DA
407
.A 3
T65
Toland,John,1670-1722
The art of restoring. Or,
The piety and probity of General
Monk in bringing about the last
restoration, evidenc'd from his
own authentic letters: with a
just account of Sir Roger ri.e.
Robert Harley, who runs the
parallel as far as he can. In a
letter to a minister of state, at
the court of Vienna...
London
Sold by J. Roberts
1714
ΤΟ
In al
Count GEORGE:
9250 Which
I
Which may ſerve for a PREFACE.
My Dear Kinfman,
Vienna, Jan. 2. 1714.
Have often told you, that there's nothing like going to
the Bottom of Affairs; which is the Reafon that I, and
one of my Correfpondents in England, Send Difcourfes
to each other instead of Letters. We write the feldamer, it's true:
but we receive the more complete Satisfaction, which refts a confi-
derable time upon our Minds. As your Merit, Youth, and Rela-
tion, demand my utmost Care to form your Mind for the Courts of
Europe; fo you know, I am never wanting to communicate to
you all the Political Pieces which in Prudence I may, if they
have any Tendency to this Aim. That which I now fend you, will
ferve at once to clear up a remarkable Tranfation of the last Age,
and to let you further into an important Intrigue of the prefent
Time, which in feveral Refpects are properly compar'd together.
You are already fufficiently inftrufted how much it concerns the
publick Tranquillity, That the SUCCESSION of the Houſe of
HANOVER to the Crown of Great BRITAIN be maintain'd,
as the only Way to fix a real Balance of Power,no less than to pre-
ferve all our Liberties against Univerfal Monarchy. But being
yet a Stranger to England, you'll be apt to be amaz'd at the ftir
they commonly make there about very private Men: how jealous
they appear of their Words and their Conduct and how fuch as
thefe do often create more Uneafineffes, than the most potent of our
Lords. This, as you'll understand of your felf, must needs pro-
ceed from fomething peculiar to the CONSTITUTION of that"
Country, otherwife admirable: and where, in effect, Men of
mean Eftates and Figure (according to the Medfure of their Parts,
of their Craft, of their Zeal, or of their Confidence) have a ſtron-
ger Influence, can more eafily obtain a popular Leading, and
are better capacitated to occafion more violent Commations,
than in any Government I know. Siz Roger, with whom I cul-
tivated a Familarity for fome Tears, and of whom I had once a
much better Opinion, is one of this bufy Species. The rest of his
Character you'll learn in my Friend's Letter for as to any pri-
vate Tranfactions between us, tho all to my Advantage (as ha
A 2
Luband
The art of motoring..
1714
ving
(iv)
ving been ever firm to publick Liberty) yet they fhall be Secrets
Atill for me. But as to the British Conftitution, the Mifchief of
it is, that when Men of a groveling Education come by Favour or
Faction to fill the higheft Pofts; when these are likewife perfe
Strangers to foreign Affairs, tho never fuch adroit Expedient-
mongers in their own narrow Sphere: then the Difference is im-
mediately felt between their Adminiftration and that of more ex-
alted Spirits. Every thing is full of Difquiet and Sufpicions, of
Murmurs and Confufion. Either their Referv'dnefs, for fear of
being eclipfed or fupplanted by Rivals, makes 'em found their
Schemes on too narrow a Bafis: or their Indigence expofes 'em to
the meanest Artifices, to the bafest Treachery and Corruptions: or
their Self-fufficiency leads 'em into precipitate, if not inextricable
Meqfures: or their Pride,no less than their Infincerity, does nen-
der 'em odious and intolerable to all their Fellow Subjects: or,
finally, their Ambition begets a Civil War, wherein they are or-
dinarily the firft that fuffer. Happy therefore is it for Eng-
land, that Sir Roger is but a private Man of about 1500 Pounds
a Year, hamper'd with Debts, and without any Alliances, unleſs
hefteals a Fortune for his Son, as he's plundering one in post-
haft for himſelf : for I know him fo intimately, that cou'd he once
get into Play (a Thing in that capricious State far from impoffible)
then all Europe must be made a propitiatory Sacrifice to the French
King, whofe Power and Gold he adores. But now being only at
the Head of a few defperate Jacobites (which yet does terribly
alarm my Correfpondent, who stands in a nearer View of that
Party and their Favourers) I leave you, Good Coufin, to in-
form your felf at his Expence: nor can you be too careful in Per-
using this Piece, fince your firft Trip is like to be into England.
Tet e'er you go, I cannot but obferve to you,
I cannot but obferve to you, that my Friend cou'd
bave enlarg'd upon feveral Heads, had he writ to any Man that
be fuppos'd lefs acquainted with thofe Affairs than I am. As for
Example, When he talks of the extraordinary Refort of Papifts
and Outlaws from France, and other Parts beyond the Seas, he
cou'd have faid, that the Lords made an Addreſs to the Queen
upon the like Occafion, in the first Year of her Reign (the Con-
juncture feeming to thofe Defperadoes then alfo favourable) and
that a Proclamation was iffued accordingly, to caufe 'em depart
the Kingdom, and to have the Laws against them put in Executi-
He wou'd have told us what is become of Bernardi, Vilconti,
And the other execrable Affaffins that were in Prifon at the laft
Change of the Miniftry; upon what Terms they were fet at Liber-
ty, and whether they had obtain'd a Pardon or not. He wou'd
have written me word, that Colonel Parker's Wife is now in Eng-
Jant, folliciting her Husband's Return; for my Correfpondent
knows the numerical Perfons to whom she has the most powerful
an.
Re-
MIP.
3-14-84
Recommendations; and if you wou'd be inform'd who this Parker
is; tis the Man that with a Party of Horfe was to bring off
Grandval, had the Ruffian fucceeded in his Attempt to murder
King William in Flanders; as he was afterwards one of thoſe
concern'd in the horrid Affaffination Plot in England, for which
he was committed to the Tower, tho he found the Means to make
his Eſcape from thence: having been thus doubly engag'd to take
away the precious Life of Britain and Europe's Deliverer.
Were it not for what I have already hinted, my Correſpondent
wou'd to Sir Patrick, and to the most worthy Yoke-fellows the peer-
lefs Arthur and Mat, have join'd Don Carlo Moro, Don Manuel
Gillingham,and thofe other amazing Tools that Sir Rog. has pickt
up from all Corners, and drawn out of their native Obfcurity to
do that for him,which no Englishman of Birth or Fortune will do 3
and which is likewife the true Reason why he loves to prefer none
but Scots Deferters wherever be has any Power, even to the utmost
Indies. Another Omiffion in my Friend is, not to have told us
who they are that in concert with the French, did not long ago
invite the Turks into the Empire, which was both difcover'd and
prevented by the Czar: and how, in Purfuance of that Defign,
if Count Steinbock had profper'd in Holftein, the Elector of
Hanover's Territories were to be immediately invaded; and con-
fequently fuch a Flame of War kindl'd in lower Germany, that
the French cou'd be at full Leiſure to accompliſh all the Projects
they have concerted with the Pretender's Adherents in Britain,
without any Poffibility for the Elector to come to her Majesty's Af
fiftance. He might also have obferv'd, that the new-erected
Kingdoms torn from the Inheritance of our moft August Mafter,
are a direct Contradiction to the Hereditary Right maintain'd by
Sir Roger's Friends in England, who yet highly approve thofe A-
lienations of another Prince's Dominions, during his own Life,
and against his Confent. This hews, that either they have as lit-
tle Honesty as Sir Roger himself, or that they fee not an Inch be-
fore them. And indeed, fince the World began, there never was
a Party made up of fo many Contradi&ions in their Principles
and in their Practices, of fo many Chimeras in their Religious
and Political Tenets: So that if Sir Roger, after his Turn is
ferv'd, defigns to leave them in the lurch (as tis a thouſand to
one he does) he cou'd never pitch on fitter Engines for his Purpofe.
Let him but conftantly tickle them with the Hopes of quickly fee-
ing their Young Matter, as the Slaves are wont to call the
French Machine; and then he may bring them hand over Head
into any Meaſures, tho ever fo inconfiftent with the very thing
they fo paffionately defire. I have nothing to add to what my
Friend Jays about Sir Roger's breaking his Faith with the Pro-
tefant Diffenters, but that among those plain dealing People his
.
Credit
Credit is entirely loft to a Man; tho he hop'd for mighty
things from their Refentment of the unworthy Ufage they
met with on a Signal Occafion from fome mistaken Low-
Church-men. But they are too wife to facrifice their
Country to any private Pique,much less to a falfe Step in Politicks;
as they are too fedate to be precipitantly milled by Sir Roger,
who, to my Knowledge, was fufpected by them, long be-
fore the rest of the World were aware of his wily Pranks.
When I happen'd to be laft in England, it was one of thefe ve-
ry Diffenters that first open'd my Eyes, tho not clearly enough,
concerning him; and yet Sir Roger had but three Days before
hypocritically flipt into this honeft Man's Hand, a Paper of his
Religious Experiences. I wish for your fake (dear Coufin) that
when my Correfpondent mention'd the villanous Traffick, which
has been fo often driven for French Money by the Engliſh Mi-
niftry, ever to the Detriment as well as to the Difgrace of their
own Country, he had dwelt a little longer on that Subject, or
that he wou'd still publiſh ſomething about it. He need not go
back to Philip de Comines, or other Authors, frequently and
pertinently quoted to this Purpose; but confine himself wholly to
the Reign of King Charles the Second, altho to our Sorrow this
Traffick has not ended there. Among other Lights into this
Matter, there's one Book that was fent me three Years ago, as
good as a thousand. It was publish'd by the late Duke of
Leeds, in his own Vindication, and I recommend it to your Pe-
rufal, as foon as you shall have acquir'd any tolerable Skill in
the Language. There you'll fee how wicked Minifters duft
make infamous Propofitions to the King himself, and which were
as infamously accepted; he, instead of bravely holding the B-
lance of Europe, poorly becoming a Penfioner to the French
King, who annually paid him three Millions of Livres, reduc'd
at laft to a hundred thousand Piftoles, with the Addition of one
Million during a Mock-War, and the fallacious Promife of
four Millions to be paid after an inglorious and deftructive
Peace. For fuch a paltry Sum (eaten out between the Mini-
fters and the Remitters) was this weak Prince induc'd to act a-
gainst his own apparent Intereft; when the King of Sweden had
two Millions and a half for not acting at all, which was by ſo
much the leſs criminal. In this Book you'll further learn the
Price that was to be paid for abandoning fuch a District or fo
many Towns in Flanders, whichthe King was not to infift on ha-
ving reftor'd, or not hinder from being taken: So much for relin-
quifbing, or betraying, or menacing, or oppofing the Confede-
rates, just as it bou'd fuit with the French King's Convenience;
for one of thofe Minifters does fairly own, that the Opinion the
French Court had then of us, and, as he further owns, not
with-
(vii)
without Reafon, was, That they ought to have us do what they
pleaſe, and they never to do any thing that we defire. There you'll
alfo learn how a Lord Treaſurer's Fortune was propos'd to be made,
to help the Ruin of his Princes Allies, of his own Country and
Religion. He was (to say it by the way) to be paid in Diamonds
and Pearls, that no Body might ever come to the Knowledge of
bis Treachery, or at leaſt not be able juridically to prove it. You'll
fee Propofals of great Advantage made by one Minifter to ano-
ther, if he wou'd uſe his Intereft with the King to be con-
tent with leffer Sums from France, for thus the French cou'd
afford the more to the Minifters. They take it for granted,
fays the one to the other, that it was your Advice that RAI-
SÉD THE MARKET, which he affirms was the very Expreffion
of the French; as another time we hear of lowering the Mar-
ket, and again of raifing the Price: To that shameless Degree
of fordid Hagling and Proftitution, did the Minifters then ar-
rive, which defervedly brought them into Abhorrence with all
their honeft Fellow-Subjects, as well as with the Germans, the
Spaniards, and the Dutch. Nay,fo confcious were they of the In-
famy themselves, that one of 'em confesses this mercenary Tem-
per had bred in the French a Contempt for the English Nati-
on, and even for the King's Perfon, tho he was fo unhappy
as not to believe it. Nevertheleſs you'll hear the other Mini-
fter wiſhing the King wou'd fet a higher Value on his Power and
Greatnefs, not to cudgel the French out of the faid Contempt as
the former fays he propos'd, but to raise the Market ſtill in
proportion. So very much against Light, against Honour, against
Duty to their Prince and Country, did thefe Men act in those
Days (and wou'd to God it had been only in those Days) that
tis acknowledg'd between them; First, that the King fuffer'd in
his own Affairs fo much for the fake of France, as no Mo-
ney cou'd recompenfe; and Secondly, that the Greatness of
the King of France (Nota Bene) was fupported only by their
King's Connivance at what he did, and the good Will Chri-
ftendom faw he had for him. And the French King himself
was of Opinion, he had no where elſe ſo good a Security for
the Support of his Prérogative (that is, of his Tyranny) as
the Friendſhip of the King of England. And I am as firmly
perfwaded, as I live, that for all the French King's Arbitrary
Power, he wou'd never have ventur'd on reducing the Intereft
due to his Subjects, on the Annuities of the Town-house of Pa-
ris, as he has done t'other Day, without relying on the Inaction
of fome foreign' Power, as that Power on the like Occafion may
expect his Afiftance. But, not to leave our Book yet, there you'll
perceive there were P-. ts too, with which the French
cou'd do what they pleas'd; and this fometimes to fuch a Degree,
as
(viii)
as to turn them against thofe Wretches, by whofe Means they
got them corrupted. Finally, there you'll learn another Method
of fending French Money to England, beſides the way of Dia-
monds, or Pearls, or the ordinary Remittances; either when
the Remitters were not to be trufted, or the Sums fo great that
fome Notice must be taken: and this was, by putting Wedges of
Gold into Bales of Silk, the Silk being probably defign'd a
Prefent for the Court-Ladies. I have read this Lecture to you,
Coufin, out of that Book, that you might be the better able to
judge of fuch things by the like Symptoms, at a proper Funiture.
As for your Conduct in England, after fore-warning you not to
believe of any Party, according to the Reprefentation of their Ad-
verfaries or their own Profeflions, but abfolutely by their Conduct
and Actions; fo I give you but one Rule, which I dare promife,
will' never fail you; that he's the beſt Engliſh-man, who's the
heartieft against France. Whig and Tory, High and Low
Church, will often deceive you; fome of thefe being worſe, as
others are better, than the Maxims of their Party wou'd make
them: but the now-mention'd Rule is ever infallible, and there-
fore he's no Whig (let him call himfelt what he pleases) who any
way conſents to augment the Power or Riches of France; nor
is the Man a Tory in the least, who contributes as much as he
can to diminish or deſtroy them. Now as tis eafy for both
to profefs an Averfion to the French, which every true English-
man ought to do; fo he's in earnest (and he only) who's against
enlarging the French TERRITORIES, or advantaging their
COMMERCE, Touching my Opinion how the Senate, that
was last affembl'd in a certain Country, cou'd ever be brought by
the fubtleft Artifices to approve of thofe Measures, which you
rightly fay are fo highly derogatory to their repeated Engage-
ments with other Nations, fo vifibly contrary to their own Repu-
tation, Profperity, and Safety, I refer you for a Solution to the
Question and Answer in the old Roman Poet.
