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HISTORY
OF
THE REIGN OF HENRY IW.
KING OF FRANCE AND NAWAR.R.E.
FROM NUMEROUS UN PUBLISHED SOURCES,
INCLUDING MS. DOCUMENTS IN THE BIBLIOTHEQUE IMPERIALE
AND THE ARCHIVES DU ROYAUME DE FRANCE, E RAL
*At L! º
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University c. #
&/CHIGAM
PART I.
HENRY IV. AND THE LEAGUE.
BY
MARTH A WA L K E R FR E E R,
--~~~
AUTHOR OF ~
“THE LIFE of MARGUERITE D’ANGoulêME,” “JEANNE D’ALBRET,”
“ELIZABETH DE v.ALois AND THE court of PHILIP II,”
“HENRY III. KING of FRANCE,” ETc.
“A coeur waillant rien d'impossible.”—LEGENDE DE HENRI IV,
IN TWO WOLUMES,
WOL. II.
LONDON:
HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,
SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBURN,
13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.
1860.
The right of Translation is reserved,

ii CONTENTS.
is wounded.—Encamps at Yvetót.—Advance of the king.—
Brilliant campaign. Retreat of the allied army back to
Caudebec.—Passage of the Seine.—Parma retreats.-Inci-
dents at St. Cloud and Château-Thierry.—Illness of the duke.
—Triumphant position of Henri Quatre . . . 3
CHAPTER IV.
1592–1593.
Council of war at Caudebec.—Reluctance of the chieftains of
the royal army to promote the total victory of the king.—
Their reasons.—Reverses in Bretagne.—Correspondence of
the king with queen Elizabeth.-Anger of the queen at the
slaughter of her troops.-Siege of Château-Thierry.—Death
of the marshal de Biron.—Renewal of negotiations for peace.
—Royal conference with Willeroy.—Proposed ambassage to
Rome.—Mission of the cardinal de Gondi-Letter of king
Henry to pope Clement.—Demise of the duke of Parma.-Its
effect on the politics of the Ileague.—Successes of the king.
—Design of the Bourbon princes.—Attachment and jealousy
of the king for madame de Liancour.—Correspondence.—Dis-
content of Madame.—She bids farewell to Béarn.—Her
journey and arrival at Saumur.—Meeting with the king.—
Madame rejects the matrimonial overtures of the duke de
Montpensier. . > - - - - i. - 66
B O O K III.
CHAPTER I.
1593.
The Holy League.—Condition of Paris in 1593.−Assembly of
the States-general—Cabals of the factions—Manifesto of the
duke de Mayenne.—Deputies elected in the provinces.—Am-
bassage of the duke de Feria.-Its object.—The court at
CONTENTS. iii
Mantes.—Effect of the manifesto of the duke de Mayenne,—
Propositions of the Catholic lords.-Opening of the States of
1593.-Declaration of the lords of the royal party.—Its re-
ception by Mayenne.—Arrogant conduct of the legate-
Causes the letter to be condemned by the Sorbonne,—Ma-
yenne departs for Soissons to confer with the Spanish ambas-
sadors.--His interview with Feria and his colleagues.—Anger
of the duke.—Debate on the election of a king postponed by
Mayenne.—Conferences of the princes of Lorraine at Rheims.
—Discontent of the nobles and officers of the crown.—Intri-
gues of the princes of Bourbon.—Madame de Liancour.—Her
influence.—Habits of the court.—Petits-soupers du roi...—Du
Perron, bishop of Evreux.—Correspondence of Henry with
Gabrielle d’Estrées,—Siege of Noyon.—The Spanish ambassa-
dors arrive in Paris.-Oration of the duke de Feria.-Confer-
ences of Surenne.—Declaration made by the king.—Interview
between Mayenne and the count de Schomberg.—Henry anº
nounces his approaching abjuration.—Motive of the king's
resolve.—Its effect.—Attitude of the legate.—Proposals of
the king of Spain.—Response of the bishop of Senlis.-Ne-
gotiations for a general truce opposed by the legate and his
partisans.—Libels current.—Tumults in Paris.-Proceedings
of the Spanish ambassadors.—Edict of the parliament of Paris.
—Consternation of Mayenne,—Summons the first president
to an interview.—Firm attitude of the Chambers.-Progress
of Henri IV. . * 3. # g e ſº & 127
CHAPTER II.
1593.
Sentiments of Henri IV. on his abjuration.—Influence of ma-
dame Gabrielle.—Festivities at Mantes.—Madame de Mont-
morency.—Intrigues of the count de Soissons.—Siege of
Dreux.-Madame de Guise visits the king.—Cabals of Paris.
—Pretenders for the hand of the Infanta.-The duke de
Feria.—His harangue to the chief lords of the Union.—Pro-
poses the joint proclamation of Dona Isabel and the duke de
Guise as sovereigns of France,—Disgust of Mayenne,—Con-
V CONTENTS.
ditions proposed by Philip II.-Their reception.—Deportment
of M. de Guise.—Counter-negotiations of the duke de Ma-
yenne,—The proposal of his Catholic majesty is laid before
the States.—Opinion of that august assemblage.—The king at
St. Denis-Preparations for the royal abjuration.—Benóit and
other priests quit Paris to confer with the king.—Anger of
the cardinal-legate—His menaces.—Correspondence of the
king with Gabrielle d’Estrées,—Religious conferences.—Cere-
mony of the abjuration of Henri Quatre.—Intrigues of Les
Politiques-Discomposure of Feria and his colleagues.—The
Canons of Trent accepted by proclamation of the States.—The
lords of the Union renew their oaths.--M. de Villeroy.—Pro-
rogation of the States-General of 1593-4.—Conspiracy of
Pierre Barrière.—Sojourn of the king at Fontainebleau.—Ma-
dame Catherine,—Her discontent.—Ambassage of the duke
de Nevers to Rome.—Letter of Henry IV. to the pope.-Cor-
respondence of Henry with Rosny.—Anger of queen Eliza-
beth at the royal abjuration.—Revolt of Lyons.—Imprison-
ment of the duke de Nemours o e e . . 203
CHAPTER III.
1593–1594.
Prosperous condition of the king's affairs at the commencement
of 1594.—Mission of MM. de Villeroy and de Belin.—Atti-
tude of the Spanish court.—M. de Vitry.—Submission of
Meaux.-Expedition of La Waremme to Madrid.—The Infanta
Isabel Clara Eugenia.—Queen Marguerite.—Her life at
Usson.—Overtures of divorce made by the king.—Corres-
pondence.—The duke de Nevers.-His mission to Rome.—
Hostile attitude of Clement VIII.-Envoys of the League in
Rome.—Troubles in Paris.—M. de Belin.—Repressive mea-
sures adopted by Mayeline.—Appointment of the count de
Brissac as governor of Paris, in room of the marquis de Belin.
—His character and projects.-Triumph of the royal cause.—
Submission of Lyons.—M. de Villars.--Overtures for the
surrender of Rouen.—Madame de Simiers.-Coronation of
Henri Quatre.—Details —Correspondence of the king with
CONTENTS. V
queen Elizabeth.-Progress of the negotiation for the sur-
render of Rouen.—Correspondence of the king with M. de
Rosny.—Position of the duke de Mayenne.—The duchesse de
Nemours warns her son against the probable treachery of
Brissac.—Departure of the duke and duchess de Mayenne for
Soissons.—Harangue of the duke in the Hôtel de Ville 278
CELAPTER IV.
1594.
Address of M. de Brissac to the parliament on the departure of
M. de Mayenne-Resolutions of the parliament.—Turbulence
of the curés of the capital.-Intrigues of Brissac with the
royalists for the surrender of Paris.—He resolves to submit
to the king.—Measures adopted by Brissac.—He confers with
M. de St. Luc.—Suspicions of the Seize.—The duke de Feria.
—Les Politiques.—Entry of king Henry into Paris.-Details.
—Enthusiasm of the people.—Notification sent by the king
to the duke de Feria.-The duchesse de Montpensier.—Henry
proceeds to Nôtre Dame.—Arrives at the Louvre.—Paris
evacuated by the ambassadors, and the Spanish and Italian
regiments.-Reception at the Louvre.—Personages present.—
Exile of certain turbulent priests.-Enthusiasm demonstrated
for Henri Quatre.—Interview between the king and madame
de Montpensier.—Return of the parliament to Paris.-Its
incorporation with the Union.—Address of the Sorbonne.—
Surrender of the Bastille.—King Henry sojourns at St. Ger-
main-en-Laye.—Arrival there of Madame and Gabrielle d’Es-
trées,—The king celebrates the Easter festival in public.—
Ceremonies at the Louvre.—Entry of Madame into Paris.-
Birth of César, duke de Vendôme.—Surrender of Rouen and
of other important places.—Feuds of the court.—Letter of
the duke de Feria to king Philip II.-Entry into Paris of
Henry IV.—Magnificence of the pageant. © e 34l
B 0 0 K II.
(Continued.)
VOL. II. B
H IS TO R Y 0 F THE RE I GN
OF
HENRY IW,
KING OF FIRANCE AND N AWARRE.
CHAPTER III.
1591–1592.
Siege of Rouen.—Arrival of the earl of Essex with English
succours.-His reception by the king.—His challenge to
Willars.-Negotiations between Mayenne and the duke of
Parma.-Chapter of the Order of St. Esprit.—Advance of the
allied armies under Parma and Mayenne.—Combat of Aumale.
—Gallantry of king Henry.—Operations before Rouen.—Cap-
ture of the count de Chaligny.—Gallant sortie of the garrison
of Rouen.—Retreat of the enemy to Rue.—Intrigues of M.
de Soissons to obtain the hand of Madame.—They contemplate
a clandestine marriage.—Madame de Guiche.—Measures
adopted by the king.—Position of military affairs.—The
council at Darnetal.—Renewal of negotiations between the
king and M. de Mayenne.—Advance of the allied army on
Rouen.—The siege is raised by the king.—Entry of the dukes
into Rouen.—The duke of Parma besieges Caudebec.—He
is wounded.—Encamps at Yvetót.—Advance of the king.—
Brilliant campaign.-Retreat of the allied army back to
Caudebec.—Passage of the Seine.—Parma retreats.-Inci-
dents at St. Cloud and Château-Thierry.—Illness of the duke.
—Triumphant position of Henri Quatre.
B 2
4 THISTORY OF [1591.
KING HENRY, during the tumults in the capital,
was besieging Rouen—a city, a bulwark of the
League, second only in importance to Paris.
The duke de Mayenne had bestowed thenominal
government of Rouen on his eldest son, the duke
d'Aiguillon; but the defecne of the city was, in
reality, intrusted to M. de Villars, who held the
office of lieutenant-governor of Normandy for the
Holy Union. M. de Villars was a brave and
able officer, brother of the marquis de Villars,
the husband of Hippolyte d’Estrées; and who had
himself once been betrothed to madame de Lian-
cour. The royal army now formidably reinforced,
hailed with joyful acclamations Henry's resolve to
assail Rouen. Under Biron, the army therefore
seized the neighbouring towns of Gournay and
Caudebec; and on the 13th day of December,
appeared before the walls of Rouen, Henry
addressed a manifesto to the citizens, inviting
them to surrender their city and acknowledge
Villars was suspected of being an adherent of the king: “Un
demes Serviteurs quiest dans Rouen, et quiest dansla confidence
du gouverneur, m'a fait Savoir que ce bon garçon là n'est passy
fort mon ennemy qu’il paroit; et que l'assurance que le duc de
Parme luy a donné d’estre bientôt à luy, n'est pas la plus grande
joye qu'il ayt jamais receue. Iles demoiselles qui font partie
de Son conseil ont les mêmes sentiments, et aimeront bien autant
avoir à traiter avec moy qu’avec les Espagnols. Sije bats mes
ennemis, tout est a tous (sic) et Villars deschirera de bon
coeur l'escharpe de la Ligue !”—Lettre de Henri IV. au duc de
Nevers. Mém, de Nevers, t. ii. p. 286.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 0
ºf
his lawful claim to their allegiance. Villars
received the missive from the hand of the herald
Guyenne in a solemn assemblage. “Tell your
master,” replied he, “that we are prepared to
die, rather than acknowledge a heretic for our
king. We have the same enthusiasm and ability
to fight for our faith as the Calvinists demon-
strate to defend their abominable heresy.” The
citizens, after thus dismissing the herald,
marched in grand procession to the cathedral;
they next proceeded to the church of the Capu-
chins; from whence they finally repaired to St.
Ouen, where mass was said and an oration
delivered by one Jean Dadraeus, a doctor in
theology. The procession consisted of 300
burgesses, who marched barefooted, each carry-
ing a lighted torch of white wax. These were
followed by 1,500 children arrayed in white, and
chanting psalms. At the conclusion of the
sermon, the orator called upon every person
present to take an oath of fidelity to the League ;
and publicly to repudiate, on peril of their
salvation, all communication with Henri de
Bourbon soi-disant king of France. This pro-
1 Journal de Henri IV., année 1591. One of the sentences
in the address of reply was, “Qu’à l’ongle on reconnoisait le
lion; et qu'on n’await pas à faire d’un tel hôte”—expressions
which greatly piqued the king.
* The text of Dadratus was, “Nolite jugam ducere cum
infidelibus.”
6 HISTORY OF [1591.
cession of fanatics was made in imitation of the
celebrated progresses of the Parisian democrats.
It produced the effect intended, by exciting the
religious frenzy of the populace; and by bestow-
ing the apparent sanction of the church upon
the most frightful excesses. Stringent measures
were at once adopted by Villars for the preserva-
tion of the city. A general review was made on
the following day of all citizens capable of
bearing arms; while old persons, peasants from
the neighbouring districts, and strangers were
ordered to leave the city. Officers were ap-
pointed over the public stores of grain; and an
admirable system was adopted for the preservation
of public peace, and for the dispersion of rioters.
During the remainder of the year, nothing of
importance occurred. Brilliant skirmishes were
of daily occurrence; but no real progress was
made by the great besieging army. The city
was closely invested; but as a Spanish flotilla
held the mouth of the Seine, provisions of all
sorts entered the city from Havre. The head-
quarters of the royal army were at Darnetal. -
Henry expecting obstinate resistance on the
part of the besieged, summoned his council
of state to assemble at Darnetal. Political
reasons, moreover, rendered it advisable, on the
eve of a second Spanish invasion, that the
cardinal de Bourbon should not be absent
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 7
from the royal head-quarters. Although
the cardinal was bewildered by the maze of
political intrigue around him, yet the insi-
dious flatteries of Spain still nourished his
hopes of obtaining the crown through the
award of the States, in default of the recog-
nition of the infanta. Moreover, the palpable
discontent of the orthodox nobles of the royal
army, was a symptom eagerly apprehended
by his Eminence. In the army, there was no
enthusiasm for the victories of the king : the
dread demonstrated was not that Mayenne might
achieve his entente with the cabinet of Madrid;
but lest the ability and energy of Henri Qnatre
should annihilate the usurpers of his legal autho-
rity. The nobles were willing to aid their
heretic king to a certain point; beyond that line
neither their principles nor their wishes carried
them. A heretic king elevated to the throne of
St. Louis by the heretic succours of Elizabeth of
England, and of the German Protestants, was a
vision repulsive to the cavaliers of Henry's army,
as to the fiercest Leaguer of the realm. Hence
the designs of Bourbon—a prince of the blood,
and the possessor of the greater part of the
wealth of the late cardinal de Bourbon, titular
king of the League—might eventually become
redoubtable if espoused by able allies and
adherents. The personal character of the young
8 HISTORY OF [1591.
cardinal, however, Henry felt to be his best
guarantee. Frivolous, uncertain and shallow,
the cardinal, instead of forming his plan of
action and adhering thereto with determination,
suffered himself to be diverted from his course
by every trivial obstacle or persuasion. The
most important secrets he recklessly betrayed to
the profligate companions of his leisure hours.
His gracious address, and pleasant humour,
which the cardinal possessed in common with
most of the Bourbon princes, won adherents—
for a season, zealous partisans—but who eventu-
ally abandoned his cause, when experience
revealed the restless and unstable character of
their royal patron.
The English succours under Sir Roger Wil-
liams at the commencement of the new year quit-
ted Champagne, and joined the army before
Rouen which then numbered more than 30,000
men. On the news of the march of these
troops, the Earl of Essex quitted England
to assume the command. As Essex departed
without the permission of his royal mistress,
Elizabeth demonstrated great indignation. The
queen angrily reproached Henry for having sent
these succours in garrison on their arrival, instead
of at once marching from Pierrefons upon Rouen ;
which her majesty declared must then have fallen
before Mayenne had concerted measures with the
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 9
duke of Parma for the relief of the town. Conse-
quently Elizabeth had forbidden the earl to
return to France. Essex, however, mindful of
his promise to Henry; and fascinated by the
affability and valour of the king, embarked from
Dover and joined the army, where he was re-
ceived with enthusiasm. The first exploit of
the Earl, was to challenge M. de Villars to pri-
vate combat, and thus decide the fate of Rouen.
“I maintain,” said the Earl in his cartel, “that
the quarrel of the king is holy and legitimate ;
that I am a more valiant warrior than yourself;
and that my mistress is fairer and better than
your own.” The words of Essex carried a sting ;
for Villars still regretted his faithless betrothed,
the fair Gabrielle d’Estrées. As governor of
Rouen, Villars replied : “It is not now possible
for me to accept a private combat; hereafter, I
am ready to test your alleged valour. I main-
tain that my cause in defence of the pure ortho-
dox religion of our forefathers, is better than the
cause of those who seek to destroy our faith. As
for my mistress, I have reason to believe that
your words are as untenable as your previous
assertions; nevertheless this article of your
defiance concerns me least.” Elizabeth's anger
at the disobedience of the Earl was not mode-
rated by his gallant challenge to Villars; and she
| Cayet, Chron. Nov. année 1592. Davila, lib. 12.
10 HISTORY OF [1591.
sent an envoy to the camp to command his im-
mediate return. Further to demonstrate her
displeasure, her majesty gave a cold reception to
Duplessis-Mornay, who arrived in London to ask
for more extensive succours. The queen's anger
was not even mollified by the letter addressed
to her by Henry, and delivered by the ambas-
sador. She remarked: that “she could no
longer assist his master, except by her prayers:
that the king had amused himself at fêtes given
by the duke de Nevers and the duchess de
Bouillon instead of besieging Rouen; and had
therefore furnished time to the duke of Parma
to help the besieged. As for the earl of Essex, she
commanded him to return ; or she would with-
draw her auxiliaries from France, and make the
said earl the most abject supplicant of the
realm l’” Henry on being informed of the
wrath of his once friendly and puissant ally, re-
solved to pacify the queen by dismissing her
favourite ; whose presence at the French court
1 Hume. The queen sent Leighton to convey her order to
the earl of Essex, who was received at Dieppe by Mornay.
Henry writes to the latter, January 3rd, 1592, to express his
annoyance at the persistence of the earl; ‘Wous étes témoin
par l'office que vous avez fait de ma part pour persuader ce que
l'on désire de celuy quiest ici, qu’il n’a tenu ä moi, qu’il me s'y
soit résolu ; et Voudrois bien qu’il l’eut fait; ne pouvant que
porter beaucoup de regret du malcontentement don't sa demeure
par de ga est cause.”—Mém. de M. Philippe de Mornay, t. ii.
p. 165 et seq.
1592.] THIS REIGN OF HENRY IV. 11
irritated the jealousy of her majesty. He there-
fore prayed the earl to obey the commands of
his royal mistress; as he the king, held Essex
absolved from his chivalrous promise to share
the combats and perils of the French army
before Rouen.
The duke de Mayenne, on quitting Paris
after the execution of the five members of the
Seize, proceeded to Soissons, in which town the
duke of Parma gave him rendezvous, to consider
the affairs of the realm in general; and especially
to concert measures for the relief of the city of
Rouen. The extreme need of the League was
Philip's opportunity. The succour of Rouen
was an event of vital importance to the cause.
The city captured, not a single stronghold in the
kingdom, Paris perhaps excepted, could hold a
month, if invested by the victorious armies of
Henri Quatre. The duke of Parma, therefore,
received orders to negotiate with Mayenne; but
to obtain decisive engagements ere a single
Spanish regiment crossed the frontiers. Accord-
ingly, Farnese opened the parley by abruptly
refusing to meet a second time in conference,
unless, as a preliminary, a town in France was
ceded to him to serve as a refuge, in case of
hostilities, for his wounded; and for a magazine
to store provisions and artillery. The duke,
having no alternative, offered to cede his own
12 HISTORY OF [1591.
town of La Fère-a proposition graciously ac-
cepted. In vain, then, Mayenne conjured the
duke to march to the succour of Rouen, and to
negotiate when in that town. He represented
the imminent peril of delay, or of trusting to
the presumed strength of any city, when in-
vested by a military chief like Henry IV. He
drew a piteous picture of the slaughter, the
cabals, the waste of treasure, and the disheart-
ening effects upon the country at large of pro-
crastination; or of apparent dissension between
the allies. Parma, however, refused to stir or to
Sanction any military demonstration whatever.
“The council first, monseigneur, war after-
wards,” was his cold reply to Mayenne's entrea-
ties. The first conference, therefore, was holden
between the president Jeannin on behalf of M.
de Mayenne, and don Diego de Evora, Juan Bap-
tista de Taxis, and the president Richardot, en-
voys of the Catholic king, representing the duke
of Parma. The secret intentions of the king of
Spain were now proclaimed without reserve
whatever. In 1590, Philip had called God and
His holy angels to witness that his intervention
in French affairs was prompted “not for private
interests, but for the solace of all good Catholics;
and the restoration of a line of Orthodox and
legitimate princes.” At this conference, don
Diego de Evora rose, and announced that his
1592.] THE R. EIGN OF HENRY I'V. 13
Catholic majesty would do nothing more by
arms or by diplomacy for the support of the
cause, unless “his daughter the serene Infanta,
was previously proclaimed queen of France l’
The abruptness of this avowal took Jeannin by
surprise ; but being an incomparable master of
chicane, he, after a silence of a few minutes,
rose and said: “that what the ambassador of
the Catholic king asked was easy of accom-
plishment, upon certain conditions, against
which exception could not be taken. Would
don Diego guarantee that the serene Infanta
should within six months enter Paris; and
within twelve months take a husband chosen
and approved by the great officers of the
crown P. Also, that the dukes de Lorraine,
Guise, Nemours, and Mercoeur, should be con-
sulted : and that the various lords and gentle-
men of the League might have each suitable
recompense made ; moreover, that the Catholic
king should furnish money to bribe and allure
adherents from the royal cause. Likewise it would
be requisite that his Catholic majesty should
make written compact, what aid he could af.
ford his daughter the serene Infanta to maintain
her crown; for that at the very least a subsidy
of eight millions would be required during the
two first years of the reign of madame l'enfante,
Finally, that the states of the realm must ratify
14 HISTORY OF [1591.
and confirm any agreement between M. de Ma-
yenne and his Catholic majesty, before such con-
vention was holden valid and irrevocable.” The
subtle speaker, while apparently conceding the
demands of Spain, divined that the conditions
so skilfully opposed, would retard the proclama-
tion of the infanta to any period convenient to
his patron. Richardot replied “that the king
of Spain had sufficiently evidenced his good will
by having hitherto spent four millions annually
to maintain their cause. That as for the convo-
cation of the States, his Catholic majesty recog-
nised the importance of this measure; only,
care must be taken that proper resolutions were
there proposed and agreed to.” Nothing fur-
ther passed at this first interview, which was
regarded as the preliminary declaration only of
the terms upon which Spanish succours were to
be purchased. The same day, January 11th,
Evora wrote to his royal master, “I clearly per-
ceive that these princes intend to manage affairs
in their own fashion. They wish to put off the
assemblage of their States, so that M. de Ma-
yenne may have a longer tenure of power. The
said Mayenne enrages at the thought of his ab-
dication.” The following day, the duke of
Parma and the duke de Mayenne entered the
1 Cayet, Chron. Nov. année 1592. Mezeray, t. iii. Journal
de Henri IV. Davila, De Thou. Lettre de don Diego Evora.-
Mém. de la Ligue, t. v. p. 2. Herrera—Historia de España.
Cabrera— Felipe II.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY TV. 15
apartment during the conference of their re-
spective agents. Great reserve and distrust were
mutually evinced. The duke de Mayenne said
“that nothing positive could be done until means
were found to detach the principal lords from
the royal party; and that money might effect
much.” “Monseigneur,” responded Taxis, “pro-
pose what you deem to be the necessary sum to
achieve this service; also, what, in your opinion,
ought to be the next step in the negotiation.”
“My counsel is, that in the first place M. le duc
imparts to MM. de Vaudemont, Guise and
Chaligny, the wishes of his Catholic majesty,”
responded Mayenne. “These French,” wrote
the duke of Parma to the king of Spain, “are
always raising obstacles. Their eternal cry is,
that the negotiation is difficult, and its remedy
—money ! The duke de Mayenne is suspicious
and jealous of his authority, despite of his pre-
tended submission to your majesty I’’ The duke of
Parma accordingly assembled the three Lorraine
princes, indicated by Mayenne; and in an inter-
view at La Fère, he explained the views of Spain.
The princes protested their obedience and affec-
tion for king Philip ; the duke de Guise espe-
cially supporting the Spanish envoys to the
great annoyance of Mayenne.' Parma, weary
* “Ile duc de Parme fit bailler au dit duc de Guise dix mille
escus en deux fois afin de l’attirer a suivre la volonté du roy
Catholique.” *
I6 * HISTORY OF [1591.
of a controversy in which neither party was in
the same mind two days together, at length sent
a summary of the concessions which his royal
master was prepared to make; the duke being
moreover alarmed at the progress which king
Henry was making before Rouen. A coldness,
also, had risen between Parma and the duke de
Monte-Marciano, who by command of the new
pope Clement VIII. had joined the council of the
allies. The duke, who was young and elated by
his extraordinary honours, claimed the pas as
general of the Church before the veteran Farnese,
though the latter was a sovereign prince. The
presumptuous pretensions of Sfondrata were re-
ceived with well-merited derision. Monte-Mar-
ciano next declared that the papal levies had
not been destined to garrison a provincial town;
and that it was his intention to obey the orders
he had received from Rome, which directed him
to retire from France unless the duke of Parma
led his army to the succour of Rouen before the
close of the year 1591. Thus pressed on all
sides, Parma agreed to conduct his army across
the frontier on condition, “that the Infanta
doña Isabel was recognized as queen under the
sign-manual of the princes, subject to the after
ratification of the states.” On the proclamation
of the Infanta, Philip covenanted to maintain an
| Lettre du duc de Parme a Philippe II. Cayet, Chron. Nov.
An enormous letter in the original of fourteen pages.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 17
army of 20,000 foot and 5,000 horse during
the space of two years. Moreover, his Catholic
majesty agreed to furnish the duke de Mayenne
with 1,200 gold crowns yearly as secret service
money. Mayenne hastily accepted these terms
on condition that without further delay the
Spanish army commenced its march ; so alarm-
ing was the news which daily reached Soissons
from all parts of the kingdom." Nothing more
definite could be obtained from the duke. He
had conditionally agreed to the election of the
Infanta; and it now remained for the general
assembly of the nation to ratify and accept that
great decision. These traitorous intrigues were
speedily known to the king. The agents in-
trusted with the transmission of these letters to
the frontier were, with few exceptions, arrested.
Their despatches were copied, and they were
then suffered to resume their route. Henry
seldom failed to transmit copies of the Spanish
despatches to Mayenne. The duke therein
found his motives misrepresented and his power
derided; while he was thereby able to appreciate
the degree of influence likely to be left to him
when once doña Isabel was firmly seated on the
throne of her maternal ancestors.
* “Les promesses ne coutaient rien au duc de Mayenne, et à la
Châstres pour engager l’Espagnol a marcher a Rouen—De Thou,
liv. 102.
VOI. II. C
18 HISTORY OF [1591.
The first chapter of the Order of St. Esprit
holden during this reign was celebrated on New
Year's Day, 1592, in the little church of Darne-
tal. As the king was disqualified by reason of
his heresy from presiding, Henry issued letters
deputing the marshal de Biron as his represen-
tative. The grand cross of the order was be-
stowed on Renard de Beaune archbishop of
Bourges, and upon Charles de Biron, som of the
marshal.' The muster of knights was consider-
able ; and the assemblage of the chapter was
hailed by the nobles, and deemed by them as
significant of his majesty's approaching abjura-
tion. The following day, the army received a
reinforcement of 3,000 Dutch troops under
count Philip of Nassau. The royal army mean-
time firmly maintained its ground, but no per-
manent progress had been made. Sorties and
attacks upon the fort Ste. Catherine kept both
besieged and besiegers on the alert. The mar-
shal de Biron insisted on directing the attack
solely upon this last named fortress, in defiance
of the opinion of the majority of the royal
officers, and especially of M. de Rosny. “Ville
prise, château rendu,” said Rosny, and a warm
contest ensued. The age and experience of
Biron, nevertheless, caused his opinion to be
Journal de Henri IV. Clairembaud—Catalogue des Cheva-
liers du St. Esprit—Paris 1713.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IW. 19
adopted by the king, whose position unfortu-
nately compelled him often to defer to the coun-
sels of Biron and Nevers against his own mili-
tary savoir. The duke de Nevers, who filled
so important a post in the armies of the king,
was elderly and prematurely incapacitated by
his wounds and lameness. He never mounted
his horse except when actually about to lead the
combat; but followed the army in a ponderous
coach in which the duke reposed luxuriously, in
winter enveloped in furs. Upon any sudden
alarm or check, it used to afford the troops high
diversion to behold their commander scramble
in haste from his coach, throw aside a muff, fur
cap and cloak, and mount his charger to recon-
noitre; and when satisfied no danger was pre-
sent, calmly ensconce himself therein again
and give the word for the march. The polished
demeanour of the duke de Nevers, his diplo-
matic capacity and conversational powers, how-
ever, caused him always to be welcomed with
distinction and pleasure.
The allied army, meanwhile, lay encamped
around La Fère, the chieftains having composed
their differences. It consisted of 24,000 infantry
and a body of 5,000 cavalry. King Henry had
now nearly 45,000 men under arms, but this
force was not all assembled before Rouen. The
duke of Parma, also, had been compelled to leave
C 2
20 HISTORY OF [1591.
considerable garrisons in his Flemish fortresses
to check the enterprises of prince Maurice.
From La Fère, the allies marched to Péronne.
The duke of Parma sent Evora from thence to
Rouen by Havre, to announce his approach to
the brave garrison. The duke de Guise, Le
Châstre, and M. de Vitry led the van of the
army. The dukes of Parma, Mayenne, and
Monte-Marciano the centre. Farnese, whose
infirmities prevented him from sitting on horse-
back for many hours, rode in a car, having his
colleagues at his right and left. The command
of the rear was intrusted to the count de Cha-
ligny, conjointly with Bois-Dauphin the hero of the
barricades, Saint Paul, Bassompierre and others—
all zealous Leaguers. In such imposing array the
allied army, amid the clash of cymbals and mi-
litary bands, with colours flying, bore down upon
Aumale, a town on the confines of Normandy.
The king, remembering the former advance of
Parma upon Paris, resolved this time not to be
out-manoeuvred. Leaving Biron in Supreme com-
mand of the besieging columns, Henry, at-
tended by a few cavaliers and a chosen body
of horse, advanced to the rencontre of the in-
vaders. A corps of 2,000 cuirassiers, 500 light
horse, 1,000 reiters, and 2,000 arquebusiers were
previously detached by his majesty from the
main army, and sent forward to Aumale under
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 2]
the command of the dukes de Nevers and de
Longueville. Henry's unvarying good fortune
in escaping wounds and other accidents during
the numerous combats at which he had been
present, encouraged his majesty in the pursuit
of perilous enterprises, despite the remonstrances
of his officers and servants. The day following
Henry's arrival at Aumale, his majesty announced
his resolve to survey the position of the enemy's
camp; it being believed that the dukes were still
some leagues distant. Henry was attended by
the archers of his guard, by 200 horse, and 300
gentlemen, amongst whom were Rosny, the
baron de Biron, the count de St. Paul, MM. de
Marivaux, Praslin, Aubigny, and Rambures.
This little band proceeded joyously along through
vineyards and wooded enclosures until on the
summit of a hill, which commanded an extensive
plain, the king suddenly came upon a strong
detachment of the enemy's van. Beyond, the
plain was crowded with the legions of the great
army advancing in compact masses, flanked ac-
cording to Spanish tactics by artillery and
baggage-waggons. A regiment of carabiniers
under Basti, and a company of light horse, in-
1 François d’Orléans, count de St. Paul, younger brother of
the duke de Longueville. He died October 7th, 1631, at a
great age, “tout doucement sans rien dire, comme il await
vécu Sans rien faire,” says a sarcastic biographer.
22 EHISTORY OF [1591.
stantly assailed the little troop before them. The
royal cavaliers had even left their helmets behind ;
as they were far from contemplating the occur-
rence of so perilous an adventure. The combat
was fierce and bloody; the cavaliers fighting with
unexampled courage, animated by the example and
the peril of the king. The ground around was soon
covered with the bodies of the king's faithful
archers of the guard. Henry then gave the
signal to his cavaliers to make for a bridge
over the river Epte at the bottom of the hill; as in
the valley beyond, Givry's company was sta-
tioned. By this time, some officers in the allied
army recognized the king. Shouts of “Navarrel
Navarre Tuel Tue l’ rent the air. Henry's
brave band dashed down the steep descent,
at the base of which was the bridge over
the river. The enemy followed in hot
pursuit; but fortunately the duke of Parma re-
strained the ardour of the main body of the
army, and refused to allow his ranks to be
broken, fearing some ambuscade or ruse to draw
him to give battle. This caution saved the king
and his heroic troop, who gallantly reached the
bridge. Henry placed himself in front whilst
his troops crossed the river, and once actually
almost alone sustained the assaults of the enemy.
Just as his majesty was himself about to tra-
verse the bridge, a ball from an arquebuse struck
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 23
him in the loins. Meanwhile, with incredible
ardour, the Spanish troops followed their ene-
mies. Beyond the bridge was an extensive
vineyard, amongst the stakes and trees of which
men and horses floundered ; so that most of the
survivors of the royal guard were here shot
down or stabbed by the enemy. Givry's de-
tachment meantime held possession of the ad-
jacent meadows. The tumult of combat, and
the report of fugitives that the great army was
upon them and the king dangerously wounded,
so appalled the men of Givry's company, that they
fled in affright to the quarters of the duke de
Nevers. Givry himself and thirty brave soldiers,
however, rode forwards to the king's aid. Henry,
faint from exertion and loss of blood, could
scarcely keep his saddle. Givry threw his cloak
around his majesty, and placing himself by the
king's side, bravely fought his way through the
enemy. In a short time Givry's horse was shot,
and falling on his master's leg, crushed it dan-
gerously. Aubigny soon was pierced through the
chest ; Rambures fell insensible from severe contu-
sions; Marivaux was disabled by an arquebuse
shot above the elbow. All seemed lost; when
suddenly Nevers appeared at the head of a great
body of cavalry, which with shouts of “Vive
le Roy l’ covered Henry's retreat. Vitry, La
Châstre, and the count de Chaligny continued
24 HISTORY OF [1591.
the contest for some time; but the approach of
Nevers in force, convinced Farnese of the
correctness of his suspicion, that the appear-
ance of Henry and his cavaliers was a ruse to
draw him into a pitched battle. The duke in
every encounter shewed extreme reluctance to
test his military tactics against the royal know-
ledge. He, consequently, in defiance of the advice
of Mayenne, peremptorily ordered a halt and the
return of the flying squadrons of horse in pur-
suit. The dukes afterwards encamped on the plain
close to Aumale, where the combat commenced.'
The king, meanwhile, retired to the shelter of
a wood about a league from Aumale, where his
wound was dressed. The surgeons extracted
the ball, and pronounced the wound not dan-
gerous, but likely to give his majesty great pain
and trouble for several weeks. The king then
repaired to Neufchâtel, where fever and excite-
ment compelled his majesty to retire to bed.
“We then gathered round the couch of the
king, and conversed on the events of the day,”
writes Sully. “I have, however, to observe as
singular, that of all the persons assembled in
his majesty's chamber, and present at the com-
* De Thou, liv. 102. Davila, lib. 13. Sully, liv. 4. Le Grain
—Péréfixe. Cayet, Chron. Nov. année 1592. The combat of
Aumale was fought February 5th, as stated by the king in letters-
missive written on the morrow to the governor of Compiègne
—Archives de la ville de Compiègne.—M. Berger de Xivrey.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 25
bat, not two individuals could agree in their
recital.” Towards nightfall, the duke de Nevers,
and his division arrived and encamped at
Neufchâtel, the enemy having abstained from
attack. Despatches were then forwarded, signed
by Henry, to the marshal de Biron, to the queen
of England, and to the municipalities of the
principal towns in the vicinity, detailing the
particulars of the fight, and the slight nature of
the king's wound—all which letters were sent by
express to dissipate needless alarm. At dawn, a
royal trumpeter was despatched to the Spanish
camp to present the king's commendations to the
duke of Parma, and to enquire what his high-
ness thought of his gallant retreat? “Tell his
majesty,” retorted Farnese, “that it was heroic.
But that I never place myself in positions, where
retreat becomes inevitable !” Glorious as was
the heroism displayed by Henry and his handful
of gallant soldiers at la Journée d'Aumale, there
can be no doubt that the king was surprised, and
forced to make perilous retreat at the risk of his
life and crown. Sully, however, maintains that
the king deliberately sought the fight at such
fearful odds; and actually dismissed part of his
slight escort in face of the advancing columns of
the enemy, when honourable retreat was still
1 Péréfixe—Hist. de Henri le Grand, Paris, 1681. Dondini
—Wie du duc de Parme.
26 HISTORY OF [1591.
possible. The testimony of Davila, De Thou,
Cayet, Campaña, and of letters-missive under the
king's own sign manual, attest the surprise—to
have extricated himself from which with such
valour, is more to the honour of Henri IV. than
the Quixotic rashness attributed to him by Sully.
The king himself never alluded to the combat
but he termed it, “ l'erreur d'Aumale !”
Biron meantime, addressed grave remonstrances
to the king on his rashness: “which,” he said,
“disorganized the army, and rendered the soldiers
lukewarm, as it was deemed doubtful whether
his majesty, who courted such peril, would sur-
vive the siege.” “Sire,” wrote the courtly
Duplessis-Mornay, “you have enacted long
enough the rôle of Alexander, it is time for your
majesty to adopt that of Augustus. It is our
high privilege, Sire, to die for you : nay, it is our
glory ! but then it is your duty, Sire, to live for
France, the model of the warriors of our age.”
Rumours, that the king was more seriously
wounded than he acknowledged, reached the
camp of the allies. The duke of Parma, there-
fore, returned the compliment paid him by the
“Sa majesté print tout ce que l’on luy dit de bonne part,”
writes Victor Palma Cayet. An English gentleman of the name
of Sackville was missing after the combat. As queen Elizabeth
made strict scrutiny into the fate of her valiant gentlemen,
Henry sent a herald to the duke of Parma, to enquire the fate of
‘ce pauvre Sacqueville.”
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 27
king, and sent a trumpet to the town of Gerberoy,
where his majesty had removed, to enquire after
Henry's health. With indomitable energy, the
king rose, mounted on horseback as if about to
enjoy the diversion of the chase, and passed
before the eyes of the envoy, whom he dismissed
with this response —“I am aware why the duke
of Parma sent you here. You will therefore tell
your said master, that you have seen me well and
hearty, and quite ready to give him a warm re-
ception when he feels inclined to honour me
personally with a visit !”
The combat at Aumale created great dis-
content and cabals in the allied camp. Mayenne
and his officers reproached Farnese for his
caution. “Had our army advanced promptly,
the Béarnnois must have been enveloped, and his
band cut to pieces,” said they. Parma, how-
ever, doggedly bore these objurgations. “I
would act so again, messieurs, did the op-
portunity recur. My decision was dictated by
reason. I believed that I had to contend with a
captain-general of great armies, and not with a
captain of light horse, which I know now this
prince of Béarn to be l’” Farnese added, “that
* Pillet—Hist. de Gerberoy. Le Grain–Décade de Henri IV.
* Lettre du roi à Ancel serviteur ordinaire de ma chambre à la
cour de l'empereur mom bon frère.—Bibl. Imp. F. St. Germain.
Harlay, MS. 33l. fol 42—edited by M. Berger de Xivrey.
28 HISTORY OF [1591.
his mission in France was not to conquer in
pitched battles: his business was not to be con-
quered, and to raise the siege of Rouen I’’ The
third day following the skirmish at Aumale, the
allies laid siege to Neufchâtel; into which town
the brave Givry, though suffering from his
Wound, had temporarily thrown himself to arrest
the march of the hostile army, until the troops
before Rouen recovered from their anticipated
panic on hearing of the king's wound. On the
fourth day of the siege, Neufchâtel surrendered,
Givry marching from the fortress in battle array
at the head of the garrison.
At Neufchâtel, the duke of Parma made a
sojourn of ten days, being resolved not to
entangle himself in an unknown country there to
be galled by the perpetual attack of an active
enemy like the king. He also desired to await
the effect of the news of the king's wound
and repulse at Aumale, on the soldiers
of the camp before Rouen. Guise and his
cousin the count de Chaligny, were stationed
with a strong staff and five regiments of infantry
at Bures, a village between Dieppe and
Neufchâtel. On the 17th of February, when
the enemy was agreeably speculating on the
royal inaction and its probable cause; at dawn,
Henry at the head of 2000 men suddenly
attacked Bures. “Le roi!” says Sully, “quoi-
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 29
que très mal, remit a un autre temps la guerison
de sa blessure.” An obstinate engagement
ensued, which ended in the retreat of Guise and
his troop back to the main army, and the capture
of Chaligny a cadet of Lorraine, and half-brother
to the queen-dowager Louise. “We killed,”
says the king, “400 men. We captured 400
horses, baggage, silver plate, the wardrobe of the
princes, 50,000 crowns of money, and the
guidon of M. de Guise.” Chaligny was cap-
tured by Chicot the king's jester, whom an
old chronicler quaintly terms, “a notable sturdy
lad.” This Chicot bore peculiar spite towards
the princes of Lorraine, and had made a vow
to capture one of them to avenge a severe
flogging which several years ago had been in-
flicted by the duke de Mayenne. The unfor-
tunate jester paid dearly for his triumph; as
Chaligny, furious at his ignominious capture by a
buffoon, dealt him a severe sabre wound on the
head, which in a few weeks caused his death.
Chicot presented his prisoner to the king.
“Tiens, maitre,” said he, “voilà ce que je te
donne !” The exploit of the jester, nevertheless,
delivered the young duchess elect de Longueville,
the duchess dowager and her two daughters from
captivity at Amiens, where they had been long
detained by the Leaguers. The four princesses
1 Aubigné–De Thou, liv. 102. Etoile.
30 HISTORY OF [1591.
were liberated in exchange for M. de Chaligny,
and the payment of a fine of 30,000 livres.
M. de Villars, meanwhile, encouraged by the
vicinity of the Spanish army, and by the absence
of the king from his head-quarters at Darnetal,
determined to make a sortie in order to facili-
tate the entrance of the allies into Rouen. The
design was enthusiastically hailed. Two thousand
soldiers and citizens on the night of February
28th, fell on the royal camp, and after great
slaughter, captured five cannons, spiked two
more, destroyed the earth works of the enemy
and fired a powder magazine. The timely arrival
of Biron turned the victory on the side of the
royalists. The assailants were driven back after
a hot engagement, in which Biron was wounded
in the thigh by an arquebuse ball. A mes-
senger had been despatched by don Diego de
Evora, to apprize the duke of Parma of the
intended expedition; and to pray his highness to
co-operate with the citizens by an attack on the
head-quarters of Biron at Darnetal, “now that
the prince of Béarn is absent.” Farnese be-
lieving that the period for a successful assault
had arrived — Biron and his royal master
being both crippled by wounds—proposed it to
Mayenne. The duke dryly refused to hazard
his army on so precarious a chance. “The
enemy has Pont de l'Arche to retire upon, four
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 31
leagues only from Rouen. Will any army of
38,000 men suffer itself to be beaten within its
own entrenchments, and that, the army of Le
Navarrois. Remember Arques | As Charles de
Lorraine, I would follow your highness in every
encounter; but as lieutenant-governor of this
realm, none shall ever reproach me with so grave
a fault—a fault which must result in my opinion
in disastrous calamity.” The Italian and Spanish
commanders inclined to the opinion of Parma.
Mayenne, however, believed that the king would
eventually raise the siege; for the duke relied on
information which reached him respecting the
religious feuds of the camp. King Henry, however,
allowed his foes little leisure to debate the matter.
The evening of the day following the sortie from
Rouen, the king was in his camp at Darnetal,
pacifying all, healing dissensions, restoring mirth
and confidence, jesting with his Gascons, win-
ning his recusant nobles by princely liberalities
and pleasantry, and pouring into the ear of the
English envoy Weston, delicate flatteries where-
with to regale the vanity of the royal Elizabeth of
England. When the return of the king was
ascertained, the project of the grand assault on his
camp was at once abandoned; such was the
dread which Henry's prowess and fortune in the
field inspired. Parma, therefore, contented him-
self for the present with sending a succour of
32 HISTORY OF [1591.
800 Walloon soldiers to Villars. The men took
boat at Havre and arrived safely at Rouen, not
without misgivings as they passed up the river.
The dukes then crossed the Somme, and retreated
in the direction of St. Esprit de Rue, a strong
town which Farnese faute de mieuw, while waiting
his opportunity, resolved to besiege. The king
instantly gave chase to the retreating enemy,
and several warm skirmishes ensued. “The
duke of Parma, after giving out that Rouen had
no need of succour, began to retreat. In one
night he accomplished nine leagues, and crossed
the Somme at Pontdormy, where, nevertheless, I
arrived time enough to catch some of them,”
writes Henry to the duke de Montmorency.
“Since which I am returned here (Darnetal)
resolved to push this siege with vigour. It has
however happened, as it always does, that after a
month spent in camp, everybody wishes to
retire. Many Frenchmen say they are on the eve
of,departure from the army; but this does not
alter my determination: for I have 10,000 foreign
troops and 4000 reiters who remain. The duke
of Parma is suffering from the same incon-
venience.” The national charasteristic of incon-
stancy and unwillingness to drag the languid
1 A mon cousin le duc de Montmorency, MS. B. Imp. F.
Béth. 9045, fol. 72. Ecrit au camp devant Rouen Ce 26 jour
de Mars, 1592.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 33
course of a siege, marred many of Henry's fairest
enterprises. A reinforcement of fresh troops,
consisting of 300 Walloons, and a body of Eng-
lish and Scotch volunteers had arrived in camp.
The chief foe which Henry had now to combat
was the religious animosities of his soldiers, which
rose to such a pitch of bitterness, that the suc-
cessful foray of Villars into the royal camp was
attributed to the malign influence of the here-
tics It was even contemplated by a band of
famatics to disinter the bodies of the slain so as
to separate the orthodox from “the sons of per-
dition.” Theological wrangles became common
in camp ; arguments, usually terminated by a
sanguinary brawl. Amongst the nobles, the
same feeling prevailed. If the king spoke with
apparent interest to one of his Huguenots,
especially to M. de Rosny or to the duke de
Bouillon, sullen displeasure was manifested. So
little did the nobles try to hide their sentiments,
that one day when Henry was talking apart with
Rosny, he directed the attention of the latter to
the malignant glances cast upon them by MM.
de Nevers, de Longueville, de Guiche, d’O and
Châteauvieux, who stood apart in a corner
surveying the progress of the conference, whis-
pering each to the other. The dignity and the
sharp retorts of the new duke de Bouillon,
secured more respect than was vouchsafed
WOL. II. D
34 THE HISTORY OF [1592.
towards his royal master. Henry conferred the
bâton of marshal upon Bouillon during the
month of March, 1592, a command which lapsed
by the death of the marshal de Joyeuse in Pro-
Vence. The king, about the same time, was
apprized of the decease of M. de la Vallette, the
elder brother of the duke d'Epernon. The latter
increased his already enormous wealth by his
succession to his brother's heritage : the duke's
satisfaction was, however, diminished by the
failing health of his fair young consort,
Catherine de Foix Candale."
In the midst of these troubles and vicissitudes,
a fresh anxiety beset the king. The correspon-
dence between the count de Soissons and the
princess Catherine, was ascertained to have
become more frequent and intimate than ever
under the auspices of madame de Guiche. At
this period the princess, persuaded by the
countess and deluded by the flattery and devo-
tion of the count de Soissons, so far forgot her
duty to her king and brother as to agree to the
celebration of a clandestine marriage. Madame
de Guiche organized the plot, and in concert
with Soissons, actually made secret preparations
for the marriage. Soissons had given king
Henry the support of his military abilities at the
siege of Rouen; or rather he appeared there to
1 The duchesse d'Epernon died in the spring of 1593.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 35
watch the progress of the Tiers-Parti, and, if
possible, supersede his brother the cardinal, as
the hero of that movement. The alliance with
Madame might powerfully advance such designs.
Nevertheless, the dislike of the king and his
hostility to the alliance were palpable as ever.
The frank and hearty demeanour of Henry was
repelled by the cold and self-sufficient gravity
affected by Soissons. The count also had few
personal gifts: his figure was small and spare ; his
hair dark, and his complexion swarthy. His
attire was sumptuous, and his habits fastidious.
The countess de Guiche exhorted the princess
to take advantage of the present contingency to
settle the question of her marriage. “Now is
the time, madame. Should his majesty be
victorious, your fate will be dictated, and your
hand bestowed on M. de Dombes or on the
prince of Anhalt.” Catherine hesitated. She
had been brought up in sentiments of veneration
for the king, her brother. She was, moreover,
attached to him; while her pride revolted at the
clandestine intrigue, which she remarked “was
unworthy of a daughter of France and a Bourbon
princess.” The strong and acute mind of the
princess, however, was fascinated by the bland-
ishments of M. de Soissons. Catherine, also,
believed that some mysterious spell condemned
her to a life of celibacy; as all formal negotiations
D 2
36 HISTORY OF [1591.
for her hand failed. Never had a princess more
suitors than madame Catherine. From her
sunny bower at Castel-Beziat she had demurely
responded to the effusions of half of the chief
princes of Europe. She had been sought by
the duke d'Alençon, the dukes de Lorraine and
de Savoye, the prince de Condé, James VI.
king of Scotland, the prince of Anhalt, the prince
de Dombes, and the count de Soissons.' The
heart of Catherine inclined alone to this last
named prince; who seems to have reciprocated
her attachment, as far as his selfish nature per-
mitted. For a brief period it was in contempla-
tion to bestow the hand of the princess on the
late king Henry III. ; and it is asserted that
the king of Spain was so pleased with a portrait
of the princess, as actually to be willing to over-
look the heresy of the blooming young Huguenot
to obtain her for his third consort. Soon after
the return of the king from his pursuit of the
enemy to the banks of the Somme, the count of
Soissons asked his majesty's permission to visit
his mother the dowager princess of Condé, at
* Catherine used gaily to remark, in allusion to the failure of
her many matrimonial negotiations; “Grata Superveniet quae non
sperabitur hora.” Madame was a learned classical scholar, and
spoke and understood Latin. She was also conversant with the
Greek tongue. Her voice was fine and cultivated; and she
played well on the organ and the lute.
* Catherine de Medici prevented this alliance, by assuring her
son that the princess was ‘une maine et bossue.”
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 37
Nogent. Leave was readily granted by his
majesty; but a few days subsequently Henry
received a missive from Soissons to the effect
“that hearing madame Catherine was about to
journey into France, he had determined to escort
her highness from La Rochelle; feeling that to
omit so indispensable a homage would be a shame
and disgrace.” Henry seems, at first, to have
been mystified by this epistle, as he adds in
recounting the incident to Montmorency —“It is
my belief that, not finding my sister about to
take this said journey, the count will repair to
the baths," and so get rid of the remains of his
fever.” The true design of the count's hurried
journey to Pau, becoming known to the king
through the treacherous revelation of one of
madame de Guiche's confidentes within the
next few days, Henry's indignation was intense.
“The king was so excited about this affair—as
Some malignant personages declared their opinion
that, in the event of children from this marriage,
his majesty's life would be in the greatest peril—
that no matter was ever discussed by his majesty
with more vehemence and passion,” says Sully.
Henry's measures were well and promptly taken.
* Soissons had never completely recovered from the low fever
which partly prevented him from giving his majesty the rendezvous
in Mantes. The baths alluded to by Henry were those at Cauterets.
* Bibl. Imp. F. de Béthune 9045, fol. 72. MS.
38 HISTORY OF [1591.
He addressed the following peremptory mandate
to M. de Ravignan, president of the parliament
of Pau; and a member of the privy council,
nominally under the direction of Madame —
“Monsieur de Ravigman,—I am displeased and suspicious at
the sudden journey which my cousin, M. de Soissons, has under-
taken. I shall say uo more; excepting that if anything occurs
by your Sanction or assistance against my known will and desire,
your head shall be the forfeit.”
His majesty also wrote to M. de Pardaillon
Pangeas, one of the chief members of the
council, forbidding any contemplated marriage
of his sister with Soissons, in express terms.
The mandate transmitted orders for the im-
mediate expulsion of M. de Soissons from Béarn;
and authorized the temporary arrest of madame
Catherine and madame de Guiche, if deemed
requisite or expedient. The precision of these
orders permitted of no evasion. The count,
meantime, arrived at Pau, where he was received
by the princess with joyful welcome. The royal
precautions might still have been frustrated, but
for the prudence and loyalty of Cayet, chaplain
to the princess Catherine. The day after the
arrival of the count, Cayet was summoned into
the presence of the latter and of madame de
1 Archives de M. le duc de la Force—et imprimé, Mém. de
Jacques Nompar de Caumont, duke de la Force par le marquis
de la Grange.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 39
Guiche. He was then requested to perform the
marriage rite between M. de Soissons and
Madame. The attachment of the royal pair had
been long notorious at Pau; also, the resolve of
king Henry not to sanction the marriage. Cayet,
accordingly, respectfully refused to perform the
ceremony unless authorized by a mandate from
the king. Incensed at this unexpected refusal,
Soissons flew into a rage; and finally drawing
his sword, threatened to slay the audacious
minister who dared to resist his bidding. “It
is well. Kill me, monseigneur, if such be your
pleasure. It is better to be slain by a great
prince, than to die by the hand of the heads-
man l’ undauntedly replied Cayet. The same
morning Soissons was summoned before the
council on its own mandate, to the amazement
of Madame, who beheld her authority superseded.
Still more disconcerted were the princess and her
confidente at beholding a guard surround her
palace at Castel-Beziat ; and on receiving a re-
spectful letter from M. de Ravignan, stating the
reason of the course he pursued, and enclosing
his authority from king Henry. The count de
Soissons, meanwhile, was requested by Ravignan
and M. de Pangeas to quit the principality with-
ont a farewell audience of Madame. The anger
and humiliation of Soissons were overwhelming,
when it was announced that officers had been
40 HISTORY OF [1591.
nominated to conduct his royal highness to the
frontier, and not to lose sight of him until with-
out the territory of Béarn. The count de
Soissons in vain remonstrated at such summary
proceedings; he was, nevertheless, compelled to
set out after a respite of a few hours—so well
and completely were Henry's orders and his
policy comprehended by his faithful Béarnnois.
As for Madame, her pride received a severe
shock. She never could forget or forgive her
temporary deposition from power as regent of
Béarn; which humiliation seemed to dwell on her
mind more than her matrimonial disappointment.
Henry hastened to pacify his sister by excuses ;
and by the proposal of committing to her still
more honourable trust. Madame coldly de-
clined ; but intimated to the king “ that her
dignity having suffered from the éclat which
his majesty had given to his late unjustifiable
proceedings, she intended to join him in France
at the end of the year, and take up her abode
at Fontainebleau : nevertheless, it was not her
intention to abandon her betrothed husband, M.
de Soissons.” The king, grateful for the ardour
with which he had been served, despite the
popularity of the princess, addressed a second
billet to M. de Ravignan, which atoned for the
peremptory harshness of his former epistle.
1 Olhagaray—Hist. de Foix et de Béarn. Favyn.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 41
KING HENRY TO M. DE RAWIGNAN.
“Monsieur de Ravigman —I acknowledge that which you
have recently done for me at Pau, as the most signal service
which you could have rendered. I beg you to continue such;
and to believe that I am always your good master, who will never
allow any occasion to pass without recognizing your services. I
pray God, M. de Ravignan, to have you in His holy keeping."

The count de Soissons, mortified and humbled,
repaired to Nogent to visit his mother, where to
revenge himself he made extraordinary endea-
vours to win adherents for the Bourbon faction.
His evil counsels caused a misunderstanding
between the king and the young count d’Au-
vergne ; who, however, was wise enough to yield
to the firm but gentle expostulations of the king
and return to his duty.
The siege of Rouen, meantime, continued with
varied success. The daring of the besieged won
many advantages. The royal officers were
wearied with the campaign, and only half in-
clined to support a heretic cause. Owing to
* Archives de M. le duc de la Force. Lettres missives de
Henri IV. edited by M. Berger de Xivrey.
42 HISTORY OF [1591.
the inertness of the outposts, 800 Spaniards
passed at midnight and entered the city, where
Villars waited at one of the gates to receive
them. The following day, to demonstrate his
contempt for the besiegers, Villars proclaimed
a joust, and actually distributed prizes under the
walls of the city in sight of the royal camp.
The position of the council of state at Darnetal
offered another solicitude to the king. The
lords its members, demonstrated much dis-
quietude at their position close to the beleaguered
city; a place from whence they might be swept
away by a bold and enterprising enemy. When-
ever Henry was compelled by the urgency of his
affairs to depart for a few days from head-
quarters, the ferment and dismay of the privy
counsellors were great. As the allies resolutely
refused battle and entrenched themselves beyond
the Somme, the king, worn out by fatigue and
anxieties, at length took the resolution to divide
the army. The troops employed at the siege
were much too numerous. The men of the bat-
talions not actively engaged were promoters of
sedition ; and from amongst whom sprang the
chief religious agitators of the camp. Henry
remembered also, that resort to a parallel mea-
sure during the first Spanish invasion drew the
enemy from his entrenchments at Pomponne; and
1 Davila, lib. 12. Cayet, année 1592.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 43
had enabled him to gain those victories which
converted the retreat of Parma into a virtual
flight. Henry, by his agents, knew that discord
reigned in the allied camps. Mayenne and
Farnese never agreed on any military measure ;
each claimed supreme and independent control
over his army. The duke of Parma had wished
to advance upon Rouen after the sortie of the
garrison; this design was checked by Mayenne,
who in his turn, by the advice of the duc d’Au-
male, proposed the siege of Rue, that before
engaging in battle he might study the tactics of
the king ! Parma reluctantly consented, being
of opinion “that the siege of a stronghold like
Rue would fatigue his troops and result in
failure.” The duke de Monte-Marciano, though
he pretended impartiality and great disgust
at these dissensions, was on the eve of be-
coming the sole representative of his holiness in
camp. The papal battalions were fast melting
away. Many Italians died of cold and miasma;
others, to avoid a similar destiny, deserted. Two
thousand Swiss and one squadron of cavalry were
the existing remnant of the army so ostenta-
tiously paraded on the plains of Lodi. Henry,
therefore, detached several large bodies of troops
to garrison the adjacent country. He permitted
Nevers to retire to Melun; and granted limited
furloughs to the chief nobles who sought permis-
44 HISTORY OF [1591.
sion to withdraw and repose. Biron remained
at the head of the army, while the king retired
to Dieppe, as his wound was still troublesome ;
ready, however, to take the field at the first
movement of the enemy. This disposition had
scarcely been carried into effect, than an acci-
dental event gave fresh vigour and heart to the
men of Biron's camp. A section of the walls
of Rouen gave way and fell. The royal troops
flew to the breach, and an obstinate fight en-
sued; all the verve of the French soldiery being
restored by action. The citizens defended them-
selves valiantly and blocked the gap by beams,
chains, bags of earth, and sand. The slaughter
was terrible; while for several subsequent days
the besiegers kept up a galling fire on the spot,
so that the necessary repairs for the safety of the
city were made after cruel loss. This success
so elated Biron's soldiery and depressed the citi-
zens, who were already suffering from the scourge
of fever, that Villars sent an express to the allied
camp to notify that unless he was succoured by
the 20th of April the city must surrender.
The legate Séga then repaired to the allied army
at the solicitation of Farnese ; and after review-
ing the army solemnly blessed its standards.
Mayenne, on his side, had been solacing his dis-
satisfaction by renewing his private negotiation
with Willeroy. The latter communicated with
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 45
Duplessis-Mornay, who in his turn apprized the
king of the overture. “The duke was willing,” he
said, “to treat with the princes and lords of the
council, provided that his majesty would give
some pledge of his willingness to adopt the reli-
gion of the majority. The Spaniards wished to
grasp all the honours of the campaign; besides
compelling the proclamation of the infanta, who
it was clear they intended should ascend the
throne unfettered by pledges whatever—a thing
he (M. de Mayenne) could not assent to.”
Henry accepted the plea, and forthwith wrote
a letter-missive authorizing Duplessis to confer
with M. de Villeroy. “It shall not be my
fault,” said his majesty, “if this time all are not
content.”"
No sooner were the royal troops dispersed and
the king at Dieppe, than on the summons of
Villars, the allied army like a huge serpent un-
folded its coils, and stealthily glided back to-
wards Rouen. Cheverny the chancellor, and
the cardinal de Bourbon, in an agony of appre-
hension, despatched missives from Darnetal to
summon back the king. Biron, however, was
equal to the emergency. He made a muster of
the available troops; not presuming to raise the
siege before the arrival of his majesty, though
* Mém. de Messire Philippe Mornay par Licques. Darnetal
ce 18me Mars, 1592.
46 HISTORY OF [1591.
aware that if Henry intended to offer battle to
the enemy, that must be his temporary resource
until the bulk of the army re-assembled. With
these troops, and a strong body of artillery, the
marshal advanced to Bans, a village about a
league from Darnetal. Henry soon relieved the
fears of his privy counsellors by his welcome
presence. The peril was imminent; yet joy was
Henry's predominant feeling that at length
his enemies must be forced to battle. The
king, therefore, marched at the head of his
forces to Gouay, a village nine miles from Rouen.
“I shall wait here,” wrote his majesty, “until
all my army shall have re-assembled, and then I
shall advance and offer battle. In infantry I am
tolerably strong, having 13,000 foot and 7,000
halberdiers.” His baggage Henry sent on to
Pont de l'Arche, and then drew up in battle
array between Bans and Gouay. The duke de
Bouillon the king despatched to harass the
enemy and to cut off stragglers.
The allied army commenced its march from
Rue on the 15th of April with its usual pomp
of progress. On the 20th of the same month
the two armies confronted each other and re-
mained a night vis-à-vis. The duke of Parma,
however, was intent on evading a battle. The
* A mon cousin le duc de Nevers.-Mémoires de Nevers,
tome ii.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 47
greatest tactician of the age, Farnese, main-
tained his repute during these campaigns by out-
manoeuvring the king. In the battle-field, Henry
had as yet met no equal in strategy and re-
source. The duke, therefore, whose aim it was
“ neither to conquer nor to be conquered,” drew
up his army. With the renowned Spanish
battalions he formed his corps de bataille. Be-
hind this imposing front Farnese massed his
cavalry. While the army thus confronted the
enemy, the duke's baggage, his artillery, and
the French infantry defiled, and taking a cir-
cuitous road under the shelter of the hilis with-
drew towards Rouen, beyond danger of assault.
The cavalry followed; and last the battalions
which had screened the retreat of the foe. “In
twenty-four hours,” writes Sully,” “all this great
army had vanished. The country being inter-
sected by narrow valleys and defiles, it was im-
possible for us to follow the enemy in his retreat
or even to harass his rear.” Great was the
merriment of the allies to have so cleverly
avoided the combat; finally to arrive without
impediment within a league of the gates of
Rouen, and there to find the siege of that
city raised. The most transporting joy pos-
sessed the citizens at their deliverance. A
* Liv. iv.
48 HISTORY OF [1591.
solemn Te Deum was sung in the cathedral, at
which the dukes de Mayenne, Guise, Aumale,
and the legate Séga were present. The duke
of Parma also attended, and gave great praise
to Villars for his gallant defence. The dukes
then partook of a banquet ; and after making a
progress through the city retired to their sepa-
rate quarters.
