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THE GENTLE ART OF
SIDE-STEPPING
A POPULAR PASTIME

&*.*
O. F. ANDREWS
Railroad Editor the Chicago Examiner, Editor The Business
World, University of Michigan, B. L., Northwestern
University, Member the Illinois Bar
COPYRIGHT 1917
By O. F. ANDREWS
… TT is embarrassing to be hampered by facts.
º, I Shortly after I started as a newspaper re-
* porter I was sent over to a slum district of
Chicago's great West Side to get a story of a
A girl who was alleged to have been whipped by
§ her father and put out of the house. I rushed
ºto find the girl, as that part of the story appealed
to me, and located her in the house of a neigh-
sºbor. She told me a pitiful tale of mistreatment
rºat the hands of her father. The girl was about
18 and quite fair to look upon, and this in-
* creased my desire to get her story in print as
quickly as possible. I rushed back to the city
editor loaded with the emotion of the case.
, When I finished telling him about it he asked
me what the father had said.
“I did not bother to see him because the
* girl’s story was bad enough,” I replied.
*
**, * “Well, every reader of this newspaper to-
morrow morning will want to know what the
& father had to say in answer to the daughter's
**.charge, so go back and find him and get his side
of the story.”
My heart fell because I was afraid of being
hampered by facts, that something might come
from the other side that would spoil my pretty
sob story. I found the father and he said he
had never mistreated the girl, that she had run
away from home and that he had tried to get
her to come back. Later the girl confessed that
she had become hysterical over some minor dis-
appointment, and concocted the story about her
father.
Newspapers are not always so careful, par-
ticularly along political lines. I remember of
an editor telling a reporter to get busy on a
story of financial graft in the City Hall. I met
the reporter as he was going to write the story
and I asked him if he had gone through the
books of the city department to be charged.
“No,” he said.
“Why?” I asked.
“I’m afraid,” he returned ; “I want to write
a good story and don’t want to be hampered by
facts.”
In justice to the newspaper business, how-
ever, the first incident better illustrates the
general principles prevailing in American jour-
nalism. -
Apparently there is a percentage of the
American public that in this railroad question
is afraid of being hampered by facts.
6
It is difficult to ocularly see two objects at
the same time. It is equally trying to mentally
look at both sides of a case. American people
are quick, adaptable, and mentally alert, and it
follows that they are given to quick opinions
and ready prejudices. Probably our intense
commercial activity has caused us individually
to train ourselves to see only one side of any
case because it might be disconcerting finan-
cially to see the other side. The one gasping
exception is the lawyer who has been trained
to stand on the fence and survey the premises
on either side, but he, too, is coming to be
affected by our business atmosphere and is
being given to prejudging.
On the railroad question Americans have
reached a high state of one sided thinking, of
seeing only half the picture.
It is not easy, either, for us adaptable
Americans to drop our seventy-five-year-old
grouch against public carriers and treat the
subject humanely.
One of my old law professors used to say:
“Few men are capable of looking questions
squarely in the face. Many try, but uncon-
sciously all waver to some extent to one side
or another.”
Perhaps it is well that nature did not equip
us mentally to weigh the perfectly balanced
7
scales. Perhaps we would become blanks with
too much balancing and the mind itself would
wabble.
So to save our reason we must take sides.
But if such a theory is recognized we could,
at least, take both sides, one at a time, for the
purpose of minimizing the difficulty of getting
at a clear understanding of a question as big as
that of the railroads.
Nobody is exempt from a charge of preju-
dice one way or another. The railway presi-
dent in his way is prejudiced, and the legislator,
labor man, shipper, and passenger have at times
equally narrow visions.
The writer, schooled in law and newspaper
work and with close relationship to railroad
men, has shared the anti-railroad feeling.
But there comes a time in the history of all
institutions when radical action is necessary to
clean house, and such housecleaning has been
going on for twelve years in the passage of laws
regulating railroads. But in this housecleaning
many new questions have risen that call for side
sweeps and subdivisions of housecleaning. This
renovating process to date has been largely
directed to one class, but the public must now
begin to sweep away some of its mental cob-
webs, those which have been allowed to form
and interfere with efficient railroad service.