Cedò, quî veftram Rempublicam tantam
Amififtis tam citò?
Proventabant Oratores novi,
Stulti, adolefcentuli.
How cou'd your State, fo glorious once and great,
In fuck short time fall to Contempt and Ruin, ?
By a vile Crew of upftavt Politicians,
By hair-brain'd Boys, and empty-noddl'd Speech-makers.
+
KINSMAN, Adieu.
P. S. Our common Toaft here is, To the Papifts of Catalo
nia and the Proteftants of Ireland.
The
( 1 )
The Art of Reftoring:
OR, THE
PIETY and PROBITY
{
OF
2
}
ני
General Monk, &c.
IN A
LETTER
TOA
เ
Miniſter of State at the Court of Vienna.
'My LORD,
Α 3
London, Auguft 20. 1713.
S that Letter is in my Opinion too long, which
contains.one Line more than the Matter re-
quires; and too fhort, if it contains one
Word lefs: So I fhall make 'no Apology for
the time, which the reading of this prefent
Letter will take from your more weighty Affairs; fince,
if it proves to be time loff, you must only blame your
B
felf.
(2)
felf. I have but ſtrictly follow'd the Rule propos'd by
you at the first fettling of our Correfpondence: to be as
concife as I wou'd upon any Subject, except the SUCCESSI-
ON to our Crown in the House of HANOVER, about
which I cou'd never, you faid, write too much nor too mi-
nutely. If this was true at that time, it is no lefs fo now,
and infinitely more neceffary. But you are not aware,
my Lord, that the HANOVER SUCCESSION is
come to be look'd upon by many here, as a thing where-
in your Court is no way concern'd; at leaſt that we
fhou'd not be concern'd, whatever your Court may
think about it.
The Jacobites, and their ſecret or open Abettors (who
are in a fworn Confpiracy againſt this SUCCESSION,
and whom therefore in the Sequel of my Letter I fhall
call the Confpirators) have in their numerous Libels, as
in the Conduct of the Allies and fuch others, plainly infi-
nuated a Deſign to alter the SUCCESSION as by Law
eſtabliſh'd, which from Men of that Complection af-
fords no Matter of Wonder: but 'tis matter of Merri-
ment enough, to hear them and their Friends preten-
ding it to be abfurd, that a Popish Emperour fhou'd have
been made one of the Guarantees to the Proteftant SUC
CESSION at the Treaty of the Hague, when the King
of France (who is no leſs a Papift, and fomething that's
worfe) is declar'd a Guarantee of the fame SUČCESSI
ON in the Treaty of Utrecht, which they all highly ap-
plaud, and which for that very Reafon I can never ap-
prove. What is more ridiculous ftill, they readily ae-
quiefce in this new and unexpected Guarantee, when but
fome Weeks before they quarrell'd with the Dutch for
being Guarantees at all, and in fewer Weeks after they
fix'd a Mark of their Averfion upon the very Word Gua-
rantee, after fo extraordinary à manner as can never be
forgot. But how much foever you may be perfuaded,
my Lord, of the Truth of that Religion we call Popish,
as I am no lefs firm in the Profeffion of that you call
Proteftant, yet this is a Buſineſs that properly concerns
our Souls without any Difference in our Politicks, which
are equally intereſted in the Prefervation of PUBLICK
LI-
(3)
LIBERTY. Papift and Proteftant therefore are quite
out of the Queftion of the Guarantyship: but German
and French are abfolutely material, fignifying no more,
nor no less than the Liberty or Slavery of Europe, the
perpetual Friends or the perpetual Enemies of Great
Britain: and I defy Sir Roger himself, who is the beſt
read of all the Confpirators, to produce any one Alli-
ance we ever made with France, unless you except the
laft, that did not prove to our extreme Detriment,
Weakning, and Infamy; while I am prepar'd to show,
on the other hand, that our Engagements of old with
the Houſe of Burgundy, and fince that with the Houfe of
Auftria, were generally founded on Principles of Juſtice
and Honour, and turn'd in the End to our great Ad-
vantage, Reputation, and Power. Now then as for the
Confpirator's idle Diftinction, 'tis notorious that nei-
ther of the laſt Wars were undertaken on a Religious
Account, but profeffedly for our Independency, or ra-
ther for our very Being,in the feveral Articles of Govern-
ment, Trade, and Alliances. They are but the Vifi-
onaries of both fides that are for equalling or intermix-
ing their own abftracted Imaginations (widely diffe
rent, God knows, from true Religion) with the eter-
nal Principles of Liberty and Property.
༈
Befides this common Concern of Safety between
the Emperour and us, againſt the Danger of being en-
flav'd by our common Enemy; the Confpirators wou'd
fain have People ignorant, that as the Elector of Hanover
is univerfally acknowledg'd to be one of the most confi-.
derable Members of the Empire,fo the Emperour is known
to be related to him by more than one Tye of Blood.
They wou'd have us forget,that the Three Empreffes now
alive under one Roof, a thing not a little extraordinary,
are all of his Family, which is as extraordinary that
the Emperour Leopold's Confort Eleonora, is of the Pa-
latine Houfe, his Mother's; that the Emperour Joſeph's
Confort Amalia, is his own Uncle's Daughter, Duke
John Frederick; and that the prefent Emperour's Confort
Elizabeth, is Grand-daughter to the Duke of Wolfem-
buttle, a principal Branch of his Houfe. Thefe are Tyes
B 2
of
(4)
of Blood that his Highneſs can mention with a better
Grace, than the French King did lately to Her Majeſty,
who, by his Ambaffador, to the Aftoniſhment of all good
Proteftants, demanded the Puniſhment of a Church
of England Minifter, for what he had preach'd, during
the War againſt French Perfecution. But not to dwell
longer on the Interest which the Emperour has in the
Elector of Hanover, as he's a German Prince, and fo
near a Kinſman,the very Conſpirators will not fo far ex-
poſe themſelves, as to deny that his Imperial Majefty is
not a little concern'd, to underſtand with what Incli-
nations a Prince does, fill the British Throne; and efpe-
cially, if he can help it, that ſuch a Prince be not par-
tial to the French Nation, govern'd by French Counfels,
nor under private Engagements to the French King, as
was the late King James: and much more, that he be not
educated from his Cradle in French Principles, nor un-
der fuch vaft Obligations to the French King, as to be
properly his Retainer and Creature, which is precifely
the Cafe of the prefent PRETENDER. The Profeflion
of the fame Religion did not hinder Leopold, of glorious
Memory, from joining againſt James the Second, for
faving of the Empire and all Europe; no more than it
did his Son Jofeph afterwards, or it does his other Son
Charles at this time, from heartily joining for the fame
good Ends, against the Perfon who ftiles himſelf James
the Third, and who was encourag'd to ufurp this Title
upon Her Majesty, by his Protector, Lewis the Four-
teenth.
But the Conſpirators, when they can't deny the Em-
perour's Inclination or Intereft to yield Afliftance to the
Houſe of Hanover, whenever they fhall need it; yet,
to keep up the Spirits of their Party, they affirm that
his Imperial Majeſty neither is, nor ever can be, in a
Condition to do that SUCCESSION any Service, nor
confequently any hurt to themſelves. You'll never hear
them ſpeak otherwiſe on this Topick of the SUCCESSI-
ON: and nevertheless, when the Difcourfe is about
France, then this very fame Emperour is by much too
powerful, the Houfe of Auftria is an over-match for the
Houfe
(5)
Houfe of Bourbon; fo that Spain and the Indies ought of
Neceflity. (according to them) to have been thrown in-
to the Scale of the latter, not to outweigh but to bal-
lance the former. It fignifies nothing to make it as
clear as noon,day, that the Houſe of Auftria was never yet
a Match for that of Bourbon, and that it is lefs fo now
than ever, by reafon that the Circumftances both of
Germany and France, are quite alter'd fince the time of
Charles the Fifth, the Power of the Nobles being entire-
ly abolish'd in France, and that of the Princes being vaft-
ly encreas'd in Germany. It fignifies as little to fhow,
how it appears in Fact at this very Infant, that the
Balance of Europe does more effectually preponderate
in the Scale of France, than it came to do. by the pre
pofterous Politicks of Oliver Cromwell, who made this
falfe Step purely to ſupport himſelf, tho to the infinite
Damage of all Europe. But Oliver was not the Begin-
ner of this infamous, Traffick; for whenever a ftrict
Alliance or Endearment (above the common Courfe of
Treaties) appears between France and our Minifters;
then the Nightingale is not a more certain Sign of the
Spring, than that thefe Minifters are playing fome wick-
ed Game at home, doing fomething detrimental or dif
honourable to their own Country, for which they are*
to be pay'd by the Money of France, and in which they
hope to be fupported by its Power. I need not trouble
you with Particulars, for you cannot produce one In-
ftance to the contrary.
1
To leave Oliver then, where ever he is, to come to
the Confpirators (who may be with him fooner than they
defire) they are deaf, they are blind, they are dumb,
when you demonftrate that France and Spain are more
ftrictly united than ever, that not only their Councils,
and Arms do vifibly run in one Channel, but also their
immenfe Treafure, tho we are yet ignorant,how much of
this laft has been diftributed to their dear Friends for
their good Services. It feems they are to fifh for fome of it
in the Latitude of But be it how much, or how
little foever you pleaſe, the Jacobites are of fo giving a
Humour in return of what they got or may get, that,
ΠΟΣ
(6.).
}
not content to give away the ancient Honour, Juftice,
and Faith of Britain, and to be mighty liberal (like
their good Allie the Pope) of what's none of their own;
they are at laſt for parting with the only thing that
was left, I mean our TRADE. This unvaluable Trade,
this only Source of all our Riches, this only Means
to pay our Rents, this only Support of our Poor and Nee-
dy, this only Fund to entertain Fleets and Armies, this
only Defence againſt all our Foes: this Trade, I fay,
they are as fo many felos de fe, and in direct Oppofi-
tion to the unanimous and loudly declar'd Senfe of the
whole Nation (a thing never hitherto attempted by
the moſt deſperate) for execrably facrificing to the
French King; that after he's become Mafter of the Com-
merce of Europe, he may then without any Difficulty
become Maſter likewife of its Territories. This is an
unanswerable Demonſtration, and a more certain, cheap,
and expeditious Method, than any of thofe which he has
hitherto practis'd, and which have only fail'd him be-
cauſe others had Money as well as himfelf. But this
Point of Commerce does fo effentially concern the very
Well-being of every particular Briton, no less than the
Wealth, Power, and Security of the whole Nation,
that we have reafon to hope they will as foon part with
their Lives as with any Branch of it; and, that if they are
put to it, they will uſe thoſe that wou'd give away their
Trade as thofe that wou'd take away their Lives.
Now to return to the Emperour (tho Trade is no fuch
Digreffion, as fome may imagine, from the SUCCESSI-
ON) all that wish well to the House of Hanover,do confe-
quently with well to his Imperial Majefty, and daily put
up their Prayers to Heaven for Succefs to his Arms;
without which, humanely fpeaking, they look upon the
Liberties of Europe to be at an end. The SUCCESSION
at leaſt is fafer while his Sword is drawn, and buſying
the Arms of France, than it cou'd poflibly be otherwife:
and perhaps this is one of the chiefeft things that faves the
SUCCESSION at prefent, which is fo well known to the
Enemies of it, that they have done more, and ſhew'd
more Concern to force the Germans and the Dutch into
a
(ウ​)
a Peace, than they did with relation to the English
themſelves. But what do I talk of Peace? have they
left any thing unattempted to procure their utter De-
ftruction? for fo long as the Empire and the States are
capable of making any Oppofition, they'll never, for
their own fakes, fuffer the French King quietly to place
his Vice-roy on the Throne of Great Britain; and the
Confpirators are therefore fully determin'd to break
their Power, and have, as 1 faid, done all that depend-
ed upon them, as well by private Treachery as by open
Violence, to bring about their Ruin. Such well mean-
ing People as did not at firft underſtand this Secret (and
their Number was not inconfiderable) were amaz'd for
fome time paft at the Conduct of the Conſpirators to-
wards thefe our faithful Allies; but having once got this
Key, by which to decypher their Actions, they now per-
ceive their drift as clear as the Sun,and that thoſe ſeveral
Meaſures which they formerly thought to be hafty, in-
confiftent, and even chimerical, were maturely weigh-
ed, all of a piece, and perfectly well adapted to the end
the Confpirators defign'd: fo that nothing at this time
is more commonly or better understood, than that thoſe
who rail at the Germans and the Dutch, are implicitly
or explicitly engag'd in the Intereft of the PRÈTEN-
DER; and wou'd therefore gladly weaken or deſtroy
the only Foreign Powers that are both able and willing
to oppoſe him.