Gallant reinforcements, meantime, poured in
hourly to swell the royal army. Henry's mis-
sives were well and promptly executed. The
dukes de Montpensier and Longueville arrived
with 800 horse; M. d’Humières with 200; M.
de Sourdis from Chartres with 150; MM.
d'Hervé, de Cany and Montgommery brought a
squadron of 1,400 cavalry. Souvré, and the
count de Lude led 300 gentlemen their re-
tainers; while M. de la Peronne, governor of
Caen, arrived at the head of 800 gentlemen,
200 lancers, and 430 arquebusiers. The Dutch
ships, which during the siege of Rouen had
brought Nassau and the Walloon auxiliaries,
lay fully armed on the Seine below Caudebec;
while queen Elizabeth sent eighteen companies
of foot, which succour fortunately at this critical
moment landed at Dieppe.
The partial successes of the allied commanders
were generally followed by great debates and
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 49
resentments. The day following the raising of
the siege of Rouen, a council of war was holden,
in which Parma, his son prince Ranuzzio,
Farnese, and M. de la Motte proposed to attack
the royal army and terminate the campaign by
marching to Paris. The French commanders, on
the contrary, took a different view of the cam-
paign. They asserted that the king, in case of
a reverse, would pass the Seine and enter Lower
Normandy at Pont de l'Arche; that to follow him
thither, the army must return to Rouen and
there cross the river; after which it would be
involved in a country completely hostile, every
stronghold of which held for the king. “Thus,”
argued Mayenne, “famine would become a
second foe to contend against, and we should
never reach Paris.” The duke de Mayenne pro-
posed that the allies should first besiege Cau-
debec, a small fortified town that commanded
the passage of the Seine, without the capture of
which, Rouen could not be deemed completely
relieved. Farnese, whose health and repute
suffered from his sojourn in France, agreed —
“His mission,” he said, “was to release Rouen,
and he gave the duke of Mayenne credit for
knowing best the nature of the country and its
facility for surprise and defence.” Never, how-
ever, was there more perilous counsel given.
Caudebec lies in the Pays de Caux, which forms a
VOIt. II. E
50 HISTORY OF [1591.
tiny peninsula jutting into the channel. Inland,
the broad rapid Seine formed a natural barrier to
the retreat of an army, especially when all the
bridges above Rouen were in the keeping of the
king. The only outlet from this cage, therefore,
was the district between Rouen and Neufchatel—
a few miles of country. The enterprise was a
rash one; and the question whether the king,
with his energy and resource, would not block
that passage and force the allies to a battle, or
to an ignominious retreat back again over the
Somme seems never to have disturbed M. de
Mayenne. The duke of Parma, ill and harassed
by contentions, accordingly set out on the 24th
of April, and invested Caudebec. A cannonade
was opened on the Dutch vessels with success,
which compelled them to retire down the river
to Quilleboeuf. The duke of Parma, accom-
panied by his son, and by the veteran La Motte,
governor of Gravelines, next made a recon-
noissance of the place. Whilst Farnese was
planning the position of a battery, a musket-ball
discharged from the ramparts of the castle hit
him on the arm. The ball entered below the
elbow, and lodged in his wrist. With ad-
mirable fortitude Parma never changed coun-
tenance, but calmly continued his survey; nor
did his companions know that he was wounded,
until they perceived blood dripping from the
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 51
duke's cloak.' On returning to his quarters, the
duke was visited by his surgeons, who extracted
the ball. The loss of blood was so great that
the duke fainted twice during the operation,
which seems to have been performed unskil-
fully; and afterwards be was so weak as to
be compelled to keep his bed. Indeed, so
disordered was Farnese's constitution, that dur-
ing the space of twenty-four hours, gangrene
was apprehended. The supreme command
thenceforth principally devolved on the duke de
Mayenne.
Caudebec surrendered after a heroic defence
of two days, against the entire force of the
enemy. The Spanish soldiers, infuriated at
their general's wound, demanded leave to put
the garrison to the sword. Farmese nobly re-
plied, “No such act would be barbarous and
horrible. Tell me, can a man be a good soldier
without defending himself? and can one defend
oneself without harm to the assailant P” Caude-
bec, however, was pillaged, and many of the
inhabitants slain. All the stores of provisions
were put into boats, and sent up the river to
Rouen. This capture achieved, the old wrangle
* De Thou, liv. 102. Hist. d’Alexandre Farnese, duke de
Parme et de Plaisance, gouverneur de la Belgique, par Jean
Bruslé, dit de Montplainchant. Amsterdam, 1592.
* Mathieu-Hist. du Règne de Henri IV.
E 2
52 HISTORY OF [1591.
re-commenced in the allied camp, as to what
should be the next destination of the army.
The duke of Parma proposed to encamp in the
vicinity of Lillebone, a town which appertained
to the duke d'Elboeuf; for the army already
began to suffer from dearth. The French, how-
ever, objected as usual, on the plea that the king
would then render the capture of Caudebec
useless, by encamping between that place and
Rouen. It was therefore resolved to move the
army to Yvetót. The duke de Guise, with the
van, established himself in the town; while the
dukes entrenched themselves about a league
distant. The health of the duke of Parma
during these operations gradually failed. His
wound inflamed, and aggravated the symptoms
of other grave maladies from which he occasion-
ally suffered. More than half the day was
passed by Farnese in bed; at intervals fainting
fits occurred, followed by intervals of stupor
and exhaustion. It was evident that worn out
by long and arduous service, the military
career of the greatest captain of the age was
drawing to a close. At times the old spark
of military genius kindled; and the duke calling
for his son the young prince of Parma, sug-
gested some grand scheme of campaign, which
was afterwards neutralized by the stolid obsti-
macy of Mayenne. The military incapacity of
1592.j TEIE REIGN OF HEN R.Y IV, 53
the chief of the League was a fortunate fact for
the triumph of the royal cause.
Meanwhile, king Henry having been again
reinforced by a body of 4000 infantry, prepared
to take ample advantage of the mistake com-
mitted by his adversaries. “Now for the
stroke,” exclaimed his majesty, “which shall
give me my crown l’ His first measure was
to take possession of all villages between
Rouen and Caudebec, to defend which had
been the ostensible reason for the camp at
Yvetót. On the 27th of April, the king, at the
head of his army, encamped at Fontaine, from
whence he marched to Yvetót and entrenched
himself opposite to the Spanish camp at Walli-
querville. Between the hostile armies lay about
a mile of country; a thick wood also intervened,
for the possession of which, many combats
ensued. The enemy's camp was strongly en-
trenched and fortified. To strengthen their
position, the allies made a trench in front of the
wood, and fortified it with seven pieces of
cannon; a line of communication was also con-
structed from the wood to the town of Yvetót,
where Guise and his division lay. The day fol-
lowing the arrival of the king at Walliquerville
the contest commenced. Whilst the king and
his staff were surveying the position of the
enemy, the baron de Biron assailed the quarters
54 HISTORY OF [1591
of Guise, supported by the duke de Bouillon
and by Rosny. The engagement was renewed
three times, both parties retiring in good order
from the field. The following day an attack led
by the king, was made on the wood. This posi-
tion was defended by 2000 Walloon soldiers
who fought valiantly. The assault of the French
nobles was irresistible, though opposed by Ma-
yenne and the young prince of Parma, who per-
formed valorous exploits, and was nearly cap-
tured by the English troops of the royal army.
The wood towards the close of the evening was
regained by the allies, after a second sangui-
mary combat.' The untiring energy of the
king was surprising; by day he was on horse-
back leading his troops to combat, and ceding
the supreme command to none ; by night the
light always burned in his tent, where his ma-
jesty might be found at all hours, either alone
forming the plan of campaign for the morrow,
or sitting in earnest conference with Biron,
Rosny, Bouillon, or Longueville. The combat
which the enemies so stubbornly declined, Henry
was resolved to force them to accept. On the
10th of May, Henry planted a battery on an
eminence from whence he could bombard the
* Mathieu.—Hist. du Règne de Henri IV. Dupleix–Hist.
Générale, Numerous MS. letters written by the king confirm
this relation of the gallantry of the royal army.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 55
town of Yvetót. His majesty's preparations
were secretly and expeditiously made. By dawn
the next day, the artillery began to play on the
quarters of M. de Guise with such effect, that
detachments from the main army conducted by
Mayenne himself, turned out to dislodge the
enemy and seize the position. A battle then
seemed imminent; the king caused his troops to
deploy, the trumpets sounded, as regiment after
regiment rushed forward to the assault. Yvetót
was soon surrounded, and the fight raged fierce-
ly in the neighbourhood of the camp, so that
the duke of Parma from his sick couch heard
the sounds of combat. Guise and his division
were presently driven from Yvetót by the valiant
royalists, and pursued by Biron and the duke de
Bouillon to the main camp. At nightfall the
combat ceased, the duke de Mayenne withdraw-
ing from the field. Yvetót, however, was cap-
tured; the enemy a second time taking posses-
sion of the baggage of the duke de Guise. The
king thus announces his victory to the car-
dinal de Bourbon, who with Cheverny and the
rest of the council of state had retired to Lou-
viers.
A MON COUSIN LE CARDINAL DE BOURBON.
“Mon Cousin;–Duret, who was by my side all day yesterday,
will give you every particular of our combat. Only I will tell
you that near a village called Maulevrier, we charged 30 com.
56 HISTORY OF [1591.
panies of the enemy, Spaniards, Walloons, and reiters; we beat
them, and captured four of their said companies, and left more
than 300 men dead on the field. We took between three or four
hundred horses, and all their baggage, which is worth 85,000
livres. In short, it was for them, one of the most complete
defeats that any man could desire . We only lost three or four
soldiers killed outright; the others are slightly wounded, amongst
whom is the count de Châteauroux and St. Rémy. I keep the
captured banners to present to you to decorate the church of
Louviers; but I hope by the blessing of God we shall yet cap-
ture standards enough to adorn many a church Pray to God
Or us, whom I supplicate, mon cousin, to have you in His holy
eeping. This llth day of May, a Yvetot, 1592.
“ HENRY.”!
P.S.—“All the baggage waggons of the reiters we burned :
the French in the service of the enemy have retired to Quille-
boeuf.”
This partial victory occasioned delirious joy in
the royal camp. Nevertheless, with every pro-
vocation to battle, the allies refused regularly to
encounter the king. The spirit of Mayenne was
depressed by the misfortune which clouded his
public administration. His health was broken ;
his political and military repute sullied; and
his wife and children dissatisfied and alienated.
Moreover, the duke perceived that the people,
and especially the nobles, wearied of strife, were
prepared either by the immediate recognition of
| Bibl. Imp. F. Dupuis, MS, 88, fol. 135. Valori–Lettres de
Henri IV.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 57
the Infanta, or of their lawful sovereign, to end
the public and private disasters of the kingdom.
Trade throughout the realm was ruined, and the
nobles impoverished. So low had the credit of
France sunk, that the members of her nominal
government found it impossible to raise a loan
without the guarantee of Philip II. In the
anxious desire of every class for rescue, the
claims and demands of Mayenne were ignored.
Philip had recently manifested his disregard of the
duke, and had laughed sneeringly at Mayenne's
royal aspirations; while when the investiture of
Burgundy was proposed by Jeannin as a suitable
recompense for the duke's service, his Catholic
majesty maintained a contemptuous silence. A
mortifying capitulation to Henry IV. seemed now
certain; unless the genius of Parma, roused by
the greatness of the peril, should extricate the
army of the League from the position in which it
had been so heedlessly placed.
The following morning, May 12th. Henry
again attacked two of the strongest positions of
the enemy. The wood, which screened their
army on the north ; and a rising ground about a
quarter of a league distant, and which was
occupied by three companies of Walloon soldiers
under Count Mansfelt and by a troop of Spanish
horse. The attack and defence were vigourously
commenced; but the hotly contested wood re-
58 IHISTORY OF [1591.
mained in the power of the royal troops, and
the enemy was driven forth in the utmost
disarray. Nassau with 2,000 English, Scotch,
and Dutch troops, immediately entrenched him-
self behind the works abandoned by the enemy.
The panic was intense ; on the plain beyond
Henry had drawn up his army, which began
steadily to advance on the camp. The duke of
Parma then rose from his bed to try and retrieve
the fortune of the day. At this critical moment,
the young prince of Parma and Mayenne made a
gallant charge on the van of the royal army, and
succeeded in repulsing its first advance. Farnese
issued his orders with precision; and his timely
presence among his troops checked the disposi-
tion to flight shown by many of the regiments,
when brought face to face with the terrible
Béarnnois. After a day of surprises and of
tumult, terror, and slaughter, night separated
the combatants. Within a fortnight, Henry had
made three assaults on the camp, and captured
Yvetót and the advanced trenches of the enemy.
The greatest dearth prevailed among the allies;
the towns and fortresses held for the king; the
peasants of the district sold their commodities to
his majesty, and execrated the invader. Farnese,
therefore, decided that the position of the allied
army was untenable; a few more days, and
famine alone must compel shameful capitulation.
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 59
At break of day on the 17th of May, under
cover of a thick fog and pouring rain, the dukes
cautiously retreated to Caudebec, where the
army encamped on the bank of the Seine,
about half a league from the town. The prince
of Parma, to cover this retreat, advanced to
Yvetót at the head of a body of cavalry ap-
parently to reconnoitre. Soon after sunrise,
Henry was informed of the retreat. His
majesty held a council of war, in which it was
resolved still to follow the enemy and harass him
to accept battle. Accompanied by his principal
officers, Henry surveyed the site of the forsaken
camp; then, with surprising activity, the king
departed with a division to follow the foe. In
less than four and twenty hours, the gallant
king held his enemy even more tightly invested
than before. The duke de Montpensier de-
ployed, to hold the country in the direc-
tion of Dieppe. The king, with the centre,
posted himself so as to bar the road into Picardy,
while Bouillon seized the passes in the direction
of Rouen. A cry of dismay and astonishment
broke from the hostile camp when the positions
of the king were discerned. His able tactics,
energy, and perseverance, and the fine condition
of his army flushed with victory, inspired terror
and despair. Behind lay the foaming river,
swollen by the great rains, and guarded at
60 HISTORY OF [1591.
Quilleboeuf by the Dutch vessels. Destruction
or capitulation seemed inevitable. Already the
royal officers made sure of their conquest, and
disputed who should be intrusted with the
custody of the captive lieutenant-general of the
League. The Louvre, the capital, power, and
the seductions of a brilliant court, were
the splendid vistas with which the cavaliers
regaled themselves during the night of the
19th of May. Probably, had Mayenne been sole
generalissimo, these anticipations might have
been realized. He, however, who was termed
the “Nestor of warfare,” was not to be so en-
trapped. Farnese, after the rapid advance of
the king from Pont de l’Arche to Yvetot, realized
the precarious position which the rash counsels
of Mayenne had entailed. Able in strategy, the
duke divined that any successful attack on the
part of the royal army must compel his forces,
unless willing to accept battle, to retreat to the
river—the barrier which separated them from the
fertile plains of Lower Normandy. Acting upon
this conviction, Farnese had secretly made a levy
of the barges, which plied on the river between
Rouen and Havre. He had also caused rafts to
be constructed of stout timber poles and planks;
also a number of small boats, of six oars each,
to tow these rafts. The boats were sent up the
river from Havre on the evening of May 21st. ;
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 61
which place the duke had made his chief dépôt.
In the royal camp, the duke's design was not
suspected; as it was deemed an enterprise too
hazardous for a large army to attempt the pas-
sage of a broad and rapid river in the teeth
of a fierce enemy. The following day, whilst
the armies were engaged in their favourite
pastime of skirmishing, Farnese caused earth-
works to be thrown up on the opposite bank
of the river, to correspond with a redoubt,
which he had constructed close to his camp,
and armed with artillery. According to his
usual habit, Mayenne objected, and declared
the design impossible ; but at this juncture,
all jealousies and precedence were disre-
garded, and the duke was sternly ordered to
obey.
On that day, the duke of Parma rose from
his bed for the first time since his arrival at
Caudebec. Anxieties and privations had greatly
augmented his malady. During the day, Farmese
sadly observed to one of his officers, “Ah! to
fight with the prince of Béarn, vigorous life is
necessary, and not such a bloodless carcass as
mine !” At nightfall, the duke of Parma gave
the word of command for the passage of the
river. The French cavalry and infantry safely
passed over first, led by the duc d'Aumale ;
then the artillery and baggage, the Swiss
62 HISTORY OF [1591.
levies, and the Walloon soldiers. Day was
beginning to dawn when the Spanish and
Italian regiments, with Mayenne and the duke
of Parma, crossed the river in safety. The prince
of Parma, with 1,000 infantry and 200 horse,
was stationed to keep the enemy in check, should
he discover the design, and seek to prevent the
embarkation. e
The king, meantime, detecting a great move-
ment in the enemy's camp, sent Biron to re-
connoitre, suspecting that the dukes were again
about to change their quarters. Biron per-
ceived the manoeuvre, and galloped back to ap-
prize the king. Henry, at the head of a body
of cavalry, hastened to the assault; but as the
cannon of the enemy scoured the plain and swept
away his cavalry, the king with his own hands
helped to place artillery in position on an ad-
jacent eminence, hoping to sink the boats as they
passed. More than half the army, with baggage,
artillery, and ammunition had crossed the river
before his majesty's arrival. By the time, there-
fore, that the cannon was mounted, Farnese had
accomplished his triumphant passage. The king
then turned his attack upon the prince of
Parma. The Spanish and Italian troops, under
Capizucchi, repulsed the onslaught with valour;
and succeeded in gaining the shelter of the guns
of the redoubt. Eventually, this division also
1592.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV, 63
succeeded in crossing the river. The intrepidity
displayed by the young Parinesan prince was
greatly admired. His retreat, without loss, while
actually carrying away the guns from the fort,
was deemed as masterly a stroke as the stratagem
by which his father rescued the allied army from
a shameful capitulation. The mortification of
Henry and his chieftains was unspeakable. The
king was compelled to confess himself out-
manoeuvred; his majesty deeming it incredible
that the pride of the duke of Parma would con-
descend to a midnight flight. Henry, however,
was not fully sensible of the extremities to which
the allies were reduced ; famine, desertion, sick-
ness, dissension, and recrimination had so com-
pletely disorganized the camp, and damped the
martial spirit of both soldiers and officers, that
Farnese beheld literally before him the alterna-
tives of surrender or flight. The latter, achieved
by a brilliant retreat that would yet enhance his
reputation as a tactician, was naturally accepted
by the duke in the situation in which he found
himself. “You have seen, by the memorial sent
to you,” wrote the king to Montmorency, “how
the duke of Parma was forced to retreat to
Caudebec, and from thence to cross the river
Seine during the night, aided by numerous
Bibl. Imp. Suppl. Fr. MS. 1009—edited by M. Berger de
Xivrey—Escrit au camp de Gisors.
64 HISTORY OF [1591.
boats, &c. The said duke in his misfortune was
still happy enough, that we did not perceive or
suspect his manoeuvres until dawn, so favourable
to his design was the site of his camp. Never-
theless, we took a part of his baggage; and he
had, moreover, the mortification of witnessing
the instant re-capture of Caudebec.” This retreat
was considered one of the finest military operations
of the age, and consoled the duke of Parma for
his calamitous campaign. The young prince
Ranuzzio Farnese, also displayed military talents
of the first order, and proved himself the worthy
son of a hero, by his coolness in the passage of
the river and his courageous delay under fire of
the enemy, to sink and burn the pontoons upon
which the army crossed. “The camp of the
duke de Parme,” relates Sully, “was between
Rouen and Caudebec, on the banks of the Seine,
no bridges intervening. One morning, his camp
had disappeared. All the troops which had
there appeared crowding the one on the other,
and those in Caudebec, with the soldiers scattered
about the neighbourhood, had been transported
over the river. Was it magic or an illusion P. The
king with all his officers and army could scarcely
believe the evidence of their eyes.” Farmese,
expecting pursuit by the royal army, marched
with speed on Paris. He first quartered his
army at Neufbourg; which town he sacked and
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 65
abandoned to pillage. Continuing his march,
the duke arrived at St. Cloud on the fourth day
after his escape from Caudebce. The duke de
Mayenne and the army of the League, mean-
while, separated from their allies the Spaniards,
and entered Rouen ; Mayenne, from agitation
and annoyance, having fallen seriously ill.
At St. Cloud, the duchesses and other great
ladies of the capital visited Parma and thanked
him for his exploits “in having compelled the
king to raise two great sieges—those of Paris and
Rouen.” Farnese was too ill and disgusted with
the campaign to be flattered or complimented by
his fair visitors. Scarcely could he be persuaded
to delay his march to grant then audience; while
he peremptorily declined to enter Paris, or any
other town of the French territory. He continued
his progress to Château-Thierry, and crossed the
Seine over a bridge of boats. At this last place,
he met a messenger with a supply of money, tar-
dily sent by the cabinet of Madrid.' After making
some short delay to recruit his rapidly-failing
strength, the duke of Parma crossed the frontier
about the 2nd of June, 1592, and repaired to
Arras, whence he journeyed to the baths of
Spa.
1 On lui avoit apporté à dos de mulets d’Italie, quinze cents
mille écus de lingots d'or et d'argent.—Cayet, Chron Nov. t. ii.
This sum scarcely sufficed to pay the arr ars of his troops.
WOL. II. F
66 HISTORY OF [1592.
CHAPTER IV.
1592–1593.
Council of war at Caudebec.—Reluctance of the chieftains of
the royal army to promote the total victory of the king.—
Their reasons.—Reverses in Bretagne.—Correspondence of
the king with queen Elizabeth, Anger of the queen at the
slaughter of her troops.-Siege of Château-Thierry.—Death
of the marshal de Biron.—Renewal of negotiations for peace.
—Royal conference with Willeroy—Proposed ambassage to
Rome.—Mission of the cardinal de Gondi.-Letter of king.
Henry to pope Clement.—Demise of the duke of Parma. Its
effect on the politics of the League.—Successes of the king;
—Design of the Bourbon princes.—Attachment and jealousy
of the king for madame de Liancour.—Correspondence.—Dis-
content of Madame.—She bids farewell to Béarn.—Her
journey and arrival at Saumur.—Meeting with the king.—
Madame rejects the matrimonial overtures of the duke de
Montpensier.
A councII, of war was hastily summoned by
the king after the retreat of the allied army;
which, ably as the movement had been accomplish-
ed, was still felt by the royalists to be a triumph
for their cause. Henry proposed an instant
pursuit of the enemy. “In two days,” said his
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 67
majesty, “we shall be at Pont de l'Arche, from
whence we will send forward a body of 500
cavalry to harass this said duke, whom we shall
come up with at Louviers, Passy, Maintenon, or
Chartres, and force him to give battle.” The
victory of the king, however, was in the opinion
of his nobles complete enough. The secret
partisans of the Tiers-Parti knew that the capture
of Paris, or the rout of the allied army, would
place the king beyond the necessity of treating
with princes, prelates, or democrats. The advice
of the council, therefore, was that his majesty
should retire into Picardy and watch the frontier;
the peace of this important province being some-
what in peril by the recent demise of the
duke de Montpensier. With mingled anger
and irony, Henry responded to these unfaithful
counsellors. His Huguenots even acquiesced in
counsels by which it was sought to curb the mili-
tary savoir and inspirations of Henri Quatre,
believing that more regard would be shown to
their demands in the pending negotiation be-
tween Villeroy and Duplessis-Mornay than at
any council in the Louvre, presided over by the
king as Supreme. Biron also, the able warrior,
* François de Bourbon, duke de Montpensier, died at Lisieux,
in Normandy, April 1592.
* “Les Catholiques avaient déclaré publiquement il y avoit
fort peu de temps que sile roy après un certain terme qu'on lui
prescrivait n'abjurait pas le Calvinisme, ils étoient résolus de
F 2
68 HISTORY OF [1592.
diplomatist, and personal friend of the king,
voted with the majority. “Quoi donc, maraud,
nous veua-tu envoyer planter des choua, à Biron 2’
exclaimed the marshal, in reply to the remon-
strances of his son, M. de Biron, who protested
against this retrogressive policy.’ This constant
defiance of his opinions and wishes was beyond
measure irksome to the king. His resentment
and disappointment hastened Henry's resolve to
treat with Mayenne, if possible by private com-
pact—in which the personal interest of the duke
might be supremely regarded—to defeat and
neutralize the opposite but pernicious confedera-
tion of the orthodox nobles and Huguenots of
all classes indefinitely to prolong the war.
Moreover, in Gabrielle d’Estrées the king found
a persevering monitress—one who daily implored
him to end the war by reconciliation with the
church. Gabrielle, wearied of the long and dreary
absences of the king, during which her position
at Mantes was little enviable. Surrounded on
the absolute command of his majesty, by the
honours and magnificence befitting his consort,
madame de Liancour sighed for the period when
the pacification of the realm might permit the
retirer les secours qu’ils lui donnaient et de se réunir avec le
reste de la France pour y Établir un roi deleur religion.”—Sully,
liv. iv.
* Péréfixe—seconde partie.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 69
king to petition the Holy See for the dissolution
of his marriage with Marguerite de Valois. By
solemn asseverations, the king then had pledged
himself to legalize the bond which united him to
his mistress, by elevating her in the plenitude
of his power as a conqueror, to share the throne
of St. Louis. Peace, therefore, was earnestly
advocated by Gabrielle, who in her ardour com-
menced a theological correspondence with the
king—missives which his majesty pleasantly
averred that he found more convincing and per-
suasive than the homilies of his prelates. In this
undertaking, madame de Liancour was aided by
du Perron, whose subtle logic admirably served
any cause which he espoused.
The royal camp at Caudebec, meantime, was
again thrown into agitation by the arrival of
disastrous news from Bretagne, where the prince
de Dombes now duke de Montpensier, and the
prince de Conti were beaten before Craon with
considerable loss by the duke de Mercoeur and
his Spanish allies. To retrieve this loss, was to
Henry as the restoration of the prestige of the
royal arms ; and the continuance of the friend-
ship of the queen of England, whose anger had
already been excited by the little vigour dis-
played for the prosecution of the war in the
maritime provinces. Henry, therefore, reluct-
antly abandoned the design of pursuing the
re.
70 HISTORY OF [1592.
duke of Parma' to the Flemish frontier, and set
about devising means for the reconstruction of
his army of Bretagne. To take the supreme
Command in Bretagne, Henry despatched the
marshal d'Aumont with orders to besiege Roche-
fort. The duke de Montpensier—whose gallant
administration of the affairs of the duchy had
raised his repute as a soldier and politician—suc-
ceeding to his father's office of governor of
Normandy, after installing d’Aumont, repaired
to confer with the king. Henry, it is believed,
again promised him the hand of Madame as
the reward of such loyal devotion and zeal. The
king next proceeded to Gisors, and despatched
a division of his army under Biron to watch
the movements of the enemy in Champagne;
as the duke of Parma still lay encamped in the
vicinity of Château-Thierry. From Gisors the
king paid a private visit to the château de
Coeuvres, where madame de Liancour gave him
the rendezvous. The king then returned to
Gisors, from whence he wrote to queen Eliza-
* “Comme j'étois sur le point d'approcher mes ennemis, me
survint la nouvelle de l'accident survenu le 23 du passé à mes
cousins les princes de Conti et de Dombes, du levement du siège
de Craon d'où s'étant approché le duc de Mercoeur, etc., etc. : et
pour cette occasion je me resolu aussytót de me departir de mon
premier dessein pour proche que je le visse de son exécution
pour pourvoir a ce qui était de plus pressé–Lettre de Henri
IV. au duc de Montmorency. Bibl. Imp. Suppl. F. 1009. MS.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 71
beth in answer to her angry and unreasonable
expostulations on the slaughter at Yvetót of the
reinforcements she had sent him; and of her
consequent determination to recall her subjects,
“which resolve, I trust, after so many men
being slaughtered, maimed, wounded, and
ruined, will not be deemed by you either strange
or unreasonable.” The queen's wrath, how-
ever, was principally kindled by the steady re-
fusal of king Henry to cede to her majesty
“Calais, Brest, or such port of Bretagne as it
shall please her majesty to select” for the retreat
of her troops, and to serve as a maritime depôt
for succours and stores of ammunition. The
honour of France was ever dearer to king
Henry, than personal prosperity. From the
period of his accession, Elizabeth had ceaselessly
urged the restitution of Calais. The queen re-
minded Henry of her friendship for his mother,
queen Jeanne d'Albret; of the active interest
which she had taken in his sister's fortunes;"
and of the zeal which she demonstrated for his
own greatness and power.” The letter which
king Henry wrote to his ally in reply to the
* Elizabeth when speaking of Madame, always termed her
“ma soeur de France.”
2 Henry facetiously observed in reply to Elizabeth’s impor-
tunities respecting Calais, on the concession of which she would
send troops against the League—“ qu’il aimait autant étre mordu
d'un lion que d'une lionne.”
72 HISTORY OF [1592.
pressing instructions which she had given
through Lord Burleigh to her special envoy
Sidney, is so honourable and manly as to merit
transcription.
HENRY IV. TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND1
“Madame:—As I wish to reply to every proposition made to
me by M. de Sydney, on your behalf, I must say respecting
Brest, which place you now desire to have as a retreat for your
troops—that it seems to me the reasons which I have often
before alleged, must again prove my legitimate excuse, for not
complying with your demand. I am persuaded, you would not
desire to press any matter which could harm my interests. Ma-
dame, the damage would not be alone in the loss of the said
place, did I even contemplate its cession; but it would alienate
and disgust many of my servants; and greatly retard my affairs.
I supplicate you, therefore, Madame, to pardon me for not doing
any act likely to diminish the esteem and affection of those who
daily expose their lives and fortunes for the defence of this crown;
or that would destroy the extreme obligation which they all, in
common with myself, feel for the succours which you have given
us, and to acknowledge which, they with myself would now be
ready to render you any service. No word from me would be neces-
sary to enlist for you their zealous efforts, which good disposi-
tion is to me a source of unfeigned contentment, as I behold in
such devotion, perfect conformity to my own will. I beg you to
believe, madame, that no one will offer you more ardent service
than myself; and humbly kissing your hands, I pray God to
have you in His holy keeping.
“Your very affectionate brother and servant,
** HENRY.”
The English troops, nevertheless, were recalled
1 MS. Collection de M. Libri, membre de l’Institut. Pub-
lished in Recueil des Lettres Missives de Henri IV. edited by M.
de Xivrey.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 73
by their queen, who found it impossible to
bend Henry's inflexible resolve not to cede his
rights to any foreign prince, however friendly.
Elizabeth, seems also to have resented the
ascendancy of madame de Liancour, “the
latitude of whose counsels she deemed per-
nicious.” The queen at this time sent her
portrait to madame Catherine, who responded
to the compliment with great dexterity.
“Madame,” writes the young princess, “if I
have been long in thanking you humbly for the
picture which you have sent me, it has been
from lack of opportunity to state to you by
letter how dear this present is to me. If I was
a man, your beautiful portrait would inspire me
with the resolve to cross the sea to tender to
you my gratitude and homage ; being, however,
what I am, I pray you, madame, to accept the
expression of my sincere thanks. I have com-
manded the sieur de Châteaumartin to impart
to you a matter which I deem important for the
service of the king my brother.” Henry, more-
over, sent Mornay to London on a special am-
bassage to conciliate the queen; who from pique
and other causes, had recently demeaned herself
coldly to M. de Beauvoir, Henry's ex-tutor and
resident ambassador at the court of England.
* Lettre de madame Catherine à la reyne d’Angleterre, MS.
Cot. Vesp. F. iii. fol. 14.
74 HISTORY OF [1592.
Lord Sheffield, meantime, had written to the
king that nothing would gratify his royal mis-
tress more, than for his majesty to claim the
portrait which she had sent to Madame, on the
plea that he was convinced the picture was in
reality destined for himself, though modestly
presented to his sister. Henry adroitly took
the hint, and thereupon wrote the following
epistle:–
KING HENRY TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND.
“Madame —I do not know whether I ought to apologise to
you, and ask your pardon for a sin committed against your express
behest—in that I have retained the beautiful portrait, which
those around wished to persuade me you had sent to my sister—
or thank you gratefully for a favour which my heart tells me you
destined for myself alone. If I have erred, you yourself, ma-
dame, are the cause ; for the possession of a portrait of such
wondrous beauty, is too great a temptation to be withstood by
one who so loves and reveres its original. Neither, madame,
could I consent to such a favour being bestowed on another; for
as no one can approach the fervour of the affection and honour
which I bear you in my soul, therefore none can merit so signal
a grace. But I will withhold further excuse, madame, in the
persuasion at which I have arrived while contemplating the
work—which art has striven to render admirable in the sight of
all whose happiness it has not yet been to see the original
(though, I confess, I envy the painter), that the portrait, super-
naturally inspired, will not permit itself to pass from me into
the possession of another—a conviction, madame, which I trust
you will not gainsay.
“Madame, I therefore thank you humbly for the singular
favour which you have bestowed; and for a gift which I will
1 Lingard—edit. 1838, p. 320.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 75
ever treasure. Humbly kissing your hands, I subscribe myself,
madame.
“Your affectionate and humble brother and servant,
** HENRY.1”
Elizabeth was enchanted with this gallantry
on the part of the king ; and returned a highly
flattering reply, teeming with hyperbole and
prudery through her ambassador Unton. The
king, meanwhile, advanced into Champagne and
laid siege to Epernay, a town which after the
retreat of the duke of Parma, Guise had cap-
tured with a division of Spanish and Walloon
troops. Discord had risen to a great height
between the duke de Mayenne and his nephew ;
for whenever the Spanish ministers deemed that
they had reasonable complaint against the duke,
they entered into private negotiation with Guise
in the same fashion as the former in his turn
had recourse to the king. On the departure
of Parma, the young duke tried every means to
obtain supreme command over the Spanish
levies in France. Orders were transmitted to
that purport from Madrid; but Farmese wishing
to soothe the extreme discontent evinced by
Mayenne, ventured, nevertheless, to nominate
M. de Rösme, giving him orders to obey M. de
Mayenne in all matters. The dexterous strategy
* Life of lord chancellor Egerton.—Archives Impériales, salle
5, MS. 30, fol. 116.
76 HISTORY OF [1592.
of Farnese was highly applauded by his Catholic
majesty. Philip promised through his ambas-
sador don Diego, that during the autumn
months while the states assembled, Parma should
again give the lords of the League the Sup-
port of his presence at the head of an armed
force.
The loss of Epernay, meantime, had greatly dis-
concerted the duke de Nevers. The town and its
adjacent district were rich, and likely to afford the
Parisians assistance in the victualling of their city.
The king, therefore, himself advanced to Chartres,
and sent the marshal de Biron to survey Epernay.
The town was defended by the new Spanish com-
mandant M. de Rösne, and was plentifully stored
with ammunition. Biron fixed his head quarters
at Dammery, where on the 8th of July, he was
joined by the king. The following day, Henry
attended by Biron, and an escort of sixty horse,
proceeded close under the walls to view several
batteries in process of construction by the enemy,
but which were reported as not yet mounted.
The expedition was perilous—the king therefore
repeatedly requested the marshal to stay behind,
intimating the serious obstruction to his service,
which the temporary retirement of Biron would
occasion, in case he were wounded. Biron,
piqued that the king should incur danger which
he did not share, persisted in attending his
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 77
majesty." The batteries in question were sur-
veyed and found unfinished; and Henry prepared
to return, after approving the suggestions of
M. Erard, a military engineer in the royal army
of great repute. On the wall of the city, how-
ever, several small pieces of ordnance had been
mounted. One of these, as the royal party
passed, opened fire. Biron was riding by the
side of the king in earnest discourse, when a ball
struck his head ; and the marshal fell dead
from his saddle, to the horror and intense grief
of those present. Henry dismounted from his
horse, and approached to tender every aid in
his power; and when assured that life was ex-
tinct, for some minutes his majesty wept bitterly
as he stood by the shattered remains of his old
friend and loyal adherent.” The supplication of
his gentlemen, who feared a sortie from the gar-
rison, at leugth induced the king to return to
Dammery.
The demise of the marshal de Biron, was
hailed by the League as likely to create division
and discord in the royal camp. Biron was a
hardy and fortunate soldier, whose prowess ren-
dered him a formidable foe. He was present at
* Davila, lib. 13. De Thou, liv. 103. Brantôme, Capitaines
Illustres.
* Cayet, Chronologie Novennaire. De Thou. Wie du maré-
chal de Biron—Brantôme. Sully, liv. v.
78 HISTORY OF [1592.
seven pitched battles, all which his knowledge
and valour materially contributed to gain. At
Arques, Ivry, and Yvetót, Biron fought side by
side with Henri Quatre ; while the most signal
diplomatic victories achieved by Henry had been
also participated in by the marshal, who was there-
fore familiarly termed “the king's foster-father.”
The character of Biron was not however popular :
suspicious to excess, he jealously resented in-
fluence counter to his own. His temper was
violent,’ and his opinion of his own ability ex-
cessive. In his best and most amiable moods,
nevertheless, Biron was an entertaining com-
panion. His wit was refined, and his knowledge
varied and extensive. He successfully cultivated
literature; and composed a memoir of his own
life, which by the negligence of his son and suc-
cessor the gifted but unfortunate marshal de
Biron has been lost to posterity.” His death
created profound sensation in the camp. Henry,
on the following day, wrote to impart the
mournful tidings to the duke de Nevers, who
now reigned without rival as chief of Henry's
1 Biron had certainly many provocations to temper, if the lan-
guage used towards the marshal by Crillon was a specimen of
the ordinary objurgations of Henry’s privy-counsellors. De
Thou in his autobiography relates that one day Crillon in a rage
at some trifling incident, turned furiously towards Biron and
called him : “un chien galeuw et hargneua.”
* De Thou, liv. loğ.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 79
military council. His majesty also notified the event
to Beauvoir, his ambassador in London. From
his letters, it appears that Henry had intended
after the fall of Epernay, to nominate the de-
ceased marshal to the government of Bretagne,
after Aumont should have retrieved the disaster
before Craon. To gratify queen Elizabeth, Henry
desires his ambassador to request the queen to
state which of his officers she would desire to
behold invested with that influential command, as
“I wish to demonstrate to the said queen that in
every possible manner I desire to defer to her
advice, and to please her.” The death of Biron
infuriated his soldiers, who vowed to avenge
their leader's death by the destruction of Eper-
nay. Biron, the young and gallant son of
the deceased marshal, inflamed with grief and
martial ardour, besought of the king permission
to lead the assault. The attack was made on the
9th of August. In heading a charge, Biron was
severely wounded on the shoulder by a musket
ball: his troops consequently suffered a tem-
porary repulse. The assault was renewed on
the following day with resistless impetuosity, in
the presence of the king. Biron was the first to
mount the breach, and fight hand to hand with
the enemy; while feats of daring valour were per-
* Lettre de Henri IV. a M. de Beauvoir—MS. State Paper
Office—French MSS. transcribed by M. Lenglet.
80 HISTORY OF [1592.
formed by other of the royal generals, especially
by M. de St. Luc. At nightfall, the city sur-
rendered, to escape the dreadful onslaught which
the morrow was likely to usher from the infu-
riated soldiery. The chief magistrates, thereupon,
repaired under safe conducts to the royal camp,
and placed themselves and their city under the
clement protection of king Henry. On the 12th
of August, the duke de Nevers and his staff
entered the captured city; and a solemn Te
Deum was chanted in the principal church: after
which, the banners of the late garrison were
despatched to king Henry at Dammery-sur-Marne
as a memento of victory.
From Dammery, Henry marched and received
the submission of the town of Pont-sur-Seine, and
encamped before Provins. Biron, whose wound in-
capacitated him from active service, then retired
into Guyenne to visit his widowed mother,' and to
console her for her loss. Henry bestowed all the
household offices of the deceased marshal on his son,
reserving the baton of marshal. The king, how-
ever, wrote to the duke d'Epernon, and requested
him to resign the office of admiral of France, which
the late king had bestowed upon him after the
1 Jeanne, heiress of St. Blancard and Ornesan, “de laquelle
le plâpart de son exercise et plaisir Sont plus à la chasse et à
tirer de l’arquebuse qu'autres exercises de femmes; et avec cela,
une très vertueuse et chaste dame chasseresse,” writes Brantôme
—Wie du maréchal de Biron.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. S 1
demise of Joyeuse at Coutras, in order that he
might invest Biron with that dignity. The latter
took the oath of admiral on the 21st of Decem-
ber; when a public oration was made by du
Perron bishop of Evreux, in honour of the
illustrious marshal deceased, and of the eminent
services already rendered to the state by his
valiant son.'
Meanwhile, the health of the duke de Ma-
yenne being recruited, he resolved to signalize
his sojourn at Rouen by some feat of arms,
which might apparently justify his sudden sepa-
ration from his Spanish allies after the famous
passage of the Seine. Accordingly, Villars
whose gallant defence of Rouen covered him
with glory, laid siege to Quilleboeuf, hoping to
dislodge the garrison, which it was believed con-
sisted only of forty-five soldiers; and to disperse
the English and Dutch vessels that blocked up
the river, and arrested the navigation from
Havre up to Rouen. Crillon, however, had been
despatched with 1500 foot on the first rumour of
Mayenne's design, to replace the duke de Belle-
garde governor of Quilleboeuf, who was absent
at head-quarters. The king delighted in the
society of the duke; and when away from Ga-
brielle d’Estrées, no companion was more ac-
ceptable with his majesty than Bellegarde, whose
1 Cayet, De Thou, Brantôme.
WOL. II. G
82 HISTORY OF [1592.
jocose wit softened the asperities of M. d’O, and
even rendered Rosny mirthful.
The defence of Quilleboeuf was vigorously
carried on : le brave des braves, as Henry desig-
nated Crillon, deemed his honour compromised
in its preservation. After two assaults, Villars
raised the siege on the 20th of July, 1592, and
retreated with great loss, as a fresh succour had
been thrown into the city by the count de
St. Paul."
During these operations, Mayenne besieged
and reduced the town of Ponteaudemer, an
exploit which the League magnified into an im-
portant victory. The king wrote to commend
the valiant defence made by Crillon. “I am
glad respecting the issue of the siege of Quille-
boeuf,” wrote Henry to Crillon; “nevertheless, .
it is such as I had assured myself of behold-
ing, knowing that you were there, and which
convinced me that my enemies would but reap
shame from their bold attempt.” The king
thenceforth decreed that the town of Quilleboeuf
should change its name to Henricaville,” and
wrote to that effect letters-missive to the muni-
cipality. The royal decision was respected dur-
ing the reign of the king. Under his successors,
* Younger brother of the duke de Longueville.
2 Archives du duc de Crillon. MS. Supl, Fr. 1009-4 Bibl.
Imp.
* Archives de la ville de Rouen.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. S3
the town reverted to its ancient appellation of
Quilleboeuf. Meanwhile, the exhaustion of all
the belligerents rendered it again possible to
renew the proposals for peace, which the duke
de Mayenne authorized on his departure from
Paris, after suppressing the rebellion of the Seize.
The financial affairs of the king were again in
disorder from the profusion and carelessness of
M. d’O. The frugal reforms proposed by de
Rosny met with contemptuous rejection. Eco-
nomy was a virtue the least to be expected in
an ex-courtier of Henry III., and moreover from
one of the minions. The payment of the Ger-
man reiters under Anhalt exhausted the trea-
sury. The private loans which Henry received
from his opulent nobles were nearly spent ; while
queen Elizabeth, in her displeasure, had coldly
replied to the solicitations of de Beauvoir, that
“from henceforth she could only assist his Chris-
tian majesty by her prayers I”. Money was also
scarce in the Spanish exchequer. The war in
Flanders absorbed the surplus revenue of his
Catholic majesty: the duke of Parma was be-
sides incapacitated from resuming his command;
and a fierce feud reigned in the cabinet as to
who should replace Farnese in his responsible
but lucrative post as Flemish viceroy. The
duke de Mayenne was broken in health and
depressed in spirit. The aspirations of Guise
G 2
84 HISTORY OF [1592.
were checked by financial difficulties—many of
his lands had been mortgaged by his father;
while his appanages in Normandy and Picardy
were in the hands of the king. The parliament
of Paris, cowed and weakened by the loss of
its able president Brisson, but feebly combated
the counter-decrees issued by the royal parlia-
ments of Tours and Châlons. The prelates of
the realm—venal and time-serving as they were—
paralysed by internal divisions, and dismayed
at the bold enterprises of the papacy and at
the diminution of their affluence and dignity,
held aloof in doubt. Some boldly enrolled
themselves and their temporalities under the
statutes of the Gallican church, and the shield
of the royal authority; others, more deeply com-
promised in the acts of the League, sought by
treaty to stipulate for their privileges and im-
munities. The great nobles, who now felt the
rebound of every stroke aimed at the domain
or the majesty of the crown, sighed for peace ;
conditionally, however, on the sincere conver-
sion of the king to the orthodox faith ; and the
abnegation of the presumptuous pretentions of
the princes of Lorraine. The great nobles—
such as Nevers, Montmorency, Longueville,
Epernon, Lesdiguières, and Piney-Luxembourg,
indignantly protested against the claims put
forth by Mayenne and his house; upon the re-
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 85
cognition of which the League, even after the
conversion of the king, alone consented to dis-
arm. Hence arose the strength of the Tiers-
Parti and its danger to the cause of Henri
Quatre. One of the Bourbon princes elevated
to the throne, the nation accepted an orthodox
monarch; while the nobles hailed a king un-
fettered by stipulations whatever hostile to their
traditional dignity and precedence. Under the
aspect of affairs in 1592, the recognition of
Henry IV. was accompanied by concessions
territorial and personal, grievous to the majority
of his nobles.
On receiving the communication sent by Ma-
yenne through M. d’Alincourt, Villeroy had com-
menced the oft-repeated attempt to negotiate
a peace acceptable to all parties. As M. de
Mayenne refused to treat directly with the king,
the process was conducted through Villeroy,
Jeannin, Fleury, and Duplessis-Mornay—the
latter alone representing his majesty. Villeroy
appeared as a mediator and well-wisher of the
realm, espousing neither the interests of the
League nor that of Les Politiques; but ready
to suggest and support any convention in ac-
cordance with the behests of the faith. Jean-
nin was the personal friend of Mayenne, the
ardent admirer of Spanish statescraft and the
partisan of the claims of the serene Infanta.
S6 HISTORY OF [1592.
M. de Fleury' was the ally and friend of Mornay
—a liberal, who abjuring all religious profession
and creeds, cared only to insure the ascendency
of the dynasty through which most was to be
gained. The four negotiators commenced by
taking an oath of secrecy. After many meet-
ings and discussions, during which the acute
mind and subtle tongue of Villeroy took the
lead, a series of propositions were drawn and
approved by M. de Mayenne, to whom they were
privately submitted by Villeroy. This affirma-
tion on the part of the duke was required by
Mornay, before he undertook to present the docu-
ment to his majesty in council. The principal
articles were, “that the king should make ab-
juration and submission to the Holy See within
a stated period, and before his majesty required
the lords of the confederation to disarm ; 2ndly,
that the Roman Catholic Apostolic faith should
be holden and considered as the religion of the
land, with the maintenance of all ecclesiastical
privileges and immunities; 3rdly, that the Cal-
vinists should be tolerated in the realm upon
the conditions of the edicts and laws of the
year 1585; 4thly, that the memory of the duke
de Guise and the cardinal, his brother, should
be rehabilitated ; 5thly, that all prisoners were
1 Henri Clausse, sieur de Fleury and Marchaumont, son of an
ex-secretary of state, under Henry II.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. S7
to be released and the states-general convoked ;
6thly, that the lords of the confederation should
hold the fortresses garrisoned by troops of the
League for the space of six years; and that the
debts of M. de Mayenne and his colleagues
of the house of Lorraine should be paid ; 7thly,
that the duke de Mayenne should retain his
government of Burgundy and receive that of
the Lyonnais, with power of absolute nomina-
tion to all benefices and civil offices. M. de
Guise—the post of governor of Champagne, and
the confirmation of his office of grand-master
of the household ; the duke de Mercoeur, the
government of Bretagne, and M. d’Aumale that
of Picardy; to M. d’Elboeuf the province of
Bourbonnois; to M. de Joyeuse the government
of Languedoc ; to M. de Villars that of Nor-
mandy; and to M. de Rösne that of l'Isle de
France.”" Upon the acceptance of these terms
Mayenne promised submission, on condition
that the royal council maintained impenetrable
secrecy on the pending treaty until the duke had
prepared the papal and Spanish courts for the
revelation. All the principal posts in the realm
were thus audaciously claimed by the League.
His majesty was even expected to dispossess
his faithful adherents to instal notorious rebels
* Mém. de Villeroy, année 1592. Sully, liv. iv. De Thou.
Le Grain.
88 HISTORY OF [1592.
who were in open league with a foreign poten-
tate. Thus, Nevers held Champagne; Longue-
ville, Picardy; Montmorency, Languedoc ; Mont-
pensier, Normandy—these, the king's loyal
subjects, were to be removed to make room for
Aumale, Joyeuse, Willars, and Guise, chieftains
of the Union. The proposed tenure of all gar-
risons and fortresses for six years virtually per-
petuated the sovereignty of the League; and
rendered it impossible for the king to reward
any of his faithful subjects. The duke de Ma-
yenne, in fact, wished to convert king Henry
into the chief of the Union on certain condi-
tions; even as at the states of Blois of 1577,
Henry III. had been coerced into signing the
Act as nominal head of the League. Wearied,
and reduced at seasons to the last extremity
of illness, Mayenne was content to resign his
sceptre on the exorbitant terms proposed, leaving
the restless and rival factions to settle their re-
spective differences. These proposals were
presented to king Henry and the council at
Gisors after the retreat of the duke of Parma.
Their shameful and degrading tenor revolted
the assembly. The motives of Mayenne were
too transparent to admit of gloss. The king,
therefore, replied that to accept such dis-
honourable conditions would be to abdicate his
crown. Nevertheless, his majesty was still
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. S9
willing to treat upon reasonable terms with M.
de Mayenne—to whom he offered the government
of Burgundy, with the survivorship for his son.
His majesty would also grant the said duke a
pension of 100,000 crowns, with permission to
nominate to benefices to the annual amount of
40,000 livres. His majesty, moreover, promised
to favour the princes the duke's colleagues; and
to confirm them in the tenure of any present
governments.' Henry, however, intimated that
such concessions must be the guerdon of the
instant recognition of his royal rights; after
which his majesty would apply his mind to
theological studies and reflect on the matter of
his abjuration. The displeasure of Mornay, the
stern staunch Calvinist was intense at this de-
claration on the part of the king; and he
declined to promote a treaty likely to ruin the
reformed churches. Willeroy and Davila accuse
Mornay with having subsequently divulged
the secret of the negotiation—which he had
promised to keep—in order to frustrate any
prolonged conference. It is asserted that, fearing
Henry was about to change his faith, Mornay
made the revelation to rouse the jealous umbrage
of the Huguenot and Orthodox nobles, to whom
* Hist. de la vie de Duplessis-Mornay par de Licques (redigée
sur les mémoires de Charlotte Arbeleste espouse dudit de
Mornay) liv. i. p. 173 et seq.
90 HISTORY OF [1592.
the proposed treaty had not been confided:
while on the other hand, guilty of this secret
overture, Mayenne would fall into utter obloquy
with the Spanish faction and the lords of the
confederation. Henry, however, intent on peace,
nominated the duke de Bouillon and M. de Biron
to continue the negotiation. As Mornay antici-
pated, however, on the rumour of these secret
conferences, such a storm arose that the duke de
Mayenne was compelled to decline to meet the
royal envoys, and made response through
Villeroy: “that he thanked God for the rising of
favourable dispositions in the bosom of his
majesty. He regretted, however, that through
the malice or indiscretion of some unknown
person, the negotiation had been divulged so
prematurely that it had impaired his influence.
That he had not the authority of a king over his
colleagues; but in order to do all in his power to
promote peace, he would call a conference at
Soissons. Meantime, he counselled the king
to make overtures to his holiness through some
of his Catholic lords and foreign allies; so that
on his abjuration, the towns of his realm might
the more easily recognize his majesty's claims.
Peace, however, would be difficult to conclude
amid such diverse interests and Spanish bribery.”
This reply being deemed important, Willeroy
* Licques—Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, liv. i. p. 173 et seq.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 9]
was despatched to deliver it in person to the
king at Gisors. The shrewd ex-secretary was
enchanted at the prospect of a private interview
with Henry, which might hereafter so powerfully
influence his fortune. The king, who appreciated
Villeroy's sagacity, gave him cordial greeting; and
in a long audience, developed much of his future
policy. The king commenced by remarking “ that
the military prestige of the lords of the confedera-
tion was gone; that the League could not now
hope to prevail against him by arms; and that
the sole method that remained to them of resisting
his royal claims was by the assemblage of the
States and the election of a so-called Orthodox
king; and even then such election had little
chance of being stable.' Henry then mentioned
a project, which latterly had greatly occupied
his attention. While Henry was yet before
Rouen, André Fumée bishop of Beauvais, a
prelate of learning and probity, had been depu-
ted by the royalist prelates—parties in the
rejection of the papal Bulls of interdict, and
members of the synod of Mantes—to petition
his majesty to permit them to send an embassage
to Rome, that they might explain their conduct
and confer with his holiness on the condition of
France. They humbly counselled his majesty to
write to the pope, and to submit the period and
* Mém. de Villeroy, année 1592.
92 HISTORY OF [1592.
mode of his abjuration to the decision of the
Holy See. Henry, thereupon, summoned de
Harlay first president of the parliament, and
two counsellors to confer on this important
matter. The senators, after long deliberation,
advised the king not to assent to the petition of
his prelates; inasmuch as to render account to
the Holy See of the causes which had induced
the Chambers to prohibit the publication of the
monitories brought by the legate Landriano,
would be calling in question the authorities of
the High Court, the support of which so greatly
aided the government. De Harlay proposed
instead, that the archbishop of Bourges, who,
amongst his other titles held the dignity of
Patriarch of Gaul, should be invested with
supreme power to judge ecclesiastical differences;
and to issue authoritative decrees in matters
concerning the temporalities of the Gallican
church. This proposal was hotly opposed by
the cardinal be Bourbon, who being only a
cardinal-deacon could not aspire to the pro-
posed office; and therefore refused to acknow-
ledge other authority than that of the pope.
The cardinal also observed “that such complete
and hostile contempt of the papal prerogative
could never be condoned by the holy father.”
The prelates, notwithstanding, renewed their
remonstrances, and urgently sought permission
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 93
to ease their consciences by this appeal to Rome.
It was proposed to send the cardinal de Gondy
on this mission of conciliation. Henry at length
gave his clergy the requisite licence; but had been
inexorable in refusing himself to tender direct
overtures to the Holy See; or to suffer explana-
tions to be made in his name. Upon this
matter, therefore, Henry asked the counsel of
the acute and politic Villeroy—probably with
the view of ascertaining whether the duke de
Mayenne was likely to oppose the negotiation,
and induce the pope to refuse audience to his
ambassador. Willeroy applauded the project.
He told the king that every step tending to
promote his reconciliation with Rome was an
advance towards his throne; and entreated that
his majesty would lose no time before despatch-
ing an embassage. Henry yet hesitated. Che-
verny, d'O, Nevers and madame de Liancour
earnestly prayed, that the favourable oppor-
tunity to make concession to Rome of his
majesty's triumph over his foes might be em-
braced, by a spontaneous offer on Henry's part
to renew diplomatic relations. Mornay and
Rosny, however, stood sullenly aloof: the latter
even angrily retired from court; and under pre-
text that his services, though appreciated, were
not rewarded, concluded his marriage with
madame de Chateaupers and departed for his
94 BISTORY OF [1592.
castle of Rosny, in spite of the tears of madame
de Liancour. Henry in vain tried to propitiate
Mornay, whose firmness and quick perception
his majesty often found invaluable. From these
two men, Rosny and Mornay—distinguished
amid the crowd of courtiers beginning to collect
round the victorious king, by their inflexible
character and plain speech—Henry bore with
apparent disrespect and slights, such as in
others he would vehemently have resented. “Il
est seulement en colºre contre moi!” was Henry's
frequent and simple response to those courtiers
who sought to take advantage of any coldness
between Rosny and his royal master, to repre-
sent the enormous ingratitude of the former.
Amongst Henry's correspondence and numerous
billets, almost imploring in their tenor, addressed
to Mornay, entreating him to return to court,
the following holograph letter was written by
Henry at this period, to entice the former back
from Saumur, where, in high dudgeon, he had
retreated.
RING HENRY TO MONSIEUR DUPLESSIS-MORNAY.
“Monsieur Duplessis:–I am weary of writing always the
same thing. I desire particularly to see you, before the arrival
of the deputies who are to return with Wicose. Come; I have
such need of your presence here, that I cannot dispense with
your visit, for reasons which I may not write. Come directly
You need remain only a few days. I shall be glad to learn that
1593.] TELE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 95
you have established such order, that your Swiss are content;
but do not let this cause prevent you from setting out without
delay. A Dieu ! to whose keeping I commend you Monsieur
Duplessis. This 28th day August, from Melun.
** HENRY.1
“Come, come, come, if you love me!”
This flattering epistle seems to have had no
effect on the stern heart of Mornay; who, as an
excuse for refusing his master's urgent summons,
made pretext of the disorganized condition of
the Swiss of his garrison in Saumur. The ap-
prehension of Henry's conversion inspired feel-
ings of gloomy resentment in the minds of his
old servants—the partakers of his early perils
and victories—though, the conviction subsisted
that without such concession, the crown never
could rest on their master's head.
From Melun the king removed to Argenteuil,
where by the advice of the majority of his
council, he came to the resolve to take the initia-
tory move towards reconciliation with Rome, by
again accrediting the marquis de Pisani as French
resident ambassador to the Holy See. The posi-
tion of Henry, at this time, was peculiarly iso-
lated: he was abandoned by his old friends, and
suspected by his orthodox servants. His nearest
kindred conspired to wrest from him his throne.
The king of Spain employed the resources of the
* Mémoires de M. Philippe de Mornay, t. ii. p. 342.
96 HISTORY OF [1502.
most powerful of European monarchies, to obtain
the diadem of France to adorn the brows of
doña Isabel his daughter. Madame Catherine
his sister was alienated, and ready at this period
to espouse, had she dared, the rival claims of
Soissons. The cardinal de Bourbon gave insi-
dious counsel, and often blamed the king in
public for measures adopted in consequence of
such advice. Queen Elizabeth jealously con-
templated the probability of Henry's abandon-
ment of the reformed faith, and the ascendency
of madame Gabrielle. She still unreasonably
resented the slaughter of her soldiers; and the
king's refusal to cede Calais or Brest. Henry
nevertheless, strong in the righteousness of his
cause, and the vigour of his resolves, combated
these difficulties successfully. He displayed a
military resource, and a mind worthy of sove-
reign rule—and consequently was obeyed as a
king. The bond of religious union, and the
church’s recognition of his rights, Henry felt
persuaded could nevertheless alone heal the dif.
ferences, and reconcile the divisions of the
realm. He therefore resolved to enter the
arduous and ungrateful path, which eventually
might win the benison of the church. From
his head-quarters of Champ-sur-Marne, a little
town in the vicinity of Meaux, Henry wrote this,
his first missive, to pope Clement VIII.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 97
TO OUR HOLY FATHER THE POPE.1
“Most Holy Father;-As we are resolved no longer to with-
hold the obedience which we owe to yomr holiness, and to the
See of Rome, we desire to adopt and pursue the measures
observed by the very Christian kings our predecessors in their
communications with the Holy See, for the furtherance of devo-
tion and filial reverence; and for the preservation of the close
and perfect communion requisite to be entertained between your
holiness and the subjects of this kingdom, for the good of
Christendom, and the maintenance of the Holy Church and the
Catholic faith. Consequently, we have willed, after making
public acknowledgement of our obedience to the church—to re-
establish an ambassador in residence at the court of your holi-
ness, as has been the custom in time past. Feeling assurance
that we could not appoint any person more worthy and able,
than our trusty and beloved marquis de Pisani, knight of our
Order, privy-counsellor, and captain of our guard—who was
intrusted by the late king with a like mission, and exhibited
notable proofs of ability, so that your holiness may receive all
contentment—we have, moved by these premises, chosen and
ordained the said marquis for like service towards ourselves.
We, therefore Holy Father, entreat you to accept and receive
the said ambassador, praying you to deign to honour him with
your bienveillance and favour, as the services and homage ren-
dered to the Holy See by our predecessors merit. We shall not,
on our part, fail in dutiful homage to your holiness. We pray
you to hear and credit our ambassador; and to vouchsafe the
same credence to his words, as you would to our own. We
pray God, most Holy Father, to have your holiness, in His
sacred and loving protection.
“ELENRY.”
The king also addressed letters to the grand
duke and duchess of Tuscany, requesting their
favourable reception of his envoys, and their
* Bibl. de l'Arsenal—MSS. de Conrart. Hist, littéraire, t. v.
WOT.. II. H
9S HISTORY OF [1592.
mediation with Rome. Henry, it is to be ob-
served, makes no promises relative to his abjura-
tion; his concession was merely a proposal to
renew diplomatic intercourse with the Holy See.
The pride of Henry IV. revolted at the supposi-
tion that his abjuration was prescribed and
accomplished by the menaces of Spain or
Rome. On the other hand, the pope and the
Consistory, with the French lords of the con-
federation were harassed by the dread lest the
king should conform without real conviction of
mind; yet they deemed the risk greater to
acknowledge Henry's sovereignty without the
preliminary of his submission to the papacy. The
fact of the cardinal’s mission, produced the
greatest commotion amongst the members of the
Spanish faction. The legate-extraordinary Lan-
driano, sent Gondy a formal interdiction' to visit
Rome; or to busy himself in any way about the
affairs of the prince de Béarn. Anxious, how-
ever, to avail himself of the present willingness
expressed by the king to negotiate with the Holy
See, the cardinal and his colleague Pisani set out
on their mission. The legate, thereupon, ap-
pealed to the Holy See to confirm his mandate,
1 Le légat informé de ce départ écrivit au cardinal de Gondy
pour lui défendre d’aller a Rome parce que le S. Père me voulait
point entrer en commerce avec le roy de Navarre: et au marquis
de Pisani pour l'avertir qu’il risquoit grandement d’entrer dans
les états du pape.—Journal de Henri IV—Année, 1592.
7-r, T.--~~ *N
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1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. *
by interdicting the cardinal and his colleague
from entering the papal territory. This mis-
sive was accompanied by a memorial setting
forth the misdeeds and lukewarm zeal of Gondy,
whose degradation from his episcopal office the
Parisians solicited. It was further added, that
the true reason of Gondy's visit to Italy, was to
confer when at Florence with his brother the
duke de Retz, and induce him to espouse the
royal cause. Landriano next visited Mayenne at
Beauvais. By subtle comments on the insin-
cerity of his majesty—evidenced by the betrayal
of the recent negotiation—the legate so inflamed
the duke's mind, and wrought upon his ambition
by flattering allusions to his renovated health,
and the esteem in which the king of Spain held
his prowess, that Mayenne consented to nominate
two envoys to proceed to Rome, in order to
“rescue the pontifical mind from the convictions
sought to be produced by Gondy.” The bishop
of Lisieux and Baudouin Desportes, ex-poet-
laureate to the deceased king were the envoys
selected. They were instructed to oppose and
complicate every proposal offered by the royal
envoys; to pray his holiness to decline any
embassy from the prince de Béarn ; and to sus-
pend his judgment on the affairs of France until
after the meeting of the States. The royal am-
bassadors, despite this opposition, steadily con-
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100 HISTORY OF [1592.
tinued their journey, avoiding the towns garri-
soned by the League. Pisani respectfully re-
mained at Densenzano on the Lago di Garda,
until the pleasure of his holiness was ascertained.
Gondy continued his journey to Florence, intend-
ing to avail himself of his privilege as a member
of the sacred college to enter Rome, unless
specially prohibited by the pope. The cardinal
made a sojourn of several days at the grand-ducal
court, where his reception by the duchess Chris-
tine de Lorraine was flattering. Just as he was
on the point of departure from Florence, the
private secretary of his holiness, Alexandro
Franceschini arrived, and delivered a formal man-
date interdicting the cardinal from pursuing his
journey. His holiness Clement VIII. declined
to receive Gondy for the following causes :
because, during the troubles, Gondy had not
conducted himself like a pious and faithful
cardinal, and a true Frenchman; that he had dis-
obeyed the injunctions of the legate which
forbade him to quit France; and had repeatedly
and contumaciously holden conference with the
prince of Béarn. That he had presumptuously
asserted the pope would grant absolution
to the Béarnnois, as soon as the latter was
pleased to be present at mass. Also, the said
cardinal stated, that he was repairing to Rome
on the express Summons of his holiness, “a
1593.] THE REIGN OF BIENRY IV. I () }
diabolical piece of cunning adopted to render the
Holy See in bad odour with the orthodox.”
