I am far from being disposed to work at the
removal of Rajah Chundoo-Lall. It is very true that I think ill,
in the highest degree, of the spirit of his internal administration ;
that I groan for the devastation inflicted on the country by his
merciless extortions; and that I cannot love his heartless reck-
lessness of the miseries of the people confided to his charge. I
mourn also for the reproach attached by public opinion to the
British Government, as if it countenanced the criminalities which
its support alone has given him the strength to practise; but it
has never yet occurred to me as desirable, all circumstances
considered, that he should be removed. His removal, and that of
his dependents, abstractedly would no doubt be beneficial, because
they are altogether an unprincipled set; but there is no man in
the country, not one that I know of, who could be recommended
as his successor. There is no one, perhaps, who would be more
facile in agreeing to those plans of reform, the execution of which
is in progress-notwithstanding the underhand counteraction on
his part, of which I am sensible-no one who would look up to us
* The transcript is from the original rough draft in Metcalfe's
handwriting.
•
METCALFE'S VINDICATION.
409
more for support, consequently no one more in our interests-no
one who could be personally more conciliating, more obliging,
more ready to meet our wishes. Add to this, that he has rendered
us essential political services, and is entitled to our thankfulness in
such a degree as, though the connection has its disgrace, would
most probably attach disgrace also to our abandonment of his
cause. Further, I am not sure that his removal would be an easy
task, even were I authorized to attempt it; for I think it very
probable that the Nizam would apprehend fresh encroachments
from the success of the attempt, and set himself to oppose it.
Nothing could be more impolitic or more subversive of the im-
provements in progress and contemplation, than the failure of
such an attempt. I mention these things in order to show your
lordship that I have very sufficient reasons in my own mind
against the formation of the design of which Sir William Rumbold
has led your lordship in some degree to credit the existence.
But independently of all such considerations, I was aware of your
lordship's disposition to support Chundoo-Lall, and would not
have attempted anything against him without your previous
sanction.
"Respecting the other point mentioned by Sir William Rumbold,
my reputed hostility to the firm of W. Palmer and Co., I am at a
loss what to say, for I know not whence such an idea can have
arisen. Excepting Mr. W. Palmer, the European partners of that
firm were my friends before I came to Hyderabad. Mr. W. Pal-
mer's brother, Mr. John Palmer, has been my much esteemed and
warm friend for the last twenty years; and Mr. William Palmer
himself is one of those men so amiably constituted by nature, that
it is impossible to know ever so little of him without feeling one's
regard and esteem attracted. There is no family at Hyderabad
with which I have so much intercourse as Sir William Rumbold's.
Mr. Lambe, one of the partners, accompanied me in his medical
capacity as acting-surgeon of the Residency during my tour from
Hyderabad to this place, and in every respect on the most friendly
and confidential footing. Since I came to this place, I have
accepted without hesitation as a personal favour from Mr. Hastings
Palmer, the head of the branch of the firm established at this
place, the loan of a house which I occupied till I could otherwise
accommodate myself. I may add, that I have lately given my
assent to extraordinary exactions proposed by the Minister for the
purpose of meeting the demands of that firm on the Government,
which the Minister would not attempt without my concurrence.
410
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
"L
All these circumstances, I venture to say, would naturally indi-
cate to the public mind feelings the very reverse of hostile; and I
am so unconscious of any appearances that could have justified, in
Shroffs or any others, an inference of adverse sentiment, that,
notwithstanding the apparent presumption of disputing the accu-
racy of Sir William Rumbold's apprehension on a point on which
he ought to be so well informed, I am much inclined to doubt the
existence of such an impression; to ascribe whatever losses the
house may have sustained to other causes, and to attribute Sir
William Rumbold's persuasion on the subject to artful misrepre-
sentations industriously conveyed to him for purposes distinct from
the concerns or interests of the firm.
"I could conscientiously deny the existence, on my part, of a
shadow of ill-will; but I might deceive your lordship were I to
stop here. I cannot help entertaining sentiments regarding the
transactions of that firm, which, as being adverse to their own
views of their interests, they might possibly charge to the account
of ill-will. Those sentiments have been slow in growth, but
strengthen as I see more of the state of affairs in this country. I
lament that Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. have grasped at such
large profits in their negotiations with the Nizam's Government
as place his interests and theirs in direct opposition. I lament
that they have succeeded in conveying to your lordship's mind an
exaggerated impression of services to the Nizam's Government,
which obtains for them on public grounds your lordship's support,
in a degree to which they do not seem to others to be entitled-
support which for any ordinary mercantile transactions would be
wholly unnecessary. I lament that they are so sensible or fanciful
of their weakness on every other ground as to be drawing on your
lordship's personal favour on every occasion in which they appre-
hend the most distant approach of danger, extending their sensi-
tiveness to the smallest diminution, from whatever cause, of their
immediate profits-thus repeatedly forcing on the public the name
of your lordship as the patron of their transactions, whilst these
are likened by the world in general to former pecuniary dealings
in Oude and the Carnatic. I lament the connection between them
and Rajah Chundoo-Lall, because it tends to draw them quite out
of their sphere of merchants, and make them political partisans.
It is scarcely possible that this can ultimately be beneficial to
them. I lament their connection with some of the most profligate
and rapacious of the governors of districts, through whom their
character, and what is of more consequence, the British name has
METCALFE'S VINDICATION.
411
become involved in detestable acts of oppression, extortion, and
atrocity. I lament the power which they exercise in the country,
through their influence with the Minister; enforcing payment of
debts, due to them either originally or by transfer, in an authori-
tative manner not becoming their mercantile character; acting
with the double force of the Nizam's Government and the British
name. I lament the continuance of their loan to the Nizam's
Government, because it would be a great relief to its finances to
discharge it. I lament the terms of the loan, because I think
them exorbitant. I lament the concealment of the actual terms
of the loan at the time of the transaction, and the delusive pros-
pect held out by which your lordship was led to conceive it to be
so much more advantageous to the Nizam's Government than it
really was. I lament the monopoly established in their favour
by the sanction and virtual guarantee of the British Government,
because it deprives the Nizam's Government of the power of going
into the European money-market, where, with the same sanction,
it might borrow money at less than half the rate of interest which
it pays to Messrs. Palmer and Co. I lament the political influence
acquired by the house through the supposed countenance of your
lordship to Sir Wm. Rumbold, because it tends to the perversion
of political influence for the purposes of private gain. All these
things I lament, not only because they are in themselves evils, but
because they must in the end injure the firm itself. Individuals
of it may snatch a hasty and splendid harvest, if they do not care
for aught else, but the firm itself cannot continue to flourish on
such a pinnacle, where it becomes an object for all the shafts of
envy, hostility, and unjust opposition, as well as just objection.
·
"It is not impossible that these sentiments might be considered
by the members of the firm as indications of ill-will; but I cannot
plead guilty to such a sentiment; and I would gladly challenge the
production of any appearances whatever that could warrant any
notion of its existence. The opinions which I have now expressed
are widely different from those which I entertained before I
arrived at Hyderabad. If I had thought as I now do regarding
the transactions of the firm before I quitted Calcutta, I do not
think that I should spontaneously have ventured on my present
station; for I might then have foreseen the predicament in which
I should be entangled. But having undertaken the trust confided
to me by your lordship, and entertaining, as I now do, these sen-
timents as the results of local observation and conviction, without
being sensible of any improper bias, I feel that I am discharging
412
แ THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
my duty in submitting them to your lordship in this form. Yet,
my lord, these sentiments, I am persuaded, will not cause any
mischief to the firm of Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. I am, and
shall be, their constant advocate for good faith on the part of the
Nizam's Government. Even the plan which I submitted for its
relief provides a splendid compensation for the firm, and would
leave them much larger profits than can possibly have been made
in India on any similar venture with equal risk in the same
period of time; and if that plan is rejected by your lordship, and
the Nizam's Government cannot otherwise find the means of
extricating itself, it will remain for me to exhort it to maintain
good faith, as far as practicable, with respect to the engagements
which exist. Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. have nothing to fear
from me, even if I have the power to injure them, which is very
doubtful. I rather apprehend, indeed, that I have more to fear
from them.
"The spirit of your lordship's letter has filled me with grief and
dismay.
"I grieve to find that in an act in which I felt assured that I
was performing an imperative duty towards the Government, and
more especially towards your lordship, I am judged by your
lordship guilty of personal neglect. I despair of removing that
impression, for your lordship would not lightly receive it, nor
easily forego it. I lament its existence more than I can express,
and suffer the saddest disappointment at such a termination of
the favourable opinion with which your lordship once honoured
me. I am dismayed, because the tone of your lordship's letter
implies a loss of confidence, and opens to my view the abyss on
the edge of which I stand. My situation peculiarly needs the con-
fidence and support of Government. I have to wage war against
oppression, corruption, extortion, and individual interests of all
kinds, as opposed to those of the Government. Supported by the
confidence of my Government, I have no fear; but without it, I
am in a perilous predicament. The duties of my station are more
undefined than those of any other.
other. Without power to do any-
thing, everything must be done by influence. Odium cannot fail
to be excited by reform. Interests of all kinds will be roused to
arms to oppose the success of my invidious undertaking. Why
has it prospered hitherto? Why does it now promise to be
crowned with ultimate success? Only, my lord, because I am
supposed to possess your confidence, because I am supposed
to act in furtherance of your designs. Let those suppositions
METCALFE'S VINDICATION.
413
be removed, and my efforts to improve the condition of this
oppressed people will be laughed to scorn. Hollow, indeed, is the
ground on which I stand, if your lordship is disposed to receive
prepossessions of my proceedings and intentions from a gentleman
who conceives himself to be interested in their failure. Under
such circumstances, simple integrity would not be sufficient to
save one from disgrace. One must not only be pure in intention,
but faultless in execution; and there must be superadded talents
to ensure success, and set at defiance accident and the caprices
of fortune, which I am sure are far beyond the scope of my
limited capacity. Sir William Rumbold has placed his views on
making a rapid fortune chiefly at the expense of the Nizam's
Government. He sees, or fancies, that the prosperity of the
Nizam's Government must lessen his profits. Nothing is further
from my intention than to speak with the least disrespect of Sir
William ;
but it is obvious that he cannot be a disinterested
observer of events. He has, in the present instance, prepossessed
your lordship with a belief of my entertaining designs against
Chundoo-Lall, which I have never entertained. On Sir William
Rumbold's information, your lordship has judged it necessary to
warn me that any step tending to render our plighted faith
delusive will not only be disavowed, but decisively overruled.