Upon this occafion give me Leave to tell you in plain
terms, my Lord, that no Man is more deeply embark'd
in this pernicious Deſign than your Friend Sir Roger. I
do not forget that you have already chid me more than
once for only infinuating thus much: but as you are
likewiſe convinc'd, that I have not done it without be-
ing entirely perfuaded of the Truth of it,and confequently
not without fome Grounds; I did, upon your requeſting
me fo to do, fend you an ample Deduction of thofe
Grounds, confirm'd by my own Obfèrvations, no leſs
than by the general Belief of all the well-affected in theſe
Kingdoms. Upon this, you were pleas'd to acknowledge
your felf, that Sir Roger was endow'd with certain Qua-
lities
( 8 )
lities that demanded he fhou'd be well look'd after; as
that he was the greateſt Maſter of Diffimulation you ever
knew, were it not that it became fo habitual to him,
that he cou'd do nothing without fome Trick'; and that
he fo far affected a myfterious Proceeding in the plaineft
matters (in which he judg'd of others by himself) that,
in the first place, whatever he did was fufpected to have
another End than what he publickly avow'd: and that,
in the fecond place, the fureſt way to deceive him was
to tell him the naked Truth, which he thinks no Man
capable of doing, and fo is fure to take his Meaſurés
accordingly. You gave me a very ſubſtantial Reaſon,
why he has hitherto fuffer'd fo little on this account;
acknowledging further, that under an outward Shew of
Plainneſs, which, in good part, was caus'd by his for-
mer narrow Circumftances, he inwardly cheriſh'd fuch
a Pitch of Ambition, as nothing cou'd exceed but his
Pride (if thefe Qualities admit of a Diftinction) info-
much that, not content to be perpetually running over
the Pedegrees of thofe Families with whom he claims Al-
liance (a thing perhaps not unbecoming him as an Anti-
quary)he has fometimes carried this humour fo far, as to
let certain of his Friends fee, how by another Sir Roger,
who by the way came to be hang'd,he was related forfooth
to the Crown, which does at leaft make manifeft his in-
tolerable Vanity. And what is yet more remarkable, he
us'd to be showing this extravagant Title as antecedent to
that, of the Stuarts, at the fame time that he was the bu-
fieft of all Men, with the utmoft Fal, ty and Malice, to
infufe Jealousies of the Duke of Marlborough's becoming
General for Life. This is, in reality, tho not in Name,
the fame thing with Protector, and a Thing the Duke's
Friends abhorr'd the moſt of all others; being to a Man
perfectly devoted to the Queen, to the Houle of Hano-
ver, and, in one word, to our legal Conftitution. But
were it really fo, that the Duke had entertain'd fuch a
Thought, as it is (on the contrary) the moſt villanous
Afperfion for which the leaft colour was never produc'd,
yet the aſpiring to fuch an extraordinary Poft wou'd be
nothing in compariſon of afpiring to the Crown; fince
in
(9)
in the firft cafe the Crown might poffibly be fecur❜d to
the Houſe of Hanover, whereas they, and all the other
Claimants, muſt have been totally fet afide in the laſt
Cafe.
This Pride therefore, and this Ambition of Sir Roger,
who conceiv'd himſelf to be neglected, you ſtill granted,
my Lord, was the Cauſe of his croffing every good Mo-
tion in King William's Reign, as his Tricking and Diffi-
mulation kept that wife King from ever truſting him.
'Tis ftrange then that you cannot yet fee, how the fame
Pride and Ambition did fince pave the way for France to
make thoſe profperous Attacks upon his Integrity, thro
the Breach of his Indigence, which upon an honeft and
virtuous Heart wou'd prove unfuccefsful, under the low-
eft Degree of Poverty. But this fame terrible Poverty
is a Condition, that fuch Men as Sir Roger eſteem to be
the utmoſt Unhappineſs; which Opinion does as natu-
rally render them corrupt and mercenary, as the fame
Pride and Ambition makes them implacably revengeful,
of which the Germans and the Dutch have woful Experi-
ence: and this in a manner I need not be particular in
explaining to you, no more than the Reaſon of it, which
is abfolutely perfonal; and confequently not to be im-
puted to the British Nation, that wishes as well as ever
to theſe our Natural Allies, as I may very properly call
them. Nor ought this Ufage of Strangers appear extra-
ordinary, when all thofe of his own Country, by whom
he conceiv'd himſelf to be any way injur'd, have feveral-
ly felt the Effects of the fame vindictive Difpofition.
For the reft, you frankly confefs, what no Mortal can
deny (who is not an abfolute Stranger to what has hap-
pen'd for theſe twenty Years paft) that tho' Sir Roger
made no Scruple of Swallowing all Oaths, yet he gene-
rally herded and voted with the difaffected Party in the
Houfe of Commons, and out of it gave Countenance and
Protection to Hickes, Lesley, Ferguson, Bedford, with
fuch other declar'd Facobites and Traytors, under
the Pretence of favouring Learning; while he convers'd
with none of the much more learned lovers of Liberty,
except a very few whom he could not fuddenly caft off,
C
by
1
(10)
by reaſon of old acquaintance, and in order to have it
ftill believ'd by honeft Men, that, whatever part he
might think fit to act for the prefent, he had not quite
forgot the good Education given him by his Family, nor
his own former Profeffions. And, in effect, this fuc-
ceeded ſo well with him, that not a few were de-
ceiv'd with his Hypocrify, Promiſes and Proteftations
cofting him nothing. Nay, fo willing were People to
deceive themſelves, in believing him the honeft Man
they wifht him to be, that they often fav'd him the labour
of an Apology for his then unaccountable Conduct; they
giving out that he join'd with the Confpirators in Points
of leffer Moment, that he might induce them to vote in
their turns with him, for all effential points relating to
the publick Good. In difcourfe with fuch as thefe, he had
this otherwiſe true obſervation ever in his mouth; that
fince it is improbable a majority of good and difinterested
men fhou'd be found in a numerous popular Aſſembly, their
particular Interefts and Paffions must be fo manag'd as to get
them to give good Votes. But fome of his old Friends be-
gun to be undeceiv'd, when, in the Year 1708, it ap-
pear'd by certain Tranfactions, to which you are no
tranger, that he had all along a private underftanding
with the Court of France; and the reft, who were loth
to think the worſt of any Man without irreſiſtible con-
viction, had all their doubts difpell'd, and their eyes
fufficiently open'd, by the Meaſures he has purſu'd
without any Difguife, fince the Year 1710, to this mo-
ment of time.
You cannot deny, My Lord, but that now and then
you have own'd the Appearances were ugly enough;
you wiſh'd your friend Sir Roger's conduct had been a
little clearer, fince Honefty is found to be the beſt Poli-
cy: but you ftill infift upon it, that he's bound by fo ma-
ny folemn Oaths and Engagements; that be has made fo
many Proteftations, both at home and abroad, publickly
and privately, of his inviolable Affection for the Prote-
Stant Succeffion as by Law eftablifhd; that he has given
the illuftrious H. of Hanover lo many Promifes and Affu-
rances under his own Hand; that he has done ſo many
other
T
( II )
other things, needlefs to enumerate, incompatible with
the hopes of the Pretender, befides his Letters in confi-
dence to your felf, and to many other Minifters: that
you can never be perfuaded he can poffibly recede with
Safety any more than with Honour; and that indeed you
can't believe any Englishman whatſoever (a Nation fa-
mous for their Candour) capable of being fo confummate
a Diffembler. I thank you, my Lord, for the good o-
pinion you have always had of our Nation; and as for
receding with Honour, 'tis a fign you know not your
Friend fo well as you imagine, when you mention Ho-
nour and Him with the fame Breath: a man that never
ſpoke a Syllable of direct Truth in this Life, that never
made a Promife without a double meaning. Tho his
Head is naturally muddy, yet the confuſion and ambi-
guity of his expreffions proceeds as much from Deſign as
from Nature, that he may be bound by nothing; and
fo, as it may fuit his Convenience, be able to flip his
Neck out of the Collar, as to all obligations. As for his
Promifes, therefore and his Proteftations, they are ſure
to be deceiv'd who are weak enough to truft tó 'em;
and fo may all of you be as fure, to whom he writes his
long canting Letters, of which, when his turn is ferv'd,
he'll make no manner of account, but fneer and laugh in
your faces, infulting you after his bantering way, for
being fo eafily made his Property.
But you fay, he has done many things incompatible
with the intereſt of the Pretender; to which I anſwer,
by readily granting it, and adding withal, that exactly
fuch has been the conduct of every Traytor from the
beginning of the World: for without complying with
the Forms eftablifh'd, they cou'd never get into Credit,
nor confequently obtain the Power of doing the mií-
chief they intended. Thus, not to go abroad for exam-
ples, King Charles the fecond, in his exile, gave permif-
fion to many of his Friends, and particularly to Admi-
ral Montague (as you may fee in my Lord Clarendon's
Hiftory, which I fent you last year) to engage in the
Service of the Parliament, that first they might have the
Power, and next watch the Opportunity of betraying
C 2
this
( 12 )
this fame Parliament, as afterwards they did: and thus
many Friends to the Pretender have, upon the very fame
Principle, taken every Oath, even the Oath of Abjura-
tion; and their atheiſtical diſtinctions to prove the law-
fulneſs of ſuch a behaviour are ſo publickly known, that
I hope very few will be deceiv'd by thoſe men, whoſe a-
tions are fo evidently repugnant to their profeflions.
But I proteft, my Lord, I am afham'd to think I have
need of alledging examples to a man of your univerfal
reading, to a man who never reads but to be the wifer
for it, and who compares all he reads with his own ex-
perience. Yet the Examples to be fo frequently read in
books would have been much fewer, if thofe that came
after had always before their eyes the management of
thoſe that preceded them, and fo had govern'd themſelves
accordingly, which is the chief end of reading Hiſtory:
for mankind is ever the fame, tho prefent paffion hin-
ders too many from confidering it, and ſtrongly diſpo-
fes them to hope what they wish, namely, that their own
cafe may prove an exception to the general Rule. 'Tis
this Hope of unexampl'd impunity that emboldens all
fingle Minifters. Left your Lordship then fhould, from
the generofity of your Nature, judge of all other men's
intentions by the fincerity of your own, I take the Li-
berty to trouble you with one example which comes up
to all the Difficulties you have put, of Speeches, Letters,
Promiſes, Engagements, and what not of that kind?
all which the perfon was refolv'd before-hand to break
thro and violate, without any regard to the Fear of
God, or the Reproaches of Man.
When I tell you that this Perfon was General Monk
(between whom and Sir Roger ſeveral compariſons may
be very naturally made) I am confident you will not in-
fer that I am angry with him for being fo inftrumental
in bringing about the Reftoration of the Royal Family,
which I have ever look'd upon as an inestimable Bleffing
to theſe Nations, involv'd at that time in the confufion of
Anarchy, which is a far worse State than the worst of
Governments: nor cou'd they ever, in my opinion, be
thankful enough to God for their Deliverance from a
horrid
(13)
horrid ufurpation and a Military Power, this lafl be-
ing of all Tyrannies the moſt cruel and infupportable.
But it follows not, my Lord, that I approve any wick-
ed means that conduc'd to this happy end, no more than
David did the fucceflive Murthers of Abner and Mephi-
bosheth, which yet added ten Tribes of Ifrael to the two
which then only conftituted his Kingdom. Our preſent
Cafe, 'tis true, is extremely different from what it was
in the Year 1659, juft as different as Light is from Dark-
nefs. We are under the moft noble, free, and legal
Conſtitution in the Univerfe, whether the Dignity of
the Prince, or the Eafe of the Subject be confider'd:
every particular man, and all communities of men, are
as fecure in the enjoyment of their Property and Privi-
leges as the Queen is in her Imperial Throne, and in the
Uſe of her Prerogatives for the Good of her Subjects: the
ancient Laws and Cuſtoms of thefe Realms obtain their
due courfe and vigour, being in many inftances rectified
or reinforc'd fince the Conftitution was refcu'd from the
invafions made upon it by the late K. James; and ftill
capable, by the frequency of Parliaments, to have the
remaining Defects occafionally amended or fupplied,
which is an advantage peculiar only to free Govern-
ments our Religion, as reform'd from the Priestly
Tyranny and Popular Superftitions of Rome (you'll
indulge me in the franknefs we have promis 'd each other
on this head) the Proteftant Religion, I fay, is amply
fecur'd under every circumftance; both as to the
Church eſtabliſh'd by Law, which is highly favour'd in
its Emoluments, and as to the tolerated Sects who are
tenderly indulg'd in their Diffent, they being no less
Proteftants, nor lefs good Subjects than any others: and
all this provided in the best manner to be tranfmitted to
Pofterity, by the Succeffion and Limitation of our Bri-
tifh Crown in the moft Serene Electoral House of Hano-
ver. For the preſervation of this Eſtabliſhment, as it
regards the welfare of Europe, we know you of Germany,
my Lord, are no lefs zealously concern'd than we our
felves, whatever is fuggefted to the contrary by our Fa-
natical Facobites; who prefer their own ridiculous, im-
ร
pra-
( 14 )
practicable Notions of Church and Government to the
Peace and Proſperity of Society, which are never to be
facrific'd to any fet of Notions, tho ever fo much bet-
ter grounded than theirs. Pope Odescalchi was infi-
nitely a better friend to mankind than thefe wild Enthu-
fiafts; fince he generoufly preferr'd the Liberty of Eu
rope to the Converfion of three Kingdoms, one of which
us'd to be ſtil'd of old the Pope's Exchequer.
But we ought never to be too fecure. The fame Ala-
gitious methods that have been practis'd for private ends
to change a bad Government into a good one, are more
likely to be practis'd for the fame felfish ends, to change
a good Government into a bad one. And it is notorious
to all the World, that, notwithstanding the regular and
happy ſtate I have been now deſcribing, there is not on-
ly a party in theſe kingdoms who openly refuſe to ſwear
Allegiance to the Queen, or to acknowledge the Hanover
Succeffion; but that likewife there are many others,
who, tho they have taken the ufual Oaths, are well
known to be difaffected to the faid Succeffion: info-
much that the Pretender, relying on their united force,
as well as on the affiftance of the French King and Don
Philip, has often contriv'd, and once attempted, to de-
throne her moft facred Majefty. For thefe Reaſons,
therefore, and for diverfe others relating to our religi-
ous and civil Liberty, I fhall fet this inftance of Monk
in a better and truer light than it has hitherto appear'd,
that it may ſerve as a Beacon to keep our felves and our
Allies from the like Shipwreck, by trusting too much to
the Declarations of thoſe whofe deeds run quite contra-
ry; who talk abundantly like Friends, but who treat
us all like Enemies.
I am not ignorant how many are of opinion, that
Monk, when he begun his march from Scotland, had
no deſign to reſtore the King, nor even a good while af-
ter, till he found at laft that he cou'd play no game that
was more beneficial for himfelf. My Lord Clarendon
(whofe fixteenth book I fhall often quote) does more
than once infinuate this, and that the difpofition which
grew afterwards in him, did arife from diverfe unfore-
feen
(+5)
feen accidents, which led and oblig'd him to bring in
the King. The old Lord Shaftsbury is ftill more pofi-
tive, and, in the Memoirs relating to his Life, publiſh'd'
among the pofthumous Works of his Friend Mr. Locke,
he affures us, that Monk had agreed with the French
Ambaffador to take the Government on himſelf, Maza-
rine liberally promifing to fupport him; as who knows
but Sir Roger has the fame promifes of afliftance, when-
ever he fets up by virtue of the title we mention'd be-
fare but that Monk's wife, who was devoted to the
Royal Caufe, and fufpecting fomething of this buſineſs,
had pofted her felf behind the hangings, where fhe over-
heard the overtures of the Ambaffador, which the
ftraight diſcover'd to Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper (after-
wards Lord Shaftsbury) to whom the had promis'd be-
fore to watch her Husband, and who prevented the In-
trigue in the manner he there relates, to the diſappoint-
ment and difgrace of the Ambaffador. But with all de-
ference to his Lordship's fame, and to the judgment of
fuch as may be ftill of the fame opinion, I fhall make
bold to differ from them in this particular. I fhall not
infift on the Eves-dropping of the Wife and the careleſs-
nefs of the Ambaffador, when Monk was to the full as
dark, as clofe, and as fufpicious a man as Sir Roger
himfelf: neither will I ask hard Queſtions about ma-
ny other improbable circumftances expreft or under-
ftood in this account, whereof the Lord Hollis fays not
a word in his Memoirs: no more will I admire at the
exquifite forefight of Sir Anthony Ashley, or fhew the
intereſt he had afterwards to have this Story believ'd. It
deferv'd a Title at leaſt. But I fhall give as clear a de-
duction as I can of this whole affair (as far as it con-
cerns my purpoſe, and without forgetting your friend
Sir Roger) from Monk's own letters, which you will
not deny to be the most authentick Vouchers, and which.