Moreover, the audience solicited by the said car-
dinal would be of barren result ; inasmuch as it
was the intention of the latter to plead the
cause of Le Navarrois, respecting whom his holi-
ness was resolved not to hear a word—“ as in
order to bar the throne of St. Louis to a heretic,
and to a hypocrite who before had apostatized
from the true faith, the Holy See was ready to
expend its earthly treasures and heavenly bene-
dictions.” The cardinal de Gondy replied at
length to these various charges. He professed
his devotion and zeal for the papacy. He
stated that his holiness was not fully informed
of the condition of affairs in France: that the
power of the League was on the decline; that
the serene Infanta would never establish her
claims; while the demise of Henry IV. could
alone render possible the succession of a junior
prince of Bourbon—as the king held the power
accruing from right, military successes, and foreign
alliances. That his majesty's moral prestige was
considerable ; for his affability, generosity, and
royal bearing rendered him incomparably more
popular than any other prince of his house.
Moreover, that Paris was again menaced
with famine from the forts recently erected
at Gournay, which deprived the Parisians of
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102 HISTORY OF [1592.
the navigation of the river Marne. The car-
dinal therefore earnestly prayed his holiness to
admit him to audience, that he might faithfully
confer on these matters.' This memorial pro-
duced its effect in defiance of the denial given by
Mayenne's envoys to the assertions of the
cardinal. Franceschini, therefore, returned to
Florence, and informed Gondy that his holiness,
upon consideration, would sanction his presence
in Rome, and was willing to confer with the
said cardinal, provided that “nothing was said
concerning heresy or its upholders; and that the
cardinal would promise obedience to the decrees
of Gregory XIV., condemned by the synod of
Mantes.” Gondy thereupon continued his
journey. The pope, however, to guarantee the
Holy See from suspicion of collusion with Le
Béarnnois, despatched a brief addressed to
Landriano, commanding his legates to co-operate
ardently in the approaching States with the
Orthodox party, and to procure the election of a
Catholic king. The brief admonished that a
heretic, or a prince suspected of favouring
heresy ought to be regarded as a dead branch,
and severed from the royal stock and lineage of
St. Louis. It was added that, the election
achieved, the pope would gladly repair to Paris
* De Thou.--Hist. de Son Temps, liv. 13. Davila, lib 13.
Mathieu-Dupleix, Hist. Générale.
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1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 1 03
and crown the fortunate monarch chosen by the
deputies of the three estates. A special envoy'
was despatched to carry this important Bull
into France ; while on the morrow, Gondy was
admitted into the presence of his holiness. An
anxious conference ensued. The claims of the
candidates for the throne were discussed at
length. The pope demonstrated the greatest
resentment at the disrespect shown for his Bulls
by the king; who, his holiness complained had
caused his parliaments to forbid their publica-
tion, and even to summon the legate to the bar
of the Chambers to explain his “intrusion * into
the realm. He intimated that Henry, if he so
willed, could give a notable proof of sincerity,
devotion, and submission to the Holy See, by
issuing a proclamation accepting the canons of
Trent as the ecclesiastical code of the realm ;
but, in fact, “he placed no faith in the pretended
conversion of Le Béarnnois, who had been born,
reared, and nurtured in heresy; but he believed
that the king was willing to sacrifice his con-
science for a crown ; and that such was the
opinion of the Sacred College and of the king of
Spain.” “But, holy father,” rejoined Gondy,
“you see that, without diving into the motives
of the said king, it is expedient to accept the
semblance, if we may not achieve the reality,
* The nephew of his holiness, the prothonotary Agucchi.
104 HISTORY OF (1592.
seeing that probably no human power can now
deprive the king of his rights. The king is
ready to submit himself to your holiness. Have
you not the power to absolve his majesty?”
“No doubt,” replied the pope; “but it is
salutary to allow this said prince to knock
repeatedly at my door, so that I may test his
sincerity.” “True; but believe me, now is the
time to receive into the bosom of the church her
eldest son, the Christian king. Remember,
holy father, the error we committed relative to
England: the king has no ally whose counsels
he so highly esteems as those of the queen of
England.” “Monseigneur,” pettishly retorted
his holiness, “we will vouchsafe this absolution
when we deem the hour and opportunity pro-
pitious.” The audience then terminated by
the retreat of the pope into his oratory. The
hostile disposition evinced by Clement was not
amended when, ten days subsequently, news
reached Rome that the parliaments of Tours and
Châlons had interdicted the publication of the
famous brief sent by Agucchi, respecting the
election of a king ; and had thereupon again
cited Landriano to the bar of the “Chambers as
an intruder, incendiary, and rebel;” and decreed
high pains and penalties against all who held
communication with the legate, or were accessory
* Cayet, année 1592.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. T 05
to the publication of his manifestoes.' These
salutary acts of vigour strengthened the royal
cause, and were even benefical to Henry in Rome
itself. The pope conceived a high idea of the power
and resources of a prince, who, while making
conciliatory concession to the church, dared at
the same time to repel vexatious enterprises.
The immediate effect, however, of the measure
was the departure of Gondy from Rome; and
the absolute refusal of Clement VIII. to accept
publicly Henry's letter, or to permit the residence
of Pisani in Rome.
The sudden demise of the duke of Parma,
during this interval, stimulated the ambition of
Mayenne, and again he demonstrated the vigour
with which, during the late reign, he had taken
up arms to avenge the massacre of Blois. At
the head of 8,000 troops, the duke of Parma
was again advancing into France, to garrison the
town of Soissons during the session of the
States, when illness compelled the duke to take
up his abode in the abbey of St. Wast of Arras.
Worn prematurely by a life of unparalleled activity,
rendered more arduous by the jealous malevo-
lence of Philip II., this great captain expired
December 2nd, 1592. The wound which the
* De Thou, liv. 103. The decree of the parliament of Châ-
lons was publicly burned in Paris before the Palais, in the pre-
sence of Mayenne. Journal de Henri IV.-L’Etoile.
* Dondini. Hist. de rebus in Gallia gestis ab Alexandro Far-
mese Parma et Placentiae Duce—Rome, 1673.
106 HISTORY OF [1592.
duke received before Caudebec had never healed,
owing to the unskilfulness of the operator who
extracted the musket-ball, and the already pre-
carious condition of his health. Rumours of
poison became also rife; but the prosperity of
the Low Countries and the proclamation of the
Infanta as queen of France seemed, by the ad-
mission of the Spanish cabinet, to be events so
thoroughly dependent on the zeal and prowess
of Parma, as to render it improbable that his
Catholic majesty, from motives of self-interest,
would at this period countenance so perfidious a
deed. The duke was endowed with much of
the ability of his grandfather, the emperor
Charles W. His prudent government of the
Low Countries, and his vigilant firmness and
moderation eminently contributed to prolong
the sway of Spain over her Flemish provinces.
When dependent on his own resources, the duke's
career was triumph. Cramped by the narrow
egotism and bigotry of Spain, Farmese chafed at
the restraint ; and vainly expostulated at the
short-sighted policy which, while its enactments
infuriated the Flemish, sought to carry war over
the frontier, there to abolish the Salique laws
and crown the Infanta. The obsequies of the
great captain, whose last days had been im-
bittered by avarice and injustice, were celebrated
with regal pomp by order of Philip II. The
body of the duke was embalmed, and lay in
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 107
the palace in Brussels, the funeral oration being
pronounced by the bishop of St. Omer. On
the 8th of December, the cortége set out for
Parma, escorted by a squadron of cavalry. The
remains of the duke were deposited in the
cathedral, in the same vault with his deceased
consort Marie de Guimaraens, to whom he had
been so deeply attached as never to have con-
tracted second espousals. The valiant sword of
Farnese still rests on his sarcophagus in the
vaults of the cathedral of Parma, as it was depo-
sited by his son and successor, duke Ranuzzio I.
Philip, on receiving intelligence of the perilous
condition of the duke of Parma, together with
a letter from the latter soliciting permission
to relinquish his command, despatched the conde
de Fuentes' to Brussels, the bearer of sealed
orders, to be opened only after the expected
demise of Parma. The king then bestowed the
Supreme command of his armies in the Low
Countries on Ernest count Mansfeldt, the
adlatus of the deceased viceroy, pending the
arrival of the archduke Ernest.” To Fuentes
himself was confided the civil administration,
with orders to provide funds for the contemplated
* Don Enrique de Guzman, son and heir of the conde de Alva
de Liste, and of Catalina de Toledo Pimental.
* Brother of the emperor Rodolph, and second son of the em-
peror Maximilian, and of Marie, sister of Philip II.
108 HISTORY OF [1592.
armament which was to garrison Soissons and
its district during the session of the States;
nominally to insure for the deputies freedom of
election.
King Henry during the mission of Gondy
bravely pursued his conquests. Rocroy sur-
rendered ; and a sortie made by the Parisians
with Mayenne at their head, to gain possession
of the new fort at Gournay, was valiantly re-
pulsed with great bloodshed by Odet de la
Noue, son of the famous Huguenot chieftain of
that name. In Provence, the king's lieutenant
M. de Thémines, defeated the duke de Joyeuse'
in an action fought on the banks of the Tarn,
near to Condomines; a rout which so affected
Joyeuse, that he threw himself into the river
and was drowned, imitating the despair of his
elder brother Anne de Joyeuse, after the defeat
of Coutras. The death of the duke created
great sorrow in Paris. Two princes, both eccle-
siastics, alone survived of the lineage of Joyeuse
—the cardinal de Joyeuse and the count de
Bouchage the Capuchin monk and the hero of
1 Antoine Scipion, duke de Joyeuse. Anne de Joyeuse, the
favourite of Henri III., and first duke de Joyeuse, had three
brothers, Antoine Scipion, the cardinal de Joyeuse, and mon-
sieur de Bouchage the famous Capuchin monk, known in his
order as Le Père Ange, and widower of Catherine de la Valette,
sister of the duke d'Epernon, by whom he had one daughter,
eventually heiress of Joyeuse.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 109
the famed penitential procession during the late
reign from Paris to Chartres. A deputation
forthwith repaired to the Capuchin monastery
to exhort le Père Ange to cast away his cowl,
to accept the heritage of Joyeuse—his own by
succession—and to repair to Provence and as-
sume the command vacant by the demise of his
brother. After much simulated reluctance, and
on the express command of the legate, who de-
clared that “the Père Ange would incur the
penalty of mortal sin by refusing to serve his
country and his faith,” Bouchage suffered
himself to be persuaded. His re-appearance
was greeted with exultation. The bravery of
the new duke, his courtly retinue during the
late reign, and the virtues of his deceased
consort Catherine de la Valette, who was re-
vered by the populace for her saintly life and
almsgiving,' were remembered with transport.
Joyeuse, after a further sojourn of a few days
in Paris, departed for Provence; while his
brother, the cardinal, took up his abode at Aix
to aid the duke in the civil administration of the
province.
About this time the king, worn out by fatigue
and vexatious controversies, fell ill with low fever
* See Henry III. his Court and Times, vol. iii. p. 46 for the
history of madame de Bouchage.
| || 0 HISTORY OF [1592,
at St. Denis, whither he had repaired to counteract
the intrigues of the League in Paris. The mental
toil to which Henry was exposed seems over-
whelming. Distrusting the sincerity of his
ministers and nobles, every document of im-
portance was drawn by the king's own hand; or
dictated by the clear intellect of Cheverny,
Rosny, or Mornay. Nothing was resented so
deeply by the king, as the conduct of his nobles
towards these two last, his faithful counsellors
and servants. Recent events had much dis-
turbed his majesty's mind: the revelation of
the negotiation with Mayenne—the unbending
determination with which his overtures were
rejected by the Holy See—the cabals of the
princes of the blood; and the approaching as.
sembly of the States, which was to decide the
momentous question of the succession. For
some days the king's malady excited alarm ; and
busy conferences took place between the par-
tisans of the count de Soissons, who in the
event of the demise of his majesty, had a greater
chance of ascending the throne than the infant
Condé, or the cardinal de Bourbon who was
1 The legitimacy of the birth of the prince de Condé was
regarded with suspicion. His mother, madame de Condé, was
detained a prisoner in St. Jean d’Angely, under a sentence of
death for adultery and participation in the murder of her hus-
band, the prince de Condé, in 1587–See Henry III, his Court
and Times, vol. iii. p. 76. The princess’ case was examined again
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 111
universally distrusted. A copious bleeding and
sudatory process on the third day relieved the
king, who was able himself to write and notify
this change to Nevers. The alarm of madame
de Liancour was excessive when news reached
her of the king's malady. “I am dead with
fright,” wrote Gabrielle to the king; “re-assure
me, I pray, by tidings of the health of the
bravest of the brave. I fear lest his disorder
is excessive—for nothing else would to-day have
deprived me of his presence. Reply, my cava-
lier, for you know how excruciating to me is the
least of his ills I have twice this day ascer-
tained his condition; nevertheless, I cannot rest.
I send you a thousand greetings. I am a true
princess Constance, keenly sensitive to all that
regards yourself, and insensible to the rest of
the world, whether it be good or evil.” Another
day during the king's convalescence Gabrielle
sent Henry her portrait. The harmony between
the king and madame Gabrielle was, however,
often interrupted by the unreasonable jealousy
of the former. Some authors assert that Ga-
brielle by her levity of manner, gave the king
good cause for umbrage, though their accusa-
tion is scarcely proved. Most of the stories
by order of Henry IV. who pronounced her acquittal from the
terrible charges.
* Bibl. Imp. Suppl. Fr. fol. 1009. MS.
| 12 HISTORY OF [1592.
reflecting upon the life of madame de Liancour
after her liaison with the king, are compre-
hended in statements made in the Bastille by a
discarded waiting-woman of the name of La
Rousse, the greater part of whose revelations
were suppressed as false by the duke de Sully.
The king had not forgotten the love episode
between his mistress and the duke de Belle-
garde. In his correspondence with Gabrielle,
Henry often seems beside himself at any allu-
sion to the duke. The accounts sent to him by
Rosny of the beauty of madame de Liancour,
and the admiring homage paid to her, displeased
the king ; who priding himself on the most scru-
pulous fidelity to Gabrielle, demanded the same
reserve. Henry carried this abstinence so far
at this period, that in one of his letters he an-
nounced the arrival of madame de Guercheville'
at Senlis; but adds, “that he will not see her
unless madame de Liancour permitted the in-
terview.” The hope and purpose of attaining
royal honours were ever present with Gabrielle
d’Estrées. The solemn promise of the king
madame de Liancour possessed. In strict al-
liance with Rosny, Gabrielle therefore hoped yet
to wear the diadem of France and shaped her
conduct accordingly. Surrounded with the
luxury and state of a queen, Gabrielle demeaned
* Antoinette de Pons.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 113
herself with dignity, paying the utmost defer-
ence to the counsels of Rosny. Before the ill-
ness of the king, a slight coldness occurred be-
tween his majesty and madame de Liancour
respecting the conduct of the latter. Gabrielle
retorted; and added that Henry, nourishing
such suspicions, was not worthy to receive a
portrait of herself which she had long destined for
him. Upon this, his majesty wrote the follow-
ing sharp reprimand soon after his departure
from St. Denis, probably from Angerville, a little
town in the neighbourhood of Estampes.
KING FIENRY TO MADAME GABRIELLE D’ESTREES.l
“There is no circumstance which so greatly enhances my
doubts of your fidelity as the method of your conduct towards
myself. As you are pleased to command me to banish all sus-
picion, I am ready to do so. Nevertheless, you must permit me,
madame, plainly to indicate to you the best means by which such
might truly be obviated, as you have hitherto feigned to overlook
my hints. I had therefore, yesterday, commenced a letter to
you with the words—there are none so deaf, as those who refuse
to hear! I protest, however, that I do not recapitulate the of-
fences which I have received from you in anger, or malice; but
only to prove to you how legitimate have been my doubts. You
remember how greatly I was offended at the presumptuous
journey of my rival.” The power which your eyes exercised
* Lettres inédites de Henri IV. edited by A. Serieys in 8vo.
Lettres missives de Henri IV. edited by M. Berger de Xivrey,
t. iv. -
* The king probably alludes to the adventure with madame de
Liancour after his sudden return from the chase, suspecting that
M. de Bellegarde was hidden in the saloon of Gabrielle.
VOL. II. I
ll 4 HISTORY OF [1592.
over me, rescued you from reproach; your words were fairer
than the facts which I discovered; but, madame, I protest to
you, had I then known all that I have since ascertained while at
St. Denis, never would I have seen you again. Be assured,
however, rather than avow this to another, I will burn the hand
that indited this, or sever the tongue that would utter it ! Since
I have quitted you, you know what has happened. Judging
from so many examples, what can I expect, unless I see you
adopt a line of conduct totally different? What more can you
promise me than that you have already done? What faith more
emphatic and comprehensive can you pledge, than that which
you have twice broken? You must therefore now act. You
complain of my suspicion, but yet treat lightly the perfidy of
others. You assure me that you intend to keep your promises;
speak to me, madame, no longer, however, of what you will do,
but tell me that which you do. Resolve, therefore, madame, to
accept the homage of one servant only. It is in your power to
oblige me, it is in your power to convert me; you will do me
wrong if you believe that another person exists in the world who
can serve you as devotedly as myself. My own fidelity is
blameless. If I have committed any indiscretion, think what
madness results from jealousy Look therefore to yourself.
Feuille-morte! has shown by his terror at the League, that he is
no lover of yours, or of mine. I am so eager to see you, that
I would give four years of my life to be with you as soon as you
receive this billet. I kiss your hands a million of times. Well,
madame, do you still deem me, after reading this letter, un-
worthy to receive your portrait *
This appeal brought an explanatory letter
1 Feuille-morte is thought by M. de Xivrey to be a soubriquet
for Bellegarde: yet the latter part of the king's sentence seems
not to apply, as the duke was a valiant soldier. More probably
the king alluded to M. de Villars, who in his heart wished for
the royal success, though in the service of the League as gover-
nor of Rouen. The king was much piqued at the sudden ter-
mination of a negotiation to win over Villars to the royal cause,
while his majesty was encamped before Rouen.
1593.] THE REIGN OF THENRY IV. 115
from Gabrielle, accompanied by her portrait,
which she before had pefulantly retained. This gift
completely appeased the king; and in acknow-
ledgement he wrote the following charming
epistle, which would lose its point in translation.
THE KING TO MADAME GABRIELLE.
“Je vous ecris des pieds de votre peinture, que j’adore seule-
ment pour ce qu’elle est faite pour vous—non qu’elle vous res-
semble. J’en puis étre juge compétent vous ayant peinte en
toute perfection dans mon âme, dams mon âme (sic) dans mon
coeur, dans mes yeux!”
Henry, at this time, lavished every honour
on madame de Liancour, who despite her power
and prosperity, demonstrated great aversion for
her position. Madame Catherine, moreover, was
about to arrive at Mantes, to extinguish by her
legitimate and undeniable rank, the pretentions
of Gabrielle. Madame de Liancour shrank
before the anticipated disdain and irony of
Madame; who she believed would not fail to
make her feel the degradation of her liaison with
king Henry. Gabrielle, therefore, asked per.
mission to withdraw from court to her father's
château of Coeuvres. The king, however, insisted
that madame de Liancour should meet his sister,
adding that “he would insure her honourable
treatment from Madame.” The infatuation of
1 Bibl. Imp. F. Dupuy, MS. 407, fol. 34.
I 2
116 FIISTORY OF [1592.
the king, his reiterated promises, and the aban-
doned life led by queen Marguerite at Usson, com-
bined to persuade madame de Liancour and her
family and partisans, that the crown would even-
tually encircle her brow; and doubtless, judg-
ing from the revelations of documentary and
other evidence, such was the resolve of his
majesty. Already a petition had been presented
by Gabrielle d’Estrées and accepted by the
council of state, praying for the dissolution of her
compulsory nuptials with M. de Liancour; a
prayer supported by the latter on the mandate
of the king. The journey of Madame from
Pau, was therefore on the whole acceptable
to Henry. From the period of the temporary
suspension of the princess's powers as regent of
Béarn, Catherine had steadily refused to resume
her former position in the council, deeming her
disgrace irretrievable. The summer of 1592, she
spent in retirement at Castel-Beziat with madame
de Guiche, through whom the princess still cor-
responded with M. de Soissons. Few of the
royal officers, who at the king's command, had
thwarted Madame's project of espousing the count,
were admitted to her presence. Cayet, about
this time, also received his dismissal from his
office of her private chaplain. The princess then
actually wrote to pope Clement VIII. offering
to make abjuration of Calvinism, provided his
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 117
holiness prevailed upon the king to sanction her
union with the count de Soissons.' The people
of Béarn deeply regretted the resolution of the
princess to abandon Pau. Catherine's popularity
was immense amongst all classes of her brother's
Béarnnois subjects; and they, in vain, sought to
persuade her to continue amongst them. But the
ready consent which Henry had given to his
sister's permanent resignation of her functions
over Béarn confirmed the princess in her resolve.
The king desired to accomplish the union of
Madame with the gallant young duke de Mont-
pensier—he wished by her presence at court to
draw thither the princesses who refused as yet to
accept the ascendency of madame de Liancour.
The duchess de Nevers seems to be the only
great lady of the former court who had conde-
scended to notice the favourite. A letter, the
only one now extant written by Gabrielle
d’Estrées, was addressed by the latter to the
duchess in very respectful terms, notifying the
convalescence of the king from his attack of fever
at St. Denis.” Moreover, the ill-humour and
morgue of M. de Soissons, the king trusted,
1 Madame sour du roi fit dire que si sa Sainteté faisoit envers
le roy qu’elle fut mariée à M. le comte de Soissons qu’elle se
feroit Catholique.”— Lettres du cardinal d’Ossat.—Lettre 347, in
4to. Paris, 1697, chez Boudot, edited by Amelot de la Houssaye.
2 Bibl. Imp. MS. Béth, 9128, fol. 339, signed—G. Destrées,
à madame madame la duchesse de Newers.
118 HISTORY OF [1592.
might in some degree be dissipated by the pre-
sence and remonstrances of Madame. The loyal
adherence and union of the princes of the royal
house were specially necessary to the king during
the session of the approaching States. The count
adopted in his intercourse with the king an
aspect frigid, careless, and disdainful.” So far
had he right and justice on his side, that
before the demise of Henry III., when the
affairs of the king appeared hopeless, Henry
consented to the marriage of Madame with Sois-
sons; and had arbitrarily revoked that permission
when the success of his arms rendered his
majesty comparatively independent of the aid of
the Bourbon princes. “Mon cousin,” wrote
Henry, nevertheless, some time afterwards to
the count de Soissons, “you are yourself the
cause of the misunderstandings between us, and I
am only the target at which you aim them, for
which I have sincere regret. You appear to
take pleasure in the continuance of our disagree-
ments; and therefore interpret amiss every action
of mine which would demonstrate my good-will
and regard.”
Madame quitted Béarn on the 25th of October,
* “Ile comte de Soissons étoit tracassier par caractère; il
s’était ménagé des intelligences dans le parti de la Ligue pour
perdre Henri IV.”
* Bibl. Imp. F. Dupuy, fol. 15—Ce 17, jour de Juin a Dijon,
1595.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 119
1592. Before her departure, she entertained a
party of the principal nobles at a banquet at
Castel-Beziat. In reply to the many condolences
and regrets at her near departure, Catherine
wrote on the wall of her favourite retiring room
the words, “Quà me fata vocant l” and turned
away to conceal her tears. One of the loyal
gentlemen present, took the pencil and wrote
beneath the line inscribed by the princess:
Ne quote fata vocarent l” As Madame on the
day of her departure was passing through the
gates of Pau, a poor Béarnnois woman pressed
through the crowd to kiss her hand. “Ah,
madame,” exclaimed she, “you leave us, we
escort you and weep your departure as we did
that of your august mother Alas! we never
witnessed her return l’”
Madame passed through St. Sever, Ajemaux,
and Bazas on her road to Bordeaux. At
Castres she continued her journey by water,
and entered a magnificent barge, prepared for
her use by the loyal Bordelais. Madame was
received on landing by the marshal de Ma-
tignon governor of Guyenne, and by the
members of the parliament of Bordeaux. An
harangue was addressed to the princess by the
* Cayet, Chronologie Novennaire, année 1592.
* Vauvilliers—Notes sur la vie de Jeanne d'Albret, reine de
Navarre.
| 20 HISTORY OF [1592.
first president, M. d’Affis. Madame returned a
dignified reply with great gravity of manner.
Afterwards, she ordered the release of all crimi-
mals in the city prisons, excepting those accused
of treason and murder. Madame remained in
Bordeaux throughout the month of November.
During this interval, she authorized a préche to
be publicly holden, much to the scandal and
consternation of the city authorities. The people
flocked thither to behold Madame, who with
much parade regularly attended the service.
Amid this concourse disputes often occurred ;
and once the city guard was summoned to quell
the tumult.' The marshal de Matignon found
himself in strange perplexity. Knowing the in-
exorable temper of Madame, he had small hope
of inducing her highness to yield to the dis-
content of the executive, and celebrate her
préche in private. The publicity of the pro-
ceedings of the princess likewise, was calculated
to injure his majesty's affairs. Matignon, there-
fore, had recourse to the parliament of Bordeaux,
which issued an edict prohibiting all public
religious ceremonies, excepting the authorized
services; and warning all not to countenance or
attend such celebrations. A herald and trumpet
read the proclamation in front of the archiepisco-
pal palace in which Madame resided. This pro-
* Cayet.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. | 21
ceeding so irritated the princess that she resolved
to take her departure from Bordeaux. She was
accordingly escorted by Matignon and a deputa-
tion of Bordelais with great pomp, a league on
the road to Vabres, a little town on the
Dordogne, where the princess arrived on the
29th of November. While Madame was sup-
ping in the hall of the episcopal palace, a beam
fell from the ceiling close to the table at which
the princess and her ladies were seated. No
injury befel anybody; though madame de Guiche
received a severe fright, and was carried fainting
from the apartment. The weather had now set
in with severity. The roads were rendered
almost impassable by the falling snow, while the
cold was intense. Madame was not, however,
to be diverted from her journey, which she
resumed the following day. At Niort, the
severity of the weather compelled the travellers
to make a short sojourn. Christmas Day
Madame spent in comfortless fashion at Par-
theney, a place badly provided with necessaries.
The privations there encountered, caused much
grumbling and discontent amongst the ladies
not endowed with a spirit of heroism similar to
that which inspired their royal mistress. At
length Saumur was reached. At midnight,
nearly frozen to death from the excessive cold,
and famishing with hunger, Madame and her dis-
122 HISTORY OF [1592.
consolate ladies made their entrée into the town.
Magnificent preparations had been made by
Duplessis-Mornay to receive the sister of his
sovereign—a display frustrated by Madame's
nocturnal arrival and subsequent fatigue.' The
princess spent nearly two months in the con-
genial society of monsieur and madame Duplessis,
the king having requested his sister to wait his
arrival at Saumur, as he desired to instal her
himself at his court. The king, therefore, after
much inevitable delay, arrived on the 28th day
of February, 1593, when the greeting mutually
bestowed by the royal brother and sister seemed
by its warumth to efface all recollection of their
previous misunderstanding.
During the few following days, Saumur was
enlivened by the presence of many of the most
gallant cavaliers of the court, who arrived to
salute Madame. Amongst other princes, the
duke de Montpensier tendered prompt and
reverential homage, and was introduced to
Madame by the king. No efforts, however,
* Cayet, Chronologie Nov. Mathieu.
* “Mes affaires m’arrestent demain que je devois partir. Dieu
Saitles bênédictions que ma sceur, leur baille. Souvray mous fait
aujourd’hui festin oil seront toutes les dames. Je ne suis vestu
que de noir; aussi Suis-je veuf de ce qui peut me porter de la joye
et du contentement. Il ne se vit oncques une fidélité si pure
que la mienne. Glorifiés vous en—puisque c'est pour vous.”—
Lettre de Henri IV. a madame Gabrielle d’Estrées, 12 Febvrier.
Bibl. Imp. Suppl. F. 1009, MS.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. | 23
could propitiate Madame in his favour; and the
first ten days of her re-union with her brother
were clouded by angry recriminations. The
duke was too young, gallant, and wealthy to
continue to sue for the favour of a princess who
rejected his overtures with sincerity more frank
than flattering. Montpensier, therefore, respect-
fully though firmly requested his majesty's per-
mission to withdraw a suit evidently distasteful
to Madame. The matrimonial proposals of the
duke de Montpensier before the end of the year
found welcome reception from the princess
Henriette Catherine, the youthful heiress of the
duke de Joyeuse. The marriage nevertheless
was deferred until the end of the troubles in
1597; the loyal duke refusing to espouse a con-
sort whose father was arrayed in arms against
the lawful rights of his king.
At the beginning of March, 1593, Henry
escorted his sister to Tours, where Madame held
her court for some weeks. The royal pair then
proceeded to Chartres. Henry here entered
into an earnest correspondence with queen
Elizabeth ; and so effectually dissipated her
majesty's resentment and prejudice that she
promised the king a fresh succour of 2,000 men,
to aid him in maintaining his rights during the
approaching session of the States.
B 00 K III.
CHAPTER I.
1593.
The Holy League.—Condition of Paris in 1593.—Assembly of
the States-general.—Cabals of the factions.—Manifesto of the
duke de Mayenne,—Deputies elected in the provinces.—Am-
bassage of the duke de Feria.—Its object.—The court at
Mantes.—Effect of the manifesto of the duke de Mayenne,—
Propositions of the Catholic lords.-Opening of the States of
1593.−Declaration of the lords of the royal party.—Its re-
ception by Mayenne.—Arrogant conduct of the legate.—
Causes the letter to be condemned by the Sorbonne,—Ma-
yenne departs for Soissons to confer with the Spanish ambas-
sadors.-His interview with Feria and his colleagues-—Anger
of the duke.—Debate on the election of a king postponed by
Mayenne,—Conferences of the princes of Lorraine at Rheims.
—Discontent of the nobles and officers of the crown.—Intri-
gues of the princes of Bourbon.—Madame de Liancour.—Her
influence.—Habits of the court.—Petits-soupers du roi...—Du
Perron, bishop of Evreux-Correspondence of Henry with
Gabrielle d’Estrées,—Siege of Noyon.—The Spanish ambassa-
dors arrive in Paris.-Oration of the duke de Feria.-Confer-
ences of Surène.—Declaration made by the king.—Interview
between Mayenne and the count de Schomberg.—Henry an-
nounces his approaching abjuration.—Motive of the king’s
resolve.—Its effect.—Attitude of the legate-Proposals of
the king of Spain.—Response of the bishop of Senlis.—Ne-
gotiations for a general truce opposed by the legate and his
partisans.—Libels current.—Tumults in Paris.-Proceedings
| 28 HISTORY OF [1593.
of the Spanish ambassadors—Edict of the parliament of Paris.
—Consternation of Mayenne.—Summons the first president
to an interview.—Firm attitude of the Chambers.-Progress
of Henri IV.
THE faction of the Seize never rallied after
the summary execution done on its chief dema-
gogues, and the exile or imprisonment of others.
Forbidden to meet for the purposes of discus-
sion or of petition to the nominal head of the
state, the members resident in Paris assuaged
their hate of the duke de Mayenne by still more
persevering advocacy of the claims of the
Spanish Infanta. The much-execrated political
maxims of Les Politiques became even more
tolerable to these fallen despots than the sway of
the chief of the Union. To circumvent the de-
signs of Mayenne and to exclude him from the
throne he was accused of coveting, became the
aim of countless intrigues. The misery of the
inhabitants of Paris at the close of the year
1592 seemed at its climax. Trade was de-
stroyed ; the sites of the markets of the capital
so rapturously praised for plenty and luxury
in the year 1578 by the Venetian envoy Lippo-
mano were desolate, surrounded by dilapidated
buildings or bordered by ruined quays. Food,
in former times so plentiful, was now coarse and
scarce. Public amusements were forbidden.
Many of the churches were closed for want of
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 129
congregations. The Louvre, the Tuileries, and
the hôtels de Nevers, Condé, and Montmorency,
were fast falling to decay. The people passing
along the sombre and desolate streets were
pale, famine-stricken, and restless. Madame de
Montpensier was now alternately received with
hisses or in threatening silence. Gradually,
some few of the more obscure shops ventured
to display a portrait of the king—a misdemean-
our overlooked by the city guard. Madame
Gabrielle then appeared; presently snatches of
songs popular in the royal camp were heard
in the streets. Coarse caricatures representing
Gabrielle d’Estrées and du Perron bishop of
Evreux, in religious conference with the king,
were next distributed and eagerly bought ; but
the sale of these engravings was promptly inter-
dicted by the authorities. Public depression
sank lower after the unsuccessful assault on the
fort of Gournay, which so straitened the Pari-
sians as to render famine imminent. The report
also that the assembly of the States-general was
to be holden in Soissons agitated the populace.
The people maintained that after the perils and
sacrifices which they had endured for the pros-
perity of the Union, that their city ought to
reap the honour and pecuniary advantages to
* This fort was nicknamed “Pillebadaut,” by the Parisians.
It was situated at Gournay-sur-Marne, near to Chelles.
VOL. II. K
130 HISTORY OF [1592.
be derived from the session. The Spanish am-
bassadors, however, insisted on the selection of
Soissons—a city in convenient contiguity with
the Flemish territory of Philip II. The duke
de Lorraine proposed Rheims; a town, as he
averred, secure, well provided with provision,
having a magnificent hall of assembly, from the
portals of which the anointed sovereign of
France had gone forth from the days of St.
Louis. Mayenne, however, embarrassed by the
clamour of the people of Paris, and being un-
Willing to place himself and the deputies of the
realm under the military dominion of Mans-
feldt, declared for Paris. This decision received
the support of the legate and of the majority
of the Catholic lords of the Union ; also of the
peers, adherents of the royal cause. Letters
patent were thereupon issued by Mayenne con-
voking the States to meet for the election of a
king early during the month of January of the
year 1593. The duke then repaired to Paris,
as serious feuds existed in every department of
the executive. The marquis de Belin, governor
of Paris, resented the harsh reproaches of Ma-
yenne ; who blamed him for accepting reinforce-
ments for the Spanish garrison in Paris, on the
passage of Parma after the retreat of the latter
from Normandy. The active correspondence
which Belin maintained with the royal camp
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 131
likewise roused the duke's suspicion. Espinac,
archbishop of Lyons and keeper of the seals
of the Union, evinced considerable discontent
at the duke's confidential relations with Villeroy
and Jeannin. The former essayed to propitiate
all parties. The spare active figure of the ex-
secretary of Henry III., and the apt pupil of
Catherine de Medici, might be seen gliding in
the haunts of each of the hostile factions.
Mendoza and Evora commended the zeal and
acute intellect of Willeroy. Landriano's report
brought Villeroy special benediction from the
papal city. “In the subtle diplomacy and good
intentions of M. de Villeroy we place implicit
faith,” also wrote the leaders of the royal party
in Paris to the privy council. Mayenne, more-
over, privately consulted Willeroy on every un-
dertaking. “Never was there a man more
gifted with versatile talents—finding a remedy
for all, and proposing expedients admirable and
various ; never, with all this, omitting a certain
deference of manner very soothing and grateful
to his colleagues,” wrote the duke about this
period to his half-brother, M. de Nemours.
With Henry IV., Villeroy ingratiated himself
so successfully, that his return to his former
office of secretary of state followed on the
surrender of Paris. The princesses of the League
also were on confidential terms with the able
K 2
132 HISTORY OF [1592.
ex-secretary. Madame de Montpensier relied
on his mediation with Henry IV., and re-
quested him to explain to the victorious king,
“Qu’elle n'était passi noire qu'on l’avoit woulu
représenter l’ Madame de Guise applied to
Willeroy to ask the king to declare the château
d'Eu and its domain neutral territory; and to
obtain from the Spanish crown the liquidation of
the debts on her son's patrimony. Mademoiselle
de Guise confessed confidentially to Villeroy her
admiration for the valiant king, whose throne
she tacitly avowed she had no reluctance to
share. Moreover, she employed him to convey
to Bellegarde certain documents supposed to
be of deeply interesting moment to the latter.
Willeroy smiled : accomplished much for all;
and owning neither to failure nor to treachery,
spread such dexterous gloss over his varied
negotiations, that all trusted the plausible savoir
of the wily statesman.
The day following the arrival of Mayenne in
Paris, Monday October 16th, a tumultuous
meeting assembled in the Hôtel de Ville to dis-
cuss the affairs of the city ; and especially the
dearth occasioned by the blockade of the Marne
at Gournay. The assembly was attended by the
leaders of the royal party—Aubrey, d’Huillier,'
1 Jean d’Huillier, conseiller du roy, elected as prevòt des
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 133
Passart, and others. Many members of the
fallen Seize were present, and once more essayed
to propagate their envenomed slanders. It was
proposed to petition Mayenne to send deputies
to the king of Navarre, to pray his majesty to
dismantle the obnoxious fort at Gournay pend-
ing the deliberations of the States; to exhort
the king to conform to the orthodox faith ; and
to remove the embargo laid on the traffic and
free communication between the principal towns
of the realm." The duke was admonished, that
as M. de Villeroy seemed the personage most
likely to succeed in so urgent a mission, the
assembly prayed that credentials might forth-
with be given him to proceed to confer with the
king at the camp of Provins. The next day
the same personages met again, reinforced by a
stronger band of city democrats. The measure
discussed, was the possibility of the fusion of
parties to secure the accession of an orthodox
king; and to emancipate the deputies of the
approaching States from the control of Spain,
Marchands, November, 1592. He succeeded Charles d'Orsay in
this office, who was the successor of La Chapelle Marteau.
* Acarie, Senault, Aluequin, and ſle Gresle, were the principal
personages of the ex-council of Forty present. Journal de
Henri IV. amnée 1592. Acarie proposed as an amendment that
notwithstanding this petition, “ qu'om me traiteroit jamais avec
le roy de Navarre ses fauteurs et adhérans.”
134 HISTORY OF [1592.
or of the party which still regarded Mayenne
and the princes of Lorraine as chief and leaders.
A committee was forthwith appointed to examine
into the griefs and differences of the citizens,
and to suggest a project of union. The arch-
bishop of Aix, with Rose bishop of Senlis,
Boucher and Cueilly, were nominated by the
Seize to confer with Foulon abbot de St. Gene-
viève, Seguier dean of Nôtre Dame, and Benóit
and Chavignac, of the party termed Les Poli-
tiques—or those ready to acknowledge Henry IV.
on his abjuration. The resentment of the Seize
was so vivid, that the members of the ex-council
of Forty were ready to enter into close alliance
with their late antagonists to promote the over-
throw of Mayenne and his party. This state
of covert hostility gave great and reasonable
cause of anxiety to the duke; despite the in-
fluence accruing from the nominations which he
had made of presidents in the parliament of
Paris after the demise of Brisson. No combi-
nation had before existed so likely to forward
the pretensions of the purely royal faction as
this coalition. Mayenne accordingly presented
himself unexpectedly on the 6th of November
at the Hôtel de Ville. “Messieurs l’’ said the
duke, addressing himself to the turbulent orators
of the capital, who met that morning to receive
1593.] TEIE REIGN OF HENRY IV. I 35
the first report of their committee, “I under-
stand that some amongst you propose to de-
spatch envoys to the king of Navarre to nego-
tiate relative to the forts of Gournay, and to
obtain freedom of traffic. I deem this measure
presumptuous, and opposed to that union which
you have so often sworn to maintain. I impute
not to any one evil motives for the proposal, but
attribute it to the pressure of urgent necessity.
You are aware that I have resolved to assemble
the States-general to deliberate upon the affairs
of the realm ; and specially to promote order in
your city. You well know that many princes,
lords, and municipalities have entered into league
with us; and that, consequently, we have not
power without the consent of the whole to
arrive at any resolution. I, therefore, pray the
authors of the motion to petition the said king
of Navarre, to withdraw their proposal; or I shall
reluctantly feel compelled to look upon them, and
treat them as enemies of our sacred faith, and
as violaters of their oath as members of the Holy
League !” The duke then withdrew.
* “A peine le duc de Mayenne eu fini son discours arrosé
d’huile et de vinaigre que les convoqués ont crié hautement
que la mécessité présente demandoit qu'on prit des moyens pour
obtenir la liberté du trafic : et que le plus court étoit d'envoyer
au roy.”—Journal de Henri IV. L’Etoile. Davila. De Thou.
Dupleix.
136 HISTORY OF [1592.
The same day a mandate was issued, decreeing
that the committee elected to investigate the
grievances of the various factions, was to de-
liberate in the presence of M. de Belin; and
that a report was to be laid before the council of
the speeches of the members—an order which, of
course, neutralized the design of the conference,
by preventing freedom of debate. A few days
subsequently, a third tumultuous assembly met
at the Hôtel de Ville, where the proposition to
petition the king to give freedom to the capital
during the session of the States was renewed,
and carried by an immense majority of votes.
A deputation proceeded to the residence of
Mayenne to inform him of the resolution of
the citizens; and to demand permission for the
immediate despatch of envoys from the city
to the royal camp near to Provins. The
duke reluctantly consented: but before the de-
parture of the envoys, news reached Paris of the
march of 8,000 Spaniards under Mansfeldt,
to garrison the district of Paris during the sitting
of the assembly; which intelligence so elated
the populace, that the project to petition the
king was abandoned.
The celebrated manifesto published at this
period by the duke de Mayenne appeared on
the 5th of January, 1593. After alluding to
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. | 37
the convocation of the States, the duke entered
into an eagosé of the political causes which had
given rise to the Holy Union. He recapitulated
at length the negotiations, triumphs, and defeats
of the League. “Acting under profound con-
viction of the justice of the cause for which I
armed, I was encouraged by the hope that the
Catholics in the army of the late king would, on
his demise, unite to defend and uphold the faith.
The contrary, to my great regret, happened.
The Orthodox looked upon me as the author of
the death of the king—in which crime, however,
I did not participate—and upon this pretext
they refused to disband, and thus abandoned
the cause of religion. The king of Navarre
then solemnly promised to avenge the death of
Henry III., and to make abjuration of his
errors within the space of three months; and
they who heard this latter profession had the
imprudence and weakness to believe. I then
made advantageous proposals to the said king,
to whit—that the realm would acknowledge his
rights provided that he made abjuration and
sought reconciliation with the sovereign pontiff.
This prince, nevertheless, replied—obstinate in
his heresy—‘ that he would not receive law from
his subjects; but that when all should have made
submission, he would cause the question to be
138 FIISTORY OF [1592.
examined by a council-general.’” The duke pro-
ceeds, in the same plausible strain, defending his
subsequent proceedings and alliance with Spain,
and deprecating the defeat of his arms at Tours,
Arques, Ivry, and Yvetót. He next relates the
causes which had moved him to convoke the
States-general, namely —the triumphs of the
king; the importunities of the Spanish cabinet;
and the disaffection of the Parisian populace. “I
implore my adversaries Catholic cavaliers, by
the mercies of the Almighty, to leave the heretic
faction and to unite with me. Thus, by the
blessing of God, we may find remedy for woes
unparalleled. For fear that any prince, lord, or
great officer of the party of the king of Navarre
should imagine that he has not personally been
summoned to join the assembly, I hereby so-
lemnly pledge myself to insure his safety, and
to cause his honour, dignity, and rights to be
respected and maintained.” This manifesto was
followed a few days later by one from the nuncio
Landriano. The document is redolent with
bigotry, and displays a mingled hate and fear
of the king. He exhorts the faithful to proceed
to the election of a Catholic king, and not
* Déclaration faite par monseigneur le duc de Mayenne lieu-
tenant général de l’état et couronne de France, pour la réunion
de tous les Catholiques de ce royaume. Paris, Morel, 1592 in-
8vo. Davila, lib. 12.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV, 139
trust to the fancied conversion of the prince of
Béarn ; who, he insinuates, would deem perjury
and a third apostacy venial, provided thereby he
could ascend the throne." Mayenne also wrote
letters-missive to the pope and to all the Catholic
powers intimating his purpose; and praying for
their supplications to Heaven, that Divine guid-
ance might be vouchsafed to the States for the
performance of their sacred mission.
The proceedings of the duke were watched
by the king with indignant vigilance. Henry
designated Mayenne's resolve of assembling the
States, “an audacious and insolent usurpation.”
The parliament of Paris, meantime, accepted the
Declaration of Mayenne, and registered the de-
cree for the opening of the States on the 17th
of the month of January, 1593. Deputies from
the provinces then began to arrive in Paris.
Every town, royal and malcontent, was eager to
contribute to the peaceful solution of the great
question of the period. The royalists, in the
hope that the obligation to decide would hasten
the abjuration of the king—the Leaguers, actu-
ated by the persuasion that Spanish armies and
gold would pour into France, and under pretext
of fighting for the legendary claim of the In-
* Exhortation de monseigneur l’Illustrissime cardinal de Plai-
sance, légat de notre S. P. le pape Clément VIII. aux Catholiques
du royaume qui suivent le parti de l'héretique—Mém. de la
Ligue, t. v. p. 296. Also published in Paris chez Nevelle.
140 HISTORY OF [1592.
fanta, enable each malcontent to pursue his
private scheme of aggrandizement. Amongst
the deputies were men of eminent learning,
skilled casuists, subtle churchmen, practised
orators apt in the art of inflaming the personal
prejudices of their hearers—and democrats whose
revolutionary harangues scandalized. Géné-
brard,' archbishop of Aix, the most learned
Hebrew scholar of the age, was the chief deputy
for the province of l'Ile de France. Amongst
the deputies for Paris of the Tiers-Etat were
Boucher and Cueilly; the nobles elected Louis
de Vitry, Etienne de Neuilly, Jean le Maître
first president of the parliament of Paris, and
the counsellor Du Vair. Rheims sent the cardinal
Pellevé, who played a conspicuous part in the
subsequent proceedings: Orleans nominated
Claude de la Châstre, the deliverer of the duke
de Guise; Normandy chose as her ecclesiastical
representative Pericard archbishop of Avran-
ches, the brother of the secretary of the late
duke de Guise. Rasutal bishop of Séez, Hen-
nequin dean of Troyes, Saulnier bishop of Au-
1 Gilbert Génébrard a Benedictime monk of Mozac, in Au-
vergne. The duke de Mayenne conferred upon him the archi-
episcopal See of Aix—Moreri—Dict.
* Nicolas Pellevé, bishop of Amiens, 1553; archbishop of
Sens, 1563; cardinal, 1570; archbishop of Rheims in 1589.
Cardinal de Pellevé, died in Paris March 26th, 1594, two days
after the entry of king Henry into Paris.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 141
tun, Espinac archbishop of Lyons, and Béranger
bishop of Fréjus, took part in the discussions
of the States—ecclesiastics, who all rose to emi-
nence in the future reign. The Spanish ambas-
sadors in Paris were Diego Mendoza, a learned
jurisconsult and genealogist, and first cousin of
don Bernardino de Mendoza; and Juan Baptista
de Taxis, a subtle logician and diplomatist, whose
persuasions originated the treaty of Joinville
in 1584, the root of all the subsequent cabals;
and last, though not least in craft, towered don
Diego Evora, whose dishonest tamperings had
complicated the contest. The Catholic king,
moreover, nominated as his ambassador extra-
ordinary accredited to the States-general, don
Lorenzo Suarez de Figueroa, duque de Feria,
son of that conde de Feria who distinguished
himself as the ambassador of Philip II. at the
court of London during the reigns of Mary and
Elizabeth. While in England, the conde de
Feria espoused the sister of sir Henry Sidney,
whose beauty and virtue had adorned the illus-
trious rank she held at the Spanish court. The
nomination of the young duke de Feria was un-
palatable to the majority of the Spanish council.
The son of an Englishwoman—a Sidney, was sup-
posed to have ideas more liberal than suited the
narrow genius of Eraso or Idiaquez, the secre-
taries of state, then in the ascendant. Philip,
142 HISTORY OF [1592.
nevertheless, having vivid remembrance of the
skill displayed by Feria in his negotiations at the
English court, persisted in intrusting the cause
of doña Isabel to the young heir of Figueroa.
The king, during these preliminaries, was
sojourning at Mantes with madame de Liancour.
The princess Catherine, after making short
residence there, retired to Chartres, where for
some time Madame held her court. The de-
meanour of the princess towards the favourite
had been flattering and condescending. Madame
had availed herself heretofore of the good offices
of madame de Guiche in her day of power, and
was now counselled by the latter, who attended
the princess as her grande maitresse, to conciliate
Gabrielle d’Estrées. The count de Soissons had
not yet presumed to present himself at court; not
having received summons from the king. Henry
deeply resented his sister's summary rejection
of the duke de Montpensier; a fact which con-
firmed his previous persuasion that a written
promise of marriage had been interchanged be-
tween Madame and Soissons. Amongst the
courtiers now assembled at Mantes and Chartres
was the duke d'Epernon, whose gallant attentions
to the princess were conspicuous. The duke
had recently lost his young consort, Marguerite
Catherine de Foix Candale, who died of decline
during her husband's administration of Provence.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 143
The magnificence and imposing presence of
Epernon greatly impressed Madame : the more
so, as the duke, with his accustomed haughtiness,
gave himself little pains to flatter the favourite ;
and laughed contemptuously when Gabrielle's
partisans spoke of her eventual assumption of
the crown matrimonial. Finding that his sister
appeared resolved to bestow her notice on per-
sonages the least well affected to himself, Henry
wrote to invite his tried friend Diane de France
duchesse d’Angoulême and dowager of Montmo-
rency, to visit the court as a companion and
guardian for Madame.’ His majesty also se-
cretly entered into correspondence with the duke
of Lorraine relative to the future alliance of
the duke de Bar with the princess.
The declaration published by Mayenne, mean-
while, produced a great impression in the royal-
ist camp. The sophistry of the duke's argument,
and the disinterested tone of the document in-
spired in the mind of superficial thinkers a sort
* “Ila Godel” wrote Henry to the marquis de Souvré,
“j’écris à ma sceur d’Angoulême qu’elle me vienne trouver; et
mande aussi à des belles de delà d’estre de la partie. Je vous
prie quand ils Voudront partir de les faire accompagner jusqu’à
Vendôme. Peut-estre ferez vous cet office mal volontiers, pour
le regret que vous aurez d’en perdre la vue de quelqu'une 1
Mais il se fault consoler; l'absence n'est pas la mort des belles
amitiés : c’en est au contraire l'école oil elles apprenment le
mieux ſ” Bibl. Imp. Suppl. F. 1939, fol. 35. Lettres-missives
de Henri IV.-Xivrey.
144 HISTORY OF [1592.
of semi-conviction of the singleness of Mayenne's
proceedings. The king undeniably had not
performed the engagements contracted in the
camp of St. Cloud. His majesty's procrastina-
tion had occasioned numberless woes, invasions,
and cabals—ills apparently interminable so long
as he should persist in his heresy. The realm
was thereby exposed to the peril of dismember-
ment, or of passing under the sway of a foreign
dynasty. Again, even if the exigency of the
hour induced his majesty's reconciliation with
the church, was it not to be apprehended, as
Landriano insinuated, that once installed in the
Louvre, Henry might not protest against his
compulsory abjuration and revert to his heresy,
as he did after his flight from Paris in 1576 P
The partisans of the Bourbon princes at this
crisis again agitated. “Proclaim,” said they,
“a prince of the old stock and royal lineage
orthodox, a Frenchman, one familiar with our
laws and usages, rather than give our crown to
a heretic, or to a woman, the granddaughter of
the late queen-mother.” The cardinal de
Bourbon again presented himself redolent with
complacency and conceit of his own powers and
bearing : M. de Soissons affected the coldest
reserve and incredulity; and deplored the short-
sighted policy which actuated the government.
Henry's faithful friends, however, bestirred
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 145
themselves, and devised a project to confute and
destroy the harmony of those debates, which
were intended to wrest the crown from their royal
master. Schomberg count de Nanteuil' was the
originator of the design. Conversing one day
with Villeroy, with the historian de Thou,
and with Revol secretary of state, Schomberg
observed how disastrous must be the events follow-
ing the proclamation of the Infanta; rights which
then would be enforced by the entire power of the
Spanish monarchy. He therefore proposed that
the lords of the Catholic confederation should avail
themselves of the invitation given by Mayenne
in his T)eclaration,” and enter into communica-
tion on the means proper to arrest these woes.
For these reasons the duke de Mayenne should
be invited to depute persons of learning and
integrity to meet at a place which shall be chosen
between Paris and St. Denis; while the princes of
his majesty's army would send envoys to receive,
discuss, and weigh all the propositions submitted
to them on behalf of the States and of the
executive.” This proposal being hailed as happy
and satisfactory by Willeroy, the ministers re-
paired to propose the overture to the king.
* Henry de Schomberg count de Nanteuil, chevalier de l’Ordre,
maréchal de France, died in 1636. Marshal Schomberg was
twice married; first to Françoise marquise d'Epinoy, comtesse
de Darnetal : secondly, to Anne de la Guiche, daughter of the
count de Chaumont.
WOL. II. L
146 HISTORY OF [1592.
Henry gave a conditional consent; his majesty
having already formed his own private resolves.
Revol, with the aid of Schomberg, De Thou, and
Willeroy drew up the requisite address. The
secret of the resolution was carefully concealed
from Duplessis-Mornay; who had the repute of
silently finding means to counteract any negotia-
tion, the probable issue of which might be the
abjuration of the king. The project, however,
was communicated to the duke de Bouillon; as
the private influence of Turenne over the king
on more than one occasion had frustrated mea-
sures equally well matured. It was repre-
sented to the duke that the fate of the monarchy
depended on the decisions of the next few
months; and that to overthrow the programme
decided upon by the League and its Spanish
allies in the States, was an act highly politic and
wise. The duke de Nevers was likewise con-
sulted, as the self-esteem of the latter was such
that his exclusion from the conference would have
been mortally resented. To two other faithful
allies did Henry privately impart his intention—
to Gabrielle d’Estrées, and to Biron—a con-
fidence repaid by scrupulous fidelity.
Meanwhile, the cardinal de Bourbon by the
express command of the king, wrote to the
council of the Union, notifying that ample re-
sponse would be made to the Declaration of M.
1593.j T HE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 147
de Mayenne, as soon as the principal counsellors
of his majesty—dispersed by various military
enterprises—should assemble at Mantes. The
king, ever active, then marched to relieve Noyon,
a town which had been lately invested by the
League; and sent forwards a body of troops to
the Flemish frontier, to oppose the advance of
count Ernest de Mansfeldt, and his Spanish
troops. This unexpected move on the part of
his majesty renewed the clamour in Paris; and
evoked so much discontent that the cardinal-
legate deemed it expedient to rehearse again
publicly from the High Altar at Nôtre Dame the
Bull of excommunication launched against Le
Navarrois, and his adherents. At the same
time, his eminence wrote to the king of Spain,
warning his Catholic majesty, that unless com-
parative plenty and content reigned in the capi-
tal, the deliberations of the States were likely
to be adverse to the claims of the serene In-
fanta.
The great hall of the Louvre was chosen by
the duke de Mayenne for the meeting of the
States. At its upper end, a superb platform,
hung with velvet, beset with fleurs-de-lis was
erected, upon which stood a canopy and chair of
state for the duke de Mayenne. Chairs were
placed on the dais, in due order of precedence
for the prelates, ministers and ambassadors.
I, 2
148 HISTORY OF [1592.
Landriano occupied an arm-chair on the right of
Mayenne. The cardinal-legate appeared in full
pontificals, surrounded by the insignia of his
priestly and legatine offices. The first session
was fixed for the 25th day of January, the fes-
tival of St. Paul. The opening oration was as-
signed to cardinal Pellevé; after which the Decla-
ration of the duke de Mayenne was to be read
aloud. It so happened that a sudden indis-
position such as Mayenne was constantly liable
to, necessitated the postponement of the cere-
monial until the morrow, January 26th. Pellevé,
whose Latin oration was thickly interspersed
with quotations and deductions drawn from the
life of St. Paul, found himself in the greatest
perplexity to render these allusions applicable
on the 26th, which is the feast of St. Polycarp.
After a night of anxious cogitation, the cardinal
however rose, and declared himself ready to con-
front the assembly. His oration, was filled with
puerilities. He lauded Mayenne; and ended
his extravagant praise, by informing the assem-
bly, that “princes, like other men, were not
exempt from infirmities l’’ He also gave an
abridgment of the life of the illustrious Polycarp.
“The said cardinal prosed like an old man; and
said so many strange and frivolous things, which
had no bearing on the grave matters under dis-
cussion, that the deputies could not restrain their
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 149
laughter,” writes De Thou.' Indeed, in perusing
all the public debates of the period, the various
orators soar so far from their subject, that the
wonder is, any conclusion could be formed on
the matter they assembled to discuss. Lan-
driano next addressed the assembly; Mayenne's
Declaration being first read amid thunders of ap-
plause. The speech of the legate was terse and
arrogant: the magnificent pretensions of the
papacy; the majesty of the orthodox faith; and
the personal dignity of the prelate himself, were
the topics dilated upon by his eminence. The
cardinal concluded his harangue by proposing
that the States should at once proclaim their
allegiance to the Holy Roman Faith, by passing
a unanimous decree, declaring the prince of
Béarn incapable of reigning, or of holding terri-
torial dominion over the realm of France—even
supposing that a tardy abjuration of his accursed
heresy was extorted.” This audacious proposal
struck the members with consternation ; and for
some minutes silence reigned around. At length
1 Liv. 105. “Il fit un long et ennuyeux discours, rempli de
digressions, et contenant l'éloge du duc de Mayenne, retourné de
toutes manières.”—Davila, lib. xiii.
* The author of the Satyre Menippée (Pierre Pithou) wittily
makes the cardinal-legate terminate his harangue in words
which admirably give the essence of his address : “In fine, fate
un rey, per amor mio. Et non me curo che si sia, fosse il Dia-
volo, modo che sia servitore à feudatorio della sua Santita, e del
Rey Catholicoſ"
I 50 HISTORY OF [1592.
Espinac archbishop of Lyons, rose, and with tact
and fluent eloquence, complimented the legate;
but declared that the States, a secular power,
could not usurp the prerogatives of the Holy See,
and pronounce anathema against the said king of
Navarre—a step which must offend the con-
sciences of the members; the majesty of the pope,
and the jurisdiction of the Holy See. Landriano
fiercely retorted, and urged the measure vehe-
mently. Mayenne then interposed and spoke
with warmth against the proposal. “Very dif-
ferent,” said he, “has been my practice. Zeal
for the faith, allegiance to the supreme Father of
Christendom, and not rebellion against the
sacred laws of hereditary succession, inspire my
resolves. Let the prince de Béarn conform sin-
cerely, and France will kneel at his footstool
Should the Almighty withhold from this realm
the blessing of hereditary succession, let us pro-
ceed, calmly and impartially, to the election—
acknowledging the great truth, that fealty to the
Almighty supersedes earthly homage to any
monarch, however legitimate may be his claims.
A traitor to the King of Kings, the Divine right
of such monarch no longer exists l’ A few
more discourses ensued; the baron de Senecay
being the orator of the nobles; and M. de Lau-
rent speaking on behalf of the Tiers-Etat.'
* “Le discours du duc de Mayenne à été trouvé beau; et dans
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 15]
The day but one following, a royal herald ap-
peared at the Porte St. Denis, and demanded
permission to speak with the governor of Paris.
The officer on guard enquired the nature of his
business. The herald replied “that he brought
a Declaration from the Catholics of the king's
army, addressed to the assembly of the States.”
He was then admitted, and conducted to the
presence of M. de Belin, who gave audience in
the lower hall of the Hôtel de Ville. The envoy,
instructed by the wily Villeroy, distributed
copies of the missive, as he passed along the
streets, so that its suppression became impos-
sible. Belin, without delay, carried the letter to
the duke de Mayenne, whom he found in bed.
The duke irritably commanded Belin to put the
packet on his couch, and to send for don Diego
de Evora, Bassompierre ambassador from the
duke de Lorraine, the cardinal-legate in chief, the
archbishop of Lyons, and for MM. de Rösne,
Tavannes, Villars, Jeannin, and de Villeroy, that
in the presence of these noblemen he might
peruse the missive. When all were assembled
round the bed of the duke, Jeannin opened the
packet, and found therein a letter addressed
“To the duke de Mayenne, and the Princes of
le goût du style de l'archevêque de Lyon; celuy du cardinal Pel.
levé ennuyeux; celuy du baron de Senecay fut court et hardy;
celuy de du Laurent éloquent,” Journal de Henri IV.
152 HISTORY OF [1592.
his family, the Lords and municipalities at this
time assembled in the city of Paris, from the
Catholic Lords of the royal army.” The paper
set forth, at length, the miseries of war, and the
advantage of timely peace. The pith of the
whole, however, was the concluding paragraph,
“with the leave and permission of his majesty,
therefore, we by this missive make known to the
said duke de Mayenne, and other persons assem-
bled in the city of Paris, that if they will enter
into conference on the means proper to bury
these dissensions, for the preservation of the Ca-
tholic faith and of the realm, and depute persons
of worth and integrity, to meet at a place which
may be chosen between Paris and St. Denis, the
princes will on their part send envoys to receive,
and reply to all the resolutions and overtures
proposed, etc., etc.”
As Jeannin's voice ceased, a clamorous outcry
arose from his auditory. The cardinal-legate,
who had several times sought to interrupt the
reading of the document, passionately exclaimed
“that the proposition was heretical, and the letter
impious; that it was heresy to receive it, heresy
to reply to it, and heresy to have carried it !”
Pellevé applauded the zeal of the legate; and
proposed that the missive should be destroyed,
* Mém. de la Ligue, t. v.
2 Mathieu, Hist. du Règne de Henri IV. liv. i. p. 129.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 153
and its reception concealed from the deputies of
the three orders. Don Diego stated, “that his
master would resent its publication as an insult.”
Jeannin remarked with more moderation, “that
it was dishonourable to suppress the document;
inasmuch as it was not addressed alone to M. de
Mayenne, but to the august assembly.” “More-
over,” added the wily Willeroy, “the overture
cannot be concealed, as the herald distributed
copies of the missive in the streets on his way
to the Hôtel de Ville”—an assertion which was
confirmed by the marquis de Belin. The duke
de Mayenne reserved his opinion until he had
further considered the matter. As the alterca-
tion round the couch of the duke appeared
greatly to incommode the invalid, Jeannin, ever
attentive to his patron's comfort, proposed
that the lords present should disperse to meet
again on the morrow ; when each could give
his vote on the propriety of laying the mis-
sive before the assembly—which advice was
adopted. The same evening, copies reached the
capital of a third Declaration published by king
Henry at Chartres, in which his majesty laid
great stress on the overture made by his ortho-
dox subjects; and again protested against the
meeting of the States in despite of his royal
authority, “a measure null, invalid, seditious,
and of no profit whatever.” This protest so
154 HISTORY OF [1592.
transported the cardinal-legate with fury that
the same night he assembled an ecclesiastical
council of six members of the Sorbonne, which
condemned the letter of the nobles as heretical,
unworthy of answer, and as a fiendish device to
frustrate the good for which the States had been
convened." The following day, however, a
majority of the privy council decreed that the
overture of the Catholic lords could not, under
grave responsibility, be rejected without the
sanction of the States. Espinac, Jeannin,
Villeroy and Belin united in praying Mayenne
so to decree; Willeroy, as usual, artfully assuring
the duke of the good feeling manifested towards
him by the king. Disturbed by the hostile and
expectant attitude of the people of Paris, Ma-
yenne knew not what to decide. Wearied of
the miserable rôle which he had so long filled,
the duke distrusted the king, while he feared
the hostility and vengeance of Spain. He there-
fore decided to suspend the debate on the pro-
posed conference until after the arrival of the
duke de Feria, who might more clearly explain
the designs of the king of Spain. As soon as the
duke was able to rise from his bed, he therefore
departed for Soissons to meet and escort the
ambassadors to Paris; leaving strict injunctions
* Amongst the junta of doctors were Pigenat, and Prevöt
Curé de St. Severin.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IW. 155
with Espinac and Belin that no matter of im-
portance was to be publicly discussed during his
absence.