What must your lordship's opinion have been of me before you
would have communicated your pleasure in those terms? But on
that I will not presume to dwell. If your lordship has replied to
the same effect to Sir William Rumbold, there is every reason to
suppose that he will notify the same to Rajah Chundoo-Lall, with
whom I shall have the credit of designs which I never entertained,
coupled with the belief that those designs have been overruled
through the report and influence of Sir William Rumbold. This,
and everything like this, must tend to increase the difficulties of
my situation; but for such difficulties alone I do not much care.
They may be overcome, and I hope to see even Chundoo-Lall
himself reformed. My duty towards every one happens to be the
same, whether towards your lordship, or the Nizam's Government,
or Rajah Chundoo-Lall, or W. Palmer and Co., it is a clear and
straightforward course. My eyes are opened to the dangers to
which I may be exposed, from the misapprehension and misrepre-
sentation of the self-interested; but I shall still look to your lord-
ship's justice and indulgence as a shield and protection. In all
this, what most distresses me is the apparent loss of your lordship's
confidence, and that pains me extremely; for I had always relied
414
19
"THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
on its continuance if I merited it, and I am not sensible of ever
having deserved it more than in the discharge of the duties which
have fallen to my lot at Hyderabad.
"I am, &c., &c.,
C. T. METCALFE.”
After an interval of between two and three months, this
noble remonstrance called forth the following reply:
LORD HASTINGS TO MR. METCALFE.
"Calcutta, December 9, 1821.
"MY DEAR SIR,-Your answer to my letter respecting Chundoo-
Lall ought to have had a reply long ago. But I was seduced by a
variety of heavy tasks into procrastination; and once one falters
with what is incumbent, delay is sure to creep imperceptibly to a
shameful length. I needed not to have deferred taking up my pen,
because I had not to follow you through your detail. A very few
observations would have sufficed then, as they do now. You err
much in supposing that Sir W. Rumbold made to me any repre-
sentation bearing the character of a complaint. He addressed
himself to me respecting a person who had proved unworthy of
some services rendered by me. Before he closed his letter, he
mentioned, merely in the light of information which would interest
me, the losses which had been suffered by their house; and, in
accounting for them, he stated the prevalent rumour of your indis-
position to Chundoo-Lall, without intimating any degree of specu-
lation whether it was well founded or not. The fact of such a
rumour being afloat was immediately connected by me with the
disparaging terms in which your despatches spoke of that Minister;
and I feared that in your dissatisfaction at not finding in Chundoo-
Lall so perfect an instrument as you wished, you had overlooked
the deep engagement of this Government to uphold him. You
seemed, through keenness in the contemplation of your plans, to
have thrown out of view other collateral circumstances; and I
might well apprehend that, were you not duly warned, you might
place me in an embarrassing dilemma. This explanation of the
grounds on which I wrote to you may suggest that you have, under
an erroneous impression, applied to Sir W. Rumbold observations
which your candour will, on reflection, scarcely approve. Had he
obtruded upon me a secret arraignment of your conduct, the
procedure would have been mean as well as presumptuous-
colours which I am sure will never justly attach to any act of
Sir W. Rumbold's. When you hint the supposition of my
i
PAINFUL DISCOVERIES.
415
encouraging a correspondence the tenor of which was to be a
course of underhand comments on your official management, you
impute to me a disposition the quality of which you have not
weighed. In short, what you have written is tinctured throughout
with misconception. Let the assurance of such being the fact
set me right with you, while you thence equally stand acquitted
towards me.
"I have the honour, my dear sir, to remain, with the highest
regard and esteem, your faithful and obedient servant,
"HASTINGS."
But other matters, even more painful than these, in
connection with the financial transactions of William
Palmer's house, were now forcing themselves upon Met-
calfe's mind, and greatly disquieting him. Had his pro-
posal for a guaranteed loan been supported by Lord
Hastings, it is probable that there would have been little
further discussion relative to the proceedings of the Hyde-
rabad house. But the failure of the Resident was the
triumph of the firm. The influence of the Palmers and
Rumbolds was greatly increased. It was now patent to
Chundoo-Lall that the Governor-General was on the side
not of the Resident, but of the members of the house.
The state of things which then arose was greatly injurious
to the interests of the British Government at the Nizam's
Court. The power and authority of Metcalfe was fast
becoming a nullity. Fortified as he was by so influential
an alliance, the Minister exerted himself, and with no
common success, to counteract the influence of the
Resident. He had not been accustomed to see antagonism
between the Residency and the bank. Contrasts were
drawn, which in time led to disclosures; and it was soon
openly declared that certain officers attached to the
Residency in the time of Metcalfe's predecessor, had been,
to all intents and purposes, partners in the house.
Some suspicion of this had been vaguely hinted in the
early part of the year 1821, and in consequence of the
416
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
reports current, Palmer and Rumbold had drawn up an
affidavit, setting forth that "no public functionary at the
head of any public office or department ever had any
avowed or direct partnership, directly or indirectly, with
us, or any interest in our concerns, which could influence
him in countenancing our dealings with the Nizam's
Government, or give him any means of deriving any
personal advantages from them.” And to this, when
Metcalfe was making his first tour in the provinces, they
had deposed upon oath before his Chief Assistant. With
this affidavit, which was forwarded to Lord Hastings,
it appears that the Governor-General was satisfied. But
the Resident, on his return to the capital, heard much that
caused a different impression to fix itself on his mind.
Month after month, however, passed away, and Metcalfe
exhibited no eagerness to obtrude upon the Governor-
General any unwelcome revelations concerning the great
money-lending house. "From the beginning of April,
1821,” he wrote subsequently, "to the latter end of June,
1822, I awaited the result of my proposition regarding the
loan, and did not once renew the mention of their affairs.
They pursued their course without impediment or inter-
ference upon my part, and I only claimed the right of
pursuing mine with respect to the public interests."
But by the period here named-by the month of June,
1822-suspicion in Metcalfe's mind had grown into strong
conviction that certain officers of the Residency in the time
of his predecessor, had been, directly or indirectly, con-
cerned with Palmer's house; that they had either shared
in its profits, or been allowed an exorbitant interest on
their deposits. The circumstances which had been brought
to his notice, were, in the month of May, confidentially
communicated to Mr. John Adam, then one of the
members of the Supreme Council. The communication
both astonished and perplexed him. "I confess to you,"
PAINFUL DISCLOSURES.
417
Adam wrote in reply, " that I feel very uneasy in the pos-
session of your secret." "It would be with the greatest
reluctance," he added, "that I should take any step which
would injure your predecessor's reputation; but the turn
which the discussion has taken, and may still take here,
renders the knowledge of this implication a most embar-
rassing circumstance; and its concealment from Lord
Hastings may either lead him to commit himself more
deeply than ever in the support of the house, or ultimately
expose me to the charge of knowingly permitting him
to do so." He then spoke of the affidavit-said that Lord
Hastings had caused it to be recorded on the proceedings
of the Council-and asked how, with the knowledge which
he then possessed, could he suffer such a document "to
pass without comment, and leave it to operate in deceiving
others as well as Lord Hastings?" He said too, that
Lord Hastings was preparing a minute, in which he laid
great stress on the disinterested support which the late
Resident had given to the house. How then, Adam asked,
could he consistently with his duty remain silent? "Still,"
he said, "that must be my course, while I owe my
know-
ledge only to a confidential communication, which I am
not at liberty to use.
It is for you to deter-
mine what is to be done, as I have no option but to
preserve your confidence until you relieve me from it.”*
By one of Metcalfe's nature-brave and generous—such
an appeal as this was sure to be responded to with becoming
manliness. He was eager to relieve his friend from the
embarrassments into which he had thrown him. So he
sat down and wrote a long letter to Mr. Adam, more
minutely circumstantial than the last. "It is a disclosure,"
he said, "which I have hitherto avoided, and would still
anxiously avoid as most odious, if I could shake from my
mind the ever-recurring conviction that my duty demands
* Calcutta, June 12, 1822. M.S. Correspondence.
VOL. I.
P
418
99
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
·
it from me as the confidential agent of Government in this
quarter." "I avail myself," he continued, "of our long-
established friendship to request you to convey to Lord
Hastings, in any manner that you may think proper, the
substance of the information which I have to relate,
trusting that you will support my respectful entreaty to
his lordship, that it may be considered strictly as a confi-
dential communication, and not to be made the cause of
public injury to the reputation or interests of those whose
irregularities it may expose."
The anger of Lord Hastings was, at this time, greatly
kindled against the Resident. Chundoo-Lall had been
complaining that he was not supported by Metcalfe; and
instead of sending his complaints through the proper
official channel, he had forwarded them through William
Palmer and Co. Firmly, but respectfully, Adam had
pointed out, in a private letter, the impropriety of such a
proceeding.* But the Governor-General either could not,
or would not, see it. "The pronouncing," he said, "from
whom the Governor-General shall receive communications
is to make a puppet of him; and my past life has not
impressed me with any sense of peculiar fitness for that
character." He was determined to receive, through any
channel, information against the Resident; and, in spite
of Adam's just and spirited defence of his friend,‡ and
* And also in an official shape. His colleagues also in the
Government-Mr. Fendall and Mr. Bayley, who had been called to
Council on the resignation of Mr. Stuart-were of the same
opinion, and expressed it.
† Lord Hastings to Mr. Adam.
† I am reluctantly compelled to condense into small compass
Mr. Adam's correspondence with Lord Hastings, full of interest as
it is. The following passage, however, cannot be withheld:-
"After what I have said of the effect produced on my own mind
by the proceedings of the house, it cannot be, to me at least,
matter of surprise that Mr. Metcalfe, viewing the scene more
CONDUCT OF MR. ADAM.
419
Swinton's no less spirited remonstrances, was, at one time,
so carried away by his feelings, as to meditate the pre-
cipitate removal of Metcalfe from Hyderabad.
On receipt of the letter from Metcalfe, entering into all
the circumstances of the alleged connection between William
Palmer and the members of the old Residency circle, John
Adam had determined to withhold it, at all events, until
some circumstances should render it incumbent upon him
to reveal its contents. The strong feelings which the
Governor-General had expressed, and the decided course
which he seemed determined to pursue, now compelled the
recipient of this painful information to throw away all
nearly, and experiencing more sensibly the ill effects of the system
of which they are so prominent a part, should be even still more
forcibly prepossessed with opinions unfavourable to the permanence
of their connection with the Nizam's Government. To similar
causes is to be ascribed his disapprobation of the Minister, whose
counteraction of his measures of reform he imputes, and I conceive
justly, to the Minister's subserviency to the corrupt system in
force, and to the prevailing influence of the house over the whole
of the financial arrangements of the state. My knowledge of Mr.