I have now before me on the table. Or, if after all it
fhou'd appear moſt probable, that Monk defign'd to fet
up himself; yet his Perfidy, Hypocrify, and Perjury,
will be ftill equally manifeft, and ferve to confirm us in
the old Obfervation, that the intentions of men are better
gueſt
{
( 16 )
guest by their actions than by their profeffions. This, my
Lord, is the Moral I wou'd have inferr'd from the fol-
lowing Story, as well by your felf as by all thofe to
whom you may think fit to fhew this Letter: nor will
it be counted too long, whether you confider your own
direction, or that this important fact was never yet fo
clearly explain'd.
Monk had, like Sir Roger, been of all parties, till at
laft he came to enjoy great Power and Authority in the
party oppofite to that wherein he was educated. He
was become Oliver's Confident, who left him General
of all the Forces in Scotland, and I may fay his Deputy
in that new Province, which for feveral years he go-
vern'd with a high hand, fhowing little favour to the
Royal party, till the Death of the ufurper, on the third
of Sept. 1658. You know, my Lord, how that indolent
pufillanimous creature, his Son Richard was proclaim'd
Protector, without any oppofition; how he impolitick-
ly call'd a Parliament, which he was more impolitickly
prevail'd upon foon after to diffolve, upon an Addrefs he
receiv'd by his Brother in law Fleetwood from the Army;
and how this Army, upon the Parliament's defigning to
meet, purſuant to their adjournment, without taking any
notice of Richard's Proclamation, kept the Members out
of the Houfe by Guards they had fet at the doors. You
know likewiſe that the Council of Officers of this Army
difmift Ingoldsby, Whalley, Goffe, and all other Com-
manders, who were diffwading Richard from fubmit-
ting to their Advice. The next ſtep they made was to
reftore the furviving Members of the long Parliament,
expell❜d by force in the year 1653, and directed this
Rump after what manner to govern the Republick,
which was indeed to govern it themſelves: but yet,
tho they iffued no writs to fupply vacancies, they
wou'd let none take place in the Houſe,except thoſe who
had fat between Jan. 1648 and April 1653, excluding the
reft after their wonted manner by Guards.
This Parliament depos'd the ſpiritlefs degenerate Rich-
ard. Monk from Scotland, and the Navy on the Coaft,
own'd their Power; but the Army under Lambert ſends
'em
( 17 )
(17
'em a certain Petition and Proposals, upon diſcounte-
nancing of which, together with the Reprefentation that
follow'd it, they did, on the 12th of October, keep the
Parliament from Meeting, feizing upon the Speaker in
his way to the Houfe, and fending him back to his own.
Then they choſe a number of Perfons, who, under the
Title of the Committee of Safety, took upon them the
Government at prefent, and were to determine to what
Form of Government it was convenient the Nation
fhou'd fubmit for the future. This Committee did
forthwith diſpatch Colonel Cobbet into Scotland, to per-
fwade Monk to concur with them; tho they had little
Confidence of Succefs, by reafon of the Emulation be-
tween Lambert and him; and therefore Cobbet had it in
his Inftructions to work as dextrously as might be upon
the Officers of his Army, to whom a plaufible Letter
was fent by ſome Officers at Whitehall, who quickly re-
ceiv'd a ſubſtantial Anſwer to their fophiftical Pretences.
But the Parliament, before they were put under the
Force now mention'd, had already written to Monk to
take Care his Army fhou'd not be corrupted; and he re-
ceiving the News of that Violence, writes à Letter to the
Speaker Lenthall, on the twentieth of October, wherein -
he defires to know whether this Force did ftill continue;
for I am refolv'd (fays he) by the Grace and Affiftance
of God, as a true Englishman, to ftand to and affert the Li-
berty and Authority of PARLIAMENT. Then, after
giving them Affurances of his Army, and that he had
purg'd it of fuch Officers as he fufpected, I call God to
witness, continues he, that the aſſerting of a COMMON-
WEALTH is the only Intent of my Heart.
He wrote a Letter of the fame Date to Fleetwood,
boldly complaining of the Force put upon the Parlia-
ment, and defiring they might be ſpeedily reſtor'd to
their former Freedom; otherwife, fays he, I am refolv'd
by the Affiftance of God, with the Army under my Com-
mand, to declare for them, and to profecute this just Caufe
to the last Drop of my Blood. He tells him how in the
room of ſuch Officers whofe Hearts fail'd them, or who
upon any other Motive were not willing to act (here
D
we
(18)
we have Sir Roger to a Hair). he had, by virtue of his
Commiflion from the Parliament, conftituted fuch as
were cheerful for this GOOD OLD CAUSE: and I do
plainly affure your Lordship (fays he) that I was never
better fatisfied in the Justice of any Engagement than in this.
You cannot but remember that God hath already fhew'd
himſelf Glorious in it, and determin'd the Quarrel on this
fide (that is, by vanquishing the late King) againſt the
arbitrary Power of raifing Mony without the Peoples Con-
fent first had, and the Management of the Militia by any
other than the Parliament. I defire your Lordship not to
be deluded by the Specious Pretences of any ambitious Per-
fon mhatfoever, and do not bring all the Blood that will be
Shed upon your own Head. My Lord, confider how you will
answer to the dreadful God for the Ruin of three Nations to
ferve a Luft, or to gratify a Paflion. For my particular,
I am asham'd of thefe Confufions and Changes we have made,
that we are now become a Scorn and Reproach to our very
Friends, and defign'd to Ruin by all our Neighbours. I
take God to witnefs, that I have no further Ends than the
establishing of Parliamentary Authority, and thofe good
Laws that our Ancestors have purchas'd with so much
Blood; the fettling the Nations in a free Common-wealth;
and the Defence of Godliness and godly Men, though of dif-
ferent Fudgment;, and I take my ſelf ſo far oblig'd, being
in the Parliament's Service, to ftand, though alone, in this
Quarrel. Very well: this is a moft clear and peremp-
tory Refolution in favour of a Republick and Liberty of
Confcience, a Juftification of the War againft the late
King, a Reflexion upon the Juftice of his Caufe as de-
ferted by God, and not a Word in behalf of his exil'd
Son, nor any Hint as to any Deſign for himſelf, but ex-
prefly the contrary.
He did likewife, the fame Day, fend a fhort Letter to
his Rival Lambert, entreating him to be an Inftrument of
Peace and good Understanding between the Parliament and
Army declaring his Refolution, with the Ailiftance of
God, to ftand by the Parliament, and to affert their law-
ful Authority; for, Sir, fays he, the Nation of England
will not endure any Arbitrary Pomer, neither will any true
English-
(19)
Englishman in the Army. Two Days after this, viz. the
22d of October, he got the Officers of his Army to write a
long Letter to the other Officers at London, complaining
of the Violence they had offer'd the Parliament, beg-
ging them to reconcile all Differences, expoftulating
with them about many Particulars, and among others
appealing to their Confciences; whether the Alerting of
a FREE PARLIAMENT duly qualified, to be the fu-
preme Legislative Authority of theje Nations, was not the
GOOD OLD CAUSE for which they fought, as that only
which in Spirituals vindicated their Confciences from Impo-
fitions, and in Civils vindicated their Perfons, Eftates, and
Pofterity, from the Ufurpations of the late King. After
much more to this purpofe, they ask their Brethren,
whether if, upon this occafion of their Diffentings, the
COMMON ENEMY fhou'd arife with a stronger Party,
and make use of their Divifions to yoak them in Bondage
worse than ever (that their little Finger fhou'd be heavier
than the Loins of thofe that preceded them) the People of
thefe Nations wou'd not have fad Caufe to leave at their
Doors the Blood of those Innocents they must facrifice to their
Cruelty? To this Letter the Officers at Whitehall fent
an Anſwer to justify their own Proceedings, and to per-
fwade their Brethren in Scotland, if poffible, to a Coali-
tion with them but theſe made a Reply that gave 'em
little Hope or Satisfaction, reproaching them, that for
the apparent Intereft of nine or ten Perfons (who, how
confiderable foever, cou'd not be worth the Blood that
might be ſhed in this Quarrel) they had put a new Force
upon the Parliament, and deſtroy'd all lawful Authori-
ty in the three Nations.
:
Monk, in the mean time, was fo far from agreeing
with the Army in England, that he committed their
Agent Cobbet cloſe Prifoner to the Catle of Edenborough
and was from that Moment getting all things in readi-
neſs to march for London; where the general Opinion
was, that his Obligations to Cromwell ceafing with his
Death, it was more likely he might be feduc d by the
exil'd King, than that he wou'd fubmit to any Man.
then in Authority. However, the Committee of Safety
D 2
RO
'
( 20 )
not quite deſpairing of him (juſt like the Game between
Sir Roger and his old Friends) thought fit to apply to
him once more, and ſo diſpatch'd his Wive's Brother
Clarges, and alfo Colonel Talbot, as Perfons they thought
might be grateful to him; and theſe wrote back on the
fourth of November, that General Monk had accepted
their Overtures of Mediation, and had appointed
Wilks, Clobery, and Knight, to repair to London, as his
Commiffioners to treat with a like Number of Officers
there, for a firm Peace and Unity amongst the Forces of
both Nations. Monk wrote a Letter with theſe, in the
Nature of Credentials, to Fleetwood, tho his Deſign was
only to amuſe him. When the Committee of Safety had
order'd Clarges and Talbot for Scotland, they fent after
them on the fame Errand two Independent Miniſters in
the Name of all the reft; and Monk, in the moſt obli-
ging Terms acknowledg'd the Favour, in a Letter´ he
wrote back to the Body of the Independent Miniſters,
whom he ſtiles his Honoured and Dear Friends; Ex-
preffions us'd not very long fince by Sir Roger, to
fome Diffenting Minifters, who made Application to
him for what was promis'd but never perform'd. I
doubt not, fays Monk in his Letter, but you have receiv'd
Satisfaction of our Inclination to a peaceable Accommodation,
and do hope, that, fome Difficulties being united, we ſhall
obtain a fair Compofure. I do affure you, that the great
things which have been upon my Heart to provide for, are
our Liberties and Freedoms, as we are the Subjects and Ser-
vants of Jefus Chrift, which are convey'd to us in the Cove-
nant of Grace, affur'd in the Promifes, purchaſed for us by
the Blood of our Saviour, and given as his great Legacy to
his Churches and People, in compariſon of what we efteem
all other Things as Dung and Drofs, but as they have rela-
tion to, and Dependance upon this most noble End. What
think you, my Lord? cou'd Sir Roger himſelf act his
Part better? Such canting he eſteems cunning, but we
know it to be a horrid Profanation of the facred Name
of God. To go on with Monk, The other part, purfues
he, are our Laws and Rights, as Men, which must have
their Efteem in the fecond place, and for which many Mem-
bers
(21)
be
bers of the Churches have been eminent Inftruments to labour
in Sweat and Blood for thefe eighteen Years laft paft, and our
Ancestors many hundred Years before; the Subſtance of
which may be reduc'd to Parliamentary Government,
and the People confenting to the Laws by which they are
to be govern'd. That this Privilege of our Nations may
fo bounded, that the Churches may have both Security and
Encouragement, is my great Defire, and of those with me.
After more of this Strain, I conclude, fays he, with the
Words of David, 1 Sam. 25. 32. Bleſſed be the Lord God
of Ifrael, and bleſſed be your Advice, and bleſſed be
all. Now the Lord be a Wall of Fire round about you, and let
his Prefence be in his Churches, and they fill'd with his Glory.
you
At this very time the Royal Party in Scotland per-
ceiv'd themſelves to be favour'd by him, tho not truſted;
nor ought it to be any wonder he did not confide in
them, who were the moft fanguin Blabs in the World,
when he wou'd not truft his own younger Brother, a
Divine in Devonshire, that at the Defire of Sir Hugh Pol-
lard, Sir John Greenvill, and fome other Cavaliers, and
having Inftructions from the exil'd King himſelf (as
you find it in Clarendon's forefaid fixteenth Book) had
waited upon the General in Scotland, under the pretence
of a Vifit: but he foon difmift him, to ufe the Words of
my Author, without discovering to him any Inclination to
the Bufinefs he came about, advising him to return no more
to him with fuch Propofitions. The exact Carriage of Sir
Roger towards fome of his neareſt Relations, as one had it
from their own Mouths. It appears however very plain-
ly from hence, that Application was made from the King
to Monk before ever he left Scotland; nor does my Lord
Clarendon conceal, that the King held fuch a fecret Cor-
reſpondence with fome principal Officers in his Army,
that it is prefum'd, fays he, they wou'd undertake no fuch
perillous Engagement without his Privity and Connivance :
and I have,belides this, a Letter to produce under Monk's
own Hand to the King, dated from Edenborough, where-
in he makes him an Offer of his Service, and lays down
the Plan of his intended Proceeding; but I fhall alledge)
it more to the purpofe fomewhat lower, after I have gi
ven
(22)
ven a full Account of his yet unparallel'd Diflimulation
and Treachery. The Iffue, I hope, will be very diffe-
rent, my Lord: and 'tis in order to render it fo, ac-
cording to my bounden Duty, that I comply with your
Lordship's Defire in giving a Relation fo particularly cir-
cumftantiated; knowing the folid Intereft you deſer-
vedly poffefs in your Auguft Maſter's Breaft, and the
great Influence you have of courſe in his Miniſtry and
Councils, which at a proper Juncture may be of the laſt
Importance to the House of Hanover, that is, to England,
to Europe, to the whole World.