8
Everything has a day of reckoning.
The public and the carriers must listen to
one another’s story.
There must be a discussionary ground, at
least if common carriers are to continue as pri-
vate corporations.
Many believe that the government that
governs least governs best.
When the writer toured Germany a year
before the war the magnificent operation of the
government owned railroads was a revelation,
but the absolute disregard for passengers was
also a revelation. Trains were operated at
great speed and with wonderful adherence to
schedules, double tracks, rock ballast every-
where, and fine equipment. -
One might set his watch by a train in Ger-
many, but when it came to service to the public
there was a famine.
There was no printed information.
If you desired to know about a district or a
train you went down to the railway station and
tried to figure out the information from a big
cold blackboard in the waiting room. Ask a
station attache and he would point to the black-
board. This was also true of the government
owned railroads in France and Belgium.
But immediately you crossed the English
Channel what a change | Your London train
9
awaits you at the dock at Folkestone, while half
a dozen passenger agents of as many competing
roads, with their arms full of literature, tip their
hats and ask if they can be of service to you.
In all the great London terminals the most
conspicuous feature was the information bu-
reau at which elaborately printed and instruct-
ive booklets, covering resorts, districts, hotels,
and commercial territory, were given with a
smile and without cost.
There was no racial reason for the differ-
ence in service, the Germans and French are
just as polite as the English, it was merely com-
petition versus non-competition.
Government ownership in the United
States will turn on one or both of two points:
Passenger service and strikes.
I say strikes rather than the labor question
because as long as a point is settled without
inconvenience to the public the people are not
concerned to the voting point.
The masses, the people who vote and elect
legislators and congressmen, care little about
freight rates and they are equally apathetic
about wage controversies as long as trains are
not stopped by such controversies. .
The railroads will sell to the government
or continue to co-operate semi-privately, just as
the public pleases. But if they are to continue
10
as quasi-public corporations, they must give
service, and to give service we must be reason-
able in the allowance of rates.
Legislators must consider their constitu-
ents by allowing a reasonable return to trans-
portation companies, that in turn will allow
service to these constituents.
Future labor leaders ºnust be men broad
enough to look at both sides of a case.
Rail managers must have equally good
vision.
Railroad service is the prime demand of
the American people.
Railway investors rightfully want divi-
dends.
To get dividends the railroads must give
service. -
Conclusion, the railroads will give service if
they are allowed a decent profit for the purpose.
Do you know of an American railroad that
is paying a dividend that is not giving satis-
factory service? -
Further, does not the character of the
service rise as dividends advance? -
A railroad paying no dividend is giving no
service or is giving the service in spite of the
heavy interest rate due to old time poor
financing.
11
And you know there can be no more poor
financing or get-rich-quick railroad schemes be-
cause all issues of securities must now be passed
upon by the public utilities commissions.
One of the threatening features, particu-
larly as it relates to railroad affairs oday, is the
conflict of laws among states, and between the
Several states and the government.
I am a states’ rights man.
I believe in the family, and the groups, or
separate units of government.
A cable, because of its separate strands, is
stronger than a solid bar.
In the cable the separate strands co-
operate with one another and make the whole
uniform and strong. The separate states should
co-operate to make the national government
equally strong. *
Everybody knows that Congress has only
such power as has been delegated to it by the
several states and that state legislatures have
every power except what they have given to
Congress. .
One of the drags of the American political
system is localism.
Each community, municipality, and state is
run selfishly in regard to the rights of other
states, and of the federal government.
In this line it would seem that the consti-
12
tutional provision on his point is being over-
worked.
This localism is making a football of the
railroads. -
If the public is to get service, and that is
all there is to the railroad question, there must
be uniformity of state laws and I believe the
public would profit if the listing of securities,
labor matters, and rates were turned over to the
federal government.
There would be no danger in this, for if the
experiment was not satisfactory, the power
could be turned back to the states.
Some of the most ardent states’ rights
advocates I have ever met have, after study,
modified their views in favor of further fed-
eralization.