The reluctant and tardy succours sent by
Spain having seriously compromised the cause
of the Infanta, the object of Mayenne's journey
was to ascertain precisely the terms proposed by
king Philip, in order “que chacun des députés
eut la certitude du pria qu'il avoit droit d'en
attendre.” Escorted by a hundred horse, the
duke reached Soissons on the 9th day of Feb-
ruary, where he found the ambassadors already
arrived. He was informed also that Mansfeldt,
with 5,000 Spaniards had joined the army
of the League before Noyon. The insufficiency
of this succour exasperated the duke; the
Spanish cabinet having faithfully promised to
send 8,000 men to garrison Paris and its dis-
trict. This discontent was seriously augmented
when Feria presented him with 20,000 crowns
instead of an aid of 50,000, according to pre-
vious agreement with his Catholic majesty. In
no very halcyon humour, therefore, Mayenne
entered into conference with the ambassadors on
the day following his arrival. Feria, whose elo-
quence was held in great esteem in his own
country, commenced by descanting on the
rights of the Infanta; who, as eldest daughter
of France had an incontrovertible claim to
156 HISTORY OF [1592.
the throne of the fleurs-de-lis. He then de-
manded an explicit opinion and answer on
the subject from Mayenne, adding “ that in
case of the election of madame Isabel, the latter
would make him the richest and most puissant
subject of her realm.” Mayenne coldly replied
“that it were a vain thing to propose the In-
fanta for queen and not establish her in her
kingdom ; that the military succours sent by
his Catholic majesty would not suffice even to
hold possession of the district around Paris;
and that the money given to him was too beg-
garly an aid to serve in the present emergency.
That the Salique law was rooted in the hearts
of the French people, and that the king held St.
Denis. Finally, as the king of Spain showed so
lukewarm a temper, and bestowed his aid so
grudgingly, he predicted that the deputies, in
despair, would turn to the heretic rather than
precipitate themselves into a bottomless pit of
misery, anarchy, and ruin.” The ambassadors
demonstrated much consternation at the un-
propitious temper displayed by the duke. Feria
commenced an expostulation; he excused the
insufficient succours on the plea of the embarass-
ments experienced by his Catholic majesty in
Arragon, and in Flanders since the demise of the
duke of Parma. He observed that, but for the
aid of the Spanish monarchy, the League would
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 157
have been compelled to submit before the tri-
umphant successes of king Henry : and that
when once the Infanta was proclaimed queen,
Philip covenanted to send 50,000 foot and
10,000 horse, and to expend, if necessary, all
the treasure of his realm to support the crown
of doña Isabel. “We thank his majesty,”
tartly responded Mayenne; “but to gild the
bitter pill of submission to a foreign dynasty it
is needful to do something more than promise.”
Mendoza, upon this, interposed with the remark
“that Mayenne, it was well known, was the
only personage of his party hostile to the election
of the serene Infanta.” “Do you believe,”
hotly rejoined the duke, “that the French
are to be governed and cajoled like your
barbarous, stupid Indian slaves?” Don Diego
Mendoza sneeringly retorted “that he be-
lieved it would be found easy to make the
Infanta, queen without the assistance of his
highness de Mayenne.” “I fear you not, señor.
Unless I consent, all the world could not bring
about this election. Essay your power l’’ The
duke then rose from his chair and quitted the
apartment, the duke de Feria imprudently
observing “that they had powers to take the
command of the Spanish army from him, and
bestow it on the duke de Guise.”" The wrath
* Davila, lib. xiii. Le duc de Mayenne au roi d'Espagne,
158 HISTORY OF [1592.
of the duke was intense. He saw himself brow-
beaten and threatened by auxiliaries whose
assistance he had himself evoked. In the heat
of argument, the Spanish ambassadors, however,
had been betrayed from their usual prudent
reserve. Don Juan de Taxis, therefore, was de-
spatched in haste to heal the feud. By mingled
cajolery and by appeals to the cupidity of the
duke, he at length managed to pacify Mayenne,
who was on the point of setting out alone for
Paris. The insolent treatment which he had
experienced, however, caused the duke to reflect
on the position he was likely to occupy at the
court of madame Isabel. More and more the
desire arose in the duke's mind to conclude a
treaty with king Henry, which might at once
satisfy his religious scruples, his interest, and
his policy. The same evening, therefore, he
wrote to his confidential agents, Espinac and
Jeannin, and directed them to lay the petition
of the Catholic royalists before the States without
delay; and to support the demand for a con-
ference with their united subtle energy and
daring.
The duke de Feria on the following day, paid
a visit of ceremony to Mayenne at his quarters,
pour répondre aux accusations du duc de Feria. Recueil Launel,
chez Chevalier, 1623. Willegomblain—Mémoires, Aubigné–Hist.
Universelle.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 159
when confidence and harmony were outwardly
restored between the confederates, by the offer,
on the part of his Catholic majesty, to confer the
duchy of Burgundy and the government of
Picardy on Mayenne for his life on the procla-
mation of the Infanta-queen, with the title of her
majesty's lieutenant-general; and the liquidation
of his private debts, and those of madame de
Mayenne. Feria, moreover, gave the duke
20,000 crowns and bonds for 200,000 more; and
on behalf of the Spanish king, conferred on him
the command in chief of the armies of Spain in
France. Peace having thus been patched up,
the duke de Mayenne, with the ambassadors and
a numerous cortége, quitted Soissons and took
the road to Paris. The duke, nevertheless, was
still highly dissatisfied. On his arrival in Paris,
he therefore postponed the discussion on the
election of a king until the ensuing month of
April. Mayenne wished to investigate the
strength of the various cabals; and to examine
into the dispositions of king Henry before com-
mitting himself to adopt any line of policy. To
his faithful ally Jeannin, Mayenne intrusted the
delicate task of ascertaining during this interval
the views of the Spanish court relative to the
marriage of the Infanta; and whether, in case
of the elevation of doña Isabel, one of the duke's
Sons might aspire to the honour of her alliance.
160 HISTORY OF [1592.
This arbitrary suspension of the debate in the
States-general would moreover inspire the en-
voys with a persuasion of the duke's power and
influence. The intervening three weeks were
spent by Mayenne, partly at the camp of Noyon,
and partly at Rheims, in which city another
family conference between all the princes of
Lorraine ensued, at which nothing was decided.
“The intolerable pretensions of M. de Mayenne
render it far more advantageous to accept the
honour of the alliance, offered us by the king,”
said the duke de Lorraine.
In Paris, the proposal of the conference be-
tween the principal supporters of the hostile
parties was greeted with rapturous applause.’
During the weeks of the duke's absence, tumults
in the city daily occurred. The Louvre was
besieged by clamorous mobs, loudly demanding
the conference, that an end might be put to
their woes. The hôtel of the Spanish embassy,
and that of the legate were beset by noisy
petitioners. Twice in public the coach of the
cardinal was pelted; and sarcastic verses were
* “L'écrit des seigneurs Catholiques, entra comme un vent,
ou tourbillon dans les esprits; ou plutót comme la pomme de la
discorde au festin des Dieux. Deja les brigues et partialités,
étoient si animées parmiles députés, qu'aussitót que la simplicité
s’opposaif a l'artifice, où la vérité à l'imposture ce n'étoient que
reproches, aigreurs, et violences insupportables.”—Mathieu,
Hist, de Henri IV. liv, i.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 16]
composed, and sung under his windows; in which
the subserviency of the legate to king Philip
was ridiculed in similes more ludicrous than
decent. La Chapelle Marteau at length waited
upon the archbishop of Lyons, and notified
that public discontent had reached such a climax
of animosity, that unless the conference demanded
by the Catholic royalists was conceded, the city
would rise and probably call in the royal garrison
of St. Denis. The parliament of Paris, moreover,
showed a dangerous inclination to petition the
States to grant the conference; or, as a last re-
source, itself to take the initiative, Espinac,
therefore, interposed ; and privately acting upon
the instruction which he had received from Ma-
yenne, soothed the disgust of the legate, and
obtained a triumphant majority in the assembly
decreeing the conference. The notification con-
veying the acceptance of the proposal by the
States was carried to Mantes by Willeroy; who,
as usual, improved the opportunity, and by a
show of sincerity and impartial zeal greatly ex-
tended his influence among the partisans of the
king.
The same spirit of mutinous determination
to confer was evinced in the royal quarters. The
project caused every heart to bound with san-
guine hope. The most pertinacious resolve was
therefore manifested to meet, despite every poli-
VOIL. II. N
162 HISTORY OF [1592.
tical obstacle. Notwithstanding Henry's splen-
did military successes, the king found himself
greeted on all sides with coldness and suspicion.
Some trifling reverses in Berri were magnified
into serious defeats; whereupon the parliaments
of Tours and Châlons absolutely declined to
make further concession to “Huguenoterie,” and
even proposed a modification of the edict given at
Mantes. The orthodox lords, at this juncture,
dared to upbraid the king with the obstinacy of
his heresy; and the withering epithet of “fourbe.”
was audaciously murmured. The courtiers of
Henry III. clamoured at their enforced absti-
nence from pleasure. M. d’O wearied of the
rôle of treasurer without a treasure, and of that
of grand-master without perquisites. Belle-
garde sighed for the dissipations of Paris and
the society of mademoiselle de Guise—St. Luc,
for a national compact which might restore the
prosperity of the house of Cossé; and so enable
his brother-in-law the count de Brissac, to pay
the dowry of his sister, madame de St. Luc.
Madame continually exhorted her royal brother
to purchase the adherence of the cardinal de
Bourbon and his brother Soissons, by consenting
to her alliance with the latter. The Bourbon
princes incited the chief nobles to declare posi-
tively to his majesty, that unless he made im-
mediate abjuration they would forsake his cause,
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 163
repair to Paris, and take their seat amongst the
national representatives. The duke de Nevers,
whose health was failing beneath the fatigues of
campaigning, expressed his anxiety to behold
the restoration of his house to its place in the
ranks of the noble aristocracy of France. Mont-
morency, who had just espoused for his second
wife a beautiful young woman of seventeen,
wrote to the king to express his earnest desire to
visit his palaces of Chantilly and Ecouen with his
bride; and therefore to be enabled by the close of
the war, to confide the government of Languedoc
to his lieutenant. The duke de Bouillon, on the
other hand, while he counselled the king to ab-
jure as quickly as he could, seasoned his advice
with irony and caustic bitterness. Duplessis-
Mornay employed the minister Des Amours to
write homilies addressed to his majesty on the
sin and shame of abandoning the reformed faith;
all which Mornay duly forwarded by courier to
Tours. Rosny, still resentful, held aloof, watch-
ing with gloomy keenness the expenditure of
every coin; and jotting down in his journal the
better and more provident purpose to which he
could have applied, “les deniers de sa majesté.”
Amid these almost overwhelming difficulties
Henry maintained a light heart; making mili-
tary expeditions for the relief of places invested
in the neighbourhood of Tours; and writing
N 2
164 ° HISTORY OF [1592.
daily, and sometimes twice and thrice a-day to
Gabrielle d’Estrées. The latter put forth her
utmost powers of fascination to induce the king
to disarm his rebels by the abjuration of his
heresy.' The bishop of Evreux seasoned his
polemical discussions with the merry verve and
biting jest so welcome to his majesty; and the
evening often closed, when the king was at
Mantes, with a joyous repast, shared by Henry,
Gabrielle, Cheverny, and the humourous prelate,
whose verses were esteemed the salt of the enter-
tainment. Sometimes at these petits soupers were
Diane d’Estrées, madame de Sourdis, madame
de Villars, and other frail but radiant beauties
of the court of Mantes. Madame, at length,
became so scandalized at these revels, that she
ceased to make her abode with the king, and
retired to Anet—the beautiful château built by
Henry II. and Diane de Poitiers—where madame
d'Aumale was leading a melancholy life, engaged
in perpetual services for the soul of the late
king; and in prayer for the speedy return of her
1 D'Aubigné relates that Gabrielle inclined to the reformed
tenets. On the contrary, however, she ceaselessly exhorted the
king to conform. One day Henry entered the apartment of his
sister, singing a verse of one of Marot's psalms. Madame de
Liancour rose, and placed her hand on the lips of his majesty.
“Voyez la vilaine !” exclaimed the Huguenots present, “elle
empêche le roi de louer Dieu !”
2 The duke d'Aumale was the grandson of Diane de Poitiers,
and inherited from her the magnificent palace of Anet.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 165
husband to his allegiance. On the 8th of
February, king Henry quitted Tours for Château-
dun, as intelligence reached him that the duke
de Guise was in the neighbourhood of Orleans
en route to succour the town of Bourg-Dieu, then
invested by the royal troops. On the morning
after his arrival at Châteaudun the king wrote the
following epistle to madame de Liancour, who
had quitted Tours, from whence Gabrielle re-
paired to her hôtel in Mantes.
THE KING TO MADAME GABRIELLE D’ESTREES.
“Mon bel ange fl-As I arrived here last might at ten o’clock, I
could not perform your commands relative to Argouge; at dawn,
however, everything was expedited. While I was rising to write to
you, I have been furnished with a notable subject; it is that M. de
Guise has arrived at Orleans to relieve Bourg-Dieu, which he
will be able to do, before the period granted for its capitulation
is expired. I am about to mount my horse to succour Mon-
tigny , and I hope by extreme assiduity to retrieve the advantage
which my enemy has gained. My heart tells me that I shall
succeed. You will hear every day from me; let me have fre-
guent news of yourself, especially concerning your health. I
never left you before with a sadder heart, or more faithfully dis-
posed. Believe me, my love can never be alienated, unless you
give me a rival. Inform me of the reception given you in
Mantes. I am, and shall remain to my grave, your faithful
* The Parisians composed numerous epigrams on the appella-
tion of “bel ange,” always given by the king to Gabrielle d’Es-
trées. One of them, the least objectionable, is as follows:
Gabriel vint jadis à la Vierge annoncer
Que le Sauveur du monde aurait naissance d’elle.
Maisle roy aujourd’hui par une Gabrielle
A son propre salut a woulu remoncer
166 HISTORY OF [1592.
slave. I kiss your hands a million of times. Written this 9th
day of February.”
The king's return to Mantes, however, was
not so speedy as madame Gabrielle desired; for
Henry seldom suffered his private inclimations
to interfere with the paramount claims of his
regal duties. From Châteaudun, Henry re-
turned to Tours; from whence after recalling
Biron from before Selles he marched to attempt
the relief of Noyon. The governor of Noyon
was the marquis d’Estrées, father of madame de
Liancour, who was consequently urgent in her
entreaty to the king to succour the town. The
assault, however, was given with such vigour by
Mansfeldt and his Spaniards, that the town capi-
tulated on the 2nd of April, notwithstanding
the celerity of Henry's advance. The garrison
was permitted to march out with the honours of
war. Mayenne and his colleague Mansfeldt, on
the royal approach, precipitately withdrew from
the vicinity of Noyon and encamped at Ham.
Their army was disorganized and mutinous.
The death of the papal general Apio Conti, who
was slain in the assault, caused his soldiers to
disband ; while the alarming rumours of the con-
quests of prince Maurice in the Low Countries
compelled the Spanish general to cross the fron-
* Lettres-missives de Henri IV—Edited by M. Berger de
Xivrey, t. iii. p. 724.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 167
tiers. The near parentage of Estrées to the
favourite saved him from the investigation which
ought to have followed his precipitate surrender
of Noyon; an act severely censured by the dukes
de Nevers and Bouillon. The king next made
a brief visit to Compiègne, from whence he en-
gaged in active correspondence with Gabrielle
d’Estrées. Every term of sorrow for their sepa-
ration, of admiration and endearment, is lavished
by his majesty.' From Compiègne Henry
visited St. Denis to arrange the terms of the
neutrality of that district pending the expected
conferences; which, after infinite debate, it was
agreed to hold at Surène. His majesty then
repaired to Chartres, the head-quarters of his
privy council, where both Madame, and Gabrielle
d'Estrées met the king.
The ambassadors, meantime, entered Paris in
state on the 29th of March. The second son of the
duke de Mayenne the count de Sommerive, at-
tended by a grand cortége, received Feria and don
Juan de Taxis a league from the capital. They
were conducted to the hôtel de Soissons; where
* The king writes in one of these letters: “Mom amour me
rend aussy jaloux de mon devoir que de Votre bonne grace, quiest
mon unique trésor. Croyez, mom bel ange, que j'em estime
autant la possession que l’honneur d’une douzaine de batailles.
Soyez glorieuse de m’avoir vaincu; moy qui ne le feus jamais tout
à fait que de vous—a qui je baise um million de fois les pieds.”—
Serieys—Lettres inédites de Henri IV.
168 HISTORY OF [1592.
the ambassadors were greeted by the duchesses
de Mayenne, Guise, and Montpensier. The duke
de Mayenne, in order to testify his independence,
deferred his arrival in Paris until after Feria had
opened his mission before the States. This
ceremony was performed on the 2nd of April.
The Salle de St. Louis was magnificently deco-
rated with sumptuous tapestries. On the dais,
at the upper end, stood a throne magnificently
adorned ; on each side were two chairs covered
with violet velvet for the occupation of the duke
of Feria, and the cardinal Pellevé spokesman of
the clergy, who in the absence of Mayenne pre-
sided over the assembly. The deputies rose and
respectfully saluted the Spanish ambassadors.
Feria returned the greeting and gravely took his
seat. After a whispered conference with Men-
doza and Taxis, the duke rose. His harangue
was a fulsome laudation of king Philip. He
boasted of the piety, clemency and justice of his
royal master; while hazarding passing allusion
only to doña Isabel. His address concluded,
the duke presented an autograph letter from
Philip II. superscribed, “To our reverend, illus-
trious, serene, magnificent, and beloved Deputies
of the States-general of France.” Pellevé took
the missive, which with much ceremonial he pre-
sented to the presidents of the nobles and Tiers-
Etat. He then inflicted on the assembly a
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 169
second tedious harangue, in which the cardinal
gave a sketch of the rise and progress of all the
various religious sects from the days of Arius.
From this point he recapitulated the history of
the Eastern emperors of Spanish extraction ; pro-
ving these potentates to have been puissant war-
riors and devoted Christians. Pellevé next made a
rapid summary of the history of France and
Spain; and concluded by pronouncing a magni-
ficent eulogium on the House of Figueroa, a
homage which greatly flattered the ambassador."
The following few days pending the arrival of
Mayenne were consumed in fierce wrangles on
the nomination of the deputies to be sent to
confer at Surène. The legate and the Spanish
ambassadors offered the most vexatious oppo-
sition ; the Seize vented dismal lamentations;
and the curés of the capital, sheltered by the
Sanction of Landriano, again hurled denuncia-
tions from their pulpits. The people of Paris,
nevertheless, steadily supported the projected
conference. The legate, finding it impossible to
frustrate the design, proposed that the chief
deputy should be Guillaume Rose bishop of
Senlis, one of the most rabid of democrats.
Espinac thereupon nominated M. de Villeroy, “a
statesman and patriot far more eligible and
* De Thou, Davila, Cayet, Etoile, Mathieu, liv. l. Hist. de la
Ligue—Maimbourg. Herrera—Historia. lib. 9.
170 HISTORY OF [1592.
able.” A dispute ensued; which ended by the
exclusion of both Villeroy and the bishop of
Senlis from the conference. At length, the
following members were nominated:—Espinac
archbishop of Lyons; Pericard bishop of
Avranches ; Godefroy de Billy abbot of Laon ;
MM. de Villars, Belin, Talmay, Montigny, Rösne
and Montaubin; the presidents Le Maître and
Jeannin ; Etienne Bernard, and de Laurent,
eminent advocates of the parliaments of Dijon and
Aix. After the arrival of Mayenne, the name of
Villeroy was added by the express command of
the duke, who knew the value of the ex-
secretary's clever manoeuvring. King Henry
appointed the archbishop of Bourges, M. de
Belliévre the veteran diplomatist, MM. de
Chavigny, de Rambouillet, the count de Schom-
berg, the president De Thou, and MM. de
Pontcarré, and Revol—men learned and skilled
in legal and scholastic subtilties. These noble-
men received their instructions and credentials
from the hand of the king himself at Mantes.
M. d’O then plainly asked his majesty what his
intentions were relative to his conversion P as
unless the deputies were instructed on this im-
portant matter, it were useless to meet in con-
ference. He then pointed out to his majesty the
danger at the present moment of delay. “Now,
sire, is the time to establish your sovereignty,
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 171
while the League is willing to confer; and the
Tiers-Parti depressed by the illness of the cardinal
de Bourbon, who is, as you know, suffering now
from a severe pulmonary attack.” Henry frankly
replied, that in the present state of affairs, he
had resolved on the first convenient opportunity
to conform to the faith of the majority. “The
chieftains of the League can now alone resist my
authority by the aid of Spain. The chiefs of
the Huguenots are either my personal friends, or
they fear and honour me too much to revolt. I
am therefore resolved by my speedy conversion
to frustrate the intrigues of the Tiers-Parti.
Assure M. de Bourges, that in three months this
affair will be concluded.” Henry then com-
menced a discourse on the leading tenets of the
Romish church. He declared that he had
always believed the doctrine of the Real Pre-
sence; but that his chief scruple was the In-
vocation of Mary and the saints. It was re-
membered also that some years previously his
majesty had been heard to remark: “I see
neither sense, order, nor devotion in this
faith (the Calvinistic). Faith seems to me to
consist in our préche—which means a tongue
skilled in the vernacular.”
On the 28th day of April, the plenipotentiaries
met at Surène, the debates on the election by the
States being meantime suspended. Safe conducts
172 HISTORY OF [1592.
had been mutually exchanged; and the deputies
greeted each other with warmth and eagerness.'
With indescribable anxiety and interest the pro-
ceedings were watched by the nation at large.
Crowds waited the arrival of the envoys of the
League, who nightly returned to Paris. The first
day, however, was absorbed in stormy debates re-
specting the eligibility of the members present.
Espinac insisted that Rambouillet should with-
draw, as the duchess de Guise accused him of
being accessory to the murder of her husband.
The archbishop of Bourges objected to the pre-
sence of M. de Rösne, a staunch Leaguer and
malcontent. Rambouillet stoutly defended him-
self from the charge, and refused to withdraw.
“So far, illustrious lords, from having sanctioned
this perfidious deed, the late king one day, re-
lating to us that some grandee of the court
had counselled the act, and had placed in his
majesty's hands a slip of paper with the words
‘ Mors Conradini, vita Caroli,' I observed in
the presence of twenty-five personages, now
living, “Sire, he who gave you that counsel was
ignorant of history; for the death of Conradino
proved the perdition of Charles.” If I had
* “Il m'eut fait grand mal au coeur d’avoir à supporter ce qui
se passa en conférence, ou les députés de la Ligue allèrent en
par en toutes choses avec ceux du roy; disputerent le cété du
feu, ou du vent, la gauche, la dioite, tirérent au fort, etc.”
Licques, Wie de Duplessis-Mornay.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 173
advised the deed, would not his late majesty
have retorted, ‘Why then, Sir, did you give me
such counsel?’” The argument of Rambouil-
let was deemed conclusive ; and he suffered no
further molestation. Villeroy and M. de Vic,
governor of St. Denis, were also tacitly accepted;
especially as the former was unrivalled in the
art of condensing wordy harangues so as to
omit no important points. The conferences
which ensued were chiefly theological. It is
difficult in perusing these addresses to divine
how they could be considered as likely to eluci-
date the great dilemma of the nation. Admirable
moral discourses were these orations, in character
ideal rather than practical. The first question
propounded, over which the deputies battled for
two weary days, was, “whether the French
people owed allegiance to the stipulations of
the Salique law, or to the requirements of the
Faith.” The second question discussed was,
“Sil’Etat est dans l'église ; ou si l'église n'est
pas dans l’Etat P’’ The principal orators were
the two primates of Lyons and Bourges, who
both displayed erudition and ingenuity in bring-
ing together facts from the pages of ancient and
modern history. The unctuous sentences which
fell from the lips of the eloquent archbishop of
* Mathieu, Hist. du régne de Henri IV., liv. i. Relation des
conférences de Surène—Mém. de Villeroy, t. iv. p. 117, et seq.
| 74 HISTORY OF [1592.
Bourges are said to have touched the hearts of
many present, and disposed them for peace.
Espinac, on the contrary, fiery, fearless and un-
principled, launched the full torrent of his
eloquence on the royal deputies; defied the
power of Henry IV. ; and derided the suppo-
sition that France would accept a heretic for her
king. The archbishop of Bourges angrily re-
sponded “that religion was a second considera-
tion. The foundation of a permanent peace was
to acknowledge the lawful and legitimate king.”
The deputies thereupon set to discuss the asser-
tion, which tended only to their mutual exaspe-
ration. The result of a conference of four days
was, “that the League would never obey a
heretic prince ; and that as for the proposition
made, that they should invite the king of
Navarre to conform, they declined so to do; as
the said prince, having been excommunicated
by the Holy See, they could not meddle with
anything concerning his interests.” It was then
agreed to suspend the conferences during three
days, that each party might have opportunity to
confer with its chieftains.' The partial truce,
meantime, was prolonged for ten days, as re-
1 Relation des conférences de Surène.—Mém. de Villeroi. De
Thou, liv. 105. Mathieu, liv. 1. Davila, lib. 13. Cheverny,
Cayet. Numerous MSS. of the Bibl. Imp. confirm the state-
ments of these historians on the conferences of Surène. Surène
was a village close to St. Cloud, about six miles from Paris.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 175
spected the district of Paris, to the rapturous
delight of the citizens. The people, pent up for
so long in the pestilential and famine-stricken
city, swarmed out to the environs. Many even
erected tents, and took up their abodes outside
the city walls; others, abandoning home and the
distracting arena of politics, made their escape
and withdrew; some into Flanders, others to the
district of the Loire, where they voluntarily took
the oath of allegiance to Henry IV. The Spanish
ambassadors watched with uneasiness this dis-
affected spirit, and proposed that no citizen
should be permitted to leave the capital; as the
emissaries of the prince of Béarn were untiring
in their efforts to disseminate their accursed
heresy and seductions. Mayenne, however,
whose mind was in a condition of miserable
vacillation, ventured not upon so arbitrary a
IQ CaSUI'ê. -
During the temporary suspension of the con-
ference, the count de Schomberg visited Paris to
confer privately with Mayenne, whose intimate
friend the count once had been. He found the
duke ill in bed; but Mayenne admitted Schom-
berg, Belin, and Villeroy to private audience.
The former communicated to the duke the
resolution which the king had taken to abjure
Calvinism; and offered, on behalf of his majesty,
to place M. de Mayenne in immediate possession
176 HISTORY OF [1592.
of most of the rewards promised hereafter by
his Catholic majesty. Schomberg earnestly
exhorted Mayenne to close with these munificent
offers; and not further to alienate and outrage
the king, by permitting the monstrous propo-
sitions of the Catholic king to be laid before the
States. This advice was supported by Belin and
Villeroy, who both signified their intention, on
the abjuration of the king, to tender the oath
of allegiance. Mayenne sighed, demanded
leisure for reflection, talked of his honour being
engaged to support the views of his Catholic
majesty, hinted that he had too gravely offended
king Henry ever to obtain his confidence and
friendship, and at length, with cold impassibility
of mien, he terminated the audience. M. de
Thou, during this interval, addressed an elo-
quent and judicious letter to the duke de
Bouillon, entreating him to use his unbounded
influence over his majesty to terminate the woes
of the realm. The duke was suspected by his
colleagues of the privy council, of assenting pub-
licly to measures which in private he dissuaded
the king from accepting. M.M. de Schomberg
and Revol next repaired to Mantes to confer
with the king. A council met on the evening
of their arrival, May 8th. There were present
1 De Thou, Hist. de son Temps, liv. 106. Wie de Jean Au-
guste De Thou. Mathieu. Dupleix.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 177
all the members in the king's confidence, in-
cluding Bouillon, Rosny, d'O, Nevers, Cheverny,
and others. Schomberg then entered into a
detail of the conferences; and implored the king
to condescend to the heartfelt petition of his
people, and to reconcile himself to the church.
Henry, who apparently became deeply affected,
rose and replied “that he would long ago have
conferred with learned theologians, had it not
been for the insolent dictation and numerous
obstacles which his enemies interposed. We
do not now resolve upon this step,” said his
majesty, “to satisfy the demands of our ene-
mies, who at Surène have stipulated for our
return to the Romish faith as the first con-
dition of their obedience; but in order to obviate
scruples, to silence the ignorant and to put to
shame those who assert that we are indifferent
to religion. We command you therefore to de-
clare to the deputies sent by the League, that
we do now issue letters summoning our bishops,
theologians, princes, and lords spiritual and
temporal to assemble at Mantes on the 15th day
of July proximo, to determine on the measures
requisite to give effect to our present resolutions.”
Henry, moreover, consented to a further pro-
longation of the truce ; and to the immediate
despatch of letters patent, inviting certain eccle-
siastics therein named to repair to Mantes in
WOL. II. N
178 HISTORY OF [1592.
order to confer with his majesty. The decision
was hailed with transport by every true servant
of the crown. Mornay even, while bemoaning
the event, acknowledged its necessity.' Henry,
despite his victories and the aid of Elizabeth of
England, found himself on the verge of a great
revolution. Abandoned by the chief vassals of
the crown, deposed by the solemn decree of the
most august of national assemblies, an outcast
from the fold of the church, and rejected by his
own subjects, Henry could have no other
refuge than exile or death. Strengthened even by
this his reluctant resolve, still the king's chances
of ultimate success were more precarious than
those of doña Isabel, or of the cardinal de
Bourbon. Henry's past pertinacious adherence
to the reformed ritual created an impression
that his abjuration would be insincere. The
prolonged wars, moreover, fostered personal
animosities; and had so imbittered the relations
between sovereign and subject as, in the opinion
of many, to render oblivion aud future harmony
impossible. It was feared that, once established
on the throne, the king, supported by Bouillon
and the Huguenots, would revert to his faith ;
1 Duplessis said, “qu'il voyait peu d'apparence que rien de
bon en réussit; a quoi s'il opposait quelque meilleur conseil, il
seroit dit qu'il avoit pris la poste pour empêcher la paix pub-
lique.”—Licques, Vie de Duplessis-Mornay.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 179
for the heroism and mighty deeds “ of the
vanquished of Jarnac and Moncontour'' were
yet held in wholesome memory. The king was,
nevertheless, sincere in his resolve to terminate
the anarchy and misery of the realm. Letters
patent, therefore, were issued by his majesty,
addressed to the Protestant communities of the
realm, promising that the edicts should not be
annulled, nor their immunities curtailed. The
king wrote to notify his resolve to queen Eliza-
beth, to M. de Mornay, to the duke de Montmo-
rency, and to M. de Pisani, whom the pope had
at length permitted to take up his residence in
Rome—though the marquis had not yet been
admitted to audience. The ambassadors were
despatched back to Surène on the follow-
ing day, May 10th, to notify the auspicious
event to their colleagues, and to the deputies
from Paris, who were to meet on the same
afternoon.
On the morning of the 10th of May, the
sixth session of the States-general of 1593 was
holden, to receive the report of the archbishop
of Lyons and his colleagues on the conferences
of Surène. The duke de Mayenne occupied the
chair of state, supported by Feria and the
cardinal de Pellevé. No harangues were pro-
nounced on this occasion beyond the addresses
of the members of the conference. The duke
N 2
H.80 HISTORY OF [1592.
de Mayenne briefly acknowledged the communi-
cation; and begged Espinac to continue so holy
and beneficial a work. In the afternoon, the
deputies repaired to Surène. After some pre-
liminary discussion, Espinac enquired what fresh
communications the royal deputies had to make?
“Monsieur,” rejoined the archbishop of Bourges,
“what will you say when I announce the speedy
abjuration of the king P” He then delivered
Henry's missive, with other documents con-
firmatory thereof. The face of Espinac grew
pale. He then hurriedly replied, “Would to
God, monsieur, that the said king of Navarre
were indeed converted, absolved and reconciled
to his holiness | We ask no other guarantee for
the preservation of religion and this realm.” The
deputies of the League then retired in great con-
fusion to consult together. The result of the
conference was, that no abjuration or alleged
conversion could be held to be satisfactory and
valid, unless it was accepted and ratified by his
holiness. The archbishop of Lyons, with ap-
parent candour, promised to inform the States-
general of this wonderful mutation of his
majesty's hitherto stubborn will; and to present
a document delivered to him by M. de Bourges.”
* Hist. du Règne de Henri IV., par Pierre Mathieu, liv. 1.
historiographer to Henri IV. ; and who wrote the greater part of
his history at the dictation of the king; or after frequent com-
munication, respecting the facts his pen was about to record.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 181
This paper contained a formal notification of
the king's approaching abjuration; with a pro-
posal on the part of his majesty to conclude a
truce of six months’ duration.
The king's alleged determination to reconcile
himself to the Church, produced the most ex-
traordinary sensation in Paris. The people
abandoned themselves to transports of frantic
joy ; but by the reflecting few, the intelligence
was received with mingled distrust and appre-
hension. The suddenness of the event, which
happened at a moment so critical, when the
crown of Henry IV., hitherto upborne by glorious
victories, seemed, in defiance of his valour, about
to be snatched from his grasp, kindled strange
doubts of his majesty's sincerity. Feria and his
colleagues, furious at the turn affairs had taken ;
and indignant at not having yet been suffered to
lay the propositions of his Catholic majesty before
the States, spread the most envenomed slanders.
The legate, boldly assuming the power of the
Keys, anathematized all who believed in, aided or
accepted the proposed abjuration, which he
stigmatized as “a wile of Satan, a monstrous
fraud, and an overture certain to be rejected
with horror by the Holy See.” Mayenne rallied
from his apathy at the news. Fearful of losing
power and consideration, he spoke of the event
as one from which no political change could
182 HISTORY OF [1592.
ensue unless previously sanctioned by Rome.
The duke proposed “that the king of Navarre
should be congratulated on his good intentions;
but, nevertheless, that the States proceed to
elect and nominate a king, orthodox and accept-
able to every party in the realm.” Such was
the astonishment and repugnance demonstrated
by the chiefs of faction at an event—to bring
about which reams of paper had been wasted in
manifestoes and citations—that, had Feria shown
moderation and tact, the intrigues of the cabinet
of Madrid would still have triumphed. The
unexpected concession of the king seems, how-
ever, to have overturned the judgment of the
ambassador; and he adopted a deportment
certain to alienate a susceptible nation, and to
incur the largest amount of ill-will.
On Wednesday, May 12th, the cardinals,
archbishops, princes, nobles and deputies in
Paris perambulated the streets in procession.
The shrines of St. Denis, St. Rusticus, and St.
Eleutherius were carried by bishops — the
shrine of St. Louis being borne by thirteen
monks from the abbey of St. Denis, marching
barefoot. The duke de Mayenne walked under
a canopy of state, holding a lighted torch. The
procession repaired to Nôtre Dame, where mass
was chanted by the cardinal de Pellevé. The
curé Boucher preached the sermon, taking for
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 183
his text the words “Eripe me Domine, de luto
fecis.” A solemn invocation was afterwards
offered by this enthusiast, that “the Almighty
would bless the deliberations of the States, and
guide them in the election of a king.” On the
18th, copies of the letters-missive despatched by
the king to the archbishops of Bourges and Tours,
to the bishops of Chartres, Nantes, Séez, Mans,
and Angers, announcing his resolve to conform ;
and summoning them to conference at Mantes,
reached Paris'—an occasion which furnished a
fresh display of intolerance on the part of the
legate.
The following day, May 19th, the duke de
Mayenne, menaced by the legate and the am-
bassadors, sanctioned a private conference at the
lodgings of Landriano, to afford the duke de
Feria opportunity to make known his true mis-
sion to the leaders, and chief deputies of the
States. There were present, the dukes de Ma-
yenne, Guise, Aumale, Elboeuf, and the count de
Chaligny; the ambassadors of Lorraine and
Savoy; a representative sent by M. de Mercoeur,
in his pretended dignity as duke de Bretagne;
the cardinal Pellevé, the marquis de Belin gover-
nor of Paris; and in the name of the States, six
* Lettre du roi à l'évêque de Chartres du 18 Mai lá93, dans
laquelle il déclare qu'il veut se faire instruire—Mém. de la Ligue,
t. v. par Maimbourg.
1S4 HISTORY OF [1592.
deputies to treat with Feria—namely, the arch-
bishop of Lyons, and the bishop of Senlis for
the clergy; MM. de la Châstre and Montolin for
the lords temporal; and Chapelle Marteau and
Etienne Bernard for the Tiers-Etat. Feria
opened the conference by a pathetic lamentation
on the delusion arising from that “most inex-
pedient assembly at Surène :’ for the prince de
Béarn was an apostate, and proposed to recant,
in order the better to overthrow his antagonists;
and that neither the legate nor himself had
assented to the conference, except to disabuse
the obstinate blindness and prejudice of Les
Politiques. He then eulogized the generous
liberality of the king his master, who, he said,
had already expended the sum of six millions of
gold crowns for the rescue of the French monar-
chy. He next proposed the election of the
serene doña Isabel Clara Eugenia Infanta of
Spain; to whom the crown of France lawfully
belonged as heiress of her uncle king Henry III.
“I need not enlarge on the virtue of the serene In-
fanta; her prudence, worth, magnanimity, beauty,
charity and eminent talents shine, and are con-
spicuous in Europe, as the lustre and supreme
dignity of her lineage. My royal master—the
election accomplished—offers to pay an army of
10,000 foot, and 3000 horse; on the frontiers
there are already 8000 foot and 2000 horse
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 1S5
ready to enter the realm. The Catholic king,
moreover, promises a yearly subsidy of 600,000
ducats for the maintenance of a French army.
In short, his majesty will give all and any re-
quisite succours, provided that the Infanta his
daughter, in virtue of her legitimate rights, and
your election, be proclaimed queen l’” The
members listened to this discourse with surprise,
absorbing and attentive. Suddenly Rose bishop
of Senlis stood forth, moved by one of those
bursts of fury which had rendered him so re-
doubtable a member of the cabal of the Hôtel
de Ville. “The party which your excellency
stigmatizes, that of Les Politiques, is right in
its assertion that your ambition is concealed
beneath a pretended cloak of religious zeal,”
exclaimed he addressing Feria, in a voice inar-
ticulate from passion. “I have attempted, in
common with other prelates, to refute this accu-
sation; but now I perceive that what I deemed
an abominable calumny invented by the sectaries,
is in truth the sentiment of Spaniards. If you
do not eschew these your permicious projects, all
true Catholics will unite with me in considering
you as the ally and upholder of these said Poli-
ques. For 1200 years the Salique laws have
flourished in France : this most noble and puis-
* Harangue de M. le duc de Feria—De Thou, liv. 106. Ma-
thieu, Hist. du Règne de Henri IV., liv. l.
186 HISTORY OF [1592.
sant realm, like that of Judah, has always ack-
nowledged for its master a male of the blood
royal. How dare we violate this holy law P and
by placing a woman on our throne, risk that the
sceptre should pass into the hand of a prince of
a foreign dynasty, and the light of this ancient
monarchy be thus extinguished l’”
Feria haughtily turned, and addressing Ma-
yenne, demanded the meaning of these words P
The duke replied with much discomposure of
manner, in a whisper “that the prelate was
subject to sudden fits of frenzy, and knew not
what he said ; and that he would surely feel re-
morse for so violent an outburst, though it
would have been politic to propose with the
proclamation of the Infanta, the marriage of
her highness with a French prince.” Feria then
resumed his discourse. He demanded that these
proposals should be immediately laid before the
States; and that don Diego Mendoza, the learned
jurist and genealogist, might be permitted to
harangue on the rights of the illustrious Infanta–
first, before this chosen assembly, and afterwards
in the presence of the august deputies. Men-
1 L’Etoile, Journal de Henri IV. Davila, lib. 13. Cheverny.
année 1593. Cayet.
2 Mayenne a dit que l'évêque de Senlis “avait des accès de
folie”—Mathieu. It was commonly reported that the bishop of
Senlis had been heard to exclaim : “Croyez moi, et Vous Croirez
un fou!”
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. ISY
doza thereupon was invited by the duke de Ma-
yenne to speak. His oration is an acrimonious
diatribe against Henry IV. He characterized
the king's concession as odious hypocrisy; and
quoted the words of the heathen scoffer, who
mockingly replied to the christian exhortations of
the pope St, Damasus, “Make me Bishop of
Rome, and I will embrace Christianity l’ In
much doubt and perplexity the meeting dis-
solved after a session of six hours. Mayenne
retired to bed on his return to the hôtel de
Soissons his residence; and refused to admit any
to his presence except Willeroy and Jeannin.
The following day it was mooted in the States,
whether the cardinal-legate should be permitted
to enter the national assembly as a member, with
the right of voting—a privilege, which, after
much debate was granted. On the 28th day of
May, the Spanish ambassadors proceeded to the
Louvre, publicly to harangue the States, and
to proclaim the views, intentions, and proposed
benefactions of his Catholic majesty. The fer-
ment in Paris was great; every device was re-
sorted to by the Spanish faction to advance their
designs. Portraits of the Infanta were distri-
buted in the streets; together with little pam-
phlets recording anecdotes of the piety and con-
descension of doña Isabel. Lampoons sati-
rizing the amours of king Henry, and the aban-
188 HISTORY OF [1592.
doned life of his consort Marguerite de Valois,
were posted on the walls of the capital. The
higher classes it was thus sought to alienate by
exaggerated pictures of the disorders of a Bour-
bon court presided over by Gabrielle d’Estrées,
with its inevitable partialities and corruption.
Each of the ministers had his appropriate ridi-
cule allotted. The courtly and plausible chan-
cellor-Cheverny, with his love of ease and splen-
dour, figured with madame de Sourdis in many
a pasquinade. D'O with his coarse mirth and
intemperate habits; Nevers with his grand
courtly manner, and love of luxury ; Bouillon
and his pungent tongue; the handsome Belle-
garde, nicknamed Adonis, with his devotion to
the fair ladies of the court; and Montmorency with
his child-bride—all contributed to the edification
of the once laughter-loving Parisians. Never was
more consternation occasioned, than by the simple,
but politic decision of king Henry.
The ambassadors who harangued the States
were, don Juan de Taxis, and don Diego de Men-
doza, the skilled genealogist. The speeches con-
tained the same proposals as were made before
the private assembly at the abode of the car-
dinal-legate. Feria felt too chagrined and doubt-
ful of the result to hazard his presence, mindful
of the rude assault of the bishop of Senlis.
The assembly heard the proposal with amazement
1593.] THE REIGN OF HIENRY IV. 189
and repugnance. That the king of Spain should
demand the election of his daughter, without pro-
posing her previous union with a prince of the royal
house to reign jointly, excited intense disappoint-
ment. Perceiving the adverse impression made on
the deputies, Mayenne asked don Juan de Taxis,
“what commission he had from the Catholic
king relative to his daughter's marriage when
they should have declared her queen P’’ The
ambassador promptly replied, that the present
design of the king was to bestow doña Isabel in
marriage on her cousin-german, the archduke
Ernest. Unanimously then the assembly pro-
tested that the nation would not accept a
foreigner for king; and though the duke de Ma-
yenne palliated the communication, and explained
that the design was still under consideration and
not irrevocable, the members quitted the hall in
extreme agitation and discontent.
By the advice of Villeroy, Mayenne took ad-
vantage of this misunderstanding to send depu-
ties to carry the response of the lords of the
confederation to the royal ambassadors concern-
ing the negotiation of a general truce ; and to
the notification of the king's approaching con-
version. The envoys on both sides' met on the
* Discours et rapport véritable de la conférence de Surène
entre les députés des Etats-Généraux assemblés à Paris, avec les
deputés du roy de Navarre, par Laurent, archevêque d’Ambrun
—Imprimé en 1593.
} 90 HISTORY OF [1592.
1st day of June at a country house called La
Roquette, in the suburbs of Paris, appertaining
to Cheverny. A long recrimination ensued :
the deputies of the League maintaining that
until the sentences of excommunication succes-
sively launched against Henri de Navarre by
five popes had been removed by decree of the
supreme pontiff; and permission given for the
clergy of the realm to confer with the said prince
of Béarn on religious topics, the so-called con-
version must be holden as null and void. The
royalists, on the other hand, taunted the lords
present as hypocrites and traitors. A splendid
collation given by Espinac allayed for an inter-
val the acrimony of the debate. The banquet
over, the discussion recommenced, always on the
same point, to whit: that the League declined to
acknowledge the reality of the king's conversion;
or to accept its validity, and consequently a
general truce, unless authorized by the fiat of
the supreme pontiff. The archbishop of Bourges,
therefore, rose with dignity and declared his
resolve to withdraw. Whereupon several of the
deputies assuming a more encouraging deport-
ment, prayed that the parley might not be in-
terrupted. “A Dieu ne plaise,” exclaimed they,
“qu'on se sépare ainsi, sans avoir rien conclu!”
At length it was resolved to submit the matter
of the truce for the decision of the States; and
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 191
to meet again to confer on other questions in
the space of three days at the village of La
Willette. º
The most tumultuous and factious debates
on the question of the truce ensued in the as-
sembly. The majority of deputies earnestly
desired to accept an armistice, which might af-
ford the country momentary repose, and leisure
to descry the safer path in the perilous juncture
of affairs. The legate and the Spanish ambas-
sadors offered obstinate opposition to a suspen-
sion of arms. Landriano indited a violent mis-
sive to the assembly filled with menaces—
anathematizing all persons who held intercourse
with Le Navarrois; and interdicting as heretical
and impious the discussion of the projected
truce.' The Tiers-Etat and the nobles, headed
by Le Châstre, nevertheless opined in favour of
the truce; but the clergy at the bidding of the
legate steadily resisted. The populace hailed
the offered respite. Seditious movements oc-
curred in the city; and a menacing demonstra-
* Le légat a dit “que s'il se traitoit en l'assemblée de faire
trève avec l’hérétique, il n'y entreroit jamais, et sortirait du
royaume. Le duc de Feria et ses collègues publioient de leur
côté, que le roy d'Espagne revoquoit toutes ses offres et secours,
et que dans trois jours ils se retireroient si on parlait de trève Pº
Mathieu. The clergy said through Pellevé, “ qu'ils ne pouvaient
consentir.” The nobles declared for the truce “parce qu’elle
était nécessaire.” The Tiers-Etat, “ qu’il s'en remettoit à ceux
qui avoient le maniement des armes.”
T.92 HISTORY OF [1592.
tion in front of the Hôtel de Ville gave serious
alarm to La Chapelle Marteau. Shouts of “Vive
le Roy vive Henri IV l’’ were raised under the
windows of the legate's palace and the hôtel
of madame de Montpensier, who was suspected
of being adverse to the truce. The offenders
were seized and incarcerated by command of the
Spaniards, who demanded their punishment for
an alleged libel on king Philip. The parliament,
however, interfered ; ordered the release of the
culprits, and prohibited the public prosecutor
from moving in the matter. The first verse of
one of the most popular of the many songs
composed on the crisis, ran thus:–
Le Légat fail guerre à la Trêve
La Trêve fait guerre au légati
Si l’on coupoit sa tête en Grève
Ce seroit un beau coup d’Etat
Great was now the mutation of public opinion
from the days when the policy and delight of
the Parisian populace was to execrate the name
of Henry IV. ; and to exalt the representative of
his holiness as a personage of infallible wisdom
and benignity These proceedings so offended
the legate, added to the determination evinced
by the States to discuss and eventually to accept
the truce, that he commanded his moveables to
be packed, and prepared to leave the city. The
most ludicrous ambassages then commenced to
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 193
induce the cardinal to rescind his resolve. Pel-
levé, with certain ecclesiastics, made a pilgrim-
age to supplicate his Eminence on his knees to
forbear. Feria besought him in the potent
name of Philip of Spain; the young duke de
Guise lavished every comforting epithet; and,
last of all, the duke de Mayenne made earnest
prayer that the legate would not deprive the
League of his able co-operation. Thus con-
jured and flattered, Landriano agreed to remain
in Paris. The stolid apathy displayed by Ma-
yenne at this period excited the wonder of all
persons. The more serious the crisis, the more
vacant and vague became the responses of the
duke. Reclining in his arm-chair, unmoved and
tranquil, the duke dictated to his secretaries, or
discoursed with his favourites Villeroy and
Jeannin. His active and choleric coadjutor
Espinac, often ruffled the duke's complacency.
Mayenne permitted countless opportunities to
glide away whilst he wrestled with his irresolu-
tion; when at length his decision seemed made
the crisis was passed, and another combination
had to be mastered.
An edict was eventually issued to put down
demonstrations so grievous to the legate, and
which forbade more than ten people to assemble
under pain of death. A fresh act of tyranny
on the part of the legate occasioned renewed
WOII, II. O
194 HISTORY OF [1592.
exasperation. Henry had written with his own
hand to Benóit curé de St. Eustache, inviting
him to visit Mantes to aid the royal conscience
by his theological knowledge. Benóit was the
most learned of the turbulent priests of Paris;
though almost the most fanatic. The request,
however, greatly stirred Benóit's polemical zeal,
as his majesty intended. He accepted the con-
ference with alacrity; and preached a sermon, in
which he lauded the saintly though tardy peni-
tence of the king. Benóit then applied to the
duke de Mayenne for permission to visit Mantes.
Mayenne consented, provided that the cardinal-
legate approved the mission. Landriano re-
turned a furious negative, and forbade the curé
Benóit to quit his parish. “Such was not the
teaching of the Good Shepherd,” exclaimed
Aubert, attorney-general of the Cour des Aides;
“Christ carries back the lost sheep to the fold
on his shoulders. M. le légat, far from dis-
playing such Christian benevolence, actually
prohibits the good work in others.”
The envoys of the king of Spain, meanwhile,
received a notification from the States to the
effect, “that the deputies craved permission from
his Catholic majesty to elect a French prince to
the vacant throne, to whom the deputies prayed
his majesty to grant the hand of the serene In-
fanta; moreover, that it would please the am-
1593.] THE REl GN OF HENRY IV. 195
bassadors no longer to oppose the project of a
general truce.” This proposition was unpalat-
able in the extreme to Feria. His mission was
to obtain the sceptre of France as the rightful
heritage of doña Isabella; and not the election
of her highness to the crown matrimonial. It
was therefore signified that a fresh communi-
cation was about to be made to the States on
behalf of king Philip. The cardinal error com-
mitted by the ambassadors and which eventually
wrecked their cause, was the proposal they had
ventured, to proclaim the Infanta as queen-reg-
nant. The suspicions which this attempt en-
gendered were never effaced. “If the Spaniards
had proved wary and cunning, as they believed
themselves to be, the beast was netted,” writes
Villeroy,
On the 21st day of June, the duke de Feria
and don Juan de Taxis entered the hall of as-
sembly, which was thronged with deputies.
After several preliminary remarks, don Juan said:
“Although the attitude taken by this august
assembly in the matters of the election, of the
conferences, and the proposal for a general truce,
cannot be agreeable to his Catholic majesty,
nevertheless, the king preferring the interests of
religion above every private advantage and satis-
faction, is ready to perform all his promises pro-
vided that the accession of the Infanta is pro-
O 2
l96 HISTORY OF [1592.
claimed conjointly with that of a French prince
to be named by his Catholic majesty, who
desires to include all the princes of Lorraine
amongst the candidates.” The ambassadors
then quitted the Chamber, attended to the
portal of the hall by the cardinal de Pellevé and
other prelates, in order not to interfere with the
subsequent discussion. “God be thanked and
everlastingly adored France can now deliver
herself from the miserable slough of heresy,
defeat, and faction, in which she has so long
been immersed,” exclaimed the cardinal-legate.”
Mayenne, however, who intended only to
sanction the elevation of his eldest son the duke
d'Aiguillon, a young man without talent or pub-
lic consideration, remarked impressively, “that
it would be politic, nay indispensable, to ab-
stain from discussion on the proposals of mon-
seigneur de Feria until the conditions of such
were ascertained.” This view was adopted by
Espinac, Belin, Villeroy, and Aumale. Pellevé,”
however, launched a violent protest against
this cautious proceeding—“which is an insult
to our august ally. By your formalities and folly
you will frustrate this negotiation; render a
general truce inevitable; and thus pave the way
* Mathieu-liv. 1. De Thou, liv. 106.
* “Le visage du légat flamboit de joye *
* “Pellevé wouloit qu'on déclarait reine l’Infante d’Espagne
avec un prince de la maison de Lorraine.”
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV . 197
to make shameful league with heresy l’’ The
remonstrances of the cardinal were unavailing;
and the session of the day terminated with no
resolution satisfactory to the ambassadors and
their partisans.
The parliament of Paris during these trans-
actions held aloof in dignified silence. At the
opening of the assembly, the Chambers claimed
a voice in the deliberations of the state, grounded
on an act of the reign of Henry II. ; when
that prince admitted certain deputies from the
High Court to an assembly of Notables holden
in the year 1553, previous to his Italian cam-
paign. The members, irritated by the refusal
of the council of Union to sanction their pre-
tensions, now indignantly commented on the de-
gradation that had befallen the crown; which
seemed offered to the highest bidder, in utter
disregard of the venerable fundamental laws of
the Frankish empire. The ferment boded evil
for the claims of the Infanta. Mayenne, there-
fore, resorted to the unusual measure of de-
spatching the marquis de Belin to request the
first president Le Maitre, to suspend the ordi-
nary session for a few days, until the ambassa-
dors of Philip II. should have more openly
declared the nature of their recent proposals.
He then requested Feria to proclaim at once the
name of the fortunate prince, the future re-
198 HISTORY OF [1592.
cipient of the favours of his Catholic majesty
and of the hand of the Infanta. Feria, however,
persevered in mysterious silence, and positively
declined the request. He, however, asked that
the meeting of the Chambers should be sus-
pended by edict until this important announce-
ment was made. As soon as this arrogant de-
mand transpired, the Chambers tumultuously
assembled and voted a decree, ordaining that
Jean le Maître first president, should forthwith
repair to audience of the duke de Mayenne, and
in the presence of the princes, prelates, and
deputies, petition the said duke not to make
treaty whatever to transfer the crown to any
foreign prince or princess, but to heed diligently
the laws of the realm, and to cause all lawful
decrees of the assembly for the election of a
Catholic king, a Frenchman, to be faithfully
executed. The president, moreover, was to re-
present the expediency of accepting the proposed
truce; for as supreme authority had been con-
fided to the duke, it was his duty to take care
that no foreigner usurped the crown. The
Chambers having enthusiastically passed this
motion proceeded to annul every treaty, con-
vention, promise, or stipulation, hostile to the
ancient codes of the realm ; and especially any
decision subversive of the Salique laws.’ This
* Monnier—Observations sur les Etats-Généraux. De Thou,
1593.j THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 199
patriotic decree fell as a thunderbolt in the
midst of the greedy and venal cabal, which had
so long sullied the crown of St. Louis by its
rapacious grasp. Its effect on the proceedings
of the duke de Mayenne was also signal. It
demonstrated that there were yet individuals
in Paris itself—the stronghold of the League—
patriotic enough to dispute his supreme fiat ;
and to prefer the true honour and interest of
the country to their own aggrandizement. The
response which the duke made to the message
of the Chambers demonstrates his excessive mor-
tification: “Since the government of this realm
was confided to me,” said Mayenne, “my first
care has been to protect our holy Catholic faith,
and to maintain intact the laws of the realm.
It appears that now I am no longer deemed a
necessary appendage of state; and that it would
be easy to dispense with my services. I should
have desired that the High Court had not legis-
lated in an affair of this importance without
consulting me. As to the wisest remedy to be
applied to heal the public calamity I first in-
clined to a general armistice; but as a Catholic
prince, I thought it my duty to listen to the
liv. 106. Mathieu. The Spanish faction offered Molé attorney
general, the sum of 10,000 crowns, if he would cause the mo-
tion before the Chambers to be withdrawn. This celebrated
Idit de la Loi Salique was given June 28th. “Le royaume en
demeura toujours obligé à la Cour”—said Willeroy.
200 HISTORY OF [1592.
counsel of the cardinal-legate. I will, therefore,
act as seems best on all the points upon which
you memorialize me.” The members, however,
were not to be excused so easily for their daring
defiance. The president Le Maître received a
summons the following day to repair to the
official abode of the governor of Paris. He
accordingly obeyed the mandate accompanied
by two counsellors, Fleury and d’Amours. The
duke had just risen from his mid-day repast
with Belin and the archbishop of Lyons,
keeper of the seal of the Union. In a voice
hoarse with indignation, Mayenne thus addressed
the first president : “The wrong and intolerable
insult which you have inflicted upon me can no
longer be dissimulated . As I have been so un-
worthily treated, it is my resolve to annul abso-
lutely your late decree. The archbishop of
Lyons will explain to you my intentions. I
trust that you will approve them P Espinac
then spoke at length on the outrage inflicted by
the Chambers on the head of the State ; and
declared that the honour of the duke required
the erasure of the obnoxious decree from the
registers of the High Court." Le Maître gravely
replied, “I cannot, monsieur, without signal
* “M. de Lyons prit la parole et avec colère remontra que la
Cour avait fait un grand affront audit S. Duc, d’avoir donné un
tel arrêt.”—Mém. de la Ligue, t. V.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 201
emotion, hear you repeat that which my respect
for the head of the State compelled me just now
to receive in silence. As a private individual
you may address me as you choose ; but in my
capacity as chief of the High Court of Parliament
I cannot permit such language. Learn, mon-
sieur, that the parliament renders to each his
due ; that the Court never retracts, deceives, nor
cajoles l’’ The cool dignity of the president was
highly lauded by his colleagues. No concession
could be extorted from Le Maître either by
threats or the persuasion of Mayenne. “The
decree,” he said, “was just, expedient, and
patriotic; and that the members would sooner
incur imprisonment in the Bastille than cancel
it, or withdraw their message, on the bidding
even of the States.” This declaration was en-
thusiastically ratified by the Chambers. The
members on the following day despatched three
deputies' to intimate the same to the duke de
Mayenne, and to expostulate on his unreason-
able anger. They were commissioned to inform
his highness that the reason which had induced
the parliament to interfere was, in order “to
deliver him from importunate solicitations, which
might prevail upon him to consent to measures
1 Etienne de Neuilly, Jacques Berenger, Denis de Hecre—
Registres du Parlement de Paris.
202 HISTORY OF [1592.
unworthy of his sanction; and of the supreme
authority with which he was invested.”
During these cabals, while the chieftains of
the various factions were disputing relative to
the disposal of the crown, and whether to accept
the truce so generously offered by the king,
Henry IV. laid siege to Dreux. The intelligence
added to the universal feeling of disquietude and
apprehension. Henry, having failed to disarm
his rebels by clemency and conciliation, tried, by
the council of Rosny, the more potent medium
of coercion. The army loyally and enthusiasti-
cally responded to the summons of the king.
A demand made to his majesty by the coun-
cil of Union for a prolongation of the truce as
regarded the territory adjacent to Paris, pending
the session of the States, was answered by the
extension of the armistice for four days only.
“Would that the siege (of Dreux) might induce
my enemies to offer me battle: I would not fail
to notify to you betimes any such propitious
event,” wrote Henry IV. to M. de Nevers from
Mantes—the exigency of state affairs having
compelled his majesty's temporary sojourn with
his council, leaving the conduct of the siege of
Dreux to M. de Biron.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 203
CHAPTER II.
1593.
Sentiments of Henri IV. on his abjuration.—Influence of ma-
dame Gabrielle.—Festivities at Mantes.—Madame de Mont-
morency. —Intrigues of the count de Soissons.—Siege of
Dreux. —Madame de Guise visits the king.—Cabals of Paris.
—Pretenders for the hand of the Infanta.-The duke de
Feria.-His harangue to the chief lords of the Union.—Pro-
poses the joint proclamation of doña Isabel and the duke de
Guise as sovereigns of France.—Disgust of Mayenne.—Con-
ditions proposed by Philip II.-Their reception.—Deportment
of M. de Guise.—Counter-negotiations of the duke de Ma-
yenne,—The proposal of his Catholic majesty is laid before
the States.—Opinion of that august assemblage.—The king at
St. Denis.-Preparations for the royal abjuration.—Benóit and
other priests quit Paris to confer with the king.—Anger of
the cardinal-legate.—His menaces.—Correspondence of the
king with Gabrielle d’Estrées.—Religious conferences.—Cere-
mony of the abjuration of Henri Quatre.—Intrigues of Les
Politiques.—Discomposure of Feria and his colleagues.—The
canons of Trent accepted by proclamation of the States.—The
lords of the Union renew their oaths.—M. de Villeroy.—Pro-
rogation of the States-General of 1593-4.—Conspiracy of
Pierre Barrière.—Sojourn of the king at Fontainebleau.-Ma-
dame Catherine.—Her discontent.—Ambassage of the duke
de Nevers to Rome.—Letter of Henri IV. to the pope.—Cor-
respondence of Henry with Rosny.—Anger of queen Eliza-
beth at the royal abjuration.—Revolt of Lyons.—Imprison-
ment of the duke de Nemours.
204 HISTORY OF [1593.
KING HENRY waited with steadfast serenity
for the solution of the turbulent cabals of Paris.
Conscious of his power, Henry could afford
to be patient and clement. His majesty's
resolve to abjure was accepted by his orthodox
nobles with rapture. It enabled the lords of
his court and household to yield to the enthu-
siasm which the high deeds of the king inspired,
without compunction of conscience; or dread
of that papal anathema, the effect of which re-
leased their vassals from feudal service, and con-
sequently, impoverished their lands. Henry
calmly contemplated the abandonment of that
faith, for which his heroic mother queen Jeanne,
had sacrificed husband, home, and the allure-
ment and pleasures of life. Religion was ever
Henry's party-badge; war to the death against
the pretensions of the house of Lorraine, and the
usurpations of Philip II, was his hereditary mission.
During the lives of Henry III, and his brother
François duke d’Anjou, the support of the
reformed faith, and alliance with its upholders
alone gave distinction and individuality to the
prince of Béarn ; and prevented his tiny princi-
pality from being absorbed into the dominions of
his potent neighbours, the kings of France and
Spain. In early youth, Henry had been in-
structed in the tenets of the Romish faith by
queen Catherine de Medici, under whose guar-
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 205
dianship he lived for seven or eight years. On
his return to Pau, queen Jeanne and her minis-
ters attempted to fashion the mind of the
young prince by the sternest religious and
moral training. The pomp of the Romish ritual
was exchanged for the droning prosiness of le
préche, and the severe simplicity of Calvinistic
worship. Philosophy, divinity, and history re-
placed the loose studies in which the prince had
engaged at the court of the Louvre. Female
society was interdicted, excepting in the austere
presence of queen Jeanne : but Henry, as
he maliciously asserted, “cared not for the
prohibition ; deriving neither edification nor re-
laxation from converse with the damsels with
lugubrious visages and sad coloured vestments of
his mother's train.” The result of this injudicious
coercion was, that at the age of eighteen, Henry's
secret liaison with the beautiful young countess
de Guiche commenced; while no religious feelings
whatever influenced his heart. Henry, however,
so far profited by his mother's stern teaching
that, with wonderful lucidity and dplomb, he
had realized the political position of his little
territory of Béarn. As the stronghold of con-
tinental Calvinism, the principality could alone
become influential, redoubtable, or aspire to
foreign alliance. Orthodox—Béarn became a pro-
vince of France ; and Sooner or later would incur
206 HISTORY OF [1593.
imminent risk of annexation to that crown by
conquest or transfer. The time, therefore,
having now arrived when king Henry, by the
renunciation of his so-called heresy, could secure
political results of the highest moment—besides
making his concession appear a boon rather
than a compulsory act—his majesty had few
conscientious scruples to overcome. His passion
for Gabrielle d’Estrées, moreover, was absorbing.
To espouse her had become his majesty's ardent
desire; but the bond which united him to
IMarguerite de Valois could alone be severed by
pontifical fiat. Gabrielle was orthodox in her
faith; even, therefore, if queen Marguerite's re-
pudiation were effected by a sovereign act of
power the necessary dispensation would be with-
holden by Rome, for the legalization of his mar-
riage with mademoiselle d’Estrées. The elation
of Gabrielle d’Estrées was intense at the king's
intended abjuration. She ordered a solemn ser-
vice of thanksgiving to be performed in her pri-
vate chapel, which the principalladies assembled
in Mantes attended. The sycophants of the
court already likened the favourite to Ste. Clo-
tilde; and compared Gabrielle's influence over
the king to that wielded by this famous princess
over her husband Clovis, whom she converted
to Christianity. A brilliant court now thronged
the episcopal palace of Mantes, where the
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 207
king resided. Many of the great ladies had
made submission to the victorious king, whom
they designed to accompany back to the Louvre.