1
I told your Lordship before, that the Fleet had de-
clar'd for the Rump Parliament; and no fooner had they
done fo, but they fent Advice of the fame to Monk, whofe
Conduct did not feem very clear to them, as they honeft-
ly particularize in their Letter to him. He fent an An-
fwer to this Letter from Edenborough, on the 29th of
November, directed to Vice-Admiral Goodfon, to be
communicated to the reft of the Officers of the Fleet. He
endeavours to clear himſelf from what he calls their Mif-
apprehenfions, referring them to certain Papers enclos'd,
which will fully fatisfy you (fays he) that we cannot comply
with fuch violent and unwarrantable Undertakings, both
against our Reason as Men, and against our Confciences as
Chriftians; that you and we shou'd take our Commiffions and
Pay from the Parliament, and yet to violate their Autho-
rity after fuch folemn Aljurances of Obedience and Faithful-
nefs, contrary to the exprefs Word of God, and our own late
Addreffes. I hope (continues he) I am fo well known to
fome of you, that I am none of thoſe that feek for great
Things for my felf. And as to your Proposals (fays he
fomewhat lower) you are pleas'd to intimate the Joy of the
Cavaliers, that they fee us ftand to our Declaration: but I
believe that this violent Interruption of the Parliament was
the greatest Courtesy to gratify that Family and Intereſt,
that cou'd be imagin'd in the World, and I cou'd wish it
were not defign'd. I fhou'd be very fad to strengthen the
Hands of the Wicked: but let me affure you this arifeth
from the Slanders and Calumnies which Men caft upon us
(right Roger again) as if we that affert the Authority of
thoſe
(23)
thoſe that brought the late King to the Block, are for intro-
ducing that Family, which, I take God to witness, we in our
very Thoughts abhor, and shall spend our Blood in oppofition
to any fingle Perſon whatsoever. I have taken care (fays
he a great deal lower) by Garrifons in this Country, and
Affurance from the whole Body of the Nation, that they will
not own the Intereft of Charles Stuart, and that they will
preferve the Peace of the Commonwealth in obedience to
the Parliament. So that if that part of the Army in Eng-
land will fet up a diftinct Interest in the Nation, in defert-
ing that CAUSE that hath been fo precious to us, and coft fo
much Blood and Treafure, for to establish their own Intereft
and Greatneſs: I do declare in the Prefence of the Great
God, I cannot own you, nor join with them. Now having
open'd my Heart to you, and as you know my Plainneſs and
Sincerity, that I am none of thofe that dare affert any
thing against my Confcience; from what Experience ye
have had of me I heartily beg your Belief and Credit, that
I shall keep in the way of Duty, and endeavour to do the
Lord's Work in my Generation, and shall not own any cor-
rupt Intereſt whatsoever: and do defire of God his Blef
fing according to my Integrity in this Undertaking, having
this good Testimony in my own Spirit, that I have nothing
but publick and righteous Ends upon my Heart. None of
of Sir Roger's Letters to your felf, my Lord, none of his
Affurances to the Houle of Hanover, none of his Prote-
ſtations to their Friends in England, are, were, or ever
can be, more clearly, ftrongly, or pathetically exprefs'd:
and yet his Actions (of which hereafter) do very evi-
dently fhew, that he deſigns as little to perform as ever
Monk did, who all this time was only contriving the best
Expedients to amuſe the World, in order to bring about
his intended Reftoration.
This Letter to the Fleet was dated, as I faid, on the
29th of November; and on the fame Day of the following
Month the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of
Londen diſpatch'd a Letter to him by their Sword bearer
as far as Morpeth, he being then on his March, in an-
ſwer to another from him of the 12th of the preceding
November, applauding his pious and noble Refolutions to
appear
(24)
appear at fuch an Exigent, to be the glorious Inftrument in
God's Hand, both to affert and vindicate the greatest Inte-
reft, both Civil and Religious, of thefe Nations. They
declare, in a word, for the Parliament, which came to-
gether again on the 26th of this fame December, three
Days before the writing of this Letter; proteſting,
they fhou'd perfift faithfully and vigorously in the GOOD
OLD CAUSE. Nor does there appear from the Mo-
numents of thofe Times the leaft Reafon to doubt, but
that they were as hearty as he was unfincere: fo poffible
a thing it is for one Man, having the Army, or the Trea-
fure, or the Prerogative of a Nation at his Difpofal, in-
fenfibly to lead on that fame Nation from one Step to a-
nother, till he brings them at laft, beyond all Power of
a Retreat, tamely to fuffer (and, it may be, to refolve)
what at the first fetting out they wou'd be apt to look
upon with Contempt or Deteftation. Of this we are
furnish'd from Hiftory with numberless Examples,
whereof no one affords us more proper Inftruction (the
principal End of reading Hiſtory) than this now before
us, that happen'd in our own Nation not three ſcore
Years ago. This is likewife one of the dire Effects,
moſt frequently caus'd by a fingle Ministry, which,
if not worse than the Tyranny exercis'd by an abfolute
Prince, yet is far lefs to be born, as proceeding from a
Servant and Fellow-Subject.
But fomething of a ſingle Ministry before I have done.
In the mean time, be pleas'd to know that Monk did not
fail to fend from New-castle, which he had now reach'd,
an Anſwer, dated the 6th of January, 165, to the
foregoing Letter, where for the Citizens Compliments
to him of his pious and noble Refolutions, he returns them
their righteous and honourable Refolutions in appearing for
the Parliament. Indeed it was much in our Hopes (fays
he) that fuch a glorious City, that had redeem'd themselves
from Slavery, at the Price of fo much Blood and Treasure,
and had been the great Inftruments in the Hand of God for
the carrying on the Work of Reformation, and bringing
Three Nations out of the Captivity of Tyranny and Arbi-
trary Government, cou'd never confent to fuch illegal and
unjuſt
( 25 )
(25
unjuft Proceedings; meaning the Force put upon the
Parliament by the Army. Then he tells them that he
chearfully joins with the Declaration they had fent en-
clos'd, and promiſes for the Army under his Command,
that they fhall with him, to the utmost of their Power de-
fend the Freedom of fucceffive Parliaments, the Liberties
Spiritual and Civil of the People in thefe Nations,
encourage in their Stations the Godly and Learned
Minifters, and that they shall continue faithful in this GOOD
CAUSE, that the Nations may be stablish'd in a FREE
COMMON WEALTH, and the Army kept in due Obe-
dience to the Civil Authority. Some Days before this,
viz. on the 29th of December, he wrote a Letter to
Lenthall the Speaker, to be communicated to the reft of
the Members, wherein he defires to return hearty Thanks
to God, that he hath been pleas'd to own and appear for his
People in fuch glorious Inftances of Mercy and Deliverance.
I blefs the Lord, adds he, I never doubted of his Prefence
and Succefs in this Undertaking, being ſo RIGHTEOUS
A CAUSE. Then he excufes himself for entring upon
a Second Treaty with Lambert, after having refus'd to
ratify the firſt Treaty which we mention'd before, and
never indeed defigning to conclude this laft, as he
roundly tells the Speaker; but only thereby to gain
time for his other Purpoſes, and particularly to remove
his own Commiffioners from London. After other Expla-
nations of things, from their Appearances, liable to be
miſunderſtood; I believe, fays he, that you never doubted
of my prefevering in thofe GOOD PRÍNCIPLES I de-
clar'd for (much the fame Expreffions of Sir Roger up-
on a late Occafion) and that I shou'd comfortably, if the
Lord had pleas'd to frown upon us, have fuffer'd in this
MOST RIGHTEOUS UNDERTAKING.
Having now come as far as Leicester, he met there
with the printed Copy of a Letter directed to Lenthall
the Speaker from the Gentlemen of Devonshire, de-
manding the Admiffion of the Members fecluded in 48,
as the beſt Expedient for laying the Foundation of a lait-
ing Peace. Upon this he writes an Answer to Mr. Rolles,
and to the reft of thefe his Country-men, dated the 23d
E
of
( 26 )
of January, wherein he excepts against this Expedient
of recalling the fecluded Members, for this Reafon
chiefly, becauſe very many, fays he, of thofe Members
affert the Monarchical Intereft, together with the Abolition
of all Laws made fince their Seclufion, which, I fear, upon
account of Self-preservation (both of Life and Eftate, as
well as fpiritual Liberty) will immediately involve all theſe
Nations in moft horrid and bloody War afresh, the very Ap-
prehenfions whereof, I confess, I do infinitely dread. 'Twas
certainly true in Fact, that most of the fecluded Mem-
bers were for a Reftoration, as 'tis no lefs certain that
thoſe who were for a Reftoration, were likewife for nul-
lifying all the Laws paft in the Interregnum, unleſs ſo far
as they fhou'd be confirm'd in a future Parliament. This
is juft the Principle, 'tis the Intention, nay 'tis already
come to be the Language of the Pretender's Friends;
tho' the Cafes be as different, as is his Title from that
of Her prefent Majefty, whom they look upon to be no
better than a Ufurper, an unjuft Detainer of his Right.
Monk therefore did in this hypocritical Letter reafon
perfectly well, according to his open Profeffions, for
the Truth of which, he had fo often appeal'd to the
dreadful Tribunal of the Searcher of Hearts: but yet
agreeably to his fecret Deſigns we fhall fee he confented,
as foon as he found it practicable, to the Admiffion of
theſe very Members, who either weaken'd or deſtroy'd
all thoſe Interefts Ecclefiaftical and Civil, which he fore-
tels they wou'd'in this fame Letter. Never fure was
Diffimulation carry'd further in this World, nor do I
any longer admire that fo many are of Opinion with
Lord Clarendon, that he never defign'd a Reftoration
till he found that nothing elfe wou'd do: and cou'd I
believe (as in Reality I do not) that Sir Roger was fin-
cere in any one of his Proteftations to the Houfe of Ha-
nover, I wou'd however hint a moſt important Leſſon to
him from theſe Proceedings; that Men by refining too
much in their Expedients, or by carrying their Party-piques
too far, by trusting too few, or diſobliging too many, may go
beyond their Depth before they are aware, and, being hur-
ry'd at last away with the Torrent, become as infamous to
Pofterity as if they were actual Traytors.
my
}
( 27 )
I am pretty ſure, my Lord, that from your admira-
ble Skill in the Caufes of National Credit, and from the
particular Intereft you have, together with other Fo-
reigners in our publick Funds, you cannot but upon fuch
an Occafion think our Condition with relation to thefe
Funds to be very precarious and dangerous: neither do
I queſtion, but your Friend Sir Roger, makes uſe of this
very individual Argument to quiet your Apprehenfions,
as if all Interefts wou'd unite of Courſe for the Prefer-
vation of the Funds, againſt that fingle Intereſt that muſt
neceffarily deſtroy them, if it prevails. Monk cou'd ſay
as much in the Letter I am now quoting, about the Pur-
chafers of the King's, Queen's, Prince's, Bishops, Deans and
Chapters Lands, and all other forfeited Eftates, nay, by
joining to thefe Money and Land Confiderations, the Re-
ligious Interefts of the Presbyterians, Independents, A-
nabaptifts, and all other Sects concern'd for Liberty of
Confcience,he takes upon him no less than to demonftrate
the utter Impoflibility of ever reſtoring Monarchy. You'll
fee he cou'd chop Logick as cleverly as Sir Roger is known
to run Diviſions in the Metaphyficks. Behold his Syl-
logiſm in terminis. I THINK upon rational Grounds it
may be taken for granted (fays he in this Letter from Lei-
cefter) that no Government can be either good, peaceful,
or lafting to theſe Nations, that doth not rationally include
and comprehend the Security and Prefervation of all the
aforefaid Interefts, both Civil and Spiritual: I mean, fo far
as by the Word of God they are warranted to be pro-
tected and preferved. IF THIS be fo, then that Govern
ment, under which we formerly were both in State and
Church, viz. Monarchy, cannot poffibly be admitted for
the future in thefe Nations, because its Support is
taken away, and becauſe its exclufive of all the former In-
terefts both Civil and Spiritual; all of them being incompa-
tible with Monarchical Uniformity in Courch and State
thus expir'd. THAT Government then, that is most able
to comprehend and protect all Interests as aforesaid, mujt
needs be Republick. How well this is concluded, is none
of my prefent Bufinefs to determine: but the Event did
quickly fhow, that the Argument was coin'd on purpoſe
E 2
to
( 28 )
to deceive, and is therefore a Fallacy.
I have nothing to do with the Order of his March, it
not being my Buſineſs to give a Hiftory of the Reftora-
tion, but only to fhow how little Regard he had to his
Honour as a Gentleman, or his Salvation as a Chriftian
(how much foever he had an eye to the Intereft of his
Family) in bringing about this furpriſing Cataſtrophe.
All the Counties addreft him for a Free Parliament as
he drew nearer to London, he ftill publickly declaring,
fays Clarendon, That nothing fhou'd fake his Fidelity to the
prefent Parliament; yet he privately affur'd thofe, who be
thought it neceſſary fhou'd hope well, that he wou'd procure
a Free Parliament: fo that every body promis'd himſelf that
which he most wish'd, and never was there greater Reafon
to wiſh for fome Settlement. But the Parliament, not-
withſtanding his Profeffions of Fidelity to them, did not
think him above Temptations, and principally fufpected
him, as this noble Author tells us, by reafon of his Civi-
lity to Malignants. Certainly a more cogent Reafon
cou'd not be alledg'd in fuch a Cafe; as in Truth, my
Lord, this is one of the ſtrongeſt Preſumptions we have
of Sir Roger's Defigns, that he not only chufes to drink
and divert himſelf, to cabal and intriegue with profeft
Jacobites, and others who are notoriously difaffected to
the Succeffion: but that fuch are the only Men he loves,
or courts, or countenances, the only Men he preferrs
where he has the Power of doing it, and the only Men
he recommends to others,as deferving any Favour.Thole
who are for the Succeffion by Principle or Intereft, he
treats as his mortal Enemies, he excludes 'em from all
Truft and Preferment to the utmost of his Power, he
refuſes any Coalition or Affociaion with them againſt
the common Enemy, and loads 'em with the vileft A-
fperfions he or his Tools can devife. So far then, you'll
fay, he feems to be plain and above-board yet Sir Roger,
who dares do any thing, wou'd have all this to paſs for
a Myſtery like the reft, nay and wou'd make a Merit of
it with the Houfe of Hanover, as I fhall remember to ex-
plain to you before I have done. Clarendon further Re-
marks, that thofe of the King's Party, who had shelter'd
them-
(29)
themſelves in Obfcurity, appear'd now abroad. This ought
to have been a fufficient Indication, as it was to all dif
cerning Men, of Monk's Deſigns in the King's Behalf;
tho' his Tools gave out, as we learn from other Hiftori-
ans, that this proceeded only from his natural Lenity, or
cou'd have no other politick View, but to ftrengthen his
Intereſt againſt the Rump, by the Acceflion of the Ca-
valiers to the Republicans: trufty Roger ſtill.