Metcalfe's character, founded on an intimate acquaintance of many
years, entitles me to say that he is incapable of being swayed by
any petty jealousy of his own power and influence. Actuated by
a sincere desire to promote the reform of the Nizam's Government,
and perceiving in the connection between the Minister and the
house maintained by these loans the most powerful counteraction
of his measures, he naturally views that connection and the
conduct of the parties with dissatisfaction; but I must confess
myself incapable of perceiving, either in his language or pro-
ceedings, anything inconsistent with the most pure and upright
public principles, and conduct untainted with any private preju-
dice or dislike that he can have carried with him to Hyderabad.
Any such feeling against the members of the firm is wholly irre-
concilable with probability; and I am equally unable to divine
any grounds for supposing that he could cherish a personal ill-will
against the Minister, and as little that his censures of that person
are connected with any covert design to effect his removal from
office."
P 2
420
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
(t
reserve.
The motives which actuated him, and all the
circumstances which attended the revelation, are on record
under his own hand. The following letter explains them
all:*
JOHN ADAM TO CHARLES METCALFE.
Calcutta, September 2, 1822.
•
From the time when I
"MY DEAR METCALFE,-
wrote to you of my intention to withhold the letter for the present,
I continued to indulge the hope that its production would not be
necessary until the receipt of your despatch of the 29th of July,
and almost at the same time of the Minister's letters through the
two Palmers.
That despatch appeared to produce a
violent irritation, and the warmest expressions of dissatisfaction
with your proceedings.
•
"It is not necessary to dwell on all the hasty remarks that fell
rom Lord Hastings in his passion; but you will perceive an
allusion to your recall-a measure which he had said he feared
your neglect of his injunctions respecting the reform and the
degree of interference in the Nizam's administration would force
upon him. These injunctions, on which he dwells so much, seem
to be an incidental remark in a minute written on the 27th of
May, 1821, on the subject of the loan proposed by you about that
time. He then observed, that you had exceeded the line he had
prescribed; but he expressly declared that he did not state this in
the way of censure, as the necessity of the case might render it
unavoidable; and that though he could not sanction it, he would
not abruptly interrupt your measures. It being introduced in this
incidental manner, and with these and other moderating expressions,
doing ample justice to your motives, any discussion of a point
which would only have carried us away from the main question
seemed unadvisable and unnecessary.
"The talk about recalling you did not alarm me much on your
account; as, if it had been done, it would only have ended in your
triumph. But such a proposal must have been resisted by myself
and the other members of Government, and would probably have
produced an entire breach, and it would have covered Lord
* It should be stated that, with one exception, the passages
omitted either relate to circumstances already related, or refer to
correspondence the subject of which has been given.
D
LETTER FROM MR. ADAM.
421
Hastings himself with indelible disgrace. Such a notion is now
quite gone by, and of course you will regard it merely as a piece
of history, and not as affecting either your feelings or your acts.
In that confidence I have mentioned it.
66 We met in Council (on the 22nd of August), but he did not
mention the subject of our correspondence, nor did I. The next
day we met in the political department, when he laid translations
of Chundoo-Lall's letters before the board, and desired they might
be circulated. At the same time, he produced the draft of a letter
to Chundoo-Lall, and desired that instructions conformable to its
tenor should be prepared for you. With some alterations, the
draft has since been sent to you, with corresponding instructions.
I hope this will draw from you a complete exposure of the intrigue
in which it is quite certain the Minister's letter originated. His
lordship's eyes seemed now to be opened to the culpability of the
house; but still while he was receiving and acting upon papers
sent through a channel acknowledged to be impure, and thereby
gave colour to their pretensions to a predominant influence, he
took no measures founded on your exposure of their practices; but
instead of proposing an inquiry, or any other measure, he merely
requested me to consider what course of proceeding it would be best
to pursue.
"This I of course undertook to do; but when I came to review
all that had taken place-the little progress that had been made in
counteracting the acts of the house-the unrenounced prejudice
against your proceedings, and the coldness with which your
information was received, contrasted with the eagerness with which
anything from the house or the Minister was acted upon, I began
to despair of effecting any good without making him fully
acquainted with all I knew; and on the other hand, to feel that I
was exposing both you and myself to the charge of keeping back a
knowledge of facts, which, just at this time, might turn the scale
and rescue Lord Hastings, while it effected a material public
benefit. Still, I think I had made some impression, and that
though he did not acknowledge that he had been led into a wrong
path, that he was nevertheless sensible of it. At this time came
your despatch, announcing the visit of Mooneer-ool-Moolk to the
Residency, an event which, with its assigned object and conse-
quences, was, I have no doubt, punctually reported through the
confederates. This event awakened the feeling which I had hoped
was in some degree at least subdued; and my apprehensions of
some violent act were revived. Upon the whole, I thought the
·1
422
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
(6
і
time was come when the communication could no longer be delayed
with justice either to you or Lord Hastings; and after pondering
the matter well, and going over it again and again with Bayley
and Swinton, I determined on sending your letter to his lordship.
"A most material point in the deliberations was the manner in
which Lord Hastings would receive the communication. I should
have had no hesitation from the beginning in making it, if I had
felt assured that he would receive it in confidence; but I feared he
would assume a high tone-treat it as an unwarranted aspersion of
the house, and the other individuals mentioned-and insist on a
public inquiry, and that thus not only the object of the disclosure
would be lost, but what you so anxiously deprecated would occur.
This fear, however, diminished as matters advanced; and after the
admitted strong suspicion of criminality in the house, I thought he
would feel the less shock at what remained to be told of others
about whom he could not be supposed personally to care.
"It now remains to tell you the result. My letter was sent the
day before council-day; and he sent no answer, but when we met
the next morning he took me aside, and returned your letter, and
after reproaching me in a good-humoured manner for not imparting
it at first, he entered on the subject with the greatest unconcern
and ease.
He professed to give credit to all that was stated on
your own knowledge, and to great part of what you stated on
report, but said that he could not help supposing that in some
points you had been misinformed, and that on others you had
given your belief too readily. He could not reconcile the clear and
spontaneous affidavit of Mr. W. Palmer and Sir W. Rumbold, and
the fact of it being taken by Mr. Sotheby, with the facts stated of
the connection of the latter and other members of the Residency,
with the House. He said it ought to be sifted; and though he felt
all the motives which must make you averse to such a disclosure,
he did not see how he could avoid making a public inquiry. He
spoke of you without any of that irritable feeling which he had
lately evinced; and said that it was plain the knowledge of these
circumstances, and the natural unwillingness you felt to bringing
them forward, must have thrown an embarrassment over your
correspondence with him, for which he now could easily account.
Whether this last was meant as an overture to renew correspond-
ence, I cannot say. It is not improbable that he himself may renew
it by writing to you.
"In the course of this conference, which lasted a considerable
time, I endeavoured to show the solidity of the grounds on which
**
LETTER FROM MR. ADAM.
423
your statements were made, and to remove his conjectural objec-
tions. I adverted to the art and care with which the affidavit was
drawn up; admitting, however, that if one could get over the
weight of evidence against them, it would be better to believe that
you had been deceived, than that men could be guilty of such
profligate wickedness. I showed him how all the facts could be
got at if he chose, by taking up the points stated in your official
despatches, without involving the necessity of referring to any
private communications; or, what would be better still, how he
could, without entering into these questions at all, put an end to
all the mischiefs resulting from the influence of the house, by
paying off the debt, and putting an end to their connection with the
Minister.
"He more than once said that that was indispensable in any
event; but I now found, to my great disappointment, that his
views did not, as I supposed, extend to an advance or a loan from
the public treasury, on the security of the Peshcush, but were
limited to making a public loan for the use of the Nizam to such
an extent as would be paid (principal and interest) by the Pesh-
cush in a term of ten or twelve years, which he calculated would
be about fifty lakhs of rupees. I represented that this would not
effect the object of paying off the debt, as what the Minister pro-
posed to raise could not be depended on. I thought this made an
impression; and as he admitted the necessity in any event of
breaking off the connection between the house and the Minister,
he left me to hope that he would not reject the only apparent
means of effecting it. He ended by desiring me to show your
letter to Fendall and Bayley, and said he should not determine on
anything till we could talk over the matter again.
Through the whole of this conversation there was the utmost
calmness and good-humour, without the least appearance of con-
straint, or endeavour to command himself; and what surprised
me more, without any appearance of that shock to his feelings
which I thought the letter must have produced. It ended, leaving
me under the impression I stated to you in my letter of the 27th
ultimo ;* though I was, perhaps, more sanguine than I ought to
*To the effect that the communication had raised Metcalfe, and
lowered Chundoo-Lall and the "house" in the estimation of Lord
Hastings.
424
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
have been, and certainly than the result has justified. Next day
we renewed the subject, when I am sorry to say I found him still
more sturdy. He spoke of an advance from the public treasury
as out of the question-repeating, at the same time, that the
house must be paid the debts that had been incurred with the
knowledge and consent of the British Government, and the con-
nection with the Minister broken off. As to the other debt, now
first brought forward, he would not recognise or have anything to
do with it.
"I showed him the affidavit, and pointed out the artful manner
in which it was drawn. He endeavoured to explain it; but it was
easy to show that it was a pure deception. He had expressed dis-
satisfaction at your having only noticed the Minister's proposition
'obiter,' as he expressed it. I showed from your despatch that
you brought it very prominently forward, and reasoned upon it,
and pointed out its defects.
"With regard to your letter to me, he still reserved his decision;
but, in the course of conversation, he dropped some words about
recording it. This, however, without your express permission, I
shall not agree to. I showed him the reference in your despatch
of the 1st of August to Dr. Currie's name as a partner in the
house, and pointed that out as a fair ground of exception to the
affidavit, upon which any inquiry he pleased might be founded,
without touching on your private communication. At one time
he said he thought we must send a commission to inquire into the
circumstances of the house, as to their connection with the
Minister and the old Residency. This idea had occurred pre-
viously to Bayley and myself, as a measure which, if things go to
that extremity, you would prefer to being yourself employed in
that investigation. I confess I shall not be very sorry if the shameful
conduct of all these parties is exposed, provided it flows naturally
from the course of the public proceedings; but I will employ every
effort to induce Lord Hastings to refrain from acting avowedly on
the information in your private letter.