The duchess de Nevers arrived, to the great
delight of the king, who had written to implore
her to give him that great contentment and
satisfaction ; “as, ma cousine, I have so many
things to relate and impart. You are, as you
must be aware, the relative whom I most
esteem and prize.” The king offered to meet
the duchess at Melun; but anxious not to
decline in the royal favour, which promised so
brilliant a position in the future court, the
duchess, accompanied by her daughter, repaired
to Mantes. Madame de Nevers immediately
visited Gabrielle d’Estrées; and the most intimate
union continued to subsist between these two
potent ladies. The duchess de Longueville and
the duchess de Rohan’ and her daughters joined
the court; the latter lady, however, soon quitted
* “A ma cousine la duchesse de Nevers. Bibl. Imp. F. de
Béth. MS. 9109, fol. 6, also published—Lettres-missives de
Henri IV.
* Catherine de Parthenai l’Archevêque, daughter and heiress
of the gallant viscount de Soubise. Catherine, when she es-
poused Réné, second viscount de Rohan, was the widow of the
baron de Pons. Madame de Rohan had one son and two daughters,
by her second husband. Catherine, afterwards duchesse de Deux-
Ponts, and Anne. In reply to some amatory effusions addressed
by the king to Catherine de Rohan at this period, the latter
nobly replied: “Sire, je suis trop peu pour étre votre femme, et
trop pour étre votre maitresse !”
208 HISTORY OF [1593.
Mantes to visit Madame at Anet. Madame de
Guercheville' also presented herself; madame de
Noirmoutiers likewise again appeared, radiant in
that beauty which adorned the court during
the reign of Henry III., and had wrought so
many ills. In the midst of these noble ladies,
Gabrielle d’Estrées, by the desire of the king,
held great state and reserve. She seldom paid
visits; and in the presence of the king occupied
a fauteuil, beside which his majesty often stood
cap in hand. About this period, Gabrielle was
reconciled to her father, who in assumed
indignation at her position relative to the
king, had refused to see his daughter. This
displeasure, however, had not prevented the
marquis de Coeuvres from accepting notable
benefits from the generosity of his sovereign.
The brightest star of the court, next to madame
Gabrielle, was the youthful duchesse de Mont-
morency, Louise de Budos. To the most ex-
quisite beauty, madame de Montmorency united
dignity of deportment and a consciousness of
what was due to her exalted rank, unusual in
these days of almost universal licence. “The
disposition of madame de Montmorency and her
rank exempted her from all care and ambition.
So well satisfied was she with her position, that
she was as indifferent to the dislike borne her
- 1 Antoinette de Pons.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 209
by the ladies of the court, as to the love and
admiration of its cavaliers,” says mademoiselle
de Guise. This haughty dame survived her
marriage with the constable de Montmorency
only five years, dying in the prime of her youth
in the year 1598, at the age of twenty-three.
She left two children—the duke de Montmo-
rency, who perished on the scaffold by the cruel
fiat of the cardinal de Richelieu ; and “the in-
comparable Charlotte Marguerite de Montmo-
rency princesse de Condé.” The arrival and
departure of these great ladies and their suites,
with the fêtes given by the king, caused the
court to assume the most festive aspect. In-
deed, at this period the town of Mantes was
alive with excitement. The mysterious visits which
king Henry received from agents sent to confer
with his majesty by divers lords of the confede-
ration; the conferences of Surène; the despatch
of couriers to and from Paris; the influx of
dignitaries of the church—all anxious to take part
in the ceremonies connected with the king's abjur-
ation—and the unusual assemblage of members
of the privy council, never suffered public interest
or amusement to abate. The Huguenots alone
seemed sad, a feeling deeply reciprocated by
Madame. One day, the minister La Faye
timidly accosted the king and said, “Sire, it is
with weeping and heaviness that we behold you
VOL. II. P
210 HISTORY OF [1593.
about to be snatched from the bosom of the
reformed Church. We pray you resist, and
suffer not such a calamity to befall us.” “Nay,
monsieur,” rejoined king Henry, “if I followed
your counsel, soon there would be neither a
king, nor a kingdom of France. It is my design
to give peace to my subjects and repose to my
own soul. Take counsel together what I can
do for you, and for the Churches. I shall always
have your interest at heart.”
About this period, Henry wrote to his trusty
servant M. de Souvré governor of Tours, to
prohibit the residence there of the count de
Soissons, who had recently again attempted to
correspond with Madame; hoping to take ad-
vantage of the anger of the princess at her
brother's approaching conversion, to persuade
her to an elopement. The count, and his brother
the cardinal, disguised not their dismay at the
recantation of the king, and continually intimated
their disbelief of its reality. “No priest or
prelate ought to be bold enough to receive the
king's abjuration, and grant him absolution for
heresy so contumacious, unless authorized by a
special brief from Rome,” said the cardinal.
The king's indignation was, therefore, intense ;
and he intimated his resolve “that M. de Bour-
bon should take no prominent share in the
forthcoming ceremonial.”
1593.j THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 2 ||
On the 13th day of June, the king quitted
Mantes and departed for his camp before Dreux,
the siege operations having been carried on from
the commencement of the month by Biron.
Henry deemed that no surer way existed to
overcome the intrigues of the factious competi-
tors for his crown, than the prestige of an in-
vincible sword and repeated victory. There are
many letters extant which Henry wrote during
his sojourn in the camp to Gabrielle d’Estrées.
On the 15th of June, two days after he bade
her farewell, the king writes in great spirits.
He tells her that he had just left the trenches,
and hoped in a few days to dine in the town of
Dreux; but that the fatigue was great, he not
having closed his eyes in sleep for twice twenty-
four hours." In another epistle, dated June
16th, the king announces that he has sent a
magnificent bouquet of Orange flowers by a
special envoy. He desires Gabrielle to set out
and join his sister at Anet, “where, madame,
I shall have the felicity of seeing you every day.”
On the 23rd of June the king writes again, to
inform his mistress of the progress of the siege ;
for it appears that his majesty was so occupied
as not to be able to repair to Anet “every day.”
* Le roy a madame Gabrielle d’Estrées—Serieys, Lettres-mis-
sives de Henri IV-Paris an x : also, Lettres-missives de Henri
IV., t. iii. MS. Bibl. Imp. F. Dupuy, 407.
P 2
212 HISTORY OF [1593.
He also tells Gabrielle news of the victory in
Dauphiny, “where M. de Lesdiguières has de-
feated the Spanish and Italian levies of M. de
Savoye. The general of the Spanish troops is
killed; also, their camp-master, 600 men slain,
and 120 prisoners.” The king desires madame
Gabrielle to impart the intelligence to his sister.
A more pacific, but not less important triumph
awaited the king at this period, while before
Dreux. Madame de Guise and her sprightly
daughter, weary of the cabals and privations of
the capital, solicited a safe conduct from king
Henry to enable the duchess to repair to the
château of Dourdens, there to reside for a time in
privacy. The princesses, moreover, stated their
desire, if permitted, to pay their homage to
Madame, who had then removed from Anet to
the castle of Bus, in the vicinity of Dreux. It
was deemed strange that madame de Guise
should choose to leave Paris before the Spanish
ambassadors publicly announced who king Philip
elected for his son-in-law; especially after Feria
had declared in the hearing of several person-
ages that “the blood of Guise, the martyr of Blois,
was the very foundation and stay of the Holy
League.” The duchess, however, was tired of
1 Le roy a madame Gabrielle d’Estrées—MS. F. Dupuy, 407,
fol. 36: “vous direz cette nouvelle à ma sceur, et que je la baise
cent mille ſois; et à vous les pieds un million.”
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 213
the barren honours paid to her in the capital.
Her relations with the other princesses were
distant. The dowager-duchess de Guise Anne
d’Este, resented the rivalry of her young grand-
son Guise, against her own sons, Mayenne and
Nemours. The duchess de Mayenne, with fret-
ful irony, publicly declared that no power, not
even the command of his Catholic majesty,
should make her do homage “to that little boy
Guise;” and consequently, she treated madame
de Guise with mocking empressement as “queen-
mother.” Mademoiselle de Guise, restless and
brilliant, moreover desired to test her influence
with the king; and to weigh her alleged chances
of obtaining the crown matrimonial. She
desired also to see Gabrielle d’Estrées; and to
meet the duke de Bellegarde. Henry, whose
generous temper ever hailed the prospect of
reconciliation, immediately sent the safe conduct
required, accompanied by a warm invitation to
visit Madame. Madame de Guise, therefore,
set out for the château de Bus. Madame was
attended by the duchesses de Nevers and de
Rohan, and accompanied by madame de Lian-
cour. “Madame de Guise and her daughter
received courteous attentions from the king,”
writes Mademoiselle' in her narrative. “The
* Hist, des amours de Henri IV., avec un Recueil de quelques
belles actions et paroles mémorables, par Louise Marguerite de
Lorraine—Elzevir, Leyden, 1667.
214 HISTORY OF [1593.
duchess de Guise extolled the beauty of madame
Gabrielle; who found mademoiselle de Guise too
amiable, while the latter evinced surprise to see
her rival so handsome. Both these ladies
behaved with coldness, and barely treated each
other with civility. As soon as mademoiselle
de Guise beheld madame Gabrielle, she turned,
and addressing Bellegarde, said, ‘I deemed her,
from report, still more beautiful; to which
the duke made no reply, being in too close
proximity with the said lady.” The king gave
a magnificent banquet in honour of the visit of
the duchess and her daughter. Mademoiselle
de Guise relates, with infinite malice, how
her flirtation with the handsome Bellegarde
annoyed the favourite; who occupied a con-
spicuous place of honour at the royal table. The
king, on the following day, ordered the duke to
escort the princesses to Dourdens. Bellegarde,
according to the account transmitted by the
pen of the lively and piquante princess, was
so enchanted by the graces of mademoiselle de
Guise, that he confided his passion to the king;
who promised to consent to the alliance in order
effectually to divert the duke from his old
penchant for Gabrielle d’Estrées.
The siege of Dreux, meantime, was carried on
vigorously. As no succours could be obtained by
the besieged from the duke de Mayenne, who was
absorbed by political combats in the hall of
1593.] THE REIGN OF BIFN R.Y. IV. 215
the States, the town surrendered on the 8th of
July. This great and important capture cooled
considerably the democratic ardour of many in
the national assembly. The greatest disaster
which happened to the royalists during the
siege was the wound received by the duke de
Montpensier in the throat, from an arquebuse
shot ; and from the effects of which he never
quite recovered.
After the surrender of Dreux, Madame retired
to Fontainebleau; as she prayed to be excused
from participating in a ceremonial so painful
to her sentiments as the reconciliation of her
brother with the Church. Henry returned to
Mantes, leaving the supreme command to M.
Damville, as matters relating to his approaching
abjuration required his attention. The king
seems to have desired fuller instruction in the
Faith; and at this period was daily occupied in
conferences with du Perron' bishop of Evreux,
and with Chavignac curé de St. Sulpice—who,
fired with zeal for the conversion of the king,
had quitted Paris to offer his services. The
archbishop of Bourges, Henry's faithful old
friend, likewise was actively occupied in smooth-
ing difficulties; and in preparing for the con-
ference to be holden at St. Denis on the 20th of
* Vie de Jacques Davy du Perron—Paris, chez de Bures,
p. 83 et seq.
216 HISTORY OF [1593.
July. Madame de Liancour, on quitting the
castle of Bus, joined her father, the marquis
d'Estrées at Chartres; from whence by the
express command of his majesty, she was to
journey to St. Denis to witness the pageant
of the king's reception into the fold of the true
Church.
In Paris, meanwhile, great discontent ensued
on the deportment of the members of the Spa-
nish ambassage; who, it was said, arrogantly
kept the States in suspense as to the husband to
be proposed for the Infanta. This reserve was
branded as disrespectful to the French people;
and doubts were even uttered as to whether the
last communication made by Feria was not a
fiction, which he dared not publicly discuss.
The most conspicuous of the malcontents were
MM. de Villars, Vitry, Rösne, and La Châstre.
By the counsel of the latter, the young duke de
Guise conducted himself with commendable re-
serve and prudence. He showed himself little
in public ; seldom visited the lodgings of the
duke de Feria; and appeared frankly to admit,
on all occasions, the possibility that another of
the princely candidates for the hand of doña
Isabel, might be the nominee of king Philip.
The duke de Nemours, half-brother of Mayenne,
made the most overt efforts to secure his own elec-
tion. Nemours grounded his pretensions on his
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 21 7
riches, his valiant defence of Paris, and his
power in the Lyonnais, of which province he was
governor. The duke d'Aiguillon, son of Ma-
yenne, relied on the power and eminent services
of his father. The duke de Bar, on his position
as future head of the dynasty of Lorraine; on
his valour and illustrious rank. The duke de
Savoye on his conquests in Provence; and on the
facts that his mother was the daughter of Fran-
cis I., and his consort the sister of the Infanta.
The impatience of the populace was intense ;
especially after news arrived of the fall of
Dreux. The utmost anxiety was likewise de-
monstrated, to ascertain the king's movements.
Numberless incidents, in themselves unimpor-
tant, shewed that a reaction in the public mind
was at hand. On Thursday July 13th, there-
fore, a private meeting of all the potentates of
the League was holden at the abode of the
cardinal-legate; when the important communica-
tion of king Philip's choice of a husband for his
daughter was to be made, previous to its public
discussion in the States. Feria then shortly
announced “that the duke de Guise was the
prince chosen by his Catholic majesty, as the
future happy spouse of doña Isabella—a consort
remarkable for the virtues of his illustrious
father and grandfather; and whose own recent
miraculous escape shewed that the finger of God
218 HISTORY OF [1593.
guided the events of his life.” Mayenne smiled
grimly at this announcement. He bitterly re-
plied “that he returned most humble thanks
to his Catholic majesty, for the honour he vouch-
Safed to his nephew ; yet he desired to see the
ambassador's power to treat of this marriage;
and likewise to know the conditions.” Feria
produced a parchment having the great seal of
Spain appended, and showed the cardinal-legate
the clause in his credentials. After folding the
document, and sealing it with the arms of
Figueroa, so that the remaining articles could
not be perused, he requested his eminence to
retain it in his own hands. Unable to dissemble
his extreme chagrin, Mayenne sat in gloomy
silence. At length, the duke asked “whether
in the document just delivered any mention was
made of his own services; or to provide for the
repayment of the enormous sums which he had
disbursed P” Feria hastened to assure the duke
that his Catholic majesty was ready to make
reasonable compensation. Bassompierre, am-
bassador from the duke de Lorraine, perceiving
the duke's discomposure, dexterously interposed
by observing, “ that nothing could be decided
without his master's consent and co-operation ;
otherwise M. de Lorraine would accept the hand
of madame Catherine de Bourbon for his eldest
* De Thou, liv. 107, p. 9. * Ibid—Mém. de Villeroy, t. ii.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 219
son; and negotiate the marriage of the king with
the princess Marie de Medici.” Don Juan de
Taxis haughtily retorted “that the duke of Lor-
raine ought humbly to thank his Catholic majesty
for the honour done to his family,” an assertion
applauded by the cardinals Landriano and Pellevé.
The following day, Feria sent to the cardinal-
legate the following conditions, upon the recep-
tion of which the king of Spain engaged to.
bestow the Infanta doña Isabella on the duke
de Guise —That supreme power should be
given in solidum to the duke de Guise and the
Infanta; that Bretagne should be settled upon
the princess. In case of the demise of Guise
without heirs male, the Infanta should marry
another French prince, without abdicating her
royal dignity. That the brother of the duke de
Guise shall succeed to the throne on the death
of the Infanta without heirs male ; that the mar-
riage shall be solemnized within a period of four
months; that the States shall ratify this settle-
ment of the crown—the king of Spain stipula-
ting to provide money and armies to enforce
these conditions. On the 15th of June, Ma-
yenne found himself compelled to communicate
the propositions of the ambassadors to the
assembled States. At first the announcement
was received with transport and vociferous ap-
plause. When the enthusiasm abated, Mayenne
220 HISTORY OF [1593.
rose and observed, “that before accepting and
applauding the proposed election of the duke de
Guise and the serene Infanta, it would be most
wise and advisable to investigate and ascertain
what forces in men and money his Catholic ma-
jesty was pleased to place at their disposal, to
maintain the king and queen against the enter-
prises of Le Navarrois. Also, that it was just
that some stipulation should be entered into to
reimburse his own vast donations to the Union,
which had reduced his house to the verge of
ruin.” The partisans of the duke de Mayenne
then moved a decree, that a just and proper re-
muneration should be assigned to the duke, pre-
vious to, or simultaneous with the election of a
king—a resolution adopted by acclamation.'
Thus Mayenne succeeded in placing a first ob-
stacle to the design he so much dreaded. In
default of his own election, or that of his son, it
was rather to the interest of the duke to make
compact with king Henry, or with one of the
princes of the blood-royal. The humiliation
would be less to acknowledge his lawful sove-
reign, than to take the oath of allegiance to a
junior prince of his own house ; and to behold
his own eminent services overlooked. Already
the bitterness of reverse was felt by Mayenne.
1 De Thou, liv. 107. Cayet. Journal de Henri IV., année
1593–Vie du duc de Mayenne, Archives Curieuses, ler Série.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 221
On the evening of the 15th of July, all the
political and eminent personages in Paris crowd-
ed the vast saloons of the hôtel de Guise, to
compliment its master. The hôtel de Soissons,
Mayenne's abode, was deserted. Many forth-
with addressed the young duke with the title
of Majesté Three high personages alone
refused to abandon Mayenne at this critical
juncture—Willeroy, Louis de Monceaux sieur
de Villars-Oudenc, and the president de Jeannin.
The duke de Guise, meantime, demonstrated
the utmost repugnance to accept the extra-
ordinary dignity conferred upon him by the
Spaniards. He tore his hair, and seizing à.
sword, pretended to be about to slay himself,
when the proposition was communicated by en-
voys from the duke de Mayenne and the Span-
ish ambassadors. Madame de Montpensier
exultingly congratulated her nephew on his
august destinies; and caused her hôtel to be
illuminated. The duchess believed that she
was at length on the eve of obtaining that
enduring political pre-eminence at which she
had so long aimed. The dukes d'Aumale and
d'Elboeuf earnestly expostulated with Guise on
his ungrateful attitude—the former, because his
peculiar rancour towards king Henry rendered re-
conciliation impossible with his majesty; while his
repeated military defeats had embroiled him with
222 HISTORY OF [1593.
Mayenne. The duke d'Elboeuf, a prince of
mediocre capacity, hoped, being a prince of Lor-
raine, to shine in the reflected lustre of the
crown. At this important crisis, M. de la
Châstre, the faithful friend of the house of Guise,
fortunately possessed influence over the mind of
the young duke; who revered La Châstre for his
capacity, fidelity, and the services he had ren-
dered in facilitating his escape from the citadel
of Tours. La Châstre, therefore, represented that
king Philip had in reality no intention of ele-
vating the duke to the throne; that the propo-
sition was a ruse to gain time; that Feria had
first proposed the sole election of madame
l’Infante; then her highness's elevation to the
throne conjointly with the archduke Ernest :
and that the duke's subsequent nomination was
alone owing to the fears entertained by the
Spaniards lest a general truce might be accepted
by the Union; and of their dread of the effect
likely to be produced by the conversion of king
Henry. He next observed, that to accept the
supreme dignity offered would alienate the duke
de Mayenne, and render the future reconciliation
of Guise with the king uncertain and difficult.
That if the Spanish king was in earnest he ought
at once to give his daughter to the duke; and
furnish him with armies and loans sufficient to
enter upon a great contest with a king, who al-
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 223
ready was acknowledged by half the nation, in-
cluding the princes of the blood and the chiefest
nobles. Madame de Guise also warned her son
by a special missive, that her journey through
the provincial districts had convinced her that
France would ere long proclaim Henry IV. The
misfortunes of his house and his captivity
combined to render the duke prudent. His dis-
position was melancholy and misanthropical;
and such was the nervous shock which he re-
ceived at the bloody catastrophe of Blois, that
for many subsequent years Guise could never
hear the clash of weapons without a shudder.
He therefore demanded a few days to reflect on
the “unexpected and weighty proposals put
forward by the ambassadors of his Catholic
majesty.”
During this interval, the duke de Mayenne,
effectually roused from his apathetic indifference,
had recourse to energetic and resolute measures
to frustrate the proposed joint proclamation of
Guise and the infanta Isabella. His first act
was to present to the duke de Feria his private.
demands for indemnity. The duke asked for
the hereditary governments of Champagne, Bur-
gundy, and Brie. He demanded that the duke
de Guise should cede the principality of Join-
ville and the lordships of Vitré and St. Dizier;
that he should receive an immediate donation of
224. HISTORY OF [1593.
200,000 gold crowns; 600,000 in addition to
be paid by instalments, and an annual pension
of 50,000 gold crowns.' These demands were
subsequently laid before the States by Espinac
and Jeannin. The duke, in order to maintain
his ascendency by the conflict of faction, next
expressed himself favourably disposed towards
the ratification of a general truce; and despatched
M. de la Châstre to convey his sentiments to the
king's ministers. La Châstre met the archbishop
of Bourges and the chancellor de Cheverny en
route for St. Denis. The coaches of the digni-
taries were forthwith drawn up to the side of
the road, and a discussion ensued satisfactory to
all the envoys. While Mayenne made this over-
ture, he revived the hopes of the nearly extinct
faction, the Tiers-Parti. He accordingly de-
spatched M. de Villars to confer with the car-
dinal de Bourbon at Gaillon, and to make
certain propositions. M. de Bourbon, on the
arrival of Mayenne's envoy, was in bed too ill
to rise, though slowly recovering from an attack
of inflammation on the lungs. Through his
confidential secretary, the abbé de Bellinzona,
the cardinal declined the duke's overtures. He
pleaded his rapidly failing health; the resolve
of the majority of his late adherents to acknow-
ledge the king after his abjuration; and his belief
* De Thou, liv. 107, p. 10.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 225
that the time had arrived when the supreme
fortune of Henry IV. would place him on the
throne of his ancestors. This overture, though
unsuccessful, was attended with the political
results desired by Mayenne. The next step
taken by the duke was to sanction the publica-
tion of a memorial, written by one Michel
Huguerio, in which the alleged claims of king
Philip and his daughter were discussed, and
proved to be untenable and invalid. This mani-
festo produced immense excitement, and did
great damage to the cause of the Union. The
duke then summoned his nephew Guise, and
discussed the matter. He represented king
Philip's offer as a ruse to deceive the lords of
the confederation :-‘‘For if,” argued he, “his
Catholic majesty is intent only upon procuring
the crown-matrimonial for his daughter, I cannot
persuade myself that his said majesty should
have made such vast sacrifices. If king Philip's
desire is only to marry the Infanta to a king of
France, he might easily compass that whoever
may possess this crown.” The young duke
answered his uncle's objections with submission,
and appeared to acquiesce in his arguments.
On Tuesday July 20th, the day upon which
king Henry arrived at St. Denis, an extraordi-
nary assembly of the States was convoked. The
ambassadors were formally invited to receive
WOL. II. Q
226 EIISTORY OF [1593.
the response of the duke de Mayenne and his
government to the proposed election of the duke
de Guise and doña Isabella as joint sovereigns
of France. Several discourses were previously
pronounced, all laying stress on the necessity of
raising great armies to resist the progress of
Le Navarrois. The duke de Mayenne then
rose. Making obeisance to the duke de Feria,
his highness stated: “That in the name
and behalf of the States-general he humbly
thanked the king of Spain for the honour his
majesty had conferred on the House of Lorraine.
Nevertheless, not having armies or money to
arrest the progress of the puissant enemy who
had just taken Dreux, he found himself com-
pelled to postpone the election. Whenever the
military power of the Union sufficed he would
command the proclamation of the duke de Guise
and of doña Isabella; to forward which happy
consummation, he prayed the ambassadors of the
Catholic king to summon a powerful army to enter
the realm, so that the contest might be vigorously
prosecuted.” A scene of recrimination ensued.
Don Juan de Taxis accused the duke of hypo-
crisy and of treason to the cause of the Union.
* De Thou—Willeroy—Davila—Le Grain, Décade de Henri
IV. Sully. Péréfixe—Mém. du chancelier de Cheverny, and
numerous MSS. authorities. Bibl. Imp. F. Béthune et Dupuy.
Mém. de la Ligue, etc.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 227
Mayenne made no response; but moved a reso-
lution to empower him to sign a general truce
if such should be deemed desirable and politic.
Landriano thereupon forbade the measure in an
oration of bigotted rancour; and stated that in
the event of a truce being agreed upon he should
quit the kingdom. The consternation amongst
the partisans of Spain was indescribable. This
adverse decision seemed to sever the Gordian
knot of Spanish policy; and to loosen all that
Philip II. had achieved by so incredible an out-
lay of treasure and intrigue. On the lower
classes of the capital the sensation produced was
diminished, by the overpowering interest with
which king Henry's proceedings at St. Denis
were watched and commented upon.
The king visited St. Denis on the 20th of
July, for his majesty expected to find madame
de Liancour arrived." Gabrielle, however, was
detained in Chartres by her father. Henry,
therefore, returned to Mantes expressly to visit
the duke de Montpensier, whose wound the
physicians then feared would have a fatal result.
The duke, though he articulated with difficulty,
affectionately besought the king to hasten his
i “Je vous croyois à St. Denis; mais il parait quele commande-
ment de votre père vous a retenu; je suis très aise que vous soyez
bien avec luy; vous me me reprocherés plus, qu'il vous veuille
mal amon occasion.”—MS. Bibl. Imp. F. Dupuy, fol. 41.
Q 2
228 HISTORY OF [1593.
abjuration; and afterwards, when firmly seated
on the throne, to maintain the faith zealously.
Henry, however, writes to his mistress with the
utmost levity—jesting on the eve of his solemn
renunciation, and impressing all around him with
the idea, some months previously roundly ex-
pressed by his buffoon Chicot, who exclaimed ;
“Ah, M. mon ami, I will wager that you would
gladly consign both Papists and Huguenots to
the satellites of Satan, provided thereby you could
become the anointed king of France l’
Beforeleaving Mantes, Henry addressed letters-
missive to Benóit, Chavignac, Morenne, Lincestre,
Seguier, and Olivier curés of the capital, summon-
ing them to join the theological conferences at
St. Denis prior to his recantation. These priests
proceeded in a body, on the 21st of July, to ask
permission from the cardinal-legate. His emi-
nence received the deputation with severity; and
menaced the curés with suspension and penance
if they presumed to repair to St. Denis. There-
upon Benóit contumaciously replied, “that ex-
communication could not be launched against
any who shared in a ceremonial so eagerly
desired; that the canons of the church, indeed,
rendered their presence requisite, to weigh and
report on the reality of the royal recantation;
and that if M. le légat fulfilled his duty, his
Eminence would also himself repair to St. Denis.”
1593.] TEIE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 229
Landriano made no reply ; and the curés
passed through the streets in procession on their
way to St. Denis, proclaiming that they were
about to assist at the reconciliation of the king.'
Henry arrived for the second time during the
month, at St. Denis, on Thursday the 22nd of
July. A great throng of personages assembled
outside the gates of Paris to gaze on the cortégé
and to cheer his majesty, in defiance of the
stringent orders issued by the authorities. The
cavaliers greeted their friends, who embraced
them with tears and joyful exclamations. His
majesty thereupon commanded a halt, and was
saluted with repeated cries of “Vive le Roy l’”
On arriving at St. Denis, Henry was received
by Renaud de Baune archbishop of Bourges,
Philippe de Bec bishop of Nantes, Nicholas de
Thou bishop of Chartres, Claude d’Angennes
bishop of Mans, and by Jacques Davy du Perron
bishop of Evreux. The cardinal de Bourbon
also arrived during the day. In the evening,
these prelates, with the curés of the capital, met
to discuss and arrange the proceedings of the
morrow. The cardinal de Bourbon, in defiance
of the advice of his friends, proposed the ques-
* Journal de Henri IV. T.’Etoile.
2 “Une vieille femme, agée de 80 ans m'est venue prendre
par la tête, et m'a baisé. Je n'en ai pas rile premier P’ wrote
Henry to Gabrielle d’Estrées,—Serieys Recueil des lettres de
Henri IV.
230 EHISTORY OF [1593.
tion, “whether it were indeed valid to absolve
the king without the previous authorization of
his holiness P” Though this question was nega-
tived by acclamation, so great was Henry's re-
sentment at this inopportune attempt to interrupt
the harmony of the conference, that he never
pardoned the cardinal; and on the morrow tes.
tified his displeasure in very significant fashion.
Henry on being informed of the circumstance
at his coucher by du Perron, sarcastically ob-
served. “That M. de Bourbon presented himself
rather to enact the spy than as a witness of his
solemn abjuration; but had the question been
argued between himself and the cardinal, that
probably he should have had the best of the
argument though no theologian.”’’ The follow-
ing morning the conference was to commence at
the early hour of six o'clock. His majesty rose
at dawn, and indited his celebrated letter to
Gabrielle d’Estrées before his interview with the
prelates. Henry was disappointed at Gabrielle's
delays; and wrote principally to inform her that
he had sent a guard of honour to escort her to
St. Denis from Chartres—a distinction which
created much comment and discussion. The
painfully flippant tone of this epistle demon-
strates that the royal mind was little impressed
with the momentous discussion in which it
1 De Thou, liv. 107.
1593.] TEIE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 231
was shortly to be engaged. The letter is as
follows:—
KING HENRY IV. TO GABRIELLE D’ESTREES.”
“I arrived here last might early, and was importuned by God-
Fearers (Dieu-gards) until bed-time. It is believed that the
truce will be signed to-day; but in matters which regard the
League, I profess myself of the order of St. Thomas. Besides
those persons whom I notified to you yesterday that I had
chosen for your escort here, I have despatched 50 arquebusiers,
who equal many cuirasses. The hope which I entertain of seeing
you to-morrow restrains my pen from inditing a long epistle.
On Sunday, I am to take the perilous leap (le sault perilleuw).
At this moment, while I am writing, I have a hundred unfor-
tunate distractions, which will make me hate St. Denis, as you
dislike Mantes. Good bye, my heart; arrive early to-morrow
morning, as it seems a year since I saw you. I kiss a million
of times your beautiful hands. This 23rd day of July.
After despatching this epistle, Henry signified
his readiness to grant audience to the prelates.
His majesty excepted the cardinal de Bourbon,
whom he refused to admit to the conference in
consequence of the occurrence of the preceding
evening. The prelates, marching two and two, were
then ushered into the royal closet. His majesty
gave them cordial and respectful greeting. The
king then avowed his belief in the doctrines of
the Real Presence, and of the supremacy and in-
fallibility of the pope. He said that there were
three points upon which he confessed to much
misgiving, and requested enlightenment. The
* MS. Bibl. Imp. F. Béthune, MS. 9128, fol. 73.
232 EIISTORY OF [1593.
first was: whether the church deemed it indis-
pensable for a Christian to pray to all the saints
separately? The bishop of Evreux replied:
“that each man or woman had a patron saint
whom it was requisite alone to address in pri-
vate ; nevertheless, the saints were all invoked
in the litanies of the church, and that it was
then indispensable to join, that our prayers,
might with those of all Saints and martyrs,
be wafted before the Eternal Throne.” Henry's
next question was concerning the true nature
of auricular confession. The prelates were anxi-
ous to relieve his majesty's mind on this point;
as it was known that Henry had expressed the
strongest resolution not to suffer ecclesiastical
dictation as regarded his private life. “A Chris-
tian's conscience is tender,” replied the arch-
bishop of Bourges. “It is the duty of every
one to examine his life and conscience, and to
accuse himself even when not aware of sin. A
confessor in chief ought to inquire into the
spiritual condition of his penitent; because there
are some sins which a simple priest cannot ab-
solve.” Henry next required enlightenment on
the authority of the pope. “The papal power
regards spiritual matters alone,” observed M. de
Bourges. “His holiness cannot interfere in
affairs purely temporal.” His majesty then de-
clared himself satisfied. “As for the oblation
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 233
of the mass, I have always believed as you do.”
The prelates, however, were not about to dismiss
their royal penitent so easily. The archbishop
of Bourges read aloud a formula of the faith,
and spoke at length on each tenet. The other
bishops successively administered long homilies.
The conference lasted from six o'clock in the
morning until one o'clock in the afternoon.
When all the ecclesiastics present had spoken,
Henry rose and took oath to conform in doctrine
and practice to the Holy Roman Apostolic
Church. “We thank you, messeigneurs, for
your admirable teaching. We will invoke the
aid of the Holy Ghost, so that we may for the
future take pious resolves with your aid for the
welfare of our realm, and the glory and pros-
perity of the Gallican church.” The prelates
then took leave of his majesty, who retired much
fatigued and exhausted from the conference.”
The next day, Saturday July 24th, the cardinal-
legate-in-chief Landriano, issued a monitory for-
bidding all prelates from arrogating to them-
selves authority to absolve Henri de Bourbon
from the censures incurred by his contumacious
and enormous heresy; a power which alone ap-
* Cayet, Chron. Nov. Wie du cardinal du Perron, Procès-
verbal de l'abjuration de Henri IV.-Annales de Toulouse, par
La Faille. Olhagaray, Hist, de Béarn. De Thou. Favyn.
Chevermy.
* Journal de Henri IV.
234 - HISTORY OF [1593.
pertained to the Holy See. A copy of the brief
was attached by some audacious person to the
door of the cathedral of St. Denis. As the
excitement of the Parisian populace continued
on the increase, and numbers of persons were
preparing to witness the ceremony on the follow-
ing day, the duke de Mayenne published a decree
commanding, under rigorous penalties, that the
city gates should be closed, and no one suffered
to leave Paris without a pass under his own sign-
manual. In St. Denis all was expectation and
gladness. Madame de Liancour arrived during
the day; and was handed from her litter by king
Henry in presence of a brilliant court, including
the duchesses de Nevers, Longueville, and Rohan;
esdames d’O, de Guercheville, de Noirmoutiers,
de Sourdis, de Simiers; mesdemoiselles de Nevers
and de Rohan.
At dawn on Sunday, July 25th, 1593, pre-
parations commenced for the all-important cere-
mony of the day. The street from the abode of
the abbot de St. Denis to the cathedral was
hung with garlands and tapestry, and lined with
the royal body guard. Within the venerable
cathedral, sumptuous preparations had been made
for the accommodation of the noble personages
in the suite of the king. A chair commanding
a conspicuous view of the altar was allotted for
madame Gabrielle d’Estrées; and seats were
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 235
placed under the same canopy of state for other
great ladies of the court. At nine o'clock pre-
cisely, king Henry quitted the abode of the
abbot de St. Denis. His majesty was arrayed
in a doublet and jerkin of white satin, over
which he wore a cloak of black velvet. His hat
was of black velvet, ornamented with a white
plume. His majesty was accompanied by all
the princes and lords of his court. The pro-
cession opened with a detachment of Swiss
troops, their banners flying and drums beating.
Then followed the gentlemen-at-arms, who from
all parts of the realm had flocked to St. Denis
to resume their ancient privileges. A splendid
cortégé of princes marched next ; then came the
ministers of state surrounding his majesty, over
whom a magnificent canopy was borne. The
Scotch guards, marching two and two, followed;
and the procession was closed by trumpets and
kettledrums. The windows, and even the roofs
of the houses were thronged with spectators.
Despite the prohibition of the authorities of
Paris, crowds of persons quitted the capital to
witness the great spectacle. At the portal of
the cathedral, the archbishop of Bourges, in full
pontificals and bearing his crosier, sat upon a
throne covered with white damask, embossed
with the arms of France and Navarre. On the
right of the archbishop stood the cardinal de Bour-
236 HISTORY OF [1593.
bon, and the bishops of Digne, Mantes, Evreux,
Mans, Angers, and Chartres, arrayed in gorgeous
copes and wearing their mitres. On the left
of the primate was the abbot de St. Denis,
also mitred, and the monks of the monastery.
The abbot bore aloft a cross of gold; an acolothist
stood on each side of him, the one holding the
book of the Holy Gospels, the other a vessel of
holy water. Behind the archiepiscopal throne
appeared a throng of surpliced priests and digni-
taries, amongst whom were the curés Benóit,
Chavignac, Lincestre and others. As his majesty
approached, vehement cries of Vive le roy vive
le roy 1 vive le roy 1 rent the air. The officiating
prelate then demanded of his majesty, who he
was P “The King !” responded Henry. “What
is your desire?” resumed the archbishop. “To
be received into the bosom of the Holy Catholic
and Apostolic Church.” A blast of trumpets
followed this avowal ; during which du Perron
bishop of Evreux, advanced and placed a cushion
of black velvet before the king, who thereupon
knelt, and in a clear and emphatic voice said:
“I promise and swear, in the name of God
Almighty and Omnipotent, henceforth to live
and die in the communion of the Catholic Apos-
tolic and Roman faith ; to protect and defend
the faith at the peril of my life, renouncing all
other heresies and doctrines forbidden by the
1593.j THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 237
said Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church.”
Henry then presented the officiating prelate with
a paper under his sign manual, containing his
recantation. He next humbly kissed the episco-
pal ring worn by the prelate. The archbishop
then rose from the throne, and laying his hands
on the head of the king—the other prelates like-
wise advancing and elevating their hands—he
pronounced the words of absolution and recon-
ciliation. The thunder of artillery and the
vehement plaudits of the spectators then broke
forth. The princes in his majesty's suite waved
their swords; and the soldiers, in defiance of
discipline, uttered shouts of gladness. Tears of
emotion fell from his majesty's eyes, as he re-
sponded to this enthusiastic demonstration.
The procession then reformed. Preceded by
choristers singing ‘Te Deum Laudamus, the
prelates and clergy walked in procession to the
high altar. The king followed, surrounded as
before. The archbishop of Bourges, placing
himself in front of the high altar, the enceinte of
which was thronged with dignitaries, waited his
majesty's approach. Henry knelt before the
altar, and, first kissing the Holy Gospels pre-
sented to him by the archbishop, he laid his
hand on the sacred volume, and in presence of
the immense congregation present, repeated his
oath of abjuration, and fidelity to the Holy See.
The cardinal de Bourbon then advanced to support
238 HISTORY OF [1593.
the king while he rose. His eminence led his
majesty to the altar, which Henry reverently
kissed. He then conducted him to a pavilion of
velvet spangled with fleurs de lis, close to the
sacristy, within which the king was to make
confession to the archbishop—a ceremony in-
tended to indicate his majesty’s acquiescence in
the practice of auricular confession. Turing the
interval that his majesty remained apart with
M. de Bourges, silence was maintained. The
prelates laid aside their mitres, and knelt in
prayer; the choristers deposited their censers on
the marble pavement, from whence the thick
Smoke of incense arose, symbolical of the prayers
addressed by the faithful to the Throne of
Heaven for the pardon of the king; while
many of the laity present prostrated them-
selves before the altar in fervid supplication.
When the velvet portal of the pavilion opened,
and the king re-appeared preceded by the arch-
bishop, the organs pealed, the people cried Vive
le roy ; and again the choirs burst forth with the
melodious notes of ‘Te Deum Laudamus.’ The
king looked tired and excited. He bowed repeat-
edly as he was conducted in state to his chair and
prie-dieu of crimson velvet. High mass was
then celebrated by the bishop of Mantes; during
which the Gospels were carried for the king to
kiss by the cardinal de Bourbon, whose feeble
gait and pale features excited commiseration.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 239
At the elevation of the Host, Henry prostrated
himself, his brow touching the pavement. An
eloquent address was next delivered by the
bishop of Evreux, who exhorted his majesty to
adorn by his piety that illustrious throne, which
he had already rendered eminent by military ex-
ploits not to be surpassed by any great Captain
of the age. The service thus concluded. The
nobles and great officers then thronged round
his majesty; some knelt at his feet, or embraced
his hands, or kissed the hem of his cloak. Others,
the more enthusiastic, turned aside, and wept
aloud in the exultation of their hearts. The
ladies waved their handkerehiefs and joined in
the acclamations. Many of the prelates present
knelt, and voluntarily repeated the oath of alle-
giance to the orthodox king. “The cries of the
people,” says an ancient author, “ascended to
the skies.” Henry then returned to his
lodging, and dined in public, the grace being
said by M. de Bourges. In the afternoon, his
majesty again repaired to the cathedral, and
* Discours des cérémonies observées à la conversion du très
belliqueux prince, Henri IV., roy de France et de Navarre.
Abjuration de Henri IV—Annales de Toulouse. Mém. de Mes-
sire de Cheverny, année 1593. Circulaire sur l’Abjuration du
roy. Mém. de Duplessis-Mornay.—Cayet, Chron. Nov. De
Thou, liv. 107. Mathieu, Hist. de Henri IV., t. i. Le Grain,
Décade de Henri IV. Mém. de Villeroy. Mém. de la Ligue,
t. v. for all proclamations connected with the royal abjuration.
240 EHISTORY OF [1593.
heard a second sermon, preached by the arch-
bishop ; after which vespers were said. This
Service over, his majesty mounted his horse, and
attended by all his princes and officers, repaired
to the convent of Montmartre to return thanks
to God in the chapel of the abbey. The king
then returned to St. Denis, traversing en route
the vale of Montmorency—his majesty being re-
ceived with incredible demonstrations of affection
and gladness by the people wherever he presented
himself.
The king, on his return, signed several docu-
ments relative to the great act of the day. A
courier set out that same night for Rome, sent
by the archbishop of Bourges, the abbot of St.
Denis, and the prelates and clergy present at
the ceremony, to notify to his holiness the recon-
ciliation of the king to the Church. The acts of
the conferences, the oaths signed, and every
minute fact and document connected with the
ceremony were enclosed to be laid at the feet of
his holiness; together with a short epistle from
the king, announcing his intention shortly to
despatch an ambassage to the holy city. After-
wards, the king retired to sup in private ; and
that night appeared no more, being thoroughly fa-
tigued with the excitement of so momentous a day.
In Paris, during the ceremonies at St. Denis,
the bells of the churches tolled dismally;
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 241
and the fanatical preachers tried to rouse the
passions of their hearers by frenzied denuncia-
tions. Boucher displayed revolting vindic-
tiveness; and publicly prayed that God would
extirpate the cursed race of Bourbon, so that
nothing more might be heard of it. This dema-
gogue preached nine sermons’ “ on the feigned
conversion of Henri de Bourbon prince de
Béarn,” on consecutive Sundays in the church
of St. Méry. Gaurin exhorted his hearers to
pray to God to prevent the Holy Father
(always inspired by the Divine Spirit) from
being prevailed upon to grant absolution to Le
Navarrois. In short, the churches echoed with
the impotent raving of these priests, who descried
the rapidly approaching overthrow of their
turbulent career. Mayenne and the members
of the council of Union attended mass at Nôtre
Dame. The sermon preached on the occasion,
though less offensively virulent, derided the
supposed conversion of Le Béarnnois; and ex-
horted all persons to remain faithful to the creed
of the Union.
On Monday, the 26th of July, Henry attended
1 Sermons de la simulée conversion et mullité de la prétendue
absolution d’Henri de Bourbon prince de Béarn, donnée à St.
Denis en France le 25 Juillet, 1593, sur le sujet de l’Evangile
du mème jour; Attendiffe & falsis Prophetis ; promoncée à St.
Méry, par Jean Boucher, curé de St. Benóit.—Paris, Chaudière,
1594. Douey, 1594,
WOL. II. - R.
242 - HISTORY OF [1593.
early mass at St. Denis. His majesty was re-
ceived by the abbot and monks of the monastery;
who tendered him humble congratulations and
besought his protection. The same day, letters-
missive were despatched to the parliaments of
the realm, especially to those of Paris, Tours,
and Châlons, notifying his majesty's conversion;
and ordering proclamation of the same to be
made in all cities and provinces. The following
day, the conferences at La Villette were renewed;
La Châstre, Bassompierre, Rösne, Villeroy, and
Jeannin met the royal deputies. The general
truce, which before the king's conversion was
desirable, had now become to Mayenne a positive
necessity. The disaffection of the Parisians, the
coldness and anger of the legate, the taunts of
the Spanish envoys, and the all but positive
alienation of the duke of Lorraine, rendered it
imperative for the very existence of the Union,
that leisure should be accepted to rally the
friends and still faithful adherents of the Cause.
The conferences, therefore, continued with ala-
crity, and were brought to the desired conclusion
on the last day of July. The truce was to en-
dure throughout the months of August, Septem-
ber, and November. Ultimately, his majesty
was prevailed upon to prolong the term for the
remainder of the year 1593. It was, moreover,
1 De Thou, liv. 107. Cayet, Chron, Nov.
1593.j THE REIGN OF HENR,Y IV. 243
agreed between the plenipotentiaries that both
the king and the duke de Mayenne should send
ambassadors to Rome to treat concerning the
pontifical absolution. Though almost a sup-
pliant for royal forbearance, Mayenne refused
to accord to Henry the title of king of France;
and insisted that throughout the articles of
the armistice, the term ‘king of Navarre,’ should
be alone conceded. The news of the truce
transported the people of Paris. They were also
gratified beyond measure that Henry, in his
desire to conclude peace, had humoured the
wayward arrogance of Mayenne, and accepted
the title of king of Navarre. On the first day
after the publication of the truce, Paris flocked
to St. Denis to gaze upon its long rejected
sovereign. L'Huillier and the chiefs of Les
Politiques were cordially welcomed by his
majesty. Henry mingled with the throng of
visitors, taking frequent occasion to pass on
foot along the streets almost unattended ; also,
often showing himself on horseback, surrounded
by the military pomp and appareil ever dazzling
to the eye of a Parisian. To his fairer lieges the
king rendered himself affable, as he well knew
how : his gallant bearing, jocose wit and magnifi-
cence fascinated the sedate bourgeoise, whose
imagination for several years past had been
starved by the bigots of the capital; and
R 2
244 HISTORY OF [1593.
whose sole relaxation had been a weekly prome-
made behind the shrine of some favoured saint.
“Vive le roy 1 May God bless him, and bring
him safe to our church of Nôtre Dame ! Down
with the Spaniards ! Vive le roy l’’ was the
greeting of many a knot of Henry's feminine
subjects, as with infinite edification they watched
his majesty's progress to attend vespers in the
cathedral every afternoon. “Sire I’’ said Rosny,
“behold your popularity.’ See how you are
beloved by these people, who your enemies
asserted had rejected your sovereign rights l’’
Madame Gabrielle also elicited much curiosity;
but as her counsels had contributed to his
majesty's conversion, she was greatly cheered.
Positions were now reversed in the capital.
The duke de Mayenne kept strict guard lest the
people should make undue overtures to the king;
whereas, in the early days of the Union, the popu-
lacewatched theactions of Mayenne in fearof being
betrayed by his supposed royalist predilections.
Enthusiasm for Henry IV. seemed now to per-
vade every class of the volatile people of Paris.
Mayenne and his supporters of the League, the
legate and his servants the priests of the capital,
! “Le peuple ravy d’aise partit en grand et merveilleuse foule,
avec tant de témoignage d'affection voir sa majesté, que l’on
creut qu’elle eut pu dès ce jour lä se rendre maître de la ville de
Paris.”—Mém. de Cheverny, année 1593. Abjuration de Henri
IV.
1593]. THE REIGN OF HENRY I'V. 245
Feria, Taxis, Mendoza, and their knot of Spanish
partisans, the Flemish and Spanish regiments,
appeared to be holding Paris against the will of
its late factious inhabitants. The deportment of
M. de Belin governor of Paris, even seemed un-
satisfactory; for the marquis alluded more fre-
quently than was pleasing to the duke, to the
courtesy extended to him by Henry IV. after
the battle of Arques. Willeroy made no mystery
of his royalist inclinations; and craved permis-
sion from his former patron to retire to his
country house, now that a general truce was
happily negotiated. He moreover counselled
the duke to avail himself, without delay, of the
clement disposition still manifested by his
majesty; and even offered himself as me-
diator.' It moreover oozed out that the duke
had caused the disposition of the king towards
himself, so contumacious a rebel, to be sounded
by Zamet the wealthy financier, who visited the
king at Mantes. Henry replied, “that for the
future he would not condescend to treat with M.
de Mayenne; but that if the latter chose to
* “Villeroy dit franchement à M. de Mayenne qu'il n°y avoit
que trois moyens pour pacifier le royaume; de s'accorder avec le
roy; de réunir tous les Catholiques sous un chef contre luy; ou
de se jetter sous la protection du roy d'Espagne; le troisième
étant perilleux et contre les lois du royaume; le second fort
difficile; pour lui il conseilloit le premier.”—Vie de Villeroy, par
Aſathieu.
246 HISTORY OF [1593.
humble himself to solicit pardon from his sove-
reign, he would receive him as kinsman; and
bestow as a free gift, the privileges and pensions
he now sought to extort.” The pride of the
duke was not yet sufficiently broken; his pecuniary
affairs also were in such disorder, as to render
requisite the immediate repayment of many of the
sums disbursed—an accommodation promised
by Feria on behalf of king Philip. The demea-
nour of M. de la Châstre, governor of Orleans,
also varied greatly; and he was heard boldly to
remark, “that whilst the king persisted in his
heresy, it was impiety to lay down arms; but
now when his majesty had embraced the true
faith, he would rather treat with king Henry
than with those impostors and double-dealers,
the Spaniards !”
As a palliative to the extreme discomposure
evinced by these “impostors and double-
dealers,” the duke consented to propose to the
Assembly before its prorogation, the publication
of the canons of Trent; and the consequent aboli-
tion of the Pragmatic of Charles VII. and the
Concordat of Francis I.--these two ecclesiastical
codes having, for more than a century, succes-
sively governed the Gallican Churches.
After the ratification of the suspension of
arms, the legate, to act consistently with his re-
peated threats, prepared to quit Paris. The
1593.] THE REIGN or HENRY Iv. 247
§,
same farce as before was repeated, to move his
eminence to relent. A deputation from the
council waited on the cardinal to remonstrate ;
while the speakers of the three orders of the
States repaired to the lodgings of Landriano,
and going down on their knees, besought him
not to abandon the city. The legate smiled com-
placently, and promised to await instructions
from Rome. Meantime, the proclamation of
the Tridentine canons, was vehemently urged ;
also, the public renewal by the chieftains of
the house of Lorraine, and their adherents,
of the oath of the Union. On the Feast of the
Transfiguration, therefore, in a tumultuous as-
sembly of the States in the hall of the Louvre,
the canons of Trent were accepted and acknow-
ledged as the future ecclesiastical code of France,
and commanded to be so proclaimed accordingly.
In consequence of some illegalities and limita-
tions obscurely defined, the edict was eventually
cancelled after the establishment of the govern-
ment of Henri IV.
The next act of these contumacious rebels was
at the bidding of the legate, to renew their oath
to exclude Henry from the throne; and never to
acknowledge his alleged conversion. Fresh en-
gagements were also taken by Philip II. tending
to trouble the peace of the realm; Mayenne
promising not to dissolve the national assembly
248 HISTORY OF [1593.
until after the election of a king, provided his
Catholic majesty furnished him with an extra sum
of 8000 crowns a month, to pay the expenses of
necessitous members. The oath was taken by
all the princes of Lorraine, excepting by the duke
de Lorraine; by MM. de la Châstre, de Rösne,
de St. Paul, and by the representative of the
duke de Mercoeur. The draft of this oath was
shown a few weeks subsequently to Villeroy by
the king at Fontainebleau. The folly and per-
fidy of Mayenne, appeared incredible even to
that wily statesman. He immediately wrote to
reproach the duke for his deceit ; and added
that the anger of king Henry was so roused at
this, his audacious defiance, that his majesty
would now insist ºn the duke's unqualified sub-
mission. “I kept this matter concealed from
you, and from the president Jeannin,” wrote
Mayenne deprecatingly to Villeroy," “because
I made a promise to that effect to the legate and
to the Spaniards; and also, because I was aware
that you never would have sanctioned recourse
to this remedy, which will entail a prolongation
of the war.”
On the 8th of August, the States-general were
prorogued by the duke de Mayenne, until the
month of October. The oath of fidelity to the
Union and to the cause of the princes, was
I De Thou, liv. 107. Cheverny.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 249
taken by the deputies as a body. The members
were then dismissed after a learned exordium
from the cardinal-legate. A Te Deum was sub-
sequently chanted in the church of St. Germain
l'Auxerrois, and the session closed. Never had
more solemn and important questions been agi-
tated in any assembly of the States-general since
the foundation of the monarchy; and never had
results so inadequate been achieved. Few of
the deputies dared to assert independence in
debate. Chosen by a faction, and maintained by
a faction, they opined and voted according to
the dictates of faction. Bound by party inte-
rests and obligations, they proved traitors to
their country, and venal and cowardly under the
menace of Spain. But for the patriotic inter-
ference of the parliament of Paris—a step
fraught with peril to its members—the independ-
ence of the crown would have been basely sa-
crificed; and a foreign dynasty called to rule over
the heritage of Charlemagne and St. Louis. No
orations, noble, fervently inspiring, such as those
which fired former assemblies had resounded in
the hall of the Louvre. Instead of the eloquent
oratory, and keen reasoning of such speakers as
the bishop of Valence, the cardinal de Lorraine,
1 Maimbourg—Hist. de la Ligue. Monnier—Nouvelles
observations sur les Etats-Généraux, 1789. Mathieu-Wie de
Henri IV.
250 HISTORY OF [1593.
the chancellor de l'Hôpital and others, the depu-
ties were regaled by the inane puerilities of
Landriano and de Pellevé. A vacant throne
stood at the upper end of the hall; a step lower,
on the same dais, was the chair of M. de Ma-
yenne. Many a member present must have con-
trasted the ungainly figure of the Chief of the
state, with his pale vacant countenance, slowness
of speech, and halting intellect, with the majesty
of deportment, and fluent rhetoric of Henry III.
when presiding at the meeting of the states of
Blois—reviled, and abandoned as was then that
unfortunate monarch. In the majority of depu-
ties, the session must have appeared a bur-
lesque ; and its sudden termination a mystery
as inexplicable. -
Before quitting St. Denis, king Henry issued
fresh regulations relative to the laws of octrol,
especially as regarded the district of Paris. The
levy on a bushel of corn was laid at a crown and
a half; a hogshead of wine paid two crowns,
an ox five crowns, a sheep one crown. The rate
of duty was considerably modified as regarded
the provinces; the king wished, despite the
truce, to straiten Paris, with a view to compel
immediate submission. Henry quitted St.
Denis on the 21st of August, attended by a
numerous court. His majesty arrived at Melun,
on the 25th, en route for Fontainebleau, to rejoin
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 251
Madame, and to partake of the diversion of the
chase.
At Melun imminent peril awaited the king
from the designs of one Pierre Barrière, who fired
by the late incendiary harangues of the priests
of the capital, formed a project to assassinate his
majesty. This Barrière was a journeyman wheel-
wright of Orleans; but who had been extensively
employed as an agent in the secret intrigues of
the times by the late duke de Guise and others.
He professed great enthusiasm for queen Mar-
guerite; and aided the latter by the command
of Guise, to escape from the custody of the mar-
quis de Canillac after the latter had been sent
to arrest the queen by Henry III. He after-
wards entered Marguerite's service, and per-
formed service as a soldier of the garrison of
Usson. In that capacity he offered to avenge
the queen by killing her husband and oppressor.
Marguerite, it is said, rejected the proposal with
horror, and dismissed Barrière from her service.
The latter then enrolled himself as a member of
the Union ; and after the king's conversion he
quitted the capital, to accomplish his crime.
At Lyons, Barrière spoke of his project to one
of the priests of the household of Espinac, arch-
bishop of the see. Persuaded of the holy
nature of his inspiration, this fanatic further
confided his design to a Capuchin monk and to
252 HISTORY OF [1593.
One Seraphino Barchi a Dominican monk, who
acted as political agent and spy to Ferdinand
grand duke of Tuscany. The Dominican, aware
of the affection felt for Henry by his master,
revealed the plot to M. de Brancaleon, a gentle-
man of the household of queen Louise; and
instructed the latter, on behalf of the Order of
St. Dominic, to warn the king. Barrière entered
Melun on the 27th of August, and was instantly
arrested. On his person was found a long two-
edged knife, sharp and new. The king, accord-
ing to his own narration transmitted by the
historian Mathieu, appears to have been several
times in perilous proximity with his intended
assassin.” “The county of Brie,” relates
Henry IV., “was so impoverished by the wars,
that at the commencement of the truce, after I
had hunted therein, I used often vainly to seek
a night's lodging. One day the hunt conducted
me into the vicinity of Meaux; and night ad-
vancing apace, I rode to the house of M. de
Pontcarré, and knocked at the door. I was
answered that nobody was at home. I replied,
‘It is the King who knocks.” Thereupon several
clowns replied from within with mocking laugh-
* Hist. du Règne de Henri IV—Mathieu, liv. T., p. 149 et
seq. Mathieu was the historiographer and personal friend of
Henri IV. The relations of this historian, therefore, on the
reigns of Henry III, and Henry IV. have a peculiar interest.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 253
ter, ‘Ah! ah! kings never seek lodgings at such
hours l’ After much expostulation one of these
said clowns at length consented to apprize ma-
dame de Pontcarré of our demands. The said
lady descended, and recognizing my voice, com-
manded the door to be opened ; received me
cordially, and presented me with the keys of the
château. ‘Madame,” said I, ‘I will accept no
other captain of my guards than yourself, and
returned the said lady her keys. I had in my
suite only three or four lords, the rest having
lost their way. We spent the night at the abode
of Pontcarré, and the following day took the
road to Brie-Comte-Robert. Having to alight
from my horse, I gave the bridle to a man who
had followed me throughout the day's sport, and
whom I took to be a peasant—it was, however,
Barrière ; and I remember he fumbled at his
doublet, but could not, as it afterwards appeared,
extricate his knife speedily enough. Another
day I saw him in the forest as I was gathering
fruit from a tree. He proffered his aid in much
confusion, and again lost his opportunity. At
St. Denis he also presented himself, I am told,
at my first mass. His heart them also failed
him; and on his return to Paris, he told his
accomplices that having seen me at mass he
could not commit the crime. They replied,
‘ that my act was that of a hypocrite; for that I
254 HISTORY OF [1593.
went to mass by day and to le préche at night.”
These insinuations so worked upon the excited
mind of Barrière that he followed me to Melun,
and was arrested as he entered that town in the
disguise of a vender of melons.” Barrière was
sent to Tours, where by decree of the parliament,
his trial for meditated regicide was instituted.
The intended crime being fully proved by evi-
dence and by the confession of the unhappy
criminal, Barrière was sentenced to die on the
wheel after enduring tortures ordinary and ex-
traordinary. “I desired greatly,” said the king,
“to save the wretched man ; the parliament,
however, insisted on his execution. I sent a
gentleman to assure Barrière on the scaffold of
my pardon ; and caused strict orders to be issued
that his torments might be abridged. I par-
doned his accomplices, even to the man who
sold the knife, knowing for what purpose it was
to be used.” In his interrogatory, Barrière
confessed that his employers had specially pro-
hibited him from confiding his criminal designs
to the dukes de Mayenne and de Nemours.
This attempt on the life of Henry IV., though
providentially frustrated, aroused the strongest
1 Mathieu. Histoire prodigieuse d’un détestable parricide
entrepris en la personne du roy par Pierre Barrière, in 8vo.
1594; also Mém. de la Ligue, t. v. p. 450. De Thou, liv. 107.
Davila.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 255
indignation against the priests of the capital.
Aubry curé de St. André, and the Jesuit Pi-
genat, who were believed to have chiefly insti-
gated the crime, fell into such odium with the
citizens of Paris that their lives were endangered.
Pigenat prudently retired to Rome; and died a
few months subsequently in the pulpit, struck
by apoplexy while raving against the king.
Henry quitted Melun about the beginning of
September, and continued his progress to Fon-
tainebleau. That magnificent abode during the
wars had become desolate ; the valuable frescoes
of Il Rosso were decaying and discoloured; and
the garden, considered in the sixteenth century a
marvel of art, was a wilderness. Thistles and weeds
now grew on the parterres adormed by Francis I.
with shrubs from every clime, and with flowers
of exquisite colour and fragrance. In the days
of Francis, a staff of foreign gardeners superin-
tended these parterres; so that his majesty's rare
exotic plants and bulbs might not perish under
the training of ignorant cultivators. Henry III.
never liked Fontainebleau. Its distance from
Paris and its seclusion depressed the spirits of the
king ; who cared not for rural pastimes or the
pleasures of the chase. Under Henry IV., how-
ever, the palace regained its pristine splendour.
Riding side by side with Gabrielle d’Estrées, the
king loved to penetrate the darkest recesses of
256 HISTORY OF [1593.
its glorious forest, to dine al fresco with a few
chosen favourites beneath some stalwart oak.
At other times the huntsman's horn woke the
echoes, and from beneath the Tour du Donjon
presently issued the brilliant court, cavaliers, and
ladies. Conspicuous amongst the gay throng
were Gabrielle and Henry riding a little in ad-
vance; the king often joyously caressing his
hounds, or whispering some bit of merriment
into the willing ear of his companion—a sally,
making her bright blue eyes sparkle with laugh-
ter. These halcyon days, however, had not yet
dawned. Henry's visit to Fontainebleau was to
see Madame, who wrote letters of dismal re-
proach to her royal brother for the overtures she
had discovered he was making to marry her to
the duke de Bar. The count de Soissons also
had asserted a preposterous claim to the valuable
library filled with oriental manuscripts, esta-
blished at Fontainebleau by Francis I., and aug-
mented by his successors; on the ground that it had
been bequeathed to him by the late king together
with all moveable paintings and statues. The
count had actually sent an agent to Fontaine-
bleau to make an inventory of these rich effects;
but as this envoy made his appearance shortly
after the arrival of Madame, it was suspected
that he might have been intrusted with a mission
more interesting to the princess. The king also was
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 257
occupied at this juncture with the details of the
embassy he was about to despatch to Rome to
notify his abjuration; and to demand absolution
from his holiness. The obduracy which the
pope displayed during the mission of the cardi-
nal de Gondy, had convinced the king that pre-
liminary overtures to that great act would be
unavailing. The cabinet of Madrid, by its
intrigues, and by the preponderance in the Sacred
College of cardinals of Spanish origin or affinity,
dominated in the consistory. Henry distinctly
imparted to Pisani this his conviction; and au-
thorized him to state the same to the pope,
should his holiness construe that omission into
a studied defiance. In order to testify his vene-
ration and anxiety for the papal benediction, the
king refrained from receiving the Holy Eucharist
until authorized to partake by his holiness,
“which comfort I have postponed, with the
ceremony of my coronation, to do honour to his
holiness.” In order to flatter the pope by the
dignity of the ambassador, Henry chose Nevers
for this mission ; thereby giving offence to the
duke de Piney-Luxembourg, who since the com-
mencement of the reign had been intrusted with
his majesty's negotiations with the Holy See.
Nevers, however, was an Italian, heir-presump-
tive to his nephew duke Vincent of Mantua.
His Wealth, courtly manners, and power of sting-
WOI. II. S
25S HISTORY OF [1593.
ing retort, were thought likely to aid in a nego-
tiation said to be abhorrent to pope Clement
and detestable to the Spaniards, who ruled in
Consistory. The bishop of Mans, ‘a witty and
ready Rambouillet,” Séguier dean of Nôtre Dame,
du Perron bishop of Evreux whose fluent tongue
few could silence, Gonin dean of Beauvais,
an ecclesiastic skilled in canon law, and doctor
Gobelin a learned monk of St. Denis, were ap-
pointed as the colleagues of the duke de Nevers.
These eminent personages set out about the
20th of September. To facilitate their mission,
the king previously despatched M. Brochard de
la Clielle' to announce the coming ambassage ;
and to engage a palace for the reception of the
ambassador. Clielle was furnished with a holo-
graph letter from the king to pope Clement,
dated August 29th, in which Henry signs him-
self “votre bon, et devot fils,” and states—“that
God and the illumination of the Holy Spirit,
guiding the admirable instruction which I re-
ceived from several prelates and learned doctors
in theology, have given me grace to discern that
the Holy Roman Catholic Apostolic Church is
the true Church.” The king wrote letters to
d'Ossat alike eminent in theology and diplo-
1 Instructions au sieur Isaie de la Clielle Brochard allant de la
part du roy au grand duc de Toscane, etc.
* Willeroy used to say that “M. d’Ossat fait plus avec la
1593.] THE RELGN OF HENRY IV. 259
macy, and secretary of legation to the cardinal
de Joyeuse during the late reign; also to one Sera-
phino Olivier, praying them to propitiate the
bienveillance of the Holy Father. M. Clielle also
carried a letter from the king addressed to the
members of the Sacred College, whom Henry
affectionately addresses as “ses cousins.”