The General enter'd the City in the Beginning of
February, and on the Sixth of the fame, a Chair being
fet for him in the Parliament-houfe, the Speaker gave
him their Thanks; in anſwer to which he made an in-
different long Speech, which has been often printed, and
is judiciouſly abitracted in Clarendon. But all this while
I have forgot a thing extremely material, namely, the
Declaration and Engagement, which Monk and all his
Officers had fubfcrib'd at their coming out of Scotland.
Here it follows verbatim. IA. B. do hereby declare,
that I do renounce the pretended Title of Charles Stuart,
and the whole Line of the late King James, and of every
other Perfon (as a fingle Perfon) pretending to the Govern-
ment of theſe Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging: and
that I will by the Grace and Affiftance of Almighty God, be
true,faithful, and conftant to this Common-wealth, against
any King, fingle Perfon, and Houfe of Peers, and every of
them; and hereunto I fubfcribe my Name. Will you
offer, after this, my Lord, to tell me, that the Oath of
Abjuration is like to be any Tye upon your good Friend
Sir Roger? efpecially when we have no reafon to be-
lieve, that he's a Man more fcrupulous or confcientious
than General Monk. No, no; we must have a more
real and folid Security from others as well as from him,
or good-night for ay to the Succeffion. The Mutabili
ty of fome who fhall be nameless, the Treachery of o-
thers who ought to be headless, the Superftition of certain
filly Lay-men, and the Diftinctions of feveral afpiring
Clergy-men are too well known, to rely upon the Words
or Oaths of any of 'em. The now recited Engagement
was not thought by the Parliament it felf, to be a fuf-
ficient
I
(30)
ficient Tye upon Monk; but as a further Experiment of
his Fidelity, they gave thoſe celebrated Orders, which
he punctually executed on the 9th of February, to re-
move the Poſts and Chains of the City, and to take
down the Gates and Portcullifes. After this they rafhly
conſider'd him as one loft for ever in the Opinion of the
feditious Citizens, and that they themselves cou'd never
be too confident of his Obedience. Yet but two Days
after, this very Man became the Darling of the City,
where he was entertain'd with ringing of Bells, with
Bonfires, and all other Demonftrations of Joy, nay, and
the Parliament was burnt in Effigie (as I may fay) by
what they call'd the roafting of the Rump.
Before he left White-Hall that Morning, which was
the 11th of February, he and his Officers fent a long Let-
ter to the Parliament, wherein they enumerate their
Fears and their Hopes. Among other things they re-
new their former Declarations for the Vindication of
the Liberties of the People, the Prefervation of the
Rights of their Country, the Encouragement and Pro-
tection of godly Men, as the only Eſtabliſhment of the
Peace of thefe Nations; which Declarations (fay they)
made before the Lord, Angels, and Men, in the Day of our
Extremity, we, as we expect the Bleffing of the Lord upon
our future Undertakings, cannot but still own and stand by.
They were very peremptory in requiring a new Electi-
on, propofing it as a Qualification, that not only thoſe,
who had been actually in Arms against the Parliament may
be excluded; but alſo fuch, who, in the late Wars between
the King and Parliament, had declar'd their Difaffection to
the Parliament. Now, who wou'd have thought that
this Man was projecting a Reftoration? To moft of his
Officers it was ftill a Secret. The Bulk of the Nation
was perfectly averfe to it; for even thoſe few, who
joyn'd Counfels with the Royalifts, did it becauſe they
wou'd rather have any Settlement than none. Yet by
properly working upon the different Affections of every
Party, he brought 'em all to center at laft in the very
thing, from which they imagin'd they were recedeing
by his Means to the greateſt Diſtance. Shou'd my Judg-
ment
( 31 )
(31
1
ment of this part of the Tranfaction be ſuſpected to your
Lordship (for I grant the Point is extraordinary nice)
yet I hope you'll pay a greater Deference to the great
Clarendon. Lend Attention therefore to his Words,
which very well deferve your Patience. It may be juftly
faid, and tranfmitted as a Truth to Pofterity (fays he) that
there were very few Men, who bore a part in thefe Changes
and giddy Revolutions, who had the leaft Purpoſe or Thought
to contribute towards the King's Reſtoration, or who wish'd
well to his Intereft. Now to what Purpoſe fhou'd this Truth
be tranfmited to Pofterity, but that we may profit by it?
and that knowing any other fuch Engineer by his proper
Marks, we may timely countermine his Deeds of Dark-
nefs, and defeat his moft pernicious Stratagems. For
my part I very readily own it, that were Sir Roger as
powerful in the State, as he is popular with the Faco-
bites, I ſhou'd not look upon the Succeffion to be ſafe
one Moment, till he was remov'd from all Truft and
Authority.
But to return to the General, notwithſtanding_the
unanswerable Reaſons he had given above, in his Let-
ter from Leiceſter, against admitting the fecluded Mem-
bers, he did in the Month of February call together a
Committee of thefe fame fecluded Members, to confer
with another Committee, that the Parliament had ſent
to treat with him; and, on the 21ft, having fent for all
the Members of the Parliament, together with thoſe
that were before excluded, he deliver'd to them a long
Declaration in writing, containing his earneſt Defire of
a happy Settlement, with his Plan for ſpeedily procuring
it. And that fuch an Opportunity (fays he) may clearly
appear to be in your Hands, I thought good to affure you, and
that in the Prefence of God, that I have nothing before my
Eyes but God's Glory, and the Settlement of thefe INations
upon COMMON-WEALTH FOUNDATIONS, in Pur-
fuit whereof I shall think nothing too dear: and for any own
particular (Nota bene) I shall throw my felf down at your
Feet, to be any thing or nothing in order to thefe great Ends.
Now, I warrant you think he leaves them, to chuſe
what Settlement they fhall think moſt con venierat; and
fo
(32)
fo gives a Chance for reftoring Monarchy, as the Point
he drove at, and was now come to a Crifis. Nothing
of all this. On the contrary he craves Permiffion to
mind them, that the old Foundations are by God's Provi-
dence fo broken, that in the Eye of Reason they cannot be
reftor'd but upon the Ruins of the People of thefe Nations,
that have engag'd for their Rights in Defence of the Par-
liament, and the great and main Ends of the Covenant for
uniting and making the Lord's Name One in the Three
Nations. And also the Liberty of the People's Repreſentatives
in Parliament will be certainly loft, continues he: for if the
People find, that, after fo long and bloody a War againſt the
King for breaking in upon their Liberties, yet at last he muſt
be taken in again, it will be out of question, and is moft ma-
nifeft, he may for the future govern by his Will, difpofe of
Parliaments and Parliament-Men as he pleases, and yet
the People will never more rife for their Affiftance. Not
content to give theſe Reaſons and Directions excluſive of
Monarchy, he further, as I faid, deliver'd his own Plan
for a prefent Settlement, in order to procure one that
ſhou'd be laſting; that is, in his own Words, A Com-
mon-wealth without a King, fingle Perfon, or Houſe of
Lords.
Having thus reftor'd the fecluded Members that they
might reſtore the King, he ftill carries on his Perjury
and Diffimulation: for having nothing now to fear but
the Army, and foreſeeing they wou'd be cruelly alarm'd
at the Admiffion of the fecluded Members, he diſpatches
forthwith a circular Letter, in his own and his Officers
Name, to the ſeveral and reſpective Regiments, and other
Forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Now becauſe
this is the laſt Letter I fhall quote of his to any, except
one more to the King; as well as becauſe it contains in the
moſt emphatick Terms, the Sum of what he had been
hitherto promiling and profeffing, together with the
ſtrongeſt Affurances, that he wou'd interpofe with the
enfuing Parliament to confirm all Sales, Purchaſes, and
other publick Diftributions or Difpofitions of Lands in
England, Ireland and Scotland: for thefe Reaſons, I
fay, and for the way wherein he chufes to mention the
Kings
t
A
:
(33)
King, I fhall infert this Letter at large, as the dernier
Effort of all Diffimulation. Dear Brethren and Fellow-
Soldiers, you cannot be ignorant of the many Endeavours and
earnest Defires of many good Men in thefe Nations, to bring
us to a Settlement,which it hath pleaſed God to diſappoint unto
this Day, and leave us as a broken and divided People, rea-
dy to run into Blood and Confufion. Which that we might
prevent fo great Calamities impending, after our earnest feek-
ing God for his Direction and Affiftance, we find no Expedi-
ent fo likely for the Satisfaction of the good People, and the
quiet and Welfare of this Common-weath, as the Re-admif
fion of the fecluded Members, in order to a legal Diffelution
of this Parliament by their own free Confents; and to iſſue
Writs for a future full Repreſentative of the whole Common-
wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, under Such
Qualifications as may fecure our Caufe, to convene on the
Twentieth of April next at Weſtminſter, for the establiſh-
ing this Common-wealth upon the Foundation of Fuftice
and true Freedom. And to take away all Fealoufies from you,
we do affure you, that we ſhall join with you in the Maint
nance of those Ends exprefs'd'in the enclos'd (meaning his
Declaration just now cited) and do expect your chearful
Concurrence with us. And we deſire to take God to Witnes
that we have no Intentions or Purpoſes to return to our old
Bondage: but fince the Providence of God hath made us
free at the Coft of ſo much Blood, we hope we shall never be
found fo unfaithful to God and his People, as to lofe jo glori-
ous a Caufe; but we do reſolve, with the Affiftance of God,
to adhere to you in the continuing of our dear purchas'd_Li-
berties, both Spiritual and Civil. The Reason of our Pro-
ceedings in this manner may seem frange; but if you duly
confider the Neceffities of our Affairs, and the prefent State
of things, you will certainly conclude nothing ſo ſafe to Secure
publick Interest, and to engage the Nations peaceably to Sub-
mit to a Free State: most of thefe Members having given
us full Affurance, that their Seffion in Parliament hall not
be longer than abfolute Neceffuy will require, to the putting
the Government into fucceffive Parliaments, they not being
free fo to act by the old Writs, as when they ſhall be call'd up-
on a Common-wealth Account. And it's the Opinion of
the trueft Friends to a Free State, that is cannot be confiſtene
F
with
( 34 )
{
with the perpetual Sitting of thefe Members, this being con-
trary to the Nature of fuch a Government: And as we are
confident the prefent Parliament, now futing, will not repeal
any of the Acts, Ordinances, or Orders of this Parliament,
for Sales or publick Difpofitions of Lands: fo we ſhall in our
Station obferve, and canfe to be obferv'd, all other A&ts and
Ordinances of this Parliament whatsoever; and humbly
interpofe with the next fucceeding Parliament, not only to
pass a further Act of Confirmation of all fuch Sales and
Difpofitions of Lands here and in Scotland, but alſo of all
the Distributions and Diſpoſitions of Lands and Houſes in Ire-
land, to the Soldiery, Adventurers, or any other Perfons,
made by or in purfuance of any of the Acts, Ordinances, or
Orders of this prefent Parliament, or any pretended Par-
liamentary Authority. And we intreat you to fend up
an Officer, to give to the Lord General Monk an Ac-
count of your Acquiefcence with us herein. And if any
difaffected Perfons fhall hereby take Occafion to make Diftur-
bance of the Peace of the Common-wealth, either in Fa-
vour of Charles Stuart or any other pretended Authority, we
defire you to fecure them till the Pleafure of the Parliament,
or Council of State, be known in that Behalf. You shall
Speedily receive Encouragement, and Supplies of Monies:
and indeed it was not the leaft Motive, to induce us to this
way of Compoſure of Affairs, that we might facilitate the
raifing of Monies for the Subfiftance of the Army and Navy;
which would not otherwife have been done, if at all, but with
Effufion of Blood. We have nothing more at this time, but
to affure you that we shall ever remain, dear Brethren and
Fellow-Soldiers, your very affectionate Friends. This was
fign'd the 21st of February by himſelf, and by 27 other
Officers. Nor, one wou'd think, cou'd a ftronger Confir-
mation be exprefs'd in Words, for the continuing of all
Forfeitures, Grants, and Purchaſes whatſoever; which yet,
at the Reftoration, came all of 'em to nothing: a very ne-
ceffary Memorandum to every one directly or indirectly
concern'd in the prefent FUNDS and GRANTS, efpe-
cially THE GRANTS OF KING WILLIAM; for thoſe
of King Charles and King James are privileg'd Grants, as
we know by repeated Experience.
Molt People,as Clarendon remarks,believ'd thefe Decla-
rations
( 35 )
rations however to be fincere,and that Monk might defire
to ſee a Common-wealth eſtabliſh'd in fuch a Model as Hol-
land was, where he had been bred; and that himfelf might enjoy
the Authority and Place, which the Prince of Orange pof
fefs'd in that Government. What ferv'd to confirm the
World in thefe Sentiments, was the Parliament's ordering,
at this time, that no body thou'd be trufted in the Militia,
who did not firft declare under his Hand, that he did
confefs and acknowledge,that the War rais'd by theTwo Houses
of Parliament against the late King, was just and lawful,
until fuch time as Force and Violence was us'd upon the Parli-
ament in the Year 1648. Nor was Monk lefs follicitous to
gain the good Opinion of particular Men, than that of
the Publick, tho fully refolv'd, like Sir Roger, to de-
ceive both. He affur'd Lamfon and Ludlow, as we are
told by this laft, that they must all live and die for a
COMMON-WEALTH. Another tinie, being attend-
ed by feventeen principal Perfons, whereof divers were
of the Council of State, and who befought him to join
with them againſt the exil'd King, he applied him elf
to Sir Arthur Hazlerig, faying, Sir Arthur, I have
often declar'd to you my Refolution fo to do. Then taking
off his Glove, and putting his Hand within Sir Arthur's,
he added; I do here protest to you, in the Prefence of all
theſe Gentlemen, that I will oppofe to the utmost the fer-
ting up of Charles Stuart, a single. Perfon, or a House of
Peers. After this he began to expoftulate with them
touching their Sufpicions, this being probably the meet-
ing to which Allation is made in the Memoirs relating to
the Earl of Shaftsbury's Life. What is it, faid he, that
I have done, in bringing thefe Members into the Houſe,
meaning the fecluded Members? Are they not the fame
that brought the King to the Block? though others cut off his
Head, and that justly... Thus he used to talk to many o-
thers, often repeating his former Refolutions of Fight:
ing to the Knees in Blood to oppoſe his son.
The few nevertheless, who were more difcerning or
more éxperienc'd than others, and who in fuch cafes ge-
nerally happen to prove Caffandrian Prophets, plain-
ly perceiv'd his Drift by his Actions, which made
them have no regard to his Proteftations, among the
F 2
reft
( 36 )
reſt Whitlock and Ludlow. They confider'd whom he
put in, and whom he put out of Power; who were
moſt likely to be Gainers by the Changes he made in the
Parliament, and in all the publick Pofts Civil or Mili-
tary. They faw that the Malignants (as the King's Ad-
herents were then call'd) did appear in a more publick
Manner than they ufed to do, that they flock'd home
from all Parts, that they were exceeding uppifh in their
Expectations, and that they commonly believ'd the Ge
neral had a fecret Correfpondence with their Maſter.