"I have no reason to think yet that he has communicated its
contents to anybody; possibly he may to (John) Palmer, but I
have no ground for supposing it. I gave it to Fendall, to
whom I have a notion a good part of it was no great news.
I have written till I have tired myself, and have
taken effectual means to tire you. I am about to draw up such
a resolution on your late despatches as I think the Government
|
METCALFE'S FEELINGS.
425
ought to record; and I will give you early intimation of the
result. I have not had a line from Lord Hastings on the subject
since our last conversation. I am sorry to say he has had another
attack of illness.
"Believe me most sincerely yours,
"J. ADAM."
But before this letter could reach Hyderabad, communi-
cations had been made to the Resident from other quarters,
setting forth the extreme displeasure which Lord Hastings
had expressed. Under a sense of the most unmerited dis-
approbation of the Governor-General-of one who had
once been his friend, and whom he had both loved and
admired-Metcalfe could not remain without an effort to
recover the good opinion which he had thus forfeited. If
there was one quality peculiarly foreign to his nature,
it was contentiousness. He delighted to live in harmony
with all men. He was eminently a lover of peace-
eminently of a genial and kindly temperament-with a
continual craving after the love and approbation of his
fellows. To obtain these he was ready to make any
sacrifice, but the forfeiture of his self-respect. To any
one who had ever been kind to him, Metcalfe clung with
affectionate tenacity; and although the Hastings of 1822
was not in his eyes what once had been the Moira of 1815,
who had listened to his counsel in the vice-regal camp,
and in accordance with it shaped some of the greatest
measures ever initiated by an Indian statesman, he could
not help remembering the old associations of confidence on
the one side, and veneration on the other, which had knit
them together. And remembering them, he grieved over
their disruption.
Moreover, it was not forgotten that Lord Hastings was
the head of the Indian Government-the representative of
British power in the East. It mattered not in whose
426
" THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM."
person Authority might be incarnate; Metcalfe had a
profound veneration for it-a veneration which made him
as willing to render to others as he was to exact for him-
self what was due to the representative of that authority.
As there was nothing sordid or subservient in this on the
one side, so there was nothing arrogant or exacting in it
on the other. It was, indeed, nothing more than a para-
mount sense of the claims of the public service. It was
this that rendered him very sensitive under official censure,
and keenly alive to official praise.* And it was to this,
I am inclined to believe, that very much of his success in
life may be justly attributed. He was not an usurper
himself, and he would not suffer the usurpation of others.
As Resident at Hyderabad he would be Resident indeed;
but he never forgot the homage which was due to the
Resident of all India. He might have loved and respected
Lord Hastings much less than he did, but he would still
have been grieved to the soul by the censure of the
Governor-General. But as it was, in spite of all that had
passed, though he had been disappointed, though he had
been wronged, he had a grateful recollection of past
kindnesses, he still delighted to dwell upon the many
really good qualities of the Governor-General, and he
was not mistrustful of the effect of an appeal to them.
* Since writing the passage in the text, I have alighted upon a
letter written by Metcalfe's old friend, J. W. Sherer, with reference
to the discussion on the subject of the Delhi Resident's expenses
(ante; Chapter X.), which contains a similar view of this pecu-
liarity of Metcalfe's character. "These papers have interested me
exceedingly,” wrote Sherer, who was a man of high religious prin-
ciple, "but what has struck me most, and that too with a sort of
almost envious admiration, is the very quick and delicate and noble
sense of public character manifested in your letters on this occa-
sion. I would that I could see our whole service more and more
alive to public praise or censure.”
LETTER TO LORD HASTINGS.
427
So he sat down and wrote the following characteristic
letter:
MR. METCALFE TO LORD HASTINGS.
"September, 6, 1822.
"MY LORD,-I have been made acquainted by my friend Mr.
Brownrigg with the substance of a most distressing communica-
tion which your lordship directed Mr. John Palmer to convey to
him. I scarcely need add that it has filled me with grief and
consternation.
"I have no hope of obtaining from your lordship a more
favourable view of my conduct; but it is due to myself to declare,
that I am in no way sensible of having acted as your lordship
supposes.
"Up to the time when your lordship withdrew your confidence
from me on account of my proceedings regarding Messrs. William
Palmer and Co., I had received at your hands numerous and
innumerable kindnesses and favours, which, whatever may be
your present displeasure, or your future severity, I shall never
forget as long as I live. What inducement, then, my lord, could
I possibly have had wantonly to excite your lordship's displeasure
by disrespectful or neglectful conduct in a situation where your
confidence and support were necessary for my respectability, com-
fort, and efficiency, and where your approbation was indispensable
fer my happiness and reputation ?
"I am not aware of any step whatever that can have incurred
your lordship's displeasure, besides the part which I have taken
with regard to the affairs of Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. In that,
it has been my fortune to jostle in the path of my public duty with
persons who were there pursuing their private gain. If I had
abandoned my duty I should have suffered and merited your lord-
ship's contempt.
"If I could obtain an indulgent and confiding hearing, I could
show, I think, that duty and gratitude towards your lordship had
no small share in the governance of my proceedings; but I have
such strong impressions to encounter against me, and for others,
that I desist from the effort in utter hopelessness.
"The house of W. Palmer and Co. has not suffered any loss
whatever, to the best of my belief, in consequence of any of my
proceedings. The only person really injured is myself, who by
their fears and misrepresentations have been cruelly deprived of
your lordship's good opinion.
428
99
""
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
"The proposition which I submitted for the discharge of their
loan would have left them a clear gratuity of fourteen lakhs upon
an advance of about twenty-two lakhs of borrowed money for one
year, in addition to more than 18 per cent. interest on sixty lakhs,
for the same period. What must be the state of a concern in
which such a proposition can be called hostile and injurious, and
where the execution of it could be, as it undoubtedly would have
been, greatly advantageous for the other party? This is the
extent of my primary offence. Since which, they have set them-
selves in array against me; and have too successfully attacked me
in the hold which I before had in your lordship's favour.
"As I am sure that your lordship would not have approved the
sacrifice of my public duty for their private interests, I can only
conclude that you do not take the same view that I do of the
obligations of my station; and it is more than probable that my
opinions on this point may be formed on local circumstances, with
which your lordship is not at present, and probably never will be,
acquainted.
"Permit me once more to assure your lordship that I am not,
and never can be, hostile to the firm of W. Palmer and Co. as a
mercantile establishment whilst regulated by mercantile principles
—that they are in no danger from any doings of mine that if they
were in any danger, I would gladly assist to extricate them if it
were in my power-and that I shall always rejoice in their legiti-
mate prosperity.
"But to them as a faction, aiming through presumed influence
at the sacrifice of every public principle, purpose, and conside-
ration, for their gain, I am inevitably opposed. I cannot forego
my duty in that respect. I cannot compromise the honour of the
station in which your lordship has placed me. I must act up to
the part which necessarily belongs to my office, subject always to
your lordship's correction and commands. I am the local guardian
of public interests. They study their own. We are unavoidably
in collision. I cannot allow them to trample on the Resident, and
reduce him to a state of base subserviency. I should deserve to
be despised by all men were I to act so ignominiously.
"If I could see the slightest prospect of success, I would
implore your lordship to restore me to your confidence, and grant
me your support; and I would engage that no harm should befall
Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. therefrom; but with so many pre-
dilections arrayed against me in your lordship's warm heart, I
despair of making any impression. Mourning and deprecating
་
CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD HASTINGS.
429
your displeasure, and ever retaining an unalterable sense of past
kindness,
"I have the honour to remain, with the highest respect, your
lordship's most obedient, faithful, humble servant,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
Lord Hastings had really a warm heart; and this appeal
was not wasted upon it. He had been very angry with
Metcalfe-perhaps all the more angry for the old friend-
ship which had existed between them. He had been
wounded by the recent reserve of his old secretary, who
was not one to feign a confidence which he could not feel;
but it may be doubted whether he had ever lowered his
estimate of Metcalfe's character. The reign of Lord
Hastings was now nearly at an end. He was already
maturing his arrangements for a speedy return to England,
and it would have grieved him to leave behind him any
animosities, especially in such a quarter. There was a
genuineness in Metcalfe's letter which could not be doubted
-there was a manliness in the sorrow it expressed, a
dignified gentleness, which, while it courted sympathy,
claimed also respect.
It accomplished even more than the writer dared to
hope. It elicited from Lord Hastings the following frank
explanation of his past conduct, and unreserved commu-
nication of his sentiments:
LORD HASTINGS TO MR. METCALFE.
"Calcutta, September 27, 1822.
"MY DEAR SIR,-Your letter delivered to me by Mr. Brownrigg
has afforded me extraordinary pleasure. It is impossible for me to
doubt any professions you make, and I have sincere comfort in the
assurance of your cherishing towards me sentiments to which I
attach a high value. My doubt of your retaining such dispositions
was, however, not lightly indulged. So many circumstances
combined to persuade me of your estrangement, that I could not
avoid adopting the belief. It was not I alone who remarked a
change in your manner before you left Calcutta; for Lady Hastings
observed it to me. I am now convinced that it was accidental, and
430
แ THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
具
​uninstigated by any adverse feeling; but having once received the
impression, I necessarily endeavoured to devise what might be the
cause of your alteration. The only one that occurred was this-
that my repeated statements of the obligation to uphold Chundoo-
Lall were considered by you as a shackle on your free agency in
the business you had to undertake. As the faith of Government
for his support had been plighted to that Minister long before it
was contemplated that you should go to Hyderabad, it struck me
as unequitable that you should regard with sullenness my sense of
an engagement which public pressure had forced us to contract
with that individual. You departed, leaving me with that sen-
sation on my mind. The earliest letters from you were full of
criminations, sometimes direct, sometimes implied, against Chun-
doo-Lall. This apparently studied contravention borrowed addi-
tional colour from your decidedly disregarding inculcations com-
municated to you, not verbally alone, but through a letter which I
caused you to write to the then Resident, prescribing that he was
to sway the Minister by conciliatory advice-not to guide him by
mandates. You at once assumed over Chundoo-Lall the very tone
of despotic rule which I had laboured to preclude, rousing unavoid-
ably in him occasional displays of vexation, which you construed
as indications of systematic purpose to defeat your objects.
"At this juncture a new light broke in upon me.