We must zealously guard the necessary
powers of the states, but American extremes
can go too far in any direction and right now I
think we are suffering from over assertion of
states’ rights; that we are losing by too much
localization. - * -
Power has seldom been used wisely.
When governments or men acquire too
much power they must be summarily curbed.
Rome went down through the weight of its
surplus power.
Napoleon's power threatened, and he was
put out of the way. -
13
And the person or thing with too much
power cannot be argued with; he or it will never
acknowledge they have any too much power.
But the people know when a person or in-
stitution is becoming too strong and the people
quickly recognize and promptly destroy the
1116.11a Ce.
Handing Queen Victoria an act passed by
Parliament for her signature, Gladstone said:
“Here is the measure Your Majesty must
sign.” -
“Must sign P Do you forget I am the
Queen?”
“Yes, but do you forget that I am the peo-
ple?” England's greatest commoner replied.
In America the power danger is not gov-
ernmental but economic.
Neither capital nor labor has ever con-
ceded the possession of too much power.
Both have been guilty of the charge.
Capital was guilty when it was indulging
in the reckless issue of securities and when the
formation of combinations was at its height.
The people dissolved the Northern Securi-
ties Company, ended the Union Pacific-South-
ern Pacific merger, unscrambled the Standard
Oil Company and cleaned up irregular life in-
surance management.
Labor has also reached the danger line in
14
power in several instances, the most notable to
my mind being that of the teamsters’ strike in
Chicago in 1905. ... --
They backed a strike called by another
union in violation of an arbitration clause.
The power of the teamsters was corralled
by the people of Chicago, and there is no doubt
that when the power of other organizations is
used without regard for public welfare, and for
selfish ends only, that the public will find a
means of protecting itself.
But too much power always reacts and
leaves its possessors weaker than they were be-
fore the possession of such power. -
The public is not keeping books on power
as it ascends, but the public knows and acts
when power ascends too high.
The English speaking race is strong for the
jury system. It was born as a result of centuries
of Star Chamber sessions and one man decisions.
When the feudal system was overthrown
in England one man rule ended, and in the
Thirteenth century, 200 years after the first
courts of record, the idea of having several of
one’s peers pass judgment came into being.
And the idea has been growing ever since.
Now and then a law student has a spasm
and advocates the abolition of the jury system,
asks that everything be left to the learned
judges.
15
But the suggestion seldom gets beyond the
stage of academic discussion.
Even the worst defeated lawyer down in
his heart believes in the jury system. ~.
Arbitration is a form of the jury system.
There is nothing the American people are
stronger for than arbitration.
Every time labor or capital refuses to arbi-
trate they slip back just so much in public
opinion.
There is no question but that there was
awakened a feeling of resentment throughout
the country when certain labor organizations
recently refused, at the request of the govern-
ment, speaking for the majority, to submit their
cause to arbitration—“the rule of reason.” This
attitude can hardly be attributed to any reason
other than fear and a doubt as to the justice
of their demands.
There is nothing in common between cap-
ital and labor. -- ar
Capital buys its help as low as it can.
Labor sells its products as high as it can.
But the third element, arbitration, steps in
and adjusts the two demands.
Twenty-five or thirty years ago physical
improvement of the properties was about the
last thing directors and stockholders of many
railroads thought of.
16
Here and there owners of a railroad began
to really better their lines with the idea of mak-
ing them investments rather than speculations.
The idea of making a railroad an invest-
ment rather than a gamble was a new idea in
those times and grew rather slowly at the start.
But the improved properties began to be
FELT by the communities and resulted in in-
creases in business until gradually competing
lines realized that a speculative proposition was
a poor investment. -
In spite of this, however, the speculative
element continued in the saddle and made life
a burden for the good roads. -
Then followed the period of cut rate com-
petition between the “goods” and the “bads.”
The lines that were in the hands of specu-
lators were little more than two streaks of rust,
but they were strong enough to carry freight
cars, and secret rebates and cut rates did the
rest.
This condition placed the poor roads on a
parity with the good lines, and the latter had
nothing to hope for until legislators passed
laws estopping secret rebates.