The very fame thing is as commonly believed of Sir
Roger by the Jacobites, and as much fufpected by others.
Now fince he can't but know this,he fhou'd,one wou'd be
apt to imagine,be at fome Pains to undeceive theWorld;
for as my Lord Clarendon (whom I love to quote) ob-
ferves of Monk, the receiv'd Opinion, that he did defign to
Serve the King, or that he would be at laft obliged to do it,
did really as much contribute to the Advancement of his
Majesty's Service, as if he had dedicated himself to it: and
the Aſſurance that the other Party thought they had, that
he had no fuch Intention, binder'd thofe Obftructions, Fea-
boufies and Interruptions, which very probably might have
lellen'd his Credit with his own Army, or united all the reft
of the Forces against him. But Monk's Deportnient was
fo vifible to fome (as I hope Sir Rager's will be fhortly to
all) that Harry Martin in the Parliament-Houfe, re-
fembled him to one, who being fent for to make a Suit
of Cloaths, brought with him a Budget full of Carpen-
ters Tools; and being told, that fuch things were not at
all fit for the Work he was defir'd to do, he answer'd, It
matters not, I will do your Work well enough, I warrant you.
I leave your felf to judge, My Lord, if this be not the
exact Picture of Sir Roger, towards whofe Epitaph (what-
ever Death he dies) I fhall furnish this Sentence, That he
never faid a plain thing, nor ever did an honest thing.
After all thofe Letters and Paffages I have had the
Honour thus to lay before you, I am not a whit fùrpriz'd,
as I faid above, that fo many worthy Men fhou'd be per-
fwaded, with my Lord Clarendon, that Monk did never
intend à Restoration till the very laſt, as the only good
thing he had left to do; and fince it is hard to conceive
a
how
(37)
how any Man cou'd arrive at ſo monstrous à Pitch of
Hypocrify, I fhou'd have been of the fame Opinion my
felf, tho' the Majority of Writers, and the common
vogue are exprefs enough to the contrary. But notwith-
ftanding my Lord Clarendon affirms, that the General
wrote nothing to the King from London; yet (which
determines the Matter at once, and which determin'd
me) I have a Letter he fent the King from Edenbo-
rough, juft upon his March into England; and I believe
it was carry'd by the Gentleman that Ludlow affirms
was fent to him into Scotland by the King. It is not a
little remarkable, that this Letter contains in Subftance
the very fame Propofitions which my Lord Clarendon ac-
knowledges Monk had fent the King, in a verbal Mef-
fage,by Sir Richard Greenvill. Among other things Monk
directly propoſes a General Pardon without any Excep-
tions, he infinuates an Establish'd Church with Liberty
of Confcience; he demands a Declaration of what Satisfa
tion fhall be made to the poor Soldiers, and defires the
King may confent to a Treaty with a free Parliament.
I question not, fays he, but your Majesty is very well
knowing of the Power which for fome few Years past, I have
had in Governing the English Army here in Scotland;
which Power when I had once obtain'd, I did refolve (as
much as in me lay) to keep, until a fit time ind Opportuni-
ty fhould offer it felf, that I might employ it for the Glory of
God, and the Good of your Majesty, whoſe faithful Subject
I humbly acknowledge my felf to be. A little lower he
fays again to the King, I had never a better Opportunity of
doing my Country Service (in freeing them from their Egyp-
tian Bondage, as I may term it) and in restoring the Crown
to the right Owner thereof; which, if poffible to be done,
Shall be done with as much Care, Safety, and Diligence, as
God fhall enable me, and that with as little wrong as may
be, either to King or Subject. Since he trufted fo few,
he cou'd not but foreſee the King wou'd receive various
Impreffions of him, and therefore he gives him a necef-
fary Caution once for all, in the Conclufion of this Let-
ter. I fall trouble your Majesty (ſays he) with little
more at preſent, but to let you know that my Hopes are,
that you would be pleas'd to have that Confidence in me, as
nit
(38)
•
not to credit any Rumours or Reports, that may seemingly
contradict what I have herein propos'd; for, as for that, I
would have your Majefty to be confident, that I shall not
value neither the Ill-will, nor yet look upon the Favour of a-
ny, who shall appear in Oppofition to a thing that I have ſo
really purpos'd; ſo long as God and my Confcience perfuades
me (I wonder what God or Confcience he means) that
in fo doing I shall accomplish a Good Work, both for his Glo-
ry and my Country's Good. And yet I think fit, to carry as
fair a Correfpondence as I can, with thoſe that have taken
upon them the Authority in England. To that end I have
Thoughts of going to London fuddenly, that I may fee their
Actings, and order Things there fomewhat for my Advan
tage. If this Letter be genuine (as I have no Rea-
fon to fufpect the contrary) then it will only follow, that
either my Lord Clarendon did not know every thing, or
wou'd not tell all he knew and if it fhou'd be fpuri-
ous (as poffibly it may) yet fince all the reft of the Let-
ters are inconteftably authentick, fo Monk's Diffimula-
tion, Treachery, and Perjury, are like to remain unpa-
rallel'd in Hiſtory; for I have good Hope, my Lord, that
every wife and generous Briton, fcorning to be bubbľ’d
or brib'd by Sir Roger, will quickly lay aſide their infig-
nificant Piques, and all unite for the Prefervation of their
RELIGION and LIBERTY, which entirely depend (un-
der God) upon maintaining the SUCCESSION, as it is
eftabliſh'd by fo many Laws in the moft ferene Electoral
Houfe of HANOVER.
Thus, my Lord, have I ftated this Cafe of Monk with
the utmoſt Impartiality; and tho' I am ftill of Opinion,
that he never defign'd to make himſelf KING, yet I shall
be far from fuppreffing any Evidence that may ſerve to
ftrengthen my Lord Shaftsbury's Story. I do therefore fur-
ther acquaint you, that I have now before me a Pam-
phlet printed in the very Year of this Tranfaction, 1659,
for W.Godbid, in the Street call'd Little Britain. It is enti-
tuled, The PEDEGREE and DESCENT of his Excellency
Gen. GEORGE MONK; fetting forth how he is Defcended
from K.EDWARD III. by a Branch and Slip of the White
Rofe, the Houfe of York; and likewife his Extraction from
RICHARD, King of the Romans, &c. But this pom-
pous
(39)
pous Title comes to no more in the End, than that Monk
was defcended from the fecond Daughter of Arthur Plan-
tagenet, who was himself no more than the Natural Son
of Edward IV. by his Concubine the Lady Eliz. Lucy;
fo that the utmoſt his Flatterers cou'd fay ainounted on-
ly to this, that Monk had in his Veins Royal Blood good
or bad, Royal Blood of fome fort or other, and fuch pro-
ftitute Pick-thanks we know are never wanting to Men in
Power of any kind. As this Defcent then gave the Ge-
neral no manner of Title in the World, fo the Preface of
the Pamphlet, and the concluding Words of the fame
(needlefs to be here inferted) have fully convinc'd me,
that the Author intended no more than a Complement to
him by the way, while his real Defign was to prove the
Title of the STUARTS, whom he perceiv'd the other was
going about to reftore. Be this however as it will, I
doubt not but Sir Roger has (on his part) a Pedegree rea-
dy drawn out, and moft gorgeouſly blazon'd, he being fo
renown'd an Antiquary himfelf, and having fo many He-
ralds now at his Devotion. But he agrees till much bet-
ter with his Coufin Monk, in practiſing the ART OF
RESTORING; that is, to ſtick at nothing facred or ci-
vil, to facrifice his Religion, to fell his Country, to be-
tray Friends and Allies, to abandon Faith, Honour, Ju-
ftice (and indeed what Virtue does he not?) meerly to
raife bunfelf and bis Family at any rate: and therefore,
the last four Lines of an Epitaph privately ſtuck upon the
Monument of Monk, a little after the erecting of it, will
in time do every whit as well for Sir Roger; tho tis ob-
fervable how foon the Family of the firft (O Vanity cf
fhort-fighted Man!) was cut off from the Face of the
Earth, and is now almoft out of the Memory of Men.
Here lies GEORGE MONK,
Clofe by his Punk:
He did a great thing,
Made a Duke and a King.
This Truth be verifies,
That whoever will rife,
Must be content to have KNAVE
Writ on his Grave.
I will not answer, that there was not a Couplet more to
wards
(40)
wards the middle, having only receiv'd thefe Lines by o
ral Tradition.
But our Buſineſs now, it feems, muft be, to prevent
Sir Roger's making a King, how richly foever he may de-
ferve a Dukedom for his unwearied Endeavours to fuc-
ceed in the Attempt: for can you, my Lord, to whom
his Perfon his Mien, his Elocution, and his Addrefs are
fo well known, (not all of 'em capable to engage the
Heart of a Chamber-maid) can you, I fay, imagine,
that any thing could fo powerfully recommend him to
the Men of the PRETENDER's Party, or fo wondrously
endear him to the Favour of their Women, but his defpe-
rate Undertaking to fet afide the HANOVER SUC-
CESSION? for which his Tricking and Diffimulation, his
Pride and Ambition, do qualify him above all others.
What others, fome durft not, fome wou'd not, that Sir
Roger has luftily promis'd. This is the true, and confe-
quently the only Key, to what appear'd fo profound a
Myſtery to you before; and not to you only, but to al--
moſt every one elſe in Europe. Nay, Sir Roger (were
there no other Motive to fpur him but the Examples he
admires in Antiquity) would be ready enough for fuch a
Turn, that fhou'd make him the Song and Fable of all
Poſterity; as I am perfwaded he will go on in his En-
deavours to bring in Popery, fhou'd it be for no other Rea-
fon, but to fhew he can fingly accomplish what prov'd
impoffible for the two Royal Brothers. Thefe Difpoft-
tions, with his particular Engagements in favour of the
Pretender, have gain'd him the entire Confidence of all
that Creature's Friends and Adherents, of which we have
now more Reafons than ever to reft fully fatisfied. We
hear this out of their own Months, we fee it confirm'd by
his Actions. Out of their own Mouths, you'll fay? Ay,
my Lord, out of their own Mouths in the directeft words;
for they feem to be now grown above all Fears, above all
that the Queen or her Minifters can do to them. We are
alarm'd, we are uneafy, we are amaz'd, in fhort, at the
daily Refort of Outlaws and Pap'fts, from all Parts beyond
the Seas, eſpecially from France, fome of 'em having been
concern'd in the barbarous Alafination-Plot. Tis inex-
preffible with what Boldness theſe and the Nonjurors de-
clare
( 41 )
clare themſelves against the prefent Settlement of the
Crown, tho it be High-Treafon fo to do, either by Word
or by Writing. I cou'd fend you above twenty Books
written againſt the Hanover Succeffion within thefe three
Years, for which not one Man has fuffer'd; befides two
moft fcurrilous abufive Pamphlets against the Elector's
Perfon, on the ſcore of his truly prophetick Memorial,_of
which another time; for 'tis no more forgot by good En-
glishmen than King William's laft Speech, another remark-
able Prophecy.
Written and Printed Characters of the Pretender are ſent
over to certain truſty Agents, whofe fole Buſineſs is to
fhew and difperfe them. I fhall not infift on his Pictures
and Prints innumerable, but only obſerve that the very
fame Method was uſed before the laft Reftoration. The
moft noted Champions of Sir Roger in Coffee-houſes and
other Places of publick Refort, are Irish Papifts and Scot-
tish Jacobites; who, when they perceive their Encomiums,
and much more their Apologies, to become Matter of
Laughter or Contempt to the Company, are ready to a-
venge themſelves in the Quality of Bullies or Informers.
Good God! that we ſhou'd live to ſee this Vermin once
more infeft our Streets and Palaces; nor furely cou'd we
live, but in the Hopes of feeing 'em likewife once more
fent a packing out of the World or the Kingdom. Eng-
lifh Penfioners do ordinarily content themſelves with their
Pay for doing their Drudgery. You may infallibly di-
ftinguiſh this Tribe by their perpetual Invectives againſt
Foreigners, by which, all the while, they only mean the
Dutch and the Germans; thefe, on account of the Hano-
ver Succeffion, thofe for the fake of King William, whofe
Legacy they inceffantly curfe. The Windows of the beft
Proteftants (for you'll always remember, that we have a-
greed to talk without Referve of RELIGION, as it makes
a Part of our feveral Conſtitutions, and without which,
confidering its Influence in that Refpect, we cou'd never
have right Information) our Windows, I fay, are broke,
and our Perfons infulted, for celebrating the Memory of
King William on the 4th, and our double Deliverance
from Popery on the 5th of November. Letters are known
to be intercepted, wherein the Pretender, in order to en-
gage the Clergy to his Intereft, promifes to render the
G
Church
(42)
Church independent on the State: a thing he knows an ig-
norant, corrupt, afpiring Party here does covet above all
things; and wherein he's certainly moft fincere, as it
paves the Way for his own Religion. The Protestants of
Ireland, however divided with relation to the Subordina-
tion or Parity of Gofpel-Minifters, yet were always united.
against their Common Enemies the Papifts, without fplit-
ting on the Diſtinction of Whig and Tory, till Sir Roger
fent thither his Incendiaries, who bave enflam'd and ex-
afperated them against each other to the higheſt Degree of
Rage. The one is an impudent pettifogging Lawyer, P;
the other a profligate Libertine Parfon, H: both notori-
ous for their Enmity to the Succeffion. Add to all this the
prodigious Infolence of the Jacobites and Papifts at the
late Elections, the unheard of Extravagancies (whereof
Mobbing was the leaft) that they practis'd in affifting
with their Votes thofe who were in the lat Parliament
for the Bill of Commerce; and you'll agree, my Lord, that
therefore they expect fomething more than that Bill (de-
ftructive as it is) from thofe Gentlemen in this Parlia
ment, wherein, I am confident, they'll find themſelves e-
gregioufly deceiv'd.