The losses
which your demeanour entailed on the firm of W. Palmer and Co.,
when the Court had so emphatically expressed its desire that the
house should not be injured, were inexplicable, but from some
collateral consideration. I readily surmised that you imagined the
house to be in league with Chundoo-Lall for baffling your measures,
and that they looked to be maintained in their opposition through
the influence of Sir William Rumbold with me. This you nearly
avowed in writing to myself-omitting the thought what must be
the despicable debility of my character could I be so unconsciously
practised upon, what must be its worthlessness could I secretly
counteract my own official representative.
"That such a suspicion had been admitted, wounded me deeply.
My mortification was greatly augmented when, without any
previous reference to me, you submitted to Council a proposition
for furnishing the Nizam's Government with a loan, on a plan
which you should have remembered (and I conceived you did
remember) I had before rejected, as not being within my legal
competency to sanction. I naturally thought this a step taken
merely to give me annoyance by reviving those contests which
CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD HASTINGS.
431
Mr. Stuart, on an amiable suggestion from home, spun out with
such useful perseverance. Here you have the detail of what were
my conceptions. From your declaration, I believe that they have
been erroneous; and I regret the having yielded to them. At the
same time, your reflection may lead you to question whether you
might not have been more kindly attentive to me. The frank
sense of failings is the best foundation for a steadier course. You
solicit my confidence. Let us endeavour to re-establish it mutually;
for real reliance is not created by an assertion of its existence.
Were it not for my experience that it is not to be produced in the
instant, I would offer it to you at once; because I am not sensible
of any present reservation, while I have always so highly esteemed
and so sincerely liked you, that it is irksome to me to withhold
the fullest pledge. There, then, the subject must rest. The
Court's last letter gives a constructive license for a guarantee on
certain terms. I am thence ready to guarantee a loan on the
security of the Peshcush for twelve years. This must furnish an
amount which, with what the Minister can produce, must suffice
to pay off all other debts, and set these teasing discussions to per-
manent sleep.
"Believe me, my dear sir, with unfeigned regard,
"Your very obedient and humble servant,
"HASTINGS."
The openness and unreserve-the genuine kindliness,
indeed, of this letter, filled Metcalfe with delight. He
eagerly grasped the hand of reconciliation which was held
out to him. He was anxious, indeed, "to set these teasing
discussions to permanent sleep," but he was not sure that
this could be accomplished. He could, however, meet
the frankness and unreserve of his correspondent with
a response equally frank and unreserved:
MR. METCALFE TO LORD HASTINGS.
"MY LORD, The kindness of your lordship's letter of the 27th
ultimo has in a great degree restored to me a happiness of which
I had been for a long time entirely bereft; for the apprehension of
having lost your lordship's good opinion had, from its commence-
ment, preyed on my mind, and caused incessant uneasiness.
Having experienced continual kindness and numerous favours
from your lordship, and being sensible that gratitude and attach-
1
432
"9
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
ment were due as well as felt, it was most painful to me to find
that I was considered by your lordship as unmindful of those
obligations.
"I have been much relieved by your lordship's letter, and again
beg leave to renew the solemn assurance of my own unconscious-
ness on those points on which I have been misapprehended by
your lordship, or misrepresented by others.
"With respect to Chundoo-Lall, it would have been highly
presumptuous to consider your lordship's policy respecting that
Minister as warranting any sullenness or dissatisfaction on my
part; and neither before nor since I quitted Calcutta have I
entertained any unpleasant feeling or thought on that subject.
In speaking freely of his character, I have never had any other
object in view than to lay it faithfully before your lordship, as a
matter of necessary information in the discharge of my duty. In
my intercourse with him I have always endeavoured to sway him
according to your lordship's intentions by conciliatory advice;
and if I have seemed to assume a mandatory tone, it must have
appeared from my representations regarding him rather than from
my actual communications with him. In these, if such a tone has
ever occurred, I assure your lordship that it has been undesignedly
and unconsciously-though, for the purpose of checking the spirit
of extortion which has heretofore reigned throughout his admi-
nistration, very urgent but conciliatory remonstrance has un-
doubtedly been necessary.
“In submitting, in April, 1821, my scheme for the guaranteeing
of a loan from the public to the Nizam's Government, on the
security of the Peshcush, I believed it to be an entirely new
proposition, free from the objections which had occurred against a
loan directly from the Company, and flattered myself that it might
meet with your lordship's approbation. To have made that or
any proposition with a view to give your lordship annoyance
would have constituted me an ungrateful wretch, totally unworthy
of your past or future favour; and I trust that this impression is
entirely removed from your lordship's mind.
"To suppose that your lordship's sentiments towards me could
alter without any errors on my part, would be unwarrantable. I
am sensible, therefore, that however unintentionally, I must have
committed faults which it requires your lordship's indulgence to
forgive. I confess that I ascribed to Sir William Rumbold a more
powerful hold on your lordship's feelings than I can pretend to.
I knew that your lordship's attachments were strong. I thought
!
CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD HASTINGS.
433
on his particular connection with your lordship. I felt that I had
no claim, and that my only ties with your lordship had been kind-
ness on your part and obligation on mine. I believed that Sir
Willian Rumbold was endeavouring to excite unfavourable senti-
ments regarding my proceedings here; and I retired from the
contest, as one of personal feeling, in despair of succeeding against
him, reposing, nevertheless, most fully on your lordship's justice
for your support in my public capacity. I now sincerely regret
that I was not more open with your lordship, and that I did not
place greater reliance on the kindness which I had previously
enjoyed in all occasions.
"The combination between Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. and
Chundoo-Lall, and the proceedings of the latter, under their
instigation, as I believe, have brought on very unpleasant repre-
sentations on my part, of which I deeply lament the necessity, as
well as every other discussion regarding their affairs. Viewing
their connection with the Nizam's Government as fraught with
present and future mischief, I am anxious certainly to see its
termination, if this should meet with your lordship's approbation;
but my noton has always been, that it might take place without
injury to their pecuniary interests, and without any discussion
regarding their conduct. I wish, most sincerely, that all such
discussions were ended, and unfeignedly regret that they ever
commenced. Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. have complained of
losses entailed on them by my conduct. I know not how to
bring this point to proof, but I feel myself at present war-
ranted in expressing to your lordship my firm belief that they
have not sustained any losses whatever in consequence of my
behaviour or demeanour.
"I have addressed your lordship with perfect freedom, being
assured that it is what your lordship desires, and that I have suffered
in your estimation from my former reserve.
"I am, my lord,
"Your lordship's obedient servant,
"C. T. METCALFE.”
And thus Lord Hastings and Charles Metcalfe were
reconciled; but the "teasing discussions" were not “set to
permanent sleep." On the first day of the new year Lord
Hastings quitted India; and Mr. John Adam, as senior
member of Council, succeeded temporarily to the chief
་
.
434
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.”
The debt due to William
seat in the Government.
Palmer and Co. by the Nizam's Government was soon
discharged. "This," says Metcalfe," was effected chiefly
by specie remitted from Calcutta to the Resident at
Hyderabad. The clandestine bonus and the clandestine
allowances to the members of the firm, with the interest
accruing on those items, were disallowed. The firm
received about eighty lakhs of rupees from the Resident's
treasury.
In less than a year after the Nizam's
debt was paid, the house became bankrupt; not from any
run upon it, but merely from want of funds to meet
ordinary demands."*
•
So the debt was paid; and the house was dead-but still
the "teasing discussions" were not " set to permanent sleep."
It took many years to set them to sleep. In India they
might have been lulled to rest; but they broke out with
furious activity in England; and there was a war of words
such as has not in the present century, on any other
occasion, disturbed the accustomed quiet of the India
House. Never, since the days of the great trial of Warren
Hastings, had partisanship risen to such a height in the
discussion of any Indian question as during the contro-
versy which ensued after the return of Lord Hastings to
England, on the affairs of Hyderabad. It was not with
reference to the conduct of either of the Residents that
these discussions were raised in England, but with refer-
ence to the conduct of the late Governor-General. They
were forced on the Court of Proprietors by the vehement
friendship of Sir John Doyle and Mr. Douglas Kinnaird,
who thought that the Company had treated the noble
Marquis with consummate ingratitude. To enable the
Proprietors to judge whether the Directors had acted
becomingly in this matter, a vast mass of papers was
* Minute in Council, by C. T. Metcalfe, December 11, 1828.—
[MS. Records.]
1.
THE INDIA-HOUSE DISCUSSIONS.
435
printed,* illustrative of the administration of the late
Governor-General. A large folio volume of nearly a
thousand pages was devoted to "Papers relating to certain
pecuniary transactions of Messrs. William Palmer and Co.
with the Government of his Highness the Nizam;" and it
was this division of the subject which monopolized nearly
all the discussion to itself.
During six long days these Hyderabad debates were
continued at the India House with an energy and a perse-
verance, which nothing but the vis vivida of their personality
could have sustained. I should have marvelled at the
interest which the subject excited, if I had not seen a
far more important popular assembly, roused from the
languor and inertness into which it had sunk during the
discussion of matters affecting the interests of 120 millions
of British subjects, by a personal insinuation against the
character of a single man. The question debated in the
months of February and March, 1824, in the Court of
Proprietors, was a question affecting the personal characters
of several distinguished men; and so spiced and seasoned,
it overcame the general want of appetite for Indian dis-
cussions of every kind. The friends of Lord Hastings
were on this great occasion ever foremost in the affray.
It was their policy to assail Metcalfe's reputation, and they
On the 3rd of March, 1834, at a Court of Proprietors, it was
proposed by Mr. J. Smith, "That there be laid before this Court
all such papers and documents respecting the loans made by
Palmer and Co., of Hyderabad, to his Highness the Nizam, as may
enable this Court to decide on the merits of any claim which the
Marquis of Hastings may have on the further liberality of the
Company." But another resolution of a more general kind was
substituted by the chairman, and carried by the Court-" That
there be laid before this Court all correspondence or documents to
be found on the public records of this House with regard to the
administration of the Marquis of Hastings, which may enable the
Court to judge of the propriety of entertaining the question of
further remuneration to the late Governor-General."
436
THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.”