Simultaneously with the departure of Nevers,
the League despatched as ambassadors to Rome
to oppose the royal shrift, the cardinal de Joyeuse,
Claude de Senegey baron de Beauffremont, and
Henri count de Montpezat, step-son to the duke
de Mayenne. Rondinelli, envoy of Ferrara to
the Holy See, had previously been commissioned
by Mayenne to explain to the pope the impos-
sibility of proclaiming the duke de Guise and
the serene Infanta as king and queen, unless his
Catholic majesty would support the manifesto
by an army powerful enough to compete with
Le Navarrois. Rome was in ferment with the
rapid succession of events. The rejection of the
Infanta and the conversion of Henri IV. Occu-
pied all minds. The possibility of the royal
abjuration was absolutely denied. The act of
the king was branded as a sacrilegious perfidy,
raison, que tous les autres avec de l’argent.” This illustrious
statesman obtained a cardinal’s hat in 1599. In 1596, Henri
bestowed on d’Ossat the see of Rennes, from whence he was
translated to that of Bayeux.
S 2
260 HISTORY OF [1593.
which could never be recognized by the orthodox
in this world, or pardoned by God in the next.
The eloquent pen of d’Ossat ably served the
cause of his king. His lucid argument proved
that Henry having performed all outward ob-
servance of ritual and confession, ought to be
absolved, “for no man can test his sincerity;
God alone is Judge.” The invincible repugnance
of pope Clement, however, was not to be allayed.
The Jesuit Poussevin therefore was hastily de-
spatched to await the duke de Nevers at Pos-
chiavo. He first presented a brief under the
Fisherman’s seal dated September 19th, 1593, in
which the pope affectionately requested Nevers
to listen and heed all that the reverend father
might impart on behalf of his holiness. Poussevin
then said, “that the Holy Father could not re-
ceive his highness in the capacity of ambassador
from the king; nevertheless, as the noble Ludo-
vico de Gonzaga, he would be welcome in Rome.
His holiness congratulated the king of Navarre
on his alleged conversion ; and supplicated the
Almighty that such might be genuine.”
Nevers, who expected obstacles, resolved to con-
tinue his journey; and sent back the Jesuit with
a request that his holiness would reconsider his
1 Poussevin eu ordre du pape de lui dire quesa Saintéfe ne
woulait pas qu’il lui parla des affaires de Navarre.”—Willeroy,
Mém. d’Etat, t. xi. Cayet, Chron. Now.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 26]
resolution. At Mantua the duke received an-
other communication from the cardinal de Santo
Georgio, nephew of his holiness, which stated,
“that the pope persisted in his resolve; but
would feel pleasure in bestowing his benediction
on his beloved son Gonzaga.” In answer to
this notification, the duke wrote a tedious expla-
nation of his majesty's views, instructions, and
wishes. This document proved as little effective
as Henry's own effusions. The magnificent state
of the ambassador, moreover, offended his holi-
ness; who desired not that the representative of
a heretic and disowned son should eclipse the
envoy of the most Catholic king. At a place
called Mancha the indefatigable Father Poussevin
again sought conference with the duke, to notify
“it was the will of his holiness that the duke
should diminish his retinue, as he might not
enter Rome in a public capacity. The sojourn
of the duke must likewise be limited to ten
days; nor could he be permitted to visit the
cardinals, nor to receive their Eminences.” Much
chagrined at these vexatious restrictions, Nevers
resolutely continued his journey; judging that
more could be achieved by an hour's audience
of the credulous old pontiff than by the most
elaborate of prior negotiations. Out of defer-
ence to the wishes of the pope, the duke entered
Rome on Sunday, November 21st, at nightfall,
262 HISTORY OF [1593.
in his coach, attended only by his usual escort
of fifty gentlemen, and repaired at once to the
palazzo de la Rovere. The dignitaries, the
duke's colleagues, made their separate entrée
during the following day. Nevers, on his arrival,
drove to the Vatican, where he had a private
audience of the pope, which lasted several hours.'
The duke entreated that his licence to reside in
Rome might be extended. Clement shortly re-
plied, “Vederemo I’’ His holiness was next
supplicated to recognize the mission of the duke,
and to permit the prelates, colleagues of the
ambassador, to kiss the pontifical feet. The
pope replied that he would send a response; and
thereupon commenced a discourse on the affairs
of Italy, during which he especially lauded the
Catholic zeal of the house of Mantua. After an
interval of one day, the cardinal Toleto presented
himself with the pontifical answer. Clement
stated, that “he could not absolve the king,
etiam in foro conscientia. That it was impos-
sible to permit the duke de Nevers to reside
longer in Rome, as it would excite suspicion; as
for the prelates, he could not admit them
until they had first presented themselves be-
5
* “Ile roy mon maître,” said Nevers, “m’a envoyé pardevers
vous, pour vous apprendre sa conversion, et me prosterner de Sa
part à vos pieds”—a quoyle pape a lepondu “Vederemo.”—Jour-
nal de Henri IV. MSS. Actes et mémoires sur la conversion et ab-
juration de Henri IV.-Bibl. Imp. Dupuy ll 4–Col. Brienne.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 263
fore the cardinal de St. Severino, Inquisitor-
general.” This answer greatly exasperated
the duke. Above all he was moved at the
peril which menaced the ecclesiastics his
colleagues, who had all participated in the cere-
mony of his majesty's abjuration. He there-
fore refused to entertain the proposal, that the
bishops should render account of their conduct
before the tribunal of the Inquisition, adding, “that
they were not criminals but ambassadors, placed
under his guidance by the king; and, therefore,
he would guard them from injury or degradation.”
The day following, the duke demanded a second
audience of the pope, which boon was granted.
Nevers went in state, escorted by his fifty
gentlemen. When in the presence of his
holiness and his principal cardinals, Nevers pro-
nounced a truly eloquent harangue, in which
the miseries of France, temporal and spiritual,
were ably detailed. He conjured the pope by
the blood of Jesus to put an end to woes so un-
paralleled; to imitate the Good Shepherd, and
to accord absolution to a king who humbly
prayed for pardon and reconciliation. In the
fervour of his zeal, the duke threw himself at
the feet of the pontiff, and supplicated with
emotion that grace might be extended to so sin-
cere a penitent. He then drew forth his cre-
1 Mém. du duc de Nevers.
264 HISTORY OF [1593.
dentials; and a copy of the king's oath of
submission to the Church, and presented these
documents. Clement refused the parchments
with a gesture of disdain. His holiness then
desired the duke to rise, and said in a harsh and
loud tone, “You will not make me believe that
he whom you term your king is a sincere
Catholic. I will never believe that his conversion
is genuine, even if an angel from Heaven
whispered such tidings in my ear. As for all
Catholics who have followed his fortunes, I hold
them to be disobedient, rebels, betrayers of re-
ligion, bastard children, sons of the bondwoman.
The children of the Holy League are the heirs
of the promise, the key-stone of the edifice, the
polished pillars of the Gallican sanctuary.” “I
supplicate, most Holy Father, that you hold us
not for bastards, and the members of the League
as legitimate children. There is as much differ-
ence between us and them, as there exists be-
tween a single castle and this your august city
of Rome. All the lords spiritual and temporal
of the realm acknowledge the king !” replied
Nevers haughtily. Nevers then spoke concerning
the bishops, his colleagues. “If they choose
not to present themselves before the grand-in-
quisitor, let them render account of their late pro-
ceedings before d’Avalos cardinal d'Arragona,”
tartly responded Clement. The duke replied
#
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 265
“ that if the bishops might first have audience of
his holiness, they were ready to appear before
any tribunal.” He also again requested that his
own sojourn in Rome might be lengthened. Cle-
ment replied “that he could not, and would not
see the bishops; and that as for the demand of M.
de Nevers, he would take counsel. Nevertheless,
he might admit him on the following Tuesday.”
Every means of persuasion and argu-
ment was, meantime, employed by Nevers
to gain partisans. The cardinals, however,
avoided the duke; fearing to compromise them-
selves, under the tyrannical espionnage of Spain.
On all sides, symptoms of intense aversion were
manifested for the ambassadors of the king;
while the envoys of the League were regaled
with festivals and plaudits. The prelates, during
this interval, menaced by the Holy Office, scarcely
dared stir from the palace of the ambassador.
Gobelin, envoy of the monks of St. Denis,
was so terrified at the perils which threatened
him, that he took to his bed with fever; an
attack ultimately fatal. At his third audience,
Nevers presented a letter from the king.
Clement declined to receive the missive. The
ambassador then asked for a written answer
to his demands, that he might lay such before
his majesty. “I will give you no written
* De Thou, liv. 108. Mém. de Nevers, t. ii.
266 HISTORY OF [1593.
answer, lest it should share the fate of the Bulls
of my predecessors I” retorted his holiness. The
duke then asked “what more his majesty could
do to prove his sincerity ?” “Let the said
Navarrois take counsel of his theologians. We
are not bound to reply.” Nevers asked what
was to be done respecting several vacant sees.
Would his holiness sanction the royal appoint-
ment of prelates P “I cannot grant Bulls to
bishops nominated by a prince, whose kingly
rights I deny l’ obstinately responded Clement.
“Holy father, we will then adopt again the
Pragmatic code. Our Gallican church shall
exist independently of Rome !” rejoined the
duke. Nevers, however, quitted the Vatican
mortified beyond measure at the arrogant treat-
ment he had experienced. “I have received the
utmost indignity,” exclaimed he to cardinal To-
leto, “and have been treated like a little burgher,
rather than as the representative of my puissant
and glorious king. It will be better for me and mine
to throw ourselves into the Tiber than carry back
to France so shameful and fatal a response. The
kingdom, heed well, monseigneur, will be split
by schisms To close the fold of the Church to
returning penitents is a thing shameful and
* Le pape répondit, “que le roi pouvait consulter ses théolo-
giens, qu’il n'étoit pas obligé de s'expliquer davantage.” De
Thou. Mém. de Nevers, t. ii.
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 267
abominable !” Despite his remonstrances, the
duke de Nevers ascertained that in Consistory on
the 20th of December, the pope took solemn
oath not to absolve the king; and that the agents
of the legate had counselled his holiness to amuse
Nevers by vague replies, so that on the renewal
of the war, Henry's able commander-in-chief
might be absent from the realm. It was like-
wise resolved to proceed against the bishops; and
to cause their arrest and transfer to the prisons
of the Holy Office.' Nevers, therefore, despatched
a courier to ask instructions from his majesty.
He also forwarded a journal of all the interviews
he had holden with Clement and his cardinals,
for the more perfect instruction of the king.
During the interval of the months of August,
September, and October, the life of king Henry
had been one of comparative repose. Never-
theless, many disappointments and reverses
imbittered this period. The coldness of his
faithful Huguenot nobles pained the king. The
people of Béarn, who had accepted from the
hand of their beloved queen Jeanne the most
rigid of rituals, deplored the apostacy of the
king; and clamoured that a synod might be con-
voked to consolidate their religious liberties, and
to promulgate a code for the self-government of
* Actes concernant l'absolution du roi Henri IV. Lettres de
du Perron, cardinal bishop of Evreux.
26S HISTORY OF [1593.
the reformed churches of France. The duke de
Bouillon asked his majesty's permission to retire
to Sedan, under plea of the failing health of his
young consort; and the necessity of repelling the
hostile incursions of the duke de Bar on the
principality. Rosny, so beloved and trusted by
the king, testified his regret at the inevitable
step which he had himself counselled, by a re-
serve of manner which ever shadowed forth the
obstacle to their perfect confidence. As the
power of Henry consolidated, so did the influence
of M. de Rosny rise. The qualities possessed
by the latter were precisely those indispensable
to insure the prosperity of the royal administra-
tion. Frugal, of rigid morality, reserved in
manner, concise of speech, and of an integrity
quickened by intense veneration and love for his
royal master, Rosny acknowledged no separate
interest. Indignant was the comment of the
courtiers on the “we,” so presumptuously used
by Rosny when discoursing on decisions taken
by the king, and which he was supposed to have
ignored. Calm in the consciousness of strength,
Rosny bore these bravades. Devoted to the
king, he knew that he was appreciated; and
that one day unbounded power would be con-
fided to his faithful guidance. “Mon ami! I
gave you leave of absence for ten days only, and
yet already fifteen have expired. You know it
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 269
is your habit never to break your word when I
am concerned, and never to be lazy. Therefore,
come back to me without delay. I want to
show you letters which we have received from
madame de Simiers and a personage named
Font, who have written to you from Rouen. The
letters are in cipher. I caused them to be
opened; and, as far as I can judge, they are of
great import to my service,” wrote the king
from Fontainebleau to Rosny ; who had obtained
leave of absence to visit his wife at the castle of
Rosny, who was near her accouchement. Henry
likewise wrote several short, but most pressing
letters to Duplessis-Mornay, almost imploring
him to repair to court. In one of these, his
majesty states that Madame was highly dis-
composed on hearing that Mornay had directed
her name to be erased from the litanies of the
reformed Churches; as he feared that sisterly
affection might induce the princess to follow the
example of her royal brother. The chagrin of
Mornay was more openly evinced. His hard
and inflexible temper revolted against the con-
cession, by the which Henry had confirmed his
rule. Mornay attempted not to deny the
worldly expediency of the king's decision ; but
personally he would have rather witnessed the
coronation of doña Isabel than the humiliating
ceremony of Henry's renunciation of the faith.
* CEconomies Royales, t. i, ce 3 Septembre, 1593.
270 ... IISTORY OF [1593.
He, therefore, was in no haste to repair to court;
and despite Henry's urgent importunities, found
means for many months to excuse himself.
Throughout the month of October, Henry was,
moreover, engaged in the disagreeable task of
excusing and defending his conduct to Elizabeth,
queen of England. The obduracy of Rome in-
creased the royal difficulties in tenfold degree.
Where he expected to meet with approbation
and support, Henry had experienced vindic-
tive opposition. The conversion of the king
infuriated his old ally Elizabeth, who, forgetting
her dignity, privately addressed to him letters of
irritating tenor; while her formal despatches
evidenced contempt and alienation. On the
first news of Henry's intended abjuration, queen
Elizabeth despatched sir Thomas Wilkes to re-
monstrate with the king and to admonish him
to abstain. Wilkes arrived at St. Denis on the
evening following the public renunciation of the
king. Elizabeth then resolved to withdraw her
troops and artillery from Bretagne. Cecil there-
fore sent orders to Captain Smith, commandant
of the English force at Dieppe, directing him to
embark his troops and the artillery and return
home. Subsequently, the order was modified at
the intervention of the French ambassador in
London; and an envoy despatched to direct
that the English auxiliaries should retire to
a small town called Gosdet, until her majesty
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 271
had taken further counsel. If the government
of the king rejected this expedient, the embarka-
tion of the troops was to be proceeded with.
Henry repaired to Dieppe to confer with
her majesty's envoy, Edmunds; and suc-
ceeded in persuading the latter to retain his
missives until he had communicated with the
French ambassador in London. Henry wrote a
voluminous despatch to de Beauvoir, desiring
him to obtain audience of the queen : “to say
that I deem her majesty's order strange, would
be scarcely respectful, because the said lady has
manifest right to dispose as she wills of her own;
but I am surprised to have heard nothing on
the subject from you. You will, therefore, in-
form the said lady, that Gosdet is a place where
there is neither edifice nor shelter for her troops;
that they cannot long remain there without
danger of attack from the garrisons of Abbe-
ville and Amiens; moreover, that reinforcements
could advance from the Flemish frontier, which
certainly would occur, if the English sought to
entrench themselves. The place also appertains
to my cousin the duke de Nevers, who might be
highly discontented, or worse, if I granted
her majesty's request without his previous sanc-
tion.” The resumé of the long despatch indi-
* MS. State Paper Office, transcribed by M. Lenglet.—Let-
tres-missives—Xivrey.
272 HISTORY OF [1593.
cates Henry's resolve not to grant Gosdet for
the retreat of the English troops; for if Eliza-
beth retracted anything from the stipulations
previously made, the king preferred altogether to
lose the aid of her soldiers and artillery. If,
however, her majesty resolved upon this course,
“she will leave me under the obligation to pro-
vide as I can for the benefit of my affairs, and per-
haps deprive me of the power of being useful to her
as I should otherwise desire.” The ambassador
is then directed to rouse the jealous suspicion of
Elizabeth on the advance of the archduke
Ernest in the Low Countries. The resolute
tone of the despatch, together with many poli-
tical considerations of moment, assuaged the ire
of Elizabeth. Her anger was thenceforth rather
elicited against the supreme pontiff and the
king of Spain, for their contemptuous rejection
of the overtures of king Henry whom she
admired and liked. Her majesty was often
heard to declaim with her usual vigour of dic-
tion, against the intolerable arrogance of the
pope, who presumed to treat so noble an am-
bassador as M. de Nevers with disdain. Eliza-
beth was further mollified by a deputation sent
by the duke d'Aumont, from the states of Bre-
tagne, praying her majesty not to abandon them
to the mercy of the Spanish invaders. M. de
Beauvoir presented the envoys to queen Eliza-
beth; who listened with indignant attention to a
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 273
recital of the audacious enterprises of don Juan
de Aquila. “It is not my serious intention to
abandon my very dear friend and brother Henry,
your king,” replied her majesty. “I will com-
mand my troops to remain in Bretagne; and
summon Norris our general hither, to concert
measures for your defence. Meantime, do you
provide better quarters than can be afforded at
Pinupol, for my sick and wounded soldiers l’”
The chief of the deputies, M. de Montmorin,
was then sent at the desire of the queen to
king Henry, to notify her returning good will.
The entente was speedily re-established between
the royal allies, by the good offices of the En-
glish ambassador Sydney —“Madame, my dear
sister, however, would be grieved indeed, could
she divine the injury which her threat to with-
draw her troops from Dieppe and Bretagne was
near inflicting upon me,” wrote king Henry to
his ambassador M. de Beauvoir. While in Nor-
mandy, Henry visited Dieppe, when madame de
Balagny, who during the palmy days of the
League, called herself princess of Cambray,
visited his majesty in disguise, and obtained a
prolongation of the truce for her husband, as
regarded the district of Cambray. From
Dieppe Henry visited Calais; from whence he
repaired to Fécamp—a town besieged by the
* De Thou—Hist. de son Temps.
VOL. II. T
274 HISTORY OF [1593.
League —to deliver the valiant Bois-Rosé, its
governor. The latter, before the truce had
made submission to the king ; Villars, therefore,
Without regard to the suspension of arms, in-
vested the citadel. Henry, protesting that he
committed no violation of the truce, set out to
the rescue of Fécamp, and compelled Villars
to retire.
The greatest suspicion and dissension now
reigned amongst the princes of Lorraine; who mu-
tually reproached each other for being the cause of
the unprosperous condition of affairs. The legate
Landriano exulting in the success of his male-
volent intrigues at Rome, tyrannized over every
department of the government. Boucher, at
the instigation of the legate, trumped up a
charge of heresy and treason to the cause of the
Union, against Foulon, abbot of St. Geneviève,
which coupelled that eminent ecclesiastic to fly
for his life from Paris. The marquis de Belin
was also fiercely assailed from the pulpit—
charges, however, which met neither with belief
nor response from the people. About this time,
the duke de Mayenne sent privately to Philip II.
to offer to proclaim the Infanta, provided that
his Catholic majesty would marry the princess to
his eldest son, M. d’Aiguillon. He moreover
proposed to acknowledge the right of doña
Isabel to the duchy of Bretagne; which province
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 275
with the government thereof, should be settled
upon her highness and her descendants, male or
female, in perpetuity. As the supreme govern-
ment of the duchy of Burgundy was the guer-
don exacted by Mayenne, he at this period
sought to obtain possession of the Lyonnais that
he might have some plausible pretext for sever-
ing that fertile province also from the future
sway of the Infanta. The discord between the
duke and his half-brother the duke de Nemours
had long been acrimonious. Nemours resented
the little consideration which had been awarded
for his valorous defence of Paris ; and after a
brief season of political contest with his brother,
the duke retired in high dudgeon to his govern-
ment of Lyons. Mayenne had made many
efforts to compel the resignation of Nemours;
but the latter, also fired by ambitious aspirations,
conceived the design of holding permanently
the Lyonnais with the title of king—a boon he
intended to obtain from one of the belligerent
powers. Nemours, however, was disliked by
his intended subjects; for his temper naturally
harsh, was soured by discord. He had also
constructed forts in the suburbs of Lyons, which
act greatly irritated the citizens. Various other
deeds of tyranny were alleged against the duke;
which coming to the knowledge of Mayenne, he
deemed the opportunity ripe for despoiling Ne-
T 2
276 HISTORY OF [1593.
mours of his government. Accordingly, he des-
patched his trusty ally Espinac archbishop of
Tyons, who, under pretext of a pastoral visit
through his diocese, so inflamed popular dis-
content, by causing it to be bruited that the
duke intended to take forcible possession of the
city, that on Sunday, the 18th of September,
the people rose, erected barricades, and repulsed
a body of troops in the pay of their governor.
The following day, the populace exasperated by
the threats of the duke and the insinuations of
their archbishop, seized the person of Nemours,
and imprisoned him in the fort of Pierre-en-
Suze. The insurgents then took possession of
Lyons; and following the example of Paris in
her day of madness, organized a committee and
issued edicts—the first of which, to the dismay
of Espinac, proclaimed the independence of the
city of Lyons, and her freedom from all leagues
and engagements." When the duchess de Ne-
mours, mother of the Guises, was apprized of
these proceedings, her wrath was excessive. She
summoned Mayenne, and reproached him for
his perfidy to his half-brother whom she so ten-
derly loved. “Monsieur, never will I pardon
you this affront No! I will forget that I am
your mother, and pursue you to the death,
1 Mém. de la Ligue, t. W. Mathieu. Discours véritable sur
les changements advenus en la ville de Lyons—a Lyons, 1594.
**
1593.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 277.
unless you remedy the evil which you have
wrought !” Mayenne sought to pacify his mo-
ther by promises of immediate interference to
effect the rescue of Nemours. Accordingly, he
entered into a wrangling controversy, through
the medium of the archbishop, with the Lyon-
nais; who proud of their independence, dictated
their own terms and refused to liberate their
prisoner. “You have doubtless heard of the
insurrection at Lyons,” wrote the king to M. de
la Force, “against the duke de Nemours; it
having been discovered that he designed to seize
the town, and build a citadel. He had already
built some forts which held the town in block-
ade; and as he declined to resign them to per-
sons indicated by the people, he has been impri-
soned in the fort de Pierre-en-Suze. It is said
that the archbishop of Lyons garnished this
snare, with the aid of some partisans of the
duke de Mayenne. The duke de Guise has
signified his intention to avenge the affront
offered to his uncle ; so that this affair is likely
to foment quarrels in the House of Lorraine.”
* Lettres-missives, t. X. p. 69. Archives of the duke de la
Force.
278 HISTORY OF [1503.
CHAPTER III.
1593—1594.
Prosperous condition of the king's affairs at the commencement
of 1594.—Mission of MM. de Villeroy and de Belin.—Atti-
tude of the Spanish court.—M. de Vitry.—Submission of
Meaux-Expedition of La Varanme to Madrid.—The Infanta
Isabel Clara Eugenia.—Queen Marguerite.—Her life at
Usson.—Overtures of divorce made by the king.—Corres-
pondence.—The duke de Nevers.-His mission to Rome.—
Hostile attitude of Clement VIII.-Envoys of the League in
Rome.—Troubles in Paris —M. de Belin.—Repressive mea-
sures adopted by Mayenne —Appointment of the count de
Brissac as governor of Paris, in room of the marquis de Belin.
—His character and projects.-Triumph of the royal cause.—
Submission of Lyons.—M. de Villars.-Overtures for the
surrender of Rouen.—Madame de Simiers.-Coronation of
Benri Quatre.—Details.-Correspondence of the king with
queen Elizabeth.-Progress of the negotiation for the sur-
render of Rouen.—Correspondence of the king with M. de
Rosny.—Position of the duke de Mayenne.—The duchesse de
Nemours warns her son against the probable treachery of
Brissac.—Departure of the duke and duchess de Mayenne
for Soissons.—Harangue of the duke in the Hôtel de Ville.
KING HENRY spent the Christmas festival of
1593 at Mantes. Never since the demise of
Charles IX. had the affairs of the king been
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 279
more prosperous, or his royal rights so amply
recognized. France, with the exception of the
soured and disappointed faction in the capital,
beheld her king with pride and admiration.
The halo of victory encircled the king. His
frank temper won adherents; while the im-
provement in the royal revenue shewed that
Henry could also spend royally and take full
revel in pleasure. During the month of De-
cember, MM. de Belin, Willeroy, and Zamet,'
waited on the king in the name of Mayenne to
request a prolongation of the truce. Henry
replied by expressing his willingness to extend
the truce over the month of January, 1594, pro-
vided that the duke de Mayenne remained
during that interval in Paris ; and that a body of
6,000 Swiss troops levied for the royal army was
suffered to enter the kingdom unmolested.
These conditions were the terms of a prince con-
scious of his power, and resolved to assert such.
The duke consequently rejected the articles; and
preparations commenced on both sides for a
* Sebastien Zamet, seigneur de Murat, Billy, and Beauvoir,
the richest financier in France. Zamet was Lucchese by birth,
and came to France in the suite of Catherine de Medici. He
was shoemaker-in-chief to Henri III. ; subsequently, governor of
Fontainebleau, master of the household to queen Marie de
Medici, and a privy counsellor. “Zamet se disait, Seigneur de
dix-sept cent mille écus !” For years Zamet was the usurer of
the court of France, and so amassed his enormous riches.
280 HISTORY OF [1593.
/
renewal of hostilities. Villeroy and Belin, mean-
time, aware that the affairs of the Holy Union
were assuming the most inauspicious of aspects,
privately assured his majesty of their devotion
and readiness to serve so orthodox a monarch,
despite the censures of his holiness. The king
of Spain had returned unsatisfactory replies to
the envoys of the League in Madrid, and would
pledge himself to nothing; though his majesty
was profuse in general offers of support and
assistance. “When I shall have consulted with
count Ernest de Mansfeldt, and have taken
counsel from Rome, I will let M. de Mayenne
know my last resolutions,” said Philip, evasively.
The fact was that Philip felt inclined to send
neither armed nor pecuniary assistance to the
League until after the proclamation of the In-
fanta. Meantime, great discontent was visible
throughout the country and especially in the
large cities, that nothing had been done during
the autumn months to prolong the truce or to
negotiate a peace. The army of the king, now
united and enthusiastic, burned for a renewal of
the contest. The Catholic lords redoubled
their efforts in his majesty's cause. Nevers,
Montmorency, Epernon, Longueville, Bouillon,
d'O, the wealthiest landholders of the realm,
promised loans; and even offered to pledge their
credit for any amount indicated by the king.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 2S]
The hitherto lukewarm burned to demonstrate
their zeal; the adherents, who faithfully clung
to the royal cause through its darkest era, exult-
ingly poured forth treasures to achieve the glo-
rious work. The cardinal de Bourbon, from his
sick bed at Gaillon, offered contribution; while
the count de Soissons, humbled but not submis-
sive, actually prayed to be employed in the royal
service. The Swiss Cantons gave every assist-
ance for the recruiting of Henry's army; while
queen Elizabeth despatched ample succours of
troops, artillery, and ammunition, and engaged
to do her best to neutralize in every quarter the
overbearing diplomacy of Philip II. Even the
Sultan' congratulated king Henry on his success;
and intimated his readiness to send a fleet to
ravage the Spanish coasts, if such aid would
serve the cause of so valiant and invincible a
prince There needed but one notable example
to bring all the rebel cities to supplicate for
oblivion and reconciliation. The assurances of
Mayenne, who without the aid of the legate
* Amurath III., son of the sultan Selim II., ascended the
Ottoman throne in 1574; died 1595. The address of king
Henry’s letters to this potentate is as follows: “A très hault,
très puissant, très magnanime, et Invincible Prince le Grand
Empereur des Mousulmans, Amurathan (Amurath Khan) en qui
tout honneur et vertu abonde, notre très cher, et très parfait
amy.”
282 HISTORY OF [1593.
could not now hold Paris, were ridiculed ; while
the people accepted the more specious promises
of Philip II. with derisive scorn—so conspicuous
had been the contrast between the magnitude
of the promises made by his Catholic majesty
and the substantial aid afforded. This turn of
supreme fortune for the cause of Henry IV. was
at hand. M. de Vitry had been the only noble
who after the assassination of Henry III. left
the royal camp, openly to join the ranks of the
Holy Union. At that period, on taking a re-
luctant farewell of the king, Vitry promised that
on his majesty's reconciliation to the Church he
would acknowledge his regal title. Vitry, how-
ever, seemed to have abjured all veneration for
the king; and his hostile influence had been
keenly felt. His sister, madame de Simiers,
however, a lady conspicuous for her beauty and
intrigues, had since her marriage remained at-
tached to the royal cause, and never ceased to
exhort her brother, who was governor of Meaux,
to return to his allegiance. After the siege of
Rouen, Vitry seems gradually to have made ad-
vances to the king ; and a letter is extant in
* >
which Henry invites the former while still with
* Louise de l’Hôpital Vitry—the lady who publicly hailed the
duke de Guise, on his entry into Paris, before la Journée des
Barricades.
}
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY Iv. 283
the army of the League, to join his cortégé in
the chase during a temporary suspension of
arms. During the last fortnight of the truce,
therefore, M. de Vitry seriously reviewed his
position. He had vainly asked for money to
pay the arrears owing to the garrison; and for
additional levies to fill the gaps in the regiments
under his command, occasioned by the fearful
pestilence which raged in most of the fortified
towns. M. de Vitry therefore resolved on timely
submission to the power soon to be in the as-
cendant. He first wrote to Mayenne stating his
motives; to whit, that the king professing now
the orthodox faith he could not longer bear arms
against him—a decision which ought not to sur-
prise the lords of the confederation, inasmuch as
such was in accord with the terms of his ad-
herence to the League. Witry then summoned
the chief inhabitants of Meaux and addressed
them to the same purport. He strongly coun-
selled the city to follow his example, but promised
not to use coercion. He then laid the keys of the
city on a table in the Hôtel de Ville, and quitting
the hall mounted his horse and took the road to
Mantes. For a brief interval, the town authori-
ties looked at each other in dismay, so suddenly
had the determination of their valiant governor
been notified. A discussion ensued, when it
was unanimously resolved to follow the loyal
2S4 HISTORY OF [1593.
example of M. de Vitry.' The town meantime
was in uproar, Vitry having caused agents to
spread the report of his approaching departure.
A mob of townspeople advanced shouting “Vive
le roy l’’ and rushing into the castle disarmed
the garrison, surprised by the suddenness of the
attack. The authorities meanwhile repaired to
the residence of the governor. Madame de
Vitry” and her daughters were about to enter
their coach to leave the city; but at the earnest
prayer of the prefet, the former consented to
postpone her departure until after the return
of the messengers despatched to recall M. de
Vitry, and to notify the immediate recognition
of the royal title of Henry IV. by the inhabit-
ants of Meaux. The people next assumed white
scarfs and cockades, and the bells pealed as Vitry
a few hours later re-entered the city. On Christ-
mas Day a deputation of the principal inhabit-
ants carried to king Henry a welcome gift—the
keys of the town of Meaux. “I thanked God
for this felicitous news, who I pray may deliver
other towns from their blunders and folly l’’
wrote the king to M. de Brèves, his envoy to
* Journal de Henri IV. Davila. Péréfixe. Sully GEcono-
mies royales, t. i. -
* Françoise Brichanteau, daughter of the seigneur de Beau-
vais-Nangis.
* Lettres-missives de Henri IV.—Bibl. de M. de Monmerqué,
p. 88, t. iv.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 2S5
the Sublime Porte. Witry received 20,000
crowns from his majesty with the appointment
of royal governor of the town of Meaux. So
content and joyful was he at this transfer of his
allegiance that he wrote to his sister, madame
de Simiers, who was then residing in Rouen,
exhorting her to use her good offices to induce
M. de Villars to follow her example. “Ma
chère saur,” wrote Vitry, “you now know in
what manner I wished the king a happy New
Year. Our uncle La Châstre intends soon
to offer his majesty des bignets. Mind that
you make those with whom you now are, pass
Lent on horseback. Above all, shorten matters,
and do not change your medium; for he whom you
now have possesses the confidence of his master,
and is well affected towards yourself.”" The
garrison of Meaux was dismissed before the
arrival of the king; who, escorted by Vitry,
made a brief sojourn in the town, and confirmed
the privileges of the inhabitants. About the
same time, Willeroy wrote to the duke de Ma-
yenne, stating his resolve to mingle no longer in
the affairs of the Union. He exhorted Mayenne
to submit without delay to the king, “ now that
you can make terms as chief of the Union and
lieutenant-general of the realm.” Finally, the
subtle ex-secretary announced to his quondam
1 L’Etoile—Journal de Henri IV.
2S6 HISTORY OF [1593.
friend that he was about to retire to Pontoise'
with his son M. d’Alincourt, prepared, on the
first suitable opportunity, to acknowledge king
Henry, and would not forget to recommend the
duke to the bienveillance of his majesty
Before the termination of the truce, king Henry
carried into effect an enterprise which, when
publicly known, occasioned much amusement,
and especially provoked the laughter of the jest-
loving monarch. While Henry was at Dieppe,
seeking to pacify the anger of queen Elizabeth,
a courier in the service of the duke de Mayenne
was arrested, and his papers, which were of no
great importance, seized. Until the return of
the king to Mantes, the captive was shut up in
the common jail, and allowed no outward com-
munication. Henry resolved, thereupon, to
send one of his own adherents to carry the
packet to king Philip ; and to report on the per-
sonal appearance of the Infanta, his late powerful
rival. The matter was kept very private, so
that the arrest of Mayenne's messenger might
not transpire. Henry's faithful servant, La
Waranne, volunteered to undertake the mission ;
1 “Après la conversion du roy, Willeroy entra au service de Sa
majesté et comme Enée sortant du Sac de Troye, apporta avec lui
son père, son fils, et une place importante.”—Vie et services de
M. de Villeroy, par Mathieu, a Rouen, chez Louis Londet, 1622.
Mém. de M. de Villeroy—Chron. Nov. t. ii.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 2S7
also, to personate the captive envoy in the
presence of king Philip. La Varanne performed
the journey to Madrid speedily and in safety.
Without difficulty, in the capacity of Mayenne's
envoy, he obtained an audience of Philip II.,
who perused the missives presented in gloomy
silence. La Varanne then expatiated cleverly on
the extremity of the League, and pressed the
king to send speedy succours into France.
Philip replied “that he should take counsel;
but that the League need not apprehend that
his holiness intended to give shrift to the prince
de Béarn.” An audience of the Infanta was
next obtained by Henry's adventurous gentle-
man. Doña Isabel enquired concerning the
affairs of France; and asked for a description of
the prince de Béarn, and whether he was of tall
stature and handsome? The envoy, thereupon,
showed her highness a portrait of the king, upon
which she gazed long and earnestly. At the
termination of the audience, doña Isabel asked
permission, with a sigh, to retain the picture;
which request was of course conceded. The
same evening, La Varanne deemed it safer to
set out towards the frontier—a caution which
saved him from arrest, as news was transmitted
to Madrid by the duke de Mayenne of the
capture of his true envoy. Henry in after life
frequently related this anecdote with great
2SS - HISTORY OF [1593.
humour and mirth, expressing his delight at
having so cleverly deceived king Philip.’
During Henry's sojourn at Mantes, after his
return from Meaux, he took the first necessary
step in the design entertained by his majesty of
elevating Gabrielle d’Estrées to the throne. Un-
happily, the vicious life led by queen Marguerite
on the rock of Usson rendered it impossible for
her friends to palliate her conduct. The birth
of a second illegitimate son at the château de
Carlat in 1589, the fruit of a scandalous intrigue
with one Aubiac, who held a menial position in
the queen's household, had again covered her
name with infamy. After the arrest of Mar-
guerite at Ivoi, a country house appertaining to
queen Catherine, by order of her brother
Henry III., her captor, the marquis de Canillac,
succumbing under the power of her charms,
caused Aubiac to be hanged from the ram-
parts of Usson, whither, by royal command,
he had conveyed his prisoner.” When by a bold
coup, queen Marguerite seized this fortress, and
ejected thence her lover and jailer Canillac,
the greatest secrecy and reserve were attempted
relative to her majesty's proceedings. Dark
rumours, however, of frightful orgies spread
1 Chronologie Nov. Cayet.
2 Dictionnaire de Bayle, art. Usson. Bibl. du roy de Prusse,
Ducatiana, t. i. p. 40. Af
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 289
abroad. The roturiers of the district, servants,
artisans, and even the very peasants who attracted
the queen's favourable notice were, it was said,
entertained by this royal Messalina; and after-
wards dismissed with rich gifts or with blows."
The reckless conduct of Marguerite de Valois
when resident at her brother's court; and her
scarcely concealed participation in odious assassi-
nations rendered these horrible charges too
probable to permit of their utter rejection as
fabulous. Nevertheless, it is just to assert that
a famed monkish chronicler Hilarion de Coste,”
thus apostrophises the castle of Usson during
queen Marguerite’s abode there. “Usson 1
crowned by thy royal castle, habitation holy and
sacred, hermitage, sweet retreat, where majesty
meditates | Rock, witness of the voluntary
seclusion, solitude, and piety of thy wondrous
princess Marguerite Usson earthly paradise of
delights where sweet music and harmonious
voices sooth; and where alone majesty tasted the
repose and contentment of the blessed l’” This
rhapsody and much more, which might truly be
* Dupleix. Aubigné, Hist. Universelle.
* Vie des Dames Illustres. “Elle n'eutrien de libre que l'air,
espérant peu, Craignant tout; car tout Étoit en feu, et en désordre
autour d’elle,” says the monkish chronicler. Nevertheless, the
queen composed some very lachrymose and equivocal verses on
the demise of Aubiac, “qui passa de l'écurie en la chambre de
la reine,” and died, “baisant un manchon develours raz bleu
qui lui restoit des bienfaits de sa dame.”
WOL. II. U
290 HISTORY OF [1593.
deemed ironical, may be accounted for by the
liberal donations which queen Marguerite gave
to the monastic orders—gratuities which, weighed
by the standard of le P. Hilarion de Coste,
wiped away much of her guilt. Neither did
Marguerite's guilty pleasures entail in that age
the horror and repugnance which the mention
even of such orgies evokes in the nineteenth
century. In all the courts of Europe she beheld
the same licence tolerated, and even applauded.
Prelates, illustrious statesmen, the papal nuncios,
paid homage to, and crowded the ante-chamber
of the powerful mistress. The consecrated rose
had been sent to the princess of Eboli, to pro-
pitiate Philip II. as pope Paul III. during the
reign of Henry II., presented this sacred em-
blem to Diane de Poitiers to secure the king's
protection for his nephews of Farnese. At the
court of her royal husband, Marguerite saw the
most august personages of the realm bow at the
feet of Gabrielle d’Estrées. Her exalted rank,
therefore, Marguerite might argue, alone rendered
her own delinquency more flagrant. This
supreme dignity, however, the queen had long
since forfeited, and was prepared openly to re-
nounce, rather than place restraint on her ignoble
and degrading pleasures. Marguerite's oblivion
of her rank, alone emboldened king Henry
to propose, as his majesty did for the first time
1594.] THE REIGN OF EHENRY IV. 291
during this year, that the royal daughter of the
Valois should cede her throne to Gabrielle
d’Estrées. M. de Mornay one day expostulated
with Henry IV. on his irregular life; and set
before his majesty the injury likely to accrue
thereby to his health, his fame, and his soul.
The king listened, and retorted by the question,
“Why then do you not find an expedient to
enable me to marry P* Mornay communicated
the royal response to Rosny, and together, the
two proposed to the king that queen Marguerite
should be requested to agree to a divorce.
Henry, delighted at the prospect, and desirous
to legitimatize the child to which madame de
Liancour was soon to give birth, eagerly as-
sented. During the month of September, M.
Erard master of Requests to queen Marguerite,
was despatched to Usson to propose the divorce
to Marguerite ; and to bring back an authoriza-
tion to proceed in the matter under the queen's
sign manual. Erard was furnished with letters
from Mornay, Rosny, Bouillon, and other in-
fluential personages. The ulterior design of the
king relative to Gabrielle was carefully con-
cealed; indeed, at this period no one believed
that his majesty intended so far to forget the
* liques, Vie de M. Duplessis-Mornay. Mongez—Hist. de
Marguerite de Valois. Guessard, Lettres de Marguerite de
Valois.
U 2
&J
292 HISTORY OF [1593.
exigencies of his rank as seriously to contemplate
an alliance with Gabrielle d’Estrées. Marguerite
received the proposition very amiably, and
evinced not the least repugnance to cede her
royal dignity. She even wrote to the king to
thank him for the sum of 250,000 crowns, which
he proposed to send her for the payment of her
debts; and then proceeds coolly to state on
what additional terms she is willing to give
the procuration demanded from her. “I pray
you humbly, monseigneur, to condescend to
continue to me the pension of 50,000 francs,
which I enjoyed under the late kings (my
brothers), feeling assured that you bear me not
less affection than they did. In the same con-
fidence, I humbly pray you, monseigneur,
(according to the offer which you have made me
through the Sieur Erart of some secure abode,)
to grant me this castle of Usson.” The queen
adds “that as soon as she receives the docu-
ments under the sign manual, confirming her
pension and the gift of Usson, with any other
property she may possess or be entitled to, she
will despatch the power requested by his majesty.”
The reply of Henry to this letter is extant. He
Wrote :
* Auroy Monseigneur: d'Usson, celO Novembre, 1593. Gues-
Sard—Lettres de Marguerite de Valois.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 293
HENRY IV. TO THE QUEEN MARGUERITE.
“M’amye —As soon as the sieur Errard returned, and I
learned through him, as by your own letter, your kind will
towards me, I signed and caused to be registered the warrant
for the sum I grant to you; and of which he carried you the
proposal. I have instructed M. Duplessis, who is going to
Tours, to verify and forward to you the necessary documents. I
have also secured to you your pension of 50,000 livres; also a
further sum of 200,000 crowns. I have moreover issued a
warrant empowering a sale of my own domain, to the amount of
20,000 crowns. I pray you, m’amye, send me without delay
the power I have requested; adding thereto the words which the
sieur Errard will tell you, as they are requisite to facilitate the
pursuit of that which we both desire. I beg you to believe all
that the said Errard will impart from me. I will all my life
care for your welfare as my own; and will prove to you how
much I value your friendship—the which you have proved to
be so cordial. Praying you to believe this immortal truth, I
pray God, m'amye, to have you in His holy keeping. This 27th
day of December, 1593, at Mantes.
“EIENRY.”!
Notwithstanding this prosperous commence-
ment, some officious personage mentioned the
name of Gabrielle d’Estrées to queen Marguerite
as her probable successor on the throne. The
ancestral pride of Marguerite at once revolted.
Moreover, as she herself remarked, “she could
not descry or acknowledge the moral superiority
of madame d’Estrées; and therefore thought
that if she was required to yield her rights à
cette décriče baggasse, she had better herself wear
the crown of the fleurs de lis.” From thence-
* MS. Bibl. Imp. F. Dupuy, 407, fol. 9.
294 HISTORY OF [1593.
forth, the queen resorted to endless delays and
excuses to retard the despatch of the necessary
procurations. Henry, moreover, sensible that
his divorce must now receive the sanction of the
Holy See, was in no haste to obtain Marguerite's
written consent to his petition; as the despatches
of the duke de Nevers represented pope Clement
as still hostile and inflexible in his resolves not
to absolve the king.
The residence of Nevers in Rome had been
indefinitely prolonged beyond the ten days stipu-
lated by his holiness. The duke had presented
a memorial to the pope, which Clement accepted,
and intimated that he would answer. During
this interval, therefore, Henry's envoys were
tacitly permitted to reside in Rome. The cardi-
nal de Gondy, his brother the duke de Retz,
M. de Pisani, d'Ossat, and father Seraphino
Olivier exhausted every device in concert with
Nevers to gain adherents for the king amongst
the members of the Sacred College; or at least to
obtain that the duke might plead Henry's cause
in Consistory. “Holy father,” said Father Sera-
phino, “I cannot understand your scruples. I
hold that if the devil himself asked audience of
your holiness with a view to his own conversion,
I believe that you ought not to refuse the in-
terview ſ”’ Henry himself continued to write
“Très saint Père,” said cardinal Tolet, “ votre scrupule
vient du diable.”
1594.] TEHE REIGN OF HENRY IW. 295
submissive epistles to the pope; and offered to
submit to any reasonable penance. It was
further intimated that the household of his
majesty was now carefully trained in Catholic
usages; that the fasts were rigorously observed;
and that the king never omitted to attend
matins and vespers. The constant reply of the
incredulous old pope was, “If an angel from
Heaven advertised me of the conversion of le
prince de Béarn, I would not believe it.” The
position of the prelates the colleagues of Nevers,
continued precarious; and daily the pope menaced
to issue citations compelling them to appear
before the tribunal of the Holy Office, under
pain of excommunication and deprivation. Henry
at length began to deem his honour compromised
by the insulting demeanour of Clement and his
cardinals. Orders were, therefore, transmitted
by the king for the return of the duke after one
more audience at the Vatican, in which a final
effort was to be made to move the determination
of his holiness. Nevers repaired to this audience
about the 2nd day of January, 1594, accom-
panied by his son and the gentlemen of his
suite. The prelates remained at the abode of
the ambassador, as it was deemed perilous for
them to be abroad in the streets of Rome. The
duke again harangued the pope at length. He
detailed the conduct of the legate Landriano
296 HISTORY OF [1593.
during the recent assembly of the States; show-
ing the malignant malice which he bore towards
the king and the party termed Les Politiques.
“Hold, monseigneur,” interrupted Clement,
“What you assert needs confirmation. The cardi-
mal-legate-in-chief had no commission from me to
negotiate, countenance, or support the election
of the duke de Guise to the throne.” The duke
offered to prove his assertion by undoubted
documents. This proof, however, the pope de-
clined to receive ; stating again, that he had made
up his mind not to cause so great a scandal as
to absolve a prince, who pretended in the hour
of his need to enter the fold of the church; but
who in reality would prove a wolf in sheep's
clothing, whose sole design it was to devour the
true sheep. Finding it useless to expostulate
longer, the duke de Nevers, with his gentlemen,
knelt to receive the papal benediction. Clement
then commenced to discourse with Nevers; and
expressed his regret that a prince so highly
esteemed in Rome, a Gonzaga—should have met
with so uncourteous a reception. He then gave
the young duke de Rethelois a superb reliquary
of gold, in testimony of his goodwill towards the
house of Nevers.' The audience then terminated.
* Mém. du duc de Nevers, t. ii. De Thou, liv. 108. Chron.
Nov. Cayet. Mathieu. Journal de Henri IV., année 1594.
Dupleix. Aubigné, Hist. Universelle. Tiscours de la légation
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 297
Nevers, on his return to the palazzo de la
Rovere, drew up a minute of his audiences, the
memorials he had presented, and of his dis-
cussions with cardinal Toleto and other eccle-
siastics—all which he sent to the pope, together
with copies of the despatches received from his
majesty, in testimony of the sincerity of the
latter. The next day, January 5th, the duke
publicly quitted Rome by the Puerta del Popolo.
As it was rumoured that the agents of the In-
quisition had received orders from the pope to
arrest the bishops as they left Rome in the
cortége of the ambassador, the duke caused
them to ride in his coach—and declared that he
would slay the first man who dared to molest
them. The character of Nevers was too well
known to permit a doubt respecting the reality
of this menace. Consequently, the cortégé
defiled without obstacle ; and Nevers, bitterly
mortified, but only the more confirmed in his
allegiance to Henri IV., quitted Rome, and
passing through Ferrara and Florence, repaired
to Venice. There, manifestoes without end were
published by the duke and by all his colleagues.
The pope also issued a Declaration excusing his
resolution, which he said was based on four
considerations:—“1st, the evident impenitence
du duc de Nevers vers le pape Clément VIII. Mettayer, Nevers,
1593-4. Maimbourg, Mém. de la Ligue.
298 HISTORY OF [1593.
of the king; 2ndly, the scandal of his life; 3rdly,
the peril of receiving him while still in alliance
with heretics; 4thly, the necessity that a period
should elapse before the granting of the absolu-
tion, required to test his majesty's zeal and
perseverance in the faith.”
On his road to Mantua, Nevers met the cardinal
de Joyeuse and his retinue on their way to Rome.
The ambassadors passed each other without salu-
tation. Joyeuse arrived about the 23rd of January.
At his first audience, the cardinal explained the
fallen condition of the Union; and asked for
troops and money, as the king had already com-
menced hostilities by the siege of Ferté. Millon.
Clement, who, despite his obduracy, dreaded lest
king Henry should proclaim the ancient inde-
pendence of the Gallican churches by the
restoration of the abhorred Pragmatic, testily
replied, “that as for money, he had none ; and
in respect to the troops expected from him, it
would be better to apply to the king of Spain.”
The demeanour of the pope was so little en-
couraging that Claude baron de Beauffremont,
one of Mayenne's envoys, wrote to the duke:
“that he must not rely on aid from the Holy
See ; neither did it appear to him that the king
| Etoile, Journal de Henri IV., année 1594.
* François de Joyeuse, second son of the maréchal de Joyeuse,
cardinal archbishop of Narbonne, born June, 1592.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 299
of Spain could longer maintain a war with Le
Navarrois. Also, that the pope only wished
thoroughly to humble the said prince, and to
compel him to restore the orthodox faith in
Béarn, to renounce his alliance with the queen
of England, and to refuse la préche to madame
Catherine, before extending to king Henry the
pontifical benison.”
Affairs in Paris were meantime assuming an
aspect hostile as possible to the Union. Dis-
content was everywhere prevalent for the re-
newal of the war. Pamphlets and tracts
against the executive abounded ; the dissemina-
tion of which in Paris had always preceded a
popular outbreak. The faction of the Seize, which
ascribed the public calamity to the incompetence
and indecision of Mayenne, set afloat a libel
called “le Manant et la Maheutre,” in which
the duke's policy was cruelly dissected; and the
question discussed whether “women were eli-
gible to succeed to the throne of France,” in-
terspersed with a corollary little flattering to the
sex. All the factions now united in abuse of
1 Le Grain–Décade de Henri Le Grand, t. iv. p. 271 et
seq.—De Thou, liv. 108.
* This libel is thought to have been the product of the pen of
Cromé the noted Leaguer and member of the ex-council of Forty.
Lenglet Dufrenoy, t. iv. Méthode pour étudier l’Histoire. Satyre
Menippée, p. 367–La Maheutre estle royaliste; et le Manant
est le Ligueur.
300 HISTORY OF [1593.
the duke de Mayenne. It was said that per-
sonal aggrandizement was the principle upon
which the duke acted; that in order to deceive
the king of Navarre he had resolved upon the
truce ; that he cruelly misled his nephew, M. de
Guise; that he betrayed papal interests; and
cheated the king of Spain. As for the people,
he considered them dumb brutes to be checked,
deserted, and abused at pleasure. The news of
the surrender of Meaux and of the retreat of
Willeroy, reached Paris simultaneously with in-
telligence that the duke of Lorraine having
abandoned the Holy Union, had signed a truce
with the king. By some agency unknown to
the government, Vitry’s address to Mayenne was
distributed throughout the capital and produced
profound sensation. The deportment of M. de
Belin governor of Paris, began also to occasion
uneasy surmises. It was said that the marquis had
already made compact with the king to surrender
Paris—a suspicion increased to positive convic-
tion when king Henry suddenly arrived at St.
Denis from Meaux, where his majesty had just
reinstalled de Vitry. The Spanish ambassador
thereupon waited upon the duke, and insolently
demanded the demission of Belin; a request
repeated in a meeting of the ultra-democrats of
Paris at the Hôtel de Ville. Tumultuous assem-
blies consisting of the dregs of the populace,
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 301
presided over by the curés of Paris, met to peti-
tion the government to watch the designs of
Les Politiques. On the 6th of January repres-
sive measures were reluctantly adopted by the
duke. Many of the most influential of the
royal party, amongst whom was Aubry ex-
provost of the merchants of the capital, received
lettres de cachet, commanding them to leave
Baris within a given interval.’ This tyrannical
mandate excited the utmost fury and agitation.
The better to support his authority after this
critical step, Mayenne found himself compelled
to receive a second regiment of Spanish soldiers
and a Walloon detachment to garrison Paris; and
to resist the suspected designs of M. de Belin.
In short, never were people more helpless and
vindictively turbulent than the citizens of Paris
constituting the remnant of the once famous
League.
Meanwhile the entry of foreign troops into
Paris, a trifling augmentation of several local
taxes, and the proposed dismissal of M. de Belin
created great ferment in the parliament—a dis-
content augmented by the protests of the faction
of Les Politiques, of which M. l’Huillier took the
lead. The Chambers thereupon petitioned the
duke to dismiss the Spanish garrison; to uphold
the authority of the marquis de Belin ; and to
* Journal de Henri IV. De Thou, liv. 108.
302 HISTORY OF [1593.
communicate to the assembly any negotiations
between himself and the king of Navarre—as
the said duke had taken oath on assuming the
office of lieutenant-general of the crown to hide
nothing from the said Chambers. The members
also unanimously voted that special remonstrances
should be made to M. de Mayenne to induce him
to confirm M. de Belin in his authority. All these
indications still more inflamed the passions of the
opposing faction. Already they descried symptoms
of returning allegiance to the king, in the per-
tinacity with which the Chambers upheld Belin.
On Friday, January 14th, the dukes de
Mayenne and de Guise repaired to the Palais.
The duke spoke at length, though not to
the purpose. He said, “that he had no in-
tention to make secret treaty with Spain; and
as for M. de Belin, if the latter chose tacitly to
resign his office by treasonable intelligences with
Le Béarnnois he was sorry, for he bore him great
esteem.” This reply was justly considered un-
worthy and evasive by the Chambers. The same
evening, a great assembly of the king's ad-
herents was therefore holden in the house of
l'Huillier, when it was resolved to present a peti-
tion to the Chambers praying “ that the provost
and the sheriffs of Paris, with other members of
the municipality, might unite with the parlia-
ment in suggesting and devising measures for
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 303
the prompt relief of the city.” This demon-
stration greatly alarmed the duke. The legate
and his subtle ally Feria repaired to the pre-
sence of Mayenne, and by mingled cajolery and
threats prevailed upon him to adopt measures
of coercion to repress the movement, which they
said must result in the surrender of Paris.
“Act, monseigneur,” said they ; “insist on the
immediate exile of the arch-traitor Belin, who is
the author of these renewed calamities. Rise,
appoint M. de Guise in his stead. Put down
these rebels in the sacred name of order and
religion l’’ The duke thereupon issued a man-
date, arbitrarily forbidding the parliament to
receive the petition of the citizens; and com-
manding the prorogation of that august body.
These orders were supported by a military de-
monstration.' The duke rode through the streets
of Paris armed cap-à-pie; guards surrounded
the Palais and the abodes of the princesses.
The Hôtel de Ville was closed by order of the
government, and cannon from the arsenal brought
to use in case of an émeute. The following
morning fresh arrests were made ; and num-
bers of persons supposed to be adherents of
Henry IV. were compelled to leave Paris. The
* Journal de Henri IV. De Thou, liv. 108 et seq. Hist.
abrégée des singeries de la Ligue, contenant ce qui s'est passé à
Paris depuis l’an 1590 jusqu'au 1594, par J. D. L. dit le comte
Olivier, excellent peintre.
304 HISTORY OF [1593.
marquis de Belin, after a stormy interview with
Mayenne and his tutors Feria and the cardinal-
legate, quitted the capital, Monday, January 17th,
and repaired to Mantes, where he was cordially
received by the king."
In the midst of this turmoil a courier arrived,
sent by Willeroy from Pontoise, blandly to inform
the duke de Mayenne that he had finally con-
cluded a truce with his majesty as regarded the
town of Pontoise; and urging Mayenne in for-
cible language no longer to combat the victorious
king. “The pope, monseigneur, will not fail
ere long to recognise the sovereign of united
France. Trust not to the blandishments of the
Holy Father, who in refusing to absolve the king
considers alone his own self-love and dignity.
Every one is weary of war. The question of
religion is now no longer mooted: the king is
orthodox God grant, monseigneur, that you
may adopt a policy so beneficial to our France,
and for yourself may I be permitted to add, in
a private capacity.” Mayenne, nevertheless,
1 “Ile Lundi 17 de Janvier, le comte de Belin est sorti de
Paris, et allé trouver le roy.”—Journal de Henri IV.
2 The following verse was circulated relative to Willeroy’s
facility of adapting himself to circumstances —
Le roy n’a på vaincre la Ligue
Il n'appartient qu’à Villeroy
Qui a si bien conduit sa brigue
Qu'enfin la Ligue a pris le roy
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 30 5
considered his honour compromised “not to ac-
knowledge the king except with the sanction
and at the bidding of pope Clement.” A man
of one idea, the more that notion was assailed the
greater became the tenacity with which the duke
clung to it. After two days of tumult the
duke, partly by persuasion, partly by menace,
assembled the parliament and announced the
appointment of Charles de Cossé count de Bris-
sac, as governor of Paris, in the room of M. de
Belin ; who forthwith took oath at the bar of the
Chambers. M. de Brissac had been the bosom
friend of the late duke de Guise and his able
ally during La Journée des Barricades. Brissac
was brave and unprincipled. At the very time
he accepted from the hands of Mayenne the
post of governor of Paris, he meditated recon-
ciliation with the king, though he had art enough
to veil his predilections. “I made war against
heresy,” said be. “I revere the orthodox and
legitimate king. M. de Mayenne wished to fight
without troops, without money, and without
allies. Henry III. was a perjured tyrant.
Henry IV. is a hero ! Neither had I sworn,
like M. de Mayenne, to obey the king only at
the bidding of pope Clement.” Feria, never-
theless, suspected the tendencies of the mew
governor and wrote on the subject to Philip II.
The resolve of Mayenne, however, was not to be
WOL. II. X
306 HISTORY OF [1593.
shaken. Irritated already by the objurgations of
the ambassadors, he replied so fiercely to their
objections, that fearful of driving the duke to
decisions still more disastrous they acquiesced—
Feria determining to watch the menées of M. de
Brissac closely enough to frustrate any attempted
conspiracy.
Great and triumphant successes were now im-
pending for the cause of Henry IV. The prospect
of renewed warfare caused a thrill of repugnance
to pervade France. The name of Philip II. was
detested for the mingled hypocrisy, ambition,
and bad faith of the Catholic king. On the 25th
of January, 1594, the great and important town
of Orleans submitted to the king. Bourges
followed the same example—both towns being
incited thereto by La Châstre, their governor.
Edicts confirmatory of the ancient privileges of
Orleans and of the orthodox faith, together with
a general amnesty, were despatched by the king
from Melun to M. de La Châstre for immediate
publication.' The proclamation of Henry IV.
was then made in Orleans amid frantic rejoicings
and cries of “Vive le roy I A bas la Ligue
maudite l’ A Te Deum was chanted in the
church of Ste. Croix. At night, bonfires blazed
in the squares and carrefours of the city; in short,
the people of Orleans rejoiced as if it had not
* Mém. de la Ligue, t. V. p. 65.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 307
been by their own act and rebellion that king
Henry was still a stranger to his loyal citizens.
The addresses of La Châstre gave his majesty
much satisfaction. The reward of the latter was
a promise of the first vacant bàton; and a sum
sufficient to liquidate the private debts of La
Châstre. M. de Villeroy also installed a royal
garrison in his town of Pontoise, and afterwards
repaired to Melun. The sagacious and politic
Villeroy kissed his majesty's hands with the same
fervour as if he had never shown hostility to the
royal cause. So sensible was Henry, never-
theless, of the services rendered by Villeroy's
subtle interposition, in his happy method of
inextricably involving demands which proved
offensive to his majesty, without alienating the
confidence of M. de Mayenne, that the king
gladly promised the seal of secretary of state
to so perfect a master of diplomacy—one like-
wise, who did infinite credit to the matchless
instructions of the late queen-mother. Willeroy
wrote a letter couched in language most cour-
teous and respectful to his late patron Ma-
yenne, duly to notify his intended resump-
tion of his old post in the service of the
crown.'
* Later, Villeroy's influence became paramount over the king,
above that of the other privy counsellors, Rosny excepted. “Il
faut avouer,” said Henri IV. “que M. de Villeroy est unboa
serviteur et bien agréable !”
308 EIISTORY OF [1593.
On the 12th day of February, 1594, whilst the
king was sojourning at Moulins the old castle of
the dukes de Bourbon with Gabrielle d’Estrées
and Madame, news arrived announcing the insur-
rection of the city of Lyons and the proclamation
of the king.
The duke de Nemours, despite the alleged
efforts of his brother Mayenne, had remained a
prisoner since the memorable day when the
castle of Lyons was seized by the citizens. Es-
pinac continued to reside in Lyons, though pos-
sessed of little political influence. To strengthen
the party of the League, the archbishop therefore
entered into correspondence with the duke de
Terranueva governor of the Milanese, with the
view of introducing a Spanish garrison into
Lyons. The answer of Terranueva was seized
and perused by the authorities, who ordered
the arrest of the courier as he was entering
Lyons, being suspicious of the intentions of
Espinac. The city authorities, thereupon, pri-
vately sent a messenger to Alfonso d'Ornano,
commandant for his majesty in the Lyonnais,
requesting him to march with a detachment to
the rescue of Lyons. The intentions of the
archbishop were then published. In the course
of a few hours the city was in tumult. The
people flew to arms, and barricaded their streets
and houses. Espinac, attended by two of his
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 309
nephews, on the first rumour of the insurrection
proceeded to the Hôtel de Ville, his retainers
fighting to procure him passage. At the Hôtel
de Ville, the archbishop tried to harangue the
people; but his words were drowned amid
hootings and hisses. Missiles of all description
assailed the adventurous prelate on his return to
the episcopal palace. Soon a body of the town
guards arrived, and surrounding the palace,
announced to the prelate that, like their late
governor, he was the prisoner of the citizens.
The following day, Ornano entered Lyons, and
was greeted as a deliverer. One by one, all the
public buildings, including the arsenal, were
delivered to his majesty's lieutenant. The name
of the king was greeted with enthusiasm. “The
people ran here and there ; everybody girt the
white scarf with such alacrity that soon no white
silk was to be obtained from the mercers of
Lyons. Fireworks and bonfires blazed in the
streets; and the escutcheons of the arms of
Spain, Savoy, and of Nemours were torn down
and burned. An effigy of the League, repre-
sented as a horrible spectre, was publicly burned.
The royal arms were placed in transport on the
public buildings; and feastings were holden in
the principal streets,” writes M. de Thou.'
* De Thou, liv. 108. Discours sur la cause des mouvements
et prise de la ville de Lyons—Mém. de la Ligue, t. v. p. 453.
3|{} HISTORY OF [1593.
A deputation was next organized to wait upon
the king at Moulins, and present his majesty with
the keys of the city. The duke de Nemours and
the archbishop Espinac were moreover delivered
into the custody of Ornano. The king graciously
received the deputation. His majesty said
“that the people of Lyons had given a notable
example to the other towns in France, their sub-
mission to his legitimate authority being made
spontaneously and without conditions.” The
king subsequently ratified all that Ornano had
decreed. He further confirmed the privileges
and ancient charters of the people of Lyons; and
granted an amnesty, from which his majesty
alone excepted Nemours and Espinac.
A still greater blow befel the League in the
submission of Aix in Provence. The governor
of Aix was Gaspard de Pontevez count d’Escars,
son-in-law to the duchesse de Mayenne. The
proclamation of Henry IV. was agreed upon by
acclamation in a session of the parliament of
Aix. Many towns in Provence imitated the
capital. The people, thankful to be delivered
from the multitude of rulers who had each in turn
dominated over their province, joyfully acknow-
ledged the rights of the king; but petitioned
Henry to recall the duke d'Epernon, whose sway
had been distinguished by harshness and favour-
itism. To crown the triumph of the king, the
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 31 I
towns of Péronne, Mondidier, and Roye made
overtures during the first week in February, and
each expelled the garrison of the League. This
composition was negotiated through the governor,
Michel d’Estourmet, brother-in-law of M. de St.
Luc. Finally, Villars, the preua chevalier of the
League, and its most able and valiant champion,
testified through madame de Simiers his desire
for reconciliation with the king. To negotiate
this important matter, Rosny was selected.
About this time, Rosny, therefore, repaired
to Rouen to confer with Willars, and with the
confidente of the latter, the beautiful and co-
quettish madame de Simiers. Neither at this
period was the moral triumph of Henry IV. less
than that wrought by the power of his arms.