1
I have nothing to fay of any Man in Power, whether
in Britain or Ireland; becaufe the Queen has folemnly
promis'd her People three Years ago, that ſhe would em-
ploy none who was not zealous for the House of Hanover. :
and therefore 'tis to be prefumed, by all good Subjects,
that thofe who are preferr'd, eſpecially in Scotland, after
having been for fo many Years Nonjurors, feveral of 'em
actually in France, are as heartily reconcil'd to the Suc-
ceffion as to their Places. That the Queen has had Affu-
rances of this we doubt not: but Sir Roger (begging your
Pardon, my Lord, for naming him with the Queen)
makes a Merit at Hanover, as I told you above, ofthofe
whom he has in his peculiar Province perfwaded to take
the Oaths, to enable 'em the better to ferve the Pre-
tender. How can I be with any Reafon fufpected, fays he,
of favouring any Title but yours, after having prevail'd with
Jo many Jacobites to abjure? But the Reafon is, and a
Better Reafon can never be given nor defir'd, that neither
his Actions nor theirs, do any way correfpond to their
Abjuration. This has mov'd me to write this long Letter
to
·( 43 )
to your Lordſhip, that you may know for the future how
to govern your felf with Regard to Sir Roger, and that
you might fee, how in THE ART OF RESTORING he
exactly copies General Monk; yet ftill with thefe Diffe-
rences, that Sir Roger's timely difcover'd, and fo I hope ef-
fectually prevented; that Monk from Anarchy and Üfur-
pation reftor'd our Legal Church and Government, while
Sir Roger would change this admirable Conftitution into
Popery and Slavery, by Englishmen never to be endur'd;
that out of Evil Monk brought forth Good, when Sir Ro-
ger would turn our greatest Good into all that is Evil:
for I wou'd have you ftill carry this Rule in your Mind,
that how much foever I difprove the wicked Methods us'd
by the General, yet that none can be better pleas'd with
the happy Settlement which (by an over-ruling Providence)
was the Effect thereof, and which I hope will last as long
as the World, in an uninterrupted Succeffion of truly
Proteftant Princes, no lefs zealous to preferve the Liber-
ties, than to encreaſe the Riches of their Subjects, from
which to themfelves will unavoidably accrue Heroick
Praiſe, unenvy'd Power, and matchlefs Glory.
You cannot now expect, my Lord, after fo much as I
have written already, that I fhou'd this Poft fend you
much News; nor in particular what I have difcover'd'
concerning the Minifter of Lorain's Negotiations, or his fre-
quent Journeys during the Treaty of Utrecht, and for fome
time before. All that Matter's in good Hands. Neither
have I leiſure to give you the Satisfaction you defire, why
the Pretender's DECLARATION at the Time of the late
Invafion, was never publifh'd, nor why the Whig and
Tory Minifters have never thought fit (how much foever
exafperated) to charge one another with having encou
rag'd the faid Invafion. You fay, and I cannot deny it,
that from the Beginning of the World, there is no Inftance
where a Country has been actually invaded, and feveral
of the Natives taken in the Fact, yet that neither they,
nor any one of their Accomplices, were brought to fuf-
fer for the fame. All theſe Inftances, and the fuppreffing
of the material. Part of Baily's Confpiracy (which I fee
you have not forgot) proceed from the fame individual
Caufe; and to be fure, is one of thofe Secrets not fit to
be publish'd to the Vulgar. In reality they are very
few who know this Secret hitherto. G 3
As
( 44 )
As for the French King's forbidding any of the Refugees
fettl'd here, tho' naturaliz'd, to travel into France upon
any Pretence or Occafion, without his fpecial Pafs, un-
der the Penalty of being fent to the Gallies; there's no-
thing more true, nor, you may believe, more furprizing:
efpecially, when this Declaration does further compre-
hend the Children born to them in this Kingdom, and
by English Fathers or Mothers, which may with as much
reafon be extended to all Englishmen whatſoever. What
does an Act of Naturalization fignify at this rate? of
what profit or advantage? And what is treating our
Nation with the utmoft Contempt, if this be not fo?
What! muft Englishmen born be prohibited travelling
into France in Time of Peace about their lawful Affairs?
Yet miſtake me not, my Lord, as if I wou'd charge this,
which has happen'd fince, upon the laft Peace, how little
foever I like it but if fuch a daring Indignity and In-
juſtice be tamely born with, be fuffer'd on any confide
ration whatſoever (as in the nature of things it is im-
poffible it fhou'd) then I promiſe you I ſhall be one of
the first that will own, what fome of late have been too
apt to fay of us, that we have no Honour nor Honefty
left, no Regard to our Rank or Intereft, either at home
or abroad. Even the Ufurper Oliver had the Reputation
of England fo much at heart, and pretended fo great
Zeal for the Proteftant Religion, that he did (as my Lord
Clarendon, who commends him for it, obferves) obtain
Liberty of Confcience for the Vaudois, with Impunity
for thoſe of the Religion at Nifmes in Languedoc, and
this in a Stile that wou'd brook no Denial. Beſides all
this, my Lord, it cannot be deny'd how much we are
beholding to theſe very Refugees in particular, not only
as to the great Number and Riches they have brought
among us; their ſetting up of feveral new Manufactures,
and the improving of more old ones; their Induſtry in
Merchandizing, and their ferving with fo much Fideli-
ty and Courage in our Fleets and Armies: but likewife
as to the immenſe Sums, both of their own and of their
Correfpondents abroad, they have ever readily advanc'd
towards our publick Loans, and all other Funds where-
by the Government was to be fupported. In fuch cafes
they were obſerv'd to have been generally the firft to of
fer,
( 45 )
fer, and confequently the greateft Riskers, as well as
the greateſt Encouragers. For this hearty Zeal in bel a¹5
of the Revolution, for thofe Principles of Civil and Re
gious Liberty they cannot conceal, it is, that the Freh
King is fo much enrag'd against them, and that we
fhou'd for this very fame Reafon (had we any Politicks
left) be proportionably fond of them. I muft needs
bear 'em this Teftimony, my Lord, as having bad many
Opportunities to know them thoroughly, that, in the
Senfe wherein we boaft of being Englishmen, they are
better than a World of our Natives, and as good as any:
nor, if you except three or four mercenary Rajcals of as
meán Órigine as Underſtandings (which in numerous
Societies is unavoidable) have there been fo few Cowards
or Traytors in any fuch Number of Men. This fure
ought to be none of our Motives for hating Foreigners:
and this very Confideration, I frankly own, cannot but
raiſe my Indignation, when, on the one hand, I fee
Monfieur la Roche, one that long ferv'd the late Prince
George, one of the Queen's domeftick Servants, having
her Secretaries Pafs and her own Permiffion, deny`d to
breath a little Air for his Health in his native Country;
and when, on the other hand, I fee (as I have often
done) Sir P- L- an Irish Papift, one that has
born Arms against Her Majefty for feveral Years, the
Perfon that feiz'd, and but too probably murder'd our
Friend the Duke of Medina Celi, one upon whom the
Pr-t-der (his former if not his prefent Mafter) relies
the moſt of all that bigotted Nation: I am highly pro-
vok'd, I repeat it, when I fee this fame Man, not only
permitted to live quietly in Ed, but to refort daily
to a certain Place under a Character no way pleafing.
I am charm'd, my Lord, with your Reafon for de-
firing me to fend you no more of our Pamphlets relating
to the Bill of Commerce, which is a Subject fo felf-evident,
you fay, in Auftria, that you wonder it fhou'd bear any
Difpute in England, and much more that it fhou'd be
offer'd to be cramm'd (as it were) down the Peoples
Throats. Nor will I, on my part, fay any thing on this
Point at prefent, only give me leave to prefent you with
a few prophetick Paffages out of a Book that was pub-
lish'd by Authority fo long ago as the Year 1668. It
bears
}
( 46 )
་
bears this Approbation in the Frontispiece. Whitehall,
the 21 Jan. 166. Let this Difcourfe be printed, By the Ap-
pointment of the Right Hon. the Lord Arlington, his Maje-
fties principal Secretary of State, Jofeph Williamfon. The
Title is, A free Conference touching the prefent State of Eng
land both at home and abroad, in order to the Defigns of
France; and it was certainly written by a great Mini-
fter, during that little Interval of the Triple League, when
the King happen'd to be in the Intereft of his People, and
feem'd to have wholly fhaken off his fhameful Depen-
dance upon France. In the 50th Page, I agree, fays the
Author, to what hath been faid before uery prudently in this
Conference, that our Power and Greatnefs doth principally
confift in the Matter of Commerce: and therefore I con-
clude even from thence by an unerrable confequence, that
Commerce ought to be the chief Object of our Jealouſy, and
that we are bound to be as tender of the Confervation of this
Benefit as of the Apples of our Eyes. But then we must look
far off, how to prevent whatfoever may hinder the Progress of
Trade, or diminish the abundance of this Commerce. We
have nothing to fear in this particular on the account of Spain,
which applies little towards Traffick [as it then flood] and
leaveth almost all the Advantages thereof freely to the Engliſh
in their own proper Ports. But if this Intereft ſhould fall
into the Power of an induftrious and active Nation, and a
People covetous of Gain, as the French are [Hear, hear, O
Britons!] we are not to expect any Share of the Utility, or
to partake with France therein: but rather that they will
prefcribe the Law of Commerce unto the English according
to their own Will and Pleafure. Cou'd there be any thing,
my Lord, more clear or decifive? Is not the Intereft of
Spain fallen at laft into the Power of France? and do not
the French openly prefcribe to us the Law, alias, the Bill of
Commerce? But nevertheless I ought to be as fure as there
are Englishmen in the World, that this Bill (however
new cook'd) will never pafs into a Law, fince the fame
Author affures us in the 60th Page, that the Intereft of Com-
merce no way invites us to take part with France; and this
Truth, continues he, is fo notorious to all the People of Eng-
land, that there is no Eloquence able to perfwade them con-
trary to their own Experience therein. I wish he cou'd
have faid, nor any thing more prevailing than Eloquence.
"Tis
(47)
'Tis fit, fays he in Page 59, that the English should be dif-
abus'd once for all by being better inform'd, fince France is fo far
from being affifting or uſeful to us upon this Conjun&ture, that, in-
truth, they do feek only to increaſe our Divifions and Troubles:
for 'tis both their Intereft and Maxiin fo to do, which Conduct
hath been exactly and hereditarily obferv'd in their Councils for
many Ages together (and newly in the laft Civil Wars here) fince
all the Baits which they do prefent unto us, are but fo many
Apples of Difcord, which the French Emiffaries caft up and
down among us, purpoſely to embroil us with our Neighbours,
or elfe with one another. Page 52. We shall quickly find our
felves taken for Perfons deluded in this Negotiation, and
France only gather all the Fruits of the Coufenage; of which
the Shame of having been fo grofly cheated can only remain to
us, when the whole World difcerns, that the Defire of Prey
[that is, of Penfions] hath prevailed with England [that is,
with the then Minifters, for England abhorr'd it] above the
Faith of thoſe folemn Treaties which we have made with the
Crown of Spain. Page 62. On the account of France we shall
appear but as little Acceſſories, and the French will carry us on
(as the firft Motion) only according to the Rapidness of their
Progrefs, by applying us meerly in the Course of their Game to
their own Ends: and thus fhall we become the Miniſters of their
Ambition, and be made use of like a Pair of Stairs (on which
they do mean to tread) in order to their obtaining the Univerſal
Monarchy. Page 56. I do not fee what Meaſures we can take
at this Time with France, nor what Affurances or Precautions
the French may give us in a Treaty, ſo as to shelter England
from the Danger of that known Maxim of theirs, which is, in
all Confederations to be bound by no other Rule but their
Intereft meerly. I avow, that the Rupture of the Pyrenean
Treaty frightens me [What wou'd he have faid to the Treaty
of Ryfwick, or the Partition Treaty?] and the Remembrance of
their Proceeding held with us heretofore, throughout all the Courſe
of our late War with Holland, hath made me ſo incredulous,
that they must fhew me many Miracles, and evident ones too, be-
fore I fhall be converted to have the leaft good Opinion of the
Sincerity of their Faith and Dealing.
I fhall trouble your Lordship but with one Paffage more,
feeing the whole Book deferves to be reprinted, as well as the
Baron d'Ifola's Buckler of State and Fuftice, Europe a slave un-
lefs England break her Chains, with ſuch other feafonable Pie-
ces and the Paffage I am going to cite does abfolutely con-
vince me, notwithſtanding all that's paft, that England, that
the Empire, that Europe is undone, if a Prince of the Houſe of
Bourbon, or any French Prince whatſoever, continues in pof-
feffion
(48)
feffion of Spain and the Indies. The Affinity of Blood, Religion,
and the Hopes which the Moft Chriftian King may found to him-
Self upon the Succeffion to this Monarchy, if the Renunciation
of the Queen once comes to be annull'd:'(ſays our Author in his
53d Page) are strong Links that may very well unite them [France
and Spain] together: and the Principle of the Divifion which is
at preſent betwixt them, having no other Foundation but reci-
procal Jealouſy touching the Equality of their Power, this Emu-
lation will expire as foon as ever that France doth fee Spain in a
Condition to be no longer able to difpute the Sovereign Arbitrage
of Christendom with them and the Caufe of their Hatred be-
ing taken away, all the Effects thereof will ceafe likewife. And
then the common Interests of both will unite them in a Bond,
which is infeparable any more, from whence our Ruin must in-
fallibly arife, becauſe the Subftance and Surety of England fole-
ly depends upon the Emulation of thefe two Powers, as the Tem-
perament of a human Body confifts in the Oppofition of the ele-
mentary Qualities.
muil
I must put off, my Lord, to another Time what I intended
to write about the Caufes and Symptoms of a Single Miniſtry,
with its ever malignant and often mortal Effects. All the Na-
tion is now at a gaze, and ſtand prepared to learn their Fate,
from what ſhall be tranfacted this Winter, firſt, about the
Bill of Commerce, which is indeed the very laſt Stroke for
France or for England; next with relation to a traiterous
Book in Folio, exprefly written againft her Majesty's own
Title, as well as that of the Houfe of Hanover, 'entitul'd,
The Hereditary Right of the Crown of England afferted, from
which Proſecution we fhall judge what's to become of the
Succeffion; and, thirdly, with what Temper we fhall behold
the Progreſs of the French in Germany, the Deſigns of Philip
of Anjou (that is ftill of the French) against Portugal and Bra-
file, and the unworthy Treatment we our felves have ungrate-
fully receiv'd from both Lewis and Philip, in divers Particulars.
This is a long-winded Letter, you'll fay, begun in Auguſt, and
hardly ended in October; but that's a ſmall matter, provided
it does not tire you: And if you ſhou'd happen to ſhew, it by
Miftake, to any of Sir Roger's Spies or Sycophants lurking a-
bout your Court, I defire you wou'd be no more concern'd than
I am fure not to be my felf, about any perverfe Application
they may make of the Contents, or their fcurrilous Usage of the
Writer in expectation of Pence or Places; for you ſhall never
find me lofing my time upon fuch Tools, who are at full liber-
ty to ſay, to report, to invent, to rant and rave as they pleaſes
Their Language is underſtood by every body, and therefore
minded by no body that I wou'd have mind what I write.Ţ
am, my Lord, your, &c.
FINIS
•