!
did it with an impetuosity which nothing could restrain.*
Sir William Rumbold was in England, and he had for
some time been busily employed among the proprietors of
India stock, endeavouring to disseminate opinions hostile
to the Hyderabad Resident and his supporters. It was
said, indeed, that the party which had made such great
efforts to defile Metcalfe's character was less the party of
Lord Hastings than of William Palmer and Co., and that
the name and credit of his lordship had been used only
to cover the ulterior views of the house. But Douglas
Kinnaird and Sir John Doyle were the personal friends
of Lord Hastings. Their primary object had been to
obtain further pecuniary consideration from the Company
for the services rendered by the late Governor-General; †
and when they found that the course which they pursued
had brought obtrusively before the public matters which
they had no desire to render notorious, they addressed
themselves to the work of defending the reputation of
their friend, and assailing all who stood in the way of their
* Exempli gratiâ ;-Sir John Doyle declared his conviction that
Metcalfe was better fitted to be resident in Bedlam than Resident
at Hyderabad; and said, "He believed that all the stories about
William Palmer and Co. were merely subterfuges invented for the
purpose of concealing the attack on the Marquis of Hastings.
They were tubs thrown out to the whale, and only calculated to
divert attention from Sir C. Metcalfe's real design."-General
Thornton made the astonishing declaration, that if Lord Hastings
had been guilty of any favouritism, it was not towards Sir William
Rumbold, but towards Sir C. Metcalfe.-Mr. Randall Jackson said,
"When they compared the characters given to Chundoo-Lall by
Sir Charles Metcalfe, before and after the Minister had complained
of him, they could not but see that the last character had been
dictated by the wounded spirit of an ambitious man who had been
foiled in his projects, and who had consequently determined on the
destruction of those who had offended his pride and crossed his
purpose."
†The Company had already made him a grant of 60,000l.
THE INDIA-HOUSE DISCUSSIONS.
437
object. Sir William Rumbold's levies were of course
with them; and hence the display of force which they
made.
But truth and justice prevailed. All the activity—all
the strategy—were on the side of Hastings and the house.
Metcalfe's cause was left to `itself. But it needed no other
backing than that which its own merits secured for it.
There were friends of Charles Metcalfe in England who
were prepared to "qualify" and to take their place in the
Court of Proprietors for the express purpose of defending
him, if the debates should take a turn unfavourable to his
cause. But there was no need of any such demonstrations
of friendship. The published papers had told their own
story, and it needed not that much should be said in
elucidation of them. He was not, however, without able
and vigorous defenders in the House-Mr. Poynder, Mr.
Carruthers, Mr. Freshfield, Mr. Weeding, Mr. Impey, and
others, were all earnest in their applause of the manly
conduct of the Resident; and his old friend Mr. Trant,
who had been in the same house with him at Eton, who
had entered the Company's service contemporaneously with
him, who had worked beside him in Lord Wellesley's
office, and had been one of the unforgotten fraternity
of "Howe Boys," stood up with affectionate enthusiasm to
do honour to the noble character of his comrade.* The
* Some passages of Mr. Trant's speech are worthy of quota-
tion:—“His gallant friend (Sir John Doyle) had said that Sir
Charles Metcalfe was fitter to be resident in Bedlam than in
Hyderabad. Now he need not remind the honourable and gallant
officer of what an illustrious person had said, when he was told
that General Wolfe was mad: 'If he is mad,' said that illustrious
individual, 'I wish he would bite some other generals.'
He would say it, and he wished it most sincerely, if Sir. C.
Metcalfe was mad, that the Company had a great many more such
mad servants. He congratulated the Company in having such an
useful madman in their employ; and he should not be sorry if he
438
66 THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.”
!
result of the six days' debate was the discomfiture of the
Hastings-and-Rumbold party. And Metcalfe's reputation
in both countries stood higher than it had ever stood
before.*
As I write, more than thirty years have elapsed since
these painful discussions were closed; and any further
bit a few of their civil servants.
The gallant general
had informed them that he was acquainted with the Marquis of
Hastings during a period of forty years' duration. He (Mr. Trant)
must look back to a date which would not make him appear a
very young man when he called to his recollection his first
acquaintance with Sir Charles Metcalfe. They were children
together. They were at school together, under the same tutor,
Dr. Goodall.
He and Sir Charles Metcalfe went out to
India about the same period; they there pursued their studies
for some time together, and they entered the Company's service
together.
The Company's servants were often placed
in very delicate situations, where duty and feeling were opposed
to each other. He congratulated the Court on having amongst
their servants a man so entirely devoted to the discharge of his
duties a man whom threats could not intimidate, nor promises
mislead—a man who realised the picture drawn by Horace:-
'Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava jubentium,
Non vultus instantis tyranni
Mente quatit solidâ.'"
* The resolution, moved by Mr. Kinnaird, was to the effect, that
the Court, having taken into consideration the Hyderabad papers,
"is of opinion that nothing therein tends to affect, in the slightest
degree, the personal character or integrity of the late Governor-
General;" but an amendment was proposed by the chairman,
substituting the words "is of opinion that there is no ground for
imputing corrupt motives to the late Governor-General;" and
adding, "at the same time this Court feels called upon to record
its approval of the political despatches to the Bengal Government,
under dates the 24th of May, 1820; 28th of November, 1821; 9th
of April, 1823; and 21st of January, 1824" (despatches repre-
hensory of the transactions of William Palmer and Co. with the
Nizam). The amendment was carried by a majority of 575
to 306.
REVIEW OF METCALFE'S CONDUCT.
439
than is necessary for the illustration of Metcalfe's character,
I do not desire to re-open them. That which I have
sought to bring prominently forward is the noble effort
which the Resident made to stop what he called "the
plunder of the Nizam:" to rescue the Hyderabad state
from those financial embarrassments which were engulph-
ing it in a sea of ruin. That the pecuniary transactions
between William Palmer and Co. and the Nizam, though
at the outset they may have afforded some temporary
relief to the latter, did eventually work grievously to the
detriment of the country, and greatly increase the suffer-
ings of an overburdened people, is not to be doubted.
That Metcalfe, in endeavouring to extricate the Nizam's
Government from a connection which he knew to be destruc-
tive of its best interests, was compelled painfully to wrestle
down his personal feelings and to do his duty as a public
servant at the sacrifice of long-standing private friendships,
and of the ease and comfort of his life, gaining nothing in
exchange but the ennobling consciousness of rectitude, I
think has been amply demonstrated. Whether the Hyder-
abad bankers did or did not transgress commercial morality
as it is understood in India-whether they were worse or
better than other money-lenders-it is not my business
more particularly to inquire. The transaction was an
immense one, and it became notorious. Neither its immen-
sity nor its notoriety affect its real character; but they
bring it within the legitimate domain of history and render
it amenable to public inquiry.. With the ordinary gains,
however unhallowed, of a house of business, Metcalfe had
nothing to do; the commercial morality of its partners was
nothing to him. But when he found that their transactions
with the Nizam's Government were not only embarrassing
the state and impoverishing the people, but gradually
erecting the partnership into a great political institution
more influential than the British representative at the
440
66 THE PLUNDER OF THE NIZAM.
•
Court of Hyderabad—when he found, indeed, that William
Palmer and Co. were gradually absorbing the revenues and
usurping the government of the country—it became a duty,
greater than any other, to sever the connection between
them, and to rescue the Nizam from the gripe of a creditor
so exacting and so oppressive. He did it.
He did it. And it cost
him much to do it. But "the evil tongues and rash
judgments” which assailed him, he lived down; and it was
not one of the least of his consolations in after days to
know, that the example of fearlessness and disinterested-
ness set by the Hyderabad Resident was not lost upon the
younger members of the profession he adorned. It did
much, indeed, to stimulate the progressive reform which
has brought the Indian Civil Service to its present high
state of moral discipline and efficiency.
7.
APPENDIX TO VOL. I.
MISSION TO HOLKAR'S CAMP.
(Page 134.)
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE RIGHT HON. LORD LAKE,
&c., &c., &c.
Camp, three miles N.W. from Umritsur, January, 1806.
MY LORD,-I have the honour to report the proceedings of
the Mission to the camp of Jeswunt Rao Holkar, which your
lordship was pleased to commit to my charge.
Having encamped on the night of the 8th instant at Loo-
dhiana, we yesterday morning marched, accompanied by the
Wakeel Walaram Seth, to the vicinity of Holkar's camp.
Deewan Gunput Rao, Bukhya Hooshaba, and Gholam Khan,
with a large retinue, were sent to meet the Mission, and con-
ducted us to the place appointed for our encampment. A salute
of fifty guns and repeated discharges of small arms announced
our arrival, and a general rejoicing took place throughout the
Mahratta army. I am informed that although Holkar had
circulated the intelligence of the establishment of amity with
the British Government, his followers had not given credit to
it, and considered the report to be an expedient adopted with
the intention of easing their minds from the state of depression
and despair into which they had been cast by repeated defeat,
distress, and disaster. The arrival of a friendly mission from
your lordship confirmed the rumour of peace, and caused most
manifest and universal joy.
It was my wish, in conformity to your lordship's commands,
to visit the Chief yesterday, but the importance which was
attached by the Durbar to the occasion, and the arrangements
442
APPENDIX.
for the ceremony, produced a delay. The Brahmins, having
consulted, declared this day to be propitious.
Gunput Rao and Chimna Bhao having been sent this
morning to conduct us, I proceeded, accompanied by Mr.
Macaulay and the officers of the escort, to make the visit.
The procession` moved slowly on in order to give time for
the arrival of the moment which had been decided to be the
most auspicious for the interview. Holkar was attended by
all the chiefs and officers of his army, and nothing was omitted
which could tend to make the reception of the Mission most
formal and honourable.
After the usual salutations, I delivered your lordship's letter
and compliments on the establishment of peace. Both were
received by Holkar with particular respect. When I expressed,
on the part of your lordship, a hope that the friendship which
was happily founded would be strengthened and improved, the
chief and his principal officers exclaimed with one accord, and
with evident pleasure, that by the blessing of God it would
increase daily. A conversation ensued, which lasted for some
time, on the present happy state of affairs, in the course of which
Holkar and his ministers made many professions of sincerity,
and expressed the highest satisfaction. On my part, I met
their professions with the declaration of perfect belief, and
was reciprocal in expressions of happiness. I was highly
gratified to observe the extraordinary joy which was visible
in the countenance and conduct of the chiefs and the whole
Durbar.
I afterwards proceeded to observe, that your lordship
marched yesterday from the banks of the Beeah towards the
Honourable Company's territories, and inquired when it was
the intention of Holkar to march; and on the appearance of
some hesitation, I added, that your lordship had been led by
the declaration of the wakeels to expect that he would march
immediately, and quit the country of the Sikhs; and remarked,
that his performance of the promises of his agents would lead
to the establishment of perfect confidence in your lordship's
mind, and would afford the most satisfactory proof to your
lordship, to the Honourable the Governor-General, and to all
Hindostan, of his sincerity in the conclusion of amicable
APPENDIX.