Throughout the realm the royal power was now
felt to be active; and France rejoiced that
a barrier had risen to oppose the invasions
and usurpations of Philip II. The ministers of
the king were men, the most able and illustrious
of the age–Cheverny, d'O, Willeroy, Bellièvre,
Rosny, ably guided the home administration of
Henry IV. Abroad—Nevers, Luxembourg,
Beauvoir, Pisani, and de Brèves sustained the
renown of France at foreign courts. The
League had now few offshoots in the provinces.
Provence and Dauphiny were on the eve of
making unqualified submission. Aix had pro-
312 HISTORY OF [1593.
claimed the king ; and all the numerous com-
petitors for power over these districts were either
subdued or exhausted. Languedoc joyfully
passed under the sceptre of the orthodox king.
The midland provinces of the realm were loyal;
the greater part of Normandy was garrisoned by
the king's forces. The district of Paris, the
pays Chartrain, the provinces of Champagne and
Burgundy, with the exception of a few isolated
towns and fortresses, held for the king. The
good sword of Longueville had compelled the sub-
mission of Picardy, the cradle of the Holy
League. Bretagne alone resisted and defied the
authority of the king. The county of Nantes,
however, was loyal. Henry, moreover, had con-
cluded fresh alliances with the queen of England,
the kings of Sweden and Denmark, the Pro-
testant states of Germany, and with the Swiss
Cantons. He was in alliance with the grand
duke of Tuscany, the duke of Lorraine, and the
Seignory of Venice. Negotiations were also
pending for a truce with Savoy; and for the
cession of the Cambresis by M. de Balagny.
Even within those fortified places which still
hoisted the banner of the Union disaffection was
rife. Arrears of pay, famine, promises of
succour from Spain, or of help from M. de
Mayenne—engagements which were never per-
formed—and the dread which now beset many
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 313
of the chieftains of revolt, that the future prizes
of the realm would fall to those fortunate indi-
viduals who had first sought the pardon and
favour of his majesty, were irritating facts not cal-
culated to increase the ardour of officers or men.
Results of vast import had followed the abjura-
tion of Henry IV. ; and it needed, it was believed,
but the solemn consecration of Henry's royal
dignity to confirm and render his authority
Supreme. The king, therefore, decided on
celebrating his coronation during the month of
February. As Chartres had been selected by
his majesty for the permanent abode of the
members of the privy council, Henry resolved
that the august ceremony of the coronation
should be solemnized in the cathedral of Chartres,
a church deemed peculiarly sacred from its
possession of a miraculous image of the Holy
Virgin. Rheims was in the hands of the
League; and St. Paul its governor, a man of low
origin and notorious for his oppression, remained
a determined enemy of the king. The resolve
* This St. Paul was so intoxicated by fortune, that he con-
ceived himself to be the equal of the greatest princes of the
realm. St. Paul and the troops of the League seized several of
the castles, appertaining to the duke de Nevers, situated within
the duchy of Rethelois. “Si vous woulez que les votres jouis-
sent en paix du Rethelois, vous avez um fils et une fille à marier
j’en ay autant, en les mariant, ensemble mous pourrons mous
accorder!” insolently wrote St. Paul to M. de Nevers.
314 HISTORY OF [1593.
of the king was greatly applauded by his clergy,
despite the papal prohibitions. Benóit, ex-curé
of St. Eustache, now his majesty's confessor and
spiritual instructor, was ardent in the royal
cause, as when formerly he launched censures
from the pulpit against ‘the execrable Navar-
rois P Du Perron bishop of Evreux, had also
rejoined the king, and often afforded edifica-
tion to his majesty by his graphic relations
of his late perilous expedition to Rome;
and of the fits of extreme fury into which
the mention of the royal shrift threw his holi-
I] eSS.
From Moulins Henry returned to Mantes, and
proceeded to Chartres on the 17th day of February,
1594. Some secrecy was observed as to the inten-
tions of the king. A mysterious entry appears in
“Le Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris' relative
to this journey thus:–“ Sunday, the 20th-
News arrived that the sieurs de Cheverny and
de Rhodes have repaired to Chartres, where
they occupy themselves in making wonderful
preparations for some great ceremony. The
Spaniards and the Leaguers fear that this said
ceremony may be the anointing and coronation
of the king.” The royal goldsmiths, jewellers,
and robe makers were compelled to labour night
and day. The regalia of the French crown,
with the exception of the crowns of Charlemagne
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 3 15
and St. Louis, and the sceptres and orbs used
by these sovereigns, had been melted down by
order of Nemours and the council of Union to
supply the wants of the Parisians during the
great siege of Paris. All the sacred vessels, the
royal robes, the velvet hangings of the cathedral,
the thrones and canopies preserved at St. Denis
had been disposed of; while the treasury at
Rheims was in the custody of M. St. Paul. The
duties, therefore, falling on the chancellor, the
grand-master of the household, and the first
chamberlain were of the most onerous descrip-
tion. Envoys were despatched to M. de Beauvoir,
requesting him to avail himself of the aid of
English artizans and jewellers; while contribu-
tions were accepted from all the chapters of the
realm, of golden vessels for the adornment of
the high altar. The most precious relic of all,
nevertheless, remained in the custody of M. St.
Paul, namely, the Holy Vial of St. Rémy, mira-
culously given by Heaven for the anointing of
king Clovis. With this chrism all Henry's pre-
decessors had been consecrated; and the alleged
impossibility of dispensing with the miraculous
unction was one of the causes which hitherto
had delayed the coronation. At length, it was
remembered that a similar flask of holy oil enrich-
ed the treasury of the abbot of Marmoutiers, the
wealthy abbey of the suburbs of Tours. This
316 HISTORY OF [1593.
oil, according to the legend, was brought by an
angel for the healing of the famous St. Martin
de Tours. The saint, having ventured up a
high ladder to inspect the progress of divers
decorative works in the cathedral, missed his
footing on his descent, and fell on the pavement.
On raising the holy man, it was found that he
had fractured his skull and broken several limbs.
The wounds of the bishop were bandaged, and
he was laid on his bed in the monastery.
In the dead of the night, a glorious light
illuminated the cell, and an angel stood by the
the bed of the saint, and with oil of wondrous
fragrance anointed the shattered limbs, which
immediately re-united. St. Martin rose from
the couch healed ; when the angel vanished,
leaving the miraculous vial in the hands of the
saint. The abbot and monks of the monastery
gladly, therefore, promised to furnish the chrism
for the anointing of Henry IV. on the demand
of M. de Souvré, governor of Tours. On Satur-
day, February 19th, the holy vial was taken
from the treasury, and transported to Chartres
by Mathieu Giron, prior of Marmoutiers, attended
by four monks under the escort of Souvré. At
the gates of Chartres the procession was met by
the prelates and princes; and the sacred vial
was transported with infinite ceremony and
pomp to the abbey of St. Père to be in readiness
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 317
for the coronation day, which was fixed for Sun-
day, February 27th.'
A dispute among the clergy, meantime, in-
flicted great annoyance on the king, which was
at last allayed by the delicate diplomacy of
Villeroy. “I settle more affairs with M. de
Willeroy in one day than I used to do with
others in six, fettered by all their scruples l’’’
observed his majesty with satisfaction. The case
requiring Villeroy's intervention was a contest
between the archbishop of Bourges and de Thou
bishop of Chartres. The archbishop asserted
his right to crown the king on the plea that he
had latterly on several occasions represented the
archbishop-primate of Rheims by the election of
the king ; and, moreover, that as archbishop elect
of Sens, the privilege was his as metropolitan—
the bishop of Chartres being a suffragan bishop of
that archiepiscopal see. The bishop of Chartres,
on the other hand, maintained his right to
perform the august ceremony in his own
cathedral; the more especially as M. de Bourges
was archbishop elect of Sens only, and therefore,
until after his consecration, he could not claim ex-
traordinary privileges. Villeroy, on being appealed
* Godefroy, Grand Cérém. Sacre de Henri IV. Marlot, Théa-
tre d’Honneur. Wie de St. Martin de Tours, Le Grain–Dé-
cade de Henri IV.
* Mathieu, Vie de M. de Villeroy, Archives curieuses, t. xiv.
3.18 *N. HISTORY OF [1593.
to, replied by gravely producing the canon, which
forbade archbishops to perform functions in the
churches of bishops who were not their suffra-
gans. He added that his majesty now felt
himself bound to uphold canon law, as every
other ecclesiastical observance; but that if M. de
Bourges had been consecrated archbishop of
Sens, M. de Chartres must have respectfully
yielded the august privilege."
The superintendence of the splendid adorn-
ments of the abbey were intrusted to Cheverny,
Bellegarde, the duke de Longueville, and his
brother the count de St. Paul, the latter being
deputed to perform the functions of grand-
master. These noblemen acquitted themselves
of their duties to the satisfaction of all. A more
splendid pageant had never been witnessed at
any preceding coronation ; though all the hang-
ings and decorations of the abbey had to be
manufactured for the occasion. The choir of
the cathedral was hung with rich tapestries.
On the right of the altar stood a chair of state
for the officiating prelate, covered with cloth of
gold. Opposite, was a chair, canopy, cushions,
and a praying desk hung with crimson brocade,
for the occupation of the king before his en-
thronization. Behind the royal chair was another
1 Dupleix, Hist, de France—Vie de Henri IV. Marlot
Théatre d’Honneur.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 319
covered with sky-blue satin for the Constable.
A similar seat was placed for the chancellor on
the left of the royal fauteuil. Behind the
officiating prelates were benches draped with
cloth of gold, for the prelates. On the right of
the altar were seats for the peers and princes
taking part in the ceremony. In front of the
high altar, a theatre was erected, nine feet high
and twenty-eight feet long, on which stood the
throne. This platform was magnificently draped
with violet velvet beset with golden fleurs de lis.
Galleries were erected on the right and on the
left of this dais for the princes, ambassadors and
officers of the household. Close to the chair of
the officiating prelate was a table covered with
violet velvet, on which the regalia were deposited.
The king's offerings were likewise placed on a
second table near to the altar. In the choir, a
gallery was built to face the altar, for the occu-
pation of the princess Catherine and the ladies
of the court. Arm-chairs of cloth of gold were
ranged in front of this gallery for the principal
ladies, the centre chair, surmounted by a small
canopy, being destined for Madame. To
Gabrielle d’Estrées also a fauteuil was assigned
by the express directions of the king; otherwise
her rank as the wife of M. de Liancour entitled
her not to place amongst the princesses. All
the relics and shrines of St. Denis were deposited
320 HISTORY OF [1593.
on the high altar, which blazed with the radiance
of gold, of precious gems, and with the light of
innumerable tapers of white wax.
On Saturday evening, February 26th, the king
quitted his abode in Chartres, the episcopal
palace, and repaired privately to the cathedral.
After hearing vespers, Henry retired to a side
chapel dedicated to St. Piat to confer with his
confessor Benóit ; who delivered an exhortation
to his majesty on his kingly duties, with an ad-
mirable exposition of the principal tenets of the
orthodox faith. Henry then withdrew, and
passed the remainder of the evening in privacy.
The following morning the inhabitants of Chartres
were aroused at dawn by salvoes of artillery and
the pealing of bells. At six o'clock the four
barons, whose duty it was to escort the Holy Vial
from the abbey of St. Père, set out. These
young noblemen were the counts de Lauzun,
Dinan, Cheverny, son of the chancellor, and
the baron de Termes. At eight o'clock king Henry
repaired to the cathedral attended by his princes
and nobles. Henry wore a vest of crimson satin
and a robe of cloth of silver—the prescribed
costume preparatory to the ceremony of his
anointing. The procession entered the cathedral
with great precision and magnificence. The
archers of the guard with kettle-drums, headed
by the provost of the household marched first,
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 321
then in due order of precedence the bishops and
clergy, the Swiss guards, trumpets and heralds,
the knights of the order of St. Esprit, the cham-
berlains, and the Scotch guards. Next came the
marshal de Matignon, bearing aloft the sword of
Constable as deputy for Montmorency. Che-
verny, in his chancellor's robes, followed. Then
marched the count de St. Paul, bearing a gold
wand of office as grand-master of the house-
hold, between the duke de Longueville, grand
chamberlain, and the duke de Bellegarde, master
of the horse. The king marched next alone, his
train borne by a prince. In front of the altar
stood Nicholas de Thou bishop of Chartres, the
officiating prelate, attended by the archbishop
of Bourges and by seven bishops arrayed in full
pontificals. The king was presented by the
bishops of Mantes' and Maillezais.’ Henry then
prostrated himself before the altar and made
offering of a small shrine of silver gilt : his
majesty was afterwards conducted to his chair
of state, which he occupied pending the arrival
of the Holy Vial and the recital of the prayers
offered on its reception. The ceremonial of pre-
ceding coronations was minutely followed. The
bishops of Mantes and Digne represented the
| Philippe du Bec, subsequently archbishop of Rheims.
* Henri d'Escoubleau—this see was united to that of La
Rochelle during the reign of Henri IV.
WOL. II. Y
322 HISTORY OF [1593.
ecclesiastical peers the bishop-dukes of Laon
and Langres, and the bishops of Maillezais and
Angers the bishop-counts of Beauvois and
Noyon. The bishop-count of Chalons was him-
self present, though incapacitated from fulfill-
ing his functions by sickness; the bishop of
Orleans therefore officiated in his stead. The
lay peers were worthily represented. Burgundy
by the prince de Conti; Normandy by the count
de Soissons; Guyenne by the duke de Montpen-
sier, whose splendid equipages and retinue
created great sensation : the count of Toulouse
was represented by the duke de Piney-Luxem-
bourg; the count of Flanders by the duke de
Retz; and the count of Champagne by the duke
de Ventadour, son-in-law of Montmorency.
The most hearty vivas burst from every part
of the abbey, when the crown of Charlemagne
was set on the brow of Henry IV. The event
was notified by a great discharge of artillery, and
by the distribution of plentiful largesse to the
crowds congregated without the abbey, and in
the nave of the cathedral. The portals of the
church were thrown open; and the people en-
tered to gaze on his majesty as he sat on his
throne robed and surrounded by the ensigns of
royal state. Meantime the choirs chaunted “Te
Deum Laudamus ; and silver medals were distri-
buted by heralds. Wehement cheers of “Wive le
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 323
Roy P’ rent the air when the officiating prelate
lifting his mitre from his brow, prostrated him-
self before the throne in the act of homage.'
Mass was next said by the bishop of Chartres,
assisted by Foulon the exiled abbot de Ste.
Geneviève, and by Benóit, his majesty's confes-
sor. The offerings—consisting of a loaf of silver,
a loaf of gold, a rich cup filled with wine, and a
purse containing thirteen pieces of gold’—were
borne before his majesty on cushions of white
damask fringed with gold by monsieur de Sour-
dis, M. de Souvré, M. d’Entragues, and the
count d’Escars, son-in-law of madame de Ma-
yenne, preceded by heralds. The king then
received the Holy Eucharist in both kinds; his
crown being meantime lifted from his head by
the prince de Conti. At the conclusion of the
ceremony king Henry, arrayed in his royal robes
of purple velvet lined with ermine, and bearing
his sceptre and orb, returned to the episcopal
palace, amidst salvoes of artillery and the bene-
dictions and plaudits of his people.
His majesty then retired and remained in his
1 Godefroy Grand Cérém. t. i-Sacre et couronnement de
Henri IV. Mettayer—Tours, 1594. Marlot Théatre d’Hon-
Ilell!”.
2 The coin on one side had the inscription: Henricus Quartus
Francorum et Navarre, Rex MDXCIV: on the reverse, was a
figure of Hercules, and the royal motto: In via virtuti nulla
est via.
Y 2
324 HISTORY OF [1593
chamber for upwards of an hour to repose,
previous to the banquet in the hall of the epis-
copal palace. The king sat under a canopy and
was served by the great officers of state or by
their deputies. Each dish was placed on the
table amid a flourish of trumpets: tables were
also provided for the peers and ambassadors; and
galleries erected round the hall, so that the
ladies of the court might view the feast. In
the evening the tables were again spread, and
king Henry gave a royal festivity to the chief
ladies of the court. Madame sat under the
same canopy with the king her brother. On
the right of the king was the dowager princess
de Condé and the duchess de Nevers and her
daughter. Below the princess, sat the princess
de Conti, and the duchesses de Retz and de
Rohan. At the conclusion of the repast grace
was sung by his majesty's choristers. The
count de Soissons, who at the banquet discharged
the office of grand-master, then approached
Madame, and bending the knee handed her a
silver basin and ewer, and a towel richly fringed.
The princess rose, presented the basin to the
king, and poured water on his majesty's hands.
Henry gracefully accepted this act of homage;
then rising, he familiarly took his sister by the
arm and led her back to her own apartments
when the fatiguing ceremonial of the day con-
1594.] TEIE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 3.25
cluded.' The following day, Monday, February
28th, the king was invested with the Order of
St. Esprit with great pomp and solemnity in the
cathedral of Chartres by the bishop. It was
remarked with pleasure that his majesty pro-
nounced the oath to live and die in the com-
munion of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic
Church with great fervour and emphasis. King
Henry had now fulfilled all the conditions which
could be demanded by his subjects before they
tendered their full recognition of his kingly
rights. He was a victorious monarch, absolved
and professing the orthodox faith, anointed
and crowned, and sovereign chief of that illus-
trious and very catholic militia instituted by
Henry III.-the knights of the order of St.
Esprit. With the common people he was popu-
lar beyond any other monarch who had sat on
the throne; while the haughty nobles revered
his prowess and recognized his prerogative.
Henry immediately writes to announce the so-
lemnity of his coronation to his ambassador,
de Beauvoir, to impart to queen Elizabeth. He
states that, “the lords, gentlemen, princesses,
and ladies, and people, showed all the signs of
joy, loyalty and affection that any prince could
* Godefroy, Grand Cérém. de France, t. 1. Sacre et couronme-
ment de Henri IV.
? Ibid. Marlot, Menin.
326 HISTORY OF [1593.
receive from his subjects.” His majesty also
desires his ambassador to explain to the queen
the favourable impression produced by his con-
version ; also that the king of Spain, constant
in his animosity, had already organized a fourth
army to invade France; for that his Catholic
majesty, “ne laisse banque, ni bourse à rechercher,
ni invention de tirer argent de ses sujets pour
faire ce grand effort contre moi.” "
The people of Orleans meantime ardent in
their loyalty, sent to petition king Henry to visit
their city before he rejoined the army. This
request the king was pleased to grant, being
very desirous to confirm the loyal adherence of
the people of Orleans. From thence the king
repaired to St. Denis, to be at hand to profit by
any crisis which might suddenly depose the
tyrants of the capital. The insight which
Henry gained into the secrets of the Holy
League through the revelations of Belin and
Willeroy, prepared the king for tidings of its
sudden and prompt dissolution. His majesty
moreover, waited for intelligence from Rouen
with unconcealed impatience. Villars negotiated
slowly, thoughtfully, and with the prudence of
a man aware that future fortune was compre-
hended in the stipulations under debate. The
* Lettre du roy a M. de Beauvoir.—Lettres-missives, p. 100,
t. iv.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 327
duke de Mayenne in concert with the legate and
the Spanish ambassadors, as soon as he received
information of the presence of Rosny in Rouen
despatched la Chapelle Marteau and a Spaniard,
attaché to the legation, to neutralize the
offers of the king's envoy; and to implore Villars
to remain faithful to the cause of the
Union. Their arguments, and the sight of some
forged letters, which the envoys pretended had
been recently intercepted, in which the king was
made to say, that sooner or later he would
revenge on Willars his former repulse from Rouen,
began to render the latter doubtful and cautious.
On the return of Rosny to Rouen, after the
absence of a few days to witness the ceremonies
of the coronation, he perceived the harm which
had been done. Madame de Simiers, however,
came to the aid of Rosny, whose own cautious
dealings were not calculated to reassure. The
cardinal de Bourbon from his sick bed, also wrote
to Willars, once his intimate friend ; and assured
him of the king's sincerity, and of his majesty's
intention to accord complete oblivion for past
political offences. Distrust, however, now ac-
tuated the mind of Villars relative to the ulterior
intentions of Henry. When some partisan
of the king remonstrated, and appealed to the
usual frank sincerity of his majesty's conduct,
Willars bitterly mentioned the name of Gabrielle
328 HISTORY OF [1593.
d’Estrees, and added “that perhaps his majesty
had determined to take his life also.” After
much anxious deliberation Villars proposed to
Rosny the following articles of capitulation :
“that he should retain the post of admiral con-
ferred upon him by Mayenne; and the govern-
ment of Rouen, independent of the authority of
the duke de Montpensier, governor of Nor-
mandy, for the space of three years. That the
reformed faith should be prescribed within his
government. That a sum of 20,000 livres
should be paid him, with a pension of 60,000
livres. That Fécamp was to be taken from Bois-
Rosé, and restored to him ; moreover, the
right of presentation to six abbeys in Normandy
was to be conceded, the chief of which was the
wealthy nunnery of Jumièges.” Rosny, as well
he might, hearkened to these extravagant pro-
posals in consternation. He showed that the
bâton of admiral of France, having been given
by his majesty to his faithful friend M. de Biron
might not be resumed; also, that his majesty
could not take any division of Normandy
from under the supervision of the duke de
Montpensier, without giving grave cause of
offence to the latter.' Willars, however, was
1 In reply to Rosny’s objections the king wrote, from Senlis,
March 8: “Mon amy:—Wous étes une beste d’user de tant de
remises et apporter tant de difficultés et de mesmage en une
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 329
firm in his alternative of exacting terms which
he believed to be alone a sufficient guarantee
for his safety; or of opening the gates of Rouen
to a Spanish garrison, then on the frontiers
awaiting his order to advance. Rosny appealed
for instructions to the king : to his amazement
Henry commanded the acceptance of the condi-
tions proposed by Villars; who, his majesty said,
“was a cavalier, and a man of honour, and would
not abuse guarantees so frankly conceded.” The
king wrote a graphic letter to his favourite on
this occasion. “Do not be a fool, Rosny, in
using such delays and grimaces, in signing an
affair of such importance, for the consolidation
of my authority, and the relief of my people.
I pray you, moreover, not to proceed in so res-
pectful a fashion towards those whom you hesi-
tate to despoil. We shall find plenty of ways to
Satisfy them ; neither do I wish you to appear so
excessively frugal, for if we had to conquer that
which it is now the question to cede, it would cost
us ten times the sum stipulated. When I am a
peacefully established king, then we will try the
good and frugal management, of which you are
always tracing me so marvellous a picture l’’
Rosny, however, determined to make another
affaire de laquelle la conclusion m'est de si grande importance
pour l'établissement de mon autorité,” etc. Bibl. Imp. Suppl.
F. 1000. MIS.
330 HISTORY OF [1593.
effort to overthrow pretensions which he justly
deemed outrageous. Villars, met him with
equal resolution : “you may spare yourself the
trouble of further discussion, Monsieur,” said he,
“ accept my terms, or let us hear no more of your
mission.” The Spanish party, meantime, kept
up ceaseless agitation ; and their plots on more
than one occasion,' brought the treaty to the
verge of a rupture, and even seriously compro-
mised the life of Rosny.
The treaty, nevertheless, was finally ratified on
the conditions stipulated by M. de Villars;
though for politic reasons connected with the
submission of Paris, the fact of its signature was
not immediately divulged. That the king was
satisfied beyond measure with the result of the
negotiation is evident by the letter he addressed
to Rosny, and which he desired the latter to show
to M. de Villars. The cardinal fault in Henry's
character was his want of steady attachment:
tried friends, with the exception of Rosny, were
ever remorselessly sacrificed by his majesty to pur-
chase new adherents, or even temporary bene-
fits. Few princes, in the comparatively independent
position in which Henry found himself, would
* The detail of this negotiation is one of the most interesting
episodes of the war recorded by the duke de Sully, t. ii. The
king was in haste, and determined to win over Villars, and
with Willars the submission of Rouen.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 33]
have despoiled devoted servants and faithful
subjects, such as Montpensier and Biron, to
purchase the then doubtful fidelity of Villars;
who throughout the wars had distinguished
himself by fierce hostility to the royal cause.
“Henry IV. was a great king, a notable com-
panion, an affable master, with a heart which a
nutshell might encircle,” was the judgment of
a contemporary, which certainly the recorded
history of the monarch does not belie. The
king's letter, written to be perused by M. de
Willars, is as follows:
HENRY IV. TO M. DE ROSNY.
“Mon amy:-I read by your last letter, and by its prede-
cessor, the signal service which you have rendered me by com-
pleting the reduction of Normandy. I should term the service
miraculous, if I did not comprehend that such language cannot
be applied to a devotion whieh is daily manifest, and which
thereby shows the loyal affection you bear me—the which I shall
never forget. I should be very glad to undertake the journey
you name, for the person who invites me, and his work, merit
such acknowledgment nevertheless another affair, not less im-
portant, detains me here, in the which I should be truly glad
could you participate. Come therefore (after you have so con-
firmed your treaty, that your absence may not bring detriment)
and meet me at Senlis on the 20th of this month, or on the 21st
at St. Denis, in order that you may help to shout ‘Vive le roy l’
in Paris; afterwards we will go and do the same in Rouen.
Show this letter to the new servant whom you have gained for
me, so that he may perceive that I commend myself to him; and
that I know how to value and cherish a brave man, such as
332 HISTORY OF [1593.
himself. A Dieu, mon amy! written at Senlis, this 17th day
of March, 1594.”
Henry's delicate flattery completely capti-
Vated the stern heart of Willars. “Pardieu !” ex-
claimed he, as he returned the letter to Rosny,
“the king is too generous and courteous to
speak of me in such terms I, however, feel so
indebted and grateful, that when I see his
majesty I will make notable demonstration of my
sentiments l’ Accordingly, during the first inter-
view between Villars and the king, the former
prayed his majesty to accept his unqualified
submission; and to give orders that the clause
in the treaty which emancipated him for the
space of three years from the surveillance of
Montpensier his majesty's lieutenant over Nor-
mandy, might be expunged.
In Paris, during these transactions the duke
de Mayenne was reduced to enact the mortifying
rôle of a military chief without authority or
prestige ; of a president of the council without
foreign influence or knowledge; and that of a
finance minister without treasure. Even the
remnant of the Seize took compassion on his iso-
lated and oppressed condition ; and now main-
tained that M. de Mayenne was still a staunch
hater of Le Navarrois, and had been shamefully
1 MS. Bibl. Imp. Suppl. F. 1009—published, Lettres-missives
de M. Berger de Xivrey, in 4to. t. iii.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 333
deceived and betrayed by king Philip II. The
designs of Brissac, the new governor of Paris,
were surmised by the duchesse de Nemours, who
retained many correspondents at the court of
Henry IV. The duchess discovered that letters
had been received at Chartres from M. de
Brissac, addressed to Villeroy and to M. de St.
Luc, his brother-in-law. A conference was
subsequently holden to discuss these missives,
at which there were present Cheverny, Bellièvre,
Villeroy, de Thou, and the count de Schomberg,
the zealous friend of king Henry. After the
coronation, Mayenne, deeming that no time was
to be lost in hastening the advance of the army
under Mansfeldt; and anxious to extricate him-
self from his embarrassing position in Paris,
determined to quit the capital and repair to
Soissons, where he made rendezvous with the
Spanish general-in-chief. Madame de Nemours,
however, earnestly counselled her son not to
leave Paris; but, through the mediation of
Willeroy or Belin, to apply himself in making
his peace with the king. “I predict, mon fils,
that unless you open speedy negotiations with
the king for the surrender of Paris, you will lose
this capital; and moreover, in losing Paris you
will deprive yourself of the means to conclude an
advantageous peace. Believe me, my dear son,
a conspiracy already exists to surrender Paris;
334 HISTORY OF [1593.
and that amongst those in whom you place most
confidence.” Mayenne pathetically entreated
his mother to reveal all she knew relative to the
plot and its originators. The duchess, after
enjoining secrecy, imparted her suspicions rela-
tive to the intentions of M. de Brissac. “Thank
you, madame, for your intelligence. I will not
fail before my departure to ward off the dangers
which you apprehend.” So infatuated, however,
was the duke with his friend Brissac, that on
leaving the palace of the duchess, Mayenne went
straight to the Hôtel de Ville and imparted all
he had heard to the governor. “Monseigneur,”
replied Brissac, “will you crown your goodness
and condescension by informing me who is your
informant in this grave matter P” Mayenne,
forgetful of his promised secrecy, revealed the
name of his mother, to whom he said the facts
had been imparted by the courtiers of Le
Navarrois. Brissac then jestingly assured the
duke “that madame de Nemours had been
trifled with by credulous persons; and that Paris
would be safe during his absence against any
possible designs of Le Navarrois.” The duke,
placing perfect confidence in the good faith of
Brissac ; and believing besides that the count was
too compromised by past events to render his
reconciliation with the king either facile or pro-
* Hist. de son temps, De Thou, liv. 109. Cayet.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 335
bable, continued his preparations for departure.
The day previous to this event, Mayenne con-
voked a public assembly at the Hôtel de Ville.
All the authorities of the capital were present,
including several of the priests and members of
the once famous Council of Forty. The duke
delivered a moving speech. He exhorted all
persons present to defend the Holy Union, and
to obey M. de Brissac and M. de la Chapelle
Marteau. He warned them not to be deluded
by the feigned abjuration of Le Navarrois ; or to
presume to pronounce him absolved whom the
supreme father of Christendom deemed accursed.
Finally, that he was himself about to proceed to
Soissons to lead an army to their rescue and to
obtain the liberation of the duke de Nemours
and of M. de Lyons. Meantime, that he com-
mitted to the guardianship of the citizens of
Paris his wife and children, his mother madame
de Nemours, and his heroic sister the duchesse
de Montpensier. Brissac responded, humbly
thanking the duke for his solicitude.
The following morning, Sunday, March 6th,
the duke de Mayenne quitted Paris, attended by
a superb retinue. Contrary to his assertion
in the Hôtel de Ville, Mayenne was accompanied
by his duchess and their daughters. The pro-
babilities are, that madame de Mayenne, who
throughout the contest had demonstrated a faint
336 HISTORY OF [1593.
heart and much aversion towards the heroes of
the Paris populace, peremptorily declined to
remain behind; and therefore, the duke was not
able to demonstrate, as he intended, his reliance
on the sympathies of the citizens of Paris.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 341
CHAPTER IV.
1594.
Address of M. de Brissac to the parliament on the departure of
M. de Mayenne,—Resolutions of the parliament.—Turbulence
of the curés of the capital.—Intrigues of Brissac with the
royalists for the surrender of Paris.—He resolves to submit
to the king.—Measures adopted by Brissac.—He confers with
M. de St. Luc.—Suspicions of the Seize.—The duke de Feria.
—Les Politiques.—Entry of king Henry into Paris.-Details.
—Enthusiasm of the people.—Notification sent by the king
to the duke de Feria.—The duchesse de Montpensier.—Henry
proceeds to Nôtre Dame.—Arrives at the Louvre—Paris
evacuated by the ambassadors, and the Spanish and Italian
regiments.-Reception at the Louvre.—Personages present.—
Exile of certain turbulent priests.-Enthusiasm demonstrated
for Henri Quatre.—Interview between the king and madame de
Montpensier.—Return of the parliament to Paris.-Its incorpo-
ration with the Parliament of the Union.—Address of the Sor-
bonne.—Surrender of the Bastille.—King Henry sojourns at St.
Germain-en-Laye.—Arrival there of Madame and of Gabrielle
d’Estrées,—The king celebrates the Easter festival in public.—
Ceremonies at the Louvre.—Entry of Madame into Paris.-
Birth of César duke de Vendôme.—Surrender of Rouen and
of other important places.—Feuds of the court.—Letter of
the duke de Feria to king Philip II.—Entry into Paris of
Henry IV.-Magnificence of the pageant.
ON the day following the departure of the
VOL. II. Z
342 HISTORY OF [1594.
duke and duchesse de Mayenne, the count de
Brissac presented himself before the parliament
of Paris, to convey to that august body the ex-
cuses of the duke, that he had quitted the
capital without notifying his intention to the
Chambers. The senators received the apology
with placid indifference; and then proceeded to
decree, “that, taking into consideration the pre-
carious condition of Paris, the shrine of St.
Geneviève should be perambulated through the
capital on the 17th day of the month, attended
by all personages zealous for the welfare of the
realm.” The most turbulent discontent, how-
ever, soon broke forth. The departure of Ma-
yenne was construed by the factious to be a
tacit avowal of weakness; and a voluntary aban-
donment of Paris to avoid the humiliation of
participating in the approaching capitulation.
Suspicion agitated everybody. The procession
ordered for the 17th was declared by Les
Politiques to be a cunning device of the cardinal-
legate; who designed, while the influential in-
habitants were engaged at their devotions, to
arm the remnant of the Seize, and to seize the
gates of the capital. Boucher and his fanatics,
on the other hand, averred that during the pro-
cession the provost l’Huillier, authorized by the
I “ Chacun fut averti de purifier son âme et de se préparer a
la pénitence.”—De Thou, liv. 109.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY I'V. 343
parliament of Paris, intended to admit a division
of the royal army. The ferment was excited
to very frenzy, when it was ascertained that king
Henry had actually again taken up his abode at
St. Cloud, and daily passed under the city walls
to hold council at St. Denis. The influential
adherents of the Seize in the capital amounted
now to about three hundred persons. The
Spaniards, by dint of bribes and promises, had
likewise suborned a strong party amongst the
lowest of the populace. . The priests also had
organized a third body of factious—men ready
to sacrifice life and fame at the bidding of
these fanatics. The most alarming reports were
purposely spread over the city. It was rumoured
that the Spaniards were collecting arms, and
distributing them to their adherents preparatory
to a grand massacre of the royalists; and that
swords, ropes, gunpowder, and the composition
called Greek fire, were being amassed in quan-
tities at the monasteries of the capital. Hamil-
ton, Crucé, and Aubry—the most prominent
members then in Paris of the ex-council of
Forty—were known to be in frequent conference
at the house of the cardinal-legate. Other ad-
herents of the Spanish faction, in defiance of the
* “Le trouble augmenta bien davantage lorsqu'om eut appi is
que le roy sous pretexte de faire une neuvaine à St. Cloud
s'approchait de Paris”—De Thou, liv. 109.
Z 2
344 HISTORY OF [1594.
edict promulgated by the duke de Mayenne,
appeared in arms in the streets ; while Crucé
boldly called an assembly “to confer on the
present momentous crisis.” Feria meantime in
vain sought to quell the panic; for popular alarm
hourly assumed a different aspect. One day
the people, irritated by the orations of the curés,
rushed en masse from the churches and blocked
up the Porte Neuve, and the Portes St. Denis
and de Bussi with barrels filled with sand and
large paving-stones: another day the populace
assembled in threatening concourse before the
hôtel of Feria demanding bread, mingled with
wild shouts of “a bas l'Union 1 Vive le roy 1”
On Sunday, March 12th, the Franciscan Guarin
preached a sermon in the church of St. André,
which increased the terror of all peaceable citi-
zens. “The time is at hand,” said this fanatical
monk, “when it behoves good Catholics and
sincere patriots to treat all persons appertaining
to that accursed faction called Les Politiques as
they merit. They have, it is true, on their side
numbers and strength. We have truth, justice,
and right, and we shall triumph. Let us fore-
stal their fiendish designs and preparations.
Arm, citizens ! Slay ! destroy wretches worthy
alone of extreme torments " This oration pro-
duced such sinister éffects, that Brissac found
1 De Thou, liv. 109. Dupleix, Hist Générale.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 345
himself compelled to institute an inquiry on the
demand of La Chapelle Marteau; who though
an enemy of the king, wished to repress the
threatened outbreak. The parliament of Paris
meantime authoritatively interfered ; for that
august body amid the universal ruin and anarchy
was fast recovering its ancient influence. Bris-
sac and the president Neuilly therefore waited
by command of the Chambers on the cardinal-
legate, and prayed his eminence to interpose his
authority and to suspend the monk Guarin.
Landriano sullenly promised compliance; and
sent an order commanding the Franciscan to
modify and explain his late inflammatory oration,
and to refrain until further orders from preach-
ing in public. The parliament the following
day issued an edict prohibiting public assem-
blies or even private conferences, under pain of
death and confiscation of the edifice within
which the law might be violated. The same
edict forbade the use of arms, the sale of sedi-
tious papers and verses, or the spreading of re-
ports damaging to the cause of the Holy Union.
Strict neutrality was recommended; and a hint
given that the future delivery of seditious
harangues from the pulpit would be punished
by the closing of the church and the expulsion
of the preacher from Paris. This edict was
received with joy by the well-disposed, and by
346 HISTORY OF [1594.
that large party which, weary of these cabals,
promoted the royal cause. Paris was fast be-
coming a desolation : grass grew in the principal
squares; the shops were closed and the palaces
defaced ; social intercourse was at an end; no
marriages were celebrated—the very aspect of
the people was changed. The jovial, laughter-
loving burgher who had grown rich on the follies
of the court, and whose profitable pastime it
had been to provide for its pompous revels and
pageants, was now changed into the care-worn,
impoverished man, aged by fierce excitements;
and cheering with sinking heart the ravings of
the popular demagogue of his faction. More-
over, the Parisian then as now, loved monarchy
in his heart; and despised republican simplicity
of government. A court was a necessity for
Paris. During the absence of the king and the
great nobles trade was ruined, and profit and
merriment alike extinct.
Meanwhile the chieftains of Les Politiques
—a faction once so obscure and powerless—
worked steadily and unremittingly to accomplish
the great work they contemplated—the speedy
surrender of Paris to Henry IV. The principal
personages of the party were l’Huillier, Le
1 Brissac conversing one day with l’Huillier, remarked, “ qu'il
fallait rendre à César, ce qui appartient à César !” The honest
provost, aware of the cupidity displayed by many of the ex-lords
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 347
Maitre, provisionally first president of the par-
liament of Paris; Molé, d'Amours, du Vair,
counsellors; l’Anglois and Neret, sheriffs of
Paris: while many colonels and officers of the
city wards secretly assured l’Huillier of their
readiness to co-operate in any well-concerted
scheme for the rescue of the city. Brissac mean-
time, continued his subtle intrigues at the court,
in order to ascertain from Henry's trusted coun-
sellors what manner of treatment he was likely
to receive from his majesty. So cautiously did
Brissac proceed, and so ably was he seconded,
that the duke de Mayenne received no further
intimations of the negotiation pending. The
king publicly spoke of M. de Brissac as a rene-
gade whose antecedents permitted no hope
of pardon ; and whose homage he never could
accept. These disparaging remarks coming
to the knowledge of Feria he repeated them
with avidity to Brissac, hoping thus to detach
the governor from his suspected liaisons with
Les Politiques. Henry employed St. Luc,
brother-in-law of Brissac, to convey to the latter
his assurances of pardon and future bienveillance.
M. de St. Luc had many pecuniary matters in
debate with Brissac, whose eldest sister he had
espoused. To settle these points, as it was pre-
of the confederation, responded “Oui, monseigneur, il faut le
lui rendre, et non pas le lui vendre P’
248 HISTORY OF [1594.
tended, Brissac met M. de St. Luc twice outside
the city, behind the Tuileries, after the departure
of the king from St. Cloud to Senlis. In order
to obviate inconvenient suspicion, Brissac was
always accompanied by a noted lawyer and
leaguer of Paris, one René Choppin. A stormy
interview generally occurred; during which each
party pretended to display much violence and
aversion; and separated, vowing to employ every
legal engine to establish his alleged claim.
Nevertheless, St. Luc managed to pour into the
ear of Brissac the words and assurances which
he was there to speak, and the other to receive.
Soon a perfect understanding was established;
and Henry IV. might boast of having no sub-
ject more loyal than Brissac, governor of Paris
for the Holy League, and late lieutenant-in-chief
of M. de Guise ! Brissac proudly responded to
Henry's offers of recompense, that he “relied on
his birth, his repute, and future deeds; and re-
quired only from his majesty a promise confirm-
ing his rank of maréchal—" his bâton having been
conferred by M. de Mayenne.'
An incident meanwhile precipitated measures.
A priest was arrested by du Bourg, governor of
the Bastille, suspected of trying to corrupt the
fidelity of a sergeant of the guard, in order
| Cayet—année 1594. Sully, t. i. p. 405. MS. Mém. Sur
la réduction de Paris–Bibl. Imp. 8778, fol. 29.
1594.] THE TREIGN OF HENRY IV. 349
to introduce troops into that fortress at the
suggestion of M. de Villeroy and his son d'Alin-
cour. The culprit was thrown into a dungeon
and subjected to severe interrogatories, the issue
of which greatly disturbed the hostile factions.
The most extraordinary precautions were taken
at the hôtels of Feria and the cardinal-legate to
allay the fears of these illustrious personages;
their body-guard was doubled; and a Spanish
officer nightly made the round of the ramparts
and visited the guard-houses at the gates of the
city, to re-assure the duke de Feria that no
treachery was meditated. On the 20th of March,
Brissac had his last interview with St. Luc, and
fixed the night of the 22nd for the momentous
enterprise.
The partisans of the king meanwhile exerted
themselves to insure the active co-operation of the
legion of discontented, famishing, and houseless,
by glowing recitals of the plenty which would
abound in the city when its foreign garrisons were
ejected; and the blockade removed, which closed
the navigation of the rivers. The Seize were not
less active ; they perambulated the poorer districts
inciting the evil passions of the multitudes; and
proclaiming their own speedy ascendancy in the
State.
Late during the evening of the 22nd, Brissac
assembled all the chieftains of the royal faction,
350 HISTORY OF . [1594.
Beaurepaire colonel of the Walloon regiment, the
loyal curés of the capital, and the captains and
officers of wards, in the house of l’Huillier.
The assembly was conducted with secrecy and
success. Brissac addressed the meeting. He
said that the exact design of the enterprise was
alone known to certain persons present whom he
named ; he, therefore, besought all individuals
favourable to the triumph of the royal cause, im-
plicitly to follow these leaders. He gave assur-
ances of the unbounded clemency of his majesty;
and recounted how that during the day the duke
de Feria had summoned him to sign certain lettres
de cachet left by Mayenne in blank, to be filled
with the name of any obnoxious citizen whose
expulsion from the capital was deemed advisable."
All present then expressed their loyalty and in-
tention to obey the leaders approved by M. de
Brissac, and by his majesty. Rumours of the
great secret, however, spread over Paris, the
source of which it was impossible to trace. The
leaders of the Seize flew to arms and visited the
ramparts and gates of the city. The duke de
Feria and don Diego d'Evora each received a
private notice, “that a great conspiracy was on
the point of exploding; and that the chief drama
would be executed about midnight.” In the
utmost alarm Feria sent to request the presence
* Journal de Henri IV., année 1594. De Thou.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 351
of M. de Brissac at his hôtel ; for such were the
arrogant pretensions of the ambassadors that
they expected their summons to be obeyed by
the governor of Paris. Brissac at this crisis,
thought it best to repair to the interview.
Feria related the report, and asked for
explanation. The count carelessly replied:
“that he attached no belief to such absurd
rumours; nevertheless, it would be well to make
the round of the ramparts.” Brissac then
invited several Spanish officers present, to ac-
company him. It is alleged that, Feria gave
these officers instructions to shoot the governor,
in case evidence of his treachery appeared.' All
was silent in the city, and alert on the ram-
parts: the faubourgs outside the gates were
tranquil ; no emissaries of Les Politiques were
abroad ; and partisans of the Seize alone hurried
from house to house, along the dark and slippery
streets. The Spaniards now satisfied that the
rumour was false, returned to the lodgings of
the ambassador. “Son palabras de mugeres I”
said Brissac confidently, as he saluted the Span-
ish officers, and took leave. Feria meantime,
sent to arrest Quinton Sieur de Beaurepaire
colonel of the Walloon regiment, stationed in
* “Ils donnèrent ordre a ceux qui accompagnoient qu'au
premier bruit qu'ils entendroient de tuer Brissac.” Cayet, année
1594. Journal de Henri IV, année lă94. De Thou.
352 HISTORY OF [1594.
Paris. Fortunately Beaurepaire was found at his
barracks; having just returned from attending
the meeting at the house of l’Huillier. He was
conveyed a prisoner to the abode of the am-
bassador; where Feria personally conducted his
interrogatory. Another hour of calm succeeded.
Brissac then posted a strong guard close to the
abode of the Spaniards; and gave orders to
the soldiers to fire upon any person leaving the
hôtel of the ambassadors; or at any rate to arrest
such individual, whoever he might be, and pre-
vent his return. The chieftains of the party of
Les Politiques next cautiously despatched emis-
saries to their adherents throughout the districts
of the capital, summoning all to take arms and
be prepared to welcome the king. The order
was so admirably obeyed, that only those persons
named for active service in the streets, quitted
their houses; the rest armed, and waited further
SUl IQIY) OI)S.
King Henry, meantime, had been concentra-
ting his troops for the great enterprise. His ma-
jesty's head-quarters were at Senlis, from whence
his mandates were issued. On the 21st of
March, the king occupied the valley of Montmo-
rency, and the district of Dammartin, causing
it to be reported that the masses of troops
were destined to intercept Mansfeldt, who had
again advanced to the frontiers of Picardy. The
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 353
men of the garrisons of St. Denis, Creil, and
of St. Maixence, received orders to hold them-
selves ready to march at a few minutes notice.
Squadrons of Swiss and German cavalry were
encamped in the neighbourhood of Senlis, under
pretext that the king wished to make minute
inspection of their accoutrements and discipline
before opening a fresh campaign.
All preparations being thus made for the coup
d'état, which promised such important results, the
royal army, during the night ofthe 22nd approach-
ed the capital. Brissac accompanied by l’Huillier,
seized the Porte Neuve as the clock of the neigh-
bouring Capuchin monastery struck the hour of
four. L'Anglois and a strong detachment disarmed
the guard at the Porte St. Denis. At the back
of the Tuileries, King Henry waited the ap-
pointed signal. In less than half an hour, every
public building, all the large streets, and the
forts of Paris, were in the hands of his majesty :
so miraculously, and silently was the occupation
effected. M. de St. Luc entered Paris first,
by the Porte Neuve—the gate through which in
sorrow and humiliation, Henry III fled from his
capital. St. Luc posted 100 men in file along the
adjacent quay; and committed the guard of the
gate to one M. Favas, a brave and able warrior.
At the head of a strong body of troops—com-
prehending 400 men of the garrison of St.
354. HISTORY OF [1594.
Denis under the command of the brave de Vic,
of two squadrons of cavalry under Sancy and M.
de Marsilly, St. Luc occupied a carrefour, called
la Croix du Trahoir from which four streets
diverged—an important position in the vicinity
of the Louvre. A second body of troops followed
this division, and poured through the Porte
Neuve, under M. d’Humières, and the mar-
quis de Belin. These troops seized the Pont
St. Michel and its avenues. A third body of
troops followed, under MM. d’O, Biron, de
Salignac, de Trigney and Berengeville, and
defiling along the ramparts disarmed the senti-
nels, and seized the Porte St. Honoré: this mission
was one of danger and difficulty, but valiantly
performed. The marshal de Matignon followed
with a fourth corps d’armée composed of 200
Swiss, two regiments of the royal guards, the
soldiers of the garrison of Senlis, under the
command of Montmorency Seigneur de Bouteville.
The marshal first marched and took possession
of the streets in the neighbourhood of his own
hôtel ; he then joined M. de St. Luc ; and des-
patched the duke de Bellegarde, with the regi-
ments of guards to seize the Louvre. The first
blood which was shed during this enterprise,
flowed during the march of Matignon; who
was a stern and pitiless soldier. The marshal
met a detachment of German troops, commanded
1594.] THE REIGN OF EHEN RY IV. 355
by one officer, “ Crieg vive le Roy " suddenly
shouted Matignon. The lansquenets refused,
and drew their swords. On a signal from the
marshal, his troops fell upon the German soldiers,
slaughtered sixty men, and tossed their bodies
into the river. Matignon after this bloody ex-
ploit resumed his march : but the clash of
weapons and shrill cries of alarm had resounded
throughout the locality; stragglers also fled, and
spread the report over the more distant parts of
the city, of the sudden advance of a fierce
enemy. The fifth corps d'armée was headed by
the king in person, accompanied by M. de St.
Paul and the young marquis de Coeuvres, brother
of madame de LianCour. His majesty was
preceded by his guards. He rode unarmed ; his
sword and helmet being borne behind him by a
page. Five squadrons of cavalry, under M. de
Manican, completed the royal escort. M. de
Brissac, accompanied by the chief municipal
authorities bearing the keys of the city, received
the king at the Porte Neuve. Brissac approached
on foot, and, kissing the king's hand, presented
him with a white scarf embroidered with lilies.
Henry instantly detached his own scarf, which
he handed to Brissac, and girt the one presented;
at the same time giving the accolade and greeting
the latter by the appellation of marshal. Few
words were exchanged. The king desired M.
356 HISTORY OF [1594.
de Brissac to join the cortége, and passing the
barrier, his majesty proceeded towards the Rue
St. Honoré. The duke de Retz followed with a
battalion of Swiss troops and a famous regiment
called le régiment de Champagne. While the
royal army thus swiftly and silently entered
Paris by la Porte Neuve, Vitry and a strong
division captured the Porte St. Denis, where M.
l'Anglois was waiting, and posted troops along
the ramparts. The garrisons of Corbeil and
Melun, meantime, came down the river in boats,
and landing, seized the arsenal, disarmed the
guards, and turned the cannon of the fort so as
command the neighbouring streets.' Paris was
thoroughly occupied before half the citizens were
awake. Not a blow had been struck; with the
exception of the brief conflict waged by Matignon
with the Germans. Every position was seized
and fortified, and resistance rendered impossible.
The small Flemish and Spanish garrison, con-
sisting of four thousand men, hemmed in their
quarters, dared not make the slightest show of
1 De Thou, liv. 109. Cayet, Chron. Nov. année 1594. Da-
vila. Comentarii delle cose notabile successi, nel regno de
Francia da Henrico Terzo, insino alla entrata in Parigi di
Henrico Quarto.—MSS. Bibl. Imp. 8949, Écrite par le cardinal
d'Ossat ; besides numberless MSS. which give a similar account
of the entry into Paris of Henri IV. Cheverny, Mém. année
1594. Circulaire sur la réduction de Paris–Valory, Journal
Militaire de Henri IV.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 357
hostility, daunted by the overpowering force now
within the capital. Henry fairly earned the
epithet bestowed upon him by his soldiers during
the wars—that of “grand preneur de villes.”
The military details of the occupation of Paris
were settled by the king. His majesty assigned
to each corps its station and duties ; and the
rigid accuracy with which all these orders were
obeyed, insured the success of the enterprise.
M. de Vitry, meantime, seized Le Grand
Châstelet. One M. de Chuby disarmed the
guard of Le Petit Châstelet. The Palais was
surrounded by a division under the duke de
Retz. The Tour de Nesle and the Quai des
Celestins bristled with royal troops. The triumph
of the royal cause was complete. The flag of
the Union alone waved over the gloomy towers
of the Bastille.
The king, meantime, rode to the Porte St.
Honoré, where, surrounded by a brilliant staff,
he took his station. As intelligence spread of
the wonderful event of the night, the people
rushed from the streets and the faubourgs of
the city with vehement cries of “Vive le roy
Wive la paix! Vive Henri IV.” Joy almost de-
lirious in its transport seemed to possess the
excitable Parisians, as they once more beheld
their king; and recognised in his cortége the
noble princes, whose splendour and liberalities
WOL. II. A. A
358 *. EIISTORY OF [1594.
had contributed to the renown and wealth of
Paris. Tears poured from the eyes of the king
as he listened to the enthusiastic voice of the
populace; and to the shouts of “Vive Henri IV l’’
which seemed to rise and echo from the most
distant districts of the capital. To permit the
people to approach him nearer, Henry ordered
the rue St. Honoré to be partially vacated by
the soldiers; and refused to allow the repulse of
some of the more energetic persons amongst the
crowd, who, breaking through all barriers,
actually surrounded the king's horse, and franti-
cally embraced his majesty's knees. “Allons,
morbleu !” exclaimed Brissac, astounded at such
an overpowering display of loyal feeling, “La
Ligue est, que chacun crie, Vive le Roy l’ An
officer approached the king and whispered that
a traitor like Barrière might, perchance, avail
himself of the opportunity to approach his
majesty; and therefore that it would be wise to
keep the mob at a distance. “No l’ replied
Henry courageously ; “Let them look at me,
and cheer me ! I accept the risk rather than my
people should be disappointed. It is long since
they have seen a true king, these said poor
Parisians !”.'
Meanwhile, the Spaniards entrenched them-
selves in the Place de la Bastille, the Temple, and
* Journal de Henri IV.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 359
the faubourgs St. Martin and St. Antoine, the
only localities not garrisoned by royal troops.
The duke de Feria, don Diego d'Evora, Men-
doza, Taxis, and other leaders of the Seize took
refuge in a house close to the Bastille, and pre-
pared to defend their lives and liberty. The
position of the ambassadors was neither en-
viable nor secure—pent up with the troops of
his Catholic majesty, surrounded by a populace
fierce in its upbraidings ; confronted by a savage
soldiery eager for onslaught ; with Henry IV.
in the heart of the capital over which they had
so long tyrannized Wise and moderate in his
hour of triumph, Henry resolved, however, not
to reduce a fallen enemy to desperation. He,
therefore, sent the count de Brissac and M. de
St. Paul to the duke de Feria, to demand the
liberty of Beaurepaire, colonel of the Walloon
regiment, who for his alleged intrigues with the
royalist faction had been condemned to be hanged
that same afternoon. Feria, not presuming to
disobey the mandate, delivered up his prisoner,
who was brought before king Henry. In the
presence of the assembled people, Henry, ad-
dressing Beaurepaire, commanded him to inform
the duke de Feria that, he was willing to grant
to himself and to the Spaniards of his suite, and
to the foreign regiments in the pay of Spain, a
safe conduct to the frontier with the honours of
A A 2
360 HISTORY OF . [1594.
war, provided that they decamped from Paris
during the afternoon. The duke's answer was
to be communicated to the king at the Louvre
by Beaurepaire. His majesty next despatched
a messenger to notify to the chapter of Nôtre
Dame his intention to visit the cathedral before
repairing to the Louvre. Henry also sent
gentlemen to the duchesses de Nemours and de
Montpensier to assure these turbulent ladies of
his protection ; and of his royal intent to post
guards round their abode for their protection.
When madame de Montpensier was informed of
the capture of Paris, she sprang shrieking from
her bed and rushed about her apartment, tearing
her hair and yielding to violent paroxysms of
rage and grief.” “Is there no one—no one
sufficiently my friend to plunge this poniard into
my bosom P Alas! Alas!” exclaimed she.
When somewhat calmer, madame de Montpensier
turned the vehemence of her wrath upon Brissac,
whom she called “a traitor and a depraved
wretch.” “I always suspected that this said
Brissac was a vile poltroon, but to-day I know he
is an accursed traitor l” Madame de Nemours
was found in her oratory on her knees before a
crucifix. She received the news of the king's
entry into Paris with ill-concealed satisfaction;
1 Journal de Henri IV. Écrit par un Bourgeois de Paris,
edited by Pierre L’Etoile.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 36]
and sent a complimentary message to his majesty.
A third envoy waited by royal command upon
the cardinal-legate. The dismay of his Eminence
was intense; though he contemptuously declined
the invitation sent him by the clement king to
visit the Louvre during the afternoon.
These various commands despatched, Henry
quitted the Rue St. Honoré and proceeded by
the Pont Neuf to Nôtre Dame, followed by an
immense concourse. The king arrived at the
cathedral as the clock struck ten. He was es-
corted by a guard of 600 men. The bells
of the cathedral rang a merry carrillon as the
cortége approached. At the portal, Henry was
received by a train of ecclesiastics, led by the
archdeacon of Nôtre Dame," who prostrated him-
self at the king's feet, and presented a crucifix
and holy water. A short address of congratula-
tion was delivered; to which Henry replied so
satisfactorily that a murmur of applause rose
from the concourse. The king, followed by his
nobles, approached the high altar, and reverently
knelt to give God thanks for his victory. While the
people were contemplating the fervour of the royal
devotion, they suddenly beheld the figure of a boy
arrayed as it was alleged in glistening attire, kneel-
* The cardinal-bishop of Paris, Gondy, had not returned from
Italy. The dean of Nôtre Dame Seguier, was at Chartres, as
also most of the principal canons. The duty of receiving the
king devolved therefore on the archdeacon M. de Dreux.
362 IIISTORY OF [1594.
ing on the velvet cushion by the side of the king.
Some of the lords present advanced to the royal
praying-desk to direct his majesty's attention to
the mysterious visitant. Cries of “No 'tis our
king's guardian angel !” burst from the cre-
dulous and awe-stricken multitude." Henry
turned and gazed earnestly on the child, who
was then observed to slip his hand within that of
the king and retain it there until his majesty
rose from his knees, as the first versicle of ‘Te
Deum Laudamus' was intoned by the choir.
At this moment, Brissac approached and whis-
pered some communication in the royal ear,
during which the apparition vanished. A strict
investigation was instituted, but nothing could
be discovered. The vision was fervently believed
throughout the capital to be miraculous—a
Divine manifestation of God’s acceptance of the
royal abjuration.
Whilst the king was performing his devotions,
heralds perambulated the capital proclaiming the
royal titles, and distributing printed motifications
of the king's intent to grant amnesty to the
majority of his subjects of Paris. The citizens
were exhorted to place confidence in Henry's
kingly word; and to arrest all infractors of public
I Cayet, Chron. Nov. année 1594. “I’enfant était comme de
l’âge de six ans beau en perfection; le peuple disait ‘c’est un bon-
ange qui conduit et assiste notre roy l’.”
1594.] THF. R. FIGN OF HENRY IV. 363
N.
tranquillity. Acclamations of loyal gladness
followed the perusal of these documents; the
distribution of which proved of infinite utility in
preserving the peace, by frustrating the seditious
reports of the Seize. Hamilton, curé of St.
Cosmo, followed by a disorderly train of some
dozen fanatics, attempted to make an appeal
to arms in the Quartier de l’Université; and
rushed into the Place Maubert, armed with a
dagger and an arquebuse. Du Vair, however,
quickly repaired thither with a body of soldiers,
and showing Hamilton the act of amnesty, gave
him the alternative of submission or death.
Crucé, also, attempted to raise an émeute in the
neighbourhood of the Porte St. Jacques, which
was promptly suppressed. Indeed, the univer-
sal enthusiasm of Henry's reception, demon-
strated how deep had been the sufferings of the
unhappy Parisians; who chose rather to submit
unconditionally to the sway of the king, than to
fight for the leaders of their much vaunted
Union.
On quitting Nôtre Dame, Henry repaired to
the Louvre. There he was received by the duke
de Bellegarde, and the officers of his household,
who had hastened from the cathedral to discharge
their several functions. Henry found the mid-
day meal prepared as of yore, and took his place
immediately at the banquetting board. Great
364 HISTORY OF [1594.
must have been the emotion of king Henry.
Reminiscences of days long past, when Henry
III. there presided in magnificent state, must
have risen in the king's mind. Vivid also, doubt-
less, were his recollections of the queen-mother
Catherine de Medici, as from beneath the same
royal canopy she had fascinated by her astute
and dignified condescension. The repast how-
ever was not of long duration. Henry rose from
table to repair to the Porte St. Denis, to witness
the departure of the duke de Feria and the
Italian and Spanish garrison.
When Feria received the intimation of Henry's
generous forbearance through Beaurepaire and
the count de St. Paul, so amazed was he at the
royal magnanimity that he exclaimed twice, “Ah!
grand Roy Ah! grand Roy l’ Preparations were
then instantly made by the ambassadors for their
evacuation of Paris. At two o'clock, the Italian
regiments defiled through the Porte St. Denis.
King Henry viewed the departure from the win-
dow of a chamber over the archway. In the
midst of the Spanish battalions rode the ambas-
sadors Feria, Mendoza, Taxis, and Evora, and
their retinue. A train of baggage waggons, and
sumpter mules followed; and the procession was
closed by the Swiss and German regiments in
the pay of the Union. The Spanish hidalgos
looked stern and abashed, and marched rapidly
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 365
through the Porte St. Denis. The duke de
Feria raised his sombrero, and saluted the king.’
Henry waved his hat, and exclaimed, “Present
my commendations to the king your master; but
do not trouble yourselves to return I’’ The wife
of a Spanish soldier asked one of the bystanders
to point out the king. “Happy France l’’ said
she, “to possess a king, so good, fortunate, and
clement I pray God, merciful king, to give
you prosperity. In my own country, and every-
where, I will ever remember this your magnani-
mous forgiveness; and will recount your great
deeds and clemency!” The soldiers marched four
abreast and as they passed, saluted the king.
The rain continued to fall with unabated vio-
lence during their progress. St. Luc, and
M. de Salignac escorted the duke de Feria
as far as Bourget. From thence a fresh de-
tachment of royal troops conducted the ambas-
sadors to Guise where they crossed the Flemish
frontier.
On the return of king Henry to the Louvre,
he received a message from the cardinal-legate,
who demanded safe-conduct to quit Paris that
evening. Henry immediately sent the desired
passport by du Perron bishop of Evreux; who
was commissioned by his majesty to attend his
* “Le duc de Feria salua a l’Espagnol cºest-à-dire, gravement
et maigrement.”—Journal de Henri IV.
366 HISTORY OF [1594.
Eminence as far as Montargis.' The king
likewise permitted Landriano to nominate as
members of his retinue, the Jesuit preachers Wa-
radius, and Aubry, curé of St. André—ecclesias-
tics compromised by the revelations of Barrière.
During the evening of this eventful day, the
Louvre was thronged with the authorities, and
principal inhabitants of Paris. Some came
to tender clamorous congratulations; others
timidly to deprecate the royal anger, and to sue
for oblivion. The chiefs of the party of Les Poli-
tiques exulting in their success, and in the over-
throw of anarchy, gathered in the splendid
saloons of the palace, discussing the events of
the day.” Rosny, pale and taciturn as usual,
never left the side of his royal master; and as
each person approached, whispered into the
king's ear his services, or past delinquencies.
M. d’O took his seat on a coffer, as his lame-
ness prevented him from mingling in the group
round the royal fauteuil, and complacently
surveyed the scene, which recalled the gor-
geous revelry of the late reign. Brissac stood
at the right hand of the king, apparently in
possession of a high degree of favour. M.
* Cardinal Landriano died on his road to Rome, partly from
chagrin, and partly owing to the enormous fatigue and privation
which he had undergone while resident in Paris. De Thou.
* Journal de Henri IV. Mathieu, Hist, du régne de Henri IV.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 367
de Sancy received and named aloud all the
personages as they approached the dais.
Amongst other members of the League, the
president Etienne de Neuilly, ventured to
appear. His majesty, therefore, desired Sancy
to enquire, under what pretext and capacity M.
de Neuilly presented himself? On this question
being put to the wily old Leaguer, copious tears
as usual fell from his eyes; and in dolorous
tones, Neuilly replied, “that he came as the very
humble, devoted, and obedient subject of his
majesty.” “Tell M. de Neuilly that we cannot
accept equivocal service. The servants of the
king of Spain, we disown for our lieges. Let M. de
Neuilly retire and leave Paris with his friends !”
responded his majesty. When the president de
Hacqueville made his obeisance, the king said
ironically, “Ah, M. le Président, we are glad to
see you. We are aware of the good offices you
have striven to render to us; and especially that
whenever any matter was discussed likely to
forward our affairs, you were invariably ill. We
are of advice that you now permanently retire
from the burden of office to seek repose.”
Some chroniclers affirm that the duchesse de
Montpensier also paid her devoirs to his majesty;
and was invited by the king to play at cards.
This alleged incident would be scarcely cre-
dible, if indeed it were not refuted by undoubted
368 HISTORY OF [1594.
evidence that the king did not see the duchess
until two days after his entry into Paris; during
which interval madame de Montpensier was not
suffered to leave her hôtel.