This finally happened with the passage of
the Hepburn law in 1907. It was drastic and
was intended to be so. *
There was an awful shaking of dry bones,
17
but at last the good roads had come into their
OW11.
This was the beginning of the end of all
speculation in railroad properties.
It was the dawn of a bright era not only
for the good roads, but also for the public, and
eventually for the bad boys of the transporta-
tion world.
Then followed the laws requiring the O. K.
of public utilities commissions on issues of rail-
way securities.
Now the good railroad systems began to
shine. Their superior roadbeds, up-to-date
equipment and high-class management cap-
tured the bulk of the traffic.
Naturally the gamblers' day was over, and
the attention of the poor railroad owners was
turned to the improving of their properties, of
placing theirs on a parity with the other lines.
In the ten years intervening since the pas-
sage of the Hepburn law, the railroads have
worked night and day on their properties,
realizing that service could only come to roads
in good physical condition.
Does the average railroad baiter consider
what has been done by the railroads during the
period named P -
If a survey is made, one finds that of the
seven railroads operating between Chicago and
18
New York, only half the distance of one of
these roads is now single-tracked.
Between Chicago and the Missouri river
only three out of eight roads are single-tracked,
and these three do not go beyond the Missouri
river. That in two instances the double track
extends between 500 and 1,000 miles west of
the Missouri river.
Regardless of what you think of railroad
management, you must concede that railroads
have put more money back into their properties
in twelve years than has any other line of in-
dustry.
Railroads, of course, make more with good
systems, and the public benefits in even-
tempered service. X-
In this connection it would seem that em-
ployes should be grateful for this, because the
reduction of grades, elimination of curves and
the multiplication of tracks and better roadbeds
not only makes railroading safer but pleasanter.
In the line of rates, I agree with the recent
expression of a president of an Eastern railroad
that passenger fares should be one cent a mile
and freight rates advanced 10 per cent.
But can shippers be induced to contribute
this 10 per cent?
An increase of 10 per cent in freight rates
spread over a carload shipment would be so
small it could not be traced to the consumer.
19
That is the fact.
But the various shippers' organizations
throughout the country would rise and cry that
the consumer would pay the bill, and thus crush
any suggestion of a freight increase.
But the shipper would not bear the in-
crease, because such increase figured down to
any one article of consumption would be too
small to compute.
This infinitesimal amount would be taken
care of by trade competition.
But, of course, chairmen of the shippers'
organizations usually protest rather than con-
sider principles of equity.
But he who asks equity must give equity.
And this goes for the railroad manager, the
labor leader, legislator, the public.
The American people form the world’s
greatest jury. I will not attempt to say that
the public, the people, is always right, in fact, I
think history shows popular verdicts to have
been often reversed by the same populace that
rendered them. But the point sought to be
made is that the public, the people, right or
wrong, is the inevitable American board of
arbitration, and those who reckon without this
board are not in touch with the collective
American temperament. -
20
1917 RAILROADING
“Where is the big chief of your road?”
I asked the office boy,
Who seemed to bear an awful load
For a freckled office boy.
“Gone down to Wash'n’ton,” he said,
“To see de main gazabe— -
“Who? Wilson, That Is All—not Ted,
“Who was de main gazabe.”
“And where are your vice-presidents?”
“In court,” replied the lad,
“Or at de judge's residence”—
Ah, such a lovely lad.
“And where’s your general Counsel ?”
He grinned in rare good nature—
“He’s busy wit’ de city council,
Or else de legislature.”
“And can you tell me, boy,” I sighed,
“Where is your land department?”
“Out West; more taxes,” he replied,
“Tax suits our land department.”
21
“Then where's your operating forces?”
“They’re out arguin' over wages,
“And fightin' car blockades, you know,
“But mostly raisin' wages.”
“Then let me see a traffic man.”
“There's none nowhere in sight.
“De I. C. C., you understand—
“Our tariff sheet’s a sight.”
“Who runs this railroad, anyway?”
A sad light filled his eye.
“It runs itself,” he sobbed, “and, say—
“It’s runnin' loose. Good-bye.”
F. A. M.
22
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