443
engagements with the British Government. Some conversa-
tion followed between Jeswunt Rao Holkar, Bhao Bhasker,
and me on this subject, in the course of which Holkar and his
Minister assured me they had no desire whatever to remain in
the country of the Sikhs; that there should be no occasion to
doubt their sincerity, and that the march was only delayed
for one or two days, in order that it might be made at a pro-
pitious time, and that some necessary arrangements might be
completed. I continued to urge the necessity of an immediate
return to Hindostan, and Holkar finally promised to move on
the 13th.
He then made several requests in behalf of persons who,
being in the power of the British Government, have aided
Holkar against it, which he desired me to communicate to
your lordship. The details of these I shall hereafter have
the honour of representing. I replied, that I would commu-
nicate his requests to your lordship. I added, that your
lordship was anxious to improve the good understanding
which now exists, and that doubtless, when time had given
strength and security to the friendship-of which the founda-
tions were established-the British Government would be
forward to meet all his wishes. I did not consider myself
authorised to give any positive encouragements from which
Holkar might expect the accomplishment of the particular
requests which he mentioned. A subsequent conversation
with the Wakeel Balaram has convinced me that the Chief
introduced the subject at the Durbar for the gratification of
the persons interested, but that he is not anxious regarding
it; and, among others, he states that Meer Khan is not yet
satisfied with the portion of country which Holkar has assigned
to him.
After some general conversation, and the delivery of presents
to me and the other gentlemen of the Mission, we rose to
depart. On taking leave, Holkar addressed himself to me,
and in a manner marked by an appearance of uncommon
earnestness, assured me that he would adhere to the word
which he had given, and would render such services to the
Honourable Company as should entitle him to its regard and
approbation.
444
APPENDIX.
Since my return to our camp, Balaram has been sent to me.
He has alleged several causes for the delay which has happened
in the march of the Mahratta army. He, however, assures
me that the army will march ten kas on the 13th, and that it
will make no halt before it reaches the Sutlej. Its route does
not seem to be settled.
On a review of the whole behaviour of Jeswunt Rao Holkar
towards us, it appears to me to mark strongly his high respect
for your lordship, his just sense of the act of confidence and
friendship conferred in a mission of English gentlemen to his
camp, and his most sincere happiness at the establishment of
amicable relations with the British Government. The glad-
ness which was visible in him and his chiefs was not confined
to the Durbar; it was manifest in every part of his camp; and
the crowds of his followers which thronged the way on our
procession to the visit, and our return, testified, in the most
lively manner, unbounded joy.
We shall march to-morrow towards your lordship's army.
I hope that I may be allowed to express the thankfulness
which I feel towards Mr. Macaulay and Lieutenants Short and
Laud for their obliging and cordial assistance in the progress
of this Mission.
I have the honour to be, with profound respect,
My lord,
Your lordship's most obedient, humble servant,
C. T. METCALFE.
RESIDENCY ALLOWANCES.
(Page 258.)
[From a Minute by Sir Charles Metcalfe, written in 1830.]
"The allowances to Residents, in common parlance mis-
named 'table allowance,' was an allowance, not for table alone,
but nominally for 'table, attendants, camp equipage, &c.,' and
in reality for every expense of a domestic nature that was
proper for the support of the Resident's station. The expendi-
ture of this allowance was left entirely to the Resident's dis-
cretion; but every honourable man knew that if he did not
APPENDIX.
445
expend it for the purposes for which it was granted—that is, if
he made any savings from it for his own gain-he would be
guilty of a shameful fraud. When, therefore, I am asked
whether I invariably and sacredly expended that allowance
every month, I should be greatly ashamed of myself if I could
not answer the question in the affirmative. I expended the
whole of the public allowance for the purposes for which it
was granted. I might say more, but the sole object of these
remarks being to give an unqualified contradiction to an
insinuation against me, it is not necessary to pursue the
subject."
THE DELHI SYSTEM.
(Page 338.)
[From a Minute written by Sir Charles Metcalfe in 1830.]
"Completeness of control and unity of authority were
remarkable parts of the Delhi system of administration, as
distinguished from that which prevailed in other provinces.
One European officer in each district, at the time in question,
had entire control over the subordinate native officers in every
branch of administration. One superior European officer had
entire control over all the superintendents of districts; his
control extended to every part of their duties. When the
authority of a board was introduced, the only change that took
place in the system of local management was the transfer of
control from one to several; the district authorities remained
as before.
"It is far from accurate to assert that the Delhi territory is
governed without laws. It might more correctly be said to be
governed by the same laws which prevail in the provinces
subject to the Bengal regulations; for, although these have not
been bodily introduced, their spirit has guided the adminis-
tration, generally, of the Delhi territory; there are local rules
besides. The existing institutions were first established by Mr.
Seton, a disciple of the regulations. There are generally the
same laws in civil and criminal judicature as in the other pro-
vinces. The practice of the courts is assimilated. Whatever
improvements take place in the other provinces are naturally
446
APPENDIX.
adopted in the Delhi territory. It has the benefit of every good
regulation, with the advantage of not being subject to those
which have been found injurious elsewhere, or which might
not be locally suitable. The presence of the King and royal
family, and of chiefs possessing sovereign power in their
separate territories, but residing much at Delhi, as the head-
quarters of political supremacy in that quarter, as well as of
many other chiefs, formerly Surdars of the Mahratta armies,
settled in Jageers, in the Delhi territory, and of numerous
diplomatic agents from native states, seems originally to have
pointed out the inexpediency of a literal and inconsiderate
enforcement of the Bengal regulations; but so much of the
spirit and practice of these laws has from the beginning, and
from time to time, been introduced into the Delhi administra-
tion, that probably the addition of what remains would only
produce deterioration. Were it not for this apprehension,
there would be no great change if the regulations were formally
established in the Delhi territory, so modified as not to affect
those who ought not to be subjected to their direct opera-
tion.
"With respect to the control exercised by Government, as
well as with respect to the introduction of laws, the condition
of the Delhi territory has been progressive and not stationary.
At first, as in other newly acquired countries having peculiari-
ties to deal with and difficulties to overcome, much was entrusted
to the local authority. By degrees, the control of Government
has become more minute, and the details of management have
been more and more approximated to those which prevail else-
where; whether, in the latter case, with real advantage or
disadvantage, it would unnecessarily open a wide field of dis-
cussion were I now to inquire.
"At first, when the revenues were small, not much more
than a tenth of what they are now, and when the territory was
occupied chiefly by dependent Jageerdars, the administration.
was exclusively in the hands of the Resident, and the assistants
under him had only such power as he chose to entrust to them,
subject to such control as he thought it expedient to exercise.
The system gave him absolute control, and he was exclusively
responsible to Government for the proper management of the
APPENDIX.
447
territory. The assistants were then necessarily young men,
because being only assistants to the Resident, their salaries
were too small to tempt older servants to seek the same
employment. This may be said to have been the case until
1819, with this difference, that some of the assistants remained
long enough to cease to be young; and the allowances of the
first, augmented by a commission on customs, had become
considerable, owing to increase in that branch of revenue. In
1819, a new arrangement took place. The territory was
divided into districts, a principal assistant was put in charge
of each district, and a civil commissioner appointed to super-
intend them. From this time the situation of the assistants
in respect to salary has improved, and it is no longer necessary
to appoint young men. It is now on that footing, that officers
of the same standing with those who are usually judges or
collectors would naturally be selected. Their powers are,
nevertheless, entirely under the control of the commissioner
over them; and if they have any power in any degree inde-
pendent of such control, it has been produced by the progress
made in approximating the Delhi system of management to
that which prevails in the provinces subject to the Bengal
regulations.
“In contending that the employment of young men is no
necessary part of the Delhi system, I wish to guard against
the impression that I am opposed to the employment of young
men. Under control, they may be employed with advantage
in any situation. There is a zeal, an energy, an activity of
virtue in young men which often more than compensates for
mere age and even experience, too often accompanied by apathy,
lethargy, and inertness, the consequences of disease caused by
a climate, the fiery ordeal of which few constitutions can stand
unimpaired for a number of years. In rejecting the services of
men when young, in situations in which they can be efficiently
controlled, we may lose the best aid that they can ever bring to
the public interests. I take it to be an error in the regulation-
system of administration, that young men obtain prescribed
powers in which they are not sufficiently controlled, and an
advantage of what once was the Delhi system that the control
is thoroughly absolute and unquestionable."
448
APPENDIX.
i
:
METCALFE'S DEPARTURE FROM DELHI-ALLEGED
CORRUPTION OF HIS SERVANTS.
CHAPTER XII.—ADDENDUM,
[The following extracts from a minute written by Sir Charles
Metcalfe, in November, 1829, contain a narrative of all the cir-
cumstances connected with the alleged corruption of his "coach-
man," Khoda Buksh, and his "moonshee,"
moonshee," Hufoozoodeen, at
Delhi. It was alleged that the former, who was not Metcalfe's
coachman, had made a lakh of rupees by selling the cast horses
and old carriages of his master, on the occasion of Metcalfe's
departure from Delhi; and that the latter had for many years
been enriching himself by taking bribes from the natives-in both
cases, under the pretext that some advantage was to be derived by
the Resident, and reciprocated in favour of the donor. To these
statements I have appended, taken from the same minute, the case
of Peer Alee, the "Khitmudgar," who accompanied him to Hyder-
abad, and was also said to have made a large fortune by corrupt
practices. These histories are on many accounts interesting and
suggestive; but I give them here, principally because the circum-
stances were somewhat notorious at the time, and I should not
like it to appear that I considered them subjects to be avoided. In
all the three cases Metcalfe's conduct was irreproachable. But
he truly said, that he would be a bold man who, after so long a
connection with native courts, would venture to say that none of
his servants had ever taken bribes. The moonshee, Hufoozoodeen,
is the man of whom mention is made in the earlier chapters of
this memoir.]
THE CASE OF KHODA BUKSH.
“Khoda Buksh Beg was the son of a respectable old soldier,
who commanded a body of 100 horse attached to the Residency,
and used partly in the police of the country, and partly as
the Resident's body-guard. The father being worn out by
age, the son, as his lieutenant, was the efficient commandant,
and as such was in constant attendance on the Resident. I
had known him in that capacity for twelve years, during the
last seven of which he was in almost daily attendance on me,
and accompanied me in my morning and evening exercise, as
well as on all occasions of out-of-door state and ceremony.