At supper, the municipality of Paris presented
the king with a gold cup containing hypocras;
and prayed for his majesty's protection, and
acceptance of their humble offering. “I thank
the municipality of my good city of Paris,” re-
plied Henry adroitly ; “their present is to me
inestimable; for have they not given me their
hearts, and their loyal allegiance?” One of the
king's last directions on the close of this the
most memorable day of his reign, was to
order the destruction of a large picture in the
cathedral of Nôtre Dame, representing queen
Elizabeth presiding over an auto-da-fé of her
orthodox subjects, surrounded by horrible de-
mons, brandishing pitch-forks. The picture had
been painted during the reign of Henri III.,
and publicly exhibited, to the great indignation
1 Henry’s transports were great on finding himself in Paris.
To M. d’Antragues, he writes—“Venez' vous me verrez en mon
char triomphant.”—Lettre à M. d’Antragues, governeur de
Pluviers. To M. Duplessis, the king writes, “Vous savez
comme hier ma bonne ville de Paris se remit en mon obéisance;
loués en Dieu comme j’ai fait !” His majesty also wrote letters
to M. de Beauvoir, his ambassador in London; to M. de Brèves,
ambassador at the Porte; and to M. de Pisani, ambassador in
Rome, in which he mentions with exultation, his capture of the
capital.
1594) THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 369
of the English ambassador, who by his repre-
sentations, had then caused it to be taken down.
Early on the following morning, March 24th,
Henry attended mass in state at La Sainte Cha-
pelle. The priests of the capital, nevertheless,
undaunted by the royal power, continued to
thunder forth orations of most seditious nature,
and refused to receive the confession of penitents
who avowed royalist predilections. Rose, bishop
of Senlis audaciously declared from the pulpit,
that “he was ready to prove that the king of
Navarre being a bastard, was doubly an usurper
and accursed.” Other of these fanatics insulted
their hearers, by allusions the most obscene.
Guarin preached a sermon in the church of St.
Benóit, during the delivery of which, he bran-
dished a naked sword. The cardinal de
Pellevé, on the night of the surrender of Paris,
was ill in bed at his hôtel de Sens. Hearing an
unusual tumult in the street, he asked his ser.
vants what was its cause. They replied that
the king of Navarre was attacking the Porte
Neuve. “Qu'on le prenne, qu'on le prenne I’’
screamed the old prelate, raising his arms in
impotent fury. Presently a messenger arrived
to notify to the cardinal on the part of the duke
de Feria, “that the king was triumphant, and
on his way to Nôtre Dame; and that Paris was
lost to the Holy Union.” With a groan of an-
370 HISTORY OF [1594.
guish the cardinal turned away, and burying
his face in the pillows of his couch, fell into a
syncope, from which he never perfectly revived."
As it was deemed requisite to arrest the incen-
diary harangues of these turbulent churchmen,
a list of the most obnoxious was made ; and the
same evening a lettre de cachet was sent to
each, containing an order to quit Paris, within
a certain number of hours, and to vacate the
realm by a given period. The curés under sen-
tence of well-merited exile were, Pelletier,
Cueilly, Hamilton, Boucher, Guarin, and Rose
bishop of Senlis. About one hundred persons
besides received orders to quit the capital. The
principal of these persons, were the presidents
de Neuilly and de Hacqueville, Sesnault, Sainton,
Crucé, La Bruyère, Acarie, and the celebrated
advocate Choppin, who eventually, in deference
to his merit, received unconditional pardon.
Many of the friends of Mayenne voluntarily
retired to Soissons. Edicts were published re-
establishing various usages and laws abolished
by the lords of the Union. Guards were posted
at the various palaces; all public discussions
were prohibited, and assemblies forbidden at the
i De Thou, liv. 109. The Huguenots nicknamed Pellevé, the
cardinal Pélé, because he had been despoiled of his rich bene-
fices by Henry III.-Hist. des Cardinaux—Aubery. Journal de
Henri 1 W.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 371
Hôtel de Ville. A petition was likewise pre-
sented to king Henry, at his first council in the
Louvre, from the parliament of Paris; the
members of which prayed his majesty to con-
firm them in their dignities, and to incorporate
them with those old and faithful counsellors,
who on the commencement of the troubles,
obeyed the summons of the late king, and re-
paired to Tours. Many hot debates ensued on
this petition. The lords of the council desired
to dissolve the parliament assembled in Paris,
and to annul its acts. Henry, however, by the
secret advice of Rosny and Willeroy, determined
to grant the boon desired; and to confirm the
authority of an august assembly, whose patriotic
decrees had latterly eminently served the royal
cause. “The parliaments of Tours and Châlons,”
said the king, “ have always had regard to pri-
vate and local interests. The parliament of Paris
has recently fought my battle and prevailed. In
future these said parliaments shall form one
august assembly.” This decision, however,
Occasioned the utmost discontent and murmur-
ing. Many members of the Paris parliament
had openly advocated the cause of the Infanta,
and demonstrated much hostility towards
Henri IV. Their places were coveted by ad-
herents of the royal cause; but although the
clamour was great, the king showed true wisdom
372 HISTORY OF [1594.
in maintaining the Chambers, which had so
valiantly defended his crown.'
On Thursday, the 25th of March, Henry
suddenly visited the duchesses de Nemours and
Montpensier. When the king entered the
apartment, the duchesse de Montpensier threw
herself at his feet, and implored the royal pro-
tection. Bitterly was madame de Montpensier
disabused of her wicked and ambitious specu-
lations. Ruined in fortune and repute, Cathe-
rine de Lorraine knelt to implore the clemency
of “the execrable Navarrois.” Her brother
Mayenne, whom at the commencement of the
troubles she had so successfully incited to rebel,
was an exile from the capital, impoverished, and
in his reverse, mocked and deluded by the
Papal and Spanish courts. The duke de Guise,
shut up in Rheims, without troops, or money,
humbly waited the favourable moment to make
submission to the victorious king. The League
inaugurated by the crime of regicide, had
brought woe and desolation on the mighty
race of Lorraine. All the principal persons
who had partaken in the crime which hurled
Henry III. from his throne, were now by a
singular instance of retributive judgment,
in their turn overthrown. Many had lost
both life and fortune, even to the utter
* Mém. de la Ligue.—See pages 80, 92, 95, and 29, t. vi.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 373
extinction of their race in the desolating
warfare which ensued. The chieftains of the
Seize were either dead, or miserable exiles. The
power of the Holy See received a blow from
which in France it never recovered. Spain
lavished her treasures in pursuit of the shadowy
claims of doña Isabel; and by the diversion of
her troops from her Flemish territory, so strength-
ened her rebels of the Netherlands as to enable
them eventually to emancipate themselves from
the Spanish crown. The war with France, so reck-
lessly waged by Philip II. was never thoroughly
extinguished until the great-grandson of Henry
IV. sat on the throne of king Philip, after
the dynasty of the emperor Charles W. in
the male line had become extinct. Calamity,
present and keen, however, wrung tears of
anguish from the haughty woman whose enmity
had brought such woe. Henry graciously as-
sured the duchess of his personal oblivion of her
crimes, and promised her his royal protection.
He then greeted madame de Nemours cordially,
and appeared to receive her congratulation with
pleasure. Amongst other converse, the king
asked the princesses whether they were not
amazed to behold him in Paris? “No pillage
has been perpetrated; no wrong or violence has
been done to any man. Even the very camp-
followers have by my commands respected pro-
WOL. II. B B
374, HISTORY OF [1594.
perty. What do you say to this, ma cousine P’’
asked the king, addressing madame de Mont-
pensier. “Sire, we can only admit that you are
a great king, very benign, very clement, very
generous !” “Ah, madame,” responded Henry,
“if I could believe that you speak as you think
Allow, madame, for instance, that you will never
pardon Brissac for what he has done?” “Sire,
I bear M. de Brissac no resentment.” “Nay,
I know, madame, that you bear Brissac mortal
hate. He is my servant. It will be well if you
can decide upon reconciliation,” said his ma-
jesty gravely; with the intent of hinting to the
irate duchess that any sanguinary revenge would
be punished. “Sire,” hastily replied madame
de Montpensier, “I forgive M. de Brissac at
your command. One thing I could have de-
sired, which is, that M. de Mayenne my brother,
had lowered the drawbridge for your entrance
into your Louvre.” “Ventre St. Gris I’” said
Henry; “your brother would have kept me
waiting too long outside. No, no, M. de Ma-
yenne has no love for early hours or prompt dis-
plays of loyal duty l’ Madame de Nemours
then requested permission for herself and for
her daughter to leave Paris for Soissons to see
M. de Mayenne, whose health and spirits had
suffered greatly. Henry briefly replied in the
affirmative, and then took his leave.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 375
During the same day, Cheverny and the
members of the privy council arrived from
Chartres and assembled at the Louvre. On the
28th of the same month the chancellor went in
state to La Chambre Dorée, and opened the first
legitimate session of the parliament of Paris
during the reign of Henry IV. Cheverny made
an able speech; and announced the speedy arri-
val of their colleagues, the presidents and mem-
bers of the parliaments holden at Tours and
Châlons. The king bestowed the post of seventh
president of the parliament of Paris upon Le
Maître, who had been nominated by the duke
de Mayenne to succeed Brisson in the room of
the first president de Harlay, whom his majesty
re-established in his dignity. L'Anglois, who
had so materially contributed to the reduction of
Paris, the king rewarded with the lucrative post
of Master of Requests. A variety of circum-
stances retarded the return of the long-banished
members. The Lenten season intervened, which
the king desired to keep with strictness; be-
sides, great discontent pervaded the assembly,
that after its faithful adherence and long banish-
ment, it was to be incorporated with the recu-
sant senators of Paris—men, the majority of
whom it was averred, were a disgrace to the
legislature. No representations, however, could
shake the resolve of the king in this matter. On
B B 2
376 HISTORY OF [1594.
the 14th of April, the parliament consisting of
about two hundred members, set out from Tours
escorted by the marquis de Souvré. M. d’A-
mours, a noted counsellor and orator of the par-
liament of the Union, went to Estampes with a
deputation to receive and offer submission to de
Harlay on his resumption of his dignity of
first president. At Lonjumeau M. d’O, now
governor of Paris, at the head of a detach-
ment of troops received and escorted the
senators into Paris. The streets of the capital
were decorated ; and the windows and balconies
thronged with ladies. The cortége proceeded
first to the Louvre, where Henry received the
members on the throne, surrounded by his minis-
ters and officers of state. The king made an
harangue, the substance of which was, “that it
was his royal will the past should be forgotten ;
that a new era had been inaugurated; and as
he, the king, thought fit to pardon the injuries
inflicted on himself it ought not to be deemed
a hard requirement if he expected his servants
to forgive their enemies and traducers, now that
the latter acknowledged their sin, and promised
reformation.” This address was needful. The
members of the parliament of Tours returned to
their old haunts, swayed by feelings of bitter
hostility towards those who had formerly ejected
them ; and very far from being willing to tender
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 377
the oblivion and co-operation recommended by
his majesty. On quitting the Louvre, the par-
liament was escorted in great pomp to the Palais.
At the portal of La Chambre Dorée, de Harlay
was received by the chancellor. Cheverny,
taking the hand of the first president, led him
to his tribune. The members of the parliament
of the Union received their colleagues standing,
and afterwards went up severally to salute M.
de Harlay.' The same day the Sorbonne waited
upon the king at the Louvre, to compliment the
monarch whom their learned theologians had
traduced, deposed, and anathematized.” Henry
received their homage with a mocking merriment
highly distasteful to the deputation. His majesty
addressed the ecclesiastics as, “Messieurs nos
Maitres.” His majesty said he was well-informed of
the scandalous libels propagated by the theologians
of the Sorbonne ; also of the seditious harangues
which they had sanctioned; nevertheless, he was
willing to pardon these insults and to accept the
homage of their fraternity, excluding only M.
* Mém. de Sully. Cayet, Davila, De Thou, Mathieu, Journal
de Henri IV.
* “Jacques d’Amboise, recteur de l’Université, et les doc-
teurs de la Sorbonne, de leur propre movement furent trouver le
roy dans la chapelle de Bourbon, et s’étant prosternez à ses
pieds, le supplièrent en toute humilité d’étendre sureux et sur
leur corps Sa bonté comme à ses obéissants serviteurs et de
wouloir leur pardonner tous les decrets, et les résolutions que la
A.
crainte et la violence avoient arrachés.”—L’Etoile.
378 HISTORY OF [1594.
Boucher, who was then regaling the people of
Beauvais “with infamous lies respecting himself
and his realm.” The famous curé Lincestre
also sought pardon from his majesty with many
protestations of future loyalty. The church of
St. Barthélemy, which before rang with the trea-
sonable effusions of Lincestre, now harboured
a congregation loyal and sedate. The sermons
of Lincestre eulogised his majesty's generosity and
condescension in changing his faith to please his
people ! So truly zealous did Lincestre show him-
self in the royal cause, that he was permitted to
kiss the king's hand in the saloons of the Louvre.
The enthusiasm of the Parisians for the king
continued to increase. Whenever Henry ap-
peared in public he was greeted with acclama-
tions; and crowds gathered to attend his majesty
back to his palace. Henry then dismissed his
subjects with a jest and a salute, familiarly ad-
dressing those nearest to him, and frequently on
the spot redressing a wrong, or conferring a
boon. For days subsequent to the surrender
of Paris, the sole occupation of its ever restless
and turbulent population seemed to be in watch-
ing the king, and following his chariot whenever
he stirred abroad. Henry himself on more than
one occasion confessed himself to be quite
stunned by the noisy vociferations with which
he was greeted; and facetiously expressed a wish
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 379
that the populace would show more tenderness
for his ears.
The Bastille surrendered on the 27th of March.
Du Bourg, its governor, refused to recognise the
king; but was suffered to quit Paris, though he
insolently traversed the streets girt with the
black scarf of the Union. “M. de Brissac is a
vile traitor l’’ savagely said du Bourg. “I could
tear his heart with my teeth ! I will send
him a challenge to single combat, and will rend
from him both life and honour !” On the sur-
render of the Bastille all Paris and its district
had fallen under the royal jurisdiction. A solemn
procession was therefore ordered in thanksgiving
for this event; also to celebrate the approach of
Passion week, King Henry walked in the pro-
cession bareheaded, following the custom of his
predecessors. All the religious orders, male and
female, joined excepting the Jesuits, who were
excluded by edict. The people looked on and
applauded the piety of their king. Madame
de Montpensier and the duchesse de Nemours
viewed the march from a window ; and after-
wards departed for Soissons to spend the ap-
proaching Easter with the duke and duchess de
Mayenne.
Madame meanwhile repaired to St. Germain-
en-Laye, where the king had judged it expe-
dient for his sister to remain until after the
3S0 HISTORY OF [1594.
festival of Easter. Madame Gabrielle also ac-
companied Madame. The king quitted Paris
about the 3rd of April for St. Germain, there to
greet his sister, “et sa chère maitresse.” The
devotions of the king nevertheless were outwardly
edifying at this sacred season. On Wednesday
in Passion Week, Henry assisted at the cere-
monies in Nôtre Dame. The people thronged
to gaze at his majesty; and loudly pronounced
benediction as he passed, “on the Saviour of
Paris.” The same day news arrived of the
submission of Troyes and Auxerre. The
clergy of Nôtre Dame with a vast assemblage
therefore flocked back to the cathedral in
the evening, and intoned a “Te Deum.”
On Holy Thursday, his majesty washed the
feet of twelve poor men in the hall of the Louvre,
observing all the accustomed ceremonies. The
archbishop of Bourges preached the sermon. On
Good Friday Henry, after hearing mass, visited all
the prisons of the capital. His majesty is said
to have entered every cell and dungeon, examin-
ing the cause of the detention of each criminal.
An immense crowd followed the king during his
passage from one jail to the other, invoking bless-
ings on his head, as his almoner published the
names of the culprits whom his majesty ordered
to be liberated. A great number of unfortunate
debtors were released by the king from the Con-
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 3S1
ciergerie, who had been imprisoned for refusing
to pay a capitation tax imposed by the council
of the Union. On Easter Sunday, April 10th,
Henry touched 660 poor persons for the Evil
and distributed munificent alms in the court
of the Louvre."
The following Wednesday, Madame made her
entry into Paris in a closed chariot, followed by
eight coaches conveying madame de Guiche and
the ladies of her household. There was little
appareil or display. Henry did not know how
his sister might be greeted by his orthodox
Parisians; especially as Madame with character-
istic determination, had insisted on holding a pub-
lic préche on Easter Sunday at St. Germain, at
which the princess, and the ladies of her suite,
received the Holy Communion. Madame repaired
straight to the hôtel de Soissons, the old abode
of the queen-mother, which the king assigned
for her occupation when resident in Paris. The
same afternoon, the duchesses de Nemours and
de Montpensier, who had returned to the capital
to receive Madame, waited upon the latter to kiss
hands. These illustrious ladies then realized the
future rank and influence they were likely to
hold at the court of the haughty princess, by
the cold and almost contemptuous greeting which
they received from Madame.
* De Thou—Cayet—Etoile.
382 EHISTORY OF [1594.
Gabrielle d’Estrées on the departure of the
princess from St. Germain, journeyed to the
castle of Coucy in Picardy, where on the 6th of
of the ensuing month of June, 1594, she gave
birth to a son, César duke de Vendôme. The
joy of king Henry was unsurpassed. He
bestowed the title of marquise de Monceaux on
Gabrielle d’Estrées; and issued letters patent
under the great seal, legitimating the son she had
borne him ; and whom his majesty declared
capable of inheriting the crown in default of
princes of the blood royal. This decree was
accepted, and registered by the parliament of
Paris on the 3rd day of February, 1595.’ The
process of the divorce of Gabrielle d’Estrées from
her husband, M. de Liancour was again revised
and ratified by the royal sign manual, and by
the signatures of the parties most nearly con-
cerned. Henry also despatched new powers to
M. Erard to negotiate the terms of his divorce
from queen Marguerite, “a thing from which,
M. Duplessis, no representations can ever
divert me; and to accomplish which I am re-
solved.”
1 Ilettres de Légitimation de César, duc de Vendôme Monsieur.
Registres du Parlement. MS. Recueil Conrart Bibl. de l’Ar-
senal, t. vii.
* Lettre du roi à M. Duplessis—Lettres-missives de Henri
IV., edited by M. Berger de Xivrey.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 383
During the next three months a flood of pros-
perity encompassed the valiant king; so that the
glorious snccesses of his arms and policy, con-
soled Henry for the vexatious feuds of his cour-
tiers. Rosny became jealous of M. de Villeroy;
Cheverny of M. de Sancy the jovial and witty
courtier, who equally devoid of faith and moral
principle, was nevertheless brave and loyal.
Biron regarded Villars as the despoiler of his
dignities, and his rival in the king's favour. M.
d’O conceived a mortal jealousy of Bellegarde,
of Revol secretary of state, and of Bellièvre. The
duke de Nevers disliked and thwarted the
valiant duke de Bouillon; the duke d'Epernon
envied Montmorency his bâton of constable, and
his office of lieutenant-governor of Languedoc.
The count de Soissons angry and moody, and
ever brooding over his unfortunate passion for
Madame Catherine, once more demanded the
hand of the princess, when on the demise
of his brother the cardinal de Bourbon, the
whole of the princely heritage of the latter
fell to him—and was again as peremptorily
denied. The people alone true to Henry IV,
and subsequently alone faithful to his memory,
* The cardinal de Bourbon died aged 32, on the 18th of July,
1594, in his splendid hôtel in the Faubourg St. Germain. The
cardinal inherited the great wealth of his uncle, Charles car-
dinal de Bourbon, king of the League. He made his brother
M. de Soissons, his sole heir.
3S4 - HISTORY OF [1594.
applauded; and greeted his majesty with accla-
mations unanimous as fervent.
On the last day of March, Rouen admitted a
royal garrison. During the month of April,
Verneuil, Abbeville, Montreuil, Troyes, Sens,
Rion, Agen, and Villeneuve, declared for the
king; while the duke de Mercoeur through queen
Louise his sister, solicited a truce. In July,
Henry captured Laon, the defence of which the
duke de Mayenne had committed to his second
son, M. de Sommerive, and to the president
Jeannin. The towns of Château-Thierry and
Poitiers, Amiens, one of the chief strongholds of
the Union, Beauvais, Peronne, and Dourlens, sent
deputies to lay the keys of their gates at the feet
of Henry IV. In September, 1594, Noyon, and
the whole of Picardy, proclaimed the king with
exception of the towns of Soissons, Ham
and La Fère. “The king,” said the wits of the
court, “ on entering the Louvre, found a coffer
which contained the keys of all the towns and
fortresses of his realm l’’
The duke of Feria and his colleagues, mean-
time, repaired to Brussels, to salute the
new governor of Flanders, the archduke
Ernest. From Brussels the duke wrote to
his Catholic majesty the mortifying de-
tails of his ejectment from Paris; and the
triumph of Henry IV. To this notification
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 385
he added, a vituperative recital of the misde-
meanours committed by Mayenne ; whom the
Spanish and Papal courts now affected to regard
as a traitor, who long ago had sold his allegiance
to the king. “Mi Señor,” wrote Feria, “M.
de Mayenne has done nothing in behalf of the
cause; but has ruined the Faith under pretext
of defending religion. He has all along main-
tained secret relations with the prince of Béarn.
He has slain honest Catholics, and done all the
good in his power, to those of the faction of
Les Politiques. He spared the prince of Béarn,
when he might have destroyed that heretic's
power. He permitted Dreux to be captured on
purpose to intimidate the States and compel
the assembly to accept the truce. By his
counsels the Sieurs de la Châstre, and de Villars
abandoned the Union. The said de Mayenne,
moreover, arranged and counselled the surrender
of Meaux, Paris, Laon, Amiens and Beauvais.
Finally, the said duke intends now to retire to
his government of Burgundy; and having, ruined
all, intends to make the best peace in his power
with the said Béarnnois l’ In such fashion did
these once wily confederates, exasperated by de-
feat, retaliate. Mayenne addressed a letter to
the king of Spain, equally disparaging to the
ambassadors; whom he accused of perfidious
treachery, ignorance, and incapacity.
3S6 HISTORY OF [1594.
On Monday, September 15th, king Henry
made his public entry into Paris by torchlight.
This pageant was of the most gorgeous des-
cription. The streets of the capital were mag-
nificently decorated. Arcades of green boughs
spanned the streets, and the balconies were
draped with rich tapestries Inscriptions of wel-
come everywhere abounded. In the Rue St.
Jacques, a balcony was prepared for Madame
and the ladies of the court. As the duchesses de
Nemours and Montpensier were crossing the
Pont Nôtre Dame to meet the princess, their
coach was stopped to allow a regiment of archers
of the guard to pass, on its way to meet the royal
procession. The men of the regiment looked
with insolent freedom into the face of the
duchesse de Montpensier, laughed, and amid
cries of Vive le Roy passed without saluting
the princesses. The queen of the League rose
fiercely in her coach, and attempted to harangue
the people, spectators of this incident; but
madame de Nemours wisely restrained her
daughter, whose resentment seemed beyond
control.
|King Henry entered Paris by the Porte St.
Jacques. His majesty was preceded by the
soldiers of the garrisons of Mantes and St.
Denis, marching in battle array with flags.
Next came a band of musicians; then followed
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 387
the municipality of Paris, the various guilds of
the capital, and deputations from the universities,
and the various high courts of the realm. The
king rode a white charger, magnificently accou-
tred. His majesty wore a habit of grey velvet,
embroidered with gold and emeralds. His cap
was of grey velvet, adorned by a white plume,
fastened by a cluster of diamonds. The collar
and star of the Order of St. Esprit glittered on
the king's breast. A small cloak of dark green
velvet, ornamented with tassels and passementerie
of gold, completed the royal costume. The king
rode surrounded by his princes and great officers
of state. The duke de Nevers was at his
majesty's right; and in the cortége were the
dukes de Bouillon, Longueville, Bellegarde, and
Epernon, M. de Rosny, the count de Villars cet
esprit impétueua et farouche, the count de Soissons
and other of the chief nobles of the realm. The
marquise de Monceaux preceded his majesty,
reclining in a sumptuous litter of cloth of gold,
embroidered with the royal arms, and drawn by
six mules gorgeously caparisoned. In truth, his
majesty could afford his subjects no better com-
ment on the meaning of the following words,
pompously paraded in the letters-patent granted
for the legitimation of César de Vendôme, or of his
ultimate designs respecting Gabrielle d’Estrées.
3SS HISTORY OF [1594
“We, knowing the infinite and singular graces
of mind and person, vouchsafed in such perfec-
tion to our very dear and very beloved subject,
madame Gabrielle d’Estrées, have chosen and do
declare her worthy of our devoted homage and
bienveillance; the more so, as we are persuaded
and do declare her pretended marriage with the
sieur de Liancour to be null and void.”" The
litter of madame de Monceaux was surrounded
by gentlemen on foot, each bearing a torch
of white wax. The lovely face of Gabrielle
beamed with exultation as she returned the
salutation of the spectators, who gazed in wonder
on her beauty; and on the brilliant scintillations
of the diamonds with which her robe of black
satin was beset. “The jewels of madame de
|Monceaux extinguished the light of the torches
around her,” says an eye-witness of the pageant.
“The people deemed her an angel—never was
beauty seen more exquisite and attractive.”
Thus in royal pomp Gabrielle d’Estrées passed
on, permitted to share the pageant of king
Henry's entry into Paris—a privilege denied to
Madame—and occupying the place of Margue-
* Lettres de légitimation de César de Vendôme ; signé Henri.
Sur le repli. Par le Roy. Forget; a côté visa; scellé sur lacs de
soie rouge et verte en cire verte. Registres du parlement de
Paris, signé Du Tillet. A.D. 1595, registered.
1594.] THE REIGN OF HENRY IV. 389
rite de Valois, the daughter, sister, and wife of
kings."
At the portal of Nôtre Dame the king was
received by the cardinal-bishop and chapter, who
conducted his majesty to a throne on the right
of the altar. The members of the parliament of
Paris, clad in their scarlet robes, were ranged in
the cathedral. ‘Te Deum Laudamus’ being
sung, the king quitted Nôtre Dame and pro-
ceeded to the Louvre. “His majesty crossed
the Pont Nôtre Dame precisely at eight o'clock,
attended by a magnificent cavalcade. The
king's countenance was smiling and affable,
and he bowed repeatedly to the vehement ac-
clamations of his people. He had his cap al-
most always in his hand in order to salute
the ladies, who thronged the balconies and
waved their handkerchiefs as the cortége
passed.”
On the arrival of king Henry at the Louvre, he
found deputies awaiting him from the young duke
de Guise, who sought audience to treat for the
1 Guillaume de Sable, a contemporary poet, addressed the fol-
lowing lines to La belle Gabrielle, after he witnessed her stately
entrance into Paris:
“Pensez, madame à vous: la Fortune est muable;
Wous avez la faveur, ne la négligez point
Craignant que quelque journe vous laisse en pourpoint
Faites des serviteurs, et vous rendez aimable
2 Journal de Henri IV. Etoile, Cayet,
WOL. II. C C
390 THE HISTORY OF [1594,
duke's submission ; and for the surrender of
Rheims.
Thus Henry IV. overthrew the power of the
Holy League. Its chieftains were proscribed;
its confederation dissolved ; its influence extinct.
The victories, and above all the supple temper of
the king, which enabled him to mould his re-
ligion to his interests; and to choose his friends
according to his circumstances, combined to
achieve this grand result. Neither had the
expedients of diplomacy been neglected by
Henry. He had indited love letters to queen
Elizabeth ; passionate appeals to the pope;
remonstrances to king Philip ; exordiums to
the sultan Amurath ; and practical homilies
to the Seignory of Venice and to the Italian
potentates. Never depressed by reverses,
the joyous buoyancy of Henry's temper
cheered; while his courage in battle, his pre-
sence of mind and his fortitude rendered his sol-
diers heroes.
Meantime, the Spanish and Papal courts, in-
furiated by their defeat and at the overthrow of
their cabal in Paris, united to organize a fifth
campaign. At the desire of the Catholic king,
Mayenne repaired to Brussels to confer with
the archduke Ernest. Fresh succours were
promised; and count Mansfeldt appeared again
on the frontiers of Picardy. Five weeks after
1594.] THE REIGN OF HIENRY IV. 39]
the superb pageant of Henry's entry into Paris,
all was ripe for contest.
But the prowess and fortune of Henry the
Great shone on many glorious battle-fields. His
foes and those of France were therefore con-
strained to recognise his right; and finally to
acknowledge his power.
A CCEUR VAILLANT RIEN D’IMPossIBLE |
THE END.
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Havelock’s little band which relieved Lucknow, and is the first faithful record of the deeds
of arms performed by that phalanx of heroes, we have said enough to cause it to be read,
we are convinced, by every person who can avail himself of the opportunity of learning
what were the hardships of his countrymen, and how immense were the sacrifices they
made to save the English besieged inhabitants from a repetition of the atrocities of Cawn-
pore. We have as yet seen no book connected with the Indian mutiny which has given us
so much gratification as Major North’s Journal.”—Messenger.
EASTERN HOSPITALS AND ENGLISH NURSES;
The Narrative of Twelve Months' Experience in the Hospitals of Koulali
and Scutari. By A LADY VOLUNTEER. Third and Cheaper Edition,
1 vol. post 8vo. with Illustrations, 6s. bound.
“The story of the noble deeds done by Miss Nightingale and her devoted sisterhood
will never be more effectively told than in the beautiful narrative contained in these
volumes.”—John Bull.
PICTURES OF SPORTING LIFE AND CHARACTER.
By LORD WILLIAM LENNOX. 2 vols. with Illustrations. 21s.
“This work may be characterised as a perfect synopsis of English sports in the 19th
eentury. Were the whole of the books previously written on the subject destroyed, Lord
William Lennox's alone would preserve a lifelike picture of the sports aud amusements of
our age. The volumes will be read with intense enjoyment by multitudes, for their author
is an accomplished littérateur, who has known how to vary his theme so skillfully and to
intersperse it with so many anecdotes and personal recollections of England’s most distin-
ished men, that even those who are not themselves given to sport will be deeply interested
in the light he throws upon English society.”—Illustrated News of the World.
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 7
THE COUNTESS OF BONNEWAL: HER LIFE AND
LETTERS. By LADY GEORGIANA FULLERTON. 2 vols. 21S.
“The whole work forms one of those touching stories which create a lasting in-
pression.”—Athenaew.m.
“The life of the Count de Bonneval is a page in history, but it reads like a romance ;
that of the Countess, removed from war and politics, never oversteps the domestic sphere,
yet is equally romantic and singular. An accomplished writer has taken up the threads of
this modest life, and brought out her true character in a very interesting and animated me-
moir. The story of the Countess of Bonneval is related with that happy art and grace
which so characterise the author.”—U. S. ifagazine.
THE LIFE OF MARIE DE MEDICIS, QUEEN OF
FRANCE, CoNsort of HENRY IV., AND REGENT UNDER Louis XIII.
By MISS PARDOE. Second Edition. 3 vols. 8vo. Portraits.
MEMOIRS OF THE BARONESS D'OBERKIRCH,
ILLUSTRATIVE of THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE COURTS OF FRANCE,
Russia, AND GERMANY. WRITTEN BY HERSELF, and Edited by Her
Grandson, the COUNT DE MONTBRISON. 3 vols. post 8vo. 15s.
“The Baroness d’Oberkirch being the intimate friend of the Empress of Russia, wife of
Paul H., and the confidential companion of the Duchess of Bourbon, her facilities for
obtaining information respecting the most private affairs of the principal Courts of Europe,
reader her Memoirs unrivalled as a book of interesting anecdotes of the royal, noble and
other celebrated individuals who flourished on the continent during the latter part of the
last century. The volumes form a valuable addition to the personal history of au important
period. They deserve general popularity.”—Daily News.
TIEWIOIRS OF RACHEL, 2 vols. with Portrait. 21s.
* A book sure to attract public attention, and well meriting it.”—Globe.
SCOTTISH HEROES IN THE DAYS OF WALLACE
AND BRUCE. By the REv. A. LOW, A.M. 2 vols. post 8vo.
TºſſºſſCIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF MAJOR
GENERAL SIR. W. NOTT, G.C.B., Comm ANDER of THE ARMY or
CANDAHAR, AND ENvoy AT THE Court of LUCKNow. 2 vols. 8vo.
with Portrait. 16s. bound.
RULE AND MISRULE OF THE ENGLISH IN
AMERICA. By the Author of “SAM SLICK.” 2 vols. post 8vo.
“We conceive this work to be by far the most valuable and important Judge Haliburton
thas ever written. While teeming with interest, moral and historical, to the general reader,
it equally constitutes a philosophical study for the politician and statesman. It will be found
to let in a flood of light upon the actual origin, formation, and progress of the republic of
the United States.”—Naval and Military Gazette.
BECOLLECTIONS OF WEST END LIFE ; WITH
SKETCHES OF SOCIETY IN PARIS, INDIA, &c. By MAJOR CHAMBRE
late 17th Lancers. 2 vols. with Portrait of George IV. -
“We find in Major Chambre's lively sketches a mass of amusing anecdotes relating to
persons eminent in their day for their position, wit, and political reputation. All that
relates to George IV. will be read with attention and interest.”—Messenger.
8 HURST AND BLACKETT's NEw PUBLICATIONS.
THE UPPER and LOWER AMOOR; A NARRATIVE
OF TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE. By T. W. ATKINSON. Author of
“ORIENTAL and WESTERN SIBERIA.” With Map and numerous
Illustrations. (In the Press.)
SIXTEEN YEARS OF AN ARTIST'S LIFE IN
MOROCCO, SPAIN, AND THE CANARY ISLANDS. By MRS.
ELIZABETH MURRAY. 2 vols. 8vo. with Coloured Illustrations.
* Mrs. Murray, wife, we believe, of the English Consul at Teneriffe, is one of the first of
female English Water Colour Artists. She draws well, and her colour is bright, pure, trans-
parent, and sparkling. Her book is like her painting, luminous, rich and fresh. We welcome
it (as the public will also do) with sincere pleasure. It is a hearty book, written by a clever,
quick-sighted, and thoughtful woman, who, slipping a steel pen on the end of her brush,
thus doubly armed, uses one end as well as the other, being with both a bright colourer,
and accurate describer of colours, outlines, sensations, landscapes and things. In a word,
Mrs. Murray is a clever artist, who writes forcibly and agreeably.”—Athenaeum.
“Mrs. Elizabeth Murray is known to the artistic world as the principal star of the
Female Exhibition of Paintings. She left England as she tells us, at eighteen, with all the
hopes and aspirations of an artist before her. At Morocco she becomes the wife of a gentle-
man Who is successively Consul at Tangiers and Teneriffe. She has, in consequence, pects-
liar advantages for the observation of Moorish and Spanish society, and as she possesses
great observation and wields the pen as cleverly as the pencil, she has produced a book not
only of interest, but of importance. In every way, whether descriptive or anecdotal, the
work claims to be placed amongst the very best works of travel in the English Lan-
guage.”—Chronicle.
REVELATIONS OF PRISON LIFE; WITH AN EN-
QUIRY INTO PRIson DiscIPLINE AND SEcond ARY PUNISHMENTs. By
GEORGE LAVAL CHESTERTON, 25 Years Governor of the House of
Correction at Cold-Bath Fields. Third Edition, Revised. l vol.
“Mr. Chesterton has had a rare experience of human frailty. He has lived with the
felon, the forger, the lorette, the vagabond, the murderer; has looked into the darkest
sepulchres of the heart, without finding reason to despair of mankind. In his belief the
worst of men have still some of the angel left. Such a testimony from such a quarter is full
of novelty as it is of interest. As a curious bit of human history these volumes are remark-
able. They are very real, very simple; dramatic without exaggeration, philosophie without
being dull.”—Athenaeum. -
THE OLD COURT SUBURB; OR, MEMORIALS OF
KENSINGTON ; REGAL, CRITICAL, AND ANEcDoTICAL. By LEIGH
HUNT. Second Edition. 2 vols. post 8vo.
“A delightful book. It will be welcome to all readers, and most welcome to those
who have a love for the best kinds of reading.”—Ea'aminer.
MY EXILE. By ALEXANDER HERZEN. 2 vols.
“Mr. Herzen’s narrative, ably and unaffectedly written, and undoubtedly authentic, is
indeed superior in Interest to nine-tenths of the existing works on Russia.”—Athenaeum.
A PRACTICAL GUIDE IN OBTAINING PROBATES,
ADMINISTRATIONS, &c., in Her Majesty’s Court of Probate; with
numerous Precedents. By EDWARD WEATHERLY, of Doctor's Com-
mons. Dedicated, by permission, to the Right Hon. Sir CREsswell.
CREsswell, Judge of the New Court of Probate. Cheaper Edition. 12s
“A most valuable book. Its contents are very diversified—meeting almost every
use.”—Solicitor's Journal.
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 9
---------
ORIENTAL AND WESTERN SIBERIA ; A NAR-
RATIve of Seven YEARs' ExploFATIONS AND ADVENTURES IN SIBERTA,
Mongolia, THE KIRGHIs StePPEs, CHINESE TARTARY, AND CENTRAL
Asia. By THOMAS WITLAM ATKINSON. In one large volume,
royal 8vo., Price £2. 2s., elegantly bound. Embellished with upwards
of 50 Illustrations, including numerous beautifully coloured plates, from
drawings by the Author, and a map.
“By virtue alike of its text and its pictures, we place this book of travel in the first
rank among those illustrated gift-books now so much sought by the public. Mr. Atkinson’s
book is most readable. The geographer finds in it notice of ground heretofore left
undescribed, the ethnologist, geologist, and botanist, find notes and pictures, too, of which
they know the value, the sportman's taste is gratified by chronicles of sport, the lover of
adventure will find a number of perils and escapes to hang over, and the lover of a frank
good-humoured way of speech will find the book a pleasant one in every page. Seven
years of wandering, thirty-nine thousand five hundred miles of moving to and fro in a wild
and almost unknown country, should yield a book worth reading, and they do.”—Ba'amine".
“A book of travels which in value and sterling interest must take rank as a landmark
in geographical literature. Its coloured illustrations and wood engravings are of a high
order, and add a great charm to the narrative. Mr. Atkinson has travelled where it is
believed no European has been before. He has seen nature in the wildest, sublimest, and
also the most beautiful aspects the old world can present. These he has depicted by pen
and pencil. He has done both well. Many a fireside will rejoice in the determination which
converted the artist into an author. Mr. Atkinson is a thorough Englishman, brave and
accomplished, a lover of adventure and sport of every kind. He knows enough of mineralogy,
geology, and botany to impart a scientific interest to his descriptions and drawings ;
possessing a keen sense of humour, he tells many a racy story. The sportsman and the
lover of adventure, whether by flood or field, will find ample stores in the stirring tales of
his interesting travels.”—Daily News.
“An animated and intelligent narrative, appreciably enriching the literature of English
travel. Mr. Atkinson’s sketches were made by express permission of the late Emperor of
Russia. Perhaps no English artist was ever before admitted into this enchanted land of
history, or provided with the talisman and amulet of a general passport; and well has Mr.
Atkinson availed himself of the privilege. Our extracts will have served to illustrate the
originality and variety of Mr. Atkinson’s observations and adventures during his protracted
wanderings of nearly forty thousand miles. Mr. Atkinson’s pencil was never idle, and he
has certainly brought home with him the forms, and colours, and other characteristics of a
most extraordinary diversity of groups and scenes. As a sportsman Mr. Atkinson enjoyed
a plenitude of excitement. His narrative is well stored with incidents of adventure.
His ascent of the Bielouka is a chapter of the most vivid romance of travel, yet it is less
attractive than his relations of wanderings across the Desert of Gobi and up the Tangnou
Chain.”—Athenaezzm.
“We predict that Mr. Atkinson’s ‘Siberia” will very often assume the shape of a
Christmas Present or New Year’s Gift, as it possesses, in an eminent degree, four very
precious and suitable qualities for that purpose,_namely, usefulness, elegance, instruction
and novelty. It is a work of great value, not merely on account of its splendid illustrations,
but for the amount it contains of authentic and highly interesting intelligence concerning
regions which, in all probability, has never, pre 'ious to Mr. Atkinson’s explorations, been
visited by an European. Mr. Atkinson’s adventures are told in a manly style. The valuable
and interesting information the book contains, gathered at a vast expense, is lucidly
arranged, and altogether the work is one that the author-artist may well be proud of, and
with which those who study it cannot fail to be delighted.”—John Bull,
“To the geographer, the geologist, the ethnographer, the sportsman, and to those who
read only for amusement, this will be an acceptable volume. Mr. Atkinson is rot only an
adventurous traveller, but a correct and amusing writer.”—Literary Gazette.
10 HURST AND BLACKETT's NEW PUBLICATIONS.
TRAVELS IN EASTERN AFRICA, WITH THE
NARRATIVE OF A RESIDENCE IN MOZAMBIQUE : 1856 to 1859.
By LYONS McLEOD, Esq. F.R.G.S. &c. Late British Consul in Mo-
zambique. 2 vols. With Map and Illustrations.
A JOURNEY ON A PLANK FROM KIEW TO EAUX-
BONNES. By LADY CHARLOTTE PEPYS. 2 vols, with Illustra-
tions. 21s. (Just Ready).
LAKE NGAMI; OR EXPLORATIONS AND DIS-
cover IES DURING Four. YEARs' WANDERINGS IN THE WILDs of
South-WESTERN AFRICA. By CHARLES JOHN ANDERSSON. 1 vol.
royal 8vo., with Map and upwards of 50 Illustrations, representing Sport-
ing Adventures, Subjects of Natural History, &c. Second Edition.
“This narrative of African explorations and discoveries is one of the most important
geographical works that have lately appeared. It contains the account of two journeys
made between the years 1850 and 1854, in the first of which the countries of the Damaras
and the Ovambo, previously scarcely known in Europe, were explored; and in the second
the newly-discovered Lake Ngami was reached by a route that had been deemed imprac-
ticable, but which proves to be the shortest and the best. The work contains much scientific
and accurate information as to the geology, the scenery, products, and resources of the
regions explored, with notices of the religion, manners, and customs of the native tribes.
The continual sporting adventures, and other remarkable occurrences, intermingled with
the narrative of travel, make the book as interesting to read as a romance, as, indeed, a
good book of travels ought always to be. The illustrations by Wolf are admirably designed,
and most of them represent scenes as striking as any witnessed by Jules Gérard or Gordon
Cumming.”—Literary Gazette.
THE OXONIAN IN THELEMARKEN; OR, NOTES
of TRAVEL IN SOUTH-WESTERN Norway, witH GLANCES AT THE
LEGEN DARY LoRE of THAT DISTRICT. By the Rev. F. METCALFE
M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College. 2 vols. with illustrations.
“This new book is as lively as its predecessor, its matter is as good, or better. The
intermixture of legends and traditions wiſh the notes of travel adds to the real value of the
work, and strengthens its claim on a public that desires to be amused.”—Ea'aminer.
THE OXONIAN IN NORWAY ; OR, NOTES OF
Excursions IN THAT Count RY. By the Rev. F. METCALFE, M.A.,
Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. New and Cheaper Edition, revised,
1 vol. post 8vo., with Map and additional Illustrations.
“Mr. Metcalfe’s book is as full of facts and interesting information as it can hold, and
is interlarded with racy anecdotes. Some of these are highly original and entertaining.
More than this, it is a truly valuable work, containing a fund of information on the statistics,
politics, and religion of the countries visited.”—Blackwood’s Magazine.
SDX YEARS IN RUSSIA, BY AN ENGLISH LADY.
2 vols. post 8vo. with Illustrations. 21s. bound.
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. 11
A SUMMER AND WINTER IN THE TWO SICILIES.
By JULIA KAVANAGH, Author of “Nathalie,” “Adèle,” &c. 2 vols.
post 8vo. with illustrations, 21s. bound.
“Miss Kavanagh is a woman of genius and imagination. She has a graceful and
brilliant pen, much observation of character, and a keen eye for the aspects of nature. Her
volumes contain much that is new. They are among the pleasantest volumes of travel we
have lately met with, and we can cordially recommend them. Readers will find in these
volumes the glow and colour of Italian skies, the rich and passionate beauty of Italian
scenery, and the fresh simplicity of Southern life touched by the hand of an artist, and
described by the perceptions of a warm-hearted and sympathizing woman.”—The Press.
THE JEWS IN THE EAST, BY THE REW. P.
BEATON, M.A. From the German of DR. FRANKL. 2 vols. 21s.
* Those persons who are curious in matters connected with Jerusalem and its inhabit-
ants, are strongly recommended to read this work, which contains more information than is
to be found in a dozen of the usual books of travel.”—Times.
“This book will richly reward perusal. We cordially recommend the narrative for
solid information given from an unusual point of view, for power of description, for
incident, and for details of manners, domestic habits, traditions, &c.,”—Globe.
“A very interesting work, one of the most original books of modern travel, that we
have encountered for a long time.”—John Bull.
CHOW-CHOW; BEING SELECTIONS FROM A JOUR-
NAL KEPT IN INDIA, &c. By the WISCOUNTESS FALKLAND.
New and Revised Edition, 2 vols. 8vo., with Illustrations. 21s.
“Lady Falkland's work may be read with interest and pleasure, and the reader will rise
from the perusal instructed as well as amused.”—Athenaeum.
A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE DISCOVERY
OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE with Numerous Incidents of Travel
and Adventure during nearly Five Years’ Continuous Service in the Arctic
Regions while in Search of the Expedition under Sir John Franklin. By
ALEX. ARMSTRONG, M.D., R.N., late Surgeon and Naturalist of H.M.S
“Investigator.’ I vol. With Map and Plate, 16s.
“This book is sure to take a prominent position in every library in which works of
discovery and adventure are to be met with.”—Daily News.
THE WANDERER IN ARABIA. BY G. T. LOWTH,
Esq. 2 vols. post 8vo. with Illustrations. 12s.
“Mr. Lowth has shown himself in these volumes to be an intelligent traveller, a keen
observer of nature, and an accomplished artist.”—Post.
SPORTING ADVENTURES IN THE NEW WORLD;
OR, DAYS AND NIGHTS OF MOOSE HUNTING IN THE PINE
FORESTS OF ACADIA. By CAMPBELL HARDY, Roy AL ARTILLERY.
2 vols. post 8vo. with illustrations. 12s.
“A spirited record of sporting adventures, very entertaining and well worthy the atten-
tion of all sportsmen who desire some fresher field than Europe can afford them.”—Press.
A PILGRIMAGE INTO DAUPHINE; WITH A VISIT
To THE MoMASTERY of THE GRANDE CHARTREUSE, AND ANEcDoTEs,
INCIDENTS, AND SKETCHES FROM Twenty DEPARTMENTs of FRAN.ca.
By the REW. G. M. MUSGRAWE, A.M. 2 vols. with Illustrations.
12 HURST AND BLACKETT's NEW PUBLICATIONs.
FAMILY ROMANCE; OR, DOMESTIC ANNALS OF
THE ARISTOCRACY. BY SIR BERNARD BURKE, UlstER KING op
ARMs. 2 vols. post 8vo. 21s.
Among the many other interesting legends and romantic family histories com-
prised in these volumes, will be found the following —The wonderful narrative
of Maria Stella, Lady Newborough, who claimed on such strong evidence to be
a Princess of the House of Orleans, and disputed the identity of Louis Philippe—
The story of the humble marriage of the beautiful Countess of Strathmore, and
the sufferings and fate of her only child—The Leaders of Fashion, from Graniont
to D'Orsay—The rise of the celebrated Baron Ward, now Prime Minister at
Parma—The curious claim to the Earldom of Crawford–The Strange Wicissitudes
of our Great Families, replete with the most romantic details—The story of the
Kirkpatricks of Closeburn (the ancestors of the French Empress), and the re-
markable tradition associated with them—The Legend of the Lambtons—The
Verification in our own time of the famous prediction as to the Earls of Mar—
Lady Ogilvy's escape—The Beresford and Wynyard ghost stories, &c.
“It were impossible to praise too highly as a work of amusement these two most in-
teresting volumes, whether we should have regard to its excellent plan or its not less ex-
cellent execution. The volumes are just what ought to be found on every drawing-room table.
Here you have nearly fifty captivating romances with the pith of all their interest preserved
in undiminished poignancy, and any one may be read in half an hour. It is not the least of
their merits that the romances are founded on fact—or what, at least, has been handed down
for truth by long tradition—and the romance of reality far exceeds the romance of fiction.
Each story is told in the clear, unaffected style with which the author’s former works
have made the public familiar.”—Standard.
THE ROMANCE OF THE FORUM ; OR, NARRA-
TIVES, SCENES, AND ANECDOTES FROM COURTS OF JUSTICE.
SECOND SERIES. BY PETER BURKE, Esq., of the Inner Temple
Barrister-at-Law. 2 vols. post 8vo. 12s.
PRINCIPAL CONTENTS:—Lord Crichton's Revenge—The Great Douglas
Cause–Lord and Lady Kinnaird—Marie Delorme and Her Husband—The
Spectral Treasure—Murders in Inns of Court—Matthieson the Forger—Trials
that established the Illegality of Slavery—The Lover Highwayman—The
Accusing Spirit—The Attorney-General of the Reign of Terror—Eccentric
Occurrences in the Law—Adventuresses of Pretended Rank—The Courier of
Lyons—General Sarrazin's Bigamy—The Elstree Murder—Count Bocarmé and
his wife—Professor Webster, &c.
“The favour with which the first series of this publication was received, has induced
Mr. Burke to extend his researches, which he has done with great judgment. The incidents
forming the subject of the second series are as extraordinary in every respect, as those which
obtained so high a meed of celebrity for the first.”—Messenger.
THE MAN OF THE PEOPLE. BY WILLIAM
HOWITT. 3 vols. post 8vo. (Just Ready).
SONGS OF THE CAVALIERS AND ROUNDHEADS,
JACOBITE BALLADS, &c. By G. W. THORNBURY. 1 vol. with
numerous Illustrations by H. S. MARKs. Elegantly bound. 6s.
“Mr. Thornbury has produced a volume of songs and ballads worthy to rank with
Macaulay's or Aytoun's Lays.”—Chronicle. “Those who love picture, life, and costume
in song will here find what they love.”—Athenæum.
HURST AND BLACKETT's NEW PUBLICATIONs. 13
POEMS. BY THE AUTHOR OF “JOHN HALIFAX,
GENTLEMAN,” “A WOMAN’S THOUGHTS ABOUT WOMEN,” &c.
1 vol. with Illustrations by BIRKET Foster. 10s. 6d. bound.
“A volume of poems which will assuredly take its place with those of Goldsmith, Gray,
and Cowper, on the favourite shelf of every Englishman’s library. We discover in these
poems all the firmness, vigour, and delicacy of touch which characterise the author’s prose
works, and in addition, an ineffable tenderness and grace, such as we find in few poetical
compositions besides those of Tennyson.”—Illustrated News of the World.
“We are well pleased with these poems by our popular noveiist. They are the expression
of genuine thoughts, feelings, and aspirations, and the expression is almost always grace-
ful, musical and well-coloured. A high, pure tone of morality pervades each set of verses,
and each strikes the reader as inspired by some real event, or condition of mind, and not by
some idle fancy or fleeting sentiment.”—Spectator.
A LIFE FOR A LIFE, BY THE AUTHOR OF
“JoHN HALIFAx GENTLEMAN,” &c.
“In “A Life for a Life’ the author is fortunate in a good subject, and she has produced a
work of strong effect. The reader, having read the book through for the story, will be apt
(if he be of our persuasion) to return and read again many pages and passages with greater
pleasure than on a first perusal. The whole book is replete with a graceful, tender delicacy;
and, in addition to its other merits, it is written in good, careful English.”—Athenaeum.
“This book is signally the best its author has yet produced. The interest is intense,
and is everywhere admirably sustained. Incident abounds, and both dialogue and style are
natural and flowing. Great delicacy in the development of character, and a subtle power of
self-analysis are conspicuous in “A Life for a Life,” while the purity of its religious views,
and the elevation—the grandeur, indeed—of its dominating sentlments, render its influences
in every sense healthy and invigorating.”—The Press.
“‘A Life for a Life” is one of the best of the author’s works. We like it better than
‘John Halifax.’ It is a book we should like every member of every family in England to
read.”—Herald.
REALITIES OF PARIS LIFE. BY THE AUTHOR,
of “FLEMISH INTERIORS,” &c. 3 vols. with Illustrations. 31s. 6d.
“‘Realities of Paris Life’ is a good addition to Paris books, and important as affording
true and sober pictures of the Paris poor.”—Athenaeum.
“There is much new matter pleasantly put together in these volumes. Their merit will
commend itself to all readers.”—Ea'aminer.
NOVELS AND NOVELISTS, FROM ELIZABETH TO
VICTORIA. By J. C. JEAFFRESON, Esq. 2 vols. with Portraits. 21s.
THE RIDES AND REVERYES OF MIR, AESOP SMITH.
By MARTIN F. TUPPER, D.C.L., F.R.S., Author of “Proverbia, Philo-
sophy,” “Stephen Langton,” &c., I vol. post 8vo.
“This work will do good service to Mr. Tupper’s literary reputation. It combines
with lucidity and acuteness of judgment, freshness of fancy and elegance of sentiment. In
its cheerful and instructive pages sound moral principles are forcibly inculcated, and every-
day truths acqulre an air of novelty, and are rendered peculiarly attractive by being expressed
in that epigrain matic language which so largely contributed to the popularity of the author’s
former work, entitled ‘Proverbial Philosophy.’”—Morning Post.
A MOTHER'S TRIAL. BY THE AUTHOR OF
“THE DISCIPLINE of LIFE,” “THE Two BRoth ERs,” &c. l vol.
with Illustrations, by BIRKET Fost ER. 7 s. 6d. bound.
“‘A Mother’s Trial,” by Lady Emily Ponsonby, is a work we can recommend. It
breathes purity and refinement in every page.”—Leader.
14 WORKS OF FICTION.
SEWEN YEARS,
By JULIA KAVANAGH,
Author of “NATHALIE,” 3 vols.
“Nothing can be better of its kind than
Miss Kavanagh’s ‘Seven Years.” The
story never flags in interest, so life-like
are the characters that move in it, so
matural the incidents, and so genuine the
emotions they excite in persons who have
taken fast hold on our sympathy.”—
Spectator.
LUCY CROFTON.
By the Author of “MARGARET MAIT-
LAND.” l vol.
“This is a charming novel. The cha-
racters are excellent; the plot is well
defined and new ; and the interest is kept
up with an intensity which is seldom
met with in these days. The author de-
$erves our thanks for one of the most
pleasant books of the season.”—Herald.
THE WOOD-RANGERS.
By CAPTAIN MAYNE REID.
From the French of Louis de Bellemare.
3 vols., with illustrations.
THE LITTLE BEAUTY.
By M Rs. GREY,
Author of “THE GAMBLER’s WIFE.” 3 v.
MIR, AND MIRS, ASHETON.
By the Author of “MARGARET AND HER
BRIDESMAIDs.” 3 vols.
THE WAY OF THE WORLD,
By ALIsox R.E.E.D. 3 vols.
“There is a spell and fascination upon
one from the first page to the last.”—
John Bull.
ALM0ST A HEROINE.
By the Author of “CHARLEs AUCHES-
TER,” &c. 3 vols.
* This novel is the author’s best.”—
Herald.
WAIT AND HOPE,
By Jo HN EDMUND READE. 3 vols.
“‘Wait and Hope” reminds us of the
style of Godwin.”—Athenaeum.
RAISED TO THE PEERAGE.
By MRs. Octáv IU's Owen. 3 vols.
* “Raised to the Peerage’ possesses very
many of the requisites of a really good
novel.”—Earaminer.
FEMALE INFLUENCE.
By LADY CHARLoTTE PEFYs, 2 vols.
LETHELIER,
By E. HENEAGE DERING. Esq.
2 vols.
THE QUEEN OF HEARTS.
By WILRIE Collins. 3 vols.
“‘The Queen of Hearts” is such a fasci-
nating creature that we cannot choose but
follow her through the pages with some-
thing of a lover's tenderness. As for the
three old men, they are as good in their
way as the Brothers Cheeryble of immor-
tal memory.”—Literary Gazette.
STEPHAN LANGTON.
By MARTIN. F. TUPPER. D.C.L. F.R.S.
Author of “PRove RBIAL PHILos OPHY.”
&c., 2 vols. with fine engravings.
“These volumes are pre-eminently qua-
lified to attract attention both from their
peculiar style and their great ability. The
author has long been celebrated for his
attainments in literary creation, but the
present work is incomparably superior to
anything he has hitherto produced.-Swn.
CREEDS.
By the Author of “THE MoRALs of
MAY FAIR.” 3 vols.
“This is a novel of strong dramatic
situation, powerful plot, alluring and con-
tinuous interest, admirably defined
characters, and much excellent remark
upon human motives and social positions.”
—Literary Gazette.
THE LEES OF BIENDON
HALL.
By the Author of “Alice WENTwoBTH.”
“A powerful and well-sustained story of
strong interest.”—Athenaeum.
NEWTON DOGWANE.
A Story of Euglish Life.
By FRANCIS FRANCIS.
With Illustrations by LEECH. 3 vols.
“A capital sporting novel.”—Chro-
micle.
HELEN LINDSAY;
Or, THE TRIAL OF FAITH. 3.
By A CLERGYMAN’s DAUGHTER. 2 vols.
WOODLEIGH.
By the Author of “WILDFlowRR,”
“ONE AND Twenty,” &c. 3 vols.
BENTLEY PRIORY.
By M Rs. HASTINGs PARKER. 3 vols.
“An acquisition to novel-readers from
its brilliant descriptions, sparkling style,
and interesting story.”—Sun.
NOW IN COURSE OF PUBLICATION,
HURST AND BLACKETT'S STANDARD LIBRARY
OF CHEAP EDITIONS OF
POPULAR NIODERN WORKS.
Each in a single volume, elegantly printed, bound, and illustrated, price 5s.
A volume to appear every two months. The following are now ready.
WOL. I.—SAMI SLICK'S NATURE AND HUMAN NATURE.
ILLUSTRATED BY LE ECH.
“The first volume of Messrs. Hurst and Blackett's Standard Library of Cheap Editions
of Popular Modern Works forms a very good beginning to what will doubtless be a very
successful undertaking. Nature and Human Nature’ is one of the best of Sam Slick's
witty and humorous productions, and well entitled to the large circulation which it
cannot fail to obtain in its present convenient and cheap shape. The volume combines
with the great recommendations of a clear, bold type, and good paper, the lesser, but
still attractive merits, of being well illustrated and elegantly bound.”—Morning Post.
“This new and cheap edition of Sam Slick's popular work will be an acquisition to
all lovers of wit and humour. Mr. Justice Haliburton’s writings are so well known to
the English public that no commendation is needed. The volume is very handsomely
bound and illustrated, and the paper and type are excellent. It is in every way suited
for a library edition, and as the names of Messrs. Hurst and Blackett, warrant the
character of the works to be produced in their Standard Library, we have no doubt the
project will be eminently successful.”—Sun.
WOL. II.-JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN.
“This is a very good and a very interesting work. It is designed to trace the career
from boyhood to age of a perfect man—a Christian gentleman, and it abounds in incident
both well and highly wrought. Throughout it is conceived in a high spirit, and written
with great ability, better than any former work, we think, of its deservedly successful
author. This cheap and handsome new edition is worthy to pass freely from hand to hand,
as a gift book in many households.”—Examiner.
“The new and cheaper edition of this interesting work will doubtless meet with great
success. John Halifax, the hero of this most beautiful story, is no ordinary hero, and this,
his history, is no ordinary book. It is a full-length portrait of a true gentleman, one of
nature’s own nobility. It is also the history of a home and a thoroughly English one.
The work abounds in incident, and many of the scenes are full of graphic power and true
pathos. It is a book that few will read without becoming wiser and better.”—Scotsman.
WOL. III.--THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS.
BY ELIOT WARBURTON.
“Independent of its value as an original narrative, and its useful and interesthmg
information, this work is remarkable for the colouring power and play of fancy with
which its descriptions are enlivened. Among its greatest and most lasting charms is its
reverent and serious spirit.”—Quarterly Review
“A book calculated to prove more practically useful was never penned than ‘The
Crescent and the Cross’—a work which surpasses all others in its homage for the sub-
lime and its love for the beautifui in those famous regions consecrated to everlasting
immortality in the annals of the prophets, and which no other writer has ever depicted
with a pencil at once so reverent and so picturesque.”—Sun.
WOL. IV.-NATHALIE. BY JULLA KAWANAGH.
“‘Nathalie ' is Miss Kavanagh's best imaginative effort. Its manner is gracious and
attractive. . Its matter is good. A sentiment, a tenderness, are commanded by her which
are as individual as they are elegant. We should not soon come to an end were we to
specify all the delicate touches and attractive pictures which place “Nathalie' high among
books of its class.”—Athenaeum.
“A tale of untiring interest, full of deep touches of human nature. We have no hesi-
tation in predicting for this delightful tale a lasting popularity, and a place in the foremost
ranks of that most instructive kind of fiction—the moral novel.”—John Bull.
“A more judicious selection than ‘Nathalie' could not have been made for Messrs.
Hurst and Bºlckett's Standard Library. The series as it advances realises our first im-
pression, that it will be one of lasting celebrity.”—Literary Gazette.
Syob oth ER volumes skE NExT PAGE.]
HURST AND BLACKETT'S STANDARD LIBRARY
OF CHEAP EDITIONS.
Each in a single volume, elegantly printed, bound, and illustrated, price 5s.
(contLNUED).
WOL. V.-A WOMAN’S THOUGHTS ABOUT WOMEN.
BY THE AUTHOR OF “JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN.”
“A book of sound counsel. It is one of the most sensible works of its kind, well-writ-
ten, true-hearted, and altogether practical. Whoever wishes to give advice to a young lady
may thank the author for means of doing so.”—Examiner.
“The anthor of ‘John Halifax' will retain and extend her hold upon the reading and
reasonable public by the merits of her present work, which bears the stamp of good sense
and genial feeling.”—Gw.zrdian.
“T ese thoughts are good and humane. They are thoughts we would wish women to
think.”—Athenaeum.
“This really valuable volume ought to be in every young woman’s hand. It will teach
her how to think and how to act. We are glad to see it in this Standard Library.”—
Literary Gazette.
VOL. VI-ADAM G R A E ME, OF MOSS GRAY.
BY THE AUTHOR OF “ MRS, MA.R.GARET MAITLAND.”
“‘Adam Graeme' is a story awakening genuine emotions of interest and delight by its
admirable pictures of Scottish life and scenery. The plot is cleverly complicated, and
there is groat vitality in the dialogue, and remarkable brilliancy in the descriptive pas-
sages, as who that has read ‘Margaret Maitland’ would not be prepared to expect? But
the story has a “mightier magnet still,’ in the healthy tone which pervades lt, in its femi-
nine delicacy of thought and dlction, and in the truly womanly tenderness of its senti-
ments. The eloquent author sets before us the essential attributes of Christian virtue,
their deep and silent workings in the heart, and their beautiful manifestations in the life,
With a delicacy, a power, and a truth which can hardly be surpassed.”—Morning Post.
“‘Adam Graeme' is full of eloquent writing and description. It is an uncommon work,
Inot only in the power of the style, in the interest of the narrative, and in the delineation
of character, but in the lessons it teaches.”—Sun.
WOL. VII.-S. A M S LIC K’S WIS E S A. W. S
AND MODERN INSTANCES,
“The best of all Judge Haliburton’s admirable works. It is one of the pleasantest
books we ever read, and we earnestly recommend it.”—Standard.
“‘The humour of Sam Slick is inexhaustible. He is ever and everywhere a welcome
visitor; smiles greet his approach, and wit and wisdom hang upon , his tongue.
The present production is remarkable alike for its racy humour, its sound philosophy,
the felicity of its illustrations, and the delicacy of its satire, We promise our readers
a great treat from the perusal of these ‘Wise Saws and Modern Instances,’ which contain a
world of practical wisdom, and a treasury of the richest fun.”—Post.
WOL. VIII.-CARDINAL WISEMAN'S RECOLLECTIONS
OF THE LAST FOUR POPES,
“There is no dynasty of European sovereigns about which we English entertain so
much vague curiosity, or have so little information, as about the successors to the Popedorn.
Cardinal Wiseman is just the author to meet this curiosity. His book is the lively record
of what he has himself seen, and what mone but himself, perhaps, has had so good an
opportunity of thoroughly estimating. There is a gossipping, all-telling style about the
book which is certain to make it popular with English readers.”—John Bull.
“A picturesque book on Rome and its ecclesiastical sovereigns, by an eloquent Roman
Catholic. Cardinal Wiseman has here treated a special subject with so much generality and
geniality, that his recollections will excite no ill-feeling in those who are most conscientiously
opposed to every idea of human infallibity represented in Papal domination.”—Athenaeum.
“In the description of the scenes, the ceremonies, the ecclesiastical society, the manners
and hablts of Sacerdotal Rome, this work is unrivalled. It is fuli of anecdotes. We could
flly columns with amusing extracts.”—Chronicle.
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