During the whole of my acquaintance with him I had no
APPENDIX.
:
449
reason to think otherwise than well of him, until the circum-
stances about to be related.
"When I was quitting Delhi in the end of 1818, I found
myself encumbered with a large stud, consisting in great part
of a breeding stud, with which I had amused myself for several
years without disposing of the produce. Having accounts to
settle, I was desirous of selling this stud to the best advantage.
I consulted Khoda Buksh Beg on the subject, who was accus-
tomed to traffic in horses, and he persuaded me that my stud
would sell well. Having no practice in such dealings, and
no wish to enter into them, I entrusted the sale entirely to him.
It went on, to appearance, prosperously, and most of my horses,
but not all, were, as I supposed, sold, when one of my servants
informed me that there was no fair sale, but that Khoda Buksh
Beg had imposed my horses on several persons, and levied con-
siderable sums of money in my name, without any reference to
the price of the horses.
“As soon as I received this intelligence, which I ascertained
to be true, I recovered all the horses supposed to have been
sold, and repaid the several parties the sums received by me as
the purchase-money. I ordered the restoration, by Khoda
Buksh Beg, of the sums which he had fraudulently obtained
and appropriated. He was brought to trial for defrauding
those who had been the sufferers by his imposture, and
sentenced to imprisonment, with an order that he should not
be released until he had disgorged all that he had levied. The
discovery of this villany was so close upon the period fixed for
my departure from Delhi, that I had scarcely time to take the
requisite measures to repair the mischief perpetrated as far as
it was in my power to do so."
CASE OF MOONSHEE HUFOOZOODEEN.
"The next assertion connected with my name is that of my
moonshee, Hufoozoodeen, having accompanied me to and
from Hyderabad, and retired with a fortune of about four
lakhs of rupees. Moonshee Hufoozoodeen neither accompanied
me to nor from Hyderabad, nor was he with me there at any
time, and if he possesses anything that can be termed a fortune
it is unknown to me, and I am a great dupé, for he is at this
VOL. I.
450
APPENDIX.
moment in my service on an allowance which I give him solely
because I believe that he needs it.
I shall enter
more fully into the history of Hufoozoodeen. His father was
the moonshee with whom I studied in college, and is still
living. I read a little with the son (author, also, of a work
used in the college for instruction), who was also a college
moonshee after I quitted college. When I was in Lord Lake's
army in 1805, I sent for Hufoozoodeen, and entertained him in
my service, in which he continued until I was sent on a mission
to Lahore in 1808, when he became moonshee of the mission,
having previously accompanied me, in 1806, on a mission to
Holkar's camp, with which I was charged by Lord Lake, and
having also performed public duties under me when I was
attached, in 1805, in a political capacity, to a separate division
of the army commanded by Major-General Dowdeswell.
After the termination of the Lahore mission, Hufoozoodeen
was again my private servant until I became Resident at Delhi,
in 1811. He was then appointed head moonshee at the Resi-
dency, and remained in that office until I quitted the Residency
in 1818, when he also resigned his situation.
"Up to this period I had never received any complaint
against him, and had no reason to suppose him guilty of any
improper act whatever. I had never, however, doubted that a
man in his situation was liable to strong temptation, and likely
to yield to it. My conduct, therefore, towards him had always
been regulated by caution, founded on that general distrust;
and when I heard, after quitting Delhi, rumours of his having
made money there, I was more sorry than surprised.
"The information was vague, and contained nothing positive
or tangible. It, however, induced me to discontinue my con-
nection with him, until the suspicions which it created could be
completely removed. I wrote to Mr. Fortescue, who was my
successor in the civil administration of the Delhi territory, to
request that he would inquire and ascertain what was alleged
against the moonshee; he replied that he could discover
nothing specific against him; that he bore a good character;
and was entirely acquitted of doing anything that the natives
considered improper; but that he was supposed to have made
money, some said by trade, others by the receipt of presents.
•
APPENDIX.
451
This account did not satisfy me, because, if he had received
presents unknown to me, he had acted faithlessly; and I con-
tinued to withhold my support, and had no intercourse with
him.
"About two years afterwards I again wrote to Mr. Fortescue,
who was still at Delhi, with a view to ascertain from him
whether a longer residence had furnished him with more
distinct information respecting the moonshee's conduct, and I
asked specifically whether, making the case his own, he would
discharge a moonshee of whom he had the same opinions which
the result of his inquiries might have led him to entertain of
Hufoozoodeen? His answer on that point was, that he should
not discharge him. In other respects, it was much the same as
before. I had still doubts as to the propriety of employing
Hufoozoodeen, and, in fact, never did employ him either at
Hyderabad or during my last Residency at Delhi: but I was
not, I confess, without suspicions that I had done him injustice,
nor without consequent self-reproach.
"On my last return from Delhi to Calcutta he made his
appearance, and seemed to be in reduced and impoverished
circumstances. As I had ceased to hold that kind of public
employment in which a native moonshee would have tempta-
tions to take presents, and as my information respecting
Hufoozoodeen was, on the whole, creditable to him, I restored
him to my private service, after a separation of nine years.
“This is the history of Hufoozoodeen, into which I have
been led by a desire to leave nothing untold respecting a man
who is said to have made a fortune of four lakhs at a place
where the man never was.
""
CASE OF PEER ALEE, KHITMUDGAR,
"The Khitmudgar, Peer Alee, alluded to in the marginal
extract, accompanied me to Hyderabad. He went with me
in the pilot schooner which conveyed me to Masulipatam, and
arrived, therefore, long before any of my other servants, who
followed by land. I had avoided taking a moonshee, as before
mentioned, in order that there might be no corruption; but
the Ministers and others at Hyderabad could not refrain from
tampering with a single servant that accompanied the new
Q 2
452
APPENDIX.
*
Resident. In a few months after my arrival, I was informed
by one of my assistants that this servant was receiving presents
extensively. I requested the same gentleman, the late Mr. R.
Wells, to investigate the matter. · He did so; and although no
specific instance could be established, he satisfied his own mind
of the general truth of the imputation. I was sure that his
decision was just. I could not make the man disgorge, because
nothing was proved, and everything was denied. I discharged
him from my service, and sent him out of the Nizam's dominions.
Whatever he may have acquired in that way, he has since, I
believe, in a great measure, squandered; and he is now living
at his home on an allowance from me, which he receives
because he was the person who discovered to me the iniquitous
proceedings of Khoda Buksh Beg, before noticed."
THE DELHI ADDRESS.
[The following is the Address voted by the British residents of
Delhi, to which allusion is made at page 337.]
DEAR SIR,-Were we to permit your departure, con-
templated by us with deep regret, without expressing the
veneration and respect we entertain for your many personal
excellences, we should do violence to our own feelings.
On this occasion, well aware as we are of your solicitude to
shun the most just and measured commendation, we must
entreat your permission to declare our sense of that exalted
worth, that candour, and openness of heart which shine in all
your words and actions, and which exact the highest esteem of
all who have enjoyed the happiness of your society. Closely
connected with these traits of character are that condescension
to all subordinate to your authority, which rendered business a
pleasure to those who transacted it under your guidance, and
that judgment, firmness, and rectitude, which gave satisfaction
to all whose affairs were confided to your decision.
Whilst, however, we contemplate with unfeigned regret your
approaching departure, we should deem ourselves deficient in
sentiments of public spirit did the loss we are about to sustain
APPENDIX.
453
so entirely engross our thoughts that we should neglect the
opportunity, which your removal from this Residency to fill
an honourable and important office near the person of the
Governor-General of India affords us, of soliciting your
favourable acceptance of our sincere congratulation on the
distinguished choice of his Excellency. This selection, by so
able a judge of character and merit as the Marquis of Hastings,
is to us a sure indication of the extent and importance of the
services which have been rendered to Government by the
exertion of your talents and virtues; and we cannot, we
think, utter a wish which evinces in us a stronger desire for
the prosperity of our Eastern possessions, than that you may
long continue to aid the councils of British India.
To give this address, however, a more private and particular
application, and to do which we are forcibly called by a recur-
rence to the regretted occasion of our meeting, we beg to assure
you that no period of time can efface the sentiments of friend-
ship and affectionate attachment imprinted on our minds by
the urbanity, kindness, and marked attention to private rights.
and feelings, which we have invariably experienced at your
hands; and that we shall feel, to the latest moments of our
existence, the deepest interest in every event which may
be connected with your welfare, happiness, and fame.
METCALFE'S REPLY.
MY DEAR FRIENDS,—I am at a loss for language to express
in adequate terms my sense of the kindness which has led you
to give expression to the sentiments conveyed in the communi-
cation this day received from you. I shall ever remember
with lively gratitude the honour which you have thus con-
ferred upon me; nor is the value of this delightful testimony
of your regard lessened in my estimation by the consciousness
which I feel that I am indebted to it entirely to your indulgent
partiality, which has thrown my faults into oblivion, and
exalted the little merit to which I may have any pretensions.
The record of your approbation will ever be a source of
pride and exultation to me, and furnish during my future life
a strong excitement to laudable exertion, from the anxious
desire which it must produce that I may not at any time do
454
APPENDIX.
...
discredit to the opinion which you have had the goodness to
express.
The thanks I owe you are not confined to the present
occasion. The obliging attention, cordiality, and friendship
which I have always experienced from you in official as well as
social intercourse, have made an indelible impression on me;
and though highly sensible of the gracious and condescending
favour of the Governor-General in calling me to a situation
near his own person, I cannot part without deep regret from a
society to which I have so much reason to be warmly attached.
I trust, however, that our intercourse is only suspended, and
that I may have the pleasure of renewing it with most, if not
all of you, in some of the various scenes of life in which
we may be respectively summoned to take a part. With most
hearty wishes for your prosperity and happiness, and a grateful
recollection of all your kindness, I shall ever remain,
My.dear Sirs,
Your sincere and affectionate friend,
END OF VOL. I.
C. T. METCalfe.
London: Printed by SMITH, ELDER and Co., Little Green Arbour Court.


:

4

ARTES
LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 06378 7223
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
SEKUNDES
DA
BOOK CARD
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M5
K2
1185
AUTHOR Metcalfe
TITLE
The life & corresponder
Charles, Lord Metcalfe
SIGNATURE
腻